The Navigator : The Log of John Anderson, VOC Pilot-Major, 1640-1643 [1 ed.] 9789004189331, 9789004189317

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The Navigator

European Expansion and Indigenous Response Edited by

Glenn J. Ames, The University of Toledo Editorial Board

João Paulo Oliveira e Costa, CHAM, Universidade Nova de Lisboa Frank Dutra, University of California, Santa Barbara Pedro Machado, Indiana University, Bloomington Malyn Newitt, King’s College, London Michael Pearson, University of New South Wales Alexandra Pereira Pelucia, CHAM, Universidade Nova de Lisboa José Damião Rodrigues, University of the Azores George Bryan Souza, University of Texas

VOLUME 7

The Navigator The Log of John Anderson VOC Pilot-Major 1640–1643 Edited by

Victor Enthoven Steve Murdoch Eila Williamson With the assistance of

Ben Teensma

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2010

On the cover: The naval battle between the Dutch East India fleet under command of Adam Westerwolt and a Spanish fleet [sic] of six galleons and seventeen frigates, 24 January 1638. During the fight two large Dutch ships and one Spanish galleon were burnt, but in the end the Spanish retreated and the Dutch were victorious. The large ship in the centre is the Utrecht, to the right we can see the stern of the Harderwijk. To the right of the Harderwijk there are the three burning ships. Vienna, Östenrreichische Nationalbibliothek, Atlas Blaeu-Van der Hem, vol. V: 38: 25. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Detailed Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Anderson, John, 17th cent. The navigator : the log of John Anderson, VOC pilot-major, 1640–1643 / edited by Victor Enthoven, Steve Murdoch, Eila Williamson with the assistance of Ben Teensma. p. cm. — (European expansion and indigenous response, ISSN 1873-8974 ; v. 7) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-18931-7 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Naval art and science— History—17th century—Sources. 2. East Indies—Discovery and exploration—Dutch— Early works to 1800. 3. East Indies—Commerce—Netherlands—History—17th century—Sources. 4. Netherlands—Commerce—East Indies—History—17th century—Sources. 5. Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie—History—Sources. 6. Ship captains—Scotland—Biography. I. Enthoven, V. II. Murdoch, Steve. III. Williamson, Eila. IV. Title. VK211.A64 2010 359.0092—dc22 [B] 2010029380 ISSN 1873-8974 ISBN 978 90 04 18931 7 Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

CONTENTS General Editor’s Preface ................................................................... List of Illustrations ............................................................................ Preface ................................................................................................. List of Abbreviations ......................................................................... Notes on Measures, Currencies, and Mileage .............................. Maps .....................................................................................................

vii ix xi xiii xv xvii

PART ONE

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION Chapter One A Many-headed Hydra: An Introduction to the Dutch East India Company .........................................................

3

Chapter Two Introduction to the Log-book of Captain John Anderson ........................................................................................

11

Chapter Three The Log as a Reflection of the Practice of Navigation ......................................................................................

31

Chapter Four

War in the Log of John Anderson .....................

59

Chapter Five Scots and the East Indies: A Background to the Voyage of John Anderson ...........................................................

87

PART TWO

THE LOG-BOOK OF CAPTAIN JOHN ANDERSON Editorial Practice ................................................................................

119

The Log-book of Captain John Anderson .....................................

123

vi

contents

Appendices Appendix A. Foreigners in the VOC, 1602–1660 ................... Appendix B. Known Scots in East India Service, 1600–1660 Appendix C. Two letters of Drummer-Major James Spens, VOC Soldier, 1631–1632 .........................................................

254

Bibliography ........................................................................................ Index ....................................................................................................

259 271

247 248

GENERAL EDITOR’S PREFACE As Adam Smith wrote in his seminal Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), ‘The discovery of America, and that of a passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, are the two greatest and most important events recorded in the history of mankind.’ It is hardly surprising, therefore, that this process of European expansion and global colonization from ca. 1450 to 1900 has attracted extensive historical research and debate over the years. Since the Enlightenment, philosophers, economists, and historians have all sought to analyze and understand the vast range of human experiences embodied in this creation of a world market economy and global society. Much of the scholarly work completed from ca. 1880 to 1940 fell within the limits of what M. N. Pearson has aptly described as the ‘seeds of empire’ school of imperial historiography. Eurocentric, Whiggish, even jingoistic, this work was largely compiled by English, Dutch, French, and Portuguese civil servants active in the administration of the twilight empires of those European powers. It was engendered by a need to glorify past colonial adventures as a means of legitimizing modern European imperialism and, as such, was less than objective. In the decolonization period from ca. 1945 to 1975, the field was tainted by this legacy. In the 1970s, the focus shifted to the long-ignored experiences of the indigenous peoples, sometimes characterized as ‘the Other’, in this process and their relationship with the Europeans, who were largely re-cast as aggressors and not ‘heroes.’ Recently, more balanced studies have appeared, embracing both the European and indigenous perspective. This recent historiography has laudably succeeded in providing an analysis of the symbiotic economic, social, religious, and cultural interaction between Europe and the wider world which accelerated following the voyages of Columbus and Vasco da Gama. European Expansion and Indigenous Response is a series dedicated to contributing to this more balanced historiography. Its volumes will present a broad intellectual perspective, examining whenever possible European and non-European perspectives. These volumes will also utilize a multi-disciplinary approach with diverse

viii

general editor’s preface

forms of analysis from all relevant scholarly disciplines. Its monographs, edited volumes and edited translations will provide new ideas and new perspectives on a topic that has fascinated scholars for the last half millennium. Glenn J. Ames

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS List of Maps Map 1. Map 2. Map 3. Map 4. Map 5. Map 6.

Roads at Hellevoetsluis ...................................................... xvii Map of the octrooigebied .................................................... xviii South Asia ............................................................................ xix The Indonesia Archipelago ................................................ xx Sunda Strait .......................................................................... xxi Banda Archipelago .............................................................. xxii List of Tables

Table 1. Capital invested in the VOC, 1602 ................................ Table 2. Dutch casualties, 1641 ...................................................... Table 3. Proceeds from the Nossa Senhora da Quietação and the Portuguese yacht, 1641 ..........................................................

5 77 78

PREFACE The final production of this edition of John Anderson’s log, and the contextual chapters that precede it, has a long history and results from the collaboration of three scholars with very different historical interests. Steve Murdoch came across the Anderson manuscript when conducting follow up research to his article on the Scots in the Dutch East India Company.1 Steve identified the importance of the manuscript which was used in the teaching of his course ‘The Europeans in Asia in the Early Modern Period’ at the University of St Andrews in Scotland. For it to be a useful teaching aid he had already transcribed a version of the log from a microfilm provided by the National Library of Scotland [NLS], Edinburgh. Having done this he then began to contemplate a more complete and annotated text as the first of a series of publications emanating from the Scotland and the Wider World Project which he directs at the University of St Andrews. It was at this stage that Steve asked Victor Enthoven of the Royal Netherlands Naval College and the Free University of Amsterdam to review the manuscript to see what was known of it among specialist scholars of the Dutch East India Company [VOC]. The value was obvious and Victor was immediately able to identify it as the oldest such log copied directly into a purpose pre-printed log book. The Anderson project, or at least one branch of it, now had two core members. Unbeknown to them another scholar had also started her own transcription. Eila Williamson came across Anderson’s log when searching the NLS catalogues for material for the South-East Scotland volume of the Records of Early Drama: Scotland [RED:S] project. At that time she was working as a research fellow on the RED:S project. While the manuscript was of no significance to that project, Eila was interested in the subject matter and used it as the basis for a paper delivered to the International Association of Medieval and Renaissance Scottish Language and Literature conference, held at Brock University, Canada

1 S. Murdoch, ‘The Good, the Bad and the Anonymous: A Preliminary Survey of the Scots in the Dutch East Indies, 1612–1707’, Northern Scotland, vol. 22 (2002), pp. 1–13.

xii

preface

in July 2005.2 Eila too thought that the text was important enough to consider producing an edition of it. Realising that such an undertaking would involve more work on the VOC, the Scots in the East Indies, and navigation, she contacted Andrew Mackillop and Esther Mijers for advice on British-Asian and Dutch material respectively and both scholars advised contacting Steve. Once in contact it was easy to see the benefits to the project of the three of us working together. Though we all have our specialisms, there is no single chapter that can be called our own as each has contributed significantly to all. This has made the process painstakingly slow on occasions, but ultimately very rewarding. During the final stages of the project we contacted Ben Teensma, emeritus Lusitanist of the University of Leiden. He not only helped us annotate the text of the log, but he also guarded us from many mistakes. We thank him for his assistance. The editors would like to convey their gratitude to the Trustees of the National Library of Scotland and Sheila Mackenzie, Senior Curator of the Manuscripts Division, for her help in providing copies of the manuscript and securing permission for us to produce this edition of the manuscript. To her and all at the NLS who helped we express our sincere thanks. Thanks also to the National Archives of Scotland for permission to publish the James Spens letters.

2 E. Williamson, ‘A Voyage to Batavia in the Words of a Scotsman’, presented at the Medieval and Renaissance Scottish Language and Literature Conference, Brock University, Canada, July 11–15, 2005. Eila Williamson is grateful to the School of History, Classics and Archaeology at the University of Edinburgh for providing financial assistance towards her attendance at this conference.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Adv. MS CMEIC CSPCol. Dagh-Register

DAS

EIC FRS GD Generale Missiven

Itinerario

NA NAS NLS OBP ODNB

RED:S Res. SG

Advocates’ Manuscript Calendar of the Court Minutes etc. of the East India Company, 1635–63, 11 vols. (London, 1907–38) Calendar of State Papers Colonial: East Indies, China and Japan, 5 vols. (London, 1862–92) Dagh-Register gehouden int Casteel Batavia vant passeerende daer ter plaetse als over geheel Nederlandts-India, 31 vols. (The Hague/Batavia, 1887–1931) Dutch Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th Centuries, ed. by J. R. Bruijn, F. S. Gaastra and I. Schöffer, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie 165, 166, 167, 3 vols. (The Hague, 1979–87) East India Company Fellow of the Royal Society Gifts and Deposits Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde OostIndische Compagnie, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie, 13 vols. (The Hague, 1960–2007) J. H. van Linschoten, Itinerario, voyage ofte schipvaert, van Ian Huygen van Linschoten, naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien (Amsterdam, 1596) The Hague, Nationaal Archief Edinburgh, The National Archives of Scotland Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland Overgekomen Brieven en Papieren Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. by H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison (Oxford, 2004), available on internet, URL:www.oxforddnb.com Records of Early Drama: Scotland Resolutiën der Staten-Generaal: Nieuwe reeks, 1610–1670, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën,

xiv

RH SP TNA Van Dam

VOC WIC

list of abbreviations Grote Serie 135, 151, 152, 176, 187, 208, 223, 7 vols. (The Hague, 1971–94) Register House State Papers London, The National Archives P. van Dam, Beschrijvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie 63, 68, 74, 76, 83, 87, 96, 7 vols. (The Hague, 1927–54) Dutch East India Company/Verenigde OostIndische Compagnie Dutch West India Company/West-Indische Compagnie

NOTES ON MEASURES, CURRENCIES, AND MILEAGE Measures Picul A weight of about 60 kg. Ton and last A last is equivalent to two tons, weighing 2,000 kg.1 Currencies An excellent guide on old currencies used in the Early Modern World is J. J. McCusker, Money and Exchange in Europe and America, 1600–1775: A Handbook (Chapel Hill, 1978). Furthermore we have used the VOC-glossarium compiled by the Nederlands Instituut voor Geschiedenis in The Hague, URL: http://www.inghist.nl/Onderzoek/ Projecten/VocGlossarium (Accessed 10 May 2009). Guilder In most of the Dutch Republic the currency unit was the gulden or guilder, the symbol for which is ƒ. Here all amounts are converted to guilders. Between the guilder used in the Netherlands and in Asia there was an exchange rate difference, known as heavy (zwaar) and light (licht) money. Here we have made no distinction between the two.2 ƒ1 = 20 stuivers = 40 groten = 320 penningen (ƒ01:00:00). 1 stuiver = 16 penningen (ƒ0:01:00). 1 duit = 1/8 stuiver = 2 penningen (ƒ0:00:02). Up till 2001, the guilder was in circulation in the Netherlands.

1

DAS, I, p. 42. F. S. Gaastra, ‘De Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie in de zeventiende en achttiende eeuw: de groei van een bedrijf. Geld tegen goederen. Een structurele verandering in het Nederlands-Aziatisch handelsverkeer’, Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden (1976), pp. 249–72; W. L. Korthals Altes, De geschiedenis van de gulden. Van Pond Hollands tot Euro (Amsterdam, 2001), pp. 61–62. 2

xvi

notes on measures, currencies, and mileage

ƒ1 = 100 cents. In 2002 the Netherlands adopted the Euro currency. €1 = ƒ2.20371. Cruzado Portuguese coin, made of gold. Valued at 60 (light) stivers. Ducat Dukaton in Dutch. Portuguese coin, made of gold. Valued at 63 (heavy) stivers. Real Piece of eight. A Spanish silver coin. Pardau Silver Portuguese coin, minted at Goa, valued at 300 reis. Mileage Distances in the log are given in Scottish miles = 1,814 m. Conversion Chart for the Scottish Mile to Other Equivalents Scottish Mile 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

English Mile Nautical Miles French Mille 1.13 2.25 3.38 4.51 5.64 6.76 7.89 9.02 10.14 11.27 12.40 13.53 14.65 15.78 16.91 18.03 19.16 20.29 21.42 22.54

0.98 1.96 2.94 3.92 4.90 5.88 6.86 7.84 8.82 9.80 10.78 11.76 12.74 13.72 14.70 15.68 16.66 17.64 18.62 19.60

0.93 1.86 2.79 3.72 4.65 5.58 6.51 7.44 8.37 9.30 10.23 11.16 12.09 13.02 13.95 14.88 15.81 16.74 17.67 18.60

Kilometre 1.81 3.63 5.44 7.26 9.07 10.88 12.70 14.51 16.33 18.14 19.95 21.77 23.58 25.40 27.21 29.02 30.84 32.65 34.47 36.28

MAPS

Delft

Rotterdam Brielle

Hellevoetsluis Goereesegat

Willemstad

Map 1. Roads at Hellevoetsluis

Mocha

Madagascar

Indian Ocean

Cochin Malabar Colombo

Goa

Surat

Batavia Java

Java Sea

Malacca

Pattani

Macau

Cochin China

Canton

Siam

Map 2. Map of the octrooigebied

Sumatra

Negapatnam Ceylon

l

Coromandel

Bengal

Celebes

Banda

Philippine Islands

Japan

xviii

maps

maps

xix

Indus Ganges

Bengal Surat Arabian Sea

Mumbai Bimilipatnam Vengurla Goa

Coromandel Coast

Bay of Bengal Pulicat Madras

Calicut Malabar Cochin Coast

Negapatnam Trincomale Batticaloa

Maldives Colombo

Ceylon

Galle Indian Ocean

Map 3. South Asia

Mentawai Islands

Padang

Sunda Strait

Sumatra

Malacca

Pattani

Batavia

Bantam

Sumbawa

Lombok

Bali

Map 4. The Indonesia Archipelago

Java

Mataram

Ujung Pandang (Makassar)

Kalimantan (Borneo)

Sumba

Flores

Timor

Ambon Banda

Ceram

Halmahera

xx

maps

maps

xxi

Sumatra

Pulau Babi

Pulau Sebuku Pulau Sebesi

Pulau Sertung

Toppershoedje Varkenshoek Lange Eiland (Tanjung Tua) Dwars in de weg (Sangiang) Teluk Banten Brabandshoedje (Pulau Ular) Sint Nicolaasbaai Pulau Krakatau Kitjil Pulau Krakatau

Java

Pulau Panaitan

Map 5. Sunda Strait

maps

xxii

Bandanaira Pulau Ai

Pulau Run

Lontor Pulau Rozengain

Map 6. Banda Archipelago

PART ONE

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER ONE

A MANY-HEADED HYDRA AN INTRODUCTION TO THE DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY Introduction The Dutch East India Company [hereafter VOC] was a complicated institution, being both a chartered trading joint stock company and an instrument of war in the hands of the States General, the highest executive body of the Dutch Republic, at least until 1648. It was the largest privately-owned firm of the early modern era with many thousands of employees extending across Asia and Europe. In the Netherlands the board of directors was known as the Heren Zeventien [hereafter Gentlemen Seventeen] and six branches, called chambers, executed its policies. After 1621 the Company’s headquarters in Asia were located at Batavia (Jakarta) on the Indonesian island of Java. The Company’s Asian-based officials acted almost as an autonomous body, largely independent from the directors in Amsterdam and Middelburg, and engaged in an almost constant war against the Portuguese and a variety of indigenous territories, provinces and kingdoms. The origin of the conflict against other European powers was deeply rooted in the Dutch Revolt against their lord, the King of Spain, who between 1580 and 1640 was also the King of Portugal. The encroachment of the English Honourable East India Company [hereafter EIC] also led to a complex set of alliances which sometimes saw the English and Dutch working together, while at other times they operated in direct competition, which sometimes led to war between the two North-Sea naval powers.1 In the meantime, third only to Venice and Lisbon, Amsterdam became a great city of spice of the seventeenth century.2

1 M. N. van Ittersum, Profit and Principle: Hugo Grotius, Natural Rights Theories and the Rise of Dutch Power in the East Indies, 1595–1615, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 139 (Leiden, 2006), esp. chapter six. 2 M. Krondl, The Taste of Conquest: The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice (New York, 2007).

4

chapter one The Genesis of the Company3

As will be explained in more detail in Chapter 4, the VOC was established in 1602 in order to address two problems: the declining profits in the spice trade as suffered by Dutch merchants at the end of the sixteenth century and the precarious circumstances caused by the war against their arch-enemy, the King of Spain, around 1600. These private and public issues were merged into one single corporation: the VOC.4 It was apparent from the outset that investing in the new Company would be a highly risky venture. Waging war for a private company against the strongest empire of the world was not an easy task. As compensation for the high risk taken by the investors, the States General granted the VOC a monopoly on all trade from the Dutch Republic for the area east of the Cape of Good Hope and west of Cape Horn. So de jure, too, the Company held a monopoly on the spice trade for the Dutch market. The advantage for the States General, and the war effort as a whole, was that the second front in Asia would thus be financed privately by the VOC investors. Furthermore, in return for granting the new Company its charter, stipulating all kinds of obligations (for instance, that the books be inspected in the presence of a States General committee every four years) and rights, including that of the spice monopoly, the States General received respectable financial compensation.5 On 20 March 1602, the charter containing 46 clauses, outlining the structure and organisation of the new Company, was signed. Over time, a symbiotic relationship developed between the States General and the VOC. By the time that Captain John Anderson made his fourth voyage to the East Indies, in the years 1640–43, the VOC had evolved into two more or less different organisations: one in Europe and one in Asia.6

3

Unless otherwise indicated this section is based on DAS, I, passim. M. Witteveen, Een onderneming van landsbelang. De oprichting van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie in 1602 (Amsterdam, 2002), passim. 5 V. Enthoven, Zeeland en de opkomst van de Republiek. Handel en strijd in de Scheldedelta, c. 1550–1621 (Leiden, 1996), pp. 248–55. 6 V. Enthoven, ‘Van steunpilaar tot blok aan het been. De Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie en de Unie’, ed. by G. Knaap and G. Teitler, De Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie tussen oorlog en diplomatie, Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 197 (Leiden, 2002), pp. 35–58. For an English 4

an introduction to the dutch east india company

5

The European Organisation In Europe, the six different so-called voorcompagnieën (pre-companies), which had equipped the many expeditions between 1595 and 1602, were in fact turned into branches of the VOC, known as chambers. These chambers were located at Amsterdam, Zeeland (in Middelburg), Hoorn, Enkhuizen, Delft and Rotterdam. The Rotterdam and Delft chambers were sometimes referred to as chambers of the Maze (Meuse), and the Hoorn and Enkhuizen chambers as those of the Noorderkwartier (North Quarter), but all four of them were in fact completely independent branches. The importance of the chambers and their share in the activities in the Company were determined by the capital invested. Table 1. Capital invested in the VOC, 1602 (guilders) Chamber Amsterdam Zeeland Delft Rotterdam Hoorn Enkhuizen Total

Capital

%

Share

3,674,915 1,300,405 469,400 173,000 266,868 540,000 6,424,588

57 20 7 3 4 8 100

1/2 1/4 1/16 1/16 1/16 1/16

Source: F. S. Gaastra, De geschiedenis van de VOC (Haarlem, 1982), p. 22.

The 76 bewindhebbers (directors), who were in fact the principal investors, of the voorcompagnieën became the directors of the six chambers: Amsterdam (23), Zeeland (14), Delft (12), Rotterdam (9), Hoorn (7), and Enkhuizen (11). Later these numbers would differ slightly. Over time the directors were nominated from among the larger shareholders and were appointed for life by the local government. They managed the activities of the chamber: procuring the ships, preferably by building them in the Company’s own yards; equipping and

translation of the first charter, see ‘The licence granted by the States General to the Dutch East India Company on March 20, 1602’, in E. Gepken-Jager, G. van Soloinge and L. Timmerman (eds.), VOC 1602–2002: 400 Years of Company Law, Series Law of Business and Finance 6 (Deventer, 2005), pp. 29–38; H. J. den Heijer, De geoctrooieerde compagnie. De VOC en de WIC als voorlopers van de naamloze vennootschap (Deventer, 2005).

6

chapter one

manning the ships; organising the biannual auction of the spices and other Asian commodities; and keeping the books.7 The Gentlemen Seventeen, who formed the central management of the Company, were selected from the body of directors as representatives of their chambers: eight from Amsterdam, four from Zeeland, and one from each other city. The seventeenth member was appointed alternately by Zeeland and the smaller chambers. Meetings were held at fixed locations: for a period of six consecutive years this was at Amsterdam, followed by two consecutive years at Middelburg. As a rule the Gentlemen Seventeen met two to three times a year, at which time they formulated Company policy. Central to these discussions were the so-called ‘demands for India’. This was a kind of shopping list, determining how much and what kind of goods were expected to be delivered from the East Indies. Furthermore, they decided, for instance, how many ships of each fleet were to be equipped by each chamber according to this usual division: Amsterdam 1/2, Zeeland 1/4 and the smaller chambers each 1/16.8 The Asian Organisation The 1602 charter contained very little information relating to Asia. It stipulated only that the Company had the right to enter into treaties with rulers, to build fortifications and to appoint governors and judges, all in the name of the States General. Initially the highest authority in Asia rested with the person appointed Admiral of the fleet. Since the Admiral had no fixed abode it proved highly problematical to deliver orders and coordinate governance of the Company. Over time a more permanent solution had to be found. In the early 1610s, the Gentlemen Seventeen appointed a Governor General to the fleet, who was to remain in Asia and take on responsibility for supreme authority over all Company settlements and possessions in the region. Finally in May 1619, Governor General Jan Pietersz Coen (1587– 1629) conquered the small port of Jakarta. This provided the Company with a specific rendezvous for arriving ships and a location for the seat

7

H. Bonke and K. Bossaers, Heren investeren. De bewindhebbers van de West-Friese kamers van de VOC (Haarlem, 2002). 8 F. Gaastra, Bewind en beleid bij de VOC, 1672–1702. De financiële politiek van de bewindhebbers (Zutphen, 1989).

an introduction to the dutch east india company

7

of government. The Road of Batavia, extending from the Kratawangsche Hoek (Ujungkrawang) to the Ruige Hoek, was considered the best in the world. The principal concern after the conquest was to establish a protective place for government, personnel, workshops and foods. Thus, a fort, known as the kasteel, was built to the east of the Ciliwung River, on the coast. This fort consisted of two rows of large coral blocks filled with sand and gravel and surrounded by a moat. South of this, and further inland, a small, but in appearance rather Dutch, town intersected with canals sprang up. As a trading company the VOC had no active policy of establishing overseas settlements, nevertheless a thriving multi-ethnic town emerged. Opposite the castle, on the river, a yard was laid out. A boom could be placed across the river to block access to and from the sea. Outside the fort a hospital was built; initially made using bamboo, it was later rebuilt in brick in 1640.9 Central governance of all Company activity in Asia was conducted by the Governor General and the Council of the Indies. This Council consisted of five members, including the Governor General as chairman. The Council also acted as a court of law, with the fiscal as prosecutor. In Anderson’s day Anthony van Diemen (1593–1645) was Governor General between 1636 and 1645. As will be seen later, the Governor General and the Council of the Indies acted more or less independently from the Gentlemen Seventeen. The United Provinces were very far away indeed.10 An Expanding Trade Network The main aim of the VOC was in the first instance to bring Asian products to the European market. The problem, however, was that this vast volume of goods was countered by only very few European export products. In Asia there was no demand for European products whatsoever. With the exception of goods required to sustain the Company itself, such as building materials for the forts and provisions for its personnel, the East Indiamen left the Netherlands empty. Therefore the spices had to be bought with gold and silver. However, ensuring

9

H. E. Niemeijer, Batavia. Een koloniale samenleving in de 17de eeuw (Amsterdam, 2005). 10 L. Blussé, Strange Company: Chinese Settlers, Mestizo Women and the Dutch in VOC Batavia (Dordrecht, 1986), pp. 24–25, 47–48, 63–64.

8

chapter one

regular supplies of bullion was rather tricky because such supplies had to be sourced in the New World, and this trade was firmly controlled by the arch-enemy, the King of Spain.11 The VOC developed a two-track strategy to address this problem. Firstly, the VOC tried to gain control over its Asian trade at the indigenous sources of supply, or even over the production itself, if possible by peaceful means, but if necessary by force (as will be seen in Chapter 4). Secondly, the VOC recognised that by participating significantly in the intra-Asian trade, enough cash flow would be generated for procuring the Asian products in demand. For this, an extensive trade network of factories and forts was needed as was a sophisticated fleet structure which would allow for the transportation of goods to and from Asia.12 The VOC as Shipping Firm To a large degree it was the expected volume of goods to be imported in compliance with the ‘demands’ drawn up by the Gentlemen Seventeen that determined the size of the fleets to be dispatched. But it soon became clear that ships based in Asian waters were needed for purposes of trade, war and communications too, and that this had to be taken into account when dispatching ships. In the first half of the seventeenth century, the Gentlemen Seventeen were usually responsible for deciding which ships should remain in Asia—mostly smaller types of ships, and sometimes an older East Indiaman which was not considered sufficiently seaworthy to undertake the return voyage. Once the building of ships had become well established in the mid-seventeenth century, the shipyards of the chambers were permanently busy. The smaller chambers turned out roughly thirty ships over a period of fifty years. In addition to constructing new ships, repair and maintenance formed an important part of the work. The ships had to withstand

11 E. Sluiter, The Gold and Silver of Spanish America (Berkeley, 1998); A. Attman, Dutch Enterprise in the World Bullion Trade, 1550–1800 (Götenborg, 1983). 12 E. Jacobs, Koopman in Azië. De Handel van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie tijdens de 18de eeuw (Zutphen, 2000). R. Parthesius, ‘Dutch Ships in Tropical Waters. The Development of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) Shipping Network in Asia, 1595–1660’(Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Amsterdam, 2007).

an introduction to the dutch east india company

9

rough treatment on their voyages to Asia and spending extended periods of time in tropical waters affected the woodwork badly.13 When a ship was completed, or when repairs were finished, a last inspection took place. The ship was then towed from the shipyard and taken to the roads. Ships from the Delft and Rotterdam chambers had to complete a long and laborious route across narrow inland waterways and rivers, before arriving at Goeree near Hellevoetsluis, from where they put to sea. The Meuse estuary, though closer by, was too heavily silted up for use. To load and unload ships in the roads small barges were employed by the chambers to transport the goods.14 Departing East Indiamen were seen off by a director of the chamber concerned. The journey from Delft to Hellevoetsluis was a timeconsuming and, in autumn or winter, not always very agreeable duty for the directors. These directors took the necessary official papers on board and received the bill of loading and receipts signed by the master. They also handed over the sailing orders and instructions on the route to be followed, which were the same for all ships. Outward bound ships tended not to sail in large fleets, but mostly in small squadrons of two to five ships. Conclusion The VOC was, in many ways, a typical company representative of the early modern period, an era in which public and private spheres were not clearly separated. During the first half of the seventeenth century the Company expanded its trade network in Asia. As a joint stock company the VOC was also an instrument of war in the hands of the States General. In Asia war and trade were never far apart and, as the subsequent chapters reveal, John Anderson found himself in the middle of this.

13

H. Ketting, Fluitschepen voor de VOC. Balanceren tussen oncostelijckheijt en duursaemheijt (Zaltbommel, 2006). 14 H. L. Houtzager et al. (eds.), Delft en de Oost-Indische Compagnie, Genootschap Delfia Batavorum 14 (Amsterdam, 1987).

CHAPTER TWO

INTRODUCTION TO THE LOG-BOOK OF CAPTAIN JOHN ANDERSON Introduction Captain John Anderson served in the VOC as ‘Pilot-Major’ of a fleet of ships that set sail from the Dutch Republic in December 1640 and returned in July 1643.1 The destination of the outward journey was Batavia (Jakarta) in the island of Java, the Company’s headquarters in Asia. On this outward journey Anderson piloted the vessel ’s Hertogenbosch.2 We know this because a copy of his log-book (in heavily Scotticised English) is now preserved in the National Library of Scotland in Edinburgh. Though a copy, completed some time between July 1643 and February 1657, it is nonetheless written directly into a purpose pre-printed Dutch maritime log-book, presumably provided to ensure that transcription (and translation) from the original could be accompanied by the full navigational notes on the left hand pages (folios verso).3 Many of the left hand pages are blank, however, but on a number navigational directions and measurements are recorded.4 Of 1

The designation of John Anderson as ‘Captain’ is interesting and suggests that he once held the status of a commissioned officer, although in whose service is unclear. For certain he was employed in the VOC for his navigational abilities alone. 2 Her departure from the Dutch Republic is recorded in DAS, II, pp. 84–85, no. 0566.3, ’s Hertogenbosch, Kornelis Leendertsz (master). She was 600 lasts, built in 1631 in Delft. She departed from Goeree on 29 December 1640 and arrived in Batavia on 12 May 1641. She carried 216 seamen and 67 soldiers (and presumably 7–8 officers). Anderson’s log contains a minor discrepancy, stating in different places a total number of 289 (fol. 2r, 29 December 1640) and 290 (fol. 17r, 10 May 1641). Since no ports of call are recorded en route and no deaths are reported, the 290 figure can be surmised to have been rounded up, or else Anderson did not include himself in the first count but did in the second. For a brief introduction to the VOC, see Chapter 1. 3 NLS, Adv. MS. 33.3.14, ‘The Woyage of Cap: Jhone: Andersone Pilat Maior of a Fleit of Hollanders to ye orientall Indies wich went out from Halmerslusse in South Holland in Anno 1640. and Returned from thessnce, to ye Flee in ye Mounth of Julay 1643’ [hereafter Anderson’s Log]. The log-book measures 312 × 205 mm and appears to be the oldest surviving example of a standardised log using a pre-printed format. See Chapter 3. 4 The navigational information is contained on the versos of fols. 1–15, 18–24, 46–51, 54–55, 57–60, and 69–71.

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the right hand pages (folios recto), eighty are written on. These pages contain the main text of the journal and record daily events such as land sightings and arrivals and departures alongside coasts, as well as navigational matters. Fuller descriptions of places such as the Cape of Good Hope, Goa, Malabar, Banda and Madagascar are also given, as well as descriptions of indigenous peoples, flora and fauna. It is the main text which has been transcribed for this edition. From the author’s dedication ‘The Author to the Reider’ we know that, in addition to a circumnavigation of the globe, this particular journey was Anderson’s fourth to the East Indies, and at one point he mentions having passed the Cape of Good Hope in 1618.5 He was thus an experienced mariner and one of a number of Scots in VOC service. Throughout the seventeenth century Scots can be found engaged in the Company as both soldiers and sailors. Deconinck has calculated numbers of foreigners in the VOC between 1602 and 1660 (see Appendix A). Although Scots were a small proportion of the total number of employees in VOC service, they made a significant contribution to the work of the Company, as Chapter 5 indicates. The early seventeenth century was an era in which the Portuguese, Dutch and English were vying for control of the spice trade. VOC pilots were required to keep official log-books of their voyages. These were handed over to the Company so that cartographers could update maps and charts with the latest geographical and navigational information (see Chapter 3). As a historical source they are useful in several ways, not least through the events that they describe. Anderson’s log is especially important due to the insights he gives into the military operations conducted against the Portuguese at Goa in 1641–42, for which service he was seconded to the fleet of Admiral Matthijs Hendriksz Quast and served upon the Harderwijk.6 Sailing along with the ships Hollandia and Egmont, this small fleet made it to Goa by 21 September. They found there a large Portuguese vessel, the Nossa Senhora da Quietação (which Anderson refers to as Santa Maria de Gosta),7

5

Anderson’s Log, fols. 80r and 11r (22 March 1641). Anderson’s Log, fol. 18r. 7 For the name of the Portuguese carrack Anderson uses the heavily corrupted name Santa Maria de Gosta. George Winius has identified this ship as Nossa Senhora da Quietação: ‘On September 22, 1641, the slower message-bearing ship, the Nossa Senhora da Quietação, Captain de Faria commanding, came lumbering up to the harbor entrance of Goa under a flag of truce, bearing Dutch letters of safe-conduct obtained in Europe. Admiral Hendrik M. Quast, who had received news of the 6

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which displaced some 2,200 tons. The three Dutch ships engaged her, killing some 150 of her 550 crew against the loss of 24 on the Dutch side. The reward was fabulous and was recorded by Anderson with relish: 1,000 tuns of Spanish wine, 10,000 crusadoes of gold, 10 chests of amber, quantities of emeralds and pearls, 14 chests of red coral and various other treasures (see Chapter 4).8 The VOC fleet blockaded Goa from September 1641 until May 1642 waiting for the other Portuguese ships to venture out, but they never did. The sea battle and descriptive sections about Goa and other places along the coast of India form the central focus of Anderson’s log. As will be shown below many of these descriptions of places are taken from the work of earlier travel writers (a not uncommon practice in early modern travel writing) and thus the log has tremendous value to scholars who work in the area of reception studies. After the sojourn off the coast of Goa, the three VOC ships departed on 10 May 1642, Hollandia and Harderwijk heading back to Batavia.9 Once there, a great fleet was prepared to return to the Dutch Republic. Anderson reports ten ships leaving the road of Batavia on the same day. Seven were bound for Amsterdam ahead of the rest. These were to head for the Cape of Good Hope, with Anderson back aboard his old ship.10 The others were to follow and rendevous at Saint Helena before making the final leg back to the Texel. The ’s Hertogenbosch finally arrived home on 9 July 1643, sailing into the Flee after a rendezvous off Orkney with Dutch pilots who ordered them to go there instead of the Texel.11 So ended the last known East Indian journey of Captain John Anderson.

Portuguese restoration politely enough some days before, promptly opened fire with five of his blockading vessels. Both Quast and Faria were killed, and the Quietação was taken as a prize’. G. D. Winius, The Fatal History of Portuguese Ceylon: Transition to Dutch Rule (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 52–53. See also A. van Wickeren, Geschiedenis van Portugal en van de Portugezen overzee, 20 vols. (Heerhugowaard, s.l.), XVII, chapter 1. Available on the colonialvoyages.com web page, URL: www.colonialvoyage.com/ geschiedenis_portugal_overzee/deel17/hoofdstuk_1.3.html (accessed 13 May 2009). 8 Anderson’s Log, fol. 26r (21 September 1641). 9 Anderson’s Log, fol. 47r (10 May 1642). 10 Anderson’s Log, fol. 55r (12 December 1642). 11 The vessel’s homeward journey is recorded in DAS, III, pp. 46–47, no. 5307.3. According to this source she left Batavia on 13 December 1642 and arrived at the Texel on 15 July 1643. Anderson is explicit that they were ordered not to go to the Texel and his journal finishes with the ship’s arrival in the Flee on 9 July. See Anderson’s Log, fols. 78r–79r.

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chapter two Anderson as a Travel Writer and the Sources used in his Log

In addition to their practical uses as navigational guides and imparting information about foreign places to traders, in the Low Countries a number of ships’ journals were printed in the seventeenth century for ‘diverting or instructing armchair-travellers at home’.12 For example, Skipper Willem Ysbrantsz Bontekoe’s voyages from 1618 to 1625 were printed in ‘at least fifty editions between 1646 and 1756’.13 A similar situation occurred elsewhere. For instance, in England the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries saw the printing of the large collections of travel accounts compiled by Richard Hakluyt and Samuel Purchas (see below). Anderson’s log shares similarities with other travel journals. The combination of navigational information and descriptive passages about places can be found in the journals of Bontekoe and Thomas Roe, for example, and it is noticeable that both of these journals commence in a similar way to that of Anderson, with information about the departure of the respective ships and the courses sailed.14 Nevertheless, there are many differences. Bontekoe’s account is more personal, including direct speech. For example, when his ship was approaching Java, known by the sighting of two high blue mountains, he tells the merchant that he believed they were ‘right before the strait of Sunda’ and ‘Then said the merchant: “Well, Captain, if such is your mind of it, let us then call the men together and sail thereto, for your conjecture and reasoning are in my opinion well founded” ’.15 Similarly, the Icelander Jon Olafsson, whose memoirs include an account of his voyage to India and employment as a gunner in Danish service in Tranquebar from 1622 to 1625, provides fascinating details about ‘life below decks’. He does this through a lively narrative in which he discusses omens, dreams and sorcery, and gives character sketches of his fellow 12 C. R. Boxer, The Dutch Seaborne Empire 1600–1800 (Harmondsworth, 1973), p. 181. 13 Ibid., p. 181; G. Verhoeven and P. Verkruijsse (eds.), Journael ofte Gedenckwaerdige beschrijvinghe vande Oost-Indische Reyse van Willem Ysbrantsz Bontekoe van Hoorn: descriptieve bibliografie, 1646–1996 (Zutphen, 1996). 14 See W. Y. Bontekoe, Memorable Description of the East Indian Voyage 1618–25, trans. by C. B. Bodde-Hodgkinson and P. Geyl (London, 1929) and ‘The Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Embassador from his Majesty King James the First of England, to Ichan Guire, the Mighty Emperor of India . . .’, in A Collection of Voyages and Travels, compiled by A. and J. Churchill, 6 vols., 3rd edn. (London, 1744–46), I, pp. 617–67. 15 Bontekoe, Memorable Description of the East Indian Voyage, 1618–25, p. 71.

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voyagers, including Big Anders and the boatswain, Ivar Hansen from Jutland, who is described as a ‘big and violent man’.16 In contrast to these accounts, Anderson very rarely names his contemporaries. He mentions Anthony van Diemen, the aforementioned Governor General, and also Admiral Matthijs Hendriksz Quast, who died in the sea battle at Goa, but he does not name any of his fellow officers and sailors. The log-book entries are mainly factual, although at times Anderson uses similes when describing land, as is the case in other travellers’ accounts. For example, Ilha da Trindade (Anderson’s Altrinidado) is described as ‘appeiring to ws lyke a cowes foote’, while the island of Krakatoa (Anderson’s Cracatow) is ‘lyke, dutche hate’.17 From a literary perspective the most interesting sections of Anderson’s journal are those which describe particular places, people, animals and fruit. These are interspersed with the navigational entries and relate to the relevant places encountered. However, many of these are not original, having been copied or adapted from earlier writers. It was not an uncommon practice for authors of travel accounts to use earlier writers, with or without attribution. For example, in his accounts of Asia and Africa, Sir Thomas Herbert ‘inserted materials into his narrative about places he had not visited although he sometimes implied that he had, and in each succeeding edition the amount of this secondhand material increased significantly’.18 In Anderson’s log ten folios (that is fols. 27–36) are taken from the Itinerario of Jan Huygen van Linschoten (1563–1611), a Dutchman who had entered Portuguese service and had become clerk to the archbishop of Goa, where he resided for five years in the 1580s. His Itinerario, voyage ofte schipvaert, van Ian Huygen van Linschoten, naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien was printed in Dutch in 1596. It is the first part of a three-part work (often referred to as the Itinerario, although only the first part has this term on its title page), the third part of which was also printed in 1596. The second part—the Reysgheschrift (see Chapter 3)—had been printed the previous year. Anderson’s log utilises twenty-seven chapters of the first part of Van Linschoten’s work: the

16 Memoirs of Jon Olafsson, Icelander and Traveller to India 1622–1625 as Written by Himself, 1661, ed. and trans. by I. Barnes (Cambridge, 1998), p. 43. 17 Anderson’s Log, fol. 7r (15 February 1641); fol. 17r (8 May 1641). 18 R. H. Fritze, ‘Herbert, Sir Thomas, First Baronet (1606–1682)’, in ODNB, URL: www.oxforddnb.com (accessed 6 July 2006).

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Itinerario proper [hereafter Itinerario].19 An English translation of this, entitled Iohn Huighen van Linschoten his Discours of Voyages into ye Easte & West Indies, appeared in 1598.20 It is noteworthy that the text which is used in Anderson’s log follows the same sequence as in Van Linschoten. In some places the text is followed closely, while in others there is paraphrasing or summarising. There are alterations. For example, where Van Linschoten has ‘Those lands of Bardes and Salsette, are by the Kings of Portingale, let out to farme . . .’, Anderson uses a past tense: ‘Thosse landes of Bardes & Salsette wer formerly’.21 With regard to the description of Goa and the surrounding area, Anderson adds or updates information. He names the five parish churches within the town of Goa and counts the number of churches within the islands of Goa, Bardes and Salsette.22 None of this features in Van Linschoten. One noteworthy addition in this section is a comment on religious life in Goa. To Van Linschoten’s text ‘The towne hath in it all sortes of Cloysters and Churches as Lisbone [hath], onely it wanteth Nunnes, for the men cannot get the women to travell so farre, where they should be shut up, and forsake Venus’, Anderson adds the phrase ‘to make ye Rable Compleit they want Nuns . . .’ (emphasis added).23

19 J. H. van Linschoten, Itinerario, voyage ofte schipvaert, van Ian Huygen van Linschoten, naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien (Amsterdam, 1596); D. F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe volume I: The Century of Discovery (Chicago and London, 1965), pp. 201–02. Van Linschoten himself used a number of earlier sources (ranging from classical antiquity to the sixteenth century) in his work, including the Lusiads of Camoëns and Cristobal de Acosta’s Tractado de las drogas; see ibid., pp. 200–01. See also A. C. Burnell and P. A. Tiele (eds.), The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies. From the Old English Translation of 1598, Hakluyt Society, 1st series 70–71, 2 vols. (London, 1885); J. H. van Linschoten, Itinerario. Voyage ofte schipvaert van Jan Huygen van Linschoten near oost ofte Portugaels Indien, 1579–1592, ed. by H. Kern and H. Terpstra, Werken uitgegeven door de Linschoten Vereeniging 57, 58, 60, 3 vols. (The Hague, 1955–57); A. van der Moer (ed.), Een zestiende-eeuwse Hollander in het verre oosten en het hoge noorden. Leven, werken, reizen en avonturen van Jan Huygen van Linschoten, 1563–1611 (The Hague, 1979); R. van Gelder, J. Parmentier and V. Roeper (eds.), Souffrir pour Parvenir. De wereld van Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem, 1998); E. van den Boogaart (ed.), Het verheven en verdorven Azië. Woord en beeld in het Itinerario en de Icones van Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Amsterdam and Leiden, 2000). 20 For the English translation of the Itinerario, see Burnell and Tiele, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten. 21 Ibid., I, p. 177; Anderson’s Log, fol. 28r. 22 Anderson’s Log, fol. 28r. 23 Burnell and Tiele, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten, I, pp. 178–79; Anderson’s Log, fol. 28r.

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There are also omissions. In a passage about black crows being bold by flying in through windows and taking meat, Anderson omits Van Linschoten’s personal anecdote about crows flying in through the window when he was writing and blotting his paper with ink.24 At times omissions can lead to errors. For example, in writing of a defensive wall at Goa, where Van Linschoten has ‘it hath divers times béene besieged by Dialcan or Hidalcam, at the mouth and the entrie of the river. On the North side lyeth the land of Bardes, wich is high land . . .’, Anderson omits the details of besieging and confuses the locational information, writing ‘for it diuers tymes hath beine beseidged. At ye Mouthe and Entrey of ye Riuer lieth ye land of Bardes . . .’.25 Chapters 28 (about Goa) and 34 (about the times of year in India and diseases) of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario are used extensively by Anderson who, at the end of the latter, corrects Van Linschoten’s statement that ‘In Goa you may see both the Poles of the world, the North and South starres stande not farre above the Horizon’.26 Anderson writes: And heir I can not omitt yat Error of Linchotten quho wretts yat in Goa. one may see bothe ye poles; wich can not be for heir ye pole is Eleuat. 15. degrees and 30. Minuttes, and so ye Southe pole, must be als maney degrees wnder ye Horizon as ye North is eleuat aboue, for the Poles are only tuo Imaginarey axells, and not wisible in them selues.27

Later sections of the Itinerario are dealt with more succinctly. Chapters 49–55 are each summarised by a sentence or two. For example, chapter 49 ‘Of all fruits, trees, plants, and common hearbs in India, and first of a [certain] fruit called Ananas’, chapter 50 ‘Of Iaqua or Iaacca’ and chapter 51 ‘Of Mangas’ are summarised as: The Indian fruitts ar Ananas, Iaacas wich grow one trees lyke nutt tries. Mangas a fruitt goning one trees lyke ye Iaaca trees and in shape resemibling a peache, they are Ripe in Lent and continew till ye mounth of Agust.28

24 Burnell and Tiele, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten, I, p. 302; cf. Anderson’s Log, fol. 33r. 25 Burnell and Tiele, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten, I, p. 176; Anderson’s Log, fol. 27r. 26 Burnell and Tiele, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten, I, p. 241. 27 Anderson’s Log, fol. 32r. 28 Anderson’s Log, fol. 34r.

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Chapters 63–68 and 74–77 are abbreviated in a similar way. It is plausible that Anderson’s text could have come directly from the 1598 English edition of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario. However, another route is possible. The 1598 translation by William Phillip had been made on the initiative of Richard Hakluyt, famous for his The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, which included accounts of English voyages before 1600. This work was printed in two editions: the first in 1589 and the second in 1598–1600.29 Hakluyt’s work in bringing together these accounts of voyages and discoveries was extended by Samuel Purchas in his Pilgrimages, printed in four editions between 1613 and 1626, and in his Pilgrimes, which appeared in 1625.30 An abbreviated version of Phillip’s English translation of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario features in Purchas’ Pilgrimes, but it concentrates only on Van Linschoten’s account of India.31 Similarly Anderson uses Van Linschoten only for India and not for areas further to the east, such as Java and the Moluccas, which were included in the 1598 edition, thus increasing the probability that Purchas was used. Following on from the Van Linschoten sections Anderson has sections on Malabar, Cowlam (Quilon), Coromandel, Narsinga (Bisnagá and Vijayanagar), Malacca (Melaca), Pattani and Siam (Thailand). Later on there are sections on the Molucco Isles (Moluccas), Banda, Borneo, the Cape of Good Hope, Madagascar and Saint Helena. It is likely that much of this material has been incorporated from the work of earlier writers and two other seventeenth-century printed works have been found which appear to incorporate this source or sources. The sections on Malabar, Coromandel, Narsinga, Malacca, Pattani, Siam, the Cape of Good Hope, Madagascar and Saint Helena have close similarities to corresponding sections of Rev. Samuel Clarke’s A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World, which was printed in London in 1657 and is therefore a later source than the

29 For Hakluyt, see A. Payne, ‘Hakluyt, Richard (1552?–1616), in ODNB, URL: www.oxforddnb.com (accessed 13 February 2008); D. B. Quinn (ed.), The Hakluyt Handbook, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series 144–45, 2 vols. (London, 1974). 30 For Purchas, see D. Armitage, ‘Purchas, Samuel (bap. 1577, d. 1620), in ODNB, URL: www.oxforddnb.com (accessed 13 February 2008); L. E. Pennington (ed.), The Purchas Handbook: Studies of the Life, Times and Writings of Samuel Purchas 1577– 1626, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series 185–86, 2 vols. (London, 1997). 31 Pennington, The Purchas Handbook, I, pp. 259–60.

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manuscript of the log.32 Since Anderson’s account was never printed, this suggests strongly that these sections in the log and Clarke share a common earlier source. The title page of Clarke’s book indicates that he used material collected from other authors, but in the main text of the volume these authors are not specified in every instance. As stated above, though, it was not uncommon for writers of travel journals to incorporate sections from earlier works without attribution.33 The second seventeenth-century source which shares some similarities with the text of the log, although to a lesser extent than Clarke’s work, is Sir Thomas Herbert’s A Relation of Some Yeares Trauaile Begunne Anno 1626. In Afrique and the Greater Asia, which was printed in London in 1634. ‘Herb. Travels’ is one of the sources acknowledged by Clarke in his book, as can be seen, for example, at the end of Clarke’s section on Madagascar. However, Clarke’s description of Madagascar is not identical to that of Herbert. Some of the same information which is given in Clarke appears in Herbert, but it is not in the same order.34 In Anderson’s log the section on Madagascar parallels the order used in Clarke, as does Anderson’s description of the Cape of Good Hope, which in Clarke’s work also has similarities to the description given by Herbert. However, Anderson’s description of the Cape of Good Hope contains the phrase ‘or quhat ells ye Mirthfull sayler exchange for Beeiffe, Mutton ostridge eggeshells, litle tortoizes &c.’ which does not appear in Clarke, but is close to Herbert’s ‘or what else the mirthfull Saylers exchange for Ostrich-egge-shels, Tortoises, Wood-sorrell, Beeues, Mutton, or the like’.35 Likewise Anderson’s section on ‘Patania’ has similarities with the description of ‘Patania’ in Clarke and in Herbert, and includes material found in the latter which is not in the former. For example, Anderson describes the people as frequently speaking three languages:

32

As will be discussed below the log is written in the hand of Sir James Balfour of Denmilne who died on 14 February 1657. 33 Samuel Clarke is known to have used other writers without attribution in this 1657 work. Pennington states that Clarke ‘seldom gives his sources directly, but according to Colin Steele, he borrowed heavily from Purchas, particularly for his Spanish authors, and his account of Bartolomé de las Casas is taken word-for-word from Pilgrimage’. Pennington, The Purchas Handbook, I, p. 6. 34 S. Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World . . . (London, 1657), pp. 78–79; T. Herbert, A Relation of Some Yeares Trauaile Begunne Anno 1626. In Afrique and the Greater Asia . . . (London, 1634), pp. 19–20. 35 Anderson’s Log, fol. 64r; Herbert, A Relation of Some Yeares Trauaile Begunne Anno 1626, p. 14.

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chapter two Malaya wich they as ye Hebrues from ye right hand to ye left, Syam from ye left hand to ye right as we, China right doune, all three wssefull and affected by the Industrouus.36

Similarly Herbert states that they frequently speak three languages and that: Their writing differs, one which is the Malay from the right hand to the left, as the Hebrewes, another the Syam, from the left to the right, as we, a third which is the China, right downe, and bending to way, all very vsuall and affected by the darefull.37

Anderson does not refer to Herbert or to Clarke, thus not diminishing the probability that an earlier common source was being used. However, in the description of Malabar and its ruler, Anderson does refer to and corrects ‘Maffeus’. Regarding a comment on the Naire, the Malabar nobility, he states ‘Maffeus Improperly Imagins them a kynd of Bramenes, to no sorte of people more wnlyke, the Bramyns beinge men of peace; the Nayro euer quarraling’.38 Petrus Maffeus, or rather Gian Pietro Maffei, a sixteenth-century Italian Jesuit wrote Historiarum Indicarum libri XVI, a Latin work, which was first printed in 1588. It was a popular work, being reissued in 1588, 1589, 1590 and 1593, and was translated into Italian (printed in 1589) and French (printed in 1604).39 Many seventeenth-century travel writers used Maffei’s writings in their works. While Anderson uses older material (and notably mentions Van Linschoten and Maffei directly), he gives the impression of being knowledgeable about recent events. Aside from his valuable, detailed description of the sea battle against the Nossa Senhora da Quietação, he writes of the capture of Malacca by the Dutch from the Portuguese in 1642 (recte 1641) and of events in Borneo in 1638.40 However, elsewhere there is no up-to-date information. Despite the fact that his voyage was to and from Batavia, his description of Batavia itself is disappointingly slim. For instance, there is no account of recent building work in the town such as the Cross Church and the Chinese hos-

36 37 38 39 40

Anderson’s Log, fol. 46r. Herbert, A Relation of Some Yeares Trauaile Begunne Anno 1626, pp. 197–98. Anderson’s Log, fol. 37r. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe volume I, p. 325. Anderson’s Log, fols. 45r and 53r. See Chapter 5.

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pital which were both built in 1640 and are later mentioned by John Nieuhoff in his journal entries (for 1665).41 The Copyist: James Balfour of Denmilne As already stated, the manuscript of Anderson’s journal is a copy. This raises the question of whether the more descriptive sections about places and peoples were inserted by the copyist rather than Anderson. The statements correcting Van Linschoten and Maffei would suggest otherwise, perhaps. In addition, these descriptive sections are inserted between the log-book entries for September 1641 and May 1642, during which time Anderson was involved in the VOC blockade off the coast of Goa and may have had the opportunity to write up these sections. Anderson makes no decisive statement, though, to confirm this. He can be contrasted with John Nieuhoff who, when referring to the house which lodged all the artisans belonging to the Company at Batavia, stated: I had for some time my lodgings in this house; and here it was that I first made the draught, and afterwards made the description of Batavia.42

Anderson’s journal is written in the hand of Sir James Balfour of Denmilne (d.1657), who held the official position in Scotland as Lord Lyon King of Arms from 15 June 1630.43 In this capacity Balfour was responsible for recording ceremonial events, such as the funeral accounts of members of the nobility.44 He also wrote historical works and was a

41 ‘Mr. John Nieuhoff’s Remarkable Voyages and Travels to the East Indies’, in A Collection of Voyages and Travels, compiled by A. and J. Churchill, II, pp. 138–302, at pp. 253 and 255. 42 Ibid., p. 255. 43 For biographies of Balfour, see Alexander Du Toit, ‘Balfour, Sir James, of Denmiln and Kinnaird’, in ODNB, URL: www.oxforddnb.com (accessed 20 December 2006) and I. C. Cunningham, ‘Sir James Balfour of Denmilne’. Available on the NLS web page, URL: www.nls.uk/pont/bio/balfour.html (accessed 27 June 2005). In these two biographies, however, there is some discrepancy about the date of Balfour’s birth. Du Toit gives the date as 1603/4 while Cunningham has ‘probably in the mid 1590s’. For discussion of the dating problem, see J. D. Mackie, The Denmilne Manuscripts in the National Library of Scotland, The Historical Association of Scotland, new series 5 (Edinburgh, 1928), p. 4. 44 See, for example, Balfour’s notes on the funeral ceremonies of five nobles between 1625 and 1637. NLS, Adv. MS. 33.2.11, Register of interments and Funeralls since the ʒeir of our Redemptione (1620).

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great antiquary. According to Ian Cunningham ‘the main period of his collecting activity seems to have been the late 1620s and the 1630s’.45 Balfour’s diverse interests are displayed in a catalogue, compiled in 1698, for a sale of manuscripts which had belonged to him.46 In the section of the list entitled ‘Modern Histories MS’ are the titles of eight works, including Henry Maule of Melgum’s History of the Picts and annals of the reign of Charles I by Balfour himself. The eighth item is: Captain John Anderson his fourth voyage to the East Indies, containing the Course he kept, the Winds and Weather by the way, and Description of the chief Places frequented by the Europeans, folio.47

Books which had belonged to James Balfour and his brother Andrew were listed in a catalogue for a sale in 1699. This catalogue includes several works of interest in the context of this discussion. For example, there are four volumes of the 1625 edition of Purchas’ Pilgrimes and a 1617 edition of his Pilgrimages, as well as two volumes of the 1599 edition of Hakluyt’s Principal Voyages (entitled Voyages of the English Nation in the catalogue) and a French volume, Hist. de Navigation aux Indies Orientales par les Hollandois (Amsterdam, 1558). Interestingly, there is also the English edition of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario (entitled Voyages to the East and West Indies in the catalogue).48 The mere presence of these items in this latter catalogue may help to explain why Balfour was interested in copying Anderson’s journal, or even suggest and support the notion that it was Balfour himself who inserted the lengthier passages. Furthermore, Balfour had been created a baronet in 1633 and had been granted lands in Nova Scotia. Although he does

45 Cunningham, ‘Sir James Balfour of Denmilne’. For an account of Balfour and his writings, see Mackie, The Denmilne Manuscripts in the National Library of Scotland. See also I. C. Cunningham, ‘Sir James Balfour’s Manuscript Collection. The 1698 Catalogue and Other Sources’, Edinburgh Bibliographical Society Transactions 6, pt. 6 (2004), pp. 191–255. 46 A Catalogue of Curious Manuscripts being Historical, Political, Theological, Juridical, Physical, and Philosophical, with some Poets and Orators, their Writings, Ancient and Modern. Collected by Sir James Balfour of Kinaird, Knight-Baronet, and Lyon King at Arms, Kept in his Famous Study of Denmilne. And Now Exposed to Sale (Edinburgh, 1698). 47 Ibid., p. 6. 48 Catalogus selectissimorum in quavis Lingua & Facultate librorum quorum maxima pars pertinebat ad Clarissimos Fratres D. D. Balfourios Jacobum de Kinnaird, Equitem, Leonem Regem Armorum, et Andream Med. Doct. Equitem Auratum . . . (Edinburgh, 1699), pp. 18, 20.

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not seem to have taken possession of these lands, and that the ‘new and not highly valued Nova Scotia baronetcies were dreamt up as a revenue-making device’, it does highlight that he had direct knowledge of contemporary colonisation schemes.49 Balfour had interests in chorography too, compiling (between c. 1632 and c. 1654) a manuscript entitled Topographical Descriptions relating to Scotland50 and he had gained possession of the maps of the Scottish cartographer Timothy Pont in or shortly before 1628, through purchase from Pont’s heirs, with an intention to publish them.51 These maps were later to be used by Willem Jansz Blaeu (1571–1638) and Joan Blaeu (1598/9–1673) for Volume Five (printed in 1654) of their world atlas—Theatrum orbis terrarum sive Atlas Novus—after Sir John Scot of Scotstarvit had informed the Blaeus of the existence of the maps.52 Jeffrey Stone has written that it is unclear, though, whether Balfour passed Pont’s maps to Blaeu directly or whether John Scot of Scotstarvit acted as an intermediary.53 Sir John Scot of Scotstarvit (1585–1670), who held office as Director of Chancery, Lord of Session and Privy Councillor, ‘had been in correspondence with Willem Blaeu about the publication of a volume of Latin poetry’ since the mid-1620s and became an instrumental figure in securing and compiling Scottish material for the Atlas Novus. What survives of Scot’s correspondence with Willem and Joan Blaeu in the years 1626–33 and 1641–57 is held in the National Library of Scotland and has recently been translated and published.54 Balfour is mentioned a couple of times in this correspondence. In a letter of Willem Blaeu to John Scot, 17 June 1631, Blaeu makes reference to a letter of Balfour,

49 Du Toit, ‘Balfour, Sir James, of Denmiln and Kinnaird’; K. M. Brown, Noble Society in Scotland: Wealth, Family and Culture, from Reformation to Revolution (Edinburgh, 2000), p. 9. 50 NLS, Adv. MS. 33.2.27. 51 C. W. J. Withers, ‘ “Our Scotland is Put on View”: Mapmaking, Geography and National Identity in the Seventeenth Century—Blaeu’s 1654 Atlas Novus in Wider Context’, in The Blaeu Atlas of Scotland: Scotland from Theatrum Orbis Terrarum sive Atlas Novus Pars Quinta. Published by Joan Blaeu. Amsterdam. 1654 (Edinburgh, 2006), pp. 11–15, at pp. 11 and 14. 52 Cunningham, ‘Sir James Balfour of Denmilne’. 53 J. Stone, ‘Sir John Scot of Scotstarvit’. Available on the NLS web page, URL: www. nls.uk/pont/bio/scotstarvit.html (accessed 27 June 2005). 54 Withers, ‘ “Our Scotland is Put on View”: Mapmaking, Geography and National Identity in the Seventeenth Century’, p. 11. The surviving correspondence between Scot and the Blaeus has been translated and published in The Blaeu Atlas of Scotland, pp. 21–26.

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which had obviously been enclosed with Scot’s latest correspondence.55 Another letter of Willem Blaeu to John Scot, 7 June 1633, contains the statement ‘Greet Lord Balfour from me’.56 Furthermore, regarding Balfour’s Topographical Descriptions relating to Scotland Ian Cunningham has stated that: According to Sibbald this volume was also sent to Joan Blaeu, who was so pleased with it that he dedicated his map of Lorne to Balfour in the 1654 Atlas novus, and displayed an engraving of Balfour’s coat of arms.57

This all suggests a positive relationship between the Blaeus and Balfour. On the other hand, although Balfour had gained possession of Pont’s maps from his heirs and had made them available to the Blaeus, a letter dated 24 January 1648 from Robert Gordon of Straloch to John Scot not only criticises the neglect of the heirs in preserving the maps but also claims that the unnamed purchaser of the maps (presumably Balfour) was even worse than the heirs and intended to keep the maps secret.58 Scot is presented as the hero who rescues them from obscurity and ruin. This would suggest that Balfour was not so interested in such matters, but he may be being presented in a bad light in this letter in order to enhance Scot’s role in the venture.59 Balfour’s links with the Blaeus is significant because in 1638 Joan Blaeu was appointed Chief Cartographer to the VOC and would therefore have had access to official log-books such as that of Anderson, since it was a requirement that ships’ journals were handed in to the Company so that corrections and additions could be made to Company charts.60 We know that in September 1645 Scot of Scotstarvit went to Amsterdam to assist Joan Blaeu with the compilation of the Scottish

55

The Blaeu Atlas of Scotland, p. 23, no. 6. Ibid., p. 23, no. 7. 57 Cunningham, ‘Sir James Balfour of Denmilne’. For the Lorne map, see The Blaeu Atlas of Scotland, Map 34. Mackie notes that ‘Sir Robert Sibbald published in 1699 his Memoria Balfouriana commending Sir James and his brother Sir Andrew’. Mackie, The Denmilne Manuscripts in the National Library of Scotland, p. 4 n. 1. 58 The letter is printed in The Blaeu Atlas of Scotland, p. 32. See also J. Stone, ‘Timothy Pont: Three Centuries of Research, Speculation and Plagiarism’, in I. C. Cunningham (ed.), The Nation Survey’d: Timothy Pont’s Maps of Scotland (East Linton, 2001), pp. 1–26, at pp. 8–10. 59 See Cunningham, ‘Sir James Balfour of Denmilne’. 60 C. Fleet, ‘Joan Blaeu (c.1599–1673)’. Available on the NLS web page, URL: www. nls.uk/pont/bio/blaeu.html (accessed 27 June 2005); DAS, I, p. 61; K. Zandvliet, Mapping for Money: Maps, Plans and Topographic Paintings and their Role in Dutch Overseas Expansion during the 16th and 17th Centuries (Amsterdam, 1998), pp. 118–30. 56

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material for the Atlas Novus. This was not too long after Anderson’s return from the East Indies in July 1643. One can only speculate that this may have been a good opportunity for the log-book to have been passed to Scotstarvit who may then have passed it on to Balfour for copying. The Market for Anderson’s Log The journal ends with an address to the reader which appears to be signed by John Anderson. It reads: The Author to the Reider Courteous Rider [sic] after my circumnauigatione of the Globe, and three seuerall, woyages, to ye orientall Indies and Iyllandes therof, I againe, made this fourte woyage to Battauia in ye Iyle Iaua wich Now I present wnto the, with all intreatting ye to be aduertissed yat ye accompte of this iornall is according to ye New style, wich is .10. dayes befor—yat of ye old. and yat ye Myles in this Jornall lykwayes, are all Scottes Myles, wich compte of lenthe, and breid I haue reduced to ye Measure of my auen Natione. and nather folloued ye dutche nor Englische. so wishing the partaker of thesse pleasures, in the Reiding of this, wich I my selue fand in performance therof, and besydes all happines both heir and eternally heirafter, shall be ye earnist desire of thy. faithfull frind. John Andersone61

This address is revealing in a number of ways. Not only does it place emphasis on Anderson’s experience as a mariner who has circumnavigated the globe and completed four voyages to Batavia, but it also lays stress on his nationality. Furthermore, it is clear that he wanted his journal to be read by a non-official readership and that he does not make his address to a specific individual. There was clearly an expectation that his work would be published, more than likely for a Scottish readership who would welcome his use of Scots miles; Scots words such as ‘fyreslaught’ (lightning); and the mention of Scottish places, such as the island of Fulla and the Wick of Caithness, towards the end of the return voyage.62 61

Anderson’s Log, fol. 80r. For the use of ‘fyreslaught’, see Anderson’s Log, fol. 9r (10 March 1641); fol. 23r (14 August 1641); fol. 62r (21 February 1643). For mention of Fulla and the Wick of Caithness, see Anderson’s Log, fols. 78r-79r (28 June, 29 June, 2 July 1643). The River Forth is also referred to in comparison with a river at Malacca; see Anderson’s Log, fol. 45r. 62

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There was a market in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Scotland for works relating to navigation, voyages and discoveries. The navigational works The Rudder of the Sea and The Art of Navigation, a translation by Richard Eden from Martin Cortes, are listed in the wills and inventories of the Edinburgh printer Thomas Bassandyne and Robert Gourlaw, an Edinburgh bookbinder, respectively.63 Several works in booksellers’ inventories and university libraries relate to discoveries in North America. For example, in the 1636 Edinburgh University library catalogue there is ‘Nova Scotia. The King’s Patent to Sir W. Alexander . . . From the fourth part of Purchase his Pilgrimes’.64 According to Robert MacDonald booksellers’ inventories and university catalogues reveal evidence about what was being sold, taught and studied but may ‘not tell us much about the reading taste of Scottish literate society in the early seventeenth century’.65 Works contained within private libraries are perhaps more indicative of reading tastes. The poet William Drummond of Hawthornden (1585–1649) owned Edward Wright’s navigational work Description and use of the sphere and had several books relating to the New World discoveries as well as Jesuit material from the East: Rerum a Societate Iesu in Oriente gestarum volumen . . . (Cologne, 1574).66 Furthermore, ‘we can be almost certain that he had the second edition of Samuel Purchas’ Pilgrimage, for he used that in his Cypresse grove.’67 It is highly likely that the English translation of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario was owned by James Balfour of Denmilne (see above) and a further connection with Van Linschoten’s work can be found on the decorative ceiling in the chapel of the residence of Stobhall in Perthshire. Stobhall was built in 1578 by David, second Lord Drummond

63 M. A. Bald, ‘Vernacular Books Imported into Scotland, 1500–1625’, The Scottish Historical Review 23 (1925–6), pp. 254–67, at p. 261. For the wills and inventories of Bassandyne (1577) and Gourlaw (1585), see The Bannatyne Miscellany; Containing Original Papers and Tracts, Chiefly Relating to the History and Literature of Scotland, ed. by W. Scott, D. Laing and T. Thomson, Bannatyne Club 19, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1836), II, pp. 191–204, 209–17. 64 Bald, ‘Vernacular Books Imported into Scotland, 1500–1625’, p. 263. 65 R. H. MacDonald (ed.), The Library of Drummond of Hawthornden (Edinburgh, 1971), p. 43. 66 For The Description and Use of the Sphere in Drummond’s library, see MacDonald, The Library of Drummond of Hawthornden, pp. 69 and 203, no. 950. For works relating to the New World, see pp. 67, 187, no. 697, 195, no. 813, 201, nos. 917, 918. For the Jesuit volume, see p. 177, no. 523. 67 Ibid., p. 49.

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and the painting is datable to the reign of Charles I.68 The ceiling consists of five sections with two labelled portraits of reigning monarchs and The pictures of several of the monarchs resemble contemporary equestrian portraits of Charles I, Gustavus Adolphus and so on, but the King of Mauretania, who rides an elephant with naked attendants holding swords and shields, is modelled on a print by Jan Doetechem of ‘Cochini Rex’ in J. H. van Linschoten’s Itinerario Voyage Ofte Schipvaert . . . naar Oost (Amsterdam 1596, English trans. 1598).69

An especially popular Scottish travel account was (and remains) William Lithgow’s The Totall Discourse of the Rare Adventures and Painefull Peregrinations of Long Nineteene Yeares Travayles from Scotland to the Most Famous Kingdomes in Europe, Asia and Africa (London, 1632), which contains accounts of three main expeditions undertaken by Lithgow over almost two decades.70 Regarding travel writing in English, Hadfield has written that the ‘first significant works by travel writers—Fynes Moryson, Thomas Coryat, William Lithgow—betray signs of anxiety and confusion concerning their exact purpose and generic identity’.71 Nevertheless, the Totall Discourse was a popular work: its popularity can be gauged from the number of editions, possibly ten, which were printed in the seventeenth century and its translation into Dutch.72 Reid attributes its popularity not to novelty, nor

68

M. Bath, Renaissance Decorative Painting in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2003), pp. 267–68. 69 Ibid., p. 268. 70 The Totall Discourse of the Rare Adventures and Painefull Peregrinations of Long Nineteene Yeares Travayles from Scotland to the Most Famous Kingdomes in Europe, Asia and Africa (London, 1632) includes and expands upon earlier printed works by Lithgow. His A Most Delectable and True Discourse, of an Admired and Painefull Peregrination (London, 1614) was written as an account of his first expedition. A later edition in 1623 added accounts of the later expeditions. For Lithgow, see M. Garrett, ‘Lithgow, William (b. 1582, d. in or after 1645), in ODNB, URL: www.oxforddnb.com (accessed 19 January 2007). 71 A. Hadfield, Literature, Travel, and Colonial Writing in the English Renaissance, 1545–1625 (Oxford, 1998), p. 4. 72 D. Reid, ‘What William Lithgow was Doing Abroad: The Rare Adventures and Painfull Peregrinations’, in G. Caie, R. J. Lyall, S. Mapstone and K. Simpson (eds.), The European Sun: Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference on Medieval and Renaissance Scottish Language and Literature (East Linton, 2001), pp. 520–33; Willem Lithgouws 19. jaarige lant-reyse vyt Schotlant, near [. . .] Europa, Asia ende Africa (Amsterdam, 1652). Reprints of the Dutch edition appeared in 1653, 1656, 1669 and 1694.

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informativeness, but to the personal element—particularly the character of Lithgow himself.73 Lithgow was not only a travel writer, though. His later works, in poetry and prose, include descriptions of warfare and fortifications. He was an eye witness of the sieges of Breda (1637) and Newcastle (1645).74 In addition, he wrote a poetic discourse on the explosion at Dunglass castle in August 1640, which includes a list of many of those who were killed, and later, in 1643, a survey of London, focusing on its fortifications.75 That Lithgow’s descriptions of warfare at Newcastle and Dunglass were both printed in Scotland suggests that Scottish printers were catering for a Scottish readership which had an appetite for accounts of contemporary warfare. Several manuals on military discipline were printed in the early seventeenth century in Scotland; for example, Rudiments of militarie discipline (1638) and Articles of militarie discipline (1639).76 Earlier, in 1627 Sir Thomas Kellie’s Pallas Armata, or militarie instructions for the learned . . . had been printed. Its introductory matter includes commendatory verses written by William Drummond, who had a copy of the book in his library.77 Among the 1,200 books owned by Walter, first earl of Buccleuch (d. 1633), a soldier and contemporary of Drummond, ‘the most common theme was warfare and military science, including mathematics, horsemanship and history’.78 The exploits of Scots in Swedish service in the first half of the seventeenth century were also being recounted and printed for readers in Scotland and elsewhere. The catalogue of James Balfour’s books includes The Swedish Intelligencer, an account of Swedish military activity in 1630–34, which was written by an anonymous Englishman and printed in several parts from 1632 to 1634. It featured much Scot-

73

Reid, ‘What William Lithgow was Doing Abroad’, pp. 521, 529–33. A True and Experimentall Discourse, Upon the Beginning, Proceeding, and Victorious Event of this Last Siege of Breda (London, 1637); A True Experimentall and Exact Relation Upon That Famous and Renowned Siege of Newcastle (Edinburgh, 1645). 75 A briefe and summarie discourse upon that lamentable and dreadfull disaster at Dunglasse (Edinburgh, 1640); The present surveigh of London and Englands state (London, 1643). 76 H. G. Aldis, A List of Books Printed in Scotland Before 1700 (Edinburgh, 1970), nos. 934, 939. 77 T. Kellie, Pallas Armata or Militarie Instructions (Amsterdam and New York, 1971); MacDonald, The Library of Drummond of Hawthornden, pp. 50, 197, no. 852. 78 Brown, Noble Society in Scotland, p. 220. 74

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tish participation as did The Swedish Discipline, which was printed in 1632.79 The same decade saw what ‘appears to be the first history of a regiment ever written, in any language’. This was Monro His Expedition with a worthy Scots regiment—called Mac-Keyes (London, 1637).80 This narrative by Colonel Robert Monro (c. 1590–1680) has been described as: a swash-buckling account of his adventures in Danish and Swedish service, a tale of sieges, battles, mutinies, murders, rapes and heroism worthy of a Hollywood epic.81

It is in this printing context that Anderson’s log has to be considered, yet his account of his voyage to Asia was never published. There are several reasons that can be suggested for this. First, the ending of Anderson’s voyage in 1643 and presumably the subsequent attempt to publish his account of that voyage coincided with the period of the British Civil Wars. Balfour, who had copied the only extant copy of the log, had possibly been asked to help with its publication. He may even have inserted some of the narrative passages to improve the material for this purpose. Balfour was a strong supporter of King Charles I (1625–49) and during the Civil War period his political career and influence was bound up with the fortune of the King, although he remained as Lord Lyon King of Arms until he was deposed by Cromwell in 1654.82 Secondly, from what has been discovered about the borrowing of material from earlier writers in the log, it appears that there was little new information in the narrative sections, other than the sea battle involving the capture of the Nossa Senhora da Quietação and perhaps some of the other comments on indigenous warfare, and it may have been considered that it was not worth publishing for

79 Catalogus selectissimorum in quavis Lingua & Facultate librorum quorum maxima pars pertinebat ad Clarissimos Fratres D. D. Balfourios, p. 21; Anon., The Swedish Intelligencer (London, 1632–34); Anon., The Swedish Discipline (London, 1632). 80 W. S. Brockington (ed.), Monro, his Expedition with the Worthy Scots Regiment called Mac-Keys (Westport, CT and London, 1999), p. ix. 81 [T.] C. Smout, ‘The Culture of Migration: Scots as Europeans 1500–1800’, History Workshop Journal 40 (1995), pp. 108–17, at pp. 111–12. For two later narratives by Scots involved in seventeenth-century military service, see T. Ameer-Ali (ed.), Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill (London and New York, 1918) and Sir James Turner, Memoirs of his own Life and Times, ed. by T. Thomson, Bannatyne Club 28 (Edinburgh, 1829). 82 Du Toit, ‘Balfour, Sir James, of Denmiln and Kinnaird’; Mackie, ‘The Denmilne Manuscripts’, p. 6.

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this reason.83 Thirdly, the narrative lacks a strong personal element: Anderson reveals very little about himself and nothing about those with whom he sailed. Conclusion Although Anderson’s log was not published in the years immediately following what was his fourth voyage to Java, today it is valuable as a historical source. Not only are the navigational directions and details which it contains particularly useful to historians of navigation, but for Scottish historians it provides significant information about a Scot in Dutch service in the mid-seventeenth century, supplementing a growing body of evidence of nautical and military careers. Furthermore, it contains new information about military matters, especially the VOC blockade off the coast of Goa in 1641–42 and is thus of considerable value to scholars of European warfare in Asia. Finally, the log should also be considered within the genre of travel writing. While it can be assessed as a work within its own right and in comparison to other journals, its use of works by earlier writers makes it extremely relevant to the area of reception studies. Balfour’s role as a copyist raises interesting questions too about how the log was transmitted to Scotland and whether or not he added material to the original source. Therefore Anderson’s log is a work which has much to offer to scholars with interests as diverse as literary studies, navigation and, importantly, the history of warfare.

83 Originality in travel writing in the seventeenth century did not ensure publication, however. One instance of this is the writings of the Cornish traveller Peter Mundy (c. 1596–c. 1667), whose diary records his travels to Europe and Asia, with a particular focus on India. Mundy’s work was not published until the early twentieth century despite the fact that his observations ‘appear to have been designed for a wider readership and reveal more about Jacobean perceptions of India than many more limited accounts more firmly in the public domain’. A. Hadfield (ed.), Amazons, Savages, and Machiavels. Travel and Colonial Writing in English, 1550–1630: an Anthology (Oxford, 2001), pp. 8 and 225.

CHAPTER THREE

THE LOG AS A REFLECTION OF THE PRACTICE OF NAVIGATION Introduction1 In December 1640, John Anderson left the Netherlands on board the East Indiaman ’s Hertogenbosch destined for Asia. The ship was built for and equipped by the Delft chamber of the VOC. It was normal practice for Dutch East Indiamen to sail in convoy during the transit between the United Provinces and Asia, both outward bound and homeward bound. The overall command of each fleet was under the charge of an Admiral. He was usually a senior merchant or a highranking Company servant, lacking in any nautical expertise or knowledge. To ensure the safe conduct of the fleet, the Admiral was assisted by the so-called brede raad, a privy council comprising senior servants and officers, including a Vice-Admiral, the merchants and the ships’ masters. When they were assembled onboard the flagship it flew a white flag.2 The safe, timely, and economical operation of a Dutch East Indiaman was the overall responsibility of the master. Fortunately, he could share this burden with two to four masters’ mates. These men played a variety of roles: the more experienced ones would participate in the daily chores, such as standing watch, making observations, calculating positions, correcting charts and drawing up the sailing directions. The younger members of the team studied and memorised the appearance of the sea and coasts. The sea is a telltale of all sorts of information, as John Anderson observed: this day in ye morning by brecke of day wee Did see the watter changed, then wee lookit out about .9. in ye Morning, and discrayed land. berand

1 We would like to thank Karel Davids and Anton Scheele for their comments and suggestions on an earlier version of this chapter. 2 Anderson’s Log, fol. 19r (19 July 1641), fol. 22r (7 August 1641); fol. 24r (27 August 1641); H. Ketting, Leven, werk en rebellie aan boord van Oost-Indiëvaarders, 1595–1650 (Amsterdam, 2002), p. 98.

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chapter three Northen to East from ws some 24. Myles distant Euen low land not heighe, wich wee Esteimed to be ye land by west Baya de La Goa lyand be East Cap de Aguilias being ye Southmost land of Affrick. quher wee threw out our lead and found 65. fathome Gray ousie clay and sand mixed, heir wee did see Infinitt Mumbers of sea foulles As Alcatrazes, Soland geeisse, and whyte Mewes. & Pictarnes, with grate Numbers of Sealls suiming about our shippes.3

The senior mates had to learn operational skills: how to operate an observation compass, judge speed, leeway, and drift, mark the passing of time and tides, interpret the weather, sound with lead and line to determine the depth and nature of the seabed, make celestial observations, and keep a daily reckoning (the so-called Day’s Work). The log of Captain John Anderson reflects this daily practice of navigation.4 This chapter deals with the art of navigation, which developed out of the art of pilotage, to meet the needs of the oceanic sailor who wished to find his position when out of sight of land.5 The Outward Bound Voyage The most important source of information for the sea route to Asia was the aforenoted Jan Huygen van Linschoten. He returned to the Netherlands in 1592, having spent thirteen years abroad, including five years in the Indian port of Goa. His Reysgheschrift was prepared for publication in March 1595 for the benefit of Cornelis de Houtman. The book is ‘a kind of seaman’s manual with sailing instructions and descriptions of harbours, compiled from Portuguese and Spanish seafaring manuals’.6 It is apparent from Anderson’s log that he was familiar with the writings of Van Linschoten.7 The voyage undertaken by the ’s Hertogenbosch was a typical one for the mid-seventeenth century. Upon leaving the roads of Goeree on 29 December 1640, the shortest route south was that through the English Channel. After that, the first point of reference was the Canary Islands, which Anderson sighted on 11 January 1641.8 Having passed 3

Anderson’s Log, fol. 63r (22 February 1643). A. R. T. Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism in the Age of Sail (Baltimore and London, 2003), pp. 131–33. 5 D. W. Waters, The Art of Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times (London, 1958), p. 39. 6 DAS, I, p. 59. For De Houtman’s voyage, see Chapter 4. 7 Anderson’s Log, fol. 32r. See Chapter 2. 8 Anderson’s Log, fol. 2r (29 December 1640); fol. 4r (11 January 1641). 4

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the Cape Verde Islands, which were not sighted by Anderson, ships often found themselves in great difficulties. Ships on the Atlantic north of the equator ran the risk of sailing either too far west, or too far east, ending up in the Gulf of Guinea. By the 1620s, the recommended course for crossing the equator was set out in detail in sailing instructions. A virtual shipping lane, depicted on the charts as way points connected by lines, was used: the so-called wagenspoor (cart track). As long as ships managed to stay between these lines there was no danger of erring too far east or west. The wagenspoor started south of the Cape Verde Islands at about twelve degrees and, propelled by the trade winds, the ships could easily cross the equator safely. Upon arriving in the southern hemisphere and having passed the easternmost point of Brazil (for which Anderson used the Ilha da Trindade (20° 30’ S, 29° 19’ W) as reference)9 ships crossed the western part of the Atlantic with a favourable wind and current. From around 30 degrees south ships made for the Cape of Good Hope. As early as 1616, it was decided that the only port of call on the way to Asia was to be the Cape of Good Hope. But in practice this rule was not always obeyed. The voyage of the ’s Hertogenbosch was one such exception. Already in the southern Atlantic the ship reached a latitude of 39 degrees south, staying clear of the Cape. On 23 March 1641 the ship crossed the meridian of Cape Agulhas, the southernmost tip of Africa. The stage to the Cape was the longest lap both in distance and in time. For VOC ships the average time taken was 136 days. At an average daily speed of a good 60 nautical miles an East Indiaman would reach the Cape in four-and-a-half months. Lasting less than 80 days, the crossing by the ’s Hertogenbosch was rather fast. This may be why the ship did not call at the Cape. Now the second stage of the voyage began: the crossing of the Indian Ocean to the East Indies. By the 1620s, it was already compulsory at this point in the journey not to sail northwards, along the African east coast, but to make use of the westerlies prevailing south of the Cape. By sailing far enough east the ship could be taken to the East Indian archipelago by the southeast trade wind. An important additional advantage of this southern route was the reduced risks of hurricanes and the benefit of cooler temperatures, resulting in the better preservation of victuals; in addition, those on board stayed in better health.

9

Anderson’s Log, fol. 7r (15 February 1641).

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So, upon leaving the Cape, an easterly course had to be sailed, with westerlies, for a thousand miles; after that a northern course was followed to Java. It is not clear which mile was meant at that time, probably the Snellius mile of 7,158 metres. Two dangers lurked in an untimely change of course. If ships heading for Batavia on the island of Java via the Sunda Strait turned north too early, they ended up near the coast of Sumatra. If a ship sailed too far east, however, it faced the rocky coastal waters of western Australia. It is obvious that determining the point at which the thousand miles had been completed was highly susceptible to error. The islands of Saint Paul and Amsterdam, situated at about 38 and 36 degrees and, according to these instructions, 700 miles east of the Cape, formed some point of reference. Moving on from the meridian of Cape Agulhas, for the following three weeks the ’s Hertogenbosch sailed 2,612 Scottish miles, approximately 2,558 nautical miles (4,738 km). After crossing the Cargados Carajos Shoals (also known as the Saint Brandon Rocks), lying 16 degrees south, on 12 April 1641, and passing the Île Saint Paul and Île Amsterdam the next day, a more northerly course was steered, heading for the Sunda Strait. For the majority of ships, Batavia was the first destination in Asia. The average duration of the journey from the Cape to Batavia in the 1640s was 63 days. For this stage the ’s Hertogenbosch took only 49 days. The approximately 15,000 nautical miles from the Netherlands to Batavia were on average completed in 243 days, which is about eight months; this includes a stopover at the Cape. Anderson’s voyage took only 134 days (29 December 1640–11 May 1641) to cover the distance. The Homeward Bound Voyage The same patterns of winds and ocean currents which determined the course on the voyage out to Asia also determined the return voyage from Batavia. Ships could sail with the wind at their back the whole way and, moreover, the currents flowed in the same directions. There were no problems at the equator: the south equatorial current helped ships through the doldrums. Only rounding the Cape could be difficult. The directors wanted some certainty about the returning fleets’ expected dates of arrival. They considered the period between April and October to be the most favourable. The heavily laden ships could reach port before the autumn gales, and the goods could be auctioned before winter. Buyers could still ship their purchased goods before

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the onset of frosts. The authorities in Batavia had to ensure that the homeward bound fleet departed in November and certainly no later than 15 December. The war against the Iberians necessitated sailing in convoy whenever possible, to ‘be of assistance to one another in danger and otherwise’.10 Anderson’s return fleet, comprising the Tijger, Middelburg, Vrede, West-Friesland, ’s Hertogenbosch, Enkhuizen, and Henriette Louise, left Batavia on 13 December 1642. Dutch East Indiamen had no need to take the seasons into consideration when leaving the Batavia roadstead and passing through Sunda Strait. In reality, however, because the westerlies prevailed most strongly in December–February, right at the start of the return voyage, sailing through the Sunda Straight was no easy matter. It took Anderson almost two weeks. Past the Strait the west or east monsoon enabled a ship to reach the necessary latitude. Anderson used approximately twenty degrees south, where the southeast trade winds prevailed, and an approximately southeast course could be held to the Cape of Good Hope. One potential danger awaited the homeward bound fleet on its way to the Cape. Cyclones frequently raged in the area round Mauritius from January to March. The sailing orders describe how a ship should try and weather these as best it could. The ’s Hertogenbosch, luckily, did not encounter such an event. Thus, the journey across the Indian Ocean was a straightforward route: upon reaching the trade wind a ship practically steered a straight line to the Cape. Even before a settlement was established at the Cape to provide a supply and refreshment station in 1652, most ships already used the Cape as the first port of call, as with the outward bound journey. The ’s Hertogenbosch was no exception. On 2 March she anchored in the False Bay. The distance between Batavia and the Cape is nearly 5,900 nautical miles. The average duration of this trip in the 1640s was 79 days, so at 80 days Anderson’s crossing was average. Near the Cape of Good Hope there are several bays which offer good anchorage for ships. False Bay is situated east of the Cape of Good Hope, and west of the southernmost point of Africa, Cape Agulhas. Table Bay is located to the west of the Cape, and Saldanha Bay is a more northerly inlet. At the Cape there was plenty of fresh water, and the sailors could gather fruit and sometimes even had the chance of buying livestock from the indigenous population, the Khoikhoi. In Anderson’s words: 10

Van Dam, II, p. 42.

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chapter three quher wee lay till ye 11. day of this same Mounthe, takinge, freche watter. wich is werey Excellent and to be had with small paines. The people of this Cape, are Tauney Moores, and Gentills. they are a werey Miserable, and Basse people as in this Enseuing descriptione ʒe shall heire.11

Following a stop-over of 11 days, the ’s Hertogenbosch left the Cape on 11 March for the next leg of the voyage. The route to be taken from the Cape was almost self-evident. Seventeenth-century sailing instructions mentioned little more than to head for Saint Helena, this ‘buoy in the middle of the Spanish sea [Atlantic Ocean]’, as Van Linschoten called this island.12 This was considered necessary for position finding. Saint Helena offered opportunities for further fresh supplies. It was also used as a rendezvous for ships that had missed calling at the Cape. On 30 March the ’s Hertogenbosch anchored in the road of Saint Helena and stayed there until 12 April, ‘refreching our selues from ye Iylland’.13 From Saint Helena a northwestern course was held alongside Ascension island up to approximately 12 degrees north, after which a northerly and northwesterly course was sailed for the western Azores. Anderson sighted Ascension on 20 April. From there, two ways were open to ships: through the English Channel or round the north of Scotland. In 1628, the Gentlemen Seventeen decided to make the ‘backway’ north of Scotland compulsory for ships due to arrive before autumn. Risks of war and the activities of Dunkirk and Barbary corsairs contributed to this decision. The ‘backway’ was a longer route which meant an extra strain on the heavily laden ships and their crews. To meet the crews’ objections to this and ‘to make the men more eager’, from 1632 a bounty of three months’ pay was handed out to the crew. Furthermore, by sending small ships with supplies of food and drink to the Shetlands area the returning ships could be supplied with necessary provisions. The Company galliots also escorted the ships safe to the anchorage, as Anderson recorded: this day ye Bushes came with diuers kynds of freche fisches to ws in ye N. Sea. and this day ther came 2. Galliotts from Holland to ws, with pilotts, Men of Fleeland. and brought ws comissione yat wee should not come it at ye Texell bot at ye flee.14

11 12 13 14

Anderson’s Log, fol. 64r (2 March 1643). DAS, I, p. 86. Anderson’s Log, fol. 69r (30 March 1643). Anderson’s Log, fol. 78r (31 [sic] June 1643).

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The ’s Hertogenbosch arrived safely at the Flee on 9 July and probably dropped anchor at the Texel six days later.15 The distance of the return voyage from Batavia to home was approximately 14,000 nautical miles. The average duration of the voyage was 218 days, that is a good seven-and-a-half months. In 1643, the ’s Hertogenbosch sailed this distance in 210 days, only a few days short of the average. All in all, Anderson must have been a competent navigator. John Anderson the Pilot John Anderson was an experienced sailor. He had circumnavigated the globe and had made at least three voyages to the East Indies. He had rounded the Cape of Good Hope as early as 1618.16 A John Anderson, sailor, was in the service of the VOC in 1630, and is possibly, though not certainly, our man.17 What is beyond doubt is that, in 1640, our John Anderson made his fourth trip to Batavia.18 He calls himself Captain and pilot major. Both terms are a bit problematic because they were not commonly used by the Company. Presumably the rank of Captain is the equivalent of that of a master, in Dutch schipper. The function of pilot is not often listed in the Company’s payrolls. As Anderson is not mentioned as master of the ’s Hertogenbosch, his rank would be the most senior master’s mate on board. Navigators in the service of the VOC received a more or less standardised form of education: candidates could go to schools, learn from standard textbooks and take an exam before they joined Company service. In the major ports of the Netherlands there were private schools where pilots were trained. A number of these schools were run by experienced navigators, most of whom were involved, in one way or another, with the West or East India Companies, fulfilling roles such as those of pilots, examiners of Company pilots, or mapmakers. This school training was also complemented by theoretical and practical training at the hands of professional pilots.19 However, given

15

Anderson’s Log, fols. 78r–79r; DAS, III, pp. 46–47, no. 5307.3. Anderson’s Log, fol. 11r (22 March 1641). 17 For the several individuals of the name John Anderson who enlisted in the VOC, see Appendix B. 18 Anderson’s Log, fol. 80r. 19 C. A. Davids, Zeewezen en wetenschap. De wetenschap en de ontwikkeling van de navigatietechniek in Nederland tussen 1585–1815 (Amsterdam and Dieren, 1985), pp. 312–16. 16

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the movement between the various companies and private ships, we cannot be sure where exactly Anderson learned his craft, only that the VOC must have accepted that his learning met their standards.20 Certainly his statement within the last page of the log that the distances ‘are all Scottes Myles, wich compte of lenthe, and breid I haue reduced to ye Measure of my auen Natione’ is indicative that Anderson had a full awareness of Scottish practices of navigation.21 As pilot major Anderson must have been the most senior navigator of the fleet—in his words ‘Jhone: Andersone Pilat Maior of a Fleit of Hollanders to ye orientall Indies’22—and in this capacity acted as the most senior advisor on navigational matters to the Admiral of the fleet and the brede raad. In Asia, on board the flagship of Admiral Matthijs Quast he had the same function.23 On 7 August 1641, for instance, all navigators were assembled on board the Harderwijk, Admiral Quast’s flagship, to compare their notes: our Admirall Caussed ye Counsaill of Nauigatione to come abord and rander ther accomptes of Longitudes, Latitudes & difference, And My auen Accomptes wer found Neirest to ye Midle poynt of all ye Rest.24

Navigation involves the determination of position, course, and distance travelled during displacement. During the seventeenth century this kind of knowledge was considered an art and a craft rather than a science. Among the most important skills necessary to traverse an ocean was the ability to convert observations of celestial bodies into ship’s latitude and local magnetic declination, to carry out a daily reckoning by calculation and chart, and to keep a proper log. Heavenly observations could be obtained only under favourable atmospheric conditions; no instrument could measure accurately vessel speed or 20 See, for example, the movement of other men like Augustus Spalding from the EIC to the VOC and back again mentioned in Chapter 5. 21 Anderson’s Log, fol. 80r. For an indication of the techniques and instruments used in Scottish navigation in the period just prior to when Anderson would have been learning his craft, see A. B. Taylor, Alexander Lindsay: A Rutter of the Scottish Seas, abridged and ed. by I. H. Adams and G. Fortune, National Maritime Museum Monograph 44 (Greenwich, 1980). French published editions of this rutter were still being produced in the 1580s such as Nicolas de Nicolay, La Navigation du Roy d’Escosse (Paris, 1583) while editions appeared in London in 1609. For a cross reference chart showing the Scottish mile in context with English, French and Nautical miles as well as kilometres, see notes on mileage. 22 Anderson’s Log, fol. 1r. 23 Anderson’s Log, fol. 18r (4 July 1641). 24 Anderson’s Log, fol. 22r (7 August 1641).

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determine the effect of currents; longitude was often merely a welleducated guess. Nevertheless, mariners were not as helpless as is often assumed. Oceanic navigation required a structured approach of determining position and progress, as well as taking into account every possible clue that could contain helpful information to that effect.25 A common navigational method used on board VOC ships was that of dead-reckoning: incremental positional estimates based on the recorded steered course and speed/distances run. Both had to be known, before a dead-reckoning position could be estimated.26 There are many different ways to register this information. To keep a log is one method. On board Dutch East Indiamen, as with all oceanic vessels of the period, it was common practice to note all kinds of navigational data. During every voyage on every ship the master and his mates each kept a journal.27 Soon this was done in a uniform way on outward bound and homeward bound voyages. Free form started to give way to columned layout in the 1620s. Companies and navies achieved increased standardisation by supplying pre-printed forms. The log of John Anderson seems to be the oldest surviving example of a pre-printed log.28 As the most important source for gaining an insight into the navigational practice of a pilot is his log, this is a valuable document. Further Description of the Physical Appearance of the Log The left page of the opened log is divided into twelve columns containing information on the date, course steered, distance sailed, estimated latitude and longitude, found latitude, variation of the compass, and the direction and force of the wind. These were the required ingredients for ‘dead-reckoning’. The right page contains the observations on the main findings and other thoughts. The transcription of the log in this edition contains the text of the right page (folio recto). For example, the entry for 11 March 1641 at the top of folios 9v–10r reads as follows:

25

Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, p. 134. J. B. Hewson, A History of the Practice of Navigation, 2nd edn. (Glasgow, 1983), p. 178. 27 Ibid., pp. 172–77. 28 Ibid., p. 140; Davids, Zeewezen en wetenschap, pp. 150–51. 26

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Anno 1641 Maenden damy- gegiste middel bevondē lāgte scheel miswyhoedanicheyt gen. coursen. len. breedte lanckte breedte. oostl. westl. sing. winden. des weeders. Marche gra.mi. gra.mi. gra.mi. gr.m. gr.m. gra.mi. 11

E. T. S

144

2

3

4

1

00000

d. 8

5

d 37

m 55 000

6

000

none obse -rued

West

tope sayle Gale

7

8

9

KEY In roman the printed parts, in italics the written entries 1. The month 2. The day 3. The course steered 4. The distance sailed, in Scottish miles of 1,814 metres 5. The estimated longitude, in degrees and minutes 6. The found latitude, in degrees and minutes 7. The variation of the compass 8. The direction of the wind 9. The force of the wind

The first entry in the log which contains all the information for a deadreckoning was on 5 February 1641, two days after the ship had passed the equator, and it reads: our coursse beinge S. S. W. wee sayled .80. Myles Scottes being wnder ye 4. d. and 16. M. of Southerly Latitude, our Longitude being 350. degrees and 48. M. Magnete, Wariatione Northe east .4. degrees .3. Minuttes. with a good Gale at Southe East and by East.29

What kind of instruments John Anderson used is not known. No lists or accounts exist of charts and navigational instruments purchased for this voyage, and the log seldom tells us anything about the methods and instruments used. However, if we read the text carefully and use some general information about the most common methods of that era, we can shed some light on this topic. In what follows the naviga-

29

Anderson’s Log, fol. 6r (5 February 1641).

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Ghedachtenisse der voornemelijckste bevindingen. 1641 maenden.

dagen.

Marche 11.

10

11

The .11. day our Coursse was East and by Southe 144. Scottes Myles Latitude 37. degrees 55. M. Longitude .8. degrees, we obserued no Varriatione, ye wind at West with a fresche tope sayle gale. then did wee discrey ye Iyllands of Tristis de Acuna. East North east from ws about .25. Scottes Myles and then wee rune East till Night till wee pylled ye Grate Iyland right North from ws 3. leauges this Grate Iyland shoues to be 50. Myles in Circuit and ye lesser Iylland some .5. Myles with other .3. small Iylands or Rather Rockes langand S S. W. from ye grate Iyland some 2. leauges. 12

10. The month 11. The day 12. Observations on the main findings

tional data listed in the log, necessary for estimating a dead-reckoning, will be discussed. Course or Heading The first problem a sailor encountered was finding the true course.30 If one wants to arrive at a certain destination, one has to determine a course. In coastal waters one could rely on one’s own experience. If this was not the case, one could use the experience of others, set down in reading charts, roteiros or rutter (sailing directions), and descriptions of coasts. A rutter was a small pocket-book in which one recorded the magnetic compass courses between ports and capes; the distance between them stated in kennings of 20 miles (in England and 14 miles in Scottish waters); and all kinds of other information.31 To quote Anderson: during this tyme, wee discrayed tuo Iylandes, Called Altrinidado & Asscentiam. distant from ws Either of them 24. Scottes Myles. Altrinidado laying East and by Southe frome ws. appeiring to ws lyke a cowes foote,

30 31

Hewson, A History of the Practice of Navigation, pp. 179–90. Waters, The Art of Navigation, p. 11.

42

chapter three clouen ryssing in .2. hills shouing to be ane Iyland of some 18. Myles in Circumference, Not Inhabit bot full of woodes. Assentiam laying West North West from ws seimed to ws ane Iyland of ye same hieght as was ye former bot in Circuit appeiring double als bigge. wninhabit lykwayes, And by all our findinge, layeth. vpone ye same Lat: and Longitude aboue wrettin According to ye Calculatione of Teneriffe. wee did see tuo heigh hills layand North North east from ws. ye one hill showing to ws at sea lyke to a Sadle ye other lyke to a Sugar Looffe. wich wee knew to be ye hills be South ye toune of Battauia in ye Iyland of Jaua Maior. then till .10. a clocke wee rune a Northe Coursse. and about 12. I discrayed a Necke or head of Land layning right Easte from ws some .20. Myles ye broad syde of ye laiche land of ye Grate Bay be Southe Jaua towards ye West End. distant some 20. Myles.32

For pelagic or oceanic navigation, however, these implements were inadequate. On board VOC ships, therefore, a wide variety of tools were used to determine the true course. By the middle of the seventeenth century the Company was one of the main chart producers in the Dutch Republic.33 On board the Company ships several charts and maps were used to plot the true course. Anderson, for instance, refers to maps on two occasions.34 For coastal voyages plane charts, which depict degrees of latitude35 and longitude36 as being of equal length were adequate. The assumption that the Earth was flat worked reasonably well so long as the depicted area remained small, although the error did increase with distance from the equator. Plane charts were, however, wholly unsuited to oceanic travel, as plotted courses could no longer be approximated by straight lines over large intervals. The problem was solved by the so-called Mercator projection. These charts were similar to the plane chart in having straight meridians,37 32

Anderson’s Log, fol. 7r (15 February 1641); fol. 16r (6 May 1641). For the different (sea) charts produced by the VOC, see D. de Vries, Uit de kaartenwinkel van de VOC. Catalogus van zeekaarten van de Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie in de Collectie Bodel Nijenhuis (Alphen aan de Rijn, 1996); K. Zandvliet, Mapping for Money: Maps, Plans and Topographic Paintings and their Role in Dutch Overseas Expansion during the 16th and 17th Centuries (Amsterdam, 1998); S. de Meer and F. R. Loomeijer, De schat van Corpus Christi. VOC-kaarten boven water (Zutphen, 2007). 34 Anderson’s Log, fol. 12r (31 March 1641); fol. 14r (13 April 1641). 35 Latitude: arc measure of distance from the geographical equator in a meridional plane. 36 Longitude: arc measure of distance from a prime meridian in a plane parallel to the equator. 37 Meridian: the shortest line on the Earth’s surface that connects the geographical poles. Unlike parallels of latitude, meridians of longitude are not parallel. 33

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but differed in the increasing distance between successive parallels of latitude nearer the poles, compensating by vertical extensions in exact proportion to the stretched horizontal dimension. If one knows what kind of course has to be steered, the so-called plotted course, the next step is to determine the set course.38 To determine the set or steered course, different methods can be used, like experience, or the observation of celestial bodies. By the midseventeenth century, however, the use of a compass was common on board Dutch East Indiamen.39 It was standard practice at that time for the Company to issue several compasses, both observation and steering compasses, to the master and his mates. Every ship, therefore, had several compasses on board.40 The steering compass gave the navigator the ability to determine direction magnetically, to set a course and keep it. Usually two steering compasses stood in separate compartments of the binnacle in front of the helm, in order to maintain a set course. The cards mounted on the steering compass usually carried only a graduation in points and parts thereof, in the familiar star-shaped pattern. For instance, on 31 May 1642 Anderson noted this course in his log, ‘Our Coursse South west to Westen’.41 An observation compass was used to take bearings. This type of compass had a card graduated in degrees, and additionally featured a mounted, sometimes rotating, sighting apparatus on top of the bowl, in order to ‘shoot’ celestial bodies, landmarks or the ship’s wake.42 The problems arising from the fact that a compass needle is directed toward the magnetic north, and not towards the true north, will be discussed in the paragraph on magnetic variation below. Distances and Displacement The second essential piece of information needed to establish deadreckoning was displacement, or distance run. The vessel’s speed could

38

Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, p. 138; Waters, The Art of Navigation, pp. 65–77. For an interesting discussion of the evolution of the maritime compass, see Hewson, A History of the Practice of Navigation, chapter 2. 40 A. R. T. Jonkers, North by Northwest: Seafaring, Science and the Earth’s Magnetic Field, 1600–1800, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 2002), II, p. 666, appendix n; Waters, The Art of Navigation, pp. 20–30. 41 Anderson’s Log, fol. 49r. 42 Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, pp. 148–49. 39

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be roughly established by tracking the time it took a floating object or a patch of foam to pass a given length of hull. A more sophisticated approach used a logline, a float attached to a light piece of rope with knots at fixed intervals.43 When the logline was dropped from the stern, the knots would pass through the hands of the person paying out the line during a fixed interval, measured by sandglass. It was assumed that each knot corresponded to one (nautical) mile per hour.44 The speed or distance run by a ship is measured in a time interval of 24 hours: ‘being past ye headdes of England and France wee sayled in 24. houres 194. Scottes Myles’.45 Instead of giving the distance travelled in nautical miles of 1,852 metres, Anderson used the Scottish mile of 1,814 metres. For Scots this would make far more familiar reading: and yat ye Myles in this Jornall lykwayes, are all Scottes Myles, wich compte of lenthe, and breid I haue reduced to ye Measure of my auen Natione. and nather folloued ye dutche nor Englische. so wishing the partaker of thesse pleasures, in the Reiding of this . . .46

Unless otherwise stated, all distances and speeds are given here in nautical miles and knots. Anderson recorded speed or distance run daily. On average his ships travelled just over one hundred miles every 24 hours, an average speed of 4.1 knots (7.7 km/h). The fastest 24 hours recorded was 200 Scottish miles (196 nautical miles), an average of 8.3 knots (15.4 km/h). To place these figures in some perspective: during the 2008/9 Volvo Ocean Race, the yacht Ericsson 4 sailed a worldbreaking record of 596.6 nautical miles in 24 hours, a stunning average of 24.85 knots (46 km/h).47

43 Log: a float attached to a light piece of rope with knots at fixed intervals, used to measure vessel speed. 44 Nautical mile: equal to one minute of latitude, and 60 minutes of latitude equals one degree of latitude: 1,852 metre. The nautical mile as universal standard dates from 1929; Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, p. 145. 45 Anderson’s Log, fol. 2r (31 December 1640). 46 Anderson’s Log, fol. 80r. 47 Anderson’s Log, fol. 4r (17 January 1641); fol. 11r (19 March 1641). The website of the Volvo Ocean Race, URL: www.volvooceanrace.org (accessed 12 December 2008).

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Latitude or ‘Breid’ When course and distance are known, it is possible to carry out the dead-reckoning, and to plot a position in latitude and longitude. For Anderson this was a matter of measurements and guesswork: wee obserued our .S. Latitude to be 35. d. and 16. M. and according to our guessing wee were some 36. Myles without landes. then wee keipt a W. N. W. Coursse to discrey ye land perfytly.48

The most important, and potentially most accurate, observation on board was that of latitude. The distance from the equator as derived from the altitude of various heavenly bodies gives latitude.49 Anderson noted on 2 January 1641: ‘[we] fand our selues 48. degrees and .10 Minutts. distant from the Equinoctiall. N’.50 If latitude is measured often, it provides a powerful constraint on dead-reckoning. On several occasions Anderson notes that he made an observation: ‘by trew obseruatione found our Northerne Lat: to be .38. degrees and .5. Minuttes’ and ‘by obseruatione faund yat wee wer of Latitude Northe from ye Equinoctiall 3. degrees and 42. M.’.51 There was a long-established practice for determining latitude. Quadrennial solar declination tables combined with a measuring instrument offered a reliable means of determining latitude. On ship decks the cross-staff was commonly used: a stick with separate transoms of different dimensions sliding along its length. Aligning the lower end of a crosspiece with the horizontal and the top with the object to be sighted, the latter’s altitude above the horizon could be read from a graduated scale. Unfortunately, the observer was unable to peer along both ends of the transom at the same time. An additional problem was having to look directly into the Sun. The introduction of the backstaff, also known as back-quadrant, after 1600, therefore constituted a considerable improvement. Instead of looking at the Sun, users kept the Sun to their backs (hence the name) to prevent damage to their eyes.52 Anderson, too, used the Sun to determine latitude: ‘Mid day

48 49 50 51 52

Anderson’s Log, fol. 63r (26 February 1643). Waters, The Art of Navigation, pp. 48–52, 58–59. Anderson’s Log, fol. 3r (2 January 1641). Anderson’s Log, fol. 3r (6 January 1641); fol. 5r (25 January 1641). Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, p. 141; Waters, The Art of Navigation, pp. 52–58.

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wee obserued ye Latitude, wich wee fand 7. degrees and 36. Minuttes. and then wee Rane N. W. T. W. till about 4. in ye Afternoone’.53 Latitude equals the observed altitude of the visible celestial pole, in the zenith at the geographical pole and at the horizon on the equator. In the northern hemisphere, the Pole Star or North Star (Polaris) resides very near to this point.54 In the southern hemisphere, the bright stars of the Southern Cross constellation serves in this capacity, Polaris being invisible there by account of the intervening body of the Earth. Longitude or ‘Lenthe’ To establish an accurate longitude is far more difficult than to measure latitude. Over the years, three different methods had been developed and implemented to find longitude. The first one was to use predictable astronomical events, such as an eclipse, as a universal clock. These events had to be accurately described in, for instance, an almanac. The underlying idea of any celestial timepiece, be it the moon or any other, was that the predicted time of the event as observed on a standard meridian could be compared with local time. Each four minutes of difference then equalled one degree of longitude. On 25 April Anderson observed such an event: ‘the Moone was Ecclepsed this Night obserued 2. houres and a halffe, and it was .3. quarters Circkel darkned’.55 The second solution for finding longitude at sea involved correct time measurements. To learn one’s longitude at sea one requires a clock that keeps the time accurately at another place established as the basis for the ephemeris56 published in a nautical almanac, for example a standard meridian. And again, four minutes’ difference would equal one degree of longitude. The third, and final, option to determine longitude at sea followed a very different line of reasoning, based on the hypothetical existence of a relationship between longitude and magnetic declination: the horizontal angle between the compass needle and a meridian. In the harsh

53

Anderson’s Log, fol. 16r (6 May 1641). At present the distance is less than one degree, but five hundred years ago the difference amounted to more than three degrees, due to the precession of the Earth’s axis. 55 Anderson’s Log, fol. 15r (25 April 1641). 56 Ephemeris: tabulated predictions of the movement of celestial bodies at regular intervals. 54

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reality of a seventeenth-century navigator, such as John Anderson, all three methods did not work, due to faulty time keeping, incorrect ephemeris almanacs, no standard meridian, and a mythical agonic prime meridian.57 The Standard Meridian or Zero Line There was no standard meridian in use in the seventeenth century. It was decided only as late as 1884, at the International Meridian Conference in Washington, to run the standard meridian through the Royal Observatory at Greenwich (UK) for designating longitude on Earth. Today it is marked by a brass ledge set in stone on the observatory grounds. Because meridians play a pivotal role in determining longitude, in the early days of navigation in European waters it was most useful to have a standard meridian to the west. In the Scottish tradition Buchan Ness, the most easterly point on the mainland of Scotland, served as the standard meridian and, of course, Anderson was familiar with this: ‘Longit. 4. d. 16. M. [. . .] this dayes Latit: is yat of Buchannesse’. A few days later he observed ‘wee war seaward. from Murray Firth. Buchannesse bearing .S. S. W. some 60. M. from ws’.58 Several standard meridians, or zero lines, were in use. Cartographers thought that the Earth’s changing magnetic field apparently did contain a ‘natural’ indication of the preferred meridian to reckon from. Many sixteenth-century mariners sailing near the Azores, the Canaries and the Cape Verdes observed the absence of magnetic declination: the horizontal angle between local magnetic and geographic north, or between the compass needle and the local meridian. At these spots zero lines or prime meridians were running through the islands of the Cape Verdes, Canaries or the Azores. In accordance with the Portuguese tradition, during the first few decades of the Company’s existence, the VOC navigators most likely did use the zero line of Corvo and Flores (Azores). However, around 1640 the Company directors ordered that the prime meridian of Tenerife (Canaries) should be the new zero line, thus: ‘our Longitude

57

A. R. T. Jonkers, ‘Finding Longitude at Sea: Early Attempts in Dutch Navigation’, De zeventiende eeuw. Cultuur in de Nederlanden in interdisciplinaur perspectief 12.1 (1996), pp. 186–97, at p. 187; Jonkers, North by Northwest, I, p. 218. 58 Anderson’s Log, fol. 77r (22 June 1643); fol. 79r (3 July 1643).

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to be .3. degrees and 26. Minuttes becausse our Order is to Racken all our Longitudes from ye East End of Taneriffe’.59 There were two main reasons for this change. First, cartographer Willem Jansz Blaeu (1571–1638), one of the main adversaries of the theory that magnetic declination could be used to determine longitude, had become VOC hydrographer by 1633. Blaeu used the meridian of Tenerife in his maps. Secondly, in 1635 Henry Gellibrand, a professor of astronomy at London’s Gresham College, published his findings that the Earth’s magnetic field had been changing with time. He concluded that zero magnetic declination was not a fixed standard: the agonic prime meridian was a myth.60 Hence, the standard meridian of Tenerife was also used by Anderson. Time Keeping It was a major problem to maintain accurate time-keeping on board a ship. Obviously the sandglass could not provide the necessary accuracy. After the top half of the glass was empty, the glass had to be turned by hand: not exactly a chronometer. Although accurate mechanical pendulum clocks were developed during the seventeenth century, they were not suited for use on board a ship due to the effect of the Earth’s centrifugal force in diminishing the weight of bodies by a factor proportional to their colatitude.61 This meant that a pendulum would be about one third of a percent lighter on the equator than on the poles, lagging approximately two-and-a-half minutes behind per day. Furthermore, the pitching and rolling of the ship influenced the movement of the pendulum too. A sea-worthy and reliable chronometer, which would not be disturbed by a ship’s movement and changes in temperature and humidity, was eventually constructed by John Harrison (1693–1776) in the eighteenth century.62 In any case, John Anderson did not have an accurate time-keeping device. 59

Anderson’s Log, fol. 3r (3 January 1641). Agonic meridian: a line connecting all points with zero magnetic declination, on which a compass would point true north. A. R. T. Jonkers, ‘Parallel Meridians: Diffusion and Change in Early-Modern Oceanic Reckoning’, in J. Parmentier (ed.), Noord-Zuid in Oost-Indisch perspectief (Zutphen, 2005), pp. 17–42. 61 Colatitude: arc measure of distance from the geographic north pole in a meridional plane. 62 Jonkers, ‘Finding Longitude at Sea’; D. Sobel, Longitude: The True Story of a Lone Genius who Solved the Greatest Scientific Problem of His Time (Harmondsworth, 60

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Almanacs and Tables Longitude, or rather the difference in longitude of two places, is, as already noted, a question of time (difference). The 360 degree rotation of the Earth in 24 hours equates to 15 degrees for one hour timedifference. As it was impossible to take the time in two different places at the same moment, the ‘celestial clock’ had to be used. The only stellar object making regular appearances in both celestial hemispheres is the Sun. Since the Earth takes 24 hours to complete one full revolution of 360 degrees, one hour marks one twenty-fourth of a spin, or 15 degrees. And so each hour’s time difference between the ship and a fixed point, for instance a standard meridian, marks a progress of 15 degrees of longitude to the east or the west. Those same 15 degrees of longitude also correspond to a distance travelled. At the equator, where the girth of the Earth is greatest, 15 degrees stretch fully 900 miles. North or south of that line, however, the mileage value of each degree decreases. One degree of longitude equals four minutes of time the world over, but in terms of distance, one degree shrinks from 60 miles at the equator to virtually nothing at the poles.63 Perennially ferrying between the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, the Sun’s position at any time during the day is not only dependent upon the observer’s latitude, but also on the date in a four-year cycle. These movements can be reduced to a set of Sun’s declination tables, yielding celestial coordinates for all 1,461 days. From the thirteenth century onward, these quadrennial solar declination tables were available. On 20 May 1643, for instance, John Anderson noted in his log: ‘This day the Sune was our Zenithe’. Four days later they passed the ‘tropics of Cancer’.64 Due to inaccurate time keeping on board ships these tables were not useful for establishing longitude. Another ‘celestial clock’, however, was the moon. Although feasible in theory, in Anderson’s day astronomy and technology were still not advanced enough to provide accurate predictions and measurements of lunar distance. To find longitude by the lunar-

1995), pp. 4–5. For a critical review of the book, see A. Ariel, ‘Navigating with Dava Sobel: A Sailor’s Critique’, European Journal of Navigation 2.3 (2004), pp. 60–65. 63 Sobel, Longitude, pp. 4–5 is not quite accurate on this point. 64 Anderson’s Log, fol. 74r (20 May 1643).

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distance method,65 a navigator had to make three almost simultaneous angular measurements and determine the time of their observation. These were the altitude of the Moon above the horizon, the altitude of the star (or the Sun) above the horizon, and the distance of the Moon from the star (or the Sun). After making the necessary calculations to find the centre distance and adjusting for the effects of refraction, parallax, and dip of the horizon, the navigator consulted lunar tables to determine the time this observation occurred at the reference point for which the tables were calculated. The difference between the local time of the ship and the time shown on the tables could then be used to calculate the longitude of the ship. Originally propounded in theoretical form in the sixteenth century, this method received a new impetus as late as the 1750s, when Professor Tobias Mayer (1723–1762) of Göttingen published extensive and accurate tables of the Moon’s complex wanderings. These were the first tables containing enough precision to allow practical application. These tables were made available in nautical almanacs during the 1770s. In addition, improved instruments were introduced such as the octant and the sextant, allowing observations of angles to 120 degrees.66 In John Anderson’s day, however, these sophisticated ephemeris were not at hand. Another method he could use was based on the purported relation between longitude and magnetic declination. Magnetic Declination or Magnetic Variation67 In the 1640s an English navigator gave a warning regarding the use of the compass:

65 Lunar-distance method: a technique to calculate longitude from the position of the Moon relative to various stars. 66 Sobel, Longitude, p. 117; Jonkers, ‘Finding Longitude at Sea’, p. 187; A. Hüttermann, ‘The Prize of the British Board of Longitude and the German Astronomer Tobias Mayer’, European Journal of Navigation 2.3 (2004), pp. 65–71; W. F. J. Mörzer Bruyns, Schip recht door zee. De octant in de Republiek in de achttiende eeuw, Werken Uitgegeven door de Commissie Zeegeschiedenis 20 (Amsterdam, 2003). 67 Unless otherwise stated, this section is based on: Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, chapter 6; Jonkers, ‘Finding Longitude’; A. R. T. Jonkers, ‘The Fading tradition: The Declining use of Magnetic Declination in Dutch Pelagic Navigation’, in P. C. van Royen, L. R. Fischer, D. M. Williams (eds.), Frutta di Mare: Evolution and Revolution in the Maritime World in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Amsterdam, 1998), pp. 39–63; K. A. Davids, ‘Finding Longitude at Sea by Magnetic Declination on Dutch East Indiamen, 1596–1795’, The American Neptune: A Quarterly Journal of Maritime History 50 (1990), pp. 281–90; Waters, The Art of Navigation, p. 59.

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If it be not consideratly handled, it may occasion great errours. For by experience it is found that almost in all meridians there is some variation of it, so that the needle [. . .] points either easterly or westerly, and that with such an uncertainty, that in some meridians this variation is many degrees, in some a few, in some it is hardly sensible. If therefore especially in long voyages seamen shall either neglect, or contemne this property of the compasse, besides the loosing of much time in performing of the voyage, they runne into many other inconveniencies.68

The use of the compass is based on the idea of a fixed magnetic north. In theory all meridians should be agonic meridians, and would point to the true north. Complex processes in the Earth’s crust, however, create rather irregular, slowly moving patterns of magnetic field lines at the surface. A compass will align itself with the local magnetic flux, so the needle will only rarely and accidentally point to the geographical north. This angle difference is called magnetic declination, referred to by mariners as magnetic variation. Lines of equal declination are known as isogonic lines;69 a line of zero declination, on which a compass would point to true north, is named an agonic line.70 On 5 February 1641, five days after his ship had passed the equator, John Anderson, for the first time, noted the magnetic variation in his log: ‘Magnete, Wariatione North east .4. degrees .3. Minuttes’. He would continue to do so until 25 June 1643.71 Often he would refer to the compass needle: ‘ye wariatione of ye Neidle being to ye North East .7. d. 30 Minuttes’.72 Knowing local declination on board ship was necessary for steering a correct compass course and subsequently dead-reckoning calculations. The principle of compensating was rather straightforward: should the magnetized needle point ten degrees east of true north then all steered headings and bearings had to be shifted ten degrees to the west to regain true directions. The magnetic declination was called northeasting or northwesting, depending on the variation.73 Dutch mariners used the so-called Hollants kompas: this instrument had the needle fixed at an angle between two thirds of a point (7½°) and half 68 Cited in Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, p. 150; University of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Tanner Papers 88, no. 25 fol. 245r–v. 69 Isogonic line: a closed curve connecting all points with the same magnetic declination. 70 Agonic line: a line connecting all points with zero magnetic declination, on which a compass would point true north. 71 Anderson’s Log, fol. 6r (5 February 1641); fol. 77r (25 June 1643). 72 Anderson’s Log, fol. 7r (10 February 1641). 73 Northeasting/northwesting: eastward/westward magnetic declination.

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a point (5° 30’) northeasting or west of true north.74 If the value to be corrected for was variable with position, then the allowance needed commensurate adjustment on a continual basis. From the early days of Portuguese exploration until the advent of chronometer and gyro-compass, local variations were measured diligently, corrected for and noted down in logs. Anderson’s log was no exception. And in the absence of reliable coordinates of longitude, a virtual magnetic declination was sometimes used to designate a geographical position, keeping in mind that unlike degrees of longitude, degrees of the declination tended to change in a non-linear fashion during a voyage, depending on the density and direction of the local isogonics. In the Dutch Republic, the idea of using magnetic declination for establishing a geographical position was adopted by the geographer Reverend Pieter Platvoet, otherwise known as Petrus Plancius (1552– 1622), who lived in Amsterdam. He postulated his model of magnetic declination in 1598, just four years before the foundation of the VOC. At the heart of his concept lay the conviction that the magnetic meridian of any place on Earth and the nearest agonic line would intersect on the Arctic Circle.75 This implied that the predicted magnetic variation was not only dependent on longitude but also on latitude. Plancius divided the world in four unequal parts with four meridional agonic lines. As the involved spherical trigonometry was beyond the calculating skills of the masters, who had to use his system at sea, Plancius developed the longitude finder, a small flat copper plate with arced sides, engraved with curved meridians converging into a pole. This instrument could be fitted onto an astrolabium catholicum, a flat circular disk on which a network of meridians and parallels was drawn in equatorio-stereographic projection. Using colatitude of the ship and magnetic declination, the distance to the nearest agonic line could then be simply read off. Which method Anderson used to measure magnetic variation remains unclear. However, the rationale is the same for all methods: the position(s) of a celestial body at a certain time yielded the direction of geographic north, to which the needle’s stance could be compared;

74 Davids, Zeewezen en wetenschap, pp. 59–60, 102–03, 147; Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, p. 172. 75 Arctic Circle: a parallel at 23° 30’ colatitude.

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the difference equalled the magnetic declination. Anderson, too, used celestial observations to establish local magnetic variation. Sometimes, because of foul weather conditions, he was not able to take a measurement: ‘ye hessines of ye wether did not suffer ws to obserue ye wariatione of the Neidle’ and ‘None ob[s]eruatione of ye warriatione for ye darknes of ye wether wich wee had with a hard wind at W. N. W.’76 Until 1636, the method of using magnetic variation for establishing a position was widely used on board VOC ships.77 Plancius’ concept, however, was feeble and based on a rather weak foundation of less than one hundred observations. As already noted, in 1635 the English astronomer Henry Gellibrand published his findings that the Earth’s magnetic field changed over time, debunking the myth of magnetic variation. Although this discovery became generally accepted after a while, it did not prevent navigators like John Anderson from still using the faulty method of establishing one’s position using magnetic variation: None ob[s]eruatione of ye warriatione [. . .] and now by our Computatione and Accompte, of Guest warriatione wee are shote ye Lenthe of Cap: Bon: Esperance. for aboute ye Lenthe of ye Cape ther is found No more bot 4. degrees and 30. Minuttes of North West Wariatione. wich is obserued on thir ʒeires in Respecte ye wariatione in this place changes. Bot in former tymes hes beine obserued to be Lesse for exemple in Anno 1618. I fand my selue at ye Cape de Bon Esperance, No wariatione at all. bot ye Neidle Right Southe & Northe [. . .] and now by this our obserued warriatione wee knew our selues to be past, Cap: de Aguillas wich is ye Southmost poynte of Æthiopia. for iust with this Cape ye Neidle warries onley .5. degres and 30. Minuttes.78

Wind and Leeway Weather in general, and wind in particular, is of paramount importance to the mariner. The energy necessary to traverse vast expanses of ocean came primarily from wind. Surface winds are driven by differences in atmospheric pressure and display erratic patterns, with

76

Anderson’s Log, fol. 9r (10 March 1641); fol. 11r (22 March 1641). See for instance, J. Parmentier, K. A. Davids, and J. Everaert (eds.), Peper, Plancius en Porselein. De reis van het schip Swarte Leeuw naar Atjeh en Bantam, 1601– 1603, Werken uitgegeven door de Linschoten-Vereeniging 101 (Zutphen, 2003). 78 Anderson’s Log, fol. 11r (22 and 23 March 1641); Jonkers, North by Northwest, II, p. 696. 77

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seasonal, short-term, and complex characteristics. Nevertheless, some large, regular traits can be identified. The most important is the wind belt, associated with certain latitude. The second seasonal system is that of the monsoons. Trade winds originating around 30 degrees latitude blow both hemispheres toward, and alternatively across, the equator: ‘It is to be obserued yat ye East South East wind. is wniversall, in thir quarters, and is comonly Called ye passage, wind by Mariners’.79 Another aspect of winds that complicated sailing is leeway:80 sideways displacement by the wind. This effect is due to the wind force acting on hull and rigging, and has to be taken into account in deadreckoning calculations. So, Anderson, as was done by all navigators, noted the force and direction of the wind daily. Linking apparent and true course for all relative directions and wind strengths, the pilot could ‘shoot the wake’, that is, take a compass bearing of the ship’s turbulent trail relative to the ship’s fore-and-aft line. To make this easier, a line astern was attached to a piece of lead-weighted wood with a pole in it, and the navigator measured the angle of leeway by means of a compass on the poop.81 It was only as late as the nineteenth century that a standard for wind force was adopted: the Beaufort scale.82 Currents and Drift Currents provide a second source of energy for ships. Circular patterns turn clockwise in the northern hemisphere and counterclockwise in the southern hemisphere. The effect of currents on a ship was drift:83 the whole mass of water surrounding the ship moving in a direction different from the steered course.84 Especially in Asian waters Anderson noted strong and unknown currents: ‘As for ye currents and tydes they goe according to ye hardnes of wether and wind’; ‘then wee obserued ye current rune Northerly yat it differed 1. poynt in ye coursse’;

79

Anderson’s Log, fol. 58r (12 January 1643). Leeway: a ship’s sideways displacement due to wind-force acting on the hull and rigging. 81 Waters, The Art of Navigation, p. 60. 82 Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, pp. 134–35; N. Courtney, Gale Force 10: The Life and Legacy of Admiral Beaufort, 1774–1857 (London, 2002). 83 Drift: ship’s displacement due to currents. 84 Waters, The Art of Navigation, pp. 60–61. 80

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and ‘wee obserued ye current to sett hard towardes ye North so yat wee did aduance bot .5. Minuttes vpone 2. poyntes’.85 Other Position Indicators At this point Anderson would have had all the necessary information to calculate a reliable dead-reckoning: charts and sailing direction gave the information for a plotted course, the compass was corrected and read the steered course, the sailed distance could be measured, latitude was determined, longitude was guessed, and even drift and leeway were estimated. At least that is the theory. In the harsh reality of the seventeenth-century mariner, however, many things could go wrong. Charts, be it plane charts or Mercator projection, were defective to an unknown degree, placing coastal features and whole islands at incorrect coordinates. Part of the problem was that the information supplied to make and correct the charts was itself founded on dead-reckoning.86 The use of the logline left plenty of scope for inaccuracy, due to incorrect spacing between the knots, dragging by insufficient line, turbulence in the water, or the instruments not performing properly. In this respect the sandglass could be a very inaccurate measuring device, too, occasionally misreading several seconds per half a minute. Sometimes overcast skies prevented observation of celestial bodies, and latitude had to guessed: ‘Latitud we geste to be 37. degrees’; ‘guest our Latitude to be 39. degrees 12. Minuttes’; and ‘guest our Latitude to be 39. d. 25. M’.87 When overcast skies prevented celestial observations for many days, the consequences of accumulated error could be grave. And many are the tales of gross misjudgement in reckoning, ranging from five to ten degrees in longitude. Therefore, several additional sources of information, outside the realm of dead-reckoning and celestial observations, were used to extract information for one’s position. As noted at the beginning of this chapter, the sea itself contained all kinds of information. Floating debris and the altering of the colour of the seawater were just two of the means of obtaining additional positional information: ‘this day in

85

Anderson’s Log, fol. 26r (September 1641); fol. 48r (22 and 23 May 1642). Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, p. 139; Jonkers, North by Northwest, II, p. 211. 87 Anderson’s Log, fol. 9r (7 March 1641); fol. 13r (10 April 1641); fol. 14r (12 April 1641). 86

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ye morning by brecke of day wee Did see the watter changed, then wee lookit out about .9. in ye Morning and discrayed land. berand Northen to East from ws’.88 For coastal navigation another method was added: the lead. This was probably the most ancient instrument used on board.89 Sedimentary deposits varied widely in composition and were marked on coastal charts (as was depth). To bring up a sample from the sea floor, a weight of the end of a piece of line would have a hollow bottom filled with tallow, to which the grains would stick. Simultaneously, the procedure yielded the local depth. During their approach to the island of Java, Anderson used the lead every half hour. In thirty-six fathom (sixty-five metres) of water they struck ground: ‘being then not passing .7. Myles distant from ye land of Jaua. then did wee rune Right West ye first quarter of ye for Night hauing out our lead Eurey Glasse quher wee fand .36. fathome Gray Sand & Clay ground’.90 The sighting of birds was also an indication that land could not be far away: heir wee did first siee ye Foules Called Alcatrasse by the portugalls, wich are a kynd of Grate Mewes of a Graische color inclyning to blacke, with winges of .7. quarters broad. from ye poyntes of its pinnions. they flie low by the watter for wee hold it. a seure and infalible tokin quhen as wee see thesse foules yat wee approche Neire ye Longitude of ye Cape, of Good houpe.91

Conclusion: ‘My auen Natione’ The first responsibility of a ship’s crew is to sail the ship safely. In order to accomplish this, it is essential to be able to navigate. This was done by dead-reckoning, which involves the determination of position, course, and distance travelled during displacement. This was an art and craft rather than a science. As pilot major this was the duty of John Anderson; his log recorded the daily practice of this responsibility. The log is a fine example of the navigational practice on board a Dutch East Indiaman around the middle of the seventeenth century. In that respect it is not unusual as there are several such VOC logs in

88 89 90 91

Anderson’s Log, fol. 63r (22 February 1643). Waters, The Art of Navigation, p. 18. Anderson’s Log, fol. 16r (6 May 1641). Anderson’s Log, fol. 11r (20 March 1641).

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existence, though of later vintage. Anderson’s log contains the expected information to determine dead-reckoning and thus confirms, rather than adds to, our understanding of navigation in the mid-seventeenth century. In three respects, however, the log is unique. Firstly, the log of John Anderson seems to be the oldest example of a standardised log using a pre-printed format. The sheets of paper must have been issued by the Company, albeit our research suggests that it was written up and elaborated upon after the completion of the voyage. This brings us to the second striking feature. Although the log is kept on official VOC paper, it is addressed ‘to the Reader’ and thus must have been conceived for wider circulation than simply the Company records. Furthermore, its Scottish character is most remarkable, not only because of the language and spelling, but because Anderson intentionally uses Scottish miles, words and idiom simply, according to his dedication, for the pleasure of ‘the reader’. Indeed, the elaborate geographical and ethnographical descriptions of the Cape and many Asian regions were not recorded for Company use, which brings us to the third and final unique aspect of this document. Any information on Asia in general, and the particular knowledge presented about how to get there, that is maritime and navigational information, was regarded as highly sensitive by the VOC directors. All logs, journals and charts normally had to be returned to the directors of the VOC. These documents were kept in a lead box onboard Company ships, so that in case of an emergency it was easy to discard this valuable information by throwing the box overboard.92 It would have been highly undesirable for a log containing a plethora of nautical information to end up in private hands in Scotland. What is clear is that Anderson kept a copy of his log-book and passed it on to James Balfour of Denmilne to transcribe in an authentic VOC log-book. The rationale behind this can only be speculated at, but publication was certainly intended, while currying favour from the East India Company cannot be ruled out. Whatever his motivation, Anderson’s log is a valuable asset to the maritime historian in particular and researchers into European contact with Asia in general.

92

Jonkers, Earth’s Magnetism, p. 178.

CHAPTER FOUR

WAR IN THE LOG OF JOHN ANDERSON Introduction1 In Europe, the establishment of the VOC was deeply rooted in the Dutch revolt against the King of Spain. In Asia, war and trade were two sides of the same coin for those working for the VOC. For VOC personnel, war was never far away. John Anderson was not only a witness to some military events but his log-book also contains reflective commentary on previous conflicts, eye-witness accounts of actual warfare and intriguing insights into the military power of some Asian states which were simply too powerful for the Europeans to contemplate any form of conquest. This chapter deals with warfare in two sections. The first looks to the origins of the inter-European conflict, while the second section takes note of what Anderson has to say about Dutch-Asiatic military policy to see what, if anything, his journal can add to information already available in the historical domain. The Dutch Revolt and the European War in Asia In January 1515 Charles V (1500–68), Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain, was proclaimed ruler of the Netherlands, landsheer or (over)lord, before the States General at Brussels. He became nominal lord in all seventeen provinces, and so absorbed the Low Countries into the Habsburg Empire. In 1555, weary of his wars and responsibilities, Charles V gave up all his public functions and abdicated as lord of the Netherlands. His son Philip II (1527–98) not only became King of Spain and the Americas, but was also invested as the new ruler of the Netherlands. When Philip left the Netherlands for good in 1559, the country was already in turmoil with the Reformation making progress across many of the provinces. Manufacturing, trade and shipping had

1 We would like to thank Cynthia Viallé for helping to interpret some of the sources used in this chapter.

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also suffered from recent wars, and there was already a deeply rooted suspicion about the centralising Habsburg governmental policies. In 1568 the people of the Low Countries revolted against Habsburg rule in general and their lord, Philip II, in particular.2 Relations between the Netherlands and Portugal became further complicated only a dozen years later. In 1580 the crowns of Spain and Portugal were united on the accession of Philip II of Spain to the Portuguese throne. Consequently the Portuguese crown trade with Asia (carreira da Índia) became open to attack by the English, Dutch and French, who took advantage of the dynastic union to deliberately conflate the Spanish and Portuguese nations, in order to plunder vessels participating in the carreira.3 Initially, of course, it was only vessels returning to Atlantic waters that were liable to attack, but that soon changed when both the Dutch and English began to expand their own presence in Asian waters. The motive for the Dutch, at least, was the Spanish use of the capital from the Asian trade to fund their campaigns against the Dutch in the Netherlands. The PortugueseSpanish union lasted till 1640, the year Anderson undertook his fourth journey to the East Indies. In 1640, under João 8th duke of Bragança (1603–56) the Portuguese revolted against Habsburg rule. The next year the duke was crowned as João IV of a newly independent Portugal—though Dutch-Portuguese antagonism did not directly end with this dynastic change. In the liberated areas of the Low Countries the Plakkaat van Verlatinge (Act of Abjuration) of 22 July 1581 repudiated Philip II and his heirs as landsheer in perpetuity. From then on, the provincial estates held sovereign power over their own territory. The estates of the liberated provinces cooperated in matters of war and peace in the States General. There were setbacks, too; after a siege of more than a year, Antwerp, the economic heart of the Netherlands, surrendered in August 1585 to Alexander Farnese (1545–92), duke of Parma, and from this point onwards, the country was indefinitely divided. Nonetheless, for the Dutch, the Act of Abjuration and the fall of Antwerp were 2 G. Parker, The Dutch Revolt (London, 1977); M. van Gelderen (ed. and trans.), The Dutch Revolt (Cambridge, 1993); G. Darby, The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt (London, 2001). 3 J. Lancaster, ‘His Allarums,’ in The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to Brazil and the East Indies: 1591–1603, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series 85 (London, 1940), p. 57; K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean, An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge, 1985), p. 75.

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decisive moments that led to their direct involvement in the precious Asian spice trade in a twofold move designed to hurt their opponents financially and gain profit for the Dutch Republic in the process.4 The Kings of Spain and Portugal regarded their overseas territories, as well as the seas themselves, as their very own realm, where nothing could be done without their approval. Overseas administration, the movement of people, and trade and navigation were exclusively subordinate to royal will. Royal institutions were instrumental in the King’s determination to control his colonial prerogative; they controlled the overseas empires. In theory, no subject could sail anywhere without the approval of these institutions but in reality illicit trade and unauthorised movement of people were rife.5 The Portuguese Kings established a twofold enterprise; one for trade between Asia and Europe along the Cape route, or carreira da Índia, the Casa da Índia and another, the Estado da Índia, for trade within Asia.6 The monarch authorised Lisbon’s port alone to launch vessels bound for India and to receive vessels returning to Portugal from India. The King’s servants in Lisbon organised annual fleets of carracks to sail to India, load pepper and other spices, and return the following year to Lisbon. The carracks were huge merchant vessels usually of between 1,500 to 2,000 tonnes.7 Often built in Goa from Indian teak, carracks were responsible for some 37% of the Portuguese crown’s trade.8 The Casa da Índia acted as a clearing house. The staff received, stored, registered and cleared all private imports to, and exports from, Asia for customs and payments of freight charges. They kept registers

4 V. Enthoven, Zeeland en de opkomst van de Republiek. Handel en strijd in de Scheldedelta, c. 1550–1621 (Leiden, 1996), p. 111. 5 C. Schnurmann, Europa trifft Amerika. Atlantische Wirtschaft in der Frühen Neuzeit 1492–1783 (Frankfurt am Main, 1998); T. Herzog, Defining Nations: Immigrations and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America (New Haven, 2003). 6 A. J. R. Russell-Wood, The Portuguese Empire, 1415–1808 (Baltimore and London, 1998), pp. 20–21; M. Newitt, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, 1400– 1668 (Oxford, 2005), p. 72; M. N. Pierson, ‘Markets and Merchant Communities in the Indian Ocean: Locating the Portuguese’, in F. Bethencourt and D. R. Curto (eds.), Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400–1800 (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 88–108. 7 C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825 (London, 1969), p. 207; R. C. Smith, Vanguard of Empire. Ships of Exploration in the Age of Columbus (Oxford, 1993). 8 T. Bentley Duncan, ‘Navigation between Portugal and Asia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in O. Prakash (ed.), European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 1–24, at pp. 5–6.

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of all sailings to Asia and of all individuals travelling on board the carracks. The carreira da Índia was theoretically off-limits for nonLusitanians, although somewhat less strict than its Spanish counterpart, because the Portuguese overseas empire was much more of a trading venture and less of a territorial empire. Hence there were Scots such as William Carmichael who worked in Asia on behalf of Portugal for over thirty years with no fuss made about it.9 Dutchmen also travelled on board Portuguese vessels as soldiers, diamond traders and Jesuits to Asia. Among these was Jan Huygen van Linschoten (1563–1611), author of a vivid travelogue of his voyages to Asia.10 From such men European governments learned of the geography of Asia and the disposition of the Portuguese forces therein. For example, it was learned that in India, Goa had become the principal terminus of the Portuguese East India trade. The Portuguese had conquered Goa from its native ruler Shah Ismael of Bijapur on 25 November 1510.11 The town was built on an easily defended island formed by the confluence of the Mandovi and Zwari rivers on India’s Konkan coast. Afonso d’Alburquerque (1453–1515), second Viceroy of India, made Goa his residence, and from 1530 it formally replaced Cochin as the seat of the Viceroys and their administration. Succeeding Governors and Viceroys gradually established control over several adjacent islands, including Salsette, to strengthen defences, and help to support a growing commercial and administrative population.12 These moves did not go unnoticed, particularly among the many disaffected migrants who had moved to the Dutch Republic after the fall of Antwerp and who were eager to find alternative ways to supply the demand for spices from the east.13 The exiled Antwerp merchant Balthasar de Moucheron, operating from his new base in Middelburg in Zeeland, took the initiative to venture to the East Indies by way of a polar route in 1593. An Arctic route 9 CSPCol., 1513–1616, I, p. 296 (8–9 June 1614); CSPCol., 1617–21, II, p. 163 (30 April 1618); CSPCol., 1622–24, III, p. 41 (c. 1622). See Chapter 5. 10 J. C. Boyajian, Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580–1640 (Baltimore and London, 1993), pp. 3–4; J. Everaert, ‘Soldaten, diamantairs en jezuïten. Nederlanders in Portugees-Indië voor 1590’, in R. van Gelder, J. Parmentier and V. Roeper (eds.), Souffrir pour Parvenir. De wereld van Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem, 1998), pp. 80–94. 11 Newitt, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, p. 83. 12 Boyajian, Portuguese Trade, p. 4. 13 M. Krondl, The Taste of Conquest: The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice (New York, 2007), pp. 189–262.

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had the benefit (it was thought) of avoiding the Portuguese and, as a bonus, it was considered to be a healthier option for the participants. A public-private expedition was organised including public bodies such as the States of Zeeland and the States of Holland as well as the Admiralty Boards of Zeeland and Enkhuizen. These were bolstered by private merchants and financiers who also invested in the venture. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, who had returned from the Indies in 1592, acted as the pilot for the venture. The expedition lasted from 5 June till 16 September 1594, although little was accomplished by it. Two equally unsuccessful attempts were to follow.14 Early in 1595, Van Linschoten published his Reysgeschrift with all kinds of practical nautical information on how to sail to the East Indies by way of the trusted route via the Cape of Good Hope, the route used by the Portuguese.15 Cornelis de Houtman left the Texel with four ships on 2 April 1595 in an attempt to find the southern sea route to the East Indies. Two years later, three of the ships crammed with spices returned.16 Not only had they successfully navigated the route to the East Indies, but also the auction of the cargo was a success. Venture capitalists, many originating from the Southern Netherlands, established companies intent on participation in this new East Indies trade at several ports.17 Between 1595 and 1602 fifteen expeditions, totalling sixty-five ships, were sent to Asia in search of spices. An invisible hand regulated the market of course: an increased demand saw prices in the Indies start to rise, while an increased supply saw the returns in Europe plummet by 1600. In the meantime the war against Spain was not going well for the rebels. With the exception of the port of Ostend, the whole of the southern part of the Low Countries was under Habsburg control, including Antwerp. Furthermore, in 1598 Philip III succeeded his father as King

14

M. Spies, Bij Noorden om. Olivier Brunel en de doorvaart naar China en Cathay in de zestiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 1994); V. Roeper and D. Wildeman, Om de Noord. De tochten van Willem Barentz en Jacob Heemskerck en de overwintering op Nova Zembla, zoals opgetekend door Gerrit de Veer (Nijmegen, 1996). 15 J. Parmentier, ‘In het Kielzog van Van Linschoten. Het Itinerario en het Reysgheschrift in de praktijk’, in Van Gelder, Parmentier and Roeper, Souffrir pour Parvenir. De wereld van Jan Huygen van Linschoten, pp. 152–67. 16 Newitt, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, p. 203; V. Roeper and D. Wildeman, De eerste Schipvaart naar Oost-Indië onder Cornelis de Houtman, 1595– 1597, opgetekend door Willem Lodewijcksz (Nijmegen, 1997). 17 K. Degryse, ‘Zuid-Nederlands kapitaal in de VOC en de Voorcompagnieën’, in J. Parmentier (ed.), Noord-Zuid in Oost-Indisch perspectief (Zutphen, 2005), pp. 81–98.

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of Spain and Portugal, and he was not as lenient towards the rebels as his father. In November 1598 he issued a declaration forbidding all trade and contact with the rebels in the whole of his realm. In the Iberian ports all Dutch ships were apprehended and confiscated, and trade between the Habsburg Netherlands and the Dutch Republic, especially over the River Scheldt, was suspended. For the rebel cause this was a devastating blow. Not only did both overseas trade and the trade over the River Scheldt with the Habsburg Netherlands crash, resulting in heavy losses for the trade and shipping sector, but also the tax revenues, which paid for the war effort against the King of Spain, dropped significantly. By 1601, the Dutch Republic was on the brink of collapse. It was in desperate need of a cunning plan.18 Within the Dutch Republic, Holland was by far the most powerful and influential province. Holland paid for nearly sixty per cent of the common cause: the war expenditures. Johan van Oldenbarnevelt (1547–1619) was the highest civil servant in the service of the States of Holland, the advocaat van den lande (Advocate of Holland) between 1586 and 1618. Where he appeared, decisions were made.19 Under the leadership of Van Oldenbarnevelt the VOC was created. On the one hand he united the investors in the East India trade to form one single joint stock company, eradicating the fierce competition between them, and creating de facto a monopoly for the Dutch spice trade. The aim was to establish both in Asia and in the Netherlands highly regulated markets with all kinds of price fixings. On the other hand, an explicit purpose of the new company was to open a second front and to attack the Habsburg empire in Asia. There were two reasons for doing this: first, it was apparent that the Dutch as newcomers in the Asiatic markets could only create an extensive trade network in the East Indies at the expense of the Portuguese estado da Índia; and secondly the firm would open a second front in the war against the King of Spain and Portugal in Asia. The VOC was a double-edged sword.20

18 J. I. Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 1585–1740 (Oxford, 1989), p. 56; Enthoven, Zeeland en de opkomst van de Republiek, pp. 132–37. 19 J. Den Tex, Oldenbarnevelt, 5 vols. (Haarlem, 1962), II, pp. 384–420. 20 M. Witteveen, Een onderneming van landsbelang. De oprichting van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie in 1602 (Amsterdam, 2002).

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The VOC as an Instrument of War The formation of the VOC led initially to an upsurge in co-operation with the EIC as both companies viewed the Portuguese as the common enemy. An aggressive policy led to almost immediate (if uncoordinated) results. A joint Anglo-Dutch mission of 1602 captured a large Portuguese ship on a concession route and found 960 bales of textiles on board, a whole-year’s-worth of trade.21 Procuring such Asiatic commodities and prosecuting the war against Habsburg Portugal in Asia were inter-related activities for the VOC. From the start it was clear that the Dutch could only gain control of the spice trade at the expense of the Estado da Índia and the two powers were in competition for the same markets thereafter.22 In reality, however, things were more complicated, resulting in an extensive overseas trade network with many factories scattered all over Asia. Spices were marketable in practically every port in Asia. Controlling the trade in the Spice Islands would give the Dutch access to all Asian markets.23 The VOC developed a two-track strategy to address this issue. In Asia, the VOC tried firstly to get full control over the trade at the indigenous sources of supply, or even over the production itself; if possible peacefully, if necessary by force. A main commodity sought by the VOC was cloves, which were mainly grown in the Moluccas. These islands consisted of a conglomerate of small Moslem kingdoms, of which Ternate was the most powerful. Within four years of setting up, the VOC expelled the Portuguese from Ambon, Tidore and Solor,

21 S. Subrahmanyam, ‘The Coromandel Malacca Trade in the 16th Century: a Study of its Evolving Structure’, in Prakash, European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia, pp. 43–68, at p. 57. For Anglo-Dutch relations in an Asiatic context, see M. N. van Ittersum, Profit and Principle: Hugo Grotius, Natural Rights Theories and the Rise of Dutch Power in the East Indies, 1595–1615, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 139 (Leiden, 2006), esp. chapter six. 22 H. Furber, Rival Empires of Trade in the Orient, 1600–1800, Europe and the World in the Age of Expansion 2 (Minneapolis, 1976); O. Prakash, ‘The Portuguese and the Dutch in Asian Maritime Trade: A Comparative Analysis’, in S. Chaudhury and M. Morineau (eds.), Merchants, Companies and Trade: Europe and Asia in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 175–88. 23 P. A. van Dyke, ‘How and Why the Dutch East India Company Became Competitive in Intra-Asian Trade in East Asia in the 1630s’, Itinerario. European Journal of Overseas History 21 (1997), pp. 41–56, esp. p. 43.

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and defeated their naval fleet off Malacca, although the Company was unable to take the actual port itself at that juncture.24 However, these territorial gains did not immediately secure the VOC’s monopoly in cloves. Thus the Company used a variety of additional measures to gain control of the trade. These included the use of military force, the signing of commercial contracts and, in some cases, the destruction of the clove trees themselves. This was a rather drastic measure because the trees bear fruit only after twelve years. It took many decades before the VOC could exercise a monopoly in the clove trade. Ambon was subdued in 1655, while Ternate followed twenty years later. By that time, the production of cloves was concentrated on Ambon while the other islands’ trade had been significantly reduced.25 Makassar (Ujung Pandang on the Indonesian island of Sulawesi), was an independent entrepôt trading in cloves, nutmeg and mace imported from the Molucca Islands, Ambon and Banda. From 1607, the VOC had a trading base in Makassar, where it focused initially on trade in cloves. In the first half of the seventeenth century Makassar caused considerable problems for the VOC, undermining the Company’s ambition to get a monopoly in these spices. Both Asian and European traders could obtain smuggled goods here, but the Dutch wanted full control. The Portuguese at Nagapattinam also entered into cooperation with the Danish at Tranquebar in order to get around Dutch blockades and carry on trading to Makassar, something they did with some success, until its eventual capture by the Dutch in 1658.26 In 1660, the Portuguese, who had been based in Makassar since the sixteenth century, were defeated by the Company, and six years later Cornelis Speelman (1628–84) finally forced the people of Makassar into submission. As a result of this bloody conquest, Makassar was

24 CSPCol., 1513–1616, I, pp. 152 and 376. For a short EIC report on the capture of Tidore by the Dutch, see ibid., p. 144; S. Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia 1500–1700: A Political and Economic History (Essex, 1993), p. 143. 25 G. Knaap, ‘Kora-Kora en kruitdamp. De Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie in oorlog en vrede in Ambon’, in G. Knaap and G. Teitler (eds.), De Verenigde OostIndische Compagnie tussen oorlog en diplomatie, Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 197 (Leiden, 2002), pp. 257–81; E. Jacobs, Koopman in Azië. De Handel van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie tijdens de 18de eeuw (Zutphen, 2000), pp. 19–72. 26 S. Subrahmanyam, Improvising Empire (Delhi, 1990), pp. 75, 81.

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ceded to the VOC. From then on, the trade in cloves was dominated by the VOC.27 The subjugation of the Portuguese was not simply a Dutch affair. After earlier operations in 1602, the VOC proposed in 1614: that if we [the VOC] would join effectually with them [the EIC] to drive the Spaniards and Portugals out of the East Indies we should make the trade of those parts as profitable to these governments as the West Indies is to the Spanish.28

Anglo-Dutch combined operations continued on a small scale, though pretty soon it was clear that the Dutch would be striking out on their own. In May 1619, Governor General Jan Pietersz Coen (1587–1629) conquered the small port of Jakarta. Although a couple of months out (the capture of the town occurred on 30 May 1624), Anderson described Batavia and her fortifications thus: This Toune of Battauia was formerly Called Jacatra hauing a peculiar King of its auen, a Moore, and vassal, to ye Matram or Emperour of Jaua. being a Comon place of Refreshment, for ye European fleetes. and wes takin by the Hollander in ye month of Iulay 1624. by ther Generall, Jean Piter-sone Cune. [Jan Pietersz Coen] and since it is so prosspered yat at this day it is one of ye most famous and best fortified Cities in all India and ye cheiffe staple Toune of ye Orientall trade, environed it is with with [sic] a mightie stronge wall of whyte Corall and lyme, with a Graffe of 100 footte brood eache streette beinge seuered by Graffes. yat are, Nauigable by Boate, and comandit by a werey Stronge Castell wich affronts each streete of ye toune, ye castell and Bastions ar planted with 400. pice of brasse & iron Canon.29

After the conquest of Jakarta and the transfer of power to Batavia in 1619, Governor General Coen focused on more important matters: the 27 F. W. Stapel, Cornelis Jansz Speelman (The Hague, 1936); L. Andaya, The Heritage of Arung Palakka: A History of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the Seventeenth Century, Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 91 (The Hague, 1981). 28 CSPCol., 1513–1616, I, p. 376. 29 Anderson’s Log, fols. 17r–18r. It is unclear why Anderson saw July 1624 as the time of the conquest. Already as early as 1624, to commemorate the conquest of the town, 30 May became the day to nominate the officers of the civic militia and the town councillors, and it became a day of prayer too. See F. de Haan, Oud Batavia. Gedenkboek uitgegeven door het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen naar aanleiding van het driehonderdjarige bestaan der stad in 1919, 3 vols. (Batavia, 1922), I, p. 39; R. Raben, ‘Batavia and Colombo: the Ethnic and Spatial Order of Two Colonial Cities, 1600–1800’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, Leiden University, 1996); H. E. Niemeijer, Batavia. Een koloniale samenleving in de 17de eeuw (Amsterdam, 2005).

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spice trade and how to get control of it. He first turned his attention to the Banda Islands. The Banda Islands, an archipelago of ten tiny islands situated in a remote corner of the Moluccas, formed at that time the sole production area of nutmeg and mace, that is the nut and skin of the nutmeg fruit, and together with the clove-production areas they constituted the first and foremost reason for sailing to Asia. In 1599, even before the foundation of the VOC, the Dutch had reached these small islands. They were received cordially by the Bandanese, who were trying to rid themselves of the Portuguese. The Dutch indeed drove away the Portuguese, but the Bandanese soon found out that now they were worse off than previously (of which more below). However, the Portuguese were not the only Europeans trading in the islands. The Dutch, too, had very specific ideas about the trade in nutmeg and mace: they wanted the Bandanese to commit themselves exclusively to the VOC. However, to the anger of the Company, the Bandanese traded with the English East India Company too. The tentative co-operation which the Anglo-Dutch companies had engaged in became perilously close to all out war, discussed from a Bandanese perspective below. To expel the English from Banda, in 1616, with full support of the directors back home, a VOC squadron of nine ships under Commander Jan Dircksz Lam arrived in the archipelago. It is possible that the Scotsman William Cunningham participated in the battle that broke out between the Dutch and the English. Lam and Cunningham became lifelong friends.30 Lam conquered the English factory on Pulau Ai. At the end of the battle more than 400 defenders with their wives and children drowned while trying to flee to Pulau Run, the nearby island. Of the English factors on Pulau Ai nothing was found; presumably they were killed by the embittered defenders, but we have no specific evidence to back this up. Certainly, in Anderson’s words, it was the Dutch who were to blame as he recorded that ‘ye Englische wer ye first of aney christians yat euer traded to thesse Iles, Bot Nou ye dutche haue engrossed yat trade and in effecte thrust them out’.31 The English eventually got back in the 1660s, but not before the Dutch had removed anything of value. As the Scottish author, Captain Alexander Hamilton, later tellingly wrote of the trade in cloves, the Dutch

30 31

See Chapter 5. Anderson’s Log, fol. 49r.

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allowed the English to get Pulau Ai back, but only ‘after they had been at 40 Years Pains to cut down all the Clove and Nutmeg Trees that grew on it, and have made it Death for the natives ever to plant any on it’.32 While the Portuguese and English lost territories to the Dutch in Asia, matters became considerably worse for the Lusitanians in Europe. From 1618, the Habsburg Empire became embroiled in the Thirty Years’ War. This meant that Portugal also became a participant on the opposite side to the Dutch, which in turn meant that Asia became a major theatre of battle as each side sought to disrupt the trade of the other.33 The conflict was rather one-sided: during the 1620s some sixty Portuguese ships left for the East but only nineteen returned to Lisbon, leading many Portuguese people in the East to believe that they had lost control of the seas to the Dutch.34 They were right. In just one incident in 1625, eight Portuguese ships were challenged and taken in the Gulf of Persia by a combined force of Dutch and English ships.35 Further, between 1629 and 1636, around 155 ships were lost to the Dutch alone, forty of which were Asian ships engaged in the intraAsiatic country trade. This saw the loss of goods worth approximately 5.9 million guilders, seriously hitting the Portuguese treasury while adding to the war-chest of the Dutch Republic.36 It was not just at sea that the Portuguese were losing the battle. Communities throughout Asia lacked adequate defensive structures and manpower, having relied solely on Portuguese seaborne supremacy for security. Once supremacy at sea was lost the settlements themselves became vulnerable to attack and capture. Having won the war at sea, the VOC turned its attention to the expulsion of the Portuguese from Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Malabar and Malacca. It took the VOC until 1637 before the Company dealt with the Portuguese on Ceylon, the

32

Captain Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies: Being the Observations and Remarks of Captain Alexander Hamilton from the Year 1688–1723, 2 vols. (London, 1727), II, p. 141. 33 That this disruption and decline was evident to contemporaries can be seen from remarks such as that in an EIC report of 21 October 1632, which states, ‘The Portugals daily decline in the Indies’. See CSPCol., 1630–34, V, p. 304. 34 Newitt, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, 1400–1668, p. 223. 35 Calendar of State Papers Domestic of the Reign of James I, 1623–1625, ed. by M. A. E. Green (London, 1859), p. 476 (14 February 1625). 36 See G. B. Souza, ‘Portuguese Country Traders in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea c.1600,’ in Prakash, European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia, pp. 69–80, at p. 73.

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foremost producer of cinnamon (albeit they did not secure Colombo). Four years later Malacca fell into the hands of the VOC after a fivemonth siege.37 This last event can be considered the end of the Portuguese crown’s involvement in south and southeast Asia, and from this point on only an unofficial empire remained, consisting of a population born to mixed Portuguese and Asian parentage. The Portuguese crown was no longer interested in an unprofitable area from which, despite one hundred years of dominance, it had been ousted by the Dutch.38 Almost fifteen years later, in 1656, Rijcklof van Goens conquered Colombo and finally expelled the Portuguese from Ceylon, obtaining at last the much desired cinnamon monopoly. After a long and bitter struggle, with the capture of Cochin in 1663, Van Goens kicked the Portuguese out of Malabar, important for the pepper trade.39 Despite these successes, the most sustained Dutch-Portuguese conflict centred on Goa, and it is here that Anderson sheds some interesting new light on the subject, not least because his information on one event seriously challenges existing perceptions of it. Further, it even points the finger of corruption at many Dutch officials in Asia. The Struggle for Goa: Failure and Success The blockade of Goa from 1641 to 1642 in which John Anderson participated was only one small operation in a global war. In 1621, by creating the Dutch West India Company (WIC), the States General intended to open a third front in the war against the Habsburg Empire in the Atlantic. Besides establishing settlements and stimulating trade and navigation, the WIC had to attack the enemy, especially the Por37 A. Das Gupta, ‘The Maritime Trade of Indonesia 1500–1800’, in Prakash, European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia, pp. 81–116, at p. 91. 38 M. Morineau, ‘Eastern and Western Merchants from the 16th Century to the 18th Century’, in S. Chaudhury and M. Morineau (eds.), Merchants, Companies and Trade, pp. 116–44, at p. 130. 39 G. D. Winius and M. P. M. Vink, The Merchant-Warrior Pacified: the VOC (Dutch East India Company) and its Changing Political Economy in India (Delhi, 1994), p. 29; E. van Veen and D. Klijn, A Guide to the Sources of the History of Dutch-Portuguese Relations in Asia, 1594–1797, Intercontinenta 24 (Leiden, 2001); E. van Veen, ‘VOC Strategies in the Far East, 1605–1640’, Bulletin of Portuguese/Japanese Studies 3 (2001), pp. 85–105; H. s’Jacob, ‘Rijcklof Volckertsz van Goens, 1619–1682. Kind van de Compagnie, diplomaat en krijgsman’, in Knaap and Teitler, De Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie tussen oorlog en diplomatie, pp. 131–49.

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tuguese, in the Atlantic. In 1630, the WIC occupied the sugar province of Pernambuco in northeast Brazil. Later several Portuguese forts and settlements in Africa fell into Dutch hands too.40 In 1636 a new Governor General arrived in Batavia: Anthony van Diemen (1593–1645). Without any orders from the Gentlemen Seventeen he took the initiative for a more strategic use of the Company’s maritime power in Asia, comparable with the one exercised by the WIC in the Atlantic, concentrating its attacks on the enemy in Malacca, Ceylon and especially Goa. From 1636 to 1644 the Dutch organised seasonal blockades of Goa, the Asian headquarters of the Portuguese. The purpose was to disrupt the Portuguese attempts at sending reinforcements to the city from Europe, and to prevent them from dispatching valuable cargoes for Lisbon. Another motive for the blockade was to destroy the Portuguese intra-Asiatic trade for which Goa was pivotal. In those years two major sea-battles took place near Goa: the first one was in January 1638, during which four Portuguese galleons were destroyed against the loss of two VOC ships. During the second battle in September 1639 fifty Dutchmen were killed while some 400 Portuguese died.41 For the operations against Goa, a forward base of operations was essential, which the Dutch established in 1637 at Vengurla, ‘32 Scottish miles’ north of Goa. The ‘lodge’ was essentially a small fortified house rather than a castle. It was defended by an earthen wall, six cannon and between thirty and forty soldiers. For many years it served as a refreshment station for the Dutch fleets operating against Goa, which normally consisted of about ten ships. Of equal strategic importance it also served as communications centre for the various VOC informants based within Goa itself. The senior Company official running the lodge maintained diplomatic contacts with the local Asian rulers, trying to undermine the Portuguese position with them. Through such contact the lodge also served as a trading factory and developed some

40 H. den Heijer, ‘The Dutch West India Company, 1621–1791’, in J. Postma and V. Enthoven (eds.), Riches from Atlantic Commerce: Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585–1817, The Atlantic World: Europe, Africa and the Americas, 1500– 1830 1 (Leiden, 2003), pp. 85–96. 41 Furber, Rival Empires of Trade, p. 50; A. da Silva Saturnino Monteiro, ‘The Decline and Fall of Portuguese Seapower, 1583–1663’, The Journal of Military History 65.1 (2001), pp. 9–20; G. Kruijtzer, ‘Xenophobia and Consciousness in SeventeenthCentury India: Six Cases from the Deccan’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, Leiden University, 2008), chapters 1 and 2.

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significance for the pepper trade too. Anderson noted the existence of the lodge which he described as ‘Wingerlaw, a place be north Goa. wich is Now a Cantorey of ye hollanders’.42 During the 1630s, the blockades had a rather limited effect on the carreira da Índia. The incoming ships suffered no losses at all and only some of the return voyages were delayed. However, the Portuguese were forced to dispatch their ships from Cochin rather than from the Mandovi River, and the problem with the Bay of Cochin was that it was too shallow for the large Portuguese ships, so they could not winter there. The Portuguese crown had to try and solve that problem by sending smaller ships than the large carracks. Furthermore, the population of Goa declined during the blockades due to an exodus not only of the Indian inhabitants but also of the Portuguese themselves, many of whom departed to take part in private enterprises.43 The year that Anderson left for the East Indies, 1640, became a memorable year for the Portuguese because it brought them the Restãuração of the Portuguese crown under the Braganças and independence from the Habsburg Empire. One of the first steps of the new royal house was to establish diplomatic relations with that other enemy of the King of Spain, the Dutch Republic. The new crown of Portugal and the States General signed a truce on 12 June 1641. As far as Asia was concerned, it was agreed that it would come into force after Batavia received confirmation from the States General that they had received the ratification by the new Portuguese King. The Company’s directors in the Netherlands, but especially Governor General Van Diemen, were not very keen on declaring a truce in Asia. From a VOC perspec-

42 Anderson’s Log, fol. 25r (29 August 1641); N. Mac Leod, De Oost-Indische Compagnie als zeemogendheid in Azië, 2 vols. (Rijswijk, 1927), II, p. 154; Van Dam, III, p. 436; L. B. Wevers, ‘Sadras en Wungurla. Bouwgeschiedenis van een tweetal gefortificeerde VOC-factorijen in India’, in M. H. Bartels et al. (eds.), Hollanders uit en thuis. Archeologie, geschiedenis en bouwhistorie gedurende de VOC-tijd in de Oost, de West en thuis. Cultuurhistorie van de Nederlandse expansie (Hilversum, 2002), pp. 124–40. 43 E. van Veen, Decay or Defeat. An Inquiry into the Portuguese Decline in Asia, 1580–1645, Studies in Overseas History 1/CNWS Publications 96 (Leiden, 2000), p. 201; R. Barendse, ‘Blockade: Goa and its Surroundings, 1638–1654’, in E. van Veen and L. Blussé (eds.), Rivalry and Conflict: European Traders and Asian Trading Networks in the 16th and 17th Centuries, Studies in Overseas History 7/CNWS Publications 142 (Leiden, 2005), pp. 232–66, at p. 234; M. Vink, ‘Between Profit and Power: The Dutch East India Company and Institutional Early Modernities in the Age of Mercantilism’, in J. H. Bentley and H. Parker (eds.), Between the Middle Ages and Modernity: Individual and Community in the Early Modern World (New York, 2006), pp. 285–306.

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tive, there were too many unsettled issues.44 A new blockade of Goa was ordered despite the truce. On 8 September 1641, news was received in Goa that Duke João Bragança had been proclaimed King of Portugal and that a truce between Portugal and the States General was imminent. Several days later, on 21 September, the Dutch blockade fleet captured the carrack Nossa Senhora da Quietação. The ship carried several letters sent from the Dutch ‘nation’ at Lisbon, explaining the new situation in Europe. Right away negotiations were started between the Dutch and the Portuguese. In Batavia, however, Van Diemen and his councillors were not convinced by the letters found on the carrack, and they decided that until they got definite ‘official’ confirmation from the Netherlands they had better maintain the blockade of Goa. The real problem in the Portuguese-Dutch negotiations in Asia was the unwillingness of the Portuguese to concede any area to the Dutch while the VOC was still eager to expand its sources of supply; if necessary at the expense of its new ally. Dutch hostilities towards the Portuguese in Goa lasted until 1644, by which time Anderson had already returned safely to the Netherlands.45 However, he has left us with an interesting account of one particular episode, not least in terms of the sheer size of a particular Portuguese carrack and the wealth it contained. The Sixth Blockade of Goa In 1640 the Company operated 25 ships in Asia: 6 flyboats, 3 yachts, 2 frigates, 7 East Indiamen, 1 warship, and 3 armed merchantmen. Two years later, in 1642, when Anderson set sail for Europe, a total of sixteen ships from the Netherlands had arrived in Batavia, carrying 2,117 sailors and 1,125 soldiers. About one hundred people had not survived the crossing (3%), though all of Anderson’s crew appear to have survived.46 Many of these would participate in the blockade of Goa.

44 C. van de Haar, De diplomatieke betrekkingen tussen de Republiek en Portugal, 1640–1661 (Groningen, 1961); C. Antunes, Globalisation in the Early Modern Period: the Economic Relationship between Amsterdam and Lisbon, 1640–1705 (Amsterdam, 2004), pp. 142–49. 45 Barendse, ‘Blockade’, p. 246. 46 Generale Missiven, 1639–55, II, p. 121 (30 November 1640); p. 183 (12 December 1642).

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On 18 June 1641, Governor General Van Diemen and his council decided to send the annual blockade fleet, the sixth, to Goa, consisting of: ’s Hertogenbosch, Hollandia, Harderwijk, Enkhuizen, Wassenaar, Egmond, Noordster, ’t Vliegend Hert, Venlo and Roemerswaal. The fleet had a complement of 447 men, including 200 soldiers and an armament of 241 cannons. The Admiral of the fleet was Matthijs Hendriksz Quast, Jan de Quesnoy was Vice-Admiral, and Rear Admiral Cornelis Leendertsz Blauw also participated. John Anderson was transferred from the ’s Hertogenbosch to the Harderwijk.47 On 13 July 1641 Governor General Van Diemen inspected the ships in the Sunda Strait and handed over his instructions to Admiral Quast.48 Four days later the ships took on water and firewood and left for Goa.49 Because of the contrary monsoon the voyage took forty days. On 25 August Vengurla was sighted and three days later the fleet anchored in front of Goa, but out of sight of the enemy.50 The yacht Venlo was sent to the lodge at Vengurla to obtain the latest information. The flyboat ’t Vliegend Hert made a reconnaissance trip to Goa. It reported that two new ships were under construction, of which one was already launched. Furthermore, two carracks were present. One was taking in a cargo for Portugal, the other was not able to sail because of a lack of crew. Anderson reports that two carracks and three galleons were lying within Goa.51 Quast decided to split his fleet. The lighter vessels, including Enkhuizen, Wassenaar and the Noordster, were ordered to a position further inshore, in order to prevent the carracks from leaving port. The heavier ships were cruising more out at sea in order to intercept ships coming in. Furthermore, the yacht Roemerswaal was sent to Vengurla to be converted into a fire ship in case of an attack on the Portuguese ships lying in port. Since departure from Batavia on 17 June, thirty-four men had already died; one clerk, one sergeant, nine

47

Mac Leod, De Oost-Indische Compagnie als zeemogendheid, II, p. 133. NA, Archief van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie [hereafter VOC] 1138, fols. 70–82, Copie instructie aen de commandeur Matthijs Quast naer Goa (11 July 1641). 49 Anderson’s Log, fols. 18r–19r. We are well informed about the whereabouts of the blockade fleet. An extensive report is preserved in NA, VOC 1138, fols. 363–413, Verhael ofte sommier vant gepasseerde in onse vloote voor Goa (1 November 1641). This report is published in Dagh-Register, 1641–42, VI, pp. 207–59. If not otherwise stated this paragraph and the next are based on the Dagh-Register, 1641–42. 50 Anderson’s Log, fol. 24r (25 and 28 August 1641). 51 Anderson’s Log, fol. 25r (31 August 1641). 48

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soldiers, and twenty-three sailors—and seventy-five were ill. From Vengurla daily refreshments were sent to the fleet for the sick. Anderson spent his time deliberating how well defended Goa was, having been assaulted many times. Due to the degree of drop in the river level in the hot season, the Portuguese had built additional defences to prevent attackers from simply wading across the river, or as Anderson put it more eloquently: And one ye wther syde of ye Toune ye Riuer is ther so small, yat in sumer tyme by wadding to ye knees in watter, a man May ouer it one footte One ye wich syde ye Iyland hath a wall with Certane Bulwarkes wich ye portugalls of late ʒeires hath Caussed to be made, to defend them from ye firme land in tyme of warre, as it often hapnethe for it diuers tymes hath beine beseidged.52

We can imagine the thoughts of the Scotsman as he remained aboard his ship, both describing the city and her fortifications, and also reading previous travelogues by Europeans who had seen the city from within. However, the monotony was soon to be broken. On 17 September 1641 the yacht Roemerswaal had intercepted a Portuguese yacht en route to Goa. The cargo of rice was confiscated. The vessel and its thirty free black rowers were simply dismissed. Five days later a new sail was sighted, but this prize was much more significant. The Battle for the Carrack Nossa Senhora da Quietação On 21 September at 2pm a large sail was sighted sailing straight towards the Dutch. Quast decided to investigate and sailed with the ’s Hertogenbosch, Harderwijk, Enkhuizen and ’t Vliegend Hert towards the vessel. At first it was thought that it was an English vessel on its way to Coromandel. Soon, however, it became apparent that it was a large Portuguese carrack, named Nossa Senhora da Quietação. Admiral Quast decided to engage her. The exchange of fire lasted from 8am until 4pm, after which the Dutch boarded the carrack. After a gallant fight—the Dutch were astounded by the fierce resistance—the Portuguese surrendered. Anderson gives a vivid description of the engagement:

52

Anderson’s Log, fol. 27r.

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chapter four The 21. of September in ye Morning ther appeired to ws in sight a grate shipe, coming right one ws, wich wee found to be a grate Carracke of Portualled. Called ye Santa Maria de Gosta [Nossa Senhora da Quietação] ye Admirall sent hes boate abourd ye rest of hes fleet commanding them not to lift ther Anchors, wntill they saw how ye Bussines went Then with a broad syde, did our Admirall in ye Bosche [’s Hertogenbosch], clape her aboord and scaldit hes haill fore sayle, spritt sayle and blind. till ye rope, of his Enterdrige did brecke, bot ʒet wnder hard blowes. then did wee with ye shipe Harderwicke, salute him with a quhole Brood syde, wntill ye Bosche [’s Hertogenbosch] did putt too New forsayles. wee still plaging them with our Grate and Small shootte, and ye floyte in lyke maner. wee contined thus, a creuell fight from 8. a clocke in ye Morninge, till Neir 4. in ye afternoone, about wiche tyme, wee all.3. Resolued to boord her, in ye Meane tyme the New shipe Encusin [Enkhuizen] rining in hes bouspritt with a double way betuix ye Carractes Main Maste and maine shroudes Runs off hes Galion head and boull sprit, only with ye discharge of one brood syde, and receiuing ye Carractes brood syde, with ye losse of 6. men fell a sterne and did no more: then did ye forsaids .3. shippes, Enter ye Carracte, perforce making a werey hotte fight with suord and pistol, for halffe ane houer. wntill ther Generall was killed. then they Called for quarters, and so wee did posses ye Carracte.53

The official VOC report of the engagement states the following information. The Nossa Senhora da Quietação was a carrack of the smallest charter. This concurs with the general notion that as a result of the Dutch blockades of Goa, the Portuguese were forced to use smaller ships for the carreira da Índia. However, Anderson puts her at 2,200 ton (1,100 lasts), which actually makes her one of the biggest carracks of the period. She was armed with 26 cannons and had a crew of 450 men, including 200 soldiers. The official record notes that 27 Portuguese died and 50 were wounded during the fight. However, Anderson gives an altogether different picture, stating that: hauing first with our grate Ordinace killed to them some 50. Men. and in ye assutte, and Entrey 100. More, so yat of 550 Men they had in her, they lost with ther Generall .150. and wee, 24. Men. and 30. hurte.54

Both sets of figures allow for a large crew, Anderson saying that they had 550, the official report stating that she contained 750 souls. What is sure is that this was no small vessel and something was amiss in the

53 54

Anderson’s Log, fol. 26r. Anderson’s Log, fol. 26r.

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Table 2. Dutch casualties, 1641 Ship ’s Hertogenbosch Harderwijk Enkhuizen ’t Vliegend Hert Total

Dead

Wounded

6 2 4 4 16

10 6 3 8 27

Source: Dagh-Register, 1641–42, VI, p. 210.

official report of the sea-battle. And it was not just in the reporting of the size of the ship and enemy casualties that there was a discrepancy. The Dutch also lost men in the conflict, though again there are problems with the figures (Table 2), with the official report and Anderson’s account being at odds by some eight dead and three wounded. The most significant loss for the Dutch was Admiral Quast who was shot in the foot and died on 5 October. He was buried afterwards at the lodge in Vengurla. As Admiral of the blockading fleet, Quast was succeeded by Cornelis Leendertsz Blauw. The carrack was confiscated by the VOC, renamed Amsterdam, and incorporated into the fleet. The 381 Portuguese prisoners were distributed among the rest of the ships: ‘wee distributted ye 400. prisoners, amongest our fleette’. Anderson’s account of the booty from the carrack, however, is rather scanty: 1000. tunes of Spanisch Wynes 11. grate chists of Rialls of .8t. 10000 Crusadoes of Goldes some quanties of Emraldes and pearles 10. kists of wroght and wnwroght Amber 14. kists of Read Corrall wroght and polisshed a grate deall of other Comodities

However, he did give an interesting total for the value of the cargo based on the declarations of the Portuguese prisoners who, Anderson noted: ‘The Portugalls by ther declaratione walued this Carracke at .50. tune of Gold’ (Table 3).

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Table 3. Proceeds from the Nossa Senhora da Quietação and the Portuguese yacht, 1641 (guilders) Portuguese carrack Nossa Senhora da Quietação 11,076¼ pieces of eight, each 50 stivers 27,839 : 8: Silver bullion 3,722 : 5: 485 carats uncut diamonds 9,924 : 12 : 616 pounds of branch coral 9,643 : 7: 1,657½ ounces of round coral, 5 guilders per Lb 8,477 : 10 : 1,157¼ pounds of bad raw coral, 3 guilders per Lb 3,471 : 15 : 474 pounds of uncut amber 3,618 : 8: 542 pounds of amber shavings 596 : 4: 3¾ pounds of amber in rosaries 22 : 10 : 584¾ ell of crimson cloth 2,716 : 9: 35 pieces of coloured cloth, 25 guilders each 275 : – : 1,220 pounds of sweet smelling balm from Mocha 1,830 : – : 139 caskets of snuff tobacco 6,951 : 2: 54 packs and 157 reams of Portuguese paper 2,174 : 8: 923 pounds of vermillion [a red dye] 1,219 : 16 : 286⅛ pieces of eight, in several currencies 729 : 12 : 7,580 pounds of iron, 8 guilders per 1/100 606 : 8: 376 sword blades, each 12 guilders 564 : – : 746 small mirrors 187 : 10 : 2 coats of bad cloth 17 : 10 : 1 golden hat ribbon with 110 small diamonds 510 : – : 130 large and 4 small barrels of Portuguese wine 14,248 : – : 70 large barrels of acid wine, sold as vinegar 4,740 : – : 35 barrels of olive oil 3,150 : – : 94 barrels of olives and 54 caskets of cheese 1,283 : 15 : Total

8 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 6 – – – – – – – – – 109,119 : 7 : 8

Portuguese yacht from Mozambique Gold bullion 674 pounds of ivory Ambergris Two red coral rosaries with a golden cross 14 small diamonds 1 golden ring with a pearl Total Grand total

27,699 : 5,337 : 753 : 51 : 27 : 20 :

18 : 8 – : – 11 : – : : : 33,790 : 9 : 8 143,007 : 8 : 6

Source: NA, VOC 1140 fols. 496–97, Sommarium van de comptanten, gout, coopmanschappen als andersints (22 September 1641 and 8 November 1641).

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A few weeks later, on 1 November, one of the Company’s yachts apprehended a small Portuguese vessel of some sixty lasts which did not put up a fight. The ship was coming from Mozambique and was equipped by private merchants from Goa. The vessel was old and was scuttled. Its cargo, consisting of some slaves, 10,671 pounds of ivory, 47⅛ pounds gold, came in handy. The booty of both Portuguese ships is listed in Table 3. Most of the confiscated goods were sent to Surat to be sold, including 50,000 pounds of sandalwood (a dye), 12,200 pounds of pepper, 10 pieces of crimson cloth, 35 pieces of perpetuana (cloth, long 1,100¾ el), 32 pounds and 15 ounces of red coral in 142 chains, and two pounds loose red coral. This was sold for 62,856:06:01 guilders in total. Later 6,600 pieces of eight and 722 pounds of silver were sold too. Some of the jewellery was handed out as presents to some local rulers or sent to Batavia to the Governor General. In total the proceeds from these two prizes were 143,007:08:06 guilders (Table 3).55 Of these goods some 26 barrels of olives, 12 caskets of cheese and sausages, 12 barrels of oil, 6 barrels of wine, 1 barrel of ham etc. were shipped to Ambon, Banda and the Moluccas. These were either used for the kitchen of the Governor General, or distributed among the Portuguese prisoners. Furthermore, 43 sacks and 13 small barrels of beans, 27 barrels of bread, 6 barrels of rice, 3 barrels of ham, 1 casket of flour and many other victuals were distributed among the crews of the ships, in particular the sick and wounded.56 This was, however, not the end of the matter. As stated above, there were some serious discrepancies in the reports as regards the sizes of the Portuguese ships and the values of their cargo. The official Dutch report that the Nossa Senhora da Quietação was rather small simply does not tally with either the size of her complement or Anderson’s report of her displacement. Further, the 143,007 guilders officially declared was far less than the 500,000 guilders the cargo had been valued at by the Portuguese prisoners, again, as vouched for by Anderson. For the council in Batavia it became clear that the responsible officials—including Admiral Blauw and his clerk, Cornelis de Potter—had swindled, infringed and defrauded the Company. After they returned to Batavia in June 1642, both were charged 55

Dagh-Register, 1641–42, VI, pp. 222–23, 243. NA, VOC 1140 fols. 496–97, Sommarium van de comptanten, gout, coopmanschappen als andersints (22 September 1641 and 8 November 1641). 56

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with fraud; De Potter was sacked, but stayed in Batavia as a barrister while Blauw was demoted and repatriated to the Netherlands for his trial by the directors.57 Anderson’s testimony, though not used at the time to our knowledge, certainly reinforces the presence of corruption at the highest level by senior officers of the VOC fleet. John Anderson gives only the briefest account of the battle he witnessed, and seemed uninterested in providing more information relating to the siege of Goa thereafter. His journal records only that: ‘wee lay befor Goa. and Wingerlaw from ye .1. of September 1641. wntill ye 10. day of May. 1642’.58 There are several reasons for this brief statement, brought on by both boredom and pragmatism. Already by December 1641 it was apparent that the fortifications of Goa were strong enough to survive an attack on the port while the Portuguese ships had no intention of leaving Goa as long as the Dutch were outside. No carracks from Lisbon were expected to arrive at the port either. So, on 5 January 1642, Admiral Blauw and his council decided to split the fleet. The Hollandia, Harderwijk, Egmont and Venlo, manned by 333 European sailors, 115 Portuguese prisoners and 17 African slaves, under command of Claes Cornelisz Blocq were ordered to remain at Goa to keep a watchful eye on Portuguese activity. Admiral Blauw, with the ’s Hertogenbosch, Wassenaar, Valckenburg and Roemerswaal and 560 men, including 160 soldiers, left Goa to harass the Portuguese in Ceylon. On 10 May 1642, the Hollandia, Harderwijk and Egmont lifted their blockade of Goa and sailed back to Batavia.59 From there Anderson awaited his orders to return to Europe having witnessed the fight for, and the taking of, one of Portugal’s largest ever carracks. That said, Anderson’s journal did not stop there when it came to commentary on Asian warfare.

57 Generale Missiven, 1639–55, II, pp. 156–58 (12 December 1642); Dagh-Register, 1641–42, VI, p. 226; NA, VOC 1138 fols. 6v–9r, Originele Generale Missive (12 December 1642). 58 Anderson’s Log, fol. 26r. 59 Anderson’s Log, fol. 47r (10 May 1642).

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Anderson on Asian Warfare60 We discussed above the three-way fight between the English, Portuguese and Dutch for control of the Banda Islands between 1616 and 1622. However, the Dutch were not only interested in fighting with fellow Europeans, but also involved themselves in aggressive conflicts with some indigenous Asian groups, while leaving others well alone. For example, in the Banda Islands, once the Portuguese, and then the English competition had been disposed of, they finally turned their attention to the local population. To secure their conquest of the islands, the Dutch built a new fort and not only displaced competitive Europeans, but decimated the indigenous population. In a bloody campaign Coen and his men brought Lontor, the main island, under Company control. The population of Pulau Ai initially sided with the English and drove off the Dutch in 1615, but, after the appearance of ten VOC ships, a deal was struck that saw the English stand by as the Dutch and natives fought it out—the agreement being that if the Dutch won, the English would leave. The natives had no choice but to comply, but this still left Run in English hands. Coen destroyed their boats and rounded up the population, killing all the adult males among them. The people of Ceram suffered a similar fate. An estimated figure of 13,000 Bandanese were exterminated in a few weeks. The small terrified population of the outer Pulau Rozengain was deported, divided across the larger islands and subsequently spread among the nutmeg plantations as slaves while others were sent in servitude to Java. The Bandanese were partly replaced by some 446 slaves, 100 free settlers, 30 Indo-Europeans and 64 Spanish and Gujerati prisoners. At a terrible cost to the indigenous population, the nutmeg and mace monopoly was now secured for the VOC.61 Anderson reflected

60

For an early seventeenth-century Portuguese view on Asian warfare, see Francisco Rodriues Silveira’s Reformação da milícia e governo do Estado da Ínia Oriental, ed. by B.N. Teensma (Lisbon, 1996). Fundação Orienta in Lisbon published this text in 1996. A few years earlier George Winius analysed and quoted extensively from this text in English. G. D. Winius, The Black Legend of Portuguese India (New Delhi, 1985), esp. pp. 51–57. 61 J. K. J. de Jonge, De opkomst van het Nederlandsch gezag in Oost-Indië, 1595– 1610, 13 vols. (The Hague, 1862–95), IV, pp. 42–54; A. Calder, Revolutionary Empire: The Rise of the English-Speaking Empires from the Fifteenth Century to the 1780s (London, 1981), pp. 160–61; V. C. Loth, ‘Armed Incidents and Unpaid Bills: Anglo-Dutch rivalry in the Banda Islands in the Seventeenth Century’, Modern Asian Studies 29 (1995) 4, pp. 705–40.

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on the complete destruction of the indigenous population by the VOC forces under Coen, lamenting that: ye Hollanders haue conquered thesse Iles of Banda by ye suord, and rootted out ye werey Memorey of ye Natiue Bandanesere, and haue peopled the same, with ther Negro slaiues from other Nations, and Entitle them selues Lordes of ye Banda Iylandes, Caring not a stra quhat Right aney can pretend therto. Jhone Peiterson Coun of horne, Generall of India for ye Netherlandes Companey first wtherly subdewed Banda to ye Hollander and rootted vpe ther Orankayes Nobility and Comons with ye suord in Anno .1622.62 .

This was certainly not the only time in his journal that Anderson returned to the issue of military conquest or the martial ability of Asian peoples, sometimes even with grudging respect. Observing the strength of the King of Siam he reported that other territories around acknowledged his strength, ‘his pouer is grate wsually warring with a 1000 Eliphants and 200000 Men’.63 Similarly he observed that one Malabar King could assemble a similarly vast force (minus elephants) stating clearly that the country was ‘ʒet so populous yat the King of Callicut or Samoryn is at aney tyme able to affront the Narsingan, Decan or Gulucundan kinges (his Borderes) with 200000 men’.64 While observing that the population was not as advanced in science as the Europeans were, he continued his observation that the men were brave and, having been initially treated with contempt by the Portuguese, eventually proved their match; The Men quhat they want in Sciences, suplie by a surpassing Courage, and pollicie, ye Portugalls at ther first intrinching one ther shore thought them silly becausse wnlearned: Easie to be ouercome becausse couered with in defensiue Nakednesse: Bot both conceitts deceaued them; they found (by sad experience) Nature had instructed them in ther auen defence; and yat no Canon nor Iron is so wiolently dangerous as Reuenge; precipitated, Exasperated by contempt and quher furie ragethe howbeit by longe warres they are now become expert and orderly. ʒea know how to pley with Canons, haue als grate store of harquebuzzes, & als weill acquanted with ye force of pouder, as wee ore aney wther Nation, in all fights they lykwayesse wsse bow & arrow, dartts, targetts Granads and wariety of fyre workes; of wich they haue grate store.65

62 63 64 65

Anderson’s Log, fol. 49r. Anderson’s Log, fol. 46r. Anderson’s Log, fol. 37r. Anderson’s Log, fol. 38r.

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What becomes self-evident from this passage is that some indigenous rulers were quick to adopt European technology, but not necessarily at the expense of proven traditional weapons, particularly when armies of immense size could be mobilised. Others were more reticent, or unable to integrate new technologies. For example, when Anderson discusses the native population at the Cape of Good Hope, he can barely conceal his contempt that they possessed only spears and for the ease with which a trained band of twelve musketeers could disperse 100 of them, and the subsequent panic this would induce: Ther arte of warre is guided by disorder ther weapon no other then a Iauelin headit with Iron, and directed by some fethers, wich they take off and one at pleassure, a doson of Musqueteirs willchasse a 100. of them. at eurey discharge falling doune as thunder strucke.66

Of course, as many Europeans would discover—particularly the British in the Zulu wars—that was not always the case. For all that Anderson is sometimes disparaging, it does not seem to be because of blind colour prejudice. We find him talking about the natives of Madagascar in quite a different way to those of the Cape, perhaps because of their association with Islam rather than what Anderson calls ‘idolitry’. When mentioning their martial nature he concluded: The people are generally stronge, Couragious and proper, ye Male sorte from ther Infancey are giuen to ye warres and couer ther naked bodies with longe and massie targetts ther Right hand brandishing a longe neat picke or lance of Eboney barbed with Iron, keipt as bright as Siluer. and wiche they know how to Iaculate, and vsse als excellently as aney people in ye World.67

Interestingly, Anderson is talking about essentially the same weaponry as used by the peoples of the Cape; a spear (lance) and a shield (target). They too are all but naked, but in their case Anderson praises their ability to launch their ebony javelins as ‘excellently as aney people in ye world’. It thus seems that Anderson’s view of military capability was very much determined by his own experiences of the populations he refers to and, in particular, how well they fitted in with his own monotheist religious outlook. Muslims may have been looked down upon by him, but at least they believed in the same God as he. This might account also for his very complimentary comments on the

66 67

Anderson’s Log, fol. 66r. Anderson’s Log, fol. 66r.

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martial and maritime skills of the people of Bantam which he described in the following way: Bantam and its terretories is able to make to ye feild 25000 men, and of all ye Jauans are ye best shouldiours. of Religion they ar Mahometans, and yat werey preceisse bot with all extreamly trecherous and subile of a quicke and Nimble witt, and with ther Junckes, praws friggats and Tingans, they are ye best Seamen in all ye Empyre of Jaua.68

In less favourable light Anderson described the defeat of a Dutch factory in Borneo at the hands of an indigenous force: Bemermassen lyand one ye South east of Borneo is ye chieffe toune of ye kingdome so namied. ye hollanders essayed heir to haue bult a Castle, bot could not, both for laicke of Materialls, and ye Naughtines of ye ground, being a Low Sunke Marrasse, ye Hollanders had heire a Cantorey bot in ye ʒeire 1638. ye king of this Toune, and hes people, murthered ye Hollanders and ther factors and seassed one ther goods, ye Iyllanders of Borneo are all of them most Truculent, and treacherous people, wffring small poysoned darts wiche they blow out in pluffes, quherwith If they tuoche aney no remedey bot death. and poysoned crisses.69

Clearly the idea that a people is treacherous or truculent for refusing to succumb to the imperial designs of others is a view that should find little sympathy in the twenty-first century. But it is not the manner in which he recorded these, and the other examples of warfare in Asia, which is important, simply that he recorded them at all. Conclusion As a pilot in the service of the VOC, it is of little surprise that the emphasis of the log written by John Anderson is on navigation. In that respect it records a typical voyage to and from the East Indies by a Dutch East Indiaman in the middle of the seventeenth century. Nevertheless, the document provides an eyewitness account of the struggle between the Dutch and Portuguese in 1641 and 1642, in particular the sixth blockade of Goa. It further discloses some interesting new details regarding the displacement, complement and cargo of the carrack Nossa Senhora da Quietação. This supporting evidence fully supports the charges of corruption levelled at VOC officials and explains 68 69

Anderson’s Log, fol. 18r. Anderson’s Log, fol. 53r.

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obvious discrepancies in the official report surrounding the disposal of the cargo of the ship. Of equal importance are the details Anderson leaves us of the composition and armament of several indigenous armies leading us to look with more objectivity on why some locations were colonised by the Dutch while others remained fully trading partners only. It was one thing for the VOC to tackle small groups of Bandanese, but quite another for them to contemplate the destruction of armies numbering over 200,000 men and equipped with over 1,000 war-elephants. There was a reason why Thailand was not conquered by the Europeans in the seventeenth century! Indeed such insights remind us of the often partisan reporting of the European involvement which can sometimes fail to consider just why some areas were attacked, why some were not and what the Asian potentates themselves thought of the European presence. Rather than feeling obliged to fight, many of the more powerful seemed entertained by the European warfare going on around about them. It is interesting to consider that Asian princes did not believe in navies in the European fashion; for example Bahadur Shah—the King of Gujarat— claimed that ‘war by sea are merchants’ affairs and no concern of the prestige of kings’.70 So it was that Anderson was left to praise the skill and seamanship of Asian peoples while describing their martial qualities only as they affected the struggle to retain possession of their territories as it affected them on land. To this end his journal becomes a very interesting source of otherwise forgotten information.

70

Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, p. 50.

CHAPTER FIVE

SCOTS AND THE EAST INDIES: A BACKGROUND TO THE VOYAGE OF JOHN ANDERSON Introduction It is interesting to note that in his journal, John Anderson does not record the presence of a single other Scot aboard his ship, or indeed meeting a fellow countryman anywhere in the locations he visited. The unsuspecting reader might be drawn to the conclusion that he represents something of an anomaly—an isolated Scot in the East Indies during the early seventeenth century. However, on closer reading of contemporary sources we find that such a conclusion would be misguided and indeed the world in which Anderson travelled was one that was familiar to a small, but not insignificant, cohort of Scots in the seventeenth century. Moreover, the impact of their presence upon other Europeans meant that Scots could even be used as a point of reference when trying to describe some of the indigenous peoples they encountered in Asia. For example, the Dutch Governor of Ambon, Anthonio van den Heuvel, wrote in 1633 that ‘wild men such as those of Scotland and Ireland are also found throughout the islands of India, especially on Ceylon and many other islands within the territory of the Tarnatan King, namely on the coast of Batochina’.1 Van den Heuvel was obviously comparing dwellers of the islands mentioned with Gaels from Scotland and Ireland as opposed to suggesting that the East Indies were awash with Gaelic settlers. However, it is interesting that he had an impression of the Gaels by which he, and the recipient of the letter, would be able to judge the local tribesmen he mentioned. Van den Heuvel could easily have met Scotsmen either in the Dutch Republic or, indeed, in the East Indies, whether working for the English, Dutch or Portuguese. Some of those individuals are discussed here to give a context to the important log-book left to us by John Anderson and to

1 Memories van Overgave van Gouverneurs van Ambon in de zeventiende en achttiende eeuw, ed. by G. J. Knaap, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Kleine Serie 62 (The Hague, 1987), p. 99 (30 August 1633).

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give a Scottish background perspective to the East Indies in the early modern period. Indeed, as we shall see, Anderson was neither the first, last, nor most important Scot to make the journey. Early Eastern Incursions One Scot, William Carmichael ( fl. 1580–1622), served the Portuguese from the early 1580s. He had undertaken several missions to China and for many years Carmichael, under the name of Guillermo Jorge de Schorsia, had lived with his family in Goa. In 1612, after thirty-two years of service in the Indies for the Portuguese, he left the Moluccas. The Dutch Governor of Ambon, however, arrested him and confiscated all his belongings, including several slaves, despite the fact he carried a safe-conduct from King James VI & I. In 1614, having returned to Britain temporarily, he approached the EIC seeking their help with his case. Thereafter Carmichael spent many years in The Hague fighting the Dutch to gain compensation for his losses. In September 1614—with the help of Sir Dudley Carleton (1574–1632), the English Ambassador in The Hague, and carrying an endorsement of King James—Carmichael requested compensation from the States General, the highest executive body of the Dutch Republic. Carmichael argued that, since he was a subject of King James, his goods could not be considered ‘legitimate prize’ in the Portuguese-Dutch conflict. Initially the States General handed this request over to the representatives of the VOC. Later, in 1617, a special tribunal was established to judge his case. Despite the fact that he had asked the States General to write in his favour to the judges, the case was not resolved. The States General had dismissed his request because there was no separate justice in the Dutch Republic. Disappointed by the lack of progress, Carmichael therefore wrote to King James in 1622 seeking ‘letters of reprisal’ against any Dutch shipping found in British waters in order that he could recoup his fortune.2 It is possible that he had some success as in

2 CSPCol., 1513–1616, I, p. 296 (8–9 June 1614); Res. SG, 1613–16, II, p. 313, no. 777 (4 September 1614), p. 387, no. 66 (23 January 1615), p. 733, no. 887 (3 December 1616); Res. SG, 1617–18, III, p. 58, no. 340 (6 March 1617), p. 160, no. 990 (7 July 1617), p. 162, no. 1002 (10 July 1617), p. 191, no. 1207 (10 August 1617), p. 212, no. 1369 (11 September 1617); CSPCol., 1617–21, II, p. 163 (30 April 1618); CSPCol., 1622–24, III, p. 41 (c. 1622). Note that letters of reprisal should not be confused with letters of marque. Letters of marque were issued against an enemy of the nation in

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February 1622 the Swedish diplomat in the Dutch Republic, Jan Rutgers, reported that King James had ordered the detention of two large Dutch ships (Delft and Leiden) in reprisal for alleged wrongs committed in the Indies.3 While it is uncertain that this was in response to Carmichael, the timing of the seizure fits perfectly with his requests and the records go silent thereafter, perhaps indicating his final satisfaction. There has been no systematic survey of any of the printed or manuscript Portuguese sources to establish whether Carmichael was the sole Scot in the Estado da Índia. However, the service of other Scots with connections to the East Indies is traced more easily than that of William Carmichael. Sir James Campbell, a successful London-born merchant, became a Company Director of the EIC in 1602, and remained with the EIC until his death in 1642. As would be expected from the experience of other Scots who attained high ranking positions and most other foreign-born Scots, his appointment may well have been responsible for the arrival of other Scots into the Company.4 Certainly after Campbell’s appointment, and the accession of the Scottish monarch, James VI to the throne of England in 1603, Scots were soon found in the EIC. After all, while reigning as James I of England, this Scotsman had ultimate authority for granting the charters and letters patent to the Company which it required to undertake its various voyages.5 Thus the prevalent notion that the EIC was inherently anti-Scottish appears anachronistic, particularly when it is easily demonstrated that Scots and members of Scottish kin-groups were found in the ranks of the London-based Company at all levels from the beginnings of the

time of war, and the crew could raid, plunder or sink any ship taken. Letters of reprisal were issued where it had become clear that there had been no satisfaction in regard to a particular incident involving the individual in receipt of the letter. Any ship taken by him had to be turned over to the authorities, who would then effectively hold ship, crew and cargo hostage until satisfaction for the original grievance was made. 3 Arne Jönsson (ed.), The Works and Correspondence of Axel Oxenstierna: Letters from Sir James Spens and Jan Rutgers (Stockholm, 2007), p. 414. Jan Rutgers to Axel Oxenstierna (7 February 1622). ‘Hoc Tantum. Hodiè nuncius allatus est, duas ingentes naves Indicas, unam Leidam, alteram vocatum Delphi, cùm in Angliam appulissent, à Rege velut represales ob damna, quæ in Indììs subditis suis facta prætendit, detentas. Quod hic plurimos consternavit’. 4 For more on this argument, see S. Murdoch, Network North: Scottish Kin, Commercial and Covert Associations in Northern Europe, 1603–1746, The Northern World 18 (Leiden, 2006), chapters 1 and 2. 5 The Register of Letters of the Governor and Company of Merchants of London Trading into the East Indies, 1600–1619, ed. by G. Birdwood (London, 1893), pp. xv–xvi.

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Company’s existence and throughout the early modern period.6 Rather, the EIC was anti-competition, whether that came in the form of a competing Scottish or English concern. A typical example of the Scottish presence is the London-Scot, Augustus Spalding, who served in the EIC in Bantam between 1607 and 1613, perhaps having taken part already in the first voyage of 1601. By 1620 he is reported to have worked for the VOC in West Java and he was eventually repatriated to Britain by the EIC in 1623 for private trading.7 A countryman of Spalding also working for the EIC in Bantam in 1613 was William George ‘the Scotchman’, and they were far from unique for finding places within the Company.8 The Arab linguist and Muslim convert George Strachan worked for the EIC in Persia by 1619 and intermittently thereafter until 1634.9 His countryman, Harry Shanks, died in Batavia in Java in 1629. He was about sixty years old and was in the employ of the EIC working out of their Batavian factory. He left a will in which, through his fellow Scots John Wedderburn and George Brown, both EIC colleagues, Shanks expressed his desire to leave his fortune to the Trinity House Hospital in Leith, Scotland.10 This was not the only institution to have benefited in this way. The Aberdonian, Reverend Patrick Copeland

6 The Scots are often hard to separate from their English countrymen, particularly where names are common to both Scotland and England. Unless actually called Scots in a source, people with names like Smith or Brown have not been included in this analysis. Key EIC members from the Middleton, Baillie (Bayley), Wilson and Elliot families have mostly been shown to be from long-standing English families. With little need to indicate nationality, particularly in the Jacobean period, we are thus left with a list of Scots which is undoubtedly much shorter than the actual participation in the Company, particularly among the ranks of the common seamen, soldiers and settlers. Even Oliver Cromwell ordered that the new settlement on Pulau Run should be composed of sixty men ‘English, Scotch or Irish’. See The Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1650–1654, ed. by E. B. Sainsbury (Oxford, 1913), p. 373. 7 Generale Missiven, 1610–38, I, p. 109 n.; The Register of Letters of the Governor and Company of Merchants of London, pp. 95, 290–91, 298 and 341. For more on the various Spalding family networks ranging across Scotland, England, Scandinavia and Northern Europe, see Murdoch, Network North, pp. 130, 134, 141, 209–10, 215–16, 225–27, 243–45, 352. 8 B. P. Lenman, ‘The East India Company and the Trade in Non-Metallic Precious Metals from Sir Thomas Roe to Diamond Pitt’, in H. V. Bowen, M. Lincoln and N. Rigby (eds.), The Worlds of the East India Company (Woodbridge, 2002), pp. 97–110, at p. 103. 9 G. L. Dellavida (ed.), George Strachan. Memorials of a Wandering Scottish Scholar of the Seventeenth Century (Aberdeen, 1956). 10 NAS, GD 226/18/21/7 (24 April 1625); GD 226/18/21/8 (5 May 1629). We would like to thank Allan I. Macinnes for these references.

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(c. 1580–1651), had travelled to the East Indies as the chaplain to the tenth voyage of the EIC in 1613.11 On Copeland’s return, and after subsequent trips, he donated several sums of money totalling 6,000 merks Scots for the establishment of a Chair of Divinity at Marischal College in Aberdeen, but also to support ‘4 poore bursars’.12 Copeland also administered the transfer of money from a fellow Aberdonian, David Chamberlaine, who had died and with whom he had served aboard the EIC ship Royal James. This amounted to ‘50 gold Jacobus pieces of gold’ for the maintenance of the schools and colleges of the city.13 Another Scottish clergyman, Reverend Andrew Wood, was also in EIC service. In a lesser way he too helped to enrich his family through his journey to the East Indies. Upon Andrew’s death in 1635, Wood’s brother in Cambridge was allowed to collect his late sibling’s wages by order of the Company.14 Before setting sail from London aboard the EIC ship Bedford in 1699, Dr Alexander Broun also made a will which ensured that should he die in the East Indies his family and friends would all benefit from his fortune (several hundred pounds sterling before he left). Like so many others he wished any surplus profit made from his voyage to be used to enrich his home town of Kirkcaldy in Fife through the establishment of a fishery and linen manufactory.15 However, while we might expect such repatriation of capital from merchants, clergy or surgeons, common soldiers and sailors also sought to enrich their families at home, either in Scotland or the Dutch Republic. After enlisting in the VOC, David Cowe (Cauwe) empowered David Janz ‘Schotsman’ not only to deliver his clothing and merchant goods to Alexander Cowe in Culross in Fife, but more interestingly, also his monthly wage.16 So the money made from service in the East Indies was being redirected straight back to Scotland,

11 J. Keay, The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company (London, 1991), p. 91. 12 Ibid., p. 91; L. B. Taylor (ed.), Aberdeen Council Letters, volume 1, 1552–1633 (Oxford, 1942), pp. 133–34 (2 May 1615). See also pp. 140–41, 143, 189–91 (1616– 1621). 13 Taylor, Aberdeen Council Letters, pp. 157–58 (24 February 1619). It is possible Chamberlaine was one of the casualties Copeland mentioned after a fight between the EIC and VOC fleets off the Muloccos as he states in the same letter ‘We have had some bickerings with them in the bay of Jakarta, and have lost some men on both sides’. 14 CMEIC, 1635–39, I, pp. 33–34 and p. 43 (6 March 1635 and 17 April 1635). 15 NAS, GD1/49/44 (1698/9). 16 Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud Notarieel Archief 101/42 fol. 53 (19 August 1619).

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even while the employee was at the other side of the world. Indeed the Dutch archives are replete with examples showing Scots in the East Indies writing wills ensuring the transfer of all their back pay and possessions to inheritors in Scotland should they die in VOC service. Robert Kintore, a VOC musketeer aboard the Rotterdam,17 named his father James Kintore in Scalloway, Shetland as his heir, but if he was dead then all was to be divided between his full- and half-siblings. The same notary, who recorded Kintore’s will, also recorded that of John Edmane from Stirling, who was a sailor aboard the same ship. Edmane named his siblings at home in Stirling as his equal heirs.18 In other cases money was left to their landlords in Amsterdam or Rotterdam, though a few left money to the Scottish Church in Rotterdam and to their poor countrymen in that city.19 Throughout the early seventeenth century, many other men bearing Scottish names arrived in the East Indies. These included the ScotoDane, William Lyall, who served in Tranquebar in the 1630s and eventually rose to the rank of Governor of Tranquebar.20 A kinsman, Robert Lyall, joined him in Danish service directly from Scotland with a colleague, James Logan.21 Yet another member of the family, John Lyall (Johannes Laelius Schotanus) entered Dutch service in Batavia in 1641 (of whom more below).22 Of those Scots names we can trace in the East Indies, some have left enough evidence behind for us to establish exactly where they came from, while others with apparently foreign names can also be shown to have been Scots. For instance, in

17

DAS, II, p. 86, no. 0572.1. Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud Notarieel Archief, 201/241 fol. 327 (25 March 1641); ibid., 205/150 fol. 207 (14 December 1643). 19 D. Catterall, Community without Borders: Scots Migrants and the Changing Face of Power in the Dutch Republic, c.1600–1700, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 86 (Leiden, 2002), pp. 150–51, 159. The landlords could either be Dutch or Scots. Catterall notes that the practice of Scots sailors leaving money to the Scots Kirk occurred about once every five years, though the funds they built up in this way resulted in one deaconry fund simply being called ‘East India money’. 20 Lyall’s ship on his most significant voyage in the East Indies was Christianshavn which left Denmark in 1639. See Generale Missiven, 1639–55, II, p. 282 and footnote (31 December 1645); see also p. 285 (21 December 1646); pp. 348–49 (18 January 1649); T. Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, 2 vols. (Odense, 1988), II, p. 68. 21 Charles I wrote to Christian IV on behalf of Robert Lyell and James Logae [Logan] looking for money outstanding in relation to the service of the two men in the Danish East India fleet. See Danish Rigsarkiv, Tyske Kanselii Udenrigske Afdeling, England, AI (4 December 1637). 22 Van Dam, VII, p. 84. 18

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October 1720 a Dutch scribe recorded the arrival of a ship called Brittany Galley fitted out by ‘Jan de Bruyn Jansoon’ (John Brown); ‘a Scot by birth, working and living in Amsterdam after having been in service in India as a surgeon’.23 Other Scots remain anonymous. For instance, in 1687, the VOC recorded that a Scot (along with a Swede and an Englishman) had been lent for service on an English ship as a common seaman and that the Dutch wanted him back.24 We do not know his name, only that he represents one of hundreds of Scots who arrived in Dutch service at the time. The Dutch Republic always had some Scottish mariners in her fleets in the early modern period, but unlike the large migrations from Scotland to Scandinavia, Poland-Lithuania or even the city of Rotterdam, this did not involve large numbers. Those who did serve were very often found on Zeeland-based ships.25 During the Bishops’ Wars between the Scottish Covenanters and the House of Stuart (1639–40), it was reported that between twenty and thirty Dutch warships were being prepared for war, to be manned by mixed Scots and Dutch crews and sailed under Scottish colours.26 The indication here is that there were already hundreds of Scottish sailors in Dutch service to crew the vessels. In April 1649, Edward Popham observed that ‘a Holland ship newly come out of Holland of 24 guns, the captain and all the men in her Scots’ joined the fleet of Prince Rupert en route to Ireland.27 According to some reports, the Dutch navy contained as many as 1,500 Scots in 1672 alone, while recent scholarship confirms that there was a significant number of Scots in Dutch maritime service throughout the later seventeenth century.28 Other Scots served in

23 Generale Missiven, 1713–25, VII, p. 482 (29 October 1720). For surgeons in the Company’s service, see I. D. R. Bruijn, ‘Ship’s Surgeons of the Dutch East India Company in the Eighteenth Century. Commerce and the Progress of Medicine’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, Leiden University, 2004). 24 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 132 (23 December 1687). 25 J. van Lottum, Across the North Sea: the Impact of the Dutch Republic on International Labour Migration, c. 1550–1850, Close Encounters with the Dutch (Amsterdam, 2007), p. 138. For the large scale migration of Scots to various destinations, perhaps around 10% of the population, see the various contributions in A. Grosjean and S. Murdoch (eds.), Scottish Communities Abroad in the Early Modern Period, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions 107 (Leiden, 2005), passim. 26 Calendar of State Papers Domestic in the Reign of Charles I, 1639, ed. by W. D. Hamilton (London, 1873), p. 234. 27 R. C. Anderson (ed.), The Journals of Sir Thomas Allin 1660–1678, 2 vols. (London, 1890), II, p. 214. 28 J. D. Davies, Gentlemen and Tarpaulins: The Officers and Men of the Restoration Navy (Oxford, 1991), p. 84. For a detailed survey of Scots in Dutch service at this time,

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the Dutch West India Company (WIC). Among these, Captain James Johnson commanded the Gouden Leeuw, two sloops and three war canoes off Guinea in the 1660s where they were employed to prevent the local population trading with the English.29 Esther Mijers has shown that the WIC connection also included senior soldiers such as Colonel John Henderson along with ‘hundreds’ of regular soldiers.30 Among the records in the notarial archives of Rotterdam are lodged the wills and testaments of many of the sailors who served on the vessels such as that of Robert Manders from Dumbarton.31 The various branches of the Dutch merchant marine were, it appears, simply awash with Scottish mariners and soldiers. The Cunninghams The association of Scots with the East Indies can be highlighted effectively through looking at just one Scottish family, the Cunninghams, who had a particularly strong association with the region. As early as February 1614 the Reverend James Cunningham was offered £100 per annum for a three-year voyage to the Indies by the EIC, though he declined this appointment due to his age.32 The family association with the Indies continued, however, with the granting of a royal patent to his namesake, Sir James Cunningham ( fl. 1617–18), for the establishment of a Scottish East India Company to rival the EIC in 1617. The EIC and the Muscovy Company joined forces to have Cunningham’s patent revoked the following year (after they ‘lent’ James VI & I a considerable sum of money while Cunningham and his co-investors were compensated), fearing that such a group would spoil the lucrative

see A. R. Little, ‘A Comparative Survey of Scottish Service in the English and Dutch Maritime Communities, c.1650–1707’, in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, pp. 333–74, at pp. 362–73. 29 R. L. Ollard, Man of War: Sir Robert Holmes and the Restoration Navy (London, 1969), p. 87. 30 E. Mijers, ‘A Natural Partnership? Scotland and Zeeland in the Early Seventeenth Century’, in A. I. Macinnes and A. H. Williamson (eds.), Shaping the Stuart World, 1603–1714: The Atlantic Connection, The Atlantic World 5 (Leiden, 2006), pp. 233–60, at pp. 247 and 251. 31 Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud Notarieel Archief, 104/125 fol. 191 (16 December 1623). 32 CSPCol., 1513–1616, I, p. 275 (4 and 8 February 1614).

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market for the EIC.33 The reason for Sir James’s interest in the region may well have stemmed from the activities of a kinsman of his who had operated in the area for quite some time, William Cunningham (1592–1628). In Dutch records he is known as ‘Cunningham van der Veere’, that is from the Dutch town of Veere, the long-time home of Scotland’s commercial staple in the Dutch Republic.34 William Cunningham was the third child from the second marriage of Thomas Cunningham (1554–1623) who hailed from Dumfries. Thomas arrived in the Netherlands in 1578 as a soldier in the regiment of Colonel Stewart in the service of the Prince of Orange. Three years later he settled as factor, a local merchant operating for entrepreneurs from the Burghs, of the Scottish nation in Veere. Eventually he became Deputy Conservator of the Court in the town. Thomas was married five times and in total fathered nine children. His eldest son, Jan Cunningham, died at an early age in the East Indies. His youngest son, Thomas Cunningham (1604–69), stayed in Veere and followed in his father’s footsteps to become a factor. During the British Civil Wars (1638–60), Thomas, now Conservator as his father had been, became deeply involved in Scotland’s religious turmoil, acting as one of the main suppliers of weapons to the Presbyterian Covenanting movement.35 William Cunningham sailed to the Dutch East Indies in 1612. His contract lasted until 1623 during which time he rose to become opperkoopman or supercargo for a salary of 45 Dutch guilders a month—a tidy sum for the day. In 1617 his daughter Fransyna (1617–56) was born; she was a ‘child’ of Indo-European descent. She married the

33 Acts of the Privy Council of England, 45 vols. (London, 1890–1964), IV, pp. 70–72 and 77 (15 and 18 March 1618); CSPCol., 1617–21, II, pp. 113–14, 137, 162 and 218. Various EIC court minutes ordering James Cunningham to desist from his operations and to be compensated for his expenses (March-December 1618). The identity of this Sir James is difficult to say for certain as there are few clues in the sources given. 34 For more on the Scottish Staple at Veere, see M. P. Rosenboom, The Scottish Staple in The Netherlands (The Hague, 1910). 35 V. Enthoven, ‘Thomas Cunningham (1604–69): Conservator of the Scottish Court at Veere’, in D. Dickson, J. Parmentier and J. Ohlmeyer (eds.), Irish and Scottish Mercantile Networks in Europe and Overseas in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Ghent, 2007), pp. 39–66. The genealogical information is derived from Zeeuws Archief, Archief Familie van Borssele van den Hooge 141 fols. 41–42, Memorie A. For his contribution to the Scottish Covenanting Revolution, see J. E. Courthope (ed.), The Journal of Thomas Cuningham of Campvere, 1640–1654, with his Thrissels-Banner and Explanation Thereof, Publications of the Scottish History Society, 3rd series 11 (Edinburgh, 1928).

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VOC servant Thomas Pedel and the couple settled on Formosa (Taiwan), where she passed away in 1656. William worked for many years in Siam (Thailand), where the VOC had a major factory in the capital Ayutthaya and a small lodge in Ligor which opened in 1613. During his stay in the East Indies it is most likely that William met Jan Dircksz Lam, who had taken Pulau Ai for the VOC in 1616. Cunningham and his countrymen did much to impress the Dutch authorities in the VOC. Governor General Reynst noted that the Scots, along with the English, were ‘willing and obedient workers ‘who usually keep themselves clean’ ’.36 Scots worked the length and breadth of the Dutch mercantile empire. As if to highlight this point, Cunningham’s last contract was signed in the VOC office in Cambodia. Yet, in September 1621, Cunningham was brought back to Bantam (Java) due to the need for his skill in the Malaysian language, indicating that he had previously worked in Malacca, Sumatra or West Java. It appears that William did not like the move and the following year he sought permission to go back to Europe. The VOC reluctantly agreed that he could serve as the senior merchant aboard the two ships heading home.37 Augustus Spalding who had left the EIC and worked for the VOC from April 1620 followed him home soon after. He was, however, suspected of engaging in private trade and thus fined £1,000 and repatriated in 1624.38 After his return to the Netherlands, Cunningham joined the WIC where he became the master and supercargo of the Neptunus. In April 1625 he left for West Africa with a squadron under the command of Jan Dircksz Lam. In September their fleet attacked São Jorge da Mina, a Portuguese fort on the Gold Coast. The Dutch landing force, consisting of some 1,350 soldiers and sailors, was surprised by an indigenous force allied to the Portuguese and massacred. Some 441 souls who survived the initial combat were forced to strip before being beheaded. Thereafter their severed heads were triumphantly delivered to the Portuguese. There were, however, survivors including Cunningham, who returned to Veere in June 1626. He did not remain at home for long

36 C. R. Boxer, The Dutch Seaborne Empire 1600–1800 (Harmondsworth, 1973), p. 80. Gerard Reynst was appointed Governor General of the Dutch East Indies on 20 February 1613 and died on 7 December 1615. 37 NA, Klapper van Delden. Alfabetische Naamindex VOC Dienaren zeventiende eeuw [Hereafter NA, Klapper van Delden], Group C. William Cunningham. 38 Generale Missiven, 1610–38, I, p. 109 n.

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and very soon embarked on his third major expedition and a second journey to the East Indies. It is not known if he ever saw his Asian spouse and daughter again; he died on 14 August 1628 at only 36 years of age.39 The Ambon Massacre, 1623 A contemporary of Cunningham and Spalding in VOC service was George Forbes of Aberdeen ( fl. 1582–1651), a steward at the Dutch castle in Ambon. Forbes has been erroneously cited as the man behind the three-day torture and massacre of a number of English merchants by the VOC in 1623.40 This incident is usually viewed as an attempt by the Dutch to tighten their monopoly over the Moluccas at the expense of their English rivals. It has been claimed that the massacre should not have the significance once attributed to it, yet it remained a recurring feature of British-Dutch relations for many years after the event.41 The incident was sparked when some of the Japanese mercenaries in Dutch service were thought to be preparing to seize the Dutch fort with help from the next English ship to arrive in the port.42 Under torture, the Japanese were said to have confessed all and told the Dutch that they were corrupted by a drunken English barber called Abel Price. He in turn confessed under torture, as did his comrades. Despite receiving word that the EIC actually intended to pull out of the area altogether before the massacre took place, the Dutch Governor of Ambon,

39 H. den Heijer (ed.), Expeditie naar de goudkust. Het journaal van Jan Dircksz Lam over de Nederlandse aanval op Elmina, 1624–1626, Werken uitgegeven door de Linschoten-Vereeniging 105 (Zutphen, 2006), pp. 48–54. A report of the expedition written by William Cunningham has survived. See NA, Archief van de Oude Westindische Compagnie 43, Rapport van Willem Cunningham (17 March 1625–19 June 1626). 40 M. Fry, The Herald (10 September 1999), p. 19. 41 P. J. Marshall, ‘The English in Asia to 1700’, in N. Canny (ed.), The Oxford History of the British Empire, volume 1, The Origins of Empire (Oxford, 1998), pp. 264–85, at p. 271. Indeed, larger massacres such as that of the 76 Englishmen who were killed in one episode in Thailand in 1687 remain largely unknown. See Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, II, pp. 64–65. The incident resulted due to the unprovoked threats of one Captain Weldon against the King of Siam if he did not force the English within his territory to leave. A mob assembled to attack Weldon but after he escaped they slaughtered the remaining Englishmen and less than 20 escaped the carnage. As Hamilton put it ‘so there was the tragical consequence of one Man’s Insolence’. 42 A. Calder, Revolutionary Empire: The Rise of the English Speaking Empires from the Fifteenth Century to the 1780s (London, 1981), p. 161.

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Herman van Speult, ordered ten of the eighteen Englishmen, nine Japanese and one Portuguese Captain to be executed.43 While it might have made good copy to claim that Forbes was ultimately responsible, the truth is that the Scot simply did not have any authority whatsoever to order the massacre. Indeed, his own testimony of the incident reveals that he was merely a steward in the castle and that his only role in the event was to act as an interpreter between the English and the Dutch. He even noted that he was accused of taking the English side because he wept during one session when it was obvious that one Englishman, Captain Gabriel Towerson, was completely innocent of the charges laid against him.44 Forbes arrived in England aboard a Dutch ship in 1628 and offered his side of the story to the EIC. He eventually received a gratuity and expenses from the Gentlemen Seventeen of the VOC and, in 1630, travelled to the Dutch Republic with some of the Ambon survivors to serve as a main witness for their claims for satisfaction against the Dutch.45 As a further reward, Forbes sought to return to the Indies, this time with the EIC.46 The Company did not send him back, but certainly gave him a weekly allowance of ten shillings per week thereafter, a sum which was renewed for a further year in 1636.47 By 1651 this had been reduced to only five shillings but with the addition of two rooms in the EIC almshouse in London. This award was double the amount granted to other EIC almsmen and was given as he was the last surviving witness to the Ambon Massacre.48 It is not clear whether Forbes ever did return to the East Indies after 43 Ibid., p. 162; P. Lawson, The East India Company, A History (London, 1993), pp. 31–32. 44 For Forbes’s original testimony, see TNA, High Court of Admiralty 30/866, 8A 862. A version of this is printed in CSPCol., 1625–29, IV, pp. 686–91 (13 November 1629). Another Briton employed by the Dutch at the castle was the ‘Welsh Englishman’, Roland Solours, a ‘quarter gunner’. He too interpreted some of the English written testimony for the Dutch. For more on Forbes’s account, see CSPCol., 1625–29, IV, pp. 411–12, 428, 449 and 528–29. 45 The memory of the Ambon massacre was still being peddled by English propagandists in 1688 in the face of the Williamite Revolution. The author of one stated ‘We love our country, and we love Honour, and before England shall become the prey of Holland, we will take order they shall find nothing in it, but Grass and Trees, no Men for them to use as they did at Amboina’. See The Prince of Orange. His Declaration: Shewing the Reasons Why he Invades England. With a Short Preface, and Some Modest Remarks on it. Printed by Randal Taylor (London, 1688). We are grateful to Emma Bergin, University of Hull, for this reference. 46 CSPCol., 1630–34, V, pp. 41, 68, 77 and 237. 47 CMEIC, 1635–39, I, p. 190 (10 August 1636). 48 CMEIC, 1650–54, V, p. 113 (16 July 1651). It was also noted that Forbes was to

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coming home to Britain in 1628, either for the EIC or the VOC—only that he crops up as a pensioner of the EIC erratically. Nonetheless, other Scots certainly did make the journey east. Soldiers and Sailors Among the other Scots heading east in the seventeenth century were soldiers. An interesting letter dated 12 November 1631 from Amsterdam shows that ‘Drummer-Major’ James Spens had left Swedish military service in Riga after his wife and child had died there, following an arduous journey from Scotland, and subsequently he joined the VOC.49 In something reminiscent of a broken-hearted soul taking service in the French Foreign Legion, Spens enlisted in the Company with a Scottish friend whom he met in Amsterdam, George Borthwick, and his last extant communication was sent to Scotland from Sierra Leone in February 1632.50 Whether the veteran soldier was representative of other Scottish volunteers or not, he caught a certain spirit when he wrote: I my self have undertaken a journey in hand, the like of which none of my kin have ever attempted, which is to the East Indies. This will take me seven years; five in that land, and a year coming and a year going. Which I hope, in Jesus Christ, that it shall be the best journey that ever I took in hand to the glory of God. For I have been born to travel.51

Someone these men may have known was Andrew Smith from Dundee who ventured to Ambon as a common soldier in 1632. He eventually rose to the rank of lieutenant in Malacca where he was still serving in the 1650s.52 Another arrival of the 1630s was one James Langelands, who had enlisted into the VOC in 1638 with his brother George aboard Zeelandia.53 His claim to fame comes from being one of the first Scots ever to set foot in Japan as attested by his last known piece of

read prayers morning and evening to the other almsmen and ensure that good order was kept in the house. 49 NAS, RH9/2/241 (12 November 1631). 50 NAS, RH9/2/241 (3 February 1632). 51 NAS RH9/2/241 (12 November 1631). Translated here from Scots to English. For the complete Scots version, see Appendix C. 52 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group S, Smidt, Andries, fols. 335 and 629. 53 DAS, II, p. 76, no. 0502.3.

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correspondence.54 That said, throughout the century other Scots made the journey many times. One ‘Master Stewart’ (possibly Thomas Stewart of Aberdeen) entered VOC service first as a gunner, before being promoted to master’s mate and eventually serving as a ship’s master in the VOC. By his own testimony he had, by 1665, made five voyages from Europe to the East Indies during which he had visited Japan no less than eleven times; this was something of a record even for Dutch mariners of the period.55 The 1630s saw the arrival in the Dutch East Indies of a particular Scottish family who would prove of greater significance to the VOC than even Master Stewart or the Langelands family. Captain James Couper arrived in Java in the late 1630s as a ship’s master. Indeed, by 1639, he served the VOC as a naval Commander of seven yachts, lightly manned with 250 men, including 50 soldiers.56 Like many VOC officers Couper mixed sea-borne with land-based operations. When the situation required it, it was common practice for sailors in Dutch service to be brought ashore to act as auxiliary infantrymen. During the autumn of 1640, 130 sailors were taken from various ships and formed into three military companies of around 40 men each with Couper personally commanding the avant-garde section of the force.57 This did not prevent Couper from continuing in a naval capacity as well. In addition to his land-based command, orders dated September 1640 reveal that he had also been placed in charge of the Batavia naval squadron with instructions to prevent any vessel from entering or leaving the city.58 The following year, by resolution of the local council, Couper was made ‘surrogate’ in the council’s place during all military operations granting him a significant degree of authority.59 54 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group L, Langelant (Jens), fol. 78; Catterall, Community without Borders, p. 51. 55 TNA, SP 84/174, fol. 78 (3/13 February 1665). Stewart sought to leave VOC service at the outset of the Second Anglo-Dutch War (1665–67) stressing that he would not serve against Charles II, ‘though it were but for name’s sake’. His Christian name was not stated here, but a Thomas Stewart from Aberdeen had made several voyages to the East Indies aboard the Rotterdam. He had served as gunner, master’s mate and master with the VOC in five voyages to the East Indies from Europe and was very experienced in intra-Asiatic voyages: he had sailed to Japan eleven times. Sir George Downing gave him a pass and recommended him to Sir William Coventry for a position in the Royal Navy. Thanks are expressed to Andrew Little, University of Exeter. 56 Generale Missiven, 1639–55, II, p. 68 (18 December 1639). 57 Dagh-Register, 1640–41, V, p. 4 (10 September 1640). 58 Dagh-Register, 1640–41, V, p. 39 (28 September 1640). 59 Dagh-Register, 1640–41, V, p. 121 (10 December 1640).

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Yet despite this, his appointment was short lived. The ship Langerack arrived from Malacca in late 1641 with the news that the ‘esteemed Commander James Couper, Field Commander of VOC forces, had fallen asleep in the Lord’ and had been buried in Saint Thomas Church with the proper solemnity.60 Just over a decade after the death of Commander Couper, a second James Couper began to make regular trips to Batavia. The few brief Dutch biographies that exist disagree as to his exact date of arrival. Some sources say that he joined the Dutch in Java as a soldier in 1664 while a perusal of the minutes of Batavia shows James Couper making trips to Java as early as 1653—albeit this may have been a third James Couper.61 These reports need not be mutually exclusive, and it may be that he acted in a private capacity after 1653 and was only taken on by the VOC after 1664. Given the importance of Dutch trade to Scotland, and the fact that Couper was probably a relative of the late Commander Couper, his arrival in Batavia in 1653 is really unsurprising. The political situation in Scotland made life tricky for mariners. At the time even the Danish Rigsraad noted that the Cromwellian regime then occupying Scotland had been seizing Scottish ships for its own use by the end of 1651.62 Any Scottish mariner, then, wishing to maintain his livelihood did well to escape Scotland, especially before the outbreak of the First Anglo-Dutch War (1652–54) and particularly those with an existing Dutch interest. Whether this James was a relative of the elder Couper or not, the Dutch would probably have been quite happy to allow the Scots into their territorial waters for a variety of reasons. They could ensure that the Scots might both avoid being forced into supporting the English in the Anglo-Dutch conflict as many appear to have been.63 They might hope that they could limit the opportunity of disrupting the

60

Dagh-Register, 1640–41, V, p. 161 (15 January 1641). Encyclopaedie van Nederlansch-Indië, 4 vols. (The Hague and Leiden, 1917–21), I, p. 533; Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 473 n. 1. The whereabouts of James Couper in the East Indies at particular times can be traced via his VOC correspondence, which starts from Japara on May 17, 1666, and lasted till January 12, 1688. See the indices to the Overgekomen Brieven en Papieren (OBP) on the TANAP website, URL: http:// databases.tanap.net (accessed 18 December 2008). 62 C. R. Hansen (ed.), Aktstykker og Oplysinger til Rigsraadets og Stændermøderners Historie i Frederik III’s Tid, 2 vols. (Copenhagen, 1974), I, p. 240. See also E. J. Graham, ‘The Scottish Marine during the Dutch Wars’, The Scottish Historical Review 61 (1982), pp. 67–74. 63 Little, ‘A Comparative Survey’, pp. 337–38. 61

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EIC ships operating in the Dutch East Indies while any help in securing their trade against English or indigenous opposition would have proved most welcome. Whether any of the above drove Couper to Batavia can only remain speculation. However, the Dutch clearly liked the man and by 1664 he served as an assistant military commander for the VOC at both Bantam and Batavia. He was promoted the following year to be secunde (senior administrator) at Japara, where he remained until 1672, progressing up to the status of senior merchant or supercargo.64 Given the length and danger of the journey to the East Indies, it is perhaps surprising to learn that James Couper was joined in Java by his siblings, Elizabeth and John. Whether they were permanent residents or merely visitors has not yet been established, but John’s status as an Edinburgh merchant suggests that there may have been some form of ongoing trade between himself and the VOC, or at least individuals within the Company. While in Batavia, the Coupers certainly took care of some private business, and both served as witnesses to legal documents such as James’s will dated 28 February 1675.65 If there was illegal trading going on between the Couper brothers, John had certainly arrived at the right time because it was from this point on that James Couper’s career progressed to extraordinary heights. He acted as the VOC supercargo, commandant at Mataram in Lombok and later also at Indermayo (Indramaju). By 1679 he had, in fact, become the ‘absolute Commander’ of the region and a member of the Council of Surabaja in East Java.66 It goes without saying that not all indigenous leaders were happy with the European presence in the Spice Islands. Already in the late 1590s ‘indiscriminate’ violence by the Dutch had made them unpopular in the region. Things had improved after the merging of the various Dutch interest groups into the VOC in 1602 (see Chapter 1).67 However, many of the indigenous populace were quite aware of the ongoing exploitation and took the opportunity to resist it to both fight the

64 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group C. I, Couper, Jacob (22 Mei 1671); Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 473 n. 1. 65 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group C. I, Couper, Jacob. Testamentenregister, fol. 111. 66 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group C. I, Couper, Jacob; Dagh-Register, 1680, XXVII, p. 153 (9 April 1680); Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 473 n. 1. 67 R. Nieuwenhuys, Mirror of the Indies: A History of Dutch Colonial Literature, trans. by F. van Rosevelt and ed. by E. M. Beerman (Amherst, 1982), p. ix.

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Dutch and their indigenous allies. Reports survive of Couper engaging in running battles with one particular local leader by the name of Troenjja, whom he apparently pursued vigorously into the mountains of the interior of Java.68 Couper thereafter led his army on to Kartasura and Mataram in April 1680 where he, and the allied forces of the Susuhunan, the Sultan of Surakarta, sought to wrest control back for the Dutch. By November 1681, reports told of the death of one of his most senior opponents, Balian Namoud, who died in a bloody battle fought against Couper’s army.69 The Scotsman also lost many of his own men during this campaign. Yet despite his setbacks, Couper still found himself with a massive retinue of 25,000 Javanese. Of these, some 5,000 individuals were armed as auxiliaries of the VOC.70 Couper observed that while the Portuguese and their allies fled from the power of the VOC (meaning the European troops) they vigorously resisted Susuhunan and his native Javanese army. In order to bring the fighting to an end more quickly, he therefore asked the Batavian authorities for extra VOC soldiers to complete his operations. With the campaign still ongoing, Couper received orders to negotiate with three of the antiDutch indigenous princes at Cirebon, in an effort to end the conflict through diplomatic means. Among other things he had to find a way of allowing these men and their supporters autonomy from Mataram, even though they still had to recognise Susuhunan as their superior.71 Though not an easy task to perform, this had apparently been achieved by January 1684, after which Couper retired from the war zone to serve in a gubernatorial capacity for the west coast of Java.72 Couper’s peace was short lived, and he again played a significant role in suppressing anti-Dutch revolts in August 1684 around ‘Surapat/Sourapattyt’. In part these operations came as a response to the murder of some of the people of Kuffeler, which had been orchestrated by some Balinese militants.73 This handful of men joined the local resistance against the Dutch, but they were eventually driven out of the vicinity by Couper’s forces. As a reward, he received governorship over the west coast of Sumatra, replacing the Dutch Vice-Governor of 68

Dagh-Register, 1680, XXVII, pp. 76–78 (17 February 1680). Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, pp. 473–74 and 481 (4 November 1681). 70 Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 585 (19 March 1683). 71 Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 588 (19 March 1683). 72 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group C. I, Couper, Jacob. Testamentenregister, fol. 1092. 73 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 287 (31 March 1689). 69

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Padang, Joan van Leenen.74 In the retinue Couper travelled to his new command, he took with him 130 soldiers, 25 bowmen and 5 miners. Once in place in Padang, Couper again assumed a diplomatic role, this time between the Dutch and the English. Probably in recognition of his linguistic skills he was used as a conduit for correspondence and discussion between the VOC and the EIC, frequently carrying documents between the companies on his ship, Hogergeest.75 It must be said that through his service in the Dutch East Indies, James Couper had done extremely well for himself. Already by December 1685 he had a balance of 88,750 guilders with the VOC, which appears to have been money he had lent to them.76 He cannot possibly have saved this money through his salary alone which thus lends greater weight to the suggestion that he engaged in illegal trading. Two years later the Company still owed him some 53,125 guilders, which represented Couper’s share of 467,997 guilders lent to Cornelis Speelman, Governor General (1681–84), by various East India merchants.77 In fact, Speelman had left such financial and administrative chaos, that the very practice of private trade by VOC officials was to be officially banned under his successor, Johannes Camphuys (1684–91). Camphuys failed to curb the private enterprises of his subordinates, but he did manage to alienate many of them including James Couper.78 In addition to any aggravation which Couper may have received from the new Governor regarding private trade, he had also fallen out with several other VOC officials including his secunde, Jan van Mechelen.79 By 1687 Couper also found himself having to defend himself against accusations of incompetence for the Dutch losses suffered at Indrapura.80 Although he was eventually cleared of this charge, such accusations coupled with his age and length of service led him to consider returning to Europe. Indeed, by the end of the year he eventually requested permission to travel home. Approval for his repatriation to the United Provinces was eventually granted. In November 1687, Couper became ‘Commanding Admiral’ of the VOC fleet

74 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group C. I, Couper, Jacob (16 August 1684); Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 473 n. 1; pp. 810–11 (11 December 1685). 75 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 51 (13 December 1686). 76 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group C. I, Couper, Jacob. 77 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 156 (23 December 1687). 78 F. W. Stapel, Cornelis Janszoon Speelman (The Hague, 1936), pp. 87, 91–114, 203. 79 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 51 (13 December 1686). 80 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 137 (23 December 1687).

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returning to the Dutch Republic comprising the ships Lands Welvaren, Waalstroom, Sion, Salland and Goudestein.81 In their praise for him prior to his departure, the VOC council commended him as, among other things, a master of the Javanese and Malaysian languages and customs.82 Almost immediately upon his return to Europe, James Couper applied for, but did not receive, the position of Conservator of Scottish Privileges at Veere.83 By doing so he showed that he had not lost interest in his native land. Despite his earlier agitation with the VOC administration, he also maintained a healthy interest in the Dutch East Indies. So much so, in fact, that five years later he was appointed as the new Dutch Consul-Extraordinary to Batavia. He was destined, however, never to see the Indies again. In November 1694, it was noted that the Dutch ship, Ridderschap, sailing from the Dutch Republic had failed to arrive in Batavia. Admiral Sir James Couper had been aboard the ship when it had departed from the Cape of Good Hope on 5 February and it was concluded, therefore, that he had probably perished near Madagascar.84 However, his fortune and business dealings proved to be a point of contention back in Scotland for many years after his death. Indeed, a court case in Edinburgh in 1702 showed that his sister had become involved in litigation over his estate. This tells us that, like Harry Shanks before him, Couper had viewed the profits gained from his extended service in the East Indies as a means of investing in his native Scotland.85

81 NA, Klapper van Delden, Group C. I, Couper, Jacob; Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 155 (23 December 1687); p. 159 (10 January 1688); DAS, III, p. 126, nos. 5835.1, 5836.1, 5837.3, 5838.1, 5839.1. 82 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 155 (23 December 1687). 83 NAS, GD26/7/275, Petition to King by Sir James Couper, late Admiral of the Dutch East Indian fleet, for gift of the office of Conservator of Scots privileges in The Netherlands (1689); NAS, GD26/7/410 (15 August 1689). 84 Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 473 n. 1; Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 668 (30 November 1694); DAS, II, p. 244, no. 1671.5. 85 NAS, GD5/176, Decreet of adjudication at the instance of Andrew Hay of Craignethan against John Cheisly of Kerswell, son and heir to deceased John Cheisly of Kerswell and grandson and heir to deceased Sir John Chiesly of Kerswell, in respect of the following lands [. . .] and the lands of deceased John Couper, merchant burgess of Edinburgh, as detailed in a discreet of adjudication at the insistence of Elizabeth Couper, widow of Mr Henry Blyth, physician in Edinburgh, against Sir James Couper, late Admiral of the Dutch East India Fleet, brother and heir to the said John, with the proportionate sums of money due under the adjudication, to which the said deceased John Cheisly had right by progress from said Elizabeth (8 January 1702).

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One soldier operating at the same time as Couper was the unfortunate Lieutenant Monro, who had gained experience in Tangiers before becoming involved in the EIC conflict against the Mogul Empire in 1688. Under the command of Captain Pean and with 70 men, Monro found himself fighting against a superior force near Bombay. The Captain would not take Monro’s advice on how to defend their position and then fled the field leaving Monro and about 14 ‘stout fellows’ to fight against a force of up to 700 men. They were cut to pieces.86 A decade later another EIC engagement took place at Fort Saint David, beside Porto Novo, where the Governor was a Mr Frazer. His ethnic origin is clear from his name, though little more is known of him or how long he remained in India after the skirmish.87 Nonetheless, later another Scottish soldier arrived in Asia. Captain John Erskine served as an officer in Java between 1702 and 1706, although he probably arrived in Dutch service long before that date. On 30 November 1702, he was sent with twenty European troops and ten local militiamen to Puah in support of the Dutch VOC Commander, Jordan Teding, who found himself embroiled in skirmishes against local insurgents. Erskine certainly survived these encounters, but by February 1706 he had fallen gravely ill and died later that year.88 Like many Europeans in Asia, Erskine’s deadliest enemy proved to be the environment rather than the indigenous armies he had been sent there to fight. This did not see the end of the ‘Scottish’ presence however. A new VOC councillor, Abraham Douglas arrived in Batavia at the end of the 1690s.89 Douglas had been a merchant in Amsterdam and continued in VOC service until his death in 1719. He eventually became Dutch ConsulExtraordinary of the Dutch East Indies, fulfilling the role that Admiral James Couper had intended to take over. Couper’s Other Contemporaries Couper and Douglas were not the only Scots of significant status resident in the East Indies, and certainly not the only ones to flaunt, intention-

86

Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, I, pp. 219–20. Ibid., I, pp. 351–52. 88 Generale Missiven, 1698–1713, VI, pp. 200, 390 and 416 (30 November 1702, 25 February and November 1706). 89 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 790 (19 January 1697). 87

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ally or otherwise, the rules of the VOC. For example, the previously mentioned Augustus Spalding was exiled from the Dutch East Indies for illegal trading.90 Later in the century a certain William Murray, a ‘Protestant Burgess of Batavia’ appears in VOC records from about 1680. He must have been around for some time before that date in order to gain citizenship of the town. However, Murray’s appearance in the records resulted from the fact that he had fallen foul of the Batavian authorities and fled to Bantam. Upon hearing of his flight, the Dutch ‘Council of India’ agreed to order that no purchase of ground wheat was to be permitted by the English in Dutch territory and they demanded that the English return Murray to face his accusers.91 Such economic pressure came too late as Murray died soon after. After travelling from Bantam to Madraspatnam he arrived in Bellesoor on the English ship The President, but died on 10 September 1680.92 Had he not enraged the authorities, his very presence in Batavia may well have gone unnoticed and we can only surmise that there were many other, as yet unaccounted for, Scots in the region. However, one or two do occasionally surface. Robert Lindsay, for instance, arrived in the Indies in 1654 and gained a good reputation as a merchant thereafter.93 He served as VOC resident at Canara from October 1676, and within two years he had moved to Batavia. Thereafter Lindsay became the official ‘Commissioner of Marriages and Small Affairs’.94 He also undertook diplomatic missions for the VOC carrying dispatches as far away as Cochin, and Cananore in India. By August 1680 he again worked along the Malabar Coast and took over as a senior merchant by August.95 This position appears not to have been confirmed until August 1685 but he certainly continued in that capacity thereafter.96 Several of his countrymen tried to join in the Asian trade thereafter, but with less success. A Captain called ‘Fergusson’ operated a ship out

90

Generale Missiven, 1610–38, I, p. 109 n. Dagh-Register, 1680, XXVII, p. 167 (11 April 1680). 92 Dagh-Register, 1680, XXVII, p. 190 (25 April 1680). 93 De Nederlanders in Kerala 1663–1701. De memories en instructies betreffende het commandement Malabar van de Verenigde Oost-indische Compagnie, ed. by H. K. ’s Jacob, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Kleine Serie 4 (The Hague, 1976), p. 192 n. 193. 94 Dagh-Register, 1680, XXVII, p. 320 (1 July 1680); Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 557 and note (19 March 1683). 95 Dagh-Register, 1680, XXVII, pp. 542 and 552 (15 and 24 August 1680). 96 Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 557 and note (19 March 1683); pp. 738 and 824 (30 November 1684 and 11 December 1685). 91

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of the EIC’s Fort Saint George on the Malacca to Bengal route, but was shipwrecked and it was believed that he and his crew were eaten by cannibals on the Andiman Islands.97 Captain Millar, another Scot, is said to have killed above 500 pirates at Madagascar by feeding them a cargo of extra-strong ‘Ale and Brandy’ after which he lost both his ship and crew to the ‘Society of Pirates’.98 Like many of their predecessors, there is little known of these Scots other than their names and a hint or two regarding their occupations and unfortunate demise. The same is not true of certain other Scots in different capacities, who throughout the century had something of a reputation for getting into trouble with the authorities—the clergy! Ministers Another occupation in which the Scots served in the East Indies was in the role of company chaplains. We briefly discussed Patrick Copeland and Andrew Wood above, but they were only two of several Scots in Asia who served in this capacity. For example, Reverend Maxwell travelled to the west coast of Java in 1679 to administer to the congregation there. Unfortunately very little is known of him other than that he became ill and died shortly thereafter.99 Several other Protestant ministers of Scottish extraction left the United Provinces for the East Indies. The Reverend Robert Junius (1606–56) was born in Rotterdam as Robert de Jonghe. His Scottish credentials are not as obvious as others mentioned here but, like the Cunninghams, he was a product of Scottish migration to the Dutch Republic, being born to a Scottish mother and a Dutch father. He studied theology at Leiden University at the Seminarium Indicum after which, in 1628, he left Rotterdam to join the service of the VOC. He made the journey to Formosa (Taiwan) as a Dutch Reformed Church missionary, arriving in 1629, where he preached in the villages of Soulang and Sincan, and quickly learned the local language. During his career he employed around fifty local converts to Christianity to help in his missionary work and in total baptised some 5,900 people. Of these he is said to have taught 600 to read and with their help established above 20 churches on the

97 98 99

Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, II, p. 66. Ibid., I, p. 17. Generale Missiven, 1675–85, IV, p. 287 (13 February 1679).

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island before his service there ended in 1643. After leaving VOC service, Junius was called as minister to a congregation in Delft, where he educated several ministers for the East Indies. During the First AngloDutch War (1652–54) he served as a chaplain on the Dutch Fleet and died in Amsterdam in 1656.100 Like William Murray, Dr Johannes [Laelius] Schotanus (John Lyall ) comes to our attention through the negative waves he caused among the VOC community. Schotanus indulged himself too much with alcohol for the liking of stout Dutch Calvinists. In 1639 he had been suspended by the Formosa Church Council and sent back to Batavia. The Batavia Church Council reinstated him after a period of good conduct over a certain time. But, as the Council reported, he did not stick to his reformed regime and ‘as they say about the dog, went back to his own vomit wherefore we were constrained to take the same course’, incarcerating him for drunkenness and suspending him with the brethren of Tatoen and Xincan. The Church Council concluded its letter stating that not much good was expected of him and commending him to the Lord, whom it hoped would have mercy on him and give him a better disposition of body and soul. Thus Dr Lyall was sent into the army near Malacca, to serve as chaplain on the fleet of his countryman, Commander James Couper. In October 1640 he was suspended a second time.101 Following on in the tradition of wayward Scottish preachers in VOC service, Reverend Henry William Gordon arrived in Batavia in January 1691 and thereafter moved to Ambon.102 Soon after his arrival, Gordon found himself in jail accused by Governor Nicolaes Schagen of uttering slanders against him. The Court of Justice met to hold the 100 W. Brown, History of the Propagation of Christianity Among the Heathen since the Reformation, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1854), I, pp. 25–26; W. A. Ginsel, De Gereformeerde kerk op Formosa of de lotgevallen eener handelskerk onder de Oost-Indische Compagnie, 1627–62 (Leiden, 1931), passim; G. J. Schutte (ed.), Het Indisch Sion. De Gereformeerde kerk onder de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (Hilversum, 2002), pp. 29–38, 79–80, 195–98; De Dagregisters van het kasteel Zeelandia, Taiwan, 1629–1662, ed. by J. L Blussé et al., Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie 195, 229, 223, 241, 4 vols. (The Hague, 1986–2000). The whereabouts of Junius on Formosa is documented in volumes one and two; D. F. Lach and E. J. Van Kley, Asia in the Making of Europe: A Century of Advance. Book 2, South Asia (Chicago, 1998), pp. 276–79. 101 Van Dam, VII, p. 84 (2 January 1641); De Dagregisters van het kasteel Zeelandia, I, p. 477 (7 September 1639); Ginsel, De Gereformeerde kerk op Formosa, 46. 102 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 514 n.; C. W. Th. Van Boetzelaer van Asperen en Dubbeldam, De Protestantse kerk in Nederlandsch-Indië. Haar ontwikkeling van 1620–1939 (The Hague, 1947), pp. 21, 138; Schutte, Het Indisch Sion, pp. 118–19.

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trial in the governor’s house.103 Gordon refused to answer the court’s questions, for which act of contempt he was locked up in a dark hole for a week, in chains, on a diet of water and rice. The Court eventually found Gordon guilty. From the scaffold he had to apologise and ask forgiveness from God, the Governor, the Court and everyone else he had offended. Only months after his recantation, however, Gordon started a process of retaliation against Schagen. Already in February 1694, it was agreed that Gordon had received unfair treatment and that it would not be repeated in the future.104 Gordon travelled to Batavia where he appealed to the Court of Justice for more formal punishment of those who had imprisoned him. Schagen admitted to having put Gordon in chains, but claimed he had a warrant to do so from the Court. He could not produce a copy of it and so Schagen had to beg forgiveness for his actions.105 Gordon remained unsatisfied and later appealed to the Lords of the States General of the Dutch Republic to repatriate Schagen and bring him before the Court of Holland. This request was not accepted but Gordon remained in Batavia pursuing his case and he was eventually deported in 1697 after six inglorious years.106 Scots in the Indies on the Eve of the British Union of 1707 In addition to Scots working for the VOC, Scots continued to make an appearance in Java. For instance, Sir Gabriel Robertson’s ship, Local Coke, stopped in Batavia between July and August 1701 en route to China.107 Other Scots worked as independent merchants (country traders), most notably Alexander Hamilton, a specialist trader in opium and exotic spices who was a perennial thorn in the side of the VOC. He remained as a Captain and merchant in the East Indies between 1688 and 1723, famously publishing a two-volume book-set recounting his experiences called A New Account of the East Indies.108 There were still more Scots in Asia who had slightly more formal arrange-

103 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 515 (11 December 1692); pp. 606–08 (8 December 1693). 104 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 656 (6 February 1694). 105 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 673 (30 November 1694). 106 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, pp. 712–13 (4 February 1695). 107 Generale Missiven, 1686–97, V, p. 153 (26 November 1701). 108 Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies.

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ments. In November 1702, a Scottish ship called the Speedwell became stranded on a coral reef near Malacca. The skipper of the ship worked off a license from ‘The Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies’, which had been set up with the primary (and ultimately futile) aim of establishing a Scottish colony in Darien, in Central America.109 After the failure of that expedition, the Company of Scotland turned its attention to the East Indies, hence the journey of the Speedwell. The ship’s Captain, William Keir, was described by Alexander Hamilton as a former cattle drover from the Highlands and an ex-Royal Navy lieutenant who ‘had very mean Education, and could not tell what he meant either in speaking or writing, He had a brutal Courage, and was the Husband of three Wives all alive together. He knew nothing either of the Theory or practical Parts of Navigation’.110 Of the two supercargoes, Hamilton described one as an excellent surgeon who spoke French well, but did not understand accounts while the other he called a gentlemen of ‘courteous behaviour, [who] understood the small Sword excellently well, but not much versed in Merchandise or foreign Commerce’.111 Hamilton thus confirms the amateurish nature of the main trading company of his native country and yet his own presence reveals that Scotland could produce entrepreneurs with vast expertise in Asian trade. Nonetheless, despite reservations, Keir remained on Hamilton’s ship for a year after his own ship was wrecked. Indeed, he had been granted civil rights by 1706 and received permission from the Dutch authorities to marry in Malacca.112 However, a VOC missive noted soon after that ‘the man is only helping his countrymen and will be removed’, indicating that some form of Scottish network was operating in the area.113 The following year a further record showed that, although the Governor had permitted Keir special leave to remain in Malacca for

109

For more on this project, see G. P. Insh, The Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies (Edinburgh, 1932). 110 Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, II, p. 93. 111 Ibid., II, p. 93. 112 Generale Missiven, 1698–1713, VI, pp. 199 and 404 (30 November 1702 and 12 February 1706). Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, II, pp. 84–92. Hamilton tells an interesting story about one of the Scottish supercargoes who fell in love with (or was bewitched by) a Mrs Kennedy ‘who at that time was married to an Irish Pirate of that name . . . [who] . . . gave the forst Supercargo a Philtre that made him dote on her almost to Distraction’, squandering much of his wealth. Hamilton believes that the wrecking of the Speedwell was most likely an insurance job. 113 Generale Missiven, 1698–1713, VI, p. 404 (12 February 1706).

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an extra year, he now really had to go, if necessary with the first VOC ships heading for Bengal.114 Clearly he had continued to upset them through his networking. A more unusual arrangement for a Scot was noted when a ship belonging to the King of Cochin, the Francois-Boot, arrived in Bengal in 1706.115 The Dutch observed that the master of the vessel was a Scot, while his cargo consisted of pepper, cardamom and other spices. His name, alas, was not recorded. It appears that by February 1707, the Dutch had had enough of British traders encroaching on their monopoly in Java and the East Indies. Their records from that month include one particular document that states that ‘as of now no English and Scots will be permitted to live in Batavia’.116 Months after this ban, Scotland and England ratified their political union and created the unitary state of Great Britain. For several years after the 1707 Treaty of Union, the main conduit for Scottish travel into Java or the Dutch East Indies would be the EIC. Such men would include the likes of Dr James Cunningham FRS (d. 1709), surgeon to the EIC from 1698 to 1709 in various locations from China to Borneo. He arrived in Batavia in November 1707 after escaping a massacre of the British in Pulau Kundur and spending two years imprisoned and on the run in Cambodia and Vietnam.117 His was an extreme case, and prospects for Scots in the EIC improved after 1707. Future developments with the Ostende and Swedish East India companies would eventually provide still more opportunities for Scottish contact with South East Asia, particularly through the activities of Colin Campbell in the Swedish East India Company.118 However, as the case of Jan de Bruyn Jansoon highlights, there still remained ample opportunities too for the entrepreneurial Scot in the Dutch East Indies in the service of the VOC.

114

Generale Missiven, 1698–1713, VI, p. 429 (30 November 1706). Generale Missiven, 1698–1713, VI, p. 436 (30 November 1706). 116 Generale Missiven, 1698–1713, VI, p. 429 (15 February 1707). 117 G. Goodwin, ‘Cuninghame, James ( fl. 1698–1709)’, in ODNB, URL: www. oxforddnb.com (accessed 8 February 2008); Generale Missiven, 1698–1713, VI, pp. 474, 528, 530 and 569. 118 See in particular, C. Koninckx, The First and Second Charters of the Swedish East India Company, 1731–1766. A Contribution to the Maritime, Economic and Social History of North-Western Europe in its Relationships with the Far East (Gothenburg, 1980); C. Campbell, A Passage to China: Colin Campbell’s Diary of the First Swedish East India Company Expedition to Canton, 1732–33, ed. by P. Hallberg and C. Koninckx (Gothenburg, 1996). 115

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Conclusion While reviewing the background to Scottish activity within the East Indies it becomes clear that the Scots took on a number of important roles while there, not just within the VOC but also in mercantile capacities in other companies or as country traders. By casting a glance at those who chose the VOC over the EIC we can note some important differences. For those Scots whom we can name in the English Company, most seem to have been involved either as London-based merchants, investors or speculators like James Campbell. At the top level, we should not forget that both James VI and Charles I were bornScots who could wield incredible amounts of power over the EIC, not least because the Company held its patent from the monarchy for the majority of its existence. Thus it is not surprising to find Scots like James, marquis of Hamilton, participating on select EIC committees such as that in 1639, which looked to discuss applications to establish plantations in Madagascar.119 Once involved in this way, his intended investment in the New Joint-Stock of 1640 is hardly startling.120 Other Scots who had also served at the Stuart Court under King James in the 1620s also speculated with the EIC throughout the 1640s. James Maxwell of Inderwick, for one, traded in pepper with a largely English consortium, though by 1649 the EIC sought to make him pay the bulk of the debt owed to them, which his advocate pointed out was ‘somewhat harsh’, particularly given his age and health.121 As its positive treatment of George Forbes in 1651 demonstrates, there was unlikely to be an ethnic motive behind the EIC pursuit of the debt. The activities of the Scots in the EIC are of importance to us because they demonstrate the difference in service between members of the same nation operating in two different companies involved in the East India trade. Those working for the EIC (as far as can be ascertained) tended to be patrons, investors or London-based merchants with only a few named clergymen, soldiers and sailors appearing in the records

119

CMEIC, 1635–39, I, p. 323 (6 September 1639). CMEIC, 1640–43, II, p. 28 (March 1640). This is a surprising time for such an investment because Hamilton’s home country of Scotland had been taken over by the Covenanting movement, placing him at odds with his countrymen and even his family. 121 CMEIC, 1644–49, III, pp. 316–21 (14 and 21 March, and 4 April 1640). 120

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thus far.122 Far more information is readily accessible for Scots in the VOC, most of whom appear to have enlisted at a lower level with a few making significant inroads through the hierarchy of the Company. However, we must be careful not to overstate the numerical contribution of the Scots within the VOC either in isolation, or in comparison to EIC service, not least because the record base for the latter is less complete than for the former. Even so, we can, in total, name less than one hundred men over an entire century in VOC service, albeit the records are far from complete. What we can indicate is that there were probably numerous more individuals serving as common soldiers and sailors for whom it is unlikely that we will ever find information. There do appear to be certain recurring traits among them that are well recorded in the records. Many Scots possessed attributes that made them appealing to the Dutch. On many occasions a linguistic aptitude in multiple Asian languages is recorded (as seen with William Cunningham and Admiral James Couper), in addition to an obvious competence in Dutch.123 Further, the men themselves proved very versatile within the VOC. While the army service of John Lyall resulted from his transgressions, trained soldiers like James Spens or Robert Kintore could voluntarily transfer from army to naval service with little difficulty. However, although the employment of soldiers and sailors in both military spheres is not surprising, the similar dual role of commanders on land and sea is more worthy of note. It is one thing to fire a musket from a ship or from a building, but quite another to be able to master both naval and land-based military operations. Of particular note are the two men of the name James Couper, who apparently found the transfer from land to sea and back again routine. Both successfully commanded VOC fleets and conducted important

122 We sometimes get glimpses of an intention to join the EIC without actual evidence of service. For example, a letter from William Lockhart to his wife in 1674 makes it clear that if their son (also William) was well behaved, then the EIC master, Mr Horn, would take him to the East Indies on his ship upon completion of certain financial obligations. These included an up-front payment of £400 without the expectation of any return, plus provision of at least £1,000 worth of stock. While the letter makes clear that the Lockharts were inclined to provide this, it is only probable rather than certain that William junior set sail for the East Indies. The correspondence is of considerable value in highlighting the investment of a young merchant hoping to break into the Asiatic trade. See NAS, GD406/1/11395 (25 June 1674). 123 For more on the Scots’ aptitude for learning languages, see Sir James Turner, Memoirs of his own Life and Times, ed. by T. Thomson, Bannatyne Club 28 (Edinburgh, 1829), pp. 6–7; Murdoch, Network North, pp. 368–69.

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land-based military operations on behalf of the Company, particularly those undertaken by the later James Couper. These were no small skirmishes, but included significant land forces up to 25,000 strong. That Couper went on to serve as Vice-Governor and senior-Admiral of a VOC fleet marks him out as an important individual indeed. Simply put, the VOC would devolve power and responsibility to foreigners so long as they excelled at their jobs and it was in the martial field that the Scots made their mark in the Dutch Company. Thus the connection to soldiering and reward for service is demonstrated through the service and rise to power of this Admiral James Couper. The Scots had long served the English and the Dutch in military and naval capacities; they were versatile, had good linguistic skills and they could both be loyal to the paymaster and retain an interest in their homeland as demonstrated by the repatriation of capital and goods.124 It is in this context that the service of John Anderson, a foreigner with tremendous responsibility in VOC service, begins to make sense.

124 Whether merchant, soldier or sailor, most Scots showed a continued interest in their home communities. However, Alexander Hamilton reminds us that one of the supercargoes of Speedwell ‘had no Mind ever to see his Native country again, broke our Measures [agreement] by rambling thro’ India with his Masters Stock’. See Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, II, p. 91.

PART TWO

THE LOG-BOOK OF CAPTAIN JOHN ANDERSON

EDITORIAL PRACTICE As indicated in Chapter 2 the manuscript of Anderson’s log-book is written in the hand of Sir James Balfour of Denmilne. The script is fairly clear but it is not always consistent, particularly with regard to punctuation and spelling. The fact that this manuscript is a copy, makes mistakes, misspellings and corrupted words the more likely. Punctuation and Capitalisation Commas and points are reproduced in the transcription as they appear in the manuscript. As will be seen, there is some inconsistency in Balfour’s usage of these. We do not, however, show dashes etc. which appear at the ends of lines nor indicate words which are split at the ends of lines. The only exception to this is words which are hyphenated. There is some inconsistency with capitalisation and it is often difficult to judge whether or not a capital letter is intended. Letters such as ‘l’, ‘c’, ‘n’, and ‘e’ are particularly problematic. Minims In a number of words, particularly those ending in ‘-ing’ (the present participle), there are too many or too few minims used. For example, the word ‘being’ can be found written as ‘benng’ or ‘beng’. Errors regarding the number of minims occur most frequently in words containing the letter ‘m’ or ‘n’. For the purposes of our transcription where there is either one minim too many or too few we have silently corrected the words concerned. Spelling In the word ‘ʒeires’, the first letter represents the Scottish ‘yogh’. This letter-form is common to Middle Scots and represents a sound somewhere between ‘J’ and ‘Y’ (in Middle English ‘G’ and ‘Y’). It is indistinguishable in form to the letter-form ‘Z’. The author of this manuscript

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uses ‘ʒ’ to represent both the ‘Y’ and ‘Z’ sound indistinguishably. However, in order to avoid confusion of pronunciation, where the sound to be represented equates closely to a ‘Y’ sound (as ʒeires = years), we have used the yogh. Where the author intends a ‘Z’ sound, we have simply replaced the yogh with the letter ‘z’. By the seventeenth century the use of ‘ʒ’ for the ‘Y’ sound was obsolete ‘except for fossilized occurrences in a limited number of words such as Cappercailʒe. . . .’.1 Thus the consistent use of the letter-form here by the author should be of lexicographical interest to scholars of the Scots language. In Older Scots the letters ‘quh’ are used to describe the equivalent of ‘wh’ in English. The reason for the difference comes from the Scottish double sounded pronunciation—the breathed velar plosive followed by the voiced lip-back fricative. The symbol qu, adopted from French spelling in words of Romance origin gradually replaced the Old English cw in native words also. It remained in use in formal Scottish documents until the eighteenth century when English began to replace Scots as the language of state.2 In the word ‘yat’, the first letter represents the ‘thorn’ (þ) which was used in Old and Middle English as a form of ‘th’. In Middle Scots handwriting it is usually identical to the letter ‘y’. We have retained the ‘y’ to distinguish cases in which the author uses ‘yat’ from ‘that’ etc. Expansions There are very few instances of contractions. Where expansions have been made, italics have been used; e.g. ‘Ao’ has been expanded to ‘Anno’. Corruptions One of the aims of the log is to present to the reader an encyclopaedic knowledge of Asia in general and the Dutch dominated areas

1

M. Robinson (ed.), The Concise Scots Dictionary (Aberdeen, 1991), p. 814. For more see W. Grant et al. (eds.), The Scottish National Dictionary, 10 vols. (Edinburgh, 1931–76), VII, p. 293. 2

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in particular. Despite the fact that Anderson had made several voyages to Asia, it is probable that he had not visited all of the regions mentioned in the log, and that much of his knowledge was secondhand, as explained in Chapter 2. This fact repeatedly led to mistakes, misspellings and corrupted words by Anderson when using placenames. This was compounded when Sir James Balfour made his copy. We have tried to identify corrupt names and have explained them in the notes to the best of our abilities. Evident examples of such loose words are the many toponyms in the text, such as the names pertaining to the Banda Islands, and the place-names on Madagascar.3 Other examples of corruption include Alrecuba = Tropic of Cancer and Crushore = Tropic of Capricorn. The keen reader will probably identify several more. Toponyms As explained above, the toponyms in the log prove particularly garbled at several points. The log is written in a heavily Scottish influenced English, while Anderson used the local, Portuguese or Dutch word for place-names. Anderson’s ship, for instance, the Sartanchanbosche = ’s Hertogenbosch, sailed from the Dutch port Haluerslusse = Hellevoetsluis. For many overseas toponyms, particularly the Asian ones, Anderson used the Portuguese name rather than the Dutch, for instance Cap: Bon: Esperance = Cabo de Boa Esperança = Cape of Good Hope, South Africa. For several Indonesian names he used Dutch names, such as Iyland Toppershate = Toppershoedje in Dutch = Pulau Tamposo, Indonesia or Iyland of Duarsse = Dwars in de Weg in Dutch = Pulau Sangiang, Indonesia. In the notes, if possible, we have used the English name, otherwise the local name is given. The toponyms from Madagascar are particularly corrupted. Using the Portuguese edition of Itinerario of Van Linschoten we have identified most of the names including the selection below.4

3

Anderson’s Log, fol. 49r and fol. 66r. J. H. van Linschoten, Itinerário, viagem ou navegação para as Ìndias Orientais ou Portuguesas, ed. by A. Pos and R. M. Loureiro (Lisbon, 1996), pp. 271–78. 4

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editorial practice Toponyms from Madagascar

Appears in the log as Cap Roma Point S. Sebastian Roma Augustine Antabosta S. Jacobo Matatana Angoda Ferendo / Fermoso Anton-Gill In’ngomar

C. de S. Roman C. de S. Sebastian S. Roman P. de S. Augustino Arabasta S. Thiago Matatana Angoada P. de S. Vicente C. d’Antongil I. de diego Soares

Portuguese

English

São Romão São Sebastião São Romão Santo Agostinho Santa Maria? Santiago

Cape Roma Cape Saint Sebastian Cape Roma Saint Augustin Saint Marie? Santiago

Aguada São Vicente Antão Gil Diogo Soares

Fermoso Antongila Bay Antsirane

For identifying toponyms we have used a variety of aids, including the website of the Atlas of Mutual Heritage, URL: www.atlasofmutualheritage.nl; the website of the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, URL: http://geonames.nga.mil/ggmaviewer; L. A. Bakhuizen, Atlas van Tropisch Nederland (Amsterdam, 1938, reprint 1990); S. R. Dalgado, Glossário luso-asiático, 2 vols. (Coimbra, 1919–21); Laĝoa, Visconde de, Glossário toponímico da antiga historiografia portuguesa ultramatina, 4 vols. (Lisbon, 1950–54). Identification of Place-Names Place-names mentioned in the text have been identified in the footnotes. A particular language has not been favoured. Thus if a Portuguese name (correct or corrupted), is given in the text, then the correct Portuguese version is provided first in the relevant footnote, whereas if an obviously Dutch name is given in the text, then the correct Dutch version is provided first in the footnote.

THE LOG-BOOK OF CAPTAIN JOHN ANDERSON EDINBURGH, NATIONAL LIBRARY OF SCOTLAND, ADV. MS. 33.3.14 Folio 1r1 The Woyage of Cap: Jhone: Andersone Pilat Maior of a Fleit of Hollanders to ye orientall Indies2 wich went out from Haluerslusse3 in South Holland in Anno 1640. and Returned from thessnce, to ye Flee4 in ye Mounth of Julay 1643 Folio 2r December 29. The, 29. of december, wee made saile in ye Good shipe called Sartanchanbosche.5 from Haluerslusse6 ore Guriesgate,7 towards the Orientall India. hauing 289. Men quholl8 and sound in bodey with full instructione to

1 This folio is annotated ‘Denmilne 55’ and, in a different hand, ‘Ex Libris Bibliothecæ Facultatis Iuridicæ Edinburgi’. 2 The ‘Oriental Indies’ refers to South and South East Asia, more usually called the East Indies in contemporary sources. 3 Hellevoetsluis, a port south of Rotterdam, the Netherlands. 4 The Vlie, which lies between the islands of Vlieland and Terschelling, the Netherlands. 5 The ship’s name was actually ’s Hertogenbosch, built for the Delft chamber in 1631. Her departure on her third voyage to the East Indies is recorded in DAS, II, p. 84. no. 0566.3. The master of the ’s Hertogenbosch on this voyage was Cornelis Leendertsz Blauw. According to DAS, she was 600 lasts, though Anderson (fol. 55r) puts her at 1,400 tons. Anderson’s tonnages for other ships mentioned in the text are often at odds with those recorded by modern scholars. One last is approximately two tons. The vessel departed from Goeree on 29 December 1640 and arrived in Batavia on 12 May 1641. She carried 216 seamen and 67 soldiers (and presumably 7–8 officers). Anderson’s log contains a minor discrepancy, stating in different places a total number of 289 (fol. 2r, 29 December 1640) and 290 (fol. 17r, 10 May 1641). Since no ports of call are recorded en route and no deaths are reported, the 290 figure can be surmised to have been rounded up or else Anderson did not include himself in the first count but did in the second. 6 Hellevoetsluis, a port south of Rotterdam, the Netherlands. 7 Goereesegat, the roads of Hellevoetsluis, the Netherlands. 8 In Older Scots the letters ‘quh’ are used to describe the equivalent of ‘wh’ in English. See Editorial Practice.

124 Folio 2r

December 1640 lay one no quher If siknes or other inconveniences did not vrge ws

30.

The 30. day wee had sight of Douer9 Calis,10 and Dunkirke11 hauing all ye three kingdomes in veiu of ws. the wind. N. E courss W. aboute three in ye afternoone we passed ye heades betuix England and France

31.

The 31. day being past ye headdes of England and France wee sayled in 24. houres 194. Scottes Myles and was passed ye starthead of England by west Dartemouthe12 some 18. Myles from ye Land with ane hard storme from ye North Easte.

Folio 3r The wind was E. N. E. and our coursse W. S. W. harde stormie windes. and in this 24. houres wee sayled 144. Scotts Myles.13 Januarij 1. 2d.

3d.

9

The second day of Ianuarij our coursse being W. S. W. wee sayled in 24. houres14 space, 172. Scottes Myles ye wind at East and a harde storme. and fand our selues 48. degrees and .10 Minutts. distant from the Equinoctiall. N. Latitude. this day ther came 2. shippes by ws ye Bull of Amsterdam bound for Ginea15 and ye Antelope of Delfte16 bound for Brasill17 The 3d. day hauing changed our coursse, to S. W we rune, 180. Scottes Myles. wee geste, our Latitude to be 46. and 2. Minuttes. and our Longitude to be .3. degrees

Dover, England. Calais, France. 11 Dunkirk, France. 12 Dartmouth, England. 13 Scottes Myles: One Scots mile = 1,814 metres. See notes on mileage for a conversion chart between Scots miles, Nautical miles, English miles and kilometers. 14 The ‘es’ is written over two other letters. 15 Guinea. 16 These two ships, the Stier (Bull ) and the Antilope, await further identification. It is likely that they were private ships and not Dutch West India Company vessels. 17 Brazil. 10

Folio 3r

January 1641 125 and 26. Minuttes becausse our Order is to Racken all our Longitudes from ye East End of Taneriffe18 this day and Night wee had a grate tempest ye wind at N. E.

4t.

The 4. day. our coursse being S. S. W. wee sayled .192. Scotts Myles and gest our N. Latitude to be 43. degrees and 20. Minuttes, and our Longitude 1. degree 45. Minutes with such a harde wind yat the 2 shippes forsaid wer not able to keepe way ws If wee had not spared sayle in ye Night to them.

5t.

The 5. day our coursse S. S. W. wee sayled .160. Scottes Myles and guest our N. Lat: to be 40. degrees and 35. Minuttes and our Lon: 1. & 45. Minuttes ye wind at Northe East a stiffe Gale.

6t.

The sext day our Coursse being S. T. W. wee sayled 168. Scottes Myles and by trew obseruatione found our Northerne Lat: to be .38. degrees and .5. Minuttes. and our Lon: 1. degree and .10. Minuttes with a stiffe gale, at N. E. being hanted with haille scoules of fleeing Fisches and Now did wee begin to haue ye trade wind wich is so rare to be found so farr Northe.

7t.

The 7t day oure coursse Southe and by west, wee sayled 144. Scotts Myles and found our Lat: to be 35. deg: and 50. M. and our Long: to be 30. Minuttes. with a stiffe gale at Northe Easte.

8t.

The 8t day our coursse still South and by West. wee sayled 116 Scotts Myles and had our Lat 34. degrees, and Longit: 24. Minuttes onlie, with goodagale of wind at North east.

9t.

The 9. day our Coursse still South and by west we sayled .96. Scottes Myles and had our Lat: 32. degrees, and 25. Minuttes with faire wether a Trade wind at .N N. E. one looking oute did see ye Iyland Madera19

18 The prime meridian or zero line used by the Dutch East India Company. Teneriffe is one of the Canary Islands, Spain. 19 Madeira, Portugal.

126 Folio 3r 10.

January 1641 The .10 day our coursse South South west wee sayled 92. Scottes Myles and had our Lat: 30. degrees and 50. Minuttes. moyste and rainey wether, the windes wariable.

Folio 4r Ianuarij 11.

The 11. day our coursse Southe, wee sayled 96. Scottes Myles & fand our Latitude to be 29. degrees and 6 minutts, wind at East Northe Earst20 faire wether and wee sayled throughe, leuing one our Right hand Tenneriffe and one our Lefte ye Grand Canarie Iyles.21 ye 2. Merchant shippes yat accompanied ws thithertills, lefte ws and betooke them to ther auen coursse.

12.

The 12. day our coursse S. T. W we sayled .8. Scottes Myles with ye winds valiable,22 and Encalmed betuix ye tuo Iylands of Grand Canaria & Teneriffe.

13.

The 13. day our coursse was South and by west wee sayled .96. Scottes Myles and fand ws to be of Northe Lat: 26. degrees and 14. Minutts winde at West Southe West a stiffegale,

14.

The 14. day our coursse wee directed South south west and sayled 120. Scottes Myles finding our Lat: to be 24. degrees and 50. M. and our Longitude 358 degres of Westerne Longitude, from ye Ile of Teneriffa wind at West North West a stiffe gale.

15.

The 15. day our coursse South West we sayled 120. Scottes Myles. our Lat: being 23. d: and 25. M. and our Longit: 357. d: & 15. M. ye wind blouing hard at East Northe East This day wee passed ye Tropicke of Cancer.23

16.

The 16. day our coursse contining still South West. wee sayled 120. Myles and fand our Lat: to be 21 degrees

20 21 22 23

Sic. Gran Canaria. One of the Canary Islands, Spain. Sic. Tropic of Cancer.

Folio 4r

January 1641 127 and 45. Minuttes and of Longit: 155. degrees and 36. Minuttes ye Trade wind filling all our sayles at East Northe East.

17.

The 17. day our coursse Southe west. we sayled 200. Myles Scottes and had our Latitude, at 18. degrees and 44. M. with a grate storme at E. North. E.

18.

The 18 day our coursse being Southe wee sayled 180. Scottes Myles and had our Lati: at 15. degrees 52. M. and our Longitude 354. degrees, with a hard Trade winde at E. N. East.

19.

The 19. day our coursse still Southe wee sayled 160. Scottes Myles our Latitude being 13. degrees. and Longitude .354. degr: with a hard trade winde at East North. easte.

20.

The 20. day wee holding still a Southerly Coursse rane .172. Scottes Myles our Lat: being .9. degrees and 55. Minuttes and our Longitude being constant quhill wee rane a Southerly coursse .354. degr wee hade a harde gale of wind at East Northe East.

21.

The 21. day wee continued our Southerly coursse and sayled 116. Scottes Myles and fand this day by obseruatione yat wee wes of Lat: 8. degrees. be Northe ye Equinoctiall Our Longit: being 354. degrees Eolus blustring with afull noysse at North N. East.

Folio 5r Ianuarij 22.

The 22. day wee held one our Southerly coursse, and rane 120. Scottes Myles Lat: 6. deg: and 8. M. Longit: 354. degrees, withe stiffe galle of wind at East north Easte.

23.

The 23. day wee stoode Still Southe, and Rane 60. Scottes Myles wee gueste our Latitude to be 4. degrees and 56. Minuttes be Northe be Equinoctiall. our Longitude being as formerly 354. degrees. ye wedder Hassie and Raine, ye wind wariable.

128 Folio 5r

January 1641

24.

The 24. day wee contining our Southerly coursse, Sayled onlie 28. Myles Scottes and by obseruatione, fand our selues distant frome ye Equinoctiall 4. degrees and 30. M. our Longitude being as formerly 354. degrees. ye wind wariable, intermingled with Calmes

25.

The 25 day our coursse Southerly, we sayled onlie .46. Scottes Myles and by obseruatione faund yat wee wer of Latitude Northe from ye Equinoctiall 3. degrees and 42. M. our Longit: ye same as befor 354 d. wee wer Encalmed with wariable windes Thunder & Raine, and therafter faire wether

26.

The 26. our coursse still Southe, wee rane 40. Scottes Myles our Lat: 3. degres, our Longit: 354 degres Calmey wariable wether

27.

The 27. our coursse still Soue24 we rane 20. Scottes Myles and fand our Lat: distant from ye Equinoctiall 2. degrees 40. Minuttes our as formerly 354. degres, with winds variable and Wether Calme

28.

The 28 day our coursse Southe Southe west we sayled 29 Scottes Myles wee fand our selues Northe frome ye Equinoctiall Lyne, 2. degres and 16. M. of Latitude and of Longitude 353. degrees and 55. Minuttes ye wind at Southe East faire wether.

29.

The 29 day our coursse South west and be West wee sayled 52. Myles and by obseruatione fand our selues one ye Latitude of 1. degree and 47. M. Northe from ye Equinoctiall our Longitude being 353. degrees. ye wind S. S. East faire wether

30.

The 30 day our coursse S. W. wee sayled 48. Scottes Myles our Lat: 1. degree 13. M. Longit: 353 degrees. 20 M. wind at South East and be Southe faire wether.

31.

The 31 day. our coursse, South South west. we Rane 67. Scotts Myles. and fand our selues to be distant from ye

24

Sic.

Folio 5r

January 1641 129 Equinoctiall 20. Minuttes in Northerly Latitude, and in Longit: 352. degrees and 20. M. ye wind at East South east Rainey wether.

Folio 6r Februarij 1.

The first day of februarij our coursse being Southe we sayled 22. Scottes Myle, wee obserued our Latitude, to be 2. Minuttes Southe Lat: and our Longit: to be 352. degrees. wind variable and wether Calme. hauing passed ye Equinoctiall.

2.

The 2d day our coursse being Southe we sayled onlie .10. Scotts Myles and obserued our Latitude .10. M. South Lat: and our Longitude to be 352. d. 1. M. ye winde being wariable and the vether Calme.

3d.

The 3d day our coursse our coursse25 was S. S. W. we sayled .76. Scotts Myles and obserued our Lat: to be 1. degree 20. M. and our Longit: 352 .d. 4. M. wind at S. E. a freche gale.

4.

The 4. day our coursse S. S. W. we sayled 109. Scottes Myles and did obserue 3. d. and 2. M. South Latitude our Longitude being 351. d. 10 M. with a good gale at at26 South East and by East.

5.

The 5 day our coursse beinge S. S. W. wee sayled .80. Myles Scottes being wnder ye 4. d. and 16. M. of Southerly Latitude, our Longitude being 350. degrees and 48. M. Magnete, Wariatione North east .4. degrees .3. Minuttes. with a good Gale at Southe East and by East.

6.

The 6. day our coursse Southe we sayled .112. Sottes27 Myles Lat. 5. d. 5 M. Longit: 350. d. 20 M. variatione, 5. degrees North east faire wether ye wind at East and by Southe

25 26 27

Sic. Sic. Sic.

130 Folio 6r

February 1641

7.

The 7. day our coursse being S. S. W. wee sayled 112. Myles. Scotts Lat: 7. d. 48. M. Longit: 349 d. 54. M. Wariatione 5. d. 3 M. N. E. faire cleire wether ye wind at S. E. and by E.

8.

The 8 day our Coursse Southe to .W. we sayled 104. Scottes Myles. Lat: 9. d: 29 M: Longitude 349. d. 46. M. wariatione North East 6. d. 40. Minuttes cleire wether wind at East.

9.

The 9. day our coursse South and by west We sayled .104 Scottes Myles Lat: 11. d. 8. M. Longit: 349. d. 36. M. wariatione North East 7. d. 30. M. wind East and wether cleire and faire.

Folio 7r Februarij 10. The .10 day our coursse Southe wee sayled 109. Myles Scotts our Latitude, 13: d: 8. M. and Longit: 349. d. 36. M. ye wariatione of ye Neidle being to ye North East .7. d. 30 Minuttes ye wind at East N. East faire wether. 11.

The 11. day our Coursse Southe wee Sayled .88. Scottes Myles. our Lat: 14. d. 9. M. Longitude 349. d. 36. M. wariatione .7. degrees and 48. M. faire wether and a good gale ye wind at Est28 by Northe.

12.

The 12. day our coursse Southe, we sayled 88. Myles. our Lat: 16. d. and Longitude 349. d. 36. M. ye winde wariable, and ye wether some houres faire and wthers Raine.

13.

The 13. day our coursse S. S. E. wee sayled 64. Myles .S. our Lat: 7. d. 3. M. Longit: 350. d. 24 M. ye Neidle waried N. East 10. d. 15. M. ye windes wer wariable, lyke to ye wether. with hard gusts of Raine.

14.

The 14. day our coursse Southe we sayled .116. Scottes Myles our Latitude 18. d. 5. M. Longit: 350. d. 24. M.

28

Sic.

Folio 7r

February 1641 131 ye Neidele waried .10. d. 40. M. wind at E. N. E. a hard topesaile gale.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse Southe we sayled 92. Scottes Myles our Lat: 20. d. 34. M. Longitude 350. d. 24. M. ye Neidle waried 10. d. 45. M the wind at East a lustie gale. during this tyme, wee discrayed tuo Iylandes, Called Altrinidado & Asscentiam.29 distant from ws Either of them 24. Scottes Myles. Altrinidado laying East and by Southe frome ws. appeiring to ws lyke a cowes foote, clouen ryssing in .2. hills shouing to be ane Iyland of some 18. Myles in Circumference, Not Inhabit bot full of woodes. Assentiam laying West North West from ws seimed to ws ane Iyland of ye same height as was ye former bot in Circuit appeiring double als bigge. wninhabit lykwayes, And by all our findinge, layeth. vpone ye same Lat: and Longitude aboue wrettin According to ye Calculatione of Teneriffe

16.

The 16. day our coursse South and by west. wee sayled .96. Scottes Myles our Lat: 22. d. 9. Minuttes Longit 349. d. 26. M. ye Neidle waried 12. d ye wind at East faire wether.

17.

The 17. day our coursse S. by W. wee sayled 88. Myles Lati: 23. d. 37. M Longitude 349. d. 8 Minuttes ye Neidle waried 12. d. 30. Minuttes ye wind at East hessey wether

18.

The 18 day our coursse South and by west, we sayled 84. Scottes Myles, Lat 25. d. 6. Minuttes Long 349. d. 4 M. ye Neidle warried 13. d. ye wind at East faire wether.

Folio 8r Februarij 19. The 19. day our coursse South and by west. wee sayled .60. Scottes Myles Lat: 26. degrees, 9. M. Longit: 348. d.

29 The latitude given and name of the first island places ’s Hertogenbosch in the vicinity of the Ilha da Trindade and Ilhas de Martim Vaz, small Brazilian islands in the South Atlantic Ocean.

132 Folio 8r

February 1641 40. Minuttes ye Neidle warried 13. d. 15. Minuttes ye wind at E. S. E. a good gale faire and cleire wether.

20.

The 20. day our Coursse Southe and bay30 west. we sayled 40. Myles Lat 26. degrees and 32. Minuttes Longit. 348. d. 16. Minuttes ye Neidle waried to ye Northe Easte .14. degrees, faire cleire wether ye wind at S. E. and by East.

21.

The 21. day our Coursse Southe and by East wee sayled .32. Myles and guessed our Latitude to be 27. d. and 22. Minuttes Longit 348. d. and 24. Minuttes ye Neidle waried to ye North East 14. d. 5. Minuttes ye wind wariable and wether faire.

22.

The 22. day Our coursse S. W. and by Southe we sayled 60. Myles our Lat .28. d. 10. M. Longit: 347. d. 40 M. ye Neidle waried 15. degrees. a good gale and hollow sea with ye wind at South. east.

23.

The 23. day Our Coursse .S. S. E. wee sayled .72. Scottes Myles Lat 29. d. 23. M. Longit 348. d. 28. Minuttes ye Neidle waried .15. d. faire wether wind at N. E. wi31

24.

The 24. day our Coursse South East and by Southe wee sayled .80. Scottes Myles. Lat 30. d. 45. M. Longit. 349. d. 20. Minuttes ye Neidle waried North East 15. d. 16 M. faire wether and good gale. ye wind at Northe.

25.

The .25. day our Coursse S. E. T. S. wee sayled .80. Scotts Myles Lat. 31 d. 52. M. Longit: 350. d. 15. M. ye Neidle waried 16. d. 20. M. faire wether and smouthe watter wind at Northe East.

26.

The 26 day our Coursse .E. T. S. wee sayled .120. Scottes Myles Lat: 31. d. 42. M. Longit: 352. d. 28. M. ye Neidle waried North east 16. degrees, a hard gale at .S. S. E.

30 31

Sic. Sic.

Folio 8r

February 1641 133

27.

The .27. day our Coursse Southe wee sayled .88. Scottes Myles Lat: 32 degrees .57. Minuttes. Longit: 351. d. and .30. Minuttes no variatione obserued in Respecte of ye darknes of ye wether wich was hesey with ye wind at East, and wariable.

28.

The 28. day our Coursse .S. T. E. wee sayled .72. Myles Lat: 34. d. 4. M. Longit: 351. d. 54. M. ye Neidle waried Northe East 16. d. 30 Minuttes a hard gale with ye wind at Easte.

Folio 9r Marche 1.

The .1. day our Coursse Southe. S. East, wee sayled .72. Scotts Myles Latit: 35 degrees. 11. Minuttes, Longitude, 352. d. 8 M. ye Neidle waried to ye Northe Easte 17. d. and 30. M. topesayle gale wind at East North east

2.

The 2d. day our coursse South easte to Easte wee sayled .84. Scottes Myles Lat: 36. d. 4. M. Longitude 353. d. 32. M. ye Neidle waried 17. d. 30. Minuttes faire wether topesayle gale wind at N. N. W.

3d.

The 3d day our Coursse North East and by East. wee sayled .48. Scottes Myles Lat: 35. degrees. 45. Minuttes. Longitude 354. d. 10 M. noe wariation obserued this day ye winde wariable, and from .4. houres in ye morning till 12 . a hard gale.

4.

The 4. day our Coursse Southe wee sayled 24. Scottes Myles. Lat. 36. d. 12. M. Longit: 354. d. 10. M. ye Neidle warried 16. degrees 37. Minuttes wether faire ye windes wariable & Calme.

5.

The 5. day our Coursse Southe wee sayled 12. Myles. Lat 36. degrees 24. M. Longitude 354. d. 10. M. noe obseruatione this day of the wariatione, Calme wether wind at E. and by. Southe.

6.

The 6. day our Coursse E. S. E. we sayled 96. Scottes Myles Lat: 36. d. 56. M. Longitude 355. d. 52. Minuttes, no warriatione obserued this day wind at North and by East a good topesayle gale.

134 Folio 9r

March 1641

7.

The .7 day our coursse Easte wee sayled .176. Scottes Myles, Latitud we geste to be 37. degrees Longit: 359 d. 20 M. this day at Night wee wer by East ye Meridian of Teneriffe no obseruatione of ye wariatione this day wind at Northe west a hard storme.

8.

The 8 day Our Coursse Easte, wee sayled .96. Scottes Myles Latitude 37. d. 4. Minuttes, Longit: 1. degree, 24. Minuttes, ye Neidle warried N. East 15 d. 30. M. ½. ye wind at Southe a topesayle gale.

9.

The .9. day our Coursse Easte we sayled 56. Scottes Myles, wee guest our Lat: to be 37. degrees and 30. Minuttes. Longit: 2. d. 24. Minuttes ye Neidle warried 13. d. 30. M. wind at N. E faire wether

10.

The 10 day. our Coursse East and by Southe wee sayled .120. Scottes Myles Latit: 37. degrees 42. Minuttes Longitude 4. degrees, 56. Minuttes ye hessines of ye wether did not suffer ws to obserue32 ye wariatione of the Neidle wind at N. Weste. with much Thunder & Fyre slaughte33

Folio 10r Marche 11.

32

The .11. day our Coursse was East and by Southe 144. Scottes Myles Latitude 37. degrees 55. M. Longitude .8. degrees, we obserued no Varriatione, ye wind at West with a fresche tope sayle gale. then did wee discrey ye Iyllands of Tristis de Acuna.34 East North east from ws about .25. Scottes Myles and then wee rune East till Night till wee pylled ye Grate Iyland right North from ws 3. leauges this Grate Iyland shoues to be 50. Myles

‘ob’ is written over two other letters. ‘Fyre slaughte’ is underlined and there is a blot beneath it. The Scots word ‘fireslaught’ (also written ‘fyreflaucht’) refers to lightning. It was in general use across Scotland in the early modern period, though some dictionaries equate the survival of the word to modern Fife, thus perhaps giving us a small hint as to the geographical origins of our author. See M. Robinson (ed.), The Concise Scots Dictionary (Aberdeen, 1991), p. 197. 34 Tristan da Cunha Islands, Saint Helena, UK. 33

Folio 10r

March 1641 135 in Circuit, and ye lesser Iylland some .5. Myles. with other .3. small Iylands or Rather Rockes. langand S S. W. from ye grate Iyland some 2. leauges.

12.

The 12. day our Coursse was Easte, and wee sayled 96. Scottes Myles. Latitude 37. d. 55. Minuttes. Longitud. 10. degrees, ye Neidle waried .11. degrees to ye Northe Easte, and this is ye 3d. tyme yat I haue obserued ye wariatione to hold 11. degrees ye Iylands in sight and this day in ye morning wee obserued ye heighe land of ye Grate Iyland of Tristis de Acunna to beare North West from ws some 50. Myles. wee had ye wind at west a good tope sayle gale.

13.

The 13. day our coursse Easte wee sayled onlie 12. Scottes Myles Lat: 37. d. 55 M. Longitude 10. d. 15. Minuttes, no wariatione of the Neidle obserued. ye wind at west, wether Calme and foogie.

14.

The 14. day our Coursse Easte wee sayled 32. Scottes Myles Latitude 37. d. 53. M. Longitude .11. degrees .8. Minuttes, noe wariatione obserued ye wind at West with Calme and foggie wether.

15.

The .15. day our Coursse East and by Northe we sayled .72. Scottes Myles Lat: 37. d. 44. M. Longit. 12. d. 34. M. no wariatione obserued ye wind wariable ye wether foggie

16.

The 16. day our Coursse East and by Southe, we sayled .80. Scottes Myles Latitude 37. d. 56. M. Longitude 14. d. 12. Minuttes, noe wariatione obserued, ye wind at Northe tope sayle Gale with a darke fogge.

17.

The 17. day Our Coursse East and by South wee sayled .180. Scottes Myles. Latitude 38. d. 26. M. Longitude 18. d. 26. M. ye Neidle varied to ye N. E. 4. degrees wind at S. W. a hard Gale.

18.

The 18. day Our Coursse E. T. S. wee sayled .192. Scottes Myles Lat: 39. d. 12 M. Longit: 22. d. 6. M. ye Neidle warried .1. degree with a hard throughe, wind at West and to Southe.

136 Folio 11r

March 1641

Folio 11r Marche 19.

The 19 day Our Coursse East and by Southe wee sayled 200. Scotts Myles Latit: 39 d. 28. Minuttes Longitude, 26. d. 28. M. and now the Neidle did warrey to ye North west 1. degree ye wind at West Southe west a hard storme.

20.

The 20 day our Coursse East we sayled 192. Scottes Myles Latit: 39. d. 30. M. Longitude 30. d. 40. M. ye Neidle warried Northe West 2. degrees. wynd at W. S. W. a hard storme and muche wind. heir wee did first siee ye Foules Called Alcatrasse35 by the36 portugalls, wich are a kynd of Grate Mewes of a Graische color inclyning to blacke, with winges of .7. quarters broad. from ye poyntes of its pinnions. they flie low by the watter for wee hold it. a seure and infalible tokin quhen as wee see thesse foules yat wee approche Neire ye Longitude of ye Cape, of Good houpe.37

21.

The 21. day our Coursse East wee sayled 160. Scottes Myles. and guest our Lat: to be 39. d. and 30. M. our Longit 34. d. 2. Minuttes, no wariatione obserued in respecte of ye darknes of ye wether ye wind at W. N. West.

22.

The 22. day Coursse Easte, wee sayled .180. Scottes Myles, Latitude 39. degrees 21.38 Longitude .38. degrees, None oberuatione39 of ye warriatione for ye darknes of ye wether wich wee had with a hard wind at W. N. W. and now by our Computatione and Accompte, of Guest

35 ‘Foules Called Alcatrasse’ in this instance probably refers to pelicans. The Oxford English Dictionary notes: ‘Alcatras; 1. Spanish and Portuguese name for the pelican; applied loosely to ‘sea-mews’ and allied birds. Two other definitions are given viz. 2. Given by English sea-farers to another sea-fowl of the same order, The Frigate Bird. 3. A species of albatross.’ Given the fact that Anderson states he is using the Portuguese name, it is safe to conclude that pelican is correct. 36 ‘t’ is written over ‘p’. Balfour has started to write ‘portugalls’ and then altered it to ‘the’. 37 Cape of Good Hope, South Africa. 38 ‘21.’ is written as superscript. 39 Sic.

Folio 11r

March 1641 137 warriatione wee are shote ye Lenthe of Cap: Bon: Esperance.40 for aboute ye Lenthe of ye Cape ther is found No more bot 4. degrees and 30. Minuttes of North West Wariatione. wich is obserued in thir ʒeires in Respecte ye wariatione in this place changes.41 Bot in former tymes hes beine obserued to be Lesse for exemple in Anno 1618. I fand my selue at ye Cape de Bon Esperance, No wariatione at all. bot ye Neidle Right Southe & Northe.

23.

The .23. day our Coursse East wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles Latitude 39. d. 9 M. Longit: 41. d. 36. Minuttes ye Neidle warred North Weste, 6. degrees .30 M. and now by this our obserued warriatione wee knew our selues to be past, Cap: de Aguillas42 wich is ye Southmost poynte of Æthiopia.43 for iust with this Cape ye Neidle warries onley .5. degres and 30. Minuttes, wee had faire wether a tope sayle gale ye wind at West North West.

24.

The 24. day our Coursse Easte, wee sayled .56. Scottes Myles. Latitude 39. d. 9. M. Longit: 42 degrees .48. Minuttes, wee obserued ye Neidle to varrey 7. degrees and .30. Minuttes North West ye wind warriable and the Wether Calme.

Folio 12r Marche 25.

The 25. day our Coursse E. S. Easte, wee sayled 64. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude to be 39. d. 22 M. Longit: 43. d. 44 Minuttes wee Could not obserue ye wariatione in Respecte of ye darknes of wether the wind this day & Night warriable.

40 Cabo de Boa Esperança or the Cape of Good Hope, South Africa. From this reference it is clear that Anderson uses both the English and Portuguese names for the Cape in his account. 41 In the word ‘ʒeires’, the first letter represents the Scottish ‘yogh’. See Editorial Practice. 42 Cape Agulhas, South Africa. The southernmost point of Africa. 43 Ethiopia, here being used as another name for the whole of Africa.

138 Folio 12r

March 1641

26.

The 26 day our Coursse North East and by East we sayled .80. Scottes Myles Lat: 38 d. 37 Minuttes. Longit 45 degrees .21. M. wee Obserued ye Neidle to warrey North west this day .9. degrees .30. Minuttes ye wether Rainey with ye wind at South East and by Southe, This after noone wee discrayed a Schipe about 2. of ye clocke wiche was a shipe of ye Companies Called New Encusen.44 quho went out one Christmisse day for Battauia45

27.

The 27 day Our Coursse E. and by .S. wee sayled 180. Scottes Myles Lat: 39. d. 23. M. Longit 48. d. 54. M. noe wariatione obserued wee had a hard wind at North Northe west.

28.

The 28. day Our Coursse E. and by S. wee sayled 192. Scottes Myles Lat: 39 d. 50. M. Longit 53. d. 4. Minuttes, wee obserued ye warriatione to be North west 14. degrees, wee had a hard throughe wind at West.

29.

The 29. day Our Coursse Easte, wee sayled 192. Scottes Myles, Lat 39. d. 34. M. Longitude, 57. d. 8 M. wee obserued ye Neidle to warrey North west 15. degrees, ye wind at west faire wether and a hard throughe going gale.

30.

The 30. day Our Coursse Easte wee sayled 180. Scottes Myles. Lat 39. d 30 Minuttes, Longitude, 61. degrees, wee obserued ye Neeidle to warey North West 18. degrees, wind at W. S. W. a hard tope sayle Gale.

31.

The 31. day our Coursse East to Southe wee sayled 156. Scottes Myles. Latitude wee guest to be 39. d. 45. Minuttes Longitude 64. d. 22. .M. wee obserued ye Neidle to warey 19. d. 30. M. North west, wee had faire wethe with a good tope sayle gale at S. S. West. this

44 This was the ship Enkhuizen (550 lasts). Built for the Enkuizen chamber in 1636, she was a regular on the Texel to Batavia route, making the journey on some ten occasions. Anderson’s information is correct and she did set sail on her third voyage on 25 December 1640. DAS, II, p. 84, no. 0565.3. 45 Batavia is the Dutch name for Jakarta, Indonesia.

Folio 12r

March 1641 139 day wee approched. ye Longitude of ye South west end of ye Grate Iyland of St Laurence46 called in ye Mappes Madagascar.

Folio 13r Apryle 1.

The .1. day our Coursse East and by Southen wee sayled .96. Scottes Myles and guest our Lat: to be 40. degrees, and 4. Minuttes. Longitut. 66. degrees and 30. Minuttes ye Neidle, warrinng .20. degrees Northe West. ye wind variable and ye wether darke and foogie.

2.

The 2d. day our Coursse East and by Southe, wee sayled 96. Scottes Myles Lat: 40. d. 25. M. Longit 68. d. 40. M. ye Neidle waried North west 22. degrees 30. Minuttes, cleire wether ye wind at West varring Now and then a poynt or tuo.

3.

The 3d day our Coursse East and by Northe we sayled 60. Scottes Myles Latit: 40. degrees .14. Minuttes Longit: 69. d. 4. M. ye Neidle warried North west 23. degrees .30. Minuttes ye wind warriable and ye wether cleire,

4.

The 4. day our Coursse East to Southe, wee sayled .120. Scottes Myles Latit: 40. d. 20. M. Longit: 73. d. 4. Minuttes, no warriatione Obserued ye wind at west ye wether darke with a good tope sayle gale.

5.

The .5. day our Coursse East and by North wee sayled .160. Scottes Latit: 40. degrees, Longit: 76. degrees, 34. Minuttes ye Neidle waried 25. d. wind at South .S. West a hard gale.

6.

The 6. day Our Coursse East and by Southe, wee sayled 72. Scottes Myles. Latitude 40. degrees .20. Minuttes. Longit: 78. deggres and .16. M. ye Neidle warried Northe west 26. degrees ye wind wariable and the wether wnconstant.

46

The Island of Saint Lawrence refers to Madagascar.

140 Folio 13r

April 1641

7.

The 7. day our Coursse East. wee sayled .140. Scottes Myles. Latit: wee guest to be 40. degrees and 24. Minuttes. Longit. 81 degrees, 22. M. no wariation obserued wee had a hard tope sayle gale with ye wind at North Northe west.

8.

The .8. day our Coursse East to North wee sayled 152. Scottes Myles Latit. 39. d. 53. M. Longit: 84. degrees .56. Minuttes No wariatione obserued wee had a hard gale with ye wind at Northe and by west.

9.

The 9 day our Coursse East. wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles Latitude wee guest to be 39. d. 52. M. Longit. 87. d. 40. M. no wariation obserued wind at South west darkische wether

10.

The 10. day our Coursse East and by North wee sayled47 80. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude to be 39. degrees 12. Minuttes Longitude 89. deg. and 20. Minuttes, no wariatione obserued ye wind at West Southe West a topesayle gale.

Folio 14r Apryle. 11.

The 11. day Our Coursse East. wee sayled 84. Scottes Myles. Latit: 39. d. 16. M. Longit: 91. d. 6 M. ye Neidle warried Northe west 27. d. wee had faire wether and ye wind at West North west.

12.

The 12. day Our coursse East to Southe, wee sayled 140. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude to be 39. d. 25. M: Longit: 94. degrees and .10. M. No wariatione obserued ye wether foggie and darke with ye wind at North west. this day wee Rackned our selues past ye Meridiane of ye Iyland of S. Brandone.48

47

‘sayled’ has a blot over it. The meridian of the island of Saint Brandon still awaits identification. It is possible that it refers to the Cargados Carajos Shoals (also known as the Saint Brandon Rocks or Ilha de São Brandão), a group of about sixteen small islands in the Indian Ocean north-east of Mauritius, 16° 30’ S, 59° 40’ E. On seventeenth-century charts Saint Brandon or Brandaen lies north-east of Madagascar. Van Dam, II, p. 42. The VOC fleet blockading Goa in 1641–2, while sailing from Batavia to Goa, crossed 48

Folio 14r

April 1641 141

13.

The 13. day Our Coursse East and by Northe wee Sayled 168. Scottes Myles Lat: 38. d. 50. M. Longit: 97. d. 55. M. no wariatione obserued only by ye sea warre wee saw. wee knew our selues to be past the Iyland of S. Paulo.49 No wariatione obserued ye wind. at Northe West a hard gale. in all Mappes this Iyland layes vpone this same Lat: viz. 38. d. and 25. M. most assuredly.

14.

The 14. day Our Coursse East and by North wee sayled 120. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude to be 38. d. 30. M. Longitude 100. deegrees.50 and 25. Minuttes ye wether darke, and ye wind at West Southe West. Northe Northe East some 20. Myles from ye Iyland S. Paulo, layes ane wther Iyland Called Amsterdam51 some 15. Myles in Circuit coured with wood bothe heighe Landes.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse East and by Northe wee sayled 104. Scottes Myles and guest our Lat: to be 38. d. 4. M. Longit: 102 degrees .40. M. Noe Wariatione obserued ye wind at Northe Northe West and wariable with Muche Raine.

16.

The 16. day our Coursse East Northe East wee sayled 100. Scottes Myles Lat: 27. d. 35. M. Longitude 104. d. 30. Minuttes ye Neidle, waried. North west 20. degrees ye wether Rainey, with ye wind at North. W.

17.

The .17. day our Coursse E. N. E. wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude to be 36. d. 17. M. Longit. 107. d. 12. M. ye Neidle warrinng North West 19. degrees, faire wether, wind at W. S. W.

the meridian of Saint Brandon, ‘de lengte van St Brandon’, on 3 August 1641. Three weeks later they arrived at Goa. NA, Archief van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie 1138 fol. 369, Verhael ofte sommier vant gepasseerde in onse vloote voor Goa (1 November 1641). 49 Île Saint Paul, France, north-east of Madagascar known in Portuguese as Ilha de São Paulo. 50 Sic. 51 Île Amsterdam, France. This is an island in the Indian Ocean, north-east of Madagascar.

142 Folio 14r

April 1641

18.

The 18 day our Coursse North. East to East. wee sayled 180. Scottes Myles Lat: 34. d. 32. M. Longit. 110. d. 10 M. No wariation obserued ye wind by Southen faire wether and a good gale.

19.

The 19 day Our Coursse N. E. T. East wee sayled 180. Scottes Myles Lat: 32. d. 44. M. Longit. 112. d. 50. M. ye Neidle waried Northe West 17. degrees, hard wind at W. S. W.

20.

The 20. day our Coursse North. East. wee sayled 140. Scottes Myles Lat: 30. d. 47. M. Longitude 114. d. 36. M. ye Neidle waried North West 13. degrees and 30. Minuttes, wee had faire cleire wether, with ye wind at Southe West.

Folio 15r Apryle 21.

The 21. day our Coursse North East to North. wee sayled 64. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude to be 29. d. 56. Minuttes Longit. 115. degrees and 20. Minuttes ye Neidle waried North west 13. d. 30. M. ye wind at South East and by Southen Calme wether

22.

The .22. day our Coursse Northe to East. wee sayled 120. Scottes Myles Latit. 27 d. 58. Minuttes. Longit: 115. d. 42. Minuttes ye Neidle waried Northe west 12. d. 6. Minuttes ye wind at East a freche tope sayle Gale

23.

The 23. day our Coursse South East to Easten we sayled 40. Scottes Myles Lat: 27. d 12. M. Longit: 116. d: 12. M. ye Neidle waried North west 11. d. 36. Minuttes wind at South east and by Easten faire and Calme wether.

24.

The 24. day Our Coursse Easte, wee sayled 92. Scottes Myles Latitude wee guest to be 27. d. 14. M. Longit. 117. d. 50. Minuttes No wariatione was obserued ye wind at Northe, tope sayle, gale,

25.

The 25. day. our Coursse N. East to Northen wee sayled 60. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude, to be 26. d. 26. Minuttes Longit. 118. degrees and 30. M. ye Neidele Waried North west 9. d. 20. Minuttes ye wind wariable

Folio 15r

April 1641 143 with Muche Raine Thunder & fyre, the Moone wes Ecclepsed this Night obserued 2. houres and a halffe, and it was .3. quarters Circkel darkned.

26.

The 26. day our Coursse North Northe East wee sayled 124. Scottes Myles. Lat: 24. d. 31. M. Longit 119. d. 30. Minuttes, No wariatione obserued ye wind at S. S. East. Rainey wether and a good tope sayle Gale.

27.

The 27. day Our coursse N. West to North wee sayled 160. Scottes Myles Lat: 22. d. 27. M. Longit. 121. d. 8 M. ye Neidle warried .8. d. N. Weste, ye wind at S. S. E. hard wind.

28.

The 28 day our Coursse North east to North wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude to be 20. d. Longit. 122. d. 26. Minuttes No wariatione obserued ye wind wariable, a harde Gale.

29.

The 29 day. Our Coursse N. North East. wee sayled 100. Scottes Myles Latit: 18. d. 40. M. Longitude 123. d. 16. M. ye Neidle waried Northe west 6. degrees ye wind wariable with hard blasts.

30.

The 30 day our Coursse North .N. East. wee sayled 112. Scottes Myles Lat: 17. degrees. Longit 123. d. 55. Minuttes ye Neidle waried Northe West 5. degrees. with a hard wariable wind.

Folio 16r Maij 1.

The .1. day Our Coursse North and by East. wee sayled 112. Scotts Myles. Latit 15. degres .28. Minuttes Longit. 124. degrees .26. Minuttes ye Neidle waried North West 4. d. 30. Minuttes faire wether and the wind at Easte.

2.

The 2d. day our Coursse North .N. Easte we sayled .108. Scottes Myles wee guest our Lat: to be 13. d. 25 Minuttes. Longitude 124. degrees 45. M. ye Neidle waried .4. d. ye wind at East and by Southe, a throughe passage.

144 Folio 16r

May 1641

3.

The 3d day our Coursse North and by East wee sayled 124. Scottes Myles Lat: 11. d. 28. M. Longitude 125. d. 10 M. ye Neidle waried North west 3. d. wind East North Easte with Muche Raine.

4.

The 4. day our Coursse North to West wee sayled .84. Myles S. Lat: 10. d. 10. M. Longitude 124. d 50. M. ye Neidle waried .3. degrees 20. Minuttes a good topesayle gale with ye wind at East. North East.

5.

The .5. day Our Coursse Northe we sayled 76. Scottes Myles Latitude 8. degrees 53. Minuttes. Longitude 124. degrees, 50. Minuttes ye Neidle waried North West .3. degrees, faire wether with ye wind at East North east.

6.

The sext day Early in ye Morning wee did see tuo heigh hills layand North North east from ws. ye one hill showing to ws at sea lyke to a Sadle ye other lyke to a Sugar Looffe.52 wich wee knew to be ye hills be South ye toune of Battauia53 in ye Iyland of Jaua Maior.54 then till .10. a clocke wee rune a Northe Coursse. and about 12. I discrayed a Necke or head of land layning right Easte from ws some .20. Myles ye broad syde of ye laiche land of ye Grate Bay be Southe Jaua towards ye West End. distant some 20. Myles. Mid day wee obserued ye Latitude, wich wee fand 7. degrees and 36. Minuttes. and then wee Rane N. W. T. W. till about 4. in ye Afternoone, and then West .N. W. till befor ye sune setting, being then not passing .7. Myles distant from ye land of Jaua. then did wee rune Right West ye first quarter of ye for Night hauing out our lead Eurey Glasse quher wee fand .36. fathome Gray Sand & Clay ground. ye second watche 45. fathome and then being wnder ye Longitude 125. degrees & 50. Minuttes hauing at ye West End of Jaua .2. degrees of N. W. wariatione, quher Eurey man may make hes accompt to find No grater wariatione, at ye West End of ye said Iyland.

52 53 54

Sugarloaf. Batavia is the former Dutch name for Jakarta, Indonesia. Java, one of the most important islands in Indonesia.

Folio 16r 7.

May 1641 145 The .7. day wee pyled ye West Nucke of Jaua North. West from ws about 10. a clocke in ye fornoone 20. Scottes Myles distant our coursse being lykwayes N. W. ye wind East and by Southe. faire wether. heir wee discrayed .2. Iylands full of Cocos Nutte trees, so Called. ye circuit of ye one being 30. Scottes Myles ye wther is. low land, and betuix thesse & ye mayne ther is good Anchor ground vpone diuers dypinges.

Folio 17r Maij 8.

The 8. day wee boore in betuixe ye Continent of Jaua and the prince Iylandes,55 ye cost of ye Iyland Jaua: Neire in Respecte of Anchor ground. ye wether being Calme, and ye current setting Westward our Coursse being N. West.56 wee, costed till Night with our Lead. and about .7. a clocke at Night ye Iyland Cracatow57 in ye straitte of Sundach.58 lay N. North west from ws, we beinng past it. This Iyland is a heighe land, of some 20. Scottes Myles in circumference, full of wood and good freche watter vninhabit, and appeiring to ws lyke, dutche hate. then did wee with our lead going still, rune ouer befor ye toune of Angeier59 beloning to ye King of Bantam.60 and in ye Morning the Jauans brought ws Refrechment aboord, Limons,61 Bonanas,62 and Plantans,63 with diuers other fruitts and grate plentey of Goottes, cockes and hens wich they sold ws from ther praws.

55 Prinsen Eilanden in Dutch, Pulau Panaitan at the entrance of Selat Sunda (Sunda Strait) between the Indonesian islands of Java and Sumatra. Pulau means island in the Indonesian language (Bahasa Indonesia). 56 ‘West’ is written over ‘East’. 57 Pulau Krakatau (Krakatoa), is an island in Sunda Strait. After blowing itself apart in 1883 the island has started to emerge again from the sea through small-scale eruptions. This new island is called Anak Krakatau. Anak means child in Indonesian. 58 Selat Sunda or Sunda Strait, Indonesia. 59 Anyar in the west of Java. 60 Bantam or Banten, lies on a cape at the eastern entrance of Sunda Strait, Indonesia. 61 Lime. 62 Bananas. 63 Plantains.

146 Folio 17r

May 1641

9.

The .9. day wee lighted our Anchor and Rune alonges ye Coaste of Jaua. wpone 8. 9. & 10. fathoomes watter. till wee wer past ye Cape of Bantam. and then with ye sea wind. rune by St Nicolas Bay64 betuix ye tuo Iylandes of Poulo babi,65 and Poulapanian,66 the coursse being East and at Night quhen it Calmed wee did Anchor, hauing ye Man-eatters Iyland67 East South East from ws. and ye Longe Iyland called68 ye Grate Camuze69 layand East from ws some .8. Scottes Myles.

10.

The .10. day in ye Morning wee lighted our Anchor and Rune alonges the Coaste closse by ye longe Iyland leauing it one our stare-boord. & so fordward. quher wee Rancontred .3. shippes from Battauia, come from Goa.70 and now praissed be God are wee saue arriued in ye Road of Battauia. with 290. men all in good heathe,71 quher wee first anchored without ye Road one .9. fathome watter.

11.

The 11. day wee lichted Anchor and came in to ye Road of Battauia quher ther wes .11. hollands shippes ryding, and diuers Iunckes of Malaya:72 and China. This Toune of Battauia was formerly Called Jacatra hauing a peculiar King of its auen, a Moore, and vassal, to ye Matram or Emperour of Jaua. being a Comon place of Refreshment, for ye European fleetes. and wes takin by the Hollander in ye month of Iulay 1624. by

64 Teluk Banten, Indonesia. A bay on the north coast of Bantam known in Dutch as Sint Nicolaasbaai, or Baai van Bantam. 65 Pulau Babi (Pulau Tunda), Indonesia. An island on the north coast of Bantam known in Dutch as Varkenseiland. 66 Pulau Panjang, Indonesia. This island is known in Dutch as Lange Eiland, or Grote Kombuiseiland. 67 This refers to Pulau Seribu, north-east of Jakarta, Indonesia, known in Dutch as Menseneter Eiland. 68 The ‘c’ of ‘called’ is written over the letters ‘ye’. 69 As noted above, Lange Eiland (Grote Kobuiseiland) relates to Pulau Panjang in Indonesia. 70 A town on the west coast of India. Capital of Portuguese India. 71 Sic. 72 The southern part of the Malay Peninsula.

Folio 17r

May 1641 147 ther Generall, Jean Piter-sone Cune.73 and since it is so prosspered yat at this day it is one of ye most famous and best fortified Cities in all India and ye cheiffe staple Toune of ye Orientall trade, environed it is with with74 a mightie stronge wall of whyte Corall and lyme, with a Graffe of 100 footte brood eache streette beinge seuered by Graffes. yat are, Nauigable by Boate, and comandit by a werey Stronge Castell wich affronts each streete of ye toune, ye castell and Bastions ar planted with 400. pice of brasse & iron Canon.

Folio 18r Canon grate and Small. this Toune, is ye Seatt of ye Hollandes Indian Generall Antoney Wan-dimin.75 quho presently commandes ther. Maij. In this Road of Battauia wee lay al the mounthes of May and Junij till ye 4. day of Julay. 1641. aboute wich tyme I was Commadit by ye Admirall Mathias. Queste.76 to goe vpone ye Shipe Called Harderweicke,77 of Amsterdame, for ye barre of Goa.78 to attend the fleette comming from Portugall. &c. The Toune of Battauia layeth wnder ye South Latitude of 6. degrees, and .6. Minuttes. from ye Æquinoctiall. and of Longitude, 125. degrees or therby according to ye Calculated Meridian of Teneriffe.

73 Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1587–1629), Governor General of the Dutch East Indies (1617–23, 1627–29). 74 Sic. 75 Anthony van Diemen (1593–1645), Governor General of the Dutch East Indies (1636–45). 76 Matthijs Hendriksz Quast, Admiral (d. 6 October 1641). 77 The Harderwijk (400 lasts, though Anderson puts her at 1,000 tons on fol. 47r), was built for the Amsterdam chamber in 1635 and was here on her second voyage to Batavia. She departed from the Texel on 13 December 1640 and arrived at her destination on 11 June 1641. DAS, II, p. 84, no. 0561.2. 78 The road of Goa.

148 Folio 18r

May 1641

Bantam ye west most Grate toune in Jaua. hes a Moore king of its auen, quho is still in varre aganist ye Mattram.79 formerly befor ye flourishing of Battauia it was ye cheiffe staple of Peper in all India for both ye Portugall, Englische, & Hollander laded ther peper heire, brought first to this toune, from Sumatra & Borneo,80 besyds quhat grew heir. this Toune goes dayly to decay in Respecte, of ye Hollander, quho is Master of thir seas hes Nested him selue, so strongly in Battauia wich is only .50. Scottes Myles distant. and ingrossed all ye Trade to hes auen Home. This toune layes South from ye Equinoctiall 6. degrees and .7. Minuttes. its Longitude beinng 124. degrees according to ye Meridian of Teneriffe. Bantam and its terretories is able to make to ye feild 25000 men, and of all ye Jauans are ye best shouldiours. of Religion they ar Mahometans, and yat werey preceisse bot with all extreamly trecherous and subile of a quicke and Nimble witt, and with ther Junckes, praws friggats and Tingans,81 they are ye best Seamen in all ye Empyre of Jaua ye Countrey heir abouttes is resonable fertill of Rice, Grauances,82 (wich are a kynd of beanes &) Caian,83 wich is a Grane greine in color lyke to ye Meeisse peasse in Europe. of fruitts also it ʒeildes diuers sortes as Durions,84 Nanco,85 Stinckarts,86 Mangas,87 Lancisse,88 with ye best

79 The kingdom of Mataram, mid Java, was annexed by the VOC during the eighteenth century. 80 Kalimantan. 81 Not identified. Probably a mis-rendering of a Malay word, possibly banting = brigantine, or sampan = sloop. 82 Gravance, or in Portuguese gravanço, a type of bean. 83 Green beans, called kacang hiyau in Malay (Phaseolus aureus). 84 Durian. The fruit of several tree species belonging to the genus Durio and the Malvaceae family. Widely known and revered in South East Asia as the ‘king of fruits’, the durian is distinctive for its large size, unique odour, and formidable thorn-covered husk. 85 Fruit of the Artocarpus integrifolia, called nangka in Malay. 86 Stinkard. A type of durian. 87 Mangoes. 88 Probably the fruit of Lansium domesticum, called langsep in Malay.

Folio 18r

May 1641 149 sortes of Limons89 orenges90 Cittrons91 & pomgranatts,92 with sundrey wthers quhosse Names are Not knouen to ws, all grouing on trees. for Garden fruits, Ruttes and herbes it ʒeildes, Watter Mellons, Musck Mellons Pompeons, Gourdes & Cucumbers Potatoes Read and white, Aiamos93 and diuers wthers. The king of Bantam out in a policey. hes rootted out all ye peper trees in his quhole kingdome, fearing ye planting of peper should moue ye Hollander to displant him: and in sted of peper in all his feildes hes planted Sugar Canes wich gratly incresses ther. and heir this ʒeire ye Sugar Meal wass sold for .4. Rialls94 and a halffe ye Pecull.95 wich contines .125. pound of our weight.

Folio 19r Julay 6.

The 6. day of Julay .3. of our fleeit wer commandit to takin ballast and wood in ye straittes of Sunda. some 4. Myles, be West ye Cape of Bantam. right ouer aganist ye Iyland Toppershate96 quher wee tooke in Our Ballast, and then lighting our Anchors we sayled a litle more Westerly, quher wee tooke in our Wood. and ther lay till ye 13. day of this same Mounthe.

13.

The .13. day the Generall of India Antoney Wan-Dimin97 did come by ws with .7. sayle of shippes, and ioyned with our three. making .10. shippes of all, quher he did authorize Mathias Quest to be admirall Generall ouer ye said fleeitte, and ther did publische his orders anent ye present Intendit expeditione, for Goa.

89

Lime. Oranges. 91 Lemon. 92 Pomegranate. 93 Yam. 94 Real. A Spanish silver coin. 95 Picul. Weight of about 60 kg. 96 Pulau Tamposo, Indonesia. A small island at the eastern entrance of Selat Sunda, known as Toppershoedje in Dutch, north-east from Dwars in de Weg. 97 Anthony van Diemen (1593–1645), Governor General of the Dutch East Indies (1636–45). 90

150 Folio 19r

July 1641

17.

The 17. day of this monthe ye watter and woode being takin in to serue our fleette, ye Generall of India returned in ye Shipe called Amsterdam98 to Battauia. and wee touardes Night lighting our Anchors, betooke ws to ye sea. with a hard gale, at East Southe East

18.

day. of Julay our Coursse West Southe West We sayled 96. Scotts Myles. Latit: 6. d. 37 Minuttes, Longitude 123. d. 30. Minuttes, wee had a hard tope sayle gale with ye wind at South East.

19.

The 19. day Our Coursse West South West. wee sayled .112. Scotts Myles. Lat. 7. degrees and 23. Minuttes Longitude .121. degrees 36. Minuttes ye Neidle warried N. W. 2. degrees 20. Minutts wee had a good tope sayle gale, wind at South east. about one in ye afternoone our Admirall. called a counsel, and conforme to ye Order of the Sea gaue out his Seinge briffe, wich wes ye Orders hou eache man should carey him selue in his statione & place by Night and by day.

20.

The 20 day Our Coursse W . South West wee sayled 136. Scottes Myles, and guest our Latitude to be 8. degrees & 15. Minuttes Longit 120. degrees and 20. Minuttes, hard gale, darke wether with ye wind at south east.

21.

The 21 day Our Coursse W. S. West wee sayled 152. Scottes Myles Lat. 9. d. 3. M. Longitude 118. d. 30. M. ye Neidle warried to ye North West: hard tope sayle gale wind at East and by Southen.

Folio 20r Julay 22.

The 22. day our Coursse West south west. wee sayled .144. Scottes Myles Latit 10. d. 1. Minutte, Longit: 116. d. 4. Minuttes ye Neidle warried North west 5. degrees

98 The Amsterdam (550 lasts) was built for the Amsterdam chamber in 1632 and made a total of six voyages to Batavia. She departed on her fifth voyage on 13 December 1640 from the Texel and arrived at Batavia on 7 June 1641. See DAS, II, p. 84, no. 0560.5.

Folio 20r

July 1641 151 .36. Minuttes, wee hade a good tope sayle gale with ye wind at East and by Southen.

23.

The 23. day Our Coursse, West South West. wee sayled .144. Scottes Myles Lat: 11. degrees. Longit 113. d. 40. M. ye Neidle waried Northe west 6. degrees and 30. Minuttes wee had a good tope sayle Gale, with darke wether ye wind at East South East.

24.

The 24. day Our Coursse West wee sayled 104. Scottes Myles Latit: 11. degrees, Longit: 111. degrees .45. Minuttes. ye Neidle waried North west 7. degrees wee had a faire tope sayle gale with ye wind at East.

25.

The 25. day Our Coursse West wee sayled 60. Scottes Myles Latitud. 11. d. 8. M. Longit. 110. d. 38. M. ye Neidle waried North west .9. d. faire wether ye wind at East.

26.

The .26. day our Coursse West and by Southen, wee sayled .120. Scotts Myles and guest our Lat: 11. d. 15. M. Longit. 108. d. 20. M. No variatione obserued, wee had a hard topesayle gale at South South east.

27.

The 27. day our Coursse west to Southen wee sayled 136. Scottes Myles. Lat: 11. d. 34. M. No wariatione obserued, ye had a hard tope sayle gale wind at S. S. East.

28.

The 28. day Our Coursse, West: wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles Lat: 11. d. 33. M. Longit. 103. d. 50. M. ye Neidle waried North, West 11. d. 36. M. wee had a hard tope sayle gale wind at South east.

29.

The 29. day our Coursse West to Southe wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles Lat 11. d. 30. M. Longit. 101. d. 24. M. No wariatione obserued wee had a hard tope sayle Gale wind at South east.

Folio 21r Julay.

The .30. day our Coursse West. wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles Latit: 11. degrees, 31. Minuttes, Longitude .99.

152 Folio 21r

July 1641

degrees ye Neidle waried Northe West .16. degrees .30. Minuttes wee had a hard passad wind at Southe East and by Easten. 31.

The .31. day our Coursse West. wee sayled 128. Scottes Myles Latitude .11. degrees .34. Minuttes Longitude 96. degrees .50. Minuttes ye Neidle waried North west .17. degrees 48. Minuttes, wee had a hard passage wind at South East and by East.

Folio 22r Aguste. 1.

The .1. day our Coursse west wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles Latitu. 11. degrees .29. Minuttes. Longit. 94. d. 24. M. ye Neidle waried Northe West 18. d. 40. M. wee had a hard tope sayle gale wind at Southe S. E.

2.

The 2. day Our Coursse West wee sayled 160. Scottes Myles Latit 11. d. 33. M. Longit 91. d. 46. M. no wariatione obserued ye wether darkeische Rainey wether, wind at South east.

3.

The .3. day our Coursse West and by Northe, wee sayled 160. Scotts Myles and guest our Latitude to be 11. d. and 20. M. Longit. 89. d. 4 M. No wariatione Obserued wee had hard stormey wether with much Raine wind at S. S. E.

4.

The 4. day Our Coursse North West and by North wee sayled .140. Scottes Myles Lat. 9. d. 26. M. Longit. 87. d. 50. M. ye Neidle waried North West 20. d. 30. M. hard storme with ye wind at .S. S. E.

5.

The 5. day Our Coursse, North and by west wee sayled 144. Scottes Myles Lat. 7. d. 2. M. Longitude 87. d. 5. M. ye Neidle waried North West 20. d. 15. Minuttes wee had a hard passage wind at East and by Southe.

6.

The 6. day Our Coursse North .N. West wee sayled 140. Scottes Myles Latit: 4. d. 54. M. Longit 86. d. 32. Minuttes, No wariatione obserued wether faire with a good gale at South east.

Folio 22r

August 1641 153

7.

The ,7. day our Coursse North west to Nourthen99 wee sayled .120. Scottes Myles and guest our Latitude to be 3. d. 6. Minuttes Longit. 85. d 40. Minuttes No wariatione obserued ye wether wariable with a S. S. E. wind our Admirall Caussed ye Counsaill of Nauigatione to come abord and100 rander ther accomptes of Longitudes, Latitudes & difference, And My auen Accomptes wer found Neirest to ye Midle poynt of all ye Rest.

8.

The 8 day our Coursse N. North west we sayled 76. Scottes Myles Latitude 2. d. 3. Minuttes. Longitut. 85. d. 20. Minuttes, No wariatione obserued ye wind and wether wariable, with fogges & Raine.

9.

The 9. day Oure Coursse North .N. West wee sayled 48. Scottes Myles. and guest our Latitude to be 1. degree and 8. Minuttes Longitude, 84. degrees 46. Minuttes, No wariatione obserued ye wether was Calme and ye windes wariable.

Folio 23r Aguste 10.

The 10 day our Coursse North North west wee sayled 116. Scottes Myles our Lat. N. No deggres bot 53. Minuttes Longitude, 83. d. 55. Minuttes ye Neidle waried North west 19 degrees .33. Minuttes faire wether with the wind at Southe S. West. This day wee are passed ye Æquinoctiall towardes ye Northe.

11.

The 11 day Our Coursse North north West. wee sayled .78. Scottes Myles .N. Latitude 2. d. 5. Minuttes, Longit: 83. d. 10 M. no wariatione obserued faire wether with ye wind at Southe .S. West. this day wee fand ye current to sett towardes ye North.

12.

The 12. day Our Coursse Northe North west wee Sayled .40. Scottes Myles, and guest our Latitude to be 2.

99 100

Sic. There are deleted letters between ‘abord’ and ‘and’.

154 Folio 23r

August 1641

d. 45. Minuttes North Longitude .83 degrees. ye Neidle warried 19. d. 40. Minuttes faire wether .S. S. West. 13.

The 13. day Our Coursse North .N. West wee sayled: 12. Scottes Myles .N. Lat: 2. d. 49. M. Longit: 82. d. 57. M. ye Neidle waried North West 20. degrees wether Calme with ye wind at West South West this day wee fand a stronge Current sett to ye west.

14.

The 14. day Our Coursse N. N. West wee sayled 48. Scottes Myles and guest our North Latitude .3. d. 42. M. Longit: 82. d. 46. Minuttes the Neidle waried North West 19. degrees .30. Minuttes, ye wether darkische with Thunder fyreslaught & Raine wind wariable.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse N. N. West. wee sayled .48. Scottes Myles N. Latit: 3. d. 44. M. Longit 82. d: 44. Minuttes, No varriatione of the Neidle obserued wee had a hard tope sayle gale with ye wind at South this day wee fand. ye Current sett Southwardes.

16.

The 16. day our Coursse N. North West wee sayled 88 Scottes Myles N. Lat: 5. d. 7. M. Longit. 82. d. 12. Minuttes ye Neidle waried N. West 19. d. 44. Minuttes wee had a faire topesayle gale with ye wind at W. South West.

17.

The 17. day our Coursse N. North West wee sayled 84. Scottes Myles N. Lat: 6. d. 23. M. Longit 81. d. 38 Minuttes ye Neidle waried to the North west 18. degrees .10. Minuttes wee had a faire tope sayle Gale with ye wind at South .S. West.

18.

The 18 day Our Coursse North wee sayled 86. Scottes Myles .N. Lat: 7. d. 49. Minuttes Longit. 81. d. 38. Minuttes, ye Neidle waried N. W 17. d. 30. Minuttes faire wether wind at S. S. West.

19.

The 19 day. Our Coursse North. we sayled 152. Scottes Myles. North Lat 10. d. 32. M. Longit 81. d. 38 M. ye Neidle waried North west 17. degrees wee had a faire tope sayle gale wind at South .S. West. this day wee sett vpe oure tope gallen masts & sayles and scanst all our topes with fyre worke chists in eurey tope. to throw at our Enimies in aney fight wee should Rancounter them.

Folio 24r

August 1641 155

Folio 24r Aguste 20.

The 20. day Our Coursse North East wee sayled 156. Myles Scottes N. Lat: 12. d. 24. M. Longit. 83. d. 24. Minuttes, ye Neidle waried N. West 17. degrees .10. Minuttes, hard gale wind at South West.

21.

The 21 day Our Coursse East North East wee sayled 196. Scottes Myles .N. Latit: 13. d. 24. M. Longitude, 85. d. 55. Minuttes, ye Neidle waried North West 17. degrees, hard storme wind at South West and by Southe.

22.

The 22. day Our Coursse East North East. we sayled 152. Scottes Myles, we guest our North Latitude to be 14. d. 24. Minuttes. Longitude 88. degrees 20. Minuttes, No wariatione obserued, wether darkische and stormey with ye wind at W. S. West.

23.

The 23. day Our Coursse East North .E. wee sayled 156. Scottes Myles wee guest our North Latit: to be 15. d. 16. minuttes. Longitude 90. d. 44. Minuttes, No warieatione obserued darkische wether with ye wind at West .S. W.

24.

The 24. day Our Coursse, East and by Northe, wee sayled .156. Scottes Myles, and guest our North Latitude to be 16. degrees, Longitude 93. d. and 10. M. No wariatione obserued we had a hard Gale wind at West S. W.

25.

The 25. day our Coursse .E. N. E. about 10 a clocke, wee heued out our lead and fand .44. fathome clay ousie ground with some blacke sand wnder. at Midday wee obserued our North Latitude to be .16. d. iust. and about one in ye clocke wee did discray Land berand Right one head of ws some 20. Myles offe, wich was the Land Wingerlaw.101 some 32. Scottes Myles be North ye Iyland of Goa. and then we discray ye Brecking Iylandes102 about .3. in ye Afternoone. wee should

101 Vengurla. A town just north of the territory of Goa, India. Between 1637 and 1685 the VOC had a lodge there. 102 A small archipelago lying off the coast of Goa.

156 Folio 24r

August 1641

haue Anchored bot ye watter going so hollow. we did Caste aboute to Seaward. least wee should haue beine discouered. 26.

The 26. day. with takling theither and againe, wee keipt ye Sea without Goa. wnto ye Right faire watter way, watching our opportunitey to Catche ye shippes yat Came from Portugall.

27.

The 27 day aboute 12. a clocke we obserued our North Latitude & found it 16. degrees and 40. Minuttes. then wee crossed too and againe some 36. Myles without land. quher wee found 35. fathome Clay Ground and ther wee Anchored. And our Admirall hange out ye whyte flage & a streamer wnder it for his Priuey Counsaill. At Night wee lighted our Anchors and went neirer ye land.

28.

The 28. day wee Anchored one 22. fathome clay ground ther being some 20. Myles from ye shore one ye North. Lat: of 16. degrees and 30. Minuttes with faire wether, wind at West ye sea. going from ye West .S. West. at night wee wyed our Anchors and stood to ye sea.

Folio 25r Aguste 29.

The 29 day wee sent tuo shipis ye North stare and103 ye floyte and ye fleeing Harte to Wingerlaw, a place be north Goa. wich is Now a Cantorey of ye hollanders. to make Inquisitione wither ye fleette wer arriued from Portugall ore Not. and then wee Lighted our Ancors and made to Sea againe, till ye returne of ye tuo floytes, wee found our Northe Latitude to be 15. degrees .50. Minuttes.

30.

The 30. day wee found our North Latit: to be 15. d. 22. Minuttes, and wee wer in sight of ye Brecking Iylands bearing Right Northen to East from ws some .8. Myles at Night wee Anchored be Southe ye forsaid Iylands,

103

‘and’ is deleted.

Folio 25r

August 1641 157 sex Myles, 24. fathome Clay ground. ye Neidle waried heir 15. d. and .3. Minuttes North West.

31.

The 31. day wee found our North Lat: being at Anchor to be .15. d. and 29. Minuttes. wee lay then some 20. Myles in ye sea from Goa the wind at W. North .W. then Came ye ʒaight Wanlo104 from Wingerlaw with Newes, yat ther lay tuo Carrackes105 and .3. Galleouns106 within Goa. takinng in ther ladnings for Portugall, and107 brought ws Refreschment.

Folio 26r September 1. from ye first day of September till ye 21. of ye same Mounthe wee lay offe and one, some tymes to ye sea and then againe to ye land befor ye Iyland of Goa and Wingerlaw. 21.

The 21. of September in ye Morning ther appeired to ws in sight a grate shipe, coming right one ws, wich wee found to be a grate Carracke of Portualled. Called ye Santa Maria de Gosta108 ye Admirall sent hes boate abourd ye rest of hes fleet commanding them not to lift ther Anchors, wntill they saw how ye Bussines went Then with a broad syde, did our Admirall in ye Bosche, clape her aboord and scaldit hes haill fore sayle, spritt sayle and blind. till ye rope, of his Enterdrige did brecke, bot ʒet wnder hard blowes. then did wee with ye shipe Harderwicke,109 salute him with a quhole Brood syde, wntill ye Bosche did putt too New forsayles. wee still plaging them with our Grate and Small shootte, and ye

104 The yacht Venlo (120 lasts) was built for the Zeeland chamber in 1632. That year it made its only voyage to the East Indies. The ship arrived in Batavia on 3 June 1633. The ship stayed in the Indies and was laid up in 1646. DAS, II, p. 68, no. 0434.1. 105 Carrack. 106 Galleon. 107 ‘and’ is deleted. 108 The actual name of the ship was Nossa Senhora da Quietação. See G. D. Winius, The Fatal History of Portuguese Ceylon: Transition to Dutch Rule (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 52–53. 109 This is the previously mentioned ship Harderwijk.

158 Folio 26r

September 1641

floyte in lyke maner. wee contined thus, a creuell fight from 8. a clocke in ye Morninge, till Neir 4. in ye afternoone, about wiche tyme, wee all .3. Resolued to boord her, in ye Meane tyme the New shipe Encusin110 rining in hes bouspritt with a double way betuix ye Carractes Main Maste and maine shroudes Runs off hes Galion head and boull sprit, only with ye discharge of one brood syde, and receiuing ye Carractes brood syde, with ye losse of 6. men fell a sterne and did no more: then did ye forsaids .3. shippes, Enter ye Carracte, perforce making a werey hotte fight with suord and pistol, for halffe ane houer. wntill ther Generall was killed. then they Called for quarters, and so wee did posses ye Carracte, hauing first with our grate Ordinace killed to them some 50. Men. and in ye assutte, and Entrey 100. More, so yat of 550 Men they had in her, they lost with ther Generall .150. and wee, 24. Men. and 30. hurte, Our Admirall Mathias Queste, gote, a shote in ye footte, quherof within 8. dayes he deyed and wes interrid at Wingerlaw. The Portugalls by ther declaratione walued this Carracke at .50. tune of Gold. bot ye chiffe commodites wee fand in her were 1000. tunes of Spanisch Wynes .11. grate chists of Rialls of .8t.111 10000 Crusadoes112 of Goldes, some quanties of Emraldes and pearles .10. kists of wroght and wnwroght Amber 14. kists of Read Corrall wroght and polisshed with a grate deall of other Comodities. this Carrackt was 2200. tunes: wee113 distributted ye 400. prissoners, amongest our fleette. wee lay befor Goa. and Wingerlaw from ye .1. of September 1641. wntill ye 10. day of May. 1642. Eurey quher one this Coaste of Goa is good Anchor ground. except in some places about ye Brecking Iyland Northward of it some .5. or sex Myles, quher ther are some blind Rockes. and betuix this Iyland and ye Maine, 110 111 112 113

This is the previously mentioned ship Enkhuizen. Real or piece of eight. A Spanish silver coin. Cruzado. A Portuguese coin, made of gold. ‘w’ of ‘wee’ is written over a ‘y’.

Folio 26r

September 1641 159 ther is no passage, for aney shipes of Burthen. As for ye currents and tydes they goe according to ye hardnes of wether and wind. Nather is it conwenient without danger to keepe one thesse costs from ye .1. of May to ye first of September in Respecte of hard stormes & Grate Currents, and few heauens or Riuers of aney deipnes for sauety of shipes. ye best being not aboue 10. or 12. foote deeipe, Goa only excepted. this tyme being ther Winter.

Folio 27r October

The Citey of Goa.114 Seatted in ye Iyland of Tisoare115 belonging to ye K. of Portugall, and his Metrapolis ofye116 Orientall India quher the Portugalls haue ther traffique, Quher also ye wiceroy: The Archbischope ye Kinges Counsaill; and Chancerey haue ther Residences and from thence are all places in ye Orientall Indies belonging to them Gouerned, and Reuelled:117 Ther is also ye staple of all Indian Comodities, wither all sortes of Merchantes doe Resorte, coming hither both to bay and sell and out of Arabia, Armenia, Persia,118 Cambaia119 Bengala,120 Pegu,121 Siam,122 Malacca,123 Molucca124 & China.125

114 For this section (fols. 27r-29r), see chapter 28 of the Itinerario of Jan Huygen van Linschoten (1563–1611). Van Linschoten’s Itinerario, voyage ofte schipvaert, van Ian Huygen van Linschoten, naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien was first published in Amsterdam in 1596. For the description of the various places in Africa and Asia, Anderson has often copied Van Linschoten’s text, most likely using the 1598 English translation of William Phillip (as discussed in Chapter 2). 115 Ilha Tissuari, Island of Tisoare, an island in the territory of Goa. 116 These two words are written as one. 117 Ruled. 118 Iran. 119 Cambay or Khambhat, north-west India. 120 There is no punctuation mark between Cambaia and Bengala, but they appear as two separate places in Linschoten’s Itinerario. Thus the latter is likely to refer to Bengal, now split between north-east India and Bangladesh. 121 Pegu. A region in the south of Arakan, Myanmar (Burma). 122 Thailand. 123 Malacca. A city on the Malaya Peninsula. 124 Malaku Islands, Moluccas, Indonesia. 125 China.

160 Folio 27r

October 1641

The Citey and Iyland of Goa layes North from ye Equinoctiall Line 15. degrees of Latitude, and from ye Castell of Mosambique,126 ye way ye portugalls comes heither 400. Myles. It is ane Iyland quholly Compassed aboute with a Riuer, and is aboue 3. Myles grate. it Layothe within ye Coast of ye firme land, so yat ye Iyland with ye Sea Coste of ye firme land, doeth both Reache als farre Eache as other into ye Sea. It is onlie separated from ye firme land by ane Arme of ye Sea or of ye Riuer yat runethe in by the North syde of ye Toune, and So round aboute ye Iyland to ye Southe side, quher it Entreth againe wnto ye Sea; and is in forme at most lyke a halffe Moone; The Riuer127 Runneth euen wnto ye Toune, and is in different broad, Ther are betueene ye firme land and ye Iyland Certaine Small Iylandes yat are all inhabit, by the Naturall borne Countreymen. And one ye wther syde of ye Toune ye Riuer is ther so small, yat in sumer tyme by wadding to ye knees in watter, a man May ouer it one footte One ye wich syde ye Iyland hath a wall with Certane Bulwarkes wich ye portugalls of late ʒeires hath Caussed to be made, to defend them from ye firme land in tyme of warre, as it often hapnethe for it diuers tymes hath beine beseidged. At ye Mouthe and Entrey of ye Riuer lieth ye land of Bardes128 wich is heighe land, wnder wich land ye Portugalls doe Anchor Sauely out of all danger: and ther they haue a place to lade & wnlade ther vares. This land of Bardes is lykewayes subiecte to ye Portugalls and is full of willages inhabited with people, yat are of ye firme land, laying aboue it Called Canarijns129 quho for ye most part are Christians, bot obserue ther

126

Mozambique. Mandovi River, Goa. 128 A region to the north of the territory of Goa. 129 Canarijns refers to labourers from the Konkane area north of Goa. The word is Portuguese deriving from Canara (Karnataka), directly north of Malabar. It is also used in Dutch. 127

Folio 27r

October 1641 161 auen maner of apparrell, wich is to goe all Naked, ther priuey members only couered. This land is full of Indiane Palme trees quheron ye Indian Nuttes called Cocos130 doe grow, as also all ye wther Iylandes layand in ye Riuer this Iyland of Bardes is seperatted from ye firme land by a small Riuer, wich is so litle yat it can not almost be decerned from ye firme land One ye Southe syde of ye Iyland of Goa quher ye Riuer runneth againe wnto ye sea, ther cometh euen out with ye Coste a land called Salsette131 wich is also wnder ye subiectione of ye portugalls and is inhabited, and planted both with people and fruitte, lyke Bardes and is lykwayes parted with a litle Riuer from ye firme land.

Folio 28r 9-ber.

Betueen this land of Salsette and ye Iyland of Goa, lie also some small Iylandes all full of Indiane palme trees. and by ye Mouth ore issew of ye Riuer, liethe ane Iyland wich is called Goa Velha132 yat is old Goa, from quhence, ther cometh noe Especiall thinge nather is it much Inhabited Thosse landes of Bardes & Salsette wer formerly by the Kings of portugall, lett out to farme, and ye rents therof wer Employed to ye payment of ye Archbischope prists cloysters, and wthers officers ʒeirly stipends. The Iyland is werey hilly, and in some places so desert and roughe yat one some sydes men can hardly trauell ouer land (bot with grate labor) to ye toune of Goa. it is euen full of willages to ye seasyde and Inhabited by the Canarijns wich are ye Naturall borne people of ye land,

130

Coconut. Coastal region in the territory of Goa. 132 Goa Velha is Old Goa. The original capital of Portuguese India, upstream of the Mandovi River. 131

162 Folio 28r

November 1641

and doe altogider liue by working one ye land, and by ther palme trees. The Toune of Goa is weill bulte with faire housses and streeitts, after ye Portugall Maner, bot becausse of ye heat they ar some quhat lower. They haue comonly ther Gardens and Orchardes at ye backsyde of ther housses full of all Indian fruits, As also the quholl Iyland throughe, they haue maney plesant Gardens & farmes. with housses to play in, and trees of Indian fruittes, wither they goe to sporte them selues, and quherin ye Indian women take grate delight ye toune hath in it .5. parische churches viz Our Ladey of ye Light.133 2. Our Ladey of ye Rosarey.134 3. S Peiters135 4. S. Lucia.136 5. .S Thomas137 and within ye Iyland of Goa ye portugalls Compts 20. parochiall churges, in ye Iyle of Bardes .5. parische churges and in Salsette .13. churches, al wich churches ye Jesuittes doe Minister. in Saccette138 lykwayes ther is a Colledge of ye Societey of Jesus,139 they haue of ye king 250. lib starlinng a ʒeire with some Rice groundes for ther Mantinance In this toune are diuers cloysters of all orders as in portugall only to make ye Rable Compleit they want Nuns, for ye men cannot gett ye women to trawell so farre, quher they should be shute vpe and forsake Venus. Tuoching ye Portugalls Iustice and Ordinances, als weill in wordly as Spirituall Causses; they are all one as in Portugall. and they duell in ye toune amongest all sorts of Nations As Indians Heathens, Moores, Iewes,

133

Nossa Senhora da Luz. A church in Goa. Nossa Senhora do Rosário. A church in Goa. 135 Saint Pieter. A church in Goa. 136 Santa Lucia. A church in Goa. 137 Saint Thomas. A church in Goa. 138 Sic. 139 The Jesuit college of Salsette was established in 1574. See D. Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: the Society of Jesus in Portugal, its Empire, and Beyond, 1540–1750 (Stanford, 1996), p. 46. 134

Folio 28r

November 1641 163 Armenians, Gusarattes,140 Baynians141 Bramenes142 and of all Indian Nations and people, wich doe all duell and Traffique therin, Eurey Man holding his auen Religion, without constraning aney man to doe Aganist his Conscience, only tuoching ther Ceremonies of Burning ye Dead, and ye Liuing, of Mayriing and other superstitious and hellisch inventions, they are forbidin by ye Archbischope to wsse them openly, or in ye Iyland bot they may freely wsse them one ye firme land and secretly in ther houses, therby to

Folio 29r 10-ber

to shune and Awoyde, al maner of dislyke wich might be giuen to Christians, newly Baptized. Bot tuoching ye wordly policie and good Gouernment of ye countrey, and executting of Iustice. As also for ye reuling of ye Tounismen in ye Citey: it is comon to them all and they are wnder ye Portugalls law: and he yat is once Christned and ther after is found to wsse aney heathneshe superstitions, Is subiecte to ye Inquisitione quhatsomeuer he be; or for aney poynt of Religione quhatsomeuer. The Iylland hath no thing of it selue to Nourische it with all, bot only some Catell, Hennes, Goates, Doues &c. and yat werey few in respecte of ye barranes143 and situatione of ye place, wich is a most hilley barren and wyld countrey, and full of waste ground. All ther beasts, Henes hogges, Egges, Milke, &c. come from Salsette & Bardes, bot most pairt out of ye firme land. Corne, Rice, and wther graine, Also oyle and all wthers Necessaries come from wther Countries, and are brought in by the Riuer. As from Cambaia144 one ye North side. and from

140 141 142 143 144

Gusarattes. Inhabitants of Gujarat. Bannyan. Hindu merchant. Brahmin. The class of educators, law makers, scholars and preachers in Hinduism. ‘barrenness’. Cambay or Khambhat, north-west India.

164 Folio 29r

December 1641

ye coaste of Malabar145 and other places. of wine of ye Palme tree they haue aneuche,146 and so Muche yat they haue to Spare for wther places They haue onlee one well of freche watter called Banganijn147 wiche standing some quarter of a myle without ye Citey: quher with ye quholl Toune is serued, wiche ye slaues fetche in potts and sell it in ye toune and is werey good to drinke, As for watter to dresse meat, washe & to doe other thinges with all they comonly haue wells within ther housses The land of it Selue is werey stoney & dray, hauing a kynd of Read Earthe, so yat some Italian Alchimists, haue promissed to gett Cooper & Gold out of ye same: wich Nather ye king Nor Viceroy wold euer condiscend wnto fearing least ye Report of such thesaure wold be ye occasione of grater trouble. Winter148 beginethe one ye last of Appryle. throughe out ye quholl cost wich is called India frome Cambaia149 to ye Cape de Comorin,150 and cometh a westerne wind, wich bloueth out of ye sea vpone ye Coste, ye begining therof is with Thunder and Lightning and after yat a steadfast and continuall Raine wich lastethe Night and day till ye mounthe of September and then Winter endethe with Thunder & Lightning. and by yat Reasone of yat continuall Raine it is called Winter. As also becausse at yat tyme they can not trauell one ye seas, Bot in warme wether, quhen fruitt tyme cometh one, It is then Right Somer for ye tyme wich in India is called Sumer; becausse of ye cleirnesse and drienesse of ye wether, is the coulder and quholsomer; and then ther blow East Windes so yat ye Nights are then werey coole, and some quhat sharpe, and then ther are no 145 146 147 148 149 150

Malabar is situated on the west coast of India. ‘aneuch’ is the Scots for ‘enough’. Banganim refers to a fresh water well near Goa. For this section (fols. 29r–32r), see Itinerario, chapter 34. Gujarat. Cape Comorin is the southernmost tip of the Indian peninsula.

Folio 29r

December 1641 165 especiall sortes of fruitts in seasone, bot such as Grow continually all ye ʒeire Aganist ye Winter cometh, Eurey man marketh his prowision of wictualls, and other Necessaries, lyke as in a shipe yat

Folio 30r Ianuarij

151

shipe yat is to make a woyage of 5. or .6. Mounthes, Also all ther shipes are brought wnto ye Riuer & vnrigged of Tacklings and eureything beineing taken out of them, they are couered with Matts, wtherwayes they will Rotte with ye Raine, wich is so steadfast and continuall for ye winter ouer, for maney tymes diuers housses by Reassone of ye grate moystnes doe fall wnto ye ground and als sonne as Winter begineth, ther driueth wnto ye mouth of ye heauen grate banckes & shallowes of sandes wich stope it vpe, so yat nather shipe or boate can goe out or in, and ye sea both ther and alonge ye Coaste maketh so grate a Roring and Noysse yat Men Can nather heir nor see. Also ye watter of ye Riuer of Goa wich runeth aboute ye Iyland in Winter by Means of ye land watters yat by continuall Raine falleth from ye Montans, is cleine freche watter and of a Read Color wich in Sumer is cleine contrarey and lyke sea watter by reassone of the concursse it hath with ye sea, in ye Mounth of September quhen the Winter endeth ye bankes of sand doe fleette and fead away out of the Riuer so yat not only small shipes may come in and goe out Bot also ye Grate Portugall shipes of 1600. tunes may freely enter with out a Pilote. for it is deepe aneuche, and without danger. in winter it is a heauey &. Melancholey beinng ther, for ther is no wther Exercisse to be wssed bot only to sitt in ther shirts, with a paire of linning breches, and goe and passe ye tyme away with ther neighbours in playing and such exercisses for yat through out ye quholl Toune ther is noe other doing, ye women & Mestiços,151 take grate pleasur in

Mestiços is a Portuguese term given to mixed-race people.

166 Folio 30r

January 1642

ye Winter tyme quhen it Rainethe with ther husbandes & slaues to goe wnto ye feildes or some Garden wither they carey good store of wictualls, and ther in ther Gardens haue maney Cisterns ore ponds of watter, quherin they take ther delights to suime, & to bathe themselues. In this tyme most of ther Indian fruitt is in seasone The Sumer heir begineth in September and contineth till ye last of Apryle, and is alwayes cleire skey, and faire wether without once or werey litle raining, then all ye Shipes are Rigged and made readey to sayle for all places, and then ye East windes begin to blow from offe ye Land wnto ye seas, quherby they are called Terreinhos152 or land windes they blow werey pleasantly and cooly. althoughe at first by changinng of ye wether, they are werey dangerous, and causse maney grate deseasses wich doe comonly fall in India, by ye changing of ye tyme, thesse windes blow alwayes in Sumer, begining at Midnight and continew till Noone, Bot they neuer blow aboue .10. Myles into ye Sea from offe ye Coaste: & presently after one in ye clocke wntill Midnight ye weind bloueth, wich cometh out of ye sea; wnto ye land and is called Virasone153 ore sea wind, thesse winds are so sure and certaine at ther tymes as thoughe men held them in ther handes quherby they make ye land werey temperat, otherwayes the heatt wold be wnmeasurable, It is lyke wayes a strange thing yat quhen it is Winter vpon ye coast of India yat is from Diu,154 to ye Cape de Comorin, one ye other syde Folio 31r Februarij

152 153 154 155

syde, of ye Cape Comorin one ye coaste called Choromandell155 it is cleine contrarey, so yat ther it is Sumer and ʒet they lie all wnder one height or degrees, and

Off-shore winds called terrenhos (ventos). An on-shore wind called viração in Portuguese. A small island lying off the coast of Gujarat (India), with a Portuguese fortress. Coast of Coromandel, on the east coast of India.

Folio 31r

February 1642 167 ther is bot .70. myles of land betueen bothe coastes and in some places bot 20. myles, And wich is more as men Trauell ouer land from Cochin156 to .S. Thomas157 (wich layeth one ye same coast of Choromandell ) and coming by ye hill .Ballagatte,158 quher men must passe ouer to goe from ye one coast to ye other: one ye one syde of ye hill to ye tope therof it is pleasant cleire sune shining wether, and going doune one ye other syde, ther is Raine Wind Thunder & Lightninge, as If the world sould end and be consumed: wich is to be wnderstood yat it does change from ye one syde to ye wther as ye tyme falleth out, so yat one ye one syde of ye hill it is Somer and one ye wther Winter. and it is not only so in yat place and countrey bot also at Ormus,159 one ye coast of Arabia Falix, by the Cape of Rosalgatte160 quher ye shipes lie, it is werey still cleire and plesant wether and faire Sumer tyme,: and turning about ye Cape one ye wther syde, it is Raine and Wind with grate stormes & tempests, wich with tymes of ye ʒeire doe lykwayes change, one ye other syde, and so it is in maney other places of ye Orientall Countries The Seiknesses and deseasses in Goa and throughe out India wiche are Comon come most with ye changing of ye tymes & ye Wether, As it is sayd befor, ther Raingeth a sicknes called Mordexijn161 wiche stellethe wpone men, and handleth them in suche sorte, yat it weakinethe a man and maketh him cast out all yat he hath in hes bodey & maney tymes his lyffe with all. This seiknes is werey comon and162 killeth maney a man, quherof they hardly ore neuer escape. the bloodie flixe163 is ther lykewayes werey comon and dangerous

156

A town at the Coast of Malabar. Meliapore or Mylapore, also known as Saint Thomas. A town on the Coast of Coromandel, India. 158 Balagate. A mountain range in western India. 159 A port on Hormuz Island, at the entrance of the Gulf of Persia. 160 Cape of Rosalgatte, a cape in the sultanate of Oman. 161 Fluxes. Diarrhea or dysentery. 162 ‘nd’ is written over ‘ll’. 163 Fluxes. Diarrhea or dysentery. 157

168 Folio 31r

February 1642

as ye plauge with ws. They haue maney continuall feuers, wich are burning agues and consume mens bodies, with extreame heatt, quherby within 4. or .5. dayes, they are ather quholl or dead This sicknes is comon and werey dangerous, and hath no remedey for the whyte men bot phlebottomey:164 bot ye Indians & Hethens doe cure themselues with herbes as Sanders165 and suche lyke, oyntments quherwith they easse them selues, this sicknes ʒeirly consumes maney Portugalls: some becausse they haue litle to eat and lesse to drincke, of aney meat or drincke yat is nourishing, and vsse much companey of women Becausse yat land is Naturall to prowocke them therwnto, As also ye most pairt of ye souldiars by suche meins haue ther liuinge and ther mantinace, wich often tymes costethe them bothe lyffe &, lime; for althoughe men wer of Iron or steed the vnchest lyffe of a woman with her wnsatiable lusts wer able to grind him to pouder and sweipe him away lyke dust, wich costeth maney a man his lyffe. As ye Kinges hospitall can weill beare wittnes quherin they lodge quhensoeuer they are sicke, for eurey ʒeire at ye least ther entred .500. men aliue and neuer come furth till they are dead, for they are onlie Portugalls, for no wther seicke persone may ludge therin. I meine suche as are called whytemen (for ye other Indians haue a Hospitall by themselues) in this Hospitall they are werey weill lookit wnto by the Jesuitts and Gentelmen, quherof eurey mounthe one of ye best is chosen and appoynted, quho personally is ther by them, & giueth ye seeke persones quatsoeuer they will desyre, and sometymes spend more by .4 or 500. ducatts166 Folio 32r ducattes of ther auen pursses then ye Kinges allowance Reaches too.

164

Bloodletting. Sandalwood. 166 Ducat, or dukaton in Dutch. A Portuguese coin, made of gold. Valued at 63 (heavy) stivers. 165

Folio 32r Marche

March 1642 169 Bot Returning to our Matter of Seiknes, Pockes, and Pilles, with other secrett deseasses, they are in thesse countries werey comon, and not hidden or concealed, for they thinke it no shame, more then to haue aney wther deseasse, they heall them with ye Rootte China.167 ther are some amongest them yat haue had them at least 3. or 4. tymes, and are not aney thing at all shuned ore dislykeed for ye same, bot dare both bost and brauge heirof it is not aney thing perroulous, for ye bodey in so much yat they rather haue them & feare them lesse, then aney wther of ye forsaid deseasses. The Plauge hath neuer beine in India nather is it knowen wnto ye Indians, bot poysoning, witchcrafte, and suche lyke, quher by some losse ther healthes and some ther liues: is ther dayly exercisse and werey comon with them. The stone Grauell & Rupture168 raingeth muche amongest them especially amongest Maried Men, by Reassone of ye grate quantity of watter yat they drinke, being giuen to all pleasure & Riottousnes, enioying all quhat ther heartes desyre, sitting alwayes with ther Bellies open in ther shirts in a Galrey recreatting them selues, with ye wind wich cooleth them sometyms hauing a Slaue to scratche, & paire ther Nailes and Toes, ane other the head ye 3d. holdes a fanne to driue. away the flees, this is ye Comon vsse for 2. houres in ye Afternoone: quher lykewayes they take ane afternoons sleepe, and euer as they haue thrist, they bring him a dische of Conserues ore other Confects. yat ye watter should not worke too muche, in his bodey bot Taste169 ye better, wich with such and ye lyke exercisses they doe passe ye day till night comes one. So yat comonly they haue all suollen bellies, quherby the souldiours

167 Rootte China, Radix China. Chinese Root (Rheum palmatum). It is considered useful when taken internally in the treatment of long-term syphilitic cases and is also used for certain skin diseases, including psoriasis, rheumatoid arthritis, gout, enteritis, urinary tract infections, skin ulcers etc. 168 This refers to kidney and bladder stones (stone gravell) and hernia (rupture). 169 ‘T’ is written over ‘l’.

170 Folio 32r

March 1642

and other Indians Call them Barrigois,170 yat is bellies or grate bellies The day bothe Somer and Winter, is ther all of a lenthe, not muche difference, only in ye change, they haue about ane houres difference and yat is quhen the Sune is in Capricorne171 And heir I can not omitt yat Error of Linchotten172 quho wretts yat in Goa. one may see bothe ye poles; wich can not be for heir ye pole is Eleuat .15. degrees and 30. Minuttes, and so ye Southe pole, must be als maney degrees wnder ye Horizon as ye North is eleuat aboue, for the Poles are only tuo Imaginarey axells, and not wisible in them selues only thesse starres yat hes ther coursse neire aboute them are wisible as Alrecuba173 is distant from ye Northe Pole .2. degrees and .40. Minuttes so is ye Crushore174 distant from ye Southe pole .34. degres, wich are stars fitting to make wsse offe, by way of obseruatione, by Mariners. Ther175 is ouer all India store of Catell as Oxen, Kine, Sheepe Hogges, Goates, Kides, and suche lyke and werey good cheape, and in grate Aboundance, altho ye flesche is not so good in taste as yat of Europe, wich proceideth from ye heat of ye Countrey & therfor it is not Folio 33r Apryle.

170

Not muche esteimed. A Man may bay the best cow in Goa for 5. ore 6. Pardwes.176 Oxen are litle eattin heire bot only kept to manure ye land Muttone is litle esteimed offe and not vssed to be eattin. for it is for-

Barrigões or Fat tummies. When the sun stands in the sign capricorn the sun has the most southern position, and thus the shortest day. 172 Jan Huygen van Linschoten (1563–1611). See n. 114 above. On this instance the navigator Anderson has to correct Van Linschoten. 173 Tropic of Cancer. 174 Tropic of Capricorn. 175 For this section (fols. 32r–33r), see Itinerario, chapter 45. 176 Pardao. Silver Portuguese coin, minted at Goa, valued at 300 reis. 171

Folio 33r

April 1642 171 biddin to suche as are Seike, and ye Hogges fleche is muche better and rather permitted to Seike persons then Mutton. ye Sheeips taills heir will wey almost 60. or 64. pound. Ther are Bufaloes heir in Grate Numbers bot not good to be eatten wnles it be by poore people, bot ther milke is exceiding good. and it is dayly sold vpe and done ye Toune of Goa by slaues and Canarijns. quherof they make also some small whyte cheeses, bot they are werey salt and drie, ther sueeitt creame and Butter is most pleasant and tastefull. it lykewayes they dayly sell in ye Toune. Some wyld Bores, Hares, and Conies, with hartes and stages are found ther bot in no grate Aboundance, Cockes, Capons, Hens, phesants and Doues, are ther in grate plentey and may be bought at eassie pryces. In ye Iyland of Goa and ther aboute ther are some Sparrowes, and other small birdes bot not maney, Bot one ye Coste of Cochin & Malabar, ther werey few sparroues, and no wther small birdes. Ther are one ye Coaste, and firme Land of India maney Battes and some of them so grate, yat it is incredible to tell. they doe grate Mischeiffe to trees fruitts, and hearbes, quherby ye Cannarijns are constrained to sett men to watche in ther trees, and ʒet they can hardly rid them away: the Indians eate them and say they are als good meatt as aney partridge. Ther is a most wounderfull Number of blacke Crowes ther wich doe muche hurte, and are so bold yat oftentymes they come flying in at ther windowes, and take ye meat out of ye dische, standinng on ye table befor them yat are sett doune to eate. they are euer still one ye backes of ye Buffaloes, picking out ther haires, Nather can ye beast saue himselue bot by standing in a Marrasse or watter ouer ye backe, hence is it yat one all this Coaste ʒe shall not see a Buffle with aney haire one its backe.

172 Folio 33r

April 1642

Ratts are heir Numibles,177 and maney of them als bige as pigges and so feirce yat no catt dare aduenture one them. Some tymes they dinge done ye housses by wndermining ye walls throughe and throughe, ther is heir also ane wther kynd of Ratts more harmeles, they are litle and Redische and are called sueitt smellinng Ratts, for they smell as If they were full of Muske. The, Tigres, Leopardes, Monkees and Eliphants, are beasts, both hurtfull to Men, and ye food of Man, ye Eliphants in ye Rice fildes and ye Monkeis amongest ye fruittes and trees, does grate hurte and damage, And as ther beasts ar Noysome abrod, So are ye Antts pismers178 mothe wormes, and suche lyke at home, amongest ye meat and clothes amongest wich ther is one sort of pismere, a finger longe, wich with maney feette runs to ye feildes and destroyes ye fruitts, herbes & cornes Folio 34r Apryle.

177 178 179 180 181 182 183

The179 Abada180 or Rinoceros is not in India bot onlie in Bengala181 and Patane182 they are lesse and louer then ye Eliphant, it hath a shorte horne wpone ye Nosse, in ye hinder pairt somequhat bigge and touard ye end sharper, of a blew, broune and whitische color; it hath a snout lyke a hogge, and ye skine vpone ye wper pairt of ye bodey is wrinckled as If it wer armed with targetts and sheildes, it is a grate enimie to ye eliphant, some thinke yat it is ye Right Vnicorne, becausse as ʒet ther hes no wther beine found: bot only by heir say. ye Rinoceros quhen he drinkes ye other beasts standes & waittes vpone him till he haue done, for quhen he183 drinkes. he thrusts hes horne in ye watter, for he can

Numerous. Ants. For this section, see Itinerario, chapter 47. Rhinoceros. Bengal, now split between India and Bangladesh. Pattani. A region at the east coast of the Malay Peninsula. ‘h’ is written over a ‘d’.

Folio 34r

April 1642 173 not drinke till it be wnder ye watter, becausse it standes so closse vpone his Nosse, & Muzzle, and then after him all ye wther beasts doe drinke, Ther hornes in India are muche esteeimed and vssed aganist all maner of venome & poysone, & maney wthe deseasses ʒea his teeith. claues, skin flesche, dunge & watter are all much esteimed of in India and wssed aganist maney sicknesses and deseasse, wich they Cure, Fische184 in India is werey plentifull. and some werey plesant & sueeite, most of ther fische is eaten with Rice yat they boyle in brothe, ye cheiffe fische are Shades, Sooles, Crabs and Creuishes werey good & Grate, with ws, they are best in ye full Moone, bot one ye Coaste of India, they are best in ye change & New Moone. ther are also Muscells werey good, and at Cochin aboundance of Oysters. The185 Indian fruitts ar Ananas,186 Iaacas187 wich grow one trees lyke nutt tries. Mangas188 a fruitt goning one trees lyke ye Iaaca trees and in shape resemibling a peache, they are Ripe in Lent and continew till ye mounth of Agust. Caius189 is a fruitt lyke a peare, and groueth one trees lyke Aple trees, of a ʒallowische color and being rype are softe, in the hand. Iambos190 is a fruit most plesant lyke ane Apell, and they grow one trees plume trees. Iangomas191 are a fruitt lyke small round plumes of a darke read color and grow one trees lyke cherrie tries. Carambolas192 are a fruit .8. cornerd of ye bignes of a small Aple, soure in eatting lyke wnrype plumes & most vsed to make conserues.

184

For this section, see Itinerario, chapter 48. For this section, see Itinerario, chapters 49–55. 186 Pineapple. 187 Jaca. Jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus) is a species of tree of the mulberry family native to parts of South and South East Asia. 188 Mangoes. 189 Cashew (Anacardium occidentale). 190 Jambo fruit, also known as Zanzibar apple. 191 Jangoma, also known as Indian plum. The fruit of the Flacourtia indica. 192 Carambola or Starfruit is the fruit of Averrhoa carambola, a species of tree native to Indonesia, India and Sri Lanka. 185

174 Folio 34r

April 1642

Ther are ʒet other fruittes as Brindoijns,193 Durigijndois,194 Mangestains.195 and wther suche lyke bot becausse they are of small esteeme I will not aney more bot name them. Some fige trees of portugall are heir bot ye fruitt cometh neuer to good perfectione, Limons, oringes Citrons,196 and such lyke fruit ar Comon throughe out India. Indian figs197 ther are Maney and of diuersse sortes, one better then the other, some thicke, some thine, &c. bot in generall they are all of one forme & color litle more ore lesse, bot ye trees are all one, and of the height of a Man. ye leaues are of a Fathome longe, and aboue .3. spans broad, wich ye Moores wsse in stead of Broune paper to put peper in. Aiamos198 or Imamos199 ar als bige as. a grate goosse egge full of knotts they grow wnder ye Earth lyke nuttes of ye Earth of a Dune color and whyte within Folio 35r Apryle

193

Duryoen200 is fruitt yat groues in Malacca, Iaua, Sumatra, Banda201 and in ye Molucos,202 and in diuers wthers places and Iyles of ye Orient and is much esteeimed, they thinke ther is no fruite in ye World to be compared to it, for in taste and goodnes it excelleth all wther fruittes and ʒet. quhen it is first opined it smell-

Brindoyns. The fruit of the Brindoeiro (Garcinia purpurea). Not identified. 195 Mangosteen. The Purple Mangosteen (Garcinia mangostana), colloquially known simply as the mangosteen, is a tropical evergreen tree, believed to have originated in the Sunda Islands and the Moluccas, Indonesia. 196 Lemons. 197 Banana. 198 Yam. 199 Aiamo or yam. 200 For this section, see Itinerario, chapter 57. 201 The principal island of the archipelago of Banda, south of the island of Ceram, Indonesia. 202 Maluku Islands, Moluccas, Indonesia. 194

Folio 35r

April 1642 175 eth lyke rotten Onions, bot in ye tast ye sueeitnes and daintinesse therof is trayed. It is alls grate as a Mellon. outwardly lyke ye Iaacka: quherof I haue spokin, bot somequhat sharper ore pricking, and muche lyke ye huskes of chesse nuttes, it hathe within it certaine partitions lyke ye Iaacka ye blossomes are whytte, and some quhat ʒallowische, ye leaues aboute, halffe a span broad some quhat sharpe at ye end within light grin & without darke greine. Betile203 is a leafe204 some quhat grater and longer out then orenge leaues, and is planted by stickes quherwpone it climeth lyke Iuie ore peper and so lyke wnto peper, yat a faroffe205 grouing eache by other they can hardly be decerned, it hath no other fruit bot leaues only, it is much dressed and loouked wnto, for yat it is ye dayly bread of India, ye leaues being gathered doe continew long without withringe, alwayes showing freche & greine, and are sold by the dozen, and ther nather woman nor man in all India bot euerey day cheueth a dozen or tuo of them leaues ore more, not yat they wsse them for foode bot after ther meale tydees in ye morning, and all the day longe, as lykwayes by night, and quhen they goe abroad in ye streets quhersoeuer they be ʒe shall see them with some of thesse leaues in ther handes, wich they are continually chewing, thesse leaues are not vssed to be eatten alone, bot becausse of ther bitternesse they are eattin with a certaine kynd of fruitt, wiche ye Malabars206 & Portugalls Call Arecca,207 ye Decanijns208 Suparij.209 & ye Arabians Fauffel.210 this fruitt groueth one trees lyke ye palme trees yat beare

203 For this section, see Itinerario, chapter 60. Betel (Piper betle) is the leaf of a vine belonging to the Piperaceae family, which includes pepper and Kava. It is valued both as a mild stimulant and for its medicinal properties. 204 There is a deleted word or words between ‘leafe’ and ‘some’. 205 ‘a faroffe’, i.e. from afar. 206 People from the Coast of Malabar. 207 The Areca nut or betel nut is the seed of the Areca palm (Areca catechu). 208 Inhabitants of the Deccan, India. 209 Supari. This is another common name for the betel nut. 210 Faufel. This is the Arabic name of the Areca nut. The Areca nuts are chewed with betel leaf for their effects as a mild stimulant.

176 Folio 35r

April 1642

ye fruitt Cocos in India bot they are somequhat thinner with leaues longer and smaller, ye fruitt is much lyke yat wich groueth one Cypresse trees bot sounder and more compacte, bot lyker a nutmege, altho some of them are in ye one end flatter and thicker, some being grater and harder, they cutt them in ye Midle with a kniffe, and so chaw them with Betile, they are within full of waines, whyte and somquhat readische. The Noble Men and Kinges quhersoeuer they goe stand or sitt, haue alwayes a seruant by them with a siluer ketle in ther hand full of Betile and ther Mixtures, & quhen they will eat giue them a leaffe readey prepared And quhen aney Ambassador cometh to speake with ye kinge, altho211 he can wnderstand them weill ʒet it is ther maner (to manteine ther estaites) yat ye Ambassador speaketh to them by ane Interpreter yat standethe ther in presence, wich done he anssuereth againe by the same Interpreter In ye meane tyme ye king layeth one a bed, or sitteth one a carpett vpone ye Ground, and his seruant standing by redey with ye Betile, wich he continually chewethe, and spitteth out ye Iuice and remander wnto a Siluer Bason standing by him, or els holdin by some of his slaues or his Wiues, and this is a grate honor to ye Ambassador, especially If he proferreth him of ye same Betile yat he him selue doeth eate. Folio 36r Apryle

Heir212 I will only sett donne a Catalouge of suche spices and druges of most estime, wssed by Phisitians and Apothecaries, wich Grow in ye firme land & Iylands of ye Orientall Indies. Peper of .3. sorts Blacke whyte, and longe, ye blacke, groues most in Sumatra & Iaua & Borneo, ye longe

211 212

‘a’ is blotted. For the sections on this folio, see Itinerario, chapters 62–68, 71, 74–77.

Folio 36r

April 1642 177 peper comes from Camboia213 Siam214 & diuers wthers places. Cinamon ye best comes from ye Iyland of Seylon.215 Ginger comes from maney places of India ye best dray from ye Coaste of Malabar and ye best greine ginger from china. Cloues216 groues only one ye Coast of Seram217 Amboyna218 & in ye Iylands of ye Mallucos.219 Nutmege220 & Mace221 groues only in ye Iylandes of Banda and no quher els in ye world. thesse Iylandes are now possesed by the Hollander. Cardamomum222 of 2. sortes grate and small, most of it groweth in Calecut223 & Cananor224 places one ye Coaste of Malabar, as also in Iaua. Iacke,225 is a gume wrought by pismers, and of it ye Indians make maney conceitts, and trinketts it is first sad read, bot they make it of all colors it comes it comes226 from Malabar, Bengala & Decan227 quho name it Assij. bot ye best of it comes from Pegu

213

Cambodia. Thailand. 215 Sri Lanka, known as Ceylon before 1972. 216 Cloves. 217 The island of Ceram, Indonesia. 218 Ambon, in the Moluccas, Indonesia. 219 Moluccas, Indonesia. 220 Nutmeg. 221 Mace. 222 Cardamon. 223 Calicut. A town on the Coast of Malabar, India. 224 A town on the Coast of Malabar, India. 225 Lacquer. The term lacquer originates from the Portuguese word for lac, a type of resin excreted from insects. Lacquer is a varnish resin derived from a tree (Toxicodendron vernicifluum) commonly known as the varnish tree. 226 Sic. 227 The Deccan Plateau, also known as the Peninsular Plateau or the Great Peninsular Plateau, is a large plateau in India, making up the majority of the southern part of the country. 214

178 Folio 36r

April 1642

Benioin228 a gume of a tree wich is heighe and his leaues lyke ye limon tree it is of 2. sortes ye blacke is best wich comes from ye ʒoung trees, and yt wich hes lyke pices of whyte almonds is worste, and is ye Gume of ye old tree, this odoriferous Gume comes from Iaua & Malacca, bot ye best of it from Siam & Sumatra. Sanders read whyte & ʒallow, are trees lyke nutt trees, and haue a certaine fruit one them lyke cherries ye Citrin and whyte229 santalls Grow in ye Iyland of Tymor230 by Iaua quher ther are woddes & vildernesses full of them. the Read groues in Pegu and Tanassarijn.231 and comes from ye Coast of Choromandel. Snakewood232 is ye Rootte of a litle low tree, of color whyte showing somequhat ʒallow werey hard & bitter in taste, it growes in ye Iyland of Seylon Calamba in India so called (or Lignum Aloes)233 ye Portugalls call it Palo d’Aguilla234 it235 groues most in Malacca, Sumatra Camboia & Siam and ye Countries borduring one ye same, ye trees are lyke oliue trees bot some quhat grater, quhen it is cutte offe it smeleth not so weill becausse it is greine, bot ye drayer it be ye more fragrant is its smell. ther is ane other kynd of this Palo d’Aguilla quherwith ye Indians vsse to burne ye dead bodies of ther Bramenes called Aquilla Braua or wylde Aquilla,236 it is muche esteemed and werey costly.

228 Benion. Benzoin resin or tincture of benzoin is obtained from the benzoin tree (Styrax). 229 ‘w’ is written over a ‘ʒ’. 230 The island of Timor, Indonesia. 231 Tenasserin. A region at the north of the Malaya Peninsula. 232 Pau-de-cobra, Rauvolfia serpentina. 233 Calamba or Lignum Aloes. Aloe is a genus containing about four hundred species of flowering succulent plants. 234 Palo de águila (palo d’aguilla) a tree, literally ‘eagle stick’, Alnus jorullensis (Mexican Alder), Alnus acuminata (Alder). 235 ‘it’ is squeezed in as if it was originally omitted. 236 Aquilla brava, Lignum aquila (eagle-wood) or Agilawood. The trees occasionally become infected with mould and begin to produce an aromatic resin in response to this attack. As the infection grows, it results in a very rich, dark resin within the heartwood.

Folio 36r

April 1642 179 Radix china237 lyke a segge roote of a redisch color, hauing no smell at all it comes only from China. Rubarbe238 comes from Surrate,239 Bengala & Decan, yat is ye choysest ye weightier it be ye better it. is.

Folio 37r May

Of Malabar.240 I reckeon so farre Malabar as is includit betuix Cape Comry241 and 11. degrees northe, neire about Batticala242 400. Myles in lenthe, in bread no quher aboue 100. ʒet so populous yat the king of Callicut or Samoryn243 is at aney tyme able to affront the Narsingan,244 Decan or Gulucundan245 kinges (246his Borderes with 200000 men, his countrey is Greine and full of delights Catell, corne, fruitt cotton silkwormes and other commodities, store of stronge tounes, saue harbours (not inferior to thosse at Goa, Choul247 Dabull,248 Sullay,249 or at DandaRagea-Poree) as Coulam250 Cochyn, Calycut Mangalore251 &c. and to say ye treuth the occean it selue 40. leaugues in to ye sea all alonge ye Indian shore is Anchorable,

237 Rootte China, Radix China. Chinese Root (Rheum palmatum). It is considered useful when taken internally in the treatment of long-term syphilitic cases and is also used for certain skin diseases, including psoriasis, rheumatoid arthritis, gout, enteritis, urinary tract infections, skin ulcers etc. 238 Rhubarb. Compare this statement with Itinerario, chapter 73. 239 Coastal region in west India, north of Mumbai. 240 Much of this section on the Coast of Malabar on this folio can also be found in S. Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World. . . . (London, 1657), pp. 28–29. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 11. 241 Cape Comorin, the southernmost tip of the Indian peninsula. 242 Batticcalá. A port in the north of the territory of Goa. 243 King of the Sea. A title of the King of Calicut. 244 Narsinga, a.k.a. Bisnagá and Vijayanagar, India. Sultanate north of the Coast of Coromandel. 245 Golconda, Hyderabad. Sultanate on the east coast of India. 246 There is no corresponding bracket in the text. 247 Chaul. A port south of Mumbai. 248 Dabhol. A port south of Mumbai. 249 A unidentified place on the Coast of Malabar. 250 Quilon. A town at the Coast of Malabar. 251 Mangalore. A town at the Malabar Coast, India.

180 Folio 37r

May 1642

Malabar is subdeuided in Maney Toparchies all obaying the Samoryne, a Naked Negro, bot als proud as Lucifer as Suarthy and tyranicall. The Nayroes252 are his nobles a sort of Mamalucke they liue by the sueeit of other mens browes, lust quholly Masters them, they Goe no quither bot are als weill armed as If frindes and Enimies had no difference,. Maffeus253 Improperly Imagins them a kynd of Bramenes, to no sorte of people more wnlyke; the Bramyns beinge men of peace; the Nayro euer quarraling: ther Armes are cled with Armoletts of siluer or Iuorie, they walke no quither without Suord & Targett: and haue suche a superstitious conceit of ther. auen meritt and walor aboue other men; yat quher so euer they meitt a wulgar fellow, they clamor Nayro, wibrat and clasche ther suord and targett togidder, and so passe without opposall: Bot that no poore man darre looke them in ye face, or come within 50. paces of them. is a Tale of Trauells, or wtherwayes ye Customes ther are werey farre altered. The Malabars254 are a people, generally bige limned, stronge, coale blacke, and weare ther haire (more lyke wooll then haire) longe and curled, about ther heades the wreath a small bot curious sort of lynninge, wroght with Gold & Silke, ther waste is circled with a peice of Calico,255 wich makes them Modest, from the theighe dounward, and ye midle wpward they are all naked. The wlgare sort weare about ther wast a partey colored cotton cloth lyke to a (Barbars aprones) and pinche ther skin in maney places. The women such as are Mahometans, wayle them selues lyke other Indians such as affecte Gentilissime couet Nakednes. thergraetest256 ornament and pryd is in ther eares and Nosses, they supposse them most braue, most courtly, quho can teare or dilacerat the eares wydest (wich they effecte by maney ponderous babells they hange ther) and 252 253 254 255 256

Naire. A member of the noble military class of Malabar. The sixteenth-century Italian Jesuit Gian Pietro Maffei. See Chapter 2. People from the Coast of Malabar. Calico (fabric). A plain-woven cotton textile from Calicut, India. These two words are joined in the text.

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May 1642 181

Folio 38r and ringe ther snoutts with siluer, brasse, or Iuorie, ther armes and legges also are chainned richly. The Ethnique Marriages ther want not superstitione; quher God is not knowen; the Deiuell invelopes, and traines vpe in Mistique darknes, one & ye same ceremoney is obserued by king & pesant. who euer marries, he does not enioy the first nights Embraces of his bryde; a venerable custome transferrs all maydenheads to ye Bramenee who (to show ther obedience to ye law) Accept ye motion and first seasone her; it betydes happines euer after: for they supposse ye ground Richer, ye Crope excellenter, wich receaues such holy seed and promisses suche future haruests of wordly contentednesse; no maruell then to see a preist enter wher he pleasses discoursse quhen and quher he will, ye Goodman ioying al ther priuacey since they are in apparitione Earthly Idolls. Bot wich is more then to be woundred at. ye King not knowinng quhiter257 his children be of hes begetting, to make sure worke conferis the Empyre, one his Sisters issew; assurid it seimes yat sho is of his blood: and by consequence they of his: a werey Simple sophistry, grounded vpone custome more, then Reassone. The Men quhat they want in Sciences, suplie by a surpassing Courage, and pollicie, ye Portugalls at ther first intrinching one ther shore thought them silly becausse wnlearned: Easie to be ouercome becausse couered with in defensiue Nakednesse: Bot both conceitts deceaued them; they found (by sad experience) Nature had instructed them in ther auen defence; and yat no Canon nor Iron is so wiolently dangerous as Reuenge; precipitated, Exasperated by contempt and quher furie ragethe howbeit by longe warres they are now become expert and orderly. ʒea know how to pley with Canons, haue als grate store of harquebuzzes, & als weill

257

Sic.

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acquanted with ye force of pouder, as wee ore aney wther Nation, in all fights they lykwayesse wsse bow & arrow, dartts, targetts Granads and wariety of fyre workes; of wich they haue grate store Ther Countrey aboundes with Mineralls and stones of Lusture, no pairt is with out aboundance of fruitt and prowisione generallay (especially by the sea) its woodey and montainous. and nou wee will take a shorte surway of ther Metrapolis Callicut. Callicut declynes from ye Equator towardes ye North pole 11. degrees. and from its standing in ye Burning Zone must neides be hotte; If not sulphureous; the Earth is bot meanly fruitfull in Grasse, the Sune eattes it vpe, bot her Gardens by Industrey and helpe of some brookes, are green Spatious, and redundant in wariety of choysse fruits. The Citey it selue is large bot of no beutey, the housses are thicke, low and darke; ye harbor is a prettey way distant from the Toune, and bot indifferent to Anchor in it shewes tuo grate fortts boult by ye Portugueze in Anno 1515. unfortified and in a sorte razed by the Malabar. Folio 39r Malabar.258 the Samoreen or Emperour in this place wsuallay abyding: a prince of grate pouer and awe, blacke as ye Deiuell and als Trecherous: is also of his Religione and makes him heire to all his offringes Maney deformed Pagatho’s259 are heire worschiped, they themselues say yat they adore not ye Idolls, bot ye old serpent quhom they represent. and quho some tymes enter & oraculize. The chapell quher ye Grand. Pagod.260 standes or rather sitts is wncouered and about three ʒairdes heighe, ye

258 259 260

Coast of Malabar, west coast of India. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 12. Pagodas. A particularly large pagoda or idol.

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May 1642 183 wooden Entrance is engrauen with Infernall shapes, within ther beloued Priapus is, Emperiously Enthronniʒed one a Brazen mount: they adwance his head with a Resplendent Dyademe, from quhence issew foure grate Rames hornes, denoting some Especiall Mysterie: his eyes squint, his mouthe opins lyke a port-cullice, and from thence brenche fourth Monstrous Tuskes, his nosse is flat. his beard lyke ye suns Rayes, of ane affrighting aspecte, his handes are lyke ye clawes of a wultur, his Theighes and legges stronge and hayrie, his feette and taile resemble a Monkeys; wich put togider randers ye Deiuell wiccedly deformed. and thesse Idolators beyond all meassure grosse demonomists other Tempells haue other pagodes, vgly all ʒet all differ in Inventione, Some of them are painted or simered blacke &c. Thesse Gods of ther are of ye olde stampe, they seime to threttin and to take Notice of Mens offringes: bot quhat they can not doe ther preists effectuate, Each morning ye Preist (a Iogue)261 persumes & washes them it seimes ye Deuill euer poluttes and leaues a Basse smell behind him: he depairts not without a benediction, humbley his prostratts hes bodey and hes it graunted him. Eurey New Moone they solemly sacrafisse a liue cocke as a. symboll of Lust and Courage; in themselues predominatting, the Preist is pontifically attyred in pure fyne lawne, armed with a longe sharpe siluer knyffe, his armes and lygges garnished after ye Morisko fashon with Bells, round siluer plattes and other Iangingle triffles. after he hes brauely sacrafissed ye ʒeilding cocke, he fills his handes with Rice, going Retrograde Nor darring looke to Aney other obiecte, saue his Idole till, beinng comipe neire a litle watter tancke, he then turnes, Embowells his offringe, aduancing his handes some sett tymes aboue his head; and so Returns Crouned with applausse, & blissed in other mens oppinions.

261

Yogi.

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The Samoreen Eatts not till it be first offred, and so acknouledges his foode, sent him from ye Deuill: quhat he leaues is not for ye poore ye Crowes expecte it, good Ressone they thinke them thoo262 ye Diuells Seruiteurs, They comonly heir exchange wiues one for ane others, nor seeme ye woomen angrey at it. Poligamey is sufferable bot in this they differ from other libidinous people, As the men haue maney wiues, so one woman heir may haue maney husbandes, the issew is bequethed as shoe nominats. Folio 40r Cowlam263 Coulam is a Toune, and prouince (called Sopatpa264 in Arrhyan)265 in .9. degrees Northe, and includit in ye Trauanʒorian kingdome,266 once it obayed ye ye267 king of Narsinga,268 once ye Malabar, at this day nather. some 200 ʒeires since ye toune was grate Riche and populous, tradded too by maney Indians, augmented by ye Samoreen.269 and able to Number a hundereth thousand Inhabitants: of such walew was ye scituatione for Trade. security for Anchorage, and fidelity of ye Cowlamittes. bot now wither her glasse is Rune, ye period of her excellencey out rune, ore yat Calicut first and then Goa haue attracted her Custome & resort, I can not say this I may: at this day sho is wailled with a Mourning habitt desolat & disconsolat, she contemplattes ye mutability of tymes & others disasters, and then Comparing them with her auen beholds them conclude in a lyke center.

262

Appears to read ‘thoo’, in the sense of ‘as though’. Quilon. A town on the Coast of Malabar. 264 An alternative name for Quilon. 265 Probably the Tamil language. 266 The kingdom of Tanjore situated on the Coast of Coromandel. 267 Sic. 268 Narsinga, a.k.a. Bisnagá and Vijayanagar, India. A Sultanate north of the Coast of Coromandel. 269 ‘King of the Sea’, a title of the King of Calicut. 263

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May 1642 185 And albeit I haue in diuers places Named ye Bannyans. heir also I may quher they suarme in multitudes and sucke in ye sueitnes of gaine, with Immeasurable Industrie, bot is againe rauished from them by Drones ye lawles Moores and Gentiles. quho lord it ouer them. ye Bannyan is no suaggarer, he hattes domeiniring & suagaring ʒea will suffer him selue to be fleiced by aney man, rather then shed blood by aney wnhappey contentione, they loue no tumult, no Innowation bot wshe yat all men wer of ther mynd, yat is to say courteous in behauiour, temperat in passione, moderat in Apparell abstemious in dyet. humble mercifull and so Innocent. as not to wdoe ye silliest wermin. doubting If yat they should destroy aney liuing thinge, therby they might disposses ther parents or deare frinds of a peacefull mansione. bot by eatting such may per aduenture devore ye soules, of such as once were dearest to them. And in als maney places are Christians, ore Relickes of yat holy professione, for no doubt ye Apostells propogatted ye Gled tydings of Saluatione, to all Nations. In both Asiaes ye Gospell was throughly preached bot now ye subtiley of Sathan & yat Carnall law of Mahomet, haue infected thesse Nations: for all wich Christ hath hes flocke ther, wich thoughe at this tyme scattred, ʒet in dew tyme shall be gathred and made one Blissed Companey. In Persia are maney thousand Christians, in India a noe lesse multitude, compared indeid to other Idolaters, bot a hand-full. ʒet does not yat discourage them, its better goe to heauen alone then to hell with Inumerable multitude; In Meliapore, Narsinga, Coolan, Curran, Curigan270 Bipur271 Tanor,272 Battacala,273 Onor,274 Cranganor,275 Goa, and other places are christians.

270 271 272 273 274 275

Cochin. A town at the Coast of Malabar. Biyapur. The capital of the sultanate of that name. Tanjore. A town on the Coast of Coromandel. Battacalá, Batticalá. A port on the west coast of India, in Canara. Onor, a.k.a. Canara. A town at the Coast of Malabar. A town at the Coast of Malabar.

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Folio 41r christians, ʒea in maney Indian Iylles some are Numbred, amonge Mahometans they haue liberty of conscience, from yat Aʒoara in the Alcoran.276 That none are to be dissuaded from yat Religion the277 suckt from ther cradle. Amongest panyes from yat reule of Nature, wsse others as thow wolde others wsse the278 Christians in thosse places differ in some thinges both from ws and ye Papists; ʒet retaine maney principalls of ye Orthodoxe, & Catholicke doctrine. Ther churches are low and poorly furnished ʒet nett and sueeitly kept matted and without seattes. Images they haue none, bot in stead of them some selecte and wssefull texts of holy scripture, obuiously wrett or painted. They assemble and haist to churche eache Lordes day with grate alacrrity: at ther entring the shutt ther eyes, and contemplate, ye holines of ye place, the exercisse they come aboute, and ther auen vnwortheynesse: As they kneeke,279 they looke wardes ye Table, or Comuion280 place, neir wich ther prist sitteth, quhome they salute with a low and humble Reuerence, quho returns his Blissing by the vpelifting of his hands & eyes. at a sett

276 Al Quran, the Koran. Professor Robert Hoyland, University of Oxford, made this observation on Anderson’s (or his source’s) comment: ‘Anderson is referring to chapter two, verse 256, which begins ‘there is no compulsion in religion’ (la ikraha fi l-din) and its interpretation (in the commentators words) is precisely, as the author says; that forcible conversion is wrong. The general point, that non-Muslim peoples living under Muslim law are protected by that law, was well known, but it is interesting that Anderson would know a specific verse, and refer to it in Arabic, albeit slightly garbled. Given the context, ‘Aʒoara’ has to mean ‘verse’, which in Arabic is ‘aya’ (first ‘a’ long, second ‘a’ short). However, the ‘oara’ ending is confusing. It is possible that he means chapter, which in Arabic, as applied to the Quran, is, in the definite form, ‘assura’ with a long ‘u’, which might then account for the transliteration ‘oa’. That said, it is perhaps easier to assume, given the initial ‘ay’ of ‘ayoara’, that he did mean verse/ aya, but that the pronunciation got garbled in transmission to him’. 277 ‘the’ for ‘they’. 278 ‘the’ for ‘thee’, i.e. ‘you’. 279 Sic. 280 Sic.

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May 1642 187 houre they begin prayers, wich lasts some tuo houres, and first they haue a shorte generall Confessione, wich they follow ye Preist in and assent in a generall Amen; then followes ane expositione of some text of holy Scripture, durinng wich ther attentione, disiected lookes and Sedence281 is admirable, then singe they a hyme and at partinge, out of churche, Resalute ye Minister, quho ceasses not till, all be gone to hold vpe his hands and Blisse them. Quhen they are come home, they read a chapter in ather Testament, bothe wich they supposse they haue in corrupte, after ye Originalls & translatted for them by S. Thomas ye Apostle, & patrone of ye Orient. they haue it also in the Chalde282 bot none saue ye clergey wnderstand it: Euerey first Sunday of ye mounth ye Preist reids a sermon out of ane old Homly (wreat as they say) by the Apostle ore some of his disciples they Baptize comonly at ye 40. day, If the parents doe not souner desyre it, they first seinge ye Infant one ye forhead with ye Crosse, and then washe all ouer with watter. The Sacrament of ye Lordes Holy Supper they administer in both kyndes befor they receaue ye Comunon they obserue tuo dayes of preparatione quherin they nather feast. Rauell nor ʒet wsse ye Companey of Woomen. In the churche the Confesse ther sinns & demeritts with grate reluctancey. They marrey as wee doe, The clergey marrey bot once, ye Laitey bot thice,. widowes If they marrey befor the ʒeire be expired (after wich ther husband deyed) are ill reported offe. and hazard ther ioynture. Noue (saue for Adulterey) haue licience to seuer till death pairt them. In seiknes ye preist is sent for to confort them, and to giue the Eucharist If it be heartily desyred: that done they bid fairweill to ther wyffe, children & freinds & so rid them of carnall distractions.

281 282

‘Sed’ is written over ‘attend’. The Chaldaic language.

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Folio 42r distractions. The suruiuers ther ioy then mourne, at ther Funeralls: they first wasche then wrape the corpes in cleine linnen, and a few selected frindes concomitat it to ye graue: quherin they place it (not looking East bot) west towardes Ierusalem: fyue dayes after yat they wisit his familey They feast and fast as wee. ther Lent and abstinence from fleche, & ye lyke, begins eache springe, and is strickly obserued fourtey dayes, without banquett or brauerey: ther ʒeire is Soli-genian. Our thre cheiffe festiualls they celebrat, In Iulay they Memorat ye Martyredome of .S. Thomas: they haue maney Patriarches, ore protomists, ye cheiffe resids at a housse bult vpone a heighe montaine 9. Myles from Cranganor283 since ye Portugall traded India they haue shawen ther heades, The laiches pay Tythes willingly, they affecte Iustice, truth, peace, humility, obedience &c. and acknouledge S. Thomas (284some ye Enuche of Arabia conwerted by Philipe, ther Tutelarey Saint and patron They beleeiue no purgatorey. Of Choromandel.285 The Coast of Choromandel streaches from Cape Comryn wnder 7. degrees and ode minuttes North. als farre as ye Grate & famous Gulphe of Bengala.286 receauing bothe ye heades of renouned Ganges,287 the occean bellouing wpone thesse weill knowen tounes of Trade, Negapatan & Meliapore (both famous for entombing

283

A town on the Coast of Malabar, India. There is no corresponding closing bracket. 285 Much of this section on the Coast of Coromandel on this folio can also be found in Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World, p. 30. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 15. 286 The Bay of Bengal. 287 The River Ganges, which flows through India and Bangladesh. 284

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May 1642 189 S. Bartholomew and .S. Thomas) Policat,288 Armagun,289 Narsinga, Meslipatan, and Bilipatan,290 and other places. Negapatan is seatted one ye Riuer Negay291 wnder .12. degrees of North latitude and 25. Minuttes, a toune hott and wnquholsone, bothe in regaird ye wind and raines are for ye better pairt of ye ʒeire, heigh and vnseasonable,. The Toune hes good watter, and fruitts weill relished cooling and nutritiue, notwishstanding ye people are muche wexed with feauers, fluxes and other deseases. The people be blackische, blockisch and vnapte for studey and exercisse: Heat (wich heir predominatts) debilitates ther appetite and invitts them to too muche easse (the Mother of Luxurie,) a small, thin, but very fyne sudderey ore vaile of laune is drawin affore ther secrett pairts, ther head has also a small vreath ye rest is exposed to weiu and wether. they want no gold. stones of walew, not such thinges as ye Marcheant louetts; bot they prysse them as triffles. Aney Religion is tollerable; so yat some praisse Mahomet some a dog, some a Crocodile, and some loue sensceles Pagods. the Bannyan wiues heir haue more freedome to burne themselues to ashes at ye funerall of ther husbandes; then quher ye Moores haue command. so yat in this Coast ye Custome is wsuall. ther Mariages Requyre the.

Folio 43r the first place; They are Warious ye most Nouell, being yat a Preist a Cow, and ye tuo Louers, goe togither to ye watter syde, quher the Bramyne mutters a prayer of small matter to some purpois, wich finished, they lincke hands and haue ye Cowes tayle commixt as a

288

Pulicat. A town on the Coast of Coromandel, India. According to John Anderson (or his source), a port on the Coast of Coromandel between Masulipatam and Paliacate, India. Reino da Baixa Birmânia. 290 Bimilipatan. A port in the kingdom of Golconda, India. 291 Negay River. A river entering the Bay of Bengal at Nagapattinam, India. 289

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holy Ceremoney & testimoney: One all togider ye Bramin poures hes holy oyle, and forces ye beast wnto ye Riuer, quherunto shoe goes willinngly, ʒea so farre till thay be to ye midle in vatter, nor returnes shoe nor doe they disunitte, till Neptune fright her, bot being one shore they wntaye, holding yat coninctione sacred and pouerfull euer after As for ther funeralls quhen death hes disioyned ther vnion ye Wyffe, conceitts her selue a lothed carkasse to liue after him: shoe Robes her bodey with a transparent lawne, her Armes legges, & thighes are fettred with wanton chaines of loue, hir eares nosse & fingers, adorned with pearles and pretious stones, ye one hand holdes choysse of floures ye wther a ball, embleames of Immortall paradisse. Shoe goes with a mighty Companey attending her; some for loue most for Nouelty. the Preist all ye way descriues ye Rare ioyes shoe is going too, shoe grants a modest smile, trippes one and vpone sight of ye flame, seimes transported beyond meassure, shoe sees ye Carkasse of her husband lyed vpone a pyle of pretious wood: and quhen ye fyre begins to Embrace him lyke a Made Louer shoe bides fairweill to her parents, children and frindes, and willingly incorporats her selue with fire. wich quickly makes them one; and no thinge, Nothing extrant saue fame, flame and ashes. some refusse to burne, bot are forced to shaue and liue as monsters: a punishment Iustly giuen they wer grouen so audaciously wanton, yat vpone aney distast ye liues of ther abussed husbandes, coulde bot satisfie ther lustfull boldnes acted by Venome, till by ye Estait this coursse was takin to awoyde ye danger. Suche is ye miserable wassalage ye old Read Dragon cheyns this wretched people in: quho are so far from comiseratting ther auen woe that they invent maney tragick trickes of deuotione, to destroy themselues and magnifie ther Idolatrie. They haue a Massy Cooper guilded Pagod mounted one a Triumphant chariott moued by eight mightie wheeles ouerlaid with pure Gold, the ascent is spatious and eassie by maney stepes

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May 1642 191 one wich are placed (vpone a soleme day) ye prists and maney sober girles (who to enriche ye Diuell prostitute ther bodies to ye Libidenous flame of wicked men, ye procession followes hapey is yat man riche & poure, grate and basse, can fasten a hand to draw ye chariott, ʒea they account them happiest quho out of a frantick zeall temerariously throw ther Naked bodies in ye way. that by ye ponderousnesse of ye Diuell & hes chariott, ther wretched bodies may be cruscht in peeices, by yat esteemed martyres. ʒea more suche is ye stupid folley of thesse men: that they persuad ther fanatique daughters to become Basse strumpetts to pleasse ther fancey & inriche ther Pagods. in so much yat it is a grate wounder to see so maney girles at such Immaturity, so Impudently dighted with filthey Men.

Folio 44r Meliapore is a Toune one ye Coast of Coromandel eleuating ye Articke pole .13. degrees & 20. Minuttes, bothe olde & famous first called Calamina, then Melange & Meliapore, and now at this day .S. Thomas by Reassone ye Blissed Apostle suffred Martyredome in this place. The Toune at this day is Small and poore; wnder Moorische command: and ʒeildes litle for trade, saue cotton vare & such comodities Of Narsinga.292 Narsinga is a Noble pairt of India quher some wolde haue Choromandell to end. it is famous ouer all Asia and Marches with Malbar, Gulcunda,293 Bengala, & ye occean Sea the King so Riche yat he despises hes neighboures:

292 Narsinga, a.k.a. Bismagá and Vijayanagar, India. A sultanate north of the Coast of Coromandel. Much of this section on Narsinga can also be found in Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World, pp. 32–33. Not in Itinerario. 293 Golconda, Hyderabad. A sultanate on the east coast of India.

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so pouerfull in Men armes and Amunition. yat he walews nother Mogull, Decan, Samoryn nor Peguan.294 His kingdomes are defendid by loyall slaues, and Maney Naturall adwantages: full of all thinges Requisit for wsse or pleasure, As faire Tounes stronge, forts. plesant feildes, & choysest Mineralls abounding in Riuers, hills, dailles, corne, catell, fruittes &c. so yat with good causse he is reputted As absolute a Monarche as aney wther in all India: ye Bannyans suarme lyke Locusts heire, and the Bramens No quher more reputted offe. The Tempels heire are of no grate brauerey without bot proud within retaining maney Riche and Massy Idols shapeed295 and Commanded by ye Diuell for hes seruice and ther deuotion. Bisnagar is ye second Citey in Narsinga for gandeur & brauerey being circled with a wall of foure myles compasse, weill fortified weill bulte, and welthey ye port and heauen is good to Anchor in and ye Citey frequented with European Merchants and shipes from Pegu Malacca, Camboia, Cochin-chyna,296 chyna, Iapan the Philipina,297 the Molucæ, Borneo, Iaua, Summatra, Zeyloon,298 and from Maney others places of India, Persia, and Arabia. quhen aney Traueller comes to ye king of Narsingas courte he shall haue fittinng interteinment and is maney tymes Inwitted by the king The better to show hes fyne clothes, wich to show our selues thankfull wee will Report to other Nations beinge thicke sett with stones & Gemes of Infinitte walew, and wonderfull Lusture, wich quhen he is Roabed with (for ye Resemblance they haue with ye Son wich they worschipe) he is adored: his Courte is full of Maiesty and hes gaurd a 1000. pentioners. he affects poligamey, & wreatts him selue ye husband of a thousand woomen: maney of them hauing him all hes lyffe in such esteeime.

294 295 296 297 298

Peguan. The King of Pegu. Or ‘shaped’. The fifth letter may be an ‘e’ or a deletion, followed by ‘ed’. The southern part of Vietnam. The Philippines. Sri Lanka.

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Folio 45r Esteeime, yat at his deathe, they make yat flame wich consumes his bodey in ashes ther Sepulcher. Mesulipatan299 comonly called Meslipatan by Contractione is subiecte to ye Gulcundan kinge, and layes Northe from the Equinoctiall lyne, 16. degrees and 30. Minuttes. seatted in ye skirt of the Bengalan occean.300 The quole prouince admitts a Mixture of seuerall Idolatries, in most pairts ye Saracens301 and Bannyans being ye gratest Number. ye Toune it selue is nather famous for bulke, beutey nor pleasure, for some .50. ʒeires since by a raging Mortality and Famin it wes weill neigh depopulated the streetts ar few and Narrow: the housses low and vnfurnished ye feildes & gardens parcht by Extremity of heat wich heir Rages from March to Iulay from thene to Nouember ye wind and Raine incessantly disturbes them. so as of 12. mounthes they haue bot 4. from Nouember to Marche healthfull: & moderat. Of Malacca.302 Malacca layes wnder .5. degrees North Latitude, ye hollander hes takin from ye Portugall in Anno 1642. it is a Citey aboue .3. Myles in lenthe werey narrow bult in a heuey circkell vpone ye bankes of a plesant riuer als brood as forthe abouAlloway303 bot not so portable, a Riuolett of suetter watter glides throughe ye Toune, ouer wich is a bridge stronge bot not beutifull. ye walls 299

Mesulipatan, Masulipatam. Town at the Coast of Coromandel, India. The Bay of Bengal. 301 Saracens. In this case the word is used to denote Muslims. 302 Part of this section on Malacca can also be found in Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World, p. 33. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 18. 303 The River Forth above ‘Alloway’, i.e. Alloa in Clackmannanshire, Scotland. These lines can be compared with the statement in Clarke that: ‘The City is above three miles long, but narrow; built upon the banks of a pleasant River as broad as our Thames’. Clarke, A Geographicall description of all the countries in the known world, p. 33. Thus a direct comparison is made with a Scottish river here, unlike in Clarke’s work where the comparison is with an English river. 300

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May 1642

Environing her, are resonable stronge, bot invaliable aganist grate Canon. ye buldinges are generally low and basse, and lynned with poore furniture, thoughe ye want not gold to bay it with; bot being darke and closse, its ye lesse vssefull. ye most obseruable are her churches cypresses and Gardens, ye streets and feildes show maney delightfull Arbors and choysse fruitts amongest wich ye Duroyen (as waluable with them as minnes of Gold and Siluer abounding heir) Corne, Sugar, and some other rarieties. The people are naturally hospitable, affected with Musicke, songes and strangers, howbeit Impatient and feirce, If exasperated, Jelous If occasioned: deceitfull If too much trusted. Of Patania304 Patania at this day a weill knowen Citey in ye Bengalan or Argarick gulffe305 eleuats ye pole Artick about .7. degrees, and is situat amidst thosse tuo famous ports Malacca & Syam. ye Gouerniment is Monarchiall ye kinges deriue them selues from a Gentile king of Delly306 quho quhen he had subdewed Patania left hes sone Gingee, 307 as Viceroy ther and from quhom the lait Queene, and this present prince are discendit ye Mogull ofte thretins to dethrone him ʒet he sitts closse and keepes hes auen Especially saue gaurded by inteposing Ganges, and some small Iletts wich he wssefully fortifies: ye toune is stronge and best defended by 12.

304 Pattani. A region on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula. This section on Pattani has similarities with the descriptions of Pattani in Clarke, A Geographicall description of all the countries in the known world, p. 33 and in T. Herbert, A Relation of Some Yeares Trauaile Begunne Anno 1626. In Afrique and the Greater Asia . . . (London, 1634), pp. 197–98. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 22. 305 Gulf of Arracan or Bay of Bengal. 306 Delhi. An Indian sultanate. 307 Gingee. Viceroy of Patami.

Folio 46r

May 1642 195

Folio 46r 12. pices of good brasse Ordinance one of them (a Basilisco)308 of 26 footte longe, the people are blacke, and go with most pairt of ther bodies Naked they take grate delight in eating of Betle and Opium and loue Arrec309 (or stronge liquor) exceidingly. they wssually eatts in platters of Gold. They frequently speake 3. languages Malaya wich they as ye Hebrues from ye right hand to ye left, Syam310 from ye left hand to ye right as we, China311 right doune, all three wssefull and affected by the Industrouus; they are pairt Moores pairt Gentiles. Of Syam.312 Syam is both a Citey and kingdome, declyning Northe from ye Equinoxtiall 14. degrees is famous, for power, wealth, and maney other excellencies a grate pairt of Pegu, Braama & Camboia are tributaries to him Patania313 also Iamohay,314 Odiea,315 and maney other territories wattred by Ganges acknouledge him. his pouer is grate wsually warring with a 1000 Eliphants and 200000 Men. ye Zone is heat ye Men blacke, and in suche Torride places litle clothing is requyred. a Cambolin316 of pure laune of a sad color trebled one and aboute ther Naked shoulders, some lay a lether skin about ther necke, (and as a badge of deuotione,) gird ther Midels with a lether thonge and hold a Sombrero or Vmbrella in ther hands to lenifie ye flaming sune.

308

Basilisk. A type of ordnance. Arrack. 310 The Thai language. 311 The Chinese language, presumably Mandarin. 312 Part of this section on Siam (Thailand) can also be found in Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World, p. 33. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 22. 313 Pattani. A region at the east coast of the Malay Peninsula. 314 Jangoma. A region on the Gulf of Siam. 315 Ayutthaya, the ancient capital of Siam. 316 Woollen cloth. 309

196 Folio 46r

May 1642

They are transcendent Idolaters Caruing Gods to worschipe after ye shapes of Pan & Priapus, ʒea in postures not to be Remembred, they haue groues and Altars also quhevpone they offer flesche, fruitts, floures, and maney tymes quhen ye Tallapoi317 tells them ye Devill is Melancholy they sing and does quhat they can to make him merrey. They haue beine heir of old Sodomittes, a late Queine Rectrix commanded yat al male children should haue a bell of gold318 (in it ane Aders tounge drayed) put trough ye prepuce, wich in shorte tyme, became wsuall and worne nou by them for ane especiall ornament. few nou being without three or foure, The Woomen heir ye better to allure Men from Sodomitry goe Naked to ye Midele, quherwith a fyne transparent cobweed lawne, they are so couered, yat by a dewice its made to open as they goe, so yat aney Impure aire giues all to Mens Immodest weiues. The boyes paint them selues with a blew color, and for ye more brauing cutt, gashe, and pinke ther skins. the Men affecte perfumes & practize complement. The319 soyle is bot indiffrent for Grasse, Bot rich in stones as Dyamonds—chrisolits, Onix stones, Magnets, Beʒars,320 Calamba,321 Beniamin322 colt on Mynes of Gold, Siluer, Iron Cooper, bot most memorable in ye Cabriʒ or blood-stone323 heir generatted ye maruelous werteous of this stone are far abooue all crydit. for quhen ye Portugalls warred aganist ye Sumatrans they

317

Talapoi. A Buddhist priest. For the penis bell, see B. N. Teensma, ‘Literaire, filologische en moralistische bespiegelingen over de Siamese penisbel’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 147 (1991) no. 1. 319 Compare with Itinerario, chapters 84–87. 320 Bezoar is a mass found trapped in the gastrointestinal system. Bezoars were sought because they were believed to have the power of a universal antidote against any poison. VOC-glossarium compiled by the Nederlands Instituut voor Geschiedenis in The Hague, URL: http://www.inghist.nl/Onderzoek/Projecten/VocGlossarium (31 August 2009). 321 Calamba or Lignum Aloes. Aloe. 322 Benzoin. 323 Bloodstone, cabriz, cabrize stone. Pulverised bloodstone is used as a medicine and aphrodisiac in India. 318

Folio 46r

May 1642 197 discrayed a Iuncke at sea made too her, boorded her, and after a longe and creuell fight amongest ye Naked Indians killed such as did resist them and amongest them ther Capitane Nahodabeg,324 quho to ther amazement bleed not althou they had hackit him in 40. places, they thought it Magicall. till (hauing takin from his arme, a bracelet of gold quherin was sett ye Cabriʒe stone) they found ye Reasone, for no souner was it remoued, bot hes blood issewed aboundantly frome eache wound he had aboute him. doubtles it is a most pretious stone and had it pouer to expell death also, it wer more then admirable. An this for a shorte weiu of Syam.

Folio 47r May 10.

The Generall gaue ws order to lay no longer one ye Coaste of India. bot to make sayle for Battauia. so yat one .10. day of Maij wee light our Ancors from Wingelaw Road, being 3. schipes in Companey viz. ye shipe Holandia325 1200 tunes, Harderwicke of 1000 Tunnes Egmont,326 500. tunes at Mid day wee past ye barre of Goa. quher wee went closse to ye land to looke for ye Carracks, wich lay bothe, lay wnrigged, for wee keipt them in till ye tyme of ʒeire wes past for ther woyage to Portugall: and seinng yat wee went one our Coursse

11.

The 11. day our Coursse S. E. T. S. wee sayled 64. Scottes Myles North Latit: 14. d. 13 Minuttes, Longit: 00000. No waritiatione obserud the wether darrische with ye wind a West. this day ye Schipe Egmont went

324

Nacodá beg. Captain. The Hollandia (700 lasts or 1,200 tons). Built for the Amsterdam chamber in 1619, she undertook eight voyages to the East Indies. She sailed from Europe for the last time on 29 April 1639, and arrived in Batavia on Christmas Day the same year. Thereafter she participated in inter-Asiatic trade and ran ashore on Lombok (27 December 1642). DAS, II, p. 80, no. 0528.8. 326 The yacht Egmont (240 lasts or 500 tons). She was built for the Amsterdam chamber in 1630 and made three voyages to Batavia. She last departed the Texel on 18 January 1636 and arrived in Batavia on 25 July of the same year. She thereafter participated in the inter-Asiatic trade and was laid up in 1645. See DAS, II, p. 72, no. 0465.3. 325

198 Folio 47r

May 1642

from ws for ye Coast of Coromandell according to ther Order. sua yat euerey one of ws shote off for a fairweill .9. pice of Ordinance. 12.

The .12. day Our Coursse S T. W. wee sayled 100. Scottes Myles Nort. Lat: 12. d. 45. Minuttes Longit. 96. d. and 10. Minuttes ye Neidle waried North West 12. degrees. ye wind at W. Norsth.327 W. a hard gale

13.

The .13 day of Maij our Coursse Southe, wee sayled .100. Scottes Myles and guest our North Latitude to be 11. degrees, Longit: 96. d. 10. M. No wariatione obserued, wind at West. darkische wether, with a topesayle gale,

14.

The 14 day our Coursse .S. T. E. wee sayled 100. Myles wee found our North Latitude to be 9. d. 24. M. Longit. 96. d. 32. M. No328 variatioone of ye Neidle 12. degrees, ye wind Westerly & Wariable, with darkische wether and a stiffe topesayle gale.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse S. S. E. wee sayled 64. Myles N. Latitude 8. d 19. M. Longit. 97. degrees ye Neidle waried 13. degrees .15. Minuttes. wind N. N. W. faire wether good Gale.

16.

The 16 day Our Coursse S. E. T. S. wee sayled .100. Myles Northe Lat. 6. d. 6. M. Longit: 97. d. 54. Minuttes No wariatione obserued ye wind at .S. West. faire wethe tope sayle gale.

17.

The .17. day our Coursse, S E. T. E. wee sayled 104. Myles Northe Lat: 6. d. 16. M. Longit. 99. d. 25. Minuttes No variatione obserued ye wind Southerly wariable, hard wether with showers of Raine.

Folio 48r May 18.

327 328

The 18 day our Coursse South east to Easten wee sayled 100. Myles North. Lat. 5. degrees 37. Minuttes, Longi-

Sic. ‘No’ is deleted.

Folio 48r

May 1642 199 tude 100. d. and 50 Minuttes ye Neidle Waried North. West. 12 degrees and 15. Minuttes ye wind S. W. ye wether hard vith shoures of Raine.

19.

The 19. day our Coursse E. till Easten wee sayled 76. Myles .N. Lat. 4. d. 57. Minuttes Longit: 102. d. 15. Minuttes ye Neidle warid N. W. 11. degrees. wind .S. W. faire wether.

20.

The 20. day. our Coursse E. S. East. wee sayled 84. Myles North. Latit: 4 degrees .15. Minuttes Longit. 103. d. 36. Minuttes, ye Neidle waried N. W. 11. degrees, winde at S. W. to Westen, faire tope sayle gale.

21.

The 21. day Oure Coursse .E T. S. wee sayled 88. Myles North Latit 4. d. 7. M. Longit. 105. d. 6. M. ye Neidle waried N. W. 10. degrees, wind S. S. W. faire tope sayle gale.

22.

The 22. day our Coursse E. T. S. we sayled 104. Myles N. Lat: 4. d. Longit 106. d. 46. M. ye Neidle waried N. W. 9. d. 40. Minuttes, wind S. S. West faire tope sayle gale. then wee obserued ye current rune Northerly yat it differed 1. poynt in ye coursse

23.

The 23. day our Coursse, E T. S. wee sayled 112. Myles N. Latitude, 3. d. 56. Minuttes. Longit. 108. d. 38. Minuttes ye Neidle waried to the North West 9. degrees. wind S. S. West. tope sayle gale, wee obserued ye current to sett hard towardes ye North so yat wee did aduance bot .5. Minuttes vpone 2. poyntes.

24.

The 24 day our Coursse East to Southen. wee sayled 108. Myles North Latit. 3. d. 24. M. Longit. 111. d. 26. Minuttes ye Neidle waried N. West 8. d. 30. Minuttes, wind S S. W. and wariable, blustring shoures of Raine.

25.

The 25 day our Coursse .East wee sayled 72. Myles North Latitude 3. d. 34. M. Longit. 113. d. 34. M. No wariatione obserued. wind .S. S. East faire wether.

26.

The 26. day our Coursse .E. North East wee sayled 68. Myles N. Latit 4. d. Longit. 114. and 37. Minuttes No wariatione Obserued the wind Southe East and by Southen. ye wether wariable

200 Folio 48r 27.

May 1642

The 27. day our Coursse North East. wee sayled .28. Myles North. Lat: 4. degrees 12. M. Longit. 114. d. 47. Minuttes No wariatione obserued wind wariale329 with Raine.

Folio 49r May 28.

The 28. day our Coursse, East to Northen, wee sayled 40. Myles North. Latit. 4. degrees 12. Minuttes, Longit: 114. degres330 .47. Minuttes the Neidle waried North West .8. degrees. wind Southe, faire wether

29.

The 29 day. our Coursse East to Northen wee sayled, 48. Myles North Latitude 4. degrees 29. Minuttes, Longitude .114. d. 42. Minuttes, the Neidle waried North West 6. d. ye wind Southen to East. faire wether

30.

The 30. day our Coursse, South West to Westen wee sayled331 20. Myles Northe Latit. 4. degrees 20. M. Longit: 114. d. 27. Minuttes the Neidle waried North West 6. degrees. wind S. S. East. faire wether

31.

The .31. day Our Coursse South west to Westen wee sayled, 16. Myles North Latitude 4. d. 11 Minuttes Longit: 114. d. and 13. Minuttes the Neidle waried North West 6. degrees and .3. Minutts. vinde South east wether Calme. A Surway of the Molucco Iles. & Banda332 They are Numbred 5. Molucco, Gillolo,333 Ternate,334 Tidore335 and Machan336 ye Englische wer ye first of aney christians yat euer traded to thesse Iles, Bot Nou ye dutche haue engrossed yat trade and in effecte thrust them out.

329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336

Sic. ‘r’ is written over another ‘g’. There is a deletion between ‘sayled’ and ‘20’. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 21. Jailolo is the northern part of Halmahera in the Moluccas, Indonesia. Ternate. One of the Molucca Islands, Indonesia. Tidore. One of the Molucca Islands, Indonesia. Pulau Bacan (Bachan). One of the Moluccan islands, Indonesia.

Folio 49r

May 1642 201 Of thesse Gillolo is the gratest, bot in Cloues, Ginger, peper, oyle Aloes and honey. all of them a lyke plentifull, all ore most of them haue. ye Equinoctiall for ther Zenyth and by thosse diurnall showres and brezes, wich faill them not, ye fruittes Ripen souner, the Earth smells more Aromaticall, and ye Ayre seimes more Nutritiue, thene in other places Neire ye Molluccos and Neirer ye Antartiqʒ337 ther are maney other Iles Noble in esteime and Riche in qualitie. suche are Amboyna (placed betuix Banda & Molucco) Banda in 4. degrees and 30. Minutts Puloreen.338 from Puloway339 W. N. W. Lantore340 ye gratest of ye Iles of Banda, Batan,341 Labataca,342 Nero,343 Ticobassa,344 Cumber345 Salamo346 and all of them are wildernesses of Nuttmege trees. ye Hollanders haue conquered thesse Iles of Banda by ye suord, and rootted out ye werey Memorey of ye Natiue Bandanesere, and haue peopled the same, with ther Negro slaiues from other Nations, and Entitle them selues Lordes of ye Banda Iylandes, Caring not a stra quhat Right aney can pretend therto. Jhone Peiterson Coun347 of horne, Generall of India for ye Netherlandes Companey first wtherly subdewed Banda to ye Hollander, and rootted vpe ther Orankayes348 Nobility and Comons with ye suord in Anno .1622.

337

Antarctica. Pulau Run. An island of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia. 339 Pulau Ai. An island of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia. 340 Lontor. An island of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia. 341 One of the islands of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia. 342 Nailaka. Island of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia. 343 Nila. One of the islands of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia, possibly Bandanaira (Naira). 344 Pulau Teün. Island of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia. 345 Serua. Island of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia. 346 Pulau Rozengain. Island of the Banda Archipelago, Indonesia. 347 Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1587–1629), hailed from the town of Hoorn and was Governor General of the Dutch East Indies (1617–23, 1627–29). 348 Orang-kaya. Nobility. 338

202 Folio 50r

June 1642

Folio 50r Junij

The .1. day of Iunij our Coursse, 00000. Lat: 4. d. 14. Minuttes Longit 114. degrees & 13. Minuttes ye Neidle waried North West 6. d. Calme wether.

2.

The 2. day Coursse Southe East, wee sayled .28. Myles Northe Latit. 3. d. 55. Minuttes Long: 114. d: 32. Minuttes, ye Neidle waried N. W. 5. degrees 50. Minuttes. wind .S. W. faire wether

3.

The .3. day our Coursse, S E. till Easten wee sayled 72. Myles N. Lat: 3. d. 20. M. Longit 115. d. 25. M. wariatione not obseruid. wind South. W. darke wether

4.

The 4. day Our Coursse, S. S. West. wee sayled .12. Myles North Lat. 3. d. 7. M. Longit. 115. d. 20. M. No wariatione obseruer349 wind wariable & Calme, wether darke and Rainey.

5.

The 5. day Our Coursse at calme as the day befor. bot in lenthe & breied.

6.

The 6. day Our Coursse East and be Southe, we sayled 20. Myles North. Lat. 3. d. 12. M. Longit. 115. d. 36. Minuttes, None wariatione obseruid darke wether & Calme.

7.

The .7. day Our Coursse, S. E. wee sayled 16. Myles N. Latitude 2. d. 51. Minuttes Longit. 115. d. 37. M. Wariatione N. W. 4. d. wind N. West faire wether

8.

The 8. day Our Coursse, 0000. N. Lat 2. d. 51. M. Longit: as the day before, and wariatione also. Calme wether.

9.

The 9. day Our Coursse E. S. East. wee sayled .48. Myles N. Latit: 2. d. 40. M. Long 116. d. 3. M. ye Neidle waried Northe West 4. degrees and 30. Minuttes wind N. West Rainney wether.

349

Sic.

Folio 50r

June 1642 203

10.

The 10. day Our Coursse .S. East wee sayled 88. Myles Northe Lat. 1. d. 20. M. Longit. 117 d. 25. M. wariatione North West 4. degrees .3. M. N. W. tope sayle gale. this day wee obserued ye current sett towardes ye Southe.

11.

The 11. day Our Coursse .S. East. wee sayled 56. Myles Northe Lat. 1. degree Longit. 128. d. 25 M. wariatione none obserued, ye wind wariable, this morning wee descryed ye Iylland of Pulo Tananiaas,350 lyand351 N. E. to Northene some 2 ore 34.352 Myles from ws. the wich Iylland layeth. in sight of ye Coast of Sumatra

Folio 51r Junij 12.

The 12. day our Coursse South East wee sayled 96. Myles Lat. Southe,353 10. Minuttes Long 119. d. 32. M. ye Neidle waried to ye North West 4. degrees. wind .N. W. faire wether. This day wee passed ye Equinoctiall. and obserued ye Current to sett hard towardes ye Southe. and descried ye Iylland Pulo Mattana354 be South ye Equinoctiall some halffe a degree.

13.

The 13. day Our Coursse, wariabe355 one Coaste, of thesse Iyllands yat layes be west Sumatra. Southe Latit. 1. degree, Longit 00000. Wind E. S East faire wether. this day ye Current sett, hard. towardes the South East. then wee descried ye North West End of ye Iyland of Buona Fortuna356 distant some 32. Myles from ws East north East.

350 This could be one of several islands in the vicinity mentioned by Anderson, but given the following entry, possibly Pulau Nias, an island off Sumatra’s west coast. 351 ‘lyand’ in Scots corresponds to ‘lying’ in English. 352 ‘2 ore 34.’ is what the manuscript states. It should perhaps read ‘2 ore 3’. 353 ‘S’ is written over ‘N’. 354 This would be one of the main islands from Kepulauan Mentawai or the Mentawai Islands off Sumatra’s west coast. Given the position half a degree south of the Equator it could be the island the Dutch called Batoe Eilanden. 355 Sic. Should probably read ‘wariable’. 356 Ilha da Boa Fortuna (Groot Fortuin in Dutch) which relates to Pulau Siberut in Indonesia.

204 Folio 51r

June 1642

14.

The .14. day our Coursse S. E. To southen wee sayled .100. Myles S. Lat: 2. d. 21. M. Longit. 00000. wind N. W. T. N. Thunder and Rainey wether. Now wer we shotte ye South End of Iillia de Buona Fortuna; and in ye eiuning did see ye North West End of ye Iyland Nassau357 some 28 Myles East .N. East from ws.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse .S. East wee sayled 84. Myles wee guest our S. Lat. to be 3. d. and 30. Minuttes, No wariatione obserued. wind N. W. wether darke, wee pyled ye South End of ye Iyland Nassau. 16 Myles frome ws E. N. East.

16.

The 16. day our Course .S. S. West. Lat: 4. d. 24. M. our aduanced coursse Southe. East. 48. Myles wind wariable wether faire.

17.

The 17. day Our Coursse North. East & wariable, wee guest our Southe Latit: 4. degrees & 30. Minuttes No variation obserued wind .S. East faire wether tope sayle gale, this 24. hourres wee aduanced only 32. Myles. in sight of ye Coast of Sumatra. and then wee discrayed a sayle wiche was a China Iiuncke bound for ye west coast of Sumatra to bringe Peper from Indapura358 for Battauia wich did show ws his Commissione, and so wee dismised him. then wer wee some, 28. Myles W. South W. from Sillabay359 a refreschinge place one the West coast of Sumatra. quher shipes may lay saue, behind ane litle Iyland.360 wich Iyland ʒe haue one your steirbord hand, in ye going in a Muskit shote, distant. hauing ye Iyland betuix you and ye sea. ʒe. shall find good Anchor ground at 5. & 6 ore .7. fathomes sandey ground. bot at ye entrey some 2. ore 3. Myles with out ye Iyland ʒe muste take head of tuo blind Rockes. ye one of them layethe Northe West from ye Iyland, and ye pilot must come in betuix them.

357 Nassau Island, Pulau Pagai, Indonesia. Pagai Island off Mukomuko in Bengkulu, Sumatra. 358 Indrapura. A region on Sumatra’s west coast, south of Padang, Indonesia. 359 Probably Pulau Tikus, near the town of Bengkulu, Sumatra. 360 Pulau Pisang, approximately 10 km north-west of Krui, in Bengkulu, Sumatra.

Folio 52r

June 1642 205

Folio 52r Junij 18.

The 18. day. with a contrarey South East wind, still playing we sayled 40. Myles. about wich tyme wee discrayed the heighe land of Sumatra. be south ye Iyland Syllabay some .40. Myles bearinge North east.

19.

The 19. day wee trauessed361 some 28. Myles South east Coursse, at Night casting out our lead wee found 50. fathome, and guest ws to be 16. Myles without ye land hauing wariatione North West .3. degrees

20.

The 20. day we trauersed. 16. Myles Southe Lat: 5. degrees. ye. Neidle waried N. West 3. dedgrees.362 wind. S. East. a topesayle gale,

21.

The 21 day wee trauersed 28. Myles aduanced. South. Latit: 5. degres and 5. Minuttes. ye Neidle waried North West .3. degrees, hauing the current still with ws. winde South East faire, wether tope sayle gale.

22.

The 22. day wee trauersed and aduanced 40. Myles. and guest our Southe Lat to be, 5. degrees and 12. Minuttes. then did wee see ye Sadell hill in Sumatra. bearing East to Southen from ws. no wariation obserued wind at S. East. faire wether.

23.

The 23 day wee trauerssed and aduanced only .12. Myles and fand our selues to be of southe Lat. 5. degrees and 17. Minuttes. ye wind at South east faire wether. beinng offe ye shore 24. Myles.

24.

The 24. day wee trauerssed and aduanced 20. Myles with. a S. E. coursse. S. Lat. 5. degrees .30. Minuttes No wariatione obseruend then did ye Sadell hill of Sumatra beare North East from ws distant some 20. Myles. wind at Southe East. a good tope sayle gale.

25.

The 25. day wee trauersed and aduanced 16. Myles with a. South East. Coursse. S. Lat. 5. degrees and

361 362

The first ‘s’ is written over a ‘d’. Sic.

206 Folio 52r

June 1642

44. Minuttes; we pylled ye heigh land of Pongunge363 in Sumatra be North ws. ye wind at South east faire wether. 26.

The 26. day wee pyled ye Iylland Fortuna364 N. N. East from ws, some 16. Myles. and ye Low Corner of Sumatra distant from ws and then wee rune a S. East and by Southe Coursse.

27.

The 27. day wee wer .8. Myles be west ye Iyland Cracatow365 in ye straitts of Sunda, then wee wer Encalmed. and then ye current settinng towardes ye west out of ye straitts forced backe haing366 no anchor ground 8. Myles. at night we anchored one 45. fathome.

28.

The 28. day wee keipt betuix ye Prince Iyland367 and Cracatow without aney aduance with ane out goinng current. ye wind at South East.

Folio 53r Junij 29.

The out goinng current keipt ws with out aney adwance betuix Cracatou & ye Prince Iylands all this 29. day.

30.

The 30. day. with goinng backe or foar a poynte of aduance, this day wee lay still betuix ye former tuo Iylands as ye 29. day. Of Borneo.368 Borneo, is Nadyr to ye Equator and resembles ane ouall sheild, ye maior pairt inclyning Northe, Antarticke eleuatione Not mounting aboue 3. degrees, Articke to

363 Ponunge (Vlakke Hoek in Dutch) which refers to Tanjung Belimbing in Indonesia. The south-west point of Sumatra. 364 Klein Fortuin in Dutch which refers to Pulau Betua in Indonesia, at the southwest point of Sumatra. 365 Pulau Krakatau (Krakatoa), a famous volcanic island in Sunda Strait, Indonesia. 366 Sic. ‘haing’ would be rendered ‘haeing’ in modern Scots and means ‘having’ in English. 367 Prinsen Eiland in Dutch, Pulau Panaitan, Indonesia. An island off the most eastern point of Java, south of Krakatoa Island. 368 Kalimantan (Borneo), Indonesia. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 22.

Folio 53r

June 1642 207 .7. and odde Minuttes and owes her first discouerey (by ane christiane European) to one De Bren369 quho in ye ʒeire of our Blissed Lord. 1523. Anchored heire. It has Maney willages, and people, bot ye one are poore in ther Materiaall, ye other more wretched in ther infernall Religione, being one the coaste, most Mahometans. in lenthe it exceides 140. leaugues, and in bredth a 100. and containes therin diuers kingdomes to me wnknowen. Bot ye cheiffe kingdomes wee trade in are Socodania370 and Bemermassin,371 lyand one ye southe syde of this Iyland. in this Noble Ile are maney grate and heighe Montans ʒeilding both gold and stones, ye best Diamants, Beʒar, & Calamba, in ye all the Orient, it ʒeildes also grate quantitie of of372 Musk, Ciuit, Amber &373 Beniamin. & Camphora.374 The South and North sydes of this Iyland. is werey dangerous for grate weshells, in Respecte of ye maney shoaldes and sands, yat lay hid one thesse coastes, ye south syde, being Enwironed as it wer with sholdes and sandes and ye Northe syde375 with Rockes. The principall Mercandize wee carrey for Socodania are fyne Pentados376 saraffe,377 Pittols378 and cotton clothes of Choromandel Gold and Siluer., and export thence only Diamonds. Socodania is now gouerned by a woman quha is Queine therof her husband being killed by his Nobles, and since ye ʒeire of our saluatione 1620. shoe is become Tributarey to ye Grate Mattram of Iaua379

369

António de Abreu, was a Portuguese navigator and naval officer. Sukadana. A region on the east coast of Kalimantan, Indonesia. 371 Banjarmasin is a town on the south-east of the island of Kalimantan, Indonesia. 372 The second ‘of ’ is deleted. 373 ‘&’ is deleted. 374 Camphor is a white crystalline substance, obtained from the Camphor tree, Cinnamomum camphora. 375 ‘s’ is written over a ‘w’. 376 Pintadoes. Coloured cotton fabric. 377 Saraça. Sarong. 378 Betilles. Muslins, finely-woven cotton fabric. 379 Great Mataram. King of Mataram, a sultanate in Central Java, Indonesia, region of Cirebon. 370

208 Folio 53r

June 1642

Bemermassen lyand one ye South east of Borneo is ye chieffe toune of ye kingdome so namied. ye hollanders essayed heir to haue bult a Castle, bot could not, both for laicke of Materialls, and ye Naughtines of ye ground, being a Low Sunke Marrasse, ye Hollanders had heire a Cantorey bot in ye ʒeire 1638. ye king of this Toune, and hes people, murthered ye Hollanders and ther factors and seassed one ther goods, ye Iyllanders of Borneo are all of them most Truculent, and treacherous people, wffring small poysoned darts wiche they blow out in pluffes, quherwith If they tuoche aney no remedey bot death. and poysoned crisses. Folio 54r Julay 1.

By Counsell of Nauigatione, wee wer full Resolued this .1. day of Julay to goe betuix ye Iyland Cracatou and ye Iyland Sebesse.380 this same day about 10. a clocke we Anchored betuix ye forsaid Iylandes one 26. fathome Clay ground. ye wind at .S. E. ye current setting hard out of ye straittes, In thir straitts of Sunda. ther is euer a Current goinng out and in, bot quhen ye Easterly Monsone Bloues ye current will rune in only 4. houres of 24. & quhen ye Monsone is Westerly it does only goe out 4. houres of ye 24. and in ye Indifferent Mounthes, quhen no monson bloues wich is Aprill & September ye currents keipe æqually out & in.

2.

The 2. day wee approched ye Iyland of Duarsse381 and ther wee Anchored one 30. fathome watter ground382 sand and Glay.383 ye wether384 being calme. and ye current goinge out.

380

Pulau Sebesi, Indonesia. An island in Selat Sunda, north of Krakatoa. Dwars in de Weg in Dutch refers to Pulau Sangiang, Indonesia. It is an island in Sunda Strait, north-east of Krakatoa. 382 ‘r’ is written above the line. 383 Sic. 384 ‘w’ is written over a ‘b’. 381

Folio 54r

July 1642 209

3.

The 3. day wee lighted our Anchors, and made ouer for ye Coast of Jaua. and Anchored below Anʒeier.385

4.

The 4. day wee lighted our Anchors and beare with ye current ye wind being offe ye shore, and passed Anʒeier, and Anchored this same eining386 be North ye Iyland Toppers-hatte387 one 13. fathome clay ground.

5.

The .5. day wee lighted our Anchor and with a prettey Brisse wee passed ye Nucke of Bantam & bay of S. Nicolas.388 with a Current setting Estward. at Night wee Anchored. one 20. fathome clay ground.

6.

The 6. day with ane Easterly coursse, wee are come Be Longe Iyland called ye grate Camboisse,389 quher one of ye Counsaill of India lay with ye shipe Amboyna390 of 48. guns. attending ane Iuncke, cuming from Japare391 belonging to ye Mattram. goinng outward for Moha392 in Arabia. wich afterwardes they tooke, with 50. cheiffe Arancayes.393 takin aliue, and 50. more killed. they wer bound for deuotion to Mecca394 in Arabia. to wisitt ye Tombe of Mahomett, ther falsse profhitt, this boottie, forbay ye prissoners wes worthe to ye Hollander. 3. Tunes of Gold.

385

Anyar, a port at the west coast of Bantam. Sic. 387 Toppershoedje in Dutch which refers to Pulau Tamposo, Indonesia. It is a small island at the eastern entrance of Sunda Strait, north-east from Pulau Sangiang. 388 Sint Nicolaasbaai or Baai van Bantam in Dutch which refers to Teluk Banten, Indonesia. 389 Lange Eiland in Dutch, a.k.a. Grote Kombuiseiland which refers to Pulau Panjang in Indonesia. An island in Teluk Banten, the Bay of Bantam. 390 The Amboina (550 lasts). Built for the Amsterdam chamber in 1629, this vessel made four journeys to Batavia. On her final one she left home on 19 January 1640 and arrived in Batavia on 6 August the same year. She appears to have participated in the inter-Asiatic trade thereafter and scuttled in bad weather in the Philippines (9 November 1647). DAS, II, p. 82, no. 0541.4. 391 Japara. A port at Java’s north coast, north-east of Semarang. 392 Mocha, Yemen. 393 Orang-kaya. Nobility. 394 Mecca. The most important place of pilgrimage to Muslims, now situated in Makkah Province, Saudi Arabia. 386

210 Folio 54r 7.

July 1642

The .7. day wee sauely arriued (praisse and honor be to god) in ye Road of Battauia. quher ye Generall of India made ws all welcome. Except thesse yat he punisshed for ther faults annet395 the Carracke. takin at Goa.

Folio 55r X-ber.

Wee stayed at Battauia from ye .7. of Iulay 1642. to ye 12. day of December this same ʒeire, at396 wich tymes397 wee was, a preparing for our woyage homewardes.

12.

The 12. day wee fasted and prayed solemnly, with ye quholl toune of Battauia and this same Night with ye Land wind, wee made sayle out of ye Road of Battauia withe 10. shipes viz. 1. The Tiger of Amsterdam398 Admirall of 1100 tunes burding, 2. Midelbrughe399 Vice-admiall,400 of 1200 tunes burding, 3. The Peace401 a shipe of 800 tunes Westfrisland402 of 1200 tunes., 4. Hertsochonbosche,403 of .1400. tunes .5. New Encusin404 of 800. tunes .6. Henrey Lowisia405 of 800 tunnes thir

395

Recte ‘anent’, a Scots term meaning ‘concerning’ or ‘in relation to’. ‘at’ is written over ‘during’. 397 ‘s’ is deleted. 398 The Tijger (1,000 tons) was built for the Amsterdam chamber in 1640. This was her first voyage to Batavia. She left home on 16 September 1641 and arrived in Batavia on 2 April 1642 under the command of Pieter Dirksz. See DAS, II, p. 86, no. 0576.1. 399 The Middelburg (550 lasts) was a veteran ship. Built for the Zeeland chamber in 1629, this was her fifth voyage to Batavia. She departed from home on 11 March 1642 and arrived at Java on 29 September the same year commanded by Jan van Stapelen. DAS, II, p. 88, no. 0587.5. 400 Sic. 401 The Peace is the ship Vrede (800 tons). Built for the Amsterdam chamber in 1641, this was her first trip to the East Indies. She left home on 14 January 1642 and arrived at Batavia on 1 August the same year. She made five trips in total. DAS, II, p. 86, no. 0581.1. 402 Anderson here omits to number this ship. The Westfriesland was a new vessel, built for the Hoorn chamber in 1641. This was her maiden voyage to Batavia. She had departed from home on 14 January 1641 and arrived in Batavia on 8 September the same year. DAS, II, p. 88, no. 0582.1. 403 Anderson’s original ship ’s Hertogenbosch. 404 This is Anderson’s third mention of the ship Enkhuizen and her details are given above, note 44. 405 The Henriette Louise (750 tons) was built for the Zeeland chamber in 1635. This was her second voyage to the East Indies. She had left the Wielingen 7 March 1641 396

Folio 55r

December 1642 211 sex406 went one ther woyage, towardes ye Cape of Good Houpe, to attend ye Rest wich wer to follow, with preseisse order If the rest of ye shipes did not ouertake them ther then to stay at ye Iylland of S. Helena407 till they came.408

13.

The 13 day with ye land wind wee made sayle alonges ye coste of Iaua. ye wind wariable, with muche Raine, so yat wee Anchored at Night some .8. Myles Scottes by East Poulo Babie409 ore ye hogges Iyland. One 25. fathome clay ground

14.

The .14. day aboute .9. of ye Morning wee weiyed our Anchors with ye land wind and sayled to seaward without Poulo Babæ And afternoone ye wind being West. wee takled towardes ye Iauan shore with a freche gale. at Night ther blew a Trauado410 of Wind & Raine so yat wee ware not Able to reache furder then Poulo-Panian or ye Longe Iyland wich layes to seaward befor Bantam.411 one .8. fathome clay ground.

15.

The .15. day being Monday ye wind S. S. West wee weyed Anchors and went wnder .S. Nicolas Bay and ther Anchored one 18. fathome sandie ground. heir may wood and watter be had, and wther Refrechement at aney tyme.

and arrived in Batavia 31 July 1641. In total she made nine voyages to Asia. She was sold in the Indies (8 September 1664). DAS, II, p. 86, no. 0568.2. 406 ‘thir sex’ translates from Scots into English as ‘these six’, though clearly Anderson meant seven. 407 Saint Helena, UK. 408 The seven ships with 1,050 men left Batavia on 13 December 1642. The Admiral of the returning fleet was Karel Hartsing on board the Vrede, although Anderson identifies the Tijger as the Admiral’s ship (or flag-ship). The Tijger, Middelburg, Vrede, Westfriesland, and Enkhuizen called at the Cape of Good Hope. They left the Cape on 11 February 1643. From 30 March till 12 April 1643, the fleet stayed at Saint Helena, where the ’s Hertogenbosch rejoined it. See DAS, III, p. 46, nos. 5305.3, 5306.2, 5307.3, 5308.5, 5309.1, 5310.1, 5311.1. 409 Pulau Tunda (Pulau Babi), Indonesia. 410 Travado or typhoon. 411 Given the latitude this is probably Pulau Panjang in the Bay of Banten (Teluk Banten), Indonesia.

212 Folio 55r 16.

December 1642

The 16. day. ye Admirall of India cam in persone aboord our our412 shippes and ther made a generall Muster. to see yat none, had rune a way befor ther tyme, and yat Eurey shippe had her Companey Compleit. ye wind being West wee wer wndersayle and trauerssed too and agane till Night and then Anchored ouer one ye Cost of Sumatra. by a corner of land Called ye Hogges Corner.413 some

Folio 56r X-ber

some 10. Myles, bearing South West from ws one .30. fathome, sandie ground. the wether being Calme & faire. with a current coming in from ye Occean most constantly.

17.

The .17. day wee lighted our anchors ye Current as ʒet a litle contrarey ye wind wariable and calme, bot in ye afternoone ye wind came West meitting ye Current and wee trauersed too and againe till 10 a clocke at Night and then Anchored one 26. fathome clay ground. be North ye Brabants hatte.414 some 8. Myles ye Coast of Iaua being neirest wnto ws.

18.

The 18. day. ye wind .S. W. Rainie and hard wether, wee wer not able to light our anchor it blew so hard. till about three in ye afternoone wee lighted our anchor and went wnder sayle bot prewailled no thinge, and was forced at night againe to Anchor one 27. fathome Sandie ground betuix ye Ile Duarsse & Anʒier.415

19.

The 19. day ye wind blew hard at .S. W. by day light our Cable brooke closse by the gripe, so yat wee lost cable and Anchor both and went wnder sayle, and with ye losse of 3. Myles wee anchored againe one 30.

412

Sic. Hog’s Corner (Varkenshoek in Dutch) refers to Tanjung Tua, Indonesia. It is the southernmost point of Sumatra. 414 This is the island Brabantshoedje (Pulau Ular) off the west coast of Bantam. 415 Between Tanjung Tua and and the town of Anyar on Java, Indonesia. 413

Folio 56r

December 1642 213 fathome sandie ground. and ther wee discrayed a small shipe come from Holland416 quho anchored closse by ws, and told all Newes, sho had sayeled heither in 5. Mounthes, all her Men being in good healthe at Night shoe wyed her Anchors, and417 went for Battauia with a faire wind.

20.

The 20. day. this morning we lighted our Anchors, faire wether wind W. S. W. and wee sayled ouer touardes ye Coast of Summatra and Anchored at night wnder ye land called ye Hogges, Nucke418 one 28. fathome, Sandie ground.

21.

The 21 day faire wether with ye wind at W. S. W. ye current and wind being contrarey. not being able to prewaill wee lay still at anchore this 24. houres.

22.

The 22. day wee went wnder sayle, about .9. of ye clocke, in the morning hauing lighted our Anchors, with a wariable fost.419 wether, and againe, sett ouer to ye Coast of Iaua. quher wee anchored some .4. Myles, W. S. W. from ye Iyland Duarsse. one 25 fathome clay ground.

23.

The 23. day. wee lighted our Anchors being faire wether, ye wind befor noone at W. S. W. so yat wee trauerssed too and againe and gat vpe wnder ye Iyland Crakatow and ther anchored one 24. fathome clay ground.

24.

The 24. day wee hoised sayle, and keept all yat night with some litle aduantage,

25.

The 25. day calme faire wether wind wariable, wee pyled ye Iyland Crakatou, Nourthen to East from ws. keeping still wndersayle with a small gale.

416 DAS does not give a likely candidate for this ship. The closest is the Zutphen. She had left the Texel on 23 April and arrived in Batavia (1 November 1642). See DAS, II, p. 88, no. 0595.6. 417 ‘and’ is written over ‘shoe’. 418 Due to the contrary winds they had not made any progress. Once again they anchored at Hog’s Corner, Tanjung Tua, Indonesia. 419 Sic. Recte ‘soft’.

214 Folio 57r

December 1642

Folio 57r X-ber 26.

The 26. day in ye Morninge, wee wer closse wnder ye prince Iyllandes lyand one ye N. W. End of Iaua. quher by diuers wes thought to be no Anchor ground, bot wee continually deeipning found good Anchor ground halffe Canon shotte from ye shore, and yat vpone ye haill Easterne pairts of thesse Iyllands. ye wind was wariable somequhat inclyning to ye Northe.

27.

The 27. day. wee wer cleirlie to sea ward with out ye straittes of Sunda. our Coursse .S. wee sayled 64. Scottes Myles, and guest oure, Latitude to be .7. degrees .4. Minuttes, Longit. 125. degrees, no wariatione obserued.

28.

The 28. day our coursse S. T. E wee sayled 60. Myles and fand oure Lat. to be 8. degrees, 55. M. Southe. Longit 125. d. 10. M. No wariation obserued ye wind variable, with darke Rainey wether, Calme and a hollow goinge sea out of ye South West.

29.

The 29. day. calme, without aney aduance ather in Latitude Longitude or difference;

30.

The 30. day our coursse, S. and by East. wee sayled 24. Myles and guest our .S. Lat: 9. d. and 20. M. Longit: 125. degrees. ye wind being wariable & calme, with Muche Raine and darke wether.

31.

The 31. day. our Coursse South. wee sayled 20. Myles and guest our S. Latitude to be 9. d. 40. M. Longit: 124. d. 50. M. no wariatione obserued. ye wether faire, and wind wariable & calme, this Morning wee obserued ye Iyland called Pissange,420 layand S. and by W frome ye Prince Iylandes, wnder ye S. Latitude of 10. degrees. ane Iylland not Inhabit, Nather haue wee searched as ʒet If ther be aney Anchor ground about ye same or not. from farre it seimes to haue Maney faire bayes, and wee Espayed ther one woodes of Cocos trees. for without all doubt it is ane excellent land.

420

Pulau Pisang. Cocos Islands (12° 00’ S, 96° 50’ E), South of west-Java, Indonesia.

Folio 58r

January 1643 215

Folio 58r Januarij 1.

The .1. day our Coursse .S. W. wee sayled 116. Myles, .S. Latit: 11. degres 7. M. Longit. 123. d. 36. M. No wariatione obserued. wind at W. N.421 W. faire wether.

2.

The 2. day Our Coursse S. W. wee sayled 16. Myles, and guest our S. Latitude to be 11. degres 19. M. Longit 123. d. 25. M. No wariatione as ʒet obserued wind and wether wariable & calme with darke Raines

3.

The .3. day our Coursse .S. W. wee sayled 48. Myles Lat: S. 11. degres 52. Minuttes Longit: 123. degrees, No wariatione obserued wind at N. W. T. N. & wariable, wether softe and Rainey.

4.

The 4. day. our Coursse .S T. E. wee sayled 66. Myles .S. Latitude 12. d. 56. M. Longit: 123. d. 14. Minuttes No wariatione obserued wind W. and by Southe, wether wariable with Raine and a hollow sea

5.

The .5. day our Coursse S. E. wee sayled 12. Myles .S. Latitude 13. degrees Longit 123. degrees .1. Minutte. Noe wariatione obserued, wind variable, wether calme,

6.

The 6. day. our. Coursse, S. E. without ather Latitude or Longitude, wther then the day befor, onlie wee obserued ye Neidled to warrey .N. West. 3. degrees 27. Minuttes, ye wind & wether Calme.

7.

The .7. day our Coursse .S. W. wee sayled 56. Myles .S. Latitude 13. degrees, 39. M. Longit. 122. d. 20. M. ye Neidle waried North West 5. degrees, wind wariable, wether faire,

8.

The 8. day our Coursse S. W. wee sayled .44. Myles S. Latitude, 14. degrees .11. Minuttes Longitude. 121. d. 48. M. ye Neidle waried .N. West .5. degrees, wind N. E. wether faire, with a prettey gale.

421

‘N’ is written over ‘S’.

216 Folio 58r

January 1643

9.

The 9. day our Coursse, S. W. wee sayled .80. Myles .S. Lat: 15. d. 8. M. Longit 120. d . 49. M. ye Neidle waried N. W. 4. d. 40. M. wind E. N. E. a tope sayle gale faire wether.

10.

The 10. day our Coursse W. S. W. wee sayled 136. Myles, S. Lat: 15. d. 59. M. Longit. 118. d. 38. M. ye Neidle waried N. W. 5. degrees and 15. Minuttes, wind at East topesayle gale, faire wether.

11.

The 11. day our coursse W. S. W. wee sayled 96. Myles .S. Lat: 16. d. 35. M. Longit. 117. d. 5. M. N. W. wariatione, 6. degrees 15. M. wind East to Southen a topesayle gale, wether faire.

12.

The 12 day our Coursse, West South West wee sayled 120. Myles South Latitude, 17. degrees 40. Minuttes, Longit. 115. d. 15. Minuttes wariatione N. W. wee guest to be .7. degrees, wind at East South East a hard gale. wether faire &. cleire. It. is to be obserued yat ye East South East wind. is wniversall, in thir quarters, and is comonly Called ye passage, wind by Mariners.

Folio 59r Ianuarij 13.

The .13. day our Coursse S. W. wee sayled 76. Myles Southe Latit: 18. d. and .10. M. Longit: 114. degrees. no wariatione obseruid ye wind S. E. T. E. darke wether

14.

The 14 day our coursse W. S W. wee sayled .108. Myles .S. Latitud 18. d. 38. M. Longit: 112. d. 4. M. wariatione N. W. 7. degrees, wind at S. East. faire wether passade wind.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse W. T. S. wee sayled 112. Myles .S. Lat. 18. d. 53. M. Longit 109. d. 22. M. no wariatione obserued wind .S. East. Wether hard passade. faire wether.

16.

The 16. day our Coursse, W. T. S. wee sayled 136. Myles South Latitude 19. d. 27. M. Longit 106. d. 50. M. wariatione N. West 8. degrees wind at S. East hard gale & cleire wether

Folio 59r

January 1643 217

17.

The 17. day our coursse W. T. S. wee sayled .100. Myles .S. Latit: 19. d. 55. M. Longit: 105. d 36. M. wariatione N. W. 9. degrees wind at E. S. East faire wether tope sayle gale.

18.

The 18 day Our Coursse W. T. S. wee sayled 144. Myles .S. Latitude wee guest to be 20. d. 22. M. Longit 103. d. 7. M. wariatione N. W. 10. d. 30. M. wind South East, hard passade. wether faire.

19.

The 19. day our Coursse W. T. S. wee sayled 148. Myles, wee guest our .S. Latitude. to be 20. d. and 55. M. Longit: 100: d. 25. Minitts wariation N. W. 12. degrees, wind at E. S. E. wether, hard passade and darkishe.

20.

The 20. day our Coursse .W. T. S. wee sayled .112.422 S. Latitude 21. d. 28. M. Longit. 98. d. 12. M. wariatione N. W. 13. d. 45. M. wind hard passade wether faire.

21.

The 21. day our Coursse W T. S. wee sayled 120. Myles. South Latitude 21. d. 54. M. Longit. 96. d. wariatione N. W. 15. d. 53 M. wind E. S. E. a grand passade. wether faire,

22.

The 22. day Our Coursse, W. T. S. wee sayled 104. Myles S. Lat. 22. d. 11 M. Longit. 94. d. 10 M. wariatione North West 17. degrees. wind S E. T. E. wether, faire.

23.

The 23. day our Coursse W. T. S. wee sayled 112. Myles .S. Latit. 22. d. 37. M. Longit. 92. d. 11. M. wariatione N. W. 19. degrees winad423 at East .S. E. topesayle gale wether faire,

24.

The 24. day Coursse W. T. S. wee sayled 128. Myles S. Latitude 23. d. 12. M. Longit. 89 d. 58. M, wariatione N. W. 20. degrees wind at East South east a good passade, wether faire.

422 423

‘Myles’ is omitted. Sic.

218 Folio 60r

January 1643

Folio 60r Ianuarij 25.

The 25. day our Coursse W. S. W. wee sayled 108. Myles, S Latit. 23. d 57. M. Longit. 88. d. 10 M. wariatione N. W. 20. d. 10 M. wind at East South East. topesayle gale wether faire, this day wee past the Tropicke of Capricorne.

26.

The 26. day our Coursse S. W. and by west. wee sayled 88. Myles S. Latitude 24. d. 52. M. Longit. 86. d. 48. M. wariatione North. W. 21. d. 30. M. wind at S. E. faire cleire wether

27.

The 27. day our coursse S. W. and by westen wee sayled .88. Myles S. Latit. wee guest 25. d. and 4. M. Longit. 85. d. and 2. Minuttes wariatione N. W. we obserued ye wind wariable. and wether darke hollow sea out of ye South South West.

28.

The 28 day our Coursse W. S W. wee sayled 140. Myles .S. Latitud 26. d. 10. M. Longit. 82. d. 40. M. wariatione N. W. 24. d. 3. Minutts wind at S. E. hard passad with hollow watter, ye wether faire.

29.

The 29 day our Coursse W. S. W. wee sayled 152. Myles, S. Lat. wee guest to be 27. d. 33. M. Longit. 80. d. 9. M. wariatione N. W. 25. degrees, wind at South east Gray cloudey wether. & smouth watter.

30.

The 30. day our Coursse W. and by South and West betuix bothe wee sayled 152. Myles, S. Latitude 27. d. and 50. Minuttes Longit: 77. d. 16. M. wariatione N. W offe goinge, 24. d. 27. Minuttes wind at South East hard passad. wether faire.

31.

The 31 day our Coursse West and by South wee sayled 128. Myles. S. Latitude 28. d. 38. Minutts. Longit. 70. d. 58. Minuttes. wariatione offe going N. W. 23. d. 30 M. winad at East South East hard tope sayle gale faire wether.

Folio 61r

February 1643 219

Folio 61r Februarij 1.

The first day our Coursse W T. S. wee sayled 100. Myles .S. Latitud 29. d. Longit. 33. d. 10. M. offgoing wariatione North West 23. d. 40 M. ye wind. East a tope sayle gale, faire wether.

2.

The 2. day. our Coursse W. and. by South and West Southe West wee sayled 100. Myles S. Latit. 29 d. 27 M. Longit. 71. d. 20. M. offgoing wariatione N. W. 23 d. ye wind at East Rainey wether

3.

The 3d. day our Coursse W T. S. wee sayled 128. Myles and guest our South Latitude, 30. d. Longit. 69. d. 4. M. offgoing wariatione North West 22. d. wind at East faire wether.

4.

The 4. day our Coursse West and by North wee sayled .48. Myles S. Latitude 29. d. 46. M. Longit. 68. d. 6. M. offgoing wariatione N. W. 22. d. wind wariable wether faire.

5.

The 5. day our Coursse, South East to South wee sayled .48. Myles .S. Latit: 30. d. 33 M. Longit 68. d. 30. M. offgoing wariatione N. W. 121. d. 12 M. wind at South South West a harde storme.

6.

The 6. day Our Coursse W. T. North. wee sayled 60. Myles S. Lat: 30. d. 24. M. Longit. 67. d. 20. M. offgoinng wariatione. N. W. 20. degrees. harde wether ye wind wariable.

7.

The .7. day our Coursse West and by Southe, wee sayled 112. Myles S. Lat: 30. d. 53. M. Longit. 65. d. 12. M. offgoing wariatione N. West 19. d. 30. M. wind at S. E. faire wether.

8.

The 8. day our Coursse West South West wee sayled 112. Myles S. Latitude 31. d. 40. M. Longit. 63. d. 10. M. offgoing wariatione N. W. 19 d. wind at East good passade, faire wether.

220 Folio 61r

February 1643

9.

The .9. day Our Coursse W. S. W. wee sayled 108. Myles .S. Latitude 32. d. 22. M. Longit. 61. d. 14. M. offgoing wariation N. West. 19. d wind at East North East faire wether.

10.

The 10. day Our Coursse W. S. W. wee sayled .60. Myles .S. Latitud 32. d. 48. M. Longit. 60. d. 10. M. no wariatione obserued winde wariable and ye wether Calme & Rainey.

11.

The 11. day our Coursse West. wee sayled 32. Myles .S. Latitude 32. d. 48. M. Longitude 59. d. 30. M. offgoing wariatione N. West 18. degrees. windes wariable & Calme wether faire & Rainey.

Folio 62r Februarij 12. The .12. day Our Coursse N. N. W. wee sayled 24. Myles. S. Lat 32. d. 28. M. Longit 59 d. 28. M. offgoing wariatione not obserued wind W. S. West wether Calme. 13.

The 13. day Coursse West wee sayled .40. S. Latitude wee guest to be .32. d. 28. M. Longit 58. d. 30. M. offgoing wariatione obserued N. W. 18. degrees, wind at East. faire, ye Current rane East. wee obserued this Current setting to ye East. in respecte, oure, wariatione, demished424 no thing from ye former day.

14.

The 14. day our Coursse West and by Southe, wee sayled .96.425 Myles S. Latitude 33 d. 21426 Minuttes, Longitude 56. d. 50. Minuttes No wariatione obserued. wind at East faire wether and Rainey.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse West South West. wee sayled 104. Myles S. Lat: 33. d. 9. M. Longit: 55. d. 15. offgoing wariatione N. W. 17. d. wind east Rainey wether

424 425 426

Sic. Should read ‘deminished’, i.e. lessened. ‘6’ is written over ‘2’. The second digit is blotted. Possibly ‘21’.

Folio 62r

February 1643 221

16.

The 16. day Our Coursse wariable, inclyning towards ye N. North West wee sayled 28. Myles .S. Lat: wee guest 33. d. and 48. Minuttes Longitude 54. d. and 50. M. off wariatione 16. d. 50. M. wind West. with. stormey Rainey shoures.

17.

The .17. day Our Coursse N. W. T. Westen wee sayled 36. Myles S. Lat: 33. d. 27. M. Longit 54. d. 14. M. offgoing wariatione N. West. 16. d. 50. M. heir wee obserued ane Easterly runinge current.

18.

The 18. day Our Coursse North West to Westen. wee sayled 44. Myles .S. Lat. 33. d. 4. M. Longit. 53. d. 24. Minuttes offgoing wariatione N. W. 16. degrees wind S. T. West. faire wether & smouthe watter.

19.

The 19. day our Coursse West and by South. wee sayled .60. Myles. S. Lat. 33. d. 15. M. Longit. 52. d. 14. M. wariation N. W. 15. d. 10. M. ye wind at East. N. East. faire wether.

20.

The 20. day our Coursse West and by North. wee sayled .116. Myles .S. Latit: 33. d. 1. M. Longit. 50. d. 6. M. wariatione N. W. 14. degrees. wind N. E. and by. Northen. faire wether.

21.

The 21. day our Coursse W. T. Southen wee sayled 92. Myles S. Latitude, 33. d. 26. M. Longit. 48. d. 20. M offgoing wariatione N. W. none obserued. wind and wether wariable, with Thunder fyre slaught and Raine.

Folio 63r Februarij 22. The 22. day our Coursse S. W. and by Westen and W. S. West betuix bothe, wee sayled 120. Myles. S. Latitude 34. d. 13. M. Longitude 46. d. 20. M. offgoing wariatione N. W. 9. degrees. winad at N. North East. this day in ye morning by brecke of day wee Did see the watter changed, then wee lookit out about .9. in ye Morning, and discrayed land. berand Northen to East from ws some 24. Myles distant Euen low land not heighe, wich wee Esteimed to be ye land by west

222 Folio 63r

February 1643

Baya de La Goa427 lyand be East Cap de Aguilias being ye Southmost land of Affrick.428 quher wee threw out our lead and found 65. fathome Gray ousie clay and sand mixed, heir wee did429 see Infinitt Mumbers430 of sea foulles As Alcatrazes, Soland geeisse, and whyte Mewes. & Pictarnes,431 with grate Numbers of Sealls suiming about our shippes. 23.

The 23. day Our Coursse S. T. W. wee sayled 64. Myles. S. Lat. 35. d. 14. M. Longit. 48. d. 54. M. offgoing wariatione N. W. 8. degrees. wind at West. hard tope sayle faire wether. and smouthe watter

24.

The 24. day our Coursse, West. wee sayled .72. Myles .S. Latitude 35. d. 14. Minuttes Longitude 47. degrees .7. Minuttes offgoing wariatione North West .7. degrees, wind at South and wariable wether darke and mistie.

25.

The 25. day our Coursse Too and againe, still sounding one .78. 74. fathome sand ground. and 72. wee obserued by this deeipning yat wee wer vpone ye Muskell bay Reiffe be West ye Muskell bay.432 tossed with wariable, windes and darke stormey wether.

26.

The .26. day Coursse too and againe wee obserued our .S. Latitude to be 35. d. and 16. M. and according to our guessing wee were some 36. Myles without landes. then wee keipt a W. N. W. Coursse to discrey ye land perfytly. wariation N. W. 6. degrees. and .30. M. wind wariable wether faire and cleire,

27.

The 27. day. our Coursse West .S.433 West wee sayled 108. Myles S. Lat. 34. d. and 54. Minuttes Longit: of Cape de Aguilias. offgoing wariatione, 5. d. 30. M. wind at. W. T. N. faire wether.

427 428 429 430 431

Baya de la Goa, Delagoa Bay, South Africa. Africa. The first two letters of ‘did’ are written over other letters. Sic. In the Scots language a ‘pictarnie’ refers to both the common and the Arctic

tern. 432 433

Mossel Bay (Mossel Baai in Dutch), South Africa. ‘S’ is written over ‘N’.

Folio 63r 28.

February 1643 223 The .28. day our Coursse offe and one, with a Contrarey wind betuix Cape Falso434 and Cape de Bona Esperança. ye table hill435 beinng in sight some 24. Myles distant. S. Lat. 34. d. 35. M. wind at West. North West. wether stormey. wee had ye Current setting towardes ye North West with ws Notwithstanding ye wind was Contrarey. ye wariatione, of ye Neidle, N. W. wee obserued this ʒeir by the most pairt of our fleett to be 4. degrees & 30: Minuttes.

Folio 64r Marche 1.

The .1. day of Marche. wee, wer closse wnder ye Lyone hill436 with ye wind at N. West. mistey wether and werey cold. ye wind bellowing so loude yat wee wer not able to sayle aboue ye poynt, bot at Night tackled to seaward. till about Midnight, then wee tackled about againe,

2.

The 2. day about 10. a clocke, in ye forenoone, with a West. North West wind wee437 bore in betuix ye Sealch Iyland438 and ye Lyone hill right towardes ye Road ore Table bay.439 quher wee lay till ye 11. day of this same Mounthe, takinge, freche watter. wich is werey Excellent and to be had with small paines. The people of this Cape, are Tauney Moores, and Gentills. they are a werey Miserable, and Basse people as in this Enseuing descriptione ʒe shall heire, Of The Cape of Good Hope.440 The Cape of Good Hope, Eleuatts ye Antarticke Pole, 34. d. and 25. Minuttes. has Longitude, from ye Meridian 434

False Bay (False Baai in Dutch), South Africa. Table Mountain, South Africa. 436 Lions Hill, South Africa. 437 ‘w’ is written over ‘bo’. 438 Seal Island (Robbeneiland in Dutch) in False Bay, South Africa. 439 Table Bay, South Africa. 440 Much of this section on the Cape of Good Hope can also be found in Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World, pp. 69–70. See also Herbert, A Relation of Some Yeares Trauaile Begunne Anno 1626, pp. 14–16. Not in Itinerario. 435

224 Folio 64r

March 1643

of ye Canarey Iyllandes, 36. degrees. and N. West wariatione this ʒeire, 4. d. & 30. Minuttes. The Countrey is riche and fruitfull in her wombe, bot owned by ane accurssed progeney of Cham, quho differ no thing from beasts, bot forme, Anarchy confounds Order no Prince of power of 441 policey owens them: Each Tribe Commandit by a Capitane, Not chosen by by442 woice bot as force wrges it The peoples color is wgley blacke, are stronge Limbd, desperat craftey, and Iniourious, ther heades are longe, ther haire wooley & crispt, no apparrell in aney place showing more warietije. Some shaue one syde and leaue the other longe, & curled. ane other cuttes all away a litle tufte or tope excepted, ye .3d. shawes heire and ther ye bald scull. apperinng in maney pairts; suche as haue tuftes ore443 haire, plait Brasse buttons, spure Rouells,444 pices of peuter, or quhat ells ye Mirthfull sayler exchange for Beeiffe, Mutton ostridge eggeshells, litle tortoizes &c. ther eares are longe, made longer by ponderous babells, they hange ther, some wsing linkes of Brasse, of Iron others haue Glasse beades, chaines, blew stones oyster shells, bulletts, and such as can not reache to thesse Jwells (rather or they will want) they haue singles of Deare, beackes of Birdes, doges or cattes stones, Eggshells ore the lyke. ther Noses are flat crusht in ther infancey: with grate lips, craftey eiyes: wearing still about ther Neckes, Guttes and raw puddinges, seruing both for foode and Complement eatting and speaking bothe togider. ʒet of lait they. Folio 65r Marche

441 442 443 444

they haue gott hoopes of Iron, and longe linckes of Brasse, grasse wreathes, or greassie thonges of stinking

‘f ’ is written over ‘r’. Sic. Sic. Spur rowels.

Folio 65r

March 1643 225 lether. ther armes are laden with woluntarey shakells, of Iron, Iuorey, rustey brasse ore Mustey Cooper, the rest of ther bodies are Naked. saue yat a thonge of raw lether circkells them, a square pice (lyke ye backe of a gloue) is fastned to it to couer ther priuities. ʒet ye woomen (vpone ye Receit of aney thing) returning her gratitude, by discouering her shame, a beastly Ciuility. The grate ones amongest them haue better clothinge, a Nastey wntamed hyde ore skin of a lyone, leopard or calffe, baboune or. sheeipe (ye haire inwerted) is445 a robe, putt about ther shoulders reaching to ther wast, theighes and legges neuer couered, ther feette fastned to a pice of lether fastned by a litle strape, ther handes almost holds them, not yat they feare to weare them out, bot yat ther feette may haue ther liberty to steale, wich with ther toes they can doe most cuningly, all ye quhyle looking you in ye face: as If they knew not how to deceaue aney. Most of ye men ar halffe Enuches, one stone being euer takin away by the Nursse; ather to distinguisse them from ordinarey men, ore to abate Venerey The Woomen lykwayes cutt them selues not from a notion of Religione, bot as ane ornament, both sex hidiously cutt, & galshe themselues in sundrey workes, ther broues, nose, cheikes, armes, breist backe, belley theighes legges in hellishe order, in a word are so deformed yat If they studied to be Anticke they might be praissed for inventione. They haue no housses Coues & holes they delight to duell in ore Lions dens wnfurnished a quhole trible comonly keeping togider equally willanous coupling without distinctione, ye name of Wyffe or Brother not knouen amongest thesse Incestous people. feeding sleiping, speakinge, all togider without Order or Law. Sometymes also they rube and daube ther skin with

445

‘is’ is deleted or blotted.

226 Folio 65r

March 1643

greasse and Coale, and so indent it draying them in ye sune, by yat tricke becoming Monsters to all Ciuill eyes yt looke vpone them. Thesse Saluages eate men aliue or dead, as in both kyndes maney poore men haue lamentably made experience of: wich quhen they faile off, dead Whales, Sealls, pengines, greasse, or raw puddinges diet them. Saftey is scarsse amongest them selues, for quhen the frost of old age benumes ther vigor, vnapting them to prowyde ther auen food, they ather eat them ore leaue them destitute of defence vpone some montaine pitied by none, quher famine kills them ore the Rauening lions. The lesse to be admired at, for quher is not knowen. quhat Villaney is wnwarrantable. I made all Singes; and trayed eache way possible, to discouer some sparke of deuotione, of ye knouledge of God; heauen hell or Immortality, I could not find aney thing yat way. No place of worschipe no day of rest, no order in Nature, no shame no treuthe, no ceremoney in birth, Marriage, or Buriall Meire bruitishnesse and Stupidnesse quholly shadowing them. The woomen giue sucke and carinng ther Infants one ther backe cast ouer ye ducke to them. it being of suche a lenthe. Folio 66r March

ther language is Appishly sondit (with quhome its thought they mixe wnnaturally) ye Idiom werey hard to be counterfitted Ther arte of warre is guided by disorder ther weapon no other then a Iauelin headit with Iron, and directed by some fethers, wich they take off and one at pleassure, a doson of Musqueteirs willchasse446 a 100. of them. at eurey discharge falling doune as thunder strucke.

446

These two words are written as one word.

Folio 66r

March 1643 227 ʒet lett me adwisse our Men to awodye Neidelesse brauadoes, & not conteine them from ther indefensiue Nakednes. And als simple as they seime they are wittey enouche in crafte,447 reuenge & Villany. MadaGascar.448 Nather Can I omitt to tuoche yat famous Iylland lyand N. East from Cape de Bona Espernça. called St. Laurence, altho a tuoched it not at this tyme, ʒet in diuers of my former woyages to wardes India and againe, I haue beine in diuers places of it. ye Natiues call it Madagascar, and so shall I. for with out all questione it is one of ye gratest Iylandes in ye World accounting his extent from Cape Roma449 in ye southe to point .S. Sebastian450 from .16. to 26. degrees ye north end paralelling Cuama451 in Quiloa452 a famous pairt of ye African Continent and to ye southe ye Grate Riuer of Magnice453 in 26. degrees. in lenthe a thousand myles some auerre 1200. in bredth 230. and a hundereth quher it is narrowest full of Tounes people, Mineralls beastes, wood watter and quhat is requirable. Suche Maritime Tounes and ports as be knowen to ws are thesse Roma, Augustine,454 antabosta,455 S Jacobo,456 Matatana, Angoda,457 Ferendo,458 Fermoso459 Anton-gill460 & In’ngomar.461 ye 2. last almost opposite, Agustine

447

‘r’ is written over ‘l’. Much of this section on Madagascar can also be found in Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World, pp. 77–78. See also Herbert, A Relation of Some Yeares Trauaile Begunne Anno 1626, pp. 19–20. Not in Itinerario. 449 Cabo de São Romão in Portuguese, Cape Roma, the southern point of Madagascar. 450 Cape Saint Sebastian, the northern point of Madagascar. 451 One of the outlets of the Zambezi River. 452 Kilwa. A port in Tanganyika, south of Mombasa, Kenya. 453 Manhica River. A river in south Mozambique. 454 Agostine, Augustine refers to a port on the east coast of Madagascar. 455 Antabosta. A place at Madagascar, possibly Santa Maria? 456 Santiago. A town in Madagascar. 457 Aguada. 458 A town in Madagascar. 459 A town in Madagascar. 460 Antongila. A bay on the east coast of Madagascar. 461 Ilha de Diogo Soares Antsirand, Madagascar. 448

228 Folio 66r

March 1643

wnder ye South Tropicke and Anton-gill vpone ye east syde afford best anchoringe, This Iylland is gouerned by foure kinges proud in ther Eboney scepters Iealous eache of ane others gratenesse. ye Inhabitants of ye sea coaste are Mahometans, and within ye land Idolaters. Nature hes giuen them lawes Murder being punished by death, Adultrey with publicke shame, & Thift with Banishment. fishing delights them more then tilage, The people are generally stronge, Couragious and proper, ye Male sorte from ther Infancey are giuen to ye warres and couer ther naked bodies with longe and massie targetts ther Right hand brandishing a longe neat picke or lance of Eboney barbed with Iron, keipt as bright as Siluer. and wiche they know how to Iaculate, and vsse als excellently as aney people in ye World. they goe all starke naked at no tyme Couering ther bodies from ye parching Sune, and are muche delighted to Rube & anoynt them all ouer with greasse and tallow, Seiming proud to see ther flesche shyne: ye stinke neuer offending them. ther haire is blacke and longe, and Curled, ye lenthe is ane especiall ornament a few leaues platted aboute ther wasts elsquher naked, ther eares are bored and wyde aneuche pinking and cutting ye flesche is heir in vsse, quhilest the Folio 67r the Men goe a fisching and hunting, ye woomen keepe home and spin. Bigamey is toleratted, the affecte copulatione werey early the youth462 scarsse knouing 12. ye mayde .10. ʒeires. They know not letters Artes being alwayes burdensome to Idle Saluages. the Earthe is Riche in Mineralls, Gold, Siluer, Iron, Cooper, bot ther Sultans prohibit ye wsse and diging of them, Contenting them selues rather with wssefull hearbes and graine (of wich they haue plenty) then by the Magique of Gold

462

‘y’ is written over ‘ʒ’.

Folio 67r

March 1643 229 and pearle to allure ye heartes of greedey men a wice ye, Spaniard is more branded with then aney wther Natione. Bot If ye wold buy aney thing ye Iyle affordes (I thinke the Iyle it selue) you must furnishe you with Agatts, Helitropians; Iasper and (wich they walew more then all ye Diamonds & pearle in India) with long read Cornelian beades, of wich they are so proud; yat ye ouner be it king ore subiecte is ofte dethroned and spoyled for it one stringe able to putt them all in a Combustion. Braceletts Cooper chans bells babies and suche toyes are heir waluable, and for wiche (ore one bead of Cornelion) you shall haue in exchange, sheepe, Beeues, Bufales big boned fatt and Camell backeit; Camells, Antelopes, Read deare Leopards, pares, Goates, Milke, hens, Egges, Wheat, Barley Rice and Cuscus. Oringes Limons, Lymes, pomecitrons, plantans, sugercanes Ginger Toddy Cocos. &c. in breiffe ye land mournes to see it selue so trode vpone by a people strangers to god and wertew Concealling suche wssefull treassures And making wnvsefull so maney ports obscured fare beyond her Meritting: Seatted so aduantagiously fore trafique with all ye world: Both ye Indies possible to be awed by her and wicinatting thosse Goldin Countries of Mozambiqʒ463 Quiloa,464 Soffala,465 Mombassa,466 Magadoxa467 and other pairts of Ægisimba468 proferring allso Maney prettey Iyllandes. wnder her As thosse of Cumrho, Primero, Mascarenas Castle Ile;469 Moritins Dygarrois470 &c enuironing, and in a sort defending her vpone occasions.

463

Mozambique. Kilwa. A port in Tanganyika, south of Mombasa, Kenya. 465 Sofala. A port in Mozambique. 466 Mombasa. A port in south Kenya. 467 Mogadishu, Somalia. 468 Agisymba is a lost sub-saharan country in Africa mentioned by Ptolemy in the middle of the 2nd century. 469 These last four islands are all part of the Mascarenhas Islands, north-east of Madagascar. 470 Mauritius de Nassau (or simply Mauritius), an island in the Indian Ocean, east of Madagascar. 464

230 Folio 67r

March 1643

11.

from ye 2. day till ye Eleunth wee lay in Soldania bay471 taking in watter as said and thene wee went wnder sayle for ye Iylland of St. Helena. our coursse wes N. W. T. W. being past ye Sealch Iylland quher wee sayled out betuix ye said Illand and ye North. Continent with a werey hollow watter out of ye South West. ye wind at S. S. W. ye wether faire.

12.

The 12. day our Coursse West. North west and North west and by west betuix bothe, wee sayled 132. Myles, S Latit: 32. d. 39. M. Longit 35. d. 16. M. no warriatione obserued wind at S. and by East with a hollow going watter out of ye South West.

13.

The 13 day our Coursse N. West wee sayled 156. Myles .S. Latit: 30. d. 50. M. Longit: 33. degrees. no wariatione obserued wind at S. east, wether hard through going passad. with hollow watter.

Folio 68r Marche 14.

The 14. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 104. Myles, S. Latitude 29. d. 37. M. Longit. 31. d. 34 M. wariatione N. W. 3. d. and 10. M. wind at .S. S. E. faire wether and some tymes foggie.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 120. Myles .S. Latit: 28. d. 14. M. Longit. 29. d. 56. M. wariatione N. W. 3. degrees scarss wind at S. E. cleire wether.

16.

The 16. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 100. Myles .S. Latitude 27. degrees Longit. 28. d. 34. M. wariatione non obserued wind at S. S. E. tope sayle gale faire wether.

17.

The .17 day our Coursse N. W wee sayled 72. Myles S. Latitude 26. d. 11. M. Longit. 27. d. 20. M. wariatione non obserued wind at Southe, faire wether and a hollow sea.

471

Saldanha Bay, South Africa.

Folio 68r

March 1643 231

18.

The .18. day. our Coursse N. W. T. W. wee sayled 52. Myles South Latit: 25. d. 22. M. Longit. 26. d. 26. M. wariatione, none, bot heir wee fand our Neidle Right South & North. wind at S. S. West faire and Calme wether

19.

The 19. day our Coursse N. W. we sayled 84. Myles S. Latitude 24. d. 22. M. Longit 25 d. 20. M. Neidle right South & Northe wind South .S. E. a faire tope sayle gale Smouthe watter.

20.

The 20. day Our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 80. Myles S. Latitude 23. d. 25. M. Longit 24. d. 16. M. wariatione N. East. 30. Minuttes wind at S. E. wether faire this day wee are passed ye Tropicke of Capricorne.

21.

The 21. day Our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 56. Myles .S. Latitude 22. d. 51. M. Longit. 23. d. 32. M. wariatione N. East. 40. Minuttes wind at S. E. wether Calme.

22.

The 22. day our Coursse North west and N. W and by West wee sayled 96. Myles S. Lat: 21. d. 47 M. Longit. 22. d. 10. M. wariatione N. East .1. degree. wind at S. E. tope sayle gale faire wether.

23.

The 23. day our Coursse N. W. T. W. wee sayled 112. Myles .S. Latitude 20. d. 34. M. Longit. 20. d. 40. M. wariatione N. East 1. d. 15. M. wind at E. S. E tope sayle gale darkiske472 wether.

24.

The .24 day our Coursse N. W. T. W. wee sayled 96. Myles .S. Latit. 19. d. 45. M. Longit. 19. d. 18. M. wariatione N. E. 2. degrees scarsse wind at S. E. graische wether.

Folio 69r Marche 25.

472

Sic.

The .25. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled .72. Myles .S. Latit 19. d. 2. M. Longit. 18. d. 15. M. wariatione N. E. 2. degrees wind at E. S. E. wether faire.

232 Folio 69r

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26.

The 26. day our Coursse, N. W. wee sayled 96. Myles S. Latitude 18. d. 3. M. Longit. 16. d. 56. M. wariatione N. E. 2. d. 30. Minuttes wind at S. E. tope sayle gale, Gray wether.

27.

The 27. day our Coursse N. W. T. Westen wee sayled .80. Myles and guest our .S. Lat. to be 17. d. 8. M. Longit. 15 d.473 52. Minuttes, No wariatione obserued. wind at S. E. wether darkische.

28.

The 28 day our Coursse being N. W. it was fether calme, and wee lay be lee.

29.

The 29. day Our Coursse, W. and by North with out looking for ye shore wee sayled 85. Myles. with wind at S. E. wether darkische,

30.

The 30. day. about 2. a clocke in ye after None wee discrayed land bearing right West from ws. wich wes ye Iylland. St. Helena and about Sone sett wee anchored in ye Road one 24. and 15 fathome wather right aganist ye Chapell Walley.474 wee lay in this Road from ye 30. of Marche till ye 12. day of appryle, refreching our selues from ye Iylland. Of S. Helena.475 Saint Helena is ane Iyle, discoured by Johne de Noua in ye ʒeir of our Redemptione 1502. in his Returne from India to Lisbone, ye .3. day of May a day consecrated to ye Memorey of Helena ye Empresse.476 the spatious occean bellowes one eurey syde so fretfully as it might feare ane Invndatione, had not ye extraordinarey heighte (bot cheiffly yat Supreame prouidence yat hes sett ye Sea its boundes) saue gaurdit it.

473

‘d’ is written over another ‘5’. Chapel Valley on the island of Saint Helena. 475 Part of this section on Saint Helena can also be found in Clarke, A Geographicall Description of All the Countries in the Known World, p. 78. Compare with Itinerario, chapter 94. 476 The island was discovered in 1502 by the Portuguese navigator João da Nova, on his voyage home from India, and he named it Santa Helena after Helena of Constantinople. 474

Folio 69r

March 1643 233 It hes no neighbour Iles nather grate nore small bot seimes equally remoued from ye tuo famous ports, Ri Grande477 in Brazilia and Cape Negro in Congo.478 in America ye first in Africa ye last. both in one eleuatione and in ye same paralell with S. Helena from yat in America distant abone 400. Leauges from this in Africke 300. S. Helena is Remoued South from ye Æquator 16. degrees, has longitude 15. d. 30. Minuttes. ye Iyle is small and exceides not threttie Englische479 Myles in Circumference. exceiding heighe, and for ye most pairt wrapes its head in ye cloudes. The Ile is hard to be ascendit not yat ye passage is Craggie bot precipitious ye Saillers prouerbe of it is, a Man may choisse quhither he will breake

Folio 70r Apryle

brecke is heart going vpe, or his Necke coming doune, Once vpe no place ʒeildes a more delightfull obiecte, it is euen and plaine aboue, suelling no quher to a deformed ryssinge, clothed with sueet Grasse longe and curious, eurey quher it giues a large prospecte & Horizon to ye Occean. ye Springes aboue are sueet bot below are barkishe The Ile ʒeildes one tuo Riuoletts ye one falls doune wnto ye chapell480 ye other wnto ye Lemon walleyes.481 The Iyle is desolat of Reasonable Inhabitants Hogges wee had good store, bot this ʒeire gatte werey few goattes, in Respecte of lait murren482 had beine amongest them,

477

Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil. Cabo Negro, West-Africa. 479 ‘Englische’ is deleted. It would appear that Balfour wrote this in error. An English mile is 0.89 of a Scottish mile or 1.6 km in length. See notes on mileage for a full conversion table. 480 Chapel Valley, Saint Helena, UK. 481 Lemon Valley, Saint Helena, UK. 482 Murrain. A highly infectious disease of cattle and sheep. 478

234 Folio 70r

April 1643

wee gate phesants, hens, pouttes & partridges, wee had wood sorrel. pasley, Bassill, Mintts, Spinage Fenell, Anisse Radische, Mustard seed and Tabacco. most of them sowin heir by Ferdinandus Lupius483 a portugueze in Anno 1509. wee had heir also werey good Lemmons, pomgranats, figes. potatos and ye lyke, heir wee, during our stay. did thatche ye Chapell ye rooffe quherof was decayed with daills and bricke sklait. This Ile hes aboundance ofakynd484 of trees lyke a duraffe sallow hauing small grine leaues, bot whytische, and woolly without, it is excellent fyre wood and once lighted will burne lyke a candell, casting a most odoriferous smell, thir triees ʒeilds a grate plentey of a readische gume, wich being Gathred is werey fragrant and odoriferous, nather is ther aney wsse of it as ʒet485 knowen in Mediceine, for a trayell I brought home some small quantity of it and gaue it to some learned frindes to tray wich If it proue als wssefull as it is delectable, from hence a grate quantity may be ʒeirley brought home. 12.

The .12. day of Appryle, our haill fleett of 10. Capitall shippes being conveenid and mett at S. Helena wee hoysed sayle about 12. at night, directing our coursse N. W.

13.

The 13. day our coursse N. W. wee sayled 100. Myles .S. Latit. 14. d. 48. M. Longit 13. d. 4. M. no wariatione obserued, wind at .E. S. East. faire wether.

14.

The 14. day our coursse N. W. wee sayled 92. Myles .S. Lat. 13. d. 27. M. Longit. 11. d. 55. M. no wariatione obserued, wind at E. S. E. faire wether

483

Fernão Lopes, a sixteenth-century Portuguese pilot. Sic. ‘of a kynd’ is written as one word, probably owing to ‘a’ being inserted between ‘of ’ and ‘kynd’. 485 ‘ʒet’ is written above the line. 484

Folio 70r

April 1643 235

15.

The 15 day. our coursse N. W. wee sayled .100. Myles .S. Lat. 12. d. 35. M. Longit. 10. d. 45 M. wariatione North East .2. d. 30 M. winad at E. S. E. faire wether

16.

The 16 day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 92. Myles .S. Lat. 11. d. 34. M. Longit. 9. d. 36. M. wariation N. E. 2. d. 30 M. wind at East South east faire wether.

Folio 71r Apryle 17.

The .17. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 68. Myles Southe Latitude 10. d. 46. M. Longit. 8. d. 45 M. no wariatione obserued. wind .S. E. wether faire.

18.

The 18. day our Coursse N. W. wee486 sayled 56. Myles, S. Lat: 10. d 2. M. Longit. 8. d. 10. M. no wariatione obserued. wind S. E. to southe wether cleire and Calme.

19.

The 19. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 104. Myles .S. Latitu: 8. d. 51. M. Longit 6. d. 56. M. wariatione N. E. 2. d. 30. M. wind tope sayle gale at S. E. wether faire.

20.

The 20 day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 92. Myles .S. Latitude 7. d. 50. M. Longit 5. d. 50. M. no wariatione obserued. wind at E. S. E. wether faire about 5. a clocke at Night wee discrayed the Iylland Assentioun487 North West from some 24. Myles ore there aboute, then wee directit our Coursse N. W and by .W. to goe free of ye Iylland. and about in ye Morning wee wer .7. Myles off ye brood syde of it ye Iylland bearing N. E. of ws. diuers, haue wented yat about this Ile ther is no good Anchor ground, nor good freche watter bot ye Contrarey is most trew, for, it is a low flatt land in Respecte of St Helena and showes to be werey plesant and fertill of some 36. ore 40. Myles in Circumference, wn Inhabit.

486 487

There is a blot here. Ascension Island, Saint Helena, UK. Itinerario, chapter 95.

236 Folio 71r

April 1643

21.

The 21. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 108. Myles, S. Latitude 6. d. 30. M. Longit. 4. d. 39. M. wariatione N. E. 3. d. wind at South East. wether faire.

22.

The 22 day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled .124. Myles .S. Lat. 5. d. 7. M. Longit. 3. d. 8. M. wariatione N. E. 3. d wind E. S. East a throughe going passad. faire wether.

23.

The 23. day. our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 18. Myles, and guest our S. Latit: to be 4. d. 28. M. Longit. 2. d. 38. M. none wariation obserued wind, wariable wether, Raine & Thunder.

24.

The 24. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 24. Myles .S. Lat. 4. d. 11. M. Longit. 2. d. 11. M. wariation N. E. 3. d. winde wariable darkische Rainey wether.

25.

The .25. our Coursse N. W. wee sayled .76. Myles, S. Lat. 3. d. 25. M. Longit. 1. d. 22. M. wariation not obserued wind at S. E. T. E. with darkische wether

26.

The .26. day our Coursse, was driuing, S. Lati. 3. d. 26. M. Longitude 1. d. 20. M. no wariatione obserued. wind N. E. wether calme.

27.

The 27. our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 48. Myles and guest our S. Lat. 2. d. 4 M. Longit only 48. M. wind East. wether darkische.

Folio 72r Apryle 28.

The 28. day The wether being Calme, wee lost offe our Latitude formerly gained some 16. Myles, quherby wee perceaued ye Current Sett. Southe.

29.

The 29. day our coursse, N. W. and by West. wee sayled 68. Myles, S. Lat. 2. d. 4. M. Longit 359. d and 41. Minuttes, Now are wee be West ye Meridian of Teneriffa some .19. Minuttes quher wee make all our accomptes of Longitudes. wind. South wether faire

30.

The 30 day our coursse N. W. T. W. wee sayled 68. Myles S. Lat. 1. d. 24. M. Longit 358. d. 50. M. no war-

Folio 72r

April 1643 237 iatione obserued wind at E. S. E. wether faire, heir ye current setts Southe.

Folio 73r Maij 1.

The .1. day our Coursse N. W. T. W. wee sayled .68. Myles S. Lat. 44. Minuttes, Longit. 357. d. 46. M. no wariatione obserud wind at S. E. faire wether.

2.

The 2. day our coursse S. W. wee sayled 92. Myles N.488 Lat. 24. M. Longit. 356. d. 40 M. no wariation obserued wind at .E. S. E. faire wether. this day wee haue past ye Equinoctiall Line.

3.

The .3. day our Coursse N. W. wee sayled 88. Myles North Lat. 1. d. 24. M. Longit. 355. d. 34. M. no variatione obserued wind at East. wether closse

4.

The 4. day our Coursse N. N. West. wee sayled 96. Myles N. Lat: 2. d. 56. M. Longit 355. d. no wariatione obserued wind. S. East. wether faire.

5.

The 5. day our Coursse, N. W T. Westen wee sayled 80. Myles N. Lat. 3. d. 38. M. Longit: 353. d. 56. M. no wariation obserued wind at N. N. E. wether, Thunder fyre & Raine,

6.

The 6. day our Coursse N. W. T. N. wee sayled 88. Myles N. Lat. 4. d. 50. M. Longit. 353. d. 4. M. no wariatione obserued wind N. E. wether hessie.

7.

The .7. day day489 Our Coursse W. N. W. wee sayled .84. Myles N. Lat. 5. d. 2. M. Longit 351. d. 46. M. wariatione N. E. 3. d. wind N. N. E. faire wether.

8.

The 8 day our Coursse, N. W. T. W. wee sayled .92. Myles N. Lat. 6. d. 16. M. Longit. 350. d. 24. M. wariation non obserued wind at. N. E. T. N. a hard passad wether faire,

488 489

‘N’ is written over ‘S’. Sic.

238 Folio 73r

May 1643

9.

The 9. day our Coursse N. W. T. W. wee sayled 92. Myles N. Latit: 7. d. 5. M. Longit. 349. d. 6. M. no wariatione obseruid, wind at N. N. E passad wind wether faire.

10.

The 10. day our coursse N. W. wee sayled 96. Myles .N. Lat. 8. d. 16. M. Longit. 348. d. no wariatione obserued wind at N. E. wether faire

11.

The 11 day our coursse N. W. by Northen wee sayled .88. Myles N. Lat. 9. d. 16 M. Longit. 347. d. 4. M. wariatione N. E. 3. d. wind N. East faire wether.

12.

The 12. day our Coursse N. N. W. wee sayled 92. Myles N. Lat. 10. d. 36. M. Longit. 346. d. 28. M. wariatione N. East 3. d. 15. M. wind at E. N. E. tope sayle gale wether faire.

Folio 74r 13.

The 13. day our Coursse, N. N. W. wee sayled .84. Myles N. Lat. 11. d. 56. M. Longit 345. d. 36. M. wariatione N. E. 3. d. 20 M. wind at N. E. faire wether.

14.

The 14 day our Coursse, N. W. T. W. wee sayled 96. Myles N. Lat. 13 d. 29. M. Longit. 345. d. 52. M. no wariatione obserued wind at East tope sayle gale wether faire.

15.

The 15. day our Coursse N. T. W. wee sayled 80. Myles .N. Lat. 14. d. 53. M. Longit. 345 d. 40. M. No wariatione obserued wind at E. T. N. faire wether.

16.

The 16. day our Coursse N. W. T. N. wee sayled 76. Myles N. Lat 16. d. Longit 344. d. 52. M. wariatione none obserued wind. at N. E. faire wether heire wee spoke ane Englisch schip quha was bound for ye West Indies, and come from ye Canaries ladin with wyne.

17.

The 17. day our Coursse N. N. W. wee sayled 92. Myles North Lat 17 d. 21. M. Longit. 344. d. 8. M. Wariatione North East 4. degrees. wind N. E. T E. faire wether.

Folio 74r

May 1643 239

18.

The 18. day our Coursse, N. N. W. wee sayled 64. Myles N. Lat. 18. d. 21. M. Longit. 343. d. 36. M. wariatione N. E. 4. degrees, wind N. E. wether Calme & faire.

19.

The .19 day our Coursse, N. N. W. wee sayled 44. Myles N. Lat 18. d. 59. M. Longit. 343. d. 24. M. wariatione None obserued. wind at N. E. wether Calme.

20.

The, 20. day our Coursse N. T. W wee sayled 80. Myles. N. Lat. 20. d. 24. M. Longit. 343. d. 8. M. no wariatione obserued wind E. T. N. wether faire. This day the Sune was our Zenithe.

21.

The 21 day our Coursse, N. T. W. wee sayled 60. Myles North Lat 21. d 24 M. Longit. 343. d. wariatione non obseruid wind at .E. faire wether.

22.

The 22. day our Coursse .N. wee sayled 64. Myles N. Latitude 22. d. 26. M. Longit 343. d. No wariatione obserued wind. Easte wether faire

23.

The 23. day our coursse N. N. West wee sayled 56. Myles N. Lat. 23. d. 16. M. Longit. 342. d. 16. M. wariatione none obserued. wind at E. N. E. faire calmische wether.

24.

The 24. day our Coursse, N. N. W. wee sayled 52. Myles .N. Lat. 23. d. 59. M. Longit. 342. d. 16. M. no wariatione obserued wind E. N. E. wether faire, This day wee past ye Tropicke of Cancer.

Folio 75r Maij 25.

490

The 25. day our Coursse, N. N. W. wee sayled 104. Myles N. Lati. 25. d. 30. M. Longit 341. d. 30. M. wariatione N. E. 1. d. 30. M. wind E. N. E. wether. faire heir wee saw ye first sea warre, one ye Grassey Sea.490

Sargasso Sea.

240 Folio 75r

May 1643

26.

The 26 day our Coursse N. wee sayled 52. Myles N. Latitude 26. d. 21. M. Longit. 341. d. 30 M. wariatione N. E. 1. d. 15. M. wind at E. T. N. wether faire, & calme

27.

The 27. day our Coursse N. T. E. wee sayled 84. Myles North Lat. 27. d. 41. M. Longit. 342. d 42. M. wariatione N. E. 1. d. wind at E. N. E. wether faire.

28.

The 28. day our Coursse Northe, wee sayled 72. Myles N. Lat: 28. d. 56. M. Longit 342. d. 42. M. wariatione N. E. 1. d. wind N.E. T. E. all ye day and about Midnight came to ye E. S. East wether faire.

29.

The 29. day our Coursse N. T. W. wee sayled 80. Myles N. Lat: 30. d. 14. M. Longit 342. d. 40. M. No wariatione obseruid wind E T. N. wether faire.

30.

The 30. day our Coursse, N. N. W. wee sayled 36. Myles N. Lat. 30. d. 50. M. Longit 341. d. 24. M. Wariatione N. E. 1. d. 30 M. wind wariable, ye wether Rainey.

31.

The 31 day Our Coursse .N. wee sayled 52. Myles .N. Lat. 31. d 44. M. Longit. 341. d. 24. M. wariatione N. E. 1. d. 30. M. wind somequhat wariable, till ye Efter night at East. wether faire.

Folio 76r Iunij 1.

The .1. day. our Coursse N. T. E. wee sayled .48. Myles, N. Latitude 32. d. 37. M. Longit. 342. d. 46. M. wariatione non obserued wind calme to Midnight therafter. at E. S. E. wether faire.

2.

The 2. day. our coursse N. N. E. wee sayled 96. Myles N. Lat. 33. d. 55. M. Longit. 342. d. 20. M. wariatione N. E. 40. Minuttes wind E. S. E. wether faire.

3.

The 3. day our coursse, N. E T. N. wee sayled 92. Myles N. Lat. 35. d. 13. M. Longit. 343. d. 20. M. warione491 N. E. 30. Minuttes wind E. S. E. tope sayle gale faire wether.

491

Sic.

Folio 76r

June 1643 241

4.

The 4. day our coursse N. E T. N. wee sayled 76. Myles N. Lat 36. d. 18. M. Longit 344. d. 12. M. No wariatione obserued. wind S. S. West. wether faire,

5.

The 5. day. our coursse N. E. wee sayled 72. Myles N. Latitud: 37. d. 7. M. Longit 345. d. 20. M. wariatione N. E. 1. d. 50. M. wind at S. W. wether faire.

6.

The 6. day our coursse N. E. wee sayled 92. Myles N. Latitude, 38 d. 14. M. Longit 346. d. 36. M. wariatione N. E. 1. d. 48. M. wind .S. W. wether faire,

7.

The .7. day our coursse, N. E. wee sayled 108. Myles N. Latitude 39 d. 25. M. Longit. 348. d. 15. M. wariatione none obserued wind at West & wariable, hard stormie,

8.

The .8. day our coursse, N. E. T. Easten and E. N. East. wee, sayled 68. Myles N. Lat. 39. d. 55. M. Longit. 349. d. 36. M. No wariatione obserued wind wariable round about ye Compasse, wether warible with Rainey shores, with werey hollow watter out of ye N. West

9.

The 9. day our coursse N. E. wee sayled 28. Myles N. Latit: 40. d. 15. M. Longit. 350. d. no wariatione obserued wind, Calme, wether faire.

10.

The 10. day our coursse, N T. W. and N. N. W. wee sayled 60. Myles N. Lat 41. d. 10. M. Longit. 350. 38. M. no wariatione obserued wind at S. T. W. wether faire with calmes. Smouth watter.

11.

The 11. day our coursse N. E. T. N. and N. N. E. betuix bothe wee sayled 68. Myles N. Lat. 42. d. 9. M. Longit 351. d. 15 M. wariatione none, obserued wind S. S. W. wether faire,

12.

The 12. day our coursse N. E. T. N. wee sayled 72. Myles N. Lat. guest to be 43. d. 20. M. Longit. 352. d. 20. M. wariatione none obserued wind wariable wether faire

13.

The 13. day our coursse, N. N. E. wee sayled 20. Myles N. Lat: 43. d 27. M. Longit 352. d. 32. M. wariatione non obseruend wind wariable & calme wether calme & warme.

242 Folio 77r

June 1643

Folio 77r Iunij 14.

The 14. day our coursse N. E. and by N. wee sayled 68. Myles N. Lat. 44. d. 22. M. Longit. 352. d. 56. M. no wariatione obser. wind S. S. W. wether faire & Gray.

15.

The 15. day our coursse N. E. T. N. and N. N. E. wee sayled 144. Myles N. Lat. 46. d. 16 M. guest Longit. 354. d. 38. Minuttes, wariatione none obserued wind S. W. hard storme, wether, storme.

16.

The 16 day our coursse N. E T. N. and N N. E. wee sayled 152. Myles N. Lat 48. d. 46. M. Longit 356. D.492 26. M wariatione none obseruid wind West wether hard storme.

17.

The 17. day our coursse, N. T. N. and N. N. E. wee sayled .96. Myles N. Lat. 50. d. 10. M. Longit. 357. d. 22. M. No wariatione obserued wind S. W. & wariable, wether faire,

18.

The 18. day our coursse .N. wee sayled 84. Myles N. Lati. 51. d. 34. M. Longit. 356. d. 26. No wariatione obseruid wind haill wariable, wether, darikische & Rainey.

19.

The 19. day our coursse N. E. T. N. wee sayled 96. Myles N. Lat. 52. d. 50. M. Longit 358. d. 50 M. wariatione N. E. 7. degrees scarsse, wind wariable, & N. W. wether, Rainey wnconstant

20.

The 20. day our coursse, N. E. T. N. and N. N. E. betux bothe wee sayled 108. Myles N. Lat. 54. d. 26. M. Longit 359. d. and 20. M. wariatione none obserued. wind W. T. N. wether, darkische & Rainey.

21.

The 21. day our coursse as befor, wee sayled 144. Myles N. Lat. 56. d. 39. M. Longit 2. d. 2. M. be East ye Meridiane of Teneriffa. wind. West wether stormey

22.

The 22. day our courrsse493 as ye day befor viz 20. wee sayled. 136 Myles N. Lat 58. d. 36. M. Longit. 4. d. 16.

492 493

‘D’ or ‘d’ is written over ‘26’. This is then followed by ‘26’. Sic.

Folio 77r

June 1643 243 M. no wariation obserued, wind at W. S. W. wether hard wether. this dayes Latit: is yat of Buchannesse.494

23.

The 23. day our coursse .N. wee sayled 36. Myles N. Lat. 59. d. 11. M. Long: 4. d. 16. M. war: N. E. 8. d. scarsse. wind wariable &. Calme, some tymes at East. wether. faire, with a hollow watter out of ye N. N. E.

24.

The 24. day our coursse N. N. E. wee sayled 40. Myles N. Lat. guest 59. d. 48. M. Longit. 4. d. 44. M. no wariatione obserued wind westerly & wariable wether, calme & mistey.

25.

The 25 day—our coursse, E. and by .S. wee sayled .48. Myles N. Lat. 59. d. 44. M. Longit. 6. d. 22. M. wariatione N. E. 9. degrees. wind at S. and by west wether faire.

Folio 78r Iunij 26.

The 26. day our coursse E. and by N. we sayled 128. Myles N. Latit: 60. d. 20. M. Longit. 10. d 26. M. wind. S. T. West wether harde. heire did wee see diuersse sorts of sea fowlles.

27.

The 27. day our coursse N. and by East. wee sayled 112. Myles N. Lat 60. d. 20. M Longit. 14. d. 12. M. wind S. and by West wether. hard Rainey

28.

The 28. day our coursse E. and by .S. wee sayled 48. Myles. N. Lat 59. d. 54. M. Longit 15 d. 26. M. wind S. and by West. Wether. faire in ye Morning about. 5. a clocke, wee deipt and fand .72. fathome, sandey ground, and about ye .3. in ye afternoone wee descrayed ye Iyle, Fulla, bearing E. N. E. from ws, some 24. Myles, one of ye Iles, of ye Orcades.495

494 Buchan Ness, Aberdeenshire, Scotland. This is the most easterly point on the Scottish mainland. 495 The Isle of Foula lies to the west of Shetland, Scotland. Anderson here uses the ‘Orcades’ in the older, more encompassing Scottish way to include both the Orkney and Shetland island groups.

244 Folio 78r

June 1643

29.

The 29 day in ye Morning, betuix ye Ileand Fulla and ye Faire Ile.496 12. of ye Estaits Men of warre,497 came by ws about 12. a clocke, ye wind at S. and by East a hard gale. This faire Ile, I haue found and obserued to be one 16. d. of Longitude.

30.

The .30 day. ye wind being contrarey wee kepeit by too and agane betuix Sumbrughe head498 & faire Iyle, at Night ye wind came W. and by .S. and then wee rune S. E. and by .S. some 6. M. to seaward. this wee did rune ye 30. and 31 dayes of this Mounthe.

31.499

this day ye Bushes500 came with diuers kynds of freche fisches to ws in ye N. Sea. and this day ther came 2. Galliotts from Holland to ws, with pilotts, Men of Fleeland.501 and brought ws comissione yat wee should not come it at ye Texell bot at ye flee.502

Folio 79r Iulay 1.

The .1. day our coursse .S. wee did cast in W. S. W. touardes ye scottes coaste.

2.

The 2. day wee did cast ouer againe towardes ye East till Midnight then wee cast about towardes ye .S. West. some 25. Myles, aboue ye Weeke of Cathnes.503

3.

The 3. day wee to seaward and found North Latitude 58. d. and 30. M. Longit. 16. d. 20 M. ye wind southe 496

Fair Isle lies almost equidistant between the Orkneys and Shetland. Presumably Scottish parliament warships, given the use of the word ‘Estates’, the seventeenth-century way of referring to the Scottish parliament. 498 Sumburgh Head is the southernmost point of the Shetland mainland. 499 Sic. 500 Busses or haringbuizen. These were Dutch fishing vessels designed for the herring fisheries. 501 From the Island of Vlieland, the Netherlands. 502 When the Marsdiep, the approach to the Texel, could not be navigated, it was considered better to use the Vlie between the islands of Vlieland and Terschelling. In particular, in Anderson’s day, this channel was used by incoming as well as outgoing ships. But later this route fell into disuse. The ’s Hertogenbosch arrived at the Vlie 9 July 1643, see below. Probably the next day she dropped anchor at the Texel. DAS, III, p. 46, no. 5307.3; DAS, I, p. 31. 503 Wick is a town in Caithness, Scotland. Anderson’s rendering as ‘Week’ reflects precisely the still current pronunciation of Wick by inhabitants of Caithness. 497

Folio 79r

July 1643 245 & wariable, the wee war seaward. from Murray Firth.504 Buchannesse bearing .S. S. W. some 60. M. from ws, with hard showres of Raine & wind.

4.

The .4. day coursse S. S. East wee sayled 40. Myles, N. Latitude 57. d. 55. M. wind at E. N. E. wether mistey and calme.

5.

The .5. day our coursse S. S. East. wee sayled 64. Myles North Latit: 56. d. 55. M. ye wind till midnight N. E. then at S. W. with a grate hesines & mist.

6.

The 6. day wee guest our North Latitude to be 56. degrees and 16. Minuttes wee sayled 48. Myles, ye coursse being S. S. E. ye wind. wariable. ye wether calme.

7.

The .7. day. our coursse .S. E. and S. E. and by .S. betuix bothe wee sayled 112. Myles. wind at S. W. about Midday505 wee threw out our lead. and found vpone, ye dogger sandes.506 first 20. fathome and within ane houre therafter .19. and then .15. and ye 4. tyme therafter 14. fathome, and last no shallower. and then did ye watter become deepe.

8.

The .8. day our coursse E. S. E. wee sayled 100. Myles. the wind at S. S. W. ye Flee or channell bearing S. E from ws, some .72. Myles. with a hard wind. wariable almost Sutherly.

9.

The .9. day. ye wind being wariable and W. S. W. and therafter westerly. wee deeped and found 26. fathome clay ground a sure tokin wee wer some 17. or 18. Myle, to ye land. and so about Mide day Blissed be god. wee sauely arriued in ye Channell called Flee, in Fleeland. John Andersone

504 505 506

Moray Firth, an estuary on the north-east coast of Scotland. ‘day’ is written over ‘night’. Dogger Bank off the east coast of England.

246 Folio 80r Folio 80r The Author to the Reider Courteous Rider after my circumnauigatione of the Globe,507 and three seuerall, woyages, to ye orientall Indies and Iyllandes therof, I againe, made this fourte woyage to Battauia in ye Iyle Iaua wich Now I present wnto the, with all intreatting ye to be aduertissed yat ye accompte of this iornall is according to ye New style, wich is .10. dayes befor yat of ye old. and yat ye Myles in this Jornall lykwayes, are all Scottes Myles, wich compte of lenthe, and breid I haue reduced to ye Measure of my auen Natione. and nather folloued ye dutche nor Englische. so wishing the partaker of thesse pleasures, in the Reiding of this, wich I my selue fand in performance therof, and besydes all happines both heir and eternally heirafter, shall be ye earnist desyre of thy.

faithfull frind. John Andersone508

507 There are three known circumnavigations that were made from the Netherlands during the first half of the seventeenth century, in 1614–17, 1615–17, and 1623–26. No John Anderson is mentioned in any of the accounts of them. Given that he notes within the text that he was at the Cape of Good Hope in 1618, we must assume he was with an expedition of another nation, possibly Portuguese. For accounts of the Dutch circumnavigations see J. C. M. Warnsinck (ed.), De reis om de wereld van Joris van Spilbergen, 1614–1617, Werken uitgegeven door de Linschoten Vereeniging 47, 2 vols. (The Hague, 1943); W. A. Engelbrecht and P. J. van Herwerden (eds.), De ontdekkingsreis door Jacob Le Maire en Willem Cornelisz Schouten in de jaren 1615–1617: journalen, documenten en andere bescheiden, Werken uitgegeven door de Linschoten Vereeniging 49, 2 vols. (The Hague, 1945); E. Duyker (ed.), Mirror of the Australian Navigation by Jacob Le Maire (Sydney, 1999); W. Voorbeijtel Cannenburg (ed.), De reis om de wereld van de Nassausche vloot, 1623–1626, Werken uitgegeven door de Linschoten Vereeniging 65 (The Hague, 1964). 508 The signature is followed on the next line by a symbol resembling an anchor.

APPENDIX A

FOREIGNERS IN THE VOC, 1602–1660

1.

2.

3.

a.

b.

c.

a.

b.

c.

a.

b.

c.

12 142 49 559 41 36 8 33 2 19 14 0 38 3 160 74

1.1 12.5 4.3 49.5 3.6 3.2 0.7 2.9 0.2 1.7 1.2 0.0 3.4 0.3 14.2 6.6

0.3 4.0 1.4 15.6 1.1 1.0 0.2 0.9 0.1 0.5 0.4 0.0 1.1 0.1 4.5 2.1

32 160 68 582 40 43 2 26 2 18 15 4 52 0 189 102

2.5 12.6 5.4 45.9 3.2 3.4 0.2 2.0 0.2 1.4 1.2 0.3 4.1 0.0 16.9 8.0

0.6 2.8 1.2 10.4 0.7 0.8 0.0 0.5 0.0 0.3 0.3 0.1 0.9 0.0 3.8 1.8

488 57 11 528 28 44 0 18 10 8 16 7 14 0 183 49

33.7 4.0 0.8 36.4 1.9 3.0 0.0 1.2 0.7 0.6 1.1 0.5 1.0 0.0 12.6 3.4

13.7 1.6 0.3 14.8 0.8 1.2 0.0 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.4 0.2 0.4 0.0 5.1 1.4

Total foreigners European foreigners

1,129 100.0 1,117 98.9

31.4 31.1

1,269 100.0 1,203 94.8

22.7 21.5

1,450 100.0 962 66.3

40.7 27.0

Total employees

3,590

Asians Danes (Where of Norwegians) Germans English French Irish Poles Portuguese Prussians Scots Spaniards Swedes Swiss ‘Zuid-Nederlanders’ Others

100.0

5,595

100.0

3,563

100.0

Source: This table is the work of S. Deconinck and is based on information from his book ‘Ik ga om een goede buit te halen’. Zuid-Nederlanders in dienst van de Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, 1602–1660 (Ghent, 1992). See also, S. Deconinck, ‘Ik ga om een goede buit te halen. Zuid-Nederlanders in dienst van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, 1602–1660’, in J. Parmentier (ed.), Uitgevaren voor de kamer Zeeland (Zutphen, 2006), pp. 88–106. We would like to thank Stefan Deconinck for providing us with this information. KEY Column 1: outgoing ships Column 2: inter-Asiatic ships Column 3: fortresses and garrisons

a: absolute numbers b: related to the total number of foreigners c: related to the total number of employees

Supercargo

Capacity

Merchant Soldier Soldier Merchant Soldier Soldier Steward Sailor Minister Soldier, Drummer Major George Borthwick (Edinburgh) Soldier Lt. Andrew Smith (Dundee) Soldier, Lieutenant Michael Lawrence Sailor

William Cunningham (Dutch-born, Veere) David Cowe (Culross) Alexander Hercules (Leith) George Sims Augustus Spalding Michael Harruloy Berwick David Vloeker George Forbes (Aberdeen) John Anderson Rev. Robert Junius James Spens (Edinburgh)

Name (and Origin)

Sierra Leone Ambon, Malacca

Formosa, Taiwan Sierra Leone

Ambon

Batavia, Java

Dutch East Indies

Location(s)

Erasmus not in DAS

Gouden Leeuw [0274.2] Kleine Erasmus [0288.1]

Duyvel van Delft not in DAS Duyvel van Delft not in DAS

Ship1

EIC

EIC

Other East India Service?

1 Between brackets the number of the outward voyage from Dutch Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th Centuries, ed. by J. R. Bruijn, F. S. Gaastra and I. Schöffer, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie 166. (The Hague, 1979)

1635

1631–1632 1632–1652

1619 1619 1619 1620–1624 1621 1622 1623–1628 1630 1631–1643 1631–1632

1612–1620

Dates

1. Scots and Dutch East India Service 1600–60 (senior rank given)

KNOWN SCOTS IN EAST INDIA SERVICE, 1600–1660

APPENDIX B

248 appendix b

Daniel Jansz (Weymss) Daniel Jansz James Predicx (Leith) George Langelands (Bo’ness) James Langelands (Bo’ness) Capt. James Couper

Rev. John Lyall

John Anderson

Robert Kintore (Shetland) William Carels (Edinburgh) John Carels (Edinburgh) Thomas Terar Jan Eatman [a.k.a. Edmane] (Stirling) Thomas Gleyn (Queensferry) James Lowe (Glasgow) Jan Rammits (Culross) Admiral James Couper (Edinburgh)

1637 1637 1638 1638 1638 1639–1640

1640–1641

1641–1643

1641 1642 1642 1642 1643

1643 1648 1651 1653–1692, 1694

Robert Rick Andrew Sanderson (Dysart)

Name (and Origin)

1635 1637

Dates

Table (cont.)

Sailor Soldier Sailor Senior Admiral

Soldier Sailor Sailor Sailor Sailor

Pilot Major

Sailor Sailor Sailor Sailor Sailor Diplomat & Commander Minister

Sailor Sailor

Capacity

Rotterdam [0572.1] Maastricht [0583.4] Maastricht [0583.4] Maastricht [0583.4] Nieuw Rotterdam not in DAS

’s Hertogenbosch [0566.3]

’s Hertogenbosch [0487.2] Maastricht [0488.2] Aemilia [0503.3] Zeelandia [0502.3] Zeelandia [0502.3]

Erasmus not in DAS

Ship

Nieuw Rotterdam not in DAS Zeelandia [0690.7] Rotterdam [0733.5] Batavia, Japara, Java Lands Welvaren (and fleet) & Lombok & Sumatra 1692 & De Ridderschap, 1694

Japan Japan Batavia, Java & Malacca Batavia, Java & Malacca Batavia, Java

Employed by VOC, Amsterdam Chamber

Location(s)

Possibly EIC or Portuguese

Other East India Service?

known scots in east india service, 1600–1660 249

Mr Stewart

–1665

Soldier Soldier Soldier Soldier Merchant Burgess Soldier & Ships Master 5x European-Asian Voyages & Japan (9x visits)

Batavia, Java

Canara, Malabar & Batavia, Java

Location(s)

Company Governor Patron ‘General’ of all ships and men Merchant Minister Minister Merchant

Augustus Spalding Rev. Patrick Copeland (Aberdeen)

Rev. James Cunningham William George ‘The Scotchman’

1609–1613 1613–1615 1618–1621 1614 1614

Capacity

Sir James Campbell (English-born) King James VI/I Alexander Shairp (possible)

Name and Place of Origin

1602–1642 1603–1625 1607–1608

Dates

Thomas Stewart (Aberdeen) John Woet (Glasgow) John Finlayson (Stirling) John Fergusson (Denijn) Jacob Cahun (Swedish-born)

1657 1657 1657 1659 1660

Senior Merchant

Capacity

Rotterdam [0874.8] Rotterdam [0874.8] Rotterdam [0874.8] Achilles [0907.2]

Ship

‘Mission Declined’ Bantam

Bantam, Java

London London

Location(s)

Royal Exchange Royal James

Assencon, Union

Ship

2. Scots and the English East India Company or directly connected 1600–60 (senior rank given)

Robert Lindsay

Name (and Origin)

1654–1690

Dates

Table (cont.)

VOC

Other East India Service?

EIC?

Other East India Service?

250 appendix b

1652

1645–1661 1647 1649

Robert Knox [elder] Richard Spalding James Maxwell (of Inderwick), Earl of Dirletoun John Ramsay

Thomas Campbell James Strachan [Straughan] Malcolm Macaulay [Mawcoone Macally] Walter Hammond Michael Duncan [Dunkin]

1639 1642 1642

1643 1643–1662

David Chamberlain (Aberdeen) George Strachan (Mearns, nr. Aberdeen) King Charles I Harry Shanks John Wedderburn George Brown George Forbes (Aberdeen) Robert Campbell Rev. Andrew Wood James, Marquis Hamilton

Name and Place of Origin

1618–1619 1619–1623, 1634 1625 1625–1629 1625 1625 1628–1651 1630 1635 1639–1640

Dates

Table (cont.)

Merchant

Pepper merchant

Ship’s Master

Treasury Cashier

Alderman Minister Royal Committee Member & Investor & Joint-Stock Holder ‘Free Brother’ Sailor Sailor

Patron Merchant Merchant Merchant

Surgeon Merchant

Capacity

London London

Madagascar London

London Seal Island Seal Island

London

London Batavia, Java Batavia, Java Batavia, Java London

Arabia

Location(s)

Endymion, Anne

Charles, Jonas

William William

William

Royal James

Ship

VOC

Persia

Other East India Service?

known scots in east india service, 1600–1660 251

Robert Hay Richard Maxwell Charles Smeaton (sr.) Charles Smeaton (jr.) Rev. Thomas Thompson

1659 1660 1660 1661 1662

1636–1649 1637 1637

Dates

Mr Dunn (husband of Hannah Dunn)

1656 Investor Factor Investor Factor Minister

Capacity

Guinea London Surat Surat

Location(s)

William Lyall (Danish Born) Robert Lyall James Logan

Name and Place of Origin Governor Sailor Sailor

Capacity

Tranquebar

Location(s)

Ship

Christianshavn

Ship

Binninio

3. Scots and Danish East India Service, 1600–60 (senior rank given)

Name and Place of Origin

Dates

Table (cont.)

Other East India Service?

Other East India Service?

252 appendix b

Merchant

Robert Constable (Aberdeen)

1621–1634

1618

1628-1644

Capacity

Merchant in Portuguese service Sir James Cunningham Director of the (First) Scottish East India Company George Strachan (Mearns, nr. Aberdeen) Merchant, Scholar

William Carmichael

Name and Place of Origin

1580–1612

Dates

East Indies

Baghdad, Arabia

Mollucas & Goa, & China Edinburgh & London

Location(s)

Ship

EIC

Other East India Service?

4. Scots and Miscellaneous East India Service or Company Connections 1600–60 (senior rank given)

known scots in east india service, 1600–1660 253

APPENDIX C

TWO LETTERS OF DRUMMER-MAJOR JAMES SPENS, VOC SOLDIER 1631–1632 Letter One1 Rycht Loving and weilbelovit Father and mother my love being remembrit to yow both chawing yow yat I am in gude health at this present wrytting and desirying to heir the lyk of yow and all gud freindis quhatsumever lating yow to wnderstand yat I taikin my pas from me Lord of wormistoun and hes left the king of suadin servic and hes travilit into holland and hes mait with your sister and chow is in werrie gud health and hir husbant to lating yow to wnderstand yat william Robertsone and his wyff is dead and I my selff hes taikin ane Jurnay in hand that non of my kin ever hes tain ye Lyk in hand quhilk is to the eist ingies [sic] quhilk I am taik on for sevin ʒeirs fyve ʒeirs in the Land and ane ʒeir cuming and ane ʒeir going quhilk I hop in Jesus chryst yat it sall be the best Jurnay yat ever I took in hand to ye glorie of god and your comfortis for I have bein borne to Travill ye quhilk I give god thankis for all for I have bein in many dangers and the Lord hes preservit me quhilk I hop in god yat he will preserve me in this Jurnay to chawing yow yat it hes plisit god Almichtie to call wpone my Brother for he depairit in dwchland abowe tua moneth at the plisour of god Almichtie chawin yow yat I have wryttin tua serverall tymes

1

Edinburgh, The National Archives of Scotland (NAS) RH9/2/241, James Spens to his parents (12 November 1631). These two letters are the last in a series of twelve preserved in the National Archives of Scotland. They appear to have survived in error, being mistaken for private correspondence of General Sir James Spens of Wormiston, under whose command this James Spens served in the Swedish army, and who is actually mentioned in the text. Drummer-Major Spens left Swedish service in Riga after the death there of his wife, Elizabeth Baillie. Her death, he claimed, made him leave as Riga had lost any attraction for him after her passing noting in the above letter: ‘I have many crosses in this world but when God my dear wife from me [took] that was the greatest cross that ever I had for I will never forget her so long as I live, for she was my comfort in this world’. For more on General James Spens of Wormiston see A. Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance: Scotland and Sweden, 1569–1654 (Leiden, 2003).

two letters of drummer-major james spens, voc soldier

255

senc I com heir in holland to yow desirying yow maist earnistlie to tak no discomfort for hop in[?] Jesus chryst to sie yow blyth and mirrie in gude estait to the glorie of god and your comfortis ye the quhilk with a sad heart I wrycht theess letters bot allways to chaw yow yat ʒe sall not think I am dead Intreating yow both gif yat it plis god to call wpone yow yat ʒe remember wpone me quho is your only begottin chyld ye quhilk ʒe haif no moir childrin in the world bot I alone ye quhilk giff it plis god to call wpone me I sall livff yow a remembranc of me bot I hop in Jesus chryst to sie yow both alyff and mirrie at my returne ʒe sall wnderstand yat I have maid a wow to god almichtie for hir saik yat is with god yat for sevin ʒeiris to travill the quhilk I will keip my promeis for I have many crosis in yis world bot quhen god my deir wyff fra me yat was ye greatist cros yat ever I had for I will never forʒet hir sua lang as I livff for scho was my comfort in this world lating yow to wnderstand yat bessie kowin sone georg Borthuik and hes mait at Amsterdam and he and I ar going away togidder as commeradis desyring yow to chaw his mother and comend me to all freindis especiall to Robert cranstoun and his wyff and to margret Wood and hir husbant and to william cubertsone my gosop and his wyff and to manss hamiltoun and his wyff and kilgowr and to gilbert Johnsone and his wyff and to Jenet Richisone my auld servant and all wyeris quhom I have foʒet in gennerall my hairt is with yow all remember my servic to william foster and tell gif yat it plisit god to send me hame I sall pay him remember my lowff to georg spens and his wyff for ye kyndnes yat did to my wyff ye quhilk scho remembrit wpone hir dead bed and gif John pollok cum to edinburgh remember my lowff to him ye tyme is schort I rest with the blissing of god almichtie to be with yow all till meiting for my hairt is sorrie at yis tyme restis at amsterdam ye ʒeir of 1631 ye 12 day of november comend me to John mathesone my maister your Lowing James Spens drumer magor till death yours at command Letter Two2 Rycht Loving and weilbelovit Father and mother efter my maist hairtlie commandationis being remembrit to your selffis lating yow to wnderstand yat I am in gude health at this present wryting desyring

2

NAS RH9/2/242, James Spens to his parents (23 February 1632).

256

appendix c

maist earnist to heir ye lyk of yow and all gud Freindis chawing yow yat we ar at our refresing place praisid be god almichtie abowt four thowsand Scotis mylis from holland and as ʒit we have abowe sextein thowsand mylis Scotis to the place quhair we ar ordineit to remane ye quhilk is botavavia I have not much to truble yow bot wryting to yow thir few lynis ye quhilk we ar lying at refresing in ane cuntrie quhair the blakamore dwale for we have saillit for by spane for by the cost of barbarie and geney ye quhilk lyis in ye waistingis and ar comit to the chirlinis ye quhilk yair is no winter at all bot at tymes hot wedder for I have travillit be land yis aucht ʒeiris and moir and now I will travill be sea [lacuna] saill as weil as we can it will be ane ʒeir to wss alwayis I tak as weill with the sea as with ye land and better praisid be god for my heid hes never warkit and we have had deid in our chip four tein praisid be god georg borthuik and I ar in gud health and he makis his commandationis to his Freindis all in gennerall lating yow to wit yat I wad not wis for never so much bot yat I had comit yis wayadg for I sie so many sindrie thingis for we ar among wyld people for we have orangeris and lemonis and suker reidis and noot mugis and many wther thingis for the taiking off ye treis I wad not wis for gold bot yat I had comit yis Jurnay for I can not wrycht to ye gudnes yat I find be traviling and seing of faring cuntries for it is plisit god yat I was borne to travill always I prais god for I have greit contentment be it moir then sum Lairdis of your Landis for I most be fyve ʒeirs in ye land and a ʒeir cuming and ane ʒeir going and plis god to spair me so lang dayis yat quhen my fyve ʒeiris is out I sall cum hame and sie yow and yair efter I have som Freindis I sall tak me to travill so lang as I leiff I have no Farder to truble yow bot intriting yow to pray for me and giff me your blissing ye lord I may have his blissing and remember wpone me for I hop in Jessus chryst to doe yow and my Father and all Freindis credit and ouer I hop yat ye god of heavin will healp me intreting yow to remember my commandationis to Robert cranstoun and his wyff & to my gosop william cudtbertsoun & to John Brut & his wyff and to patrik allin & to georg spens and his wyff & to william Foster and sie how much yat I am awin him for my wyff tauld me yat che maid him ruffis and sindrie wark yairfor ask him bot lat not wit yat I wrycht bot recommend me to him and to gilbert Johnstoun and his wyff and to James Aitin ye bailʒie and to walter Logane ye clark and his wyff with ye blissingis of god comand with yow and yame all for I can not have occatioun to wrycht ever tyme for yis is be fortowne yat yair lay ane chip yat was going to holland I thocht yat I wad wrycht

two letters of drummer-major james spens, voc soldier

257

with yam remember my commandationis to georg borthuik his wyff and mother and bit yat they tak in gud comfort for we ar werie weill & wantis nether wyn nor beir & meit thrie tymes a day ye Lord keip yow and me in his protectioun restis restis [sic] at ye chirlines in geney ye 23 day of febrewaris ye ʒeir of god 1632 intreating yow to remember my kyndnes to John pollok yat is drumer in aberdein Your Lowing sone James Spens drumer magor

BIBLIOGRAPHY Manuscript Sources Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland Adv. MS. 33.2.11, Register of interments and Funeralls since the ʒeir of our Redemptione (1620). Adv. MS. 33.3.14, The Woyage of Cap: Jhone: Andersone Pilat Maior of a Fleit of Hollanders to ye orientall Indies wich went out from Halmerslusse in South Holland in Anno 1640. and Returned from thessnce, to ye Flee in ye Mounth of Julay 1643. Adv. MS. 33.2.27, Topographical Descriptions relating to Scotland. Edinburgh, National Archives of Scotland GD1/49, Papers of the Clephane Family of Carslogie, Kinross-shire. GD5, Papers of the Bertram family of Nisbet, Lanark. GD26, Leven and Melville Papers. GD226, Trinity House of Leith Papers. GD406, Hamilton Muniments. RH9 Miscellaneous Papers. London, The National Archives High Court of Admiralty 30/866, 8A 862. State Papers 84/174. Oxford, Bodleian Library University of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Tanner Papers 88, no. 25. The Hague, Nationaal Archief Archief van de Oude West-Indische Compagnie 43. Archief van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie 1138 and 1140. Klapper van Delden, Alfabetische Naamindex VOC Dienaren zeventiende eeuw, Group C, Group L, Group S. Rotterdam, Gemeentearchief Oud Notarieel Archief 101/42, 104/125, 201/241, 205/150. Middelburg, Zeeuws Archief Archief Familie van Borssele van den Hooge 141. Copenhagen, Danish Rigsarkiv Tyske Kanselii Udenrigske Afdeling, England, AI. Printed Primary Sources Acts of the Privy Council of England, 45 vols. (London, 1890–1964). Ameer-Ali, T. (ed.), Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill (London and New York, 1918).

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INDEX Aberdeen, 91, 97, 100, 248, 250–53 Aberdeenshire, 243 Abreu, António de, 207 Admiralty Boards and Admiralty Courts English High Court of Admiralty, 98n. Enkhuizen Admiralty Board, 63 Zeeland Admiralty Board, 63 Adolphus, Gustavus, 27 Africa, 15, 33, 35, 53, 71, 96, 121, 136–37, 159n., 222–23, 227, 229, 230n., 233 indigenous peoples of, 80, 224 Agisymba, 229n. Agostine, see Augustine Aguada, 122, 227 Alburquerque, Afonso d’ (1453–1515), second Viceroy of India, 62 Alloa, 193n. Altrinidado, see Ilha da Trindade Ambon, xx, 65–66, 79, 87–88, 99, 109, 177n., 248 massacre of, 97–99 Amsterdam, 3, 5–6, 13, 24, 52, 92–93, 99, 106, 109, 124, 147, 159n., 210, 255 Amsterdam Island, see Île Amsterdam Anak Krakatau, 145n. Anderson, John, passim Antabosta, 122, 226–27 Antarctica, 201, 206, 223 Antongila (Bay), 122, 227 Antsirane (Ilha de Diogo Soares), 122, 227 Antwerp, 60, 62–63 fall of, 60, 62 Anyar, 145n., 209n., 212n. Arabia, 159, 167, 188, 192, 209, 251, 253 Arakan, 159n. Armenia, 159 Ascension Island, 36, 235n. Asia, xix, 3–4, 6–9, 11, 15, 29–31, 33–34, 38, 54, 57, 59–85, 106–08, 147–50, 159–97, 200–01, 206–08 description, 159–97, 200–01, 206–08 warfare, 81–84 Augustine (Agostine), 122, 227 Ayutthaya, 96, 195

Baai van Bantam, see Teluk Banten Bachan, see Pulau Bacan Baghdad, 253 Bahadur Shah, King of Gujarat, 85 Balagate, 167n. Balfour, Andrew, 22 Balfour, Sir James (d. 1657) (of Denmilne), Lord Lyon King of Arms, 19n., 21–26, 28–30, 57, 119, 121, 136n., 233n. Bali, xx, 103–04 Banda, xviii, xx, xxii, 12, 18, 66, 68, 79, 81–82, 121, 146, 174, 177, 200–01 people of, 68, 81–82, 85, 201 Bandanaira, see Lontor Banganim, 164 Banjarmasin, 207n. Bantam (Banten), xx, xxi, 84, 90, 96, 102, 107, 145, 146, 148–49, 209, 211, 212n., 250 Bardes, 16–17, 160–63 Bassandyne, Thomas, 26 Batavia, see Jakarta Batoe Eilanden, 203n. Batticaloa, xix Batticcalá, 179, 185n. Bay of Bengal (Gulf of Arracan), xix, 188–89, 193–94 Bay of Cochin, 72 Baya de la Goa, see Delagoa Bay Bengal, xviii, 108, 112, 159, 172, 177, 179, 188, 189n., 191, 193–94 Bengkulu, 204n. Bergin, Emma, 98n. Berwick, Michael Harruloy, 248 ‘Big Anders’, 15 Bimilipatan, xix, 189n. Bismagá, see Narsinga Biyapur, 185n. Blaeu, Joan (1598/9–1673), 23–24 Blaeu, Willem Jansz (1571–1638), 23–24, 48 Blauw, Cornelis Leendertsz, Rear Admiral, 74, 77, 79–80, 123n. Blocq, Claes Cornelisz, 80 Bona Esperança, see Cape of Good Hope

272

index

Bontekoe, Willem Ysbrantsz, Skipper, 14 Borneo, see Kalimantan Borrowstounness (Bo’ness), 249 Borthwick, George, 99, 248, 255 Brabantshoedje, see Pulau Ular Brazil, 33, 71, 124n., 131, 233 Brecking Islands, 155–56, 158 Breda, 28 Brielle, xvii British Civil Wars (1639–60), 29, 95 Broun, Dr Alexander, 91 Brown, George, 90, 251 Bruyn Jansoon, Jan de (John Brown), 93, 112 Buchan Ness (Buchannesse), 47, 243, 245 Burma, see Myanmar Cabo de Boa Esperança, see Cape of Good Hope Cabo de São Romão, see Cape Roma Cabo Negro, 233n. cabriz (cabrize stone), see gems and precious stones, bloodstone Cahun, Jacob, 250 Caithness, 25, 244n. Calais, 124n. calamba, see plants and trees, aloe Calicut, xix, 177n., 179n., 180n., 184 Cambay (Khambhat), 159n., 163n. Cambodia, 96, 112, 177–78, 192 Campbell, Colin, 112 Campbell, Robert, 251 Campbell, Sir James, 89, 113, 250 Campbell, Thomas, 251 Camphuys, Johannes (1684–91), 104 Canara (Karnataka), 107, 160n., 185n., 250 Canarijns, 160 Canary Islands, 32, 125–26 cannibalism, 226 Cape Agulhas (Cap de Aguilias), 32–35, 53, 137, 178, 222 Cape Comorin, 164–66, 179n. Cape Horn, 4 Cape of Good Hope (Bona Esperança, Cabo de Boa Esperança, Cape of Bon Esperance), 4, 12, 13, 18–19, 33, 35, 37, 53, 56, 63, 83, 105, 121, 136–37, 211, 223–24, 227, 246n. indigenous people of (Khoikhoi), 35 Cape of Rosalgatte, 167 Cape Roma (Cabo de São Romão), 122, 227

Cape Saint Sebastian, 122, 227n. Cape Verdes, 33, 47 Carels, John, 249 Carels, William, 249 Cargados Carajos Shoals (Ilha de São Brandão, Saint Brandon Rocks), 34, 140 Carleton, Sir Dudley (1574–1632), 88 Carmichael, William (fl. 1580–1622), 62, 88–89, 253 Casas, Bartolomé de las, 19n. Ceram, xx, 81, 174n., 177n. Ceylon, see Sri Lanka Chamberlaine, David, 91, 251 Chapel Valley, 232n., 233n. Charles I, King of England, Scotland, and Ireland (1625–49), 22, 27, 29, 92n., 113, 251 Charles II, King of England, Scotland, and Ireland (1660–85), 100n. Charles V (1500–68), Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain, 59 China, xviii, 20, 88, 110, 112, 146, 159, 177, 179, 195, 204, 253 language of, 20 Christian IV, King of Denmark-Norway (1588–1648), 92n. churches Nossa Senhora da Luz, 162 Nossa Senhora do Rosário, 162 Saint Pieter, 162 Saint Thomas, 162 Santa Lucia, 162 Ciliwung River, 7 Cirebon, 103, 207n. Clackmannanshire, 193n. Clarke, Samuel, Reverend, 18–20, 193n. Cochin, xviii, xix, 27, 62, 70, 72, 107, 112, 167, 171, 173, 185n. Cochin China, see Vietnam Cocos Island, see Pulau Pisang Coen, Jan Pietersz (1587–1629), Governor General (1617–23, 1627–29), 6, 67, 81–82, 147, 201 coins cruzado, 158 ducat, 168 pardao, 170 real (piece of eight), 158 Colconda, see Hyderabad Colombo, xviii, xix, 70 Constable, Robert, 253 Copeland, Patrick, Reverend, 90–91, 108, 250

index Coromandel, xviii, xix, 18, 75, 166n., 167n., 179n., 184n., 185n., 188n., 189n., 191n., 193n., 198 Cortes, Martin, 26 Coryat, Thomas, 27 Council of the Indies (Dutch), 7 Couper, Elizabeth, 102, 105 Couper, James, Captain/Commander, 100–01, 109, 249 Couper, John, 102, 105n. Couper, Sir James (Jacob), Admiral, 101–06, 114–15, 249 siblings of, 102 Covenanting movement (Scottish), 93 Coventry, Sir William, 100n. Cowe, Alexander, 91 Cowe, David, 91, 248 Cowlam, see Quilon Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland (1654–58), 29, 90n. Culross, 91, 248–49 Cunningham, Dr James (d. 1709), 112 Cunningham, Fransyna (1617–56), 95–96 Cunningham, Ian, 21n., 22, 24 Cunningham, James, Reverend, 94, 250 Cunningham, Jan, 95 Cunningham, Sir James (fl. 1617–18), 94, 95n., 253 Cunningham, Thomas (1554–1623), 95 Cunningham, Thomas (1604–69), 95 Cunningham, William (1592–1628), 68, 95–97, 114, 248 Danish East India Company, 92–93 Darien Colony, 111 Dartmouth, 124n. Davids, Karel, 31n. Deccan Plateau (Peninsular Plateau), 175n., 177n. Deconinck, Stefan, 12, 247 Delagoa Bay (Baya de la Goa), 32, 222 Delft, xvii, 5, 9, 11n., 109, 124 Delhi, 194 Denijn, 250 Diemen, Anthony van (1593–1645), Governor General (1636–45), 7, 15, 71–74, 147, 149 Dirksz, Pieter, 210n. disease, 17, 167–70, 179, 208, 233 murrain (in sheep and cattle), 233 Diu, 166 Doetechem, Jan, 27

273

Dogger Bank, 245 Douglas, Abraham, 106 Dover, 124n. Downing, Sir George, 100n. Drummond, David, second Lord Drummond, 26 Drummond, William (1585–1649) (of Hawthornden), 26, 28 Duncan, Michael, 251 Dundee, 248 Dunglass Castle, 28 Dunkirk, 36, 124 privateers, 36 Dunn, Hannah, 252 Dunn, Mr, 252 Dutch (the), 3, 13, 20, 62, 65, 67, 71, 75–77, 83, 87, 100–02, 104–05, 107–09, 112–14, 146, 156, 201, 209 Dutch East India Company (VOC), 3–9, 24, 30, 37, 56–57, 65–66, 70–71, 75, 79–82, 84, 91–93, 95–96, 98–107, 109–10, 112–15 blockade of Goa, 21, 29, 70–73 chambers, 3, 6, 8 Amsterdam, 5, 6, 147n., 150n., 197n., 209n., 210n., 249 Delft, 5, 9, 31, 123n. Enkhuizen, 5, 138n. Hoorn, 210n. Rotterdam, 5, 9 Zeeland, 5, 6, 157n., 210n. expulsion of the Portuguese, 65–66 Gentlemen Seventeen (Heren Zeventien), 3, 6–8, 36 governors (general, vice and local of the East Indies), 6–7, 62, 67, 71, 72, 74, 79, 87, 88, 96, 98, 103–04, 109–11, 115, 147, 149, 201, 250 navigators of, 37–38, 56–57, 59 sailors’ duties, 31–32 Dutch East Indies, 95, 96n., 100, 102, 104–07, 112, 248 Dutch Republic, see Netherlands Dutch West India Company (WIC), 70 Dwars in de weg, see Pulau Sangiang Dysart, 249 Eatman, Jan, see John Edmane Eden, Richard, 26 Edinburgh, xi, 11, 26, 102, 105, 248–49, 253, 255 Edmane, John (Jan Eatman), 92, 249 England, 14, 41, 44, 89–90, 98, 112, 124 English (the), 3, 60, 67–69, 81, 93, 97–98

274

index

English Honourable East India Company (EIC), 3, 65–67, 88, 91, 97–98, 104, 107–08, 112–13 Scots joining, 88–91 Enkhuizen, 5, 63 Erskine, John, Captain, 106 Ethiopia (Africa), 53, 137 fabrics and textiles, 78 betilles, 207 calico, 180 cotton, 179, 180, 191, 207 pintadoes, 207 Fair Isle, 244n. False Bay (False Baai), 35, 223n. Faria, de, Captain, 12–13n. Farnese, Alexander (1545–92), Duke of Parma, 60 Fergusson, Captain, 107 Fergusson, John, 250 Finlayson, John, 250 food, livestock and provisions alcohol, 109 ale, 108 arrack, 195 brandy, 108 wine, 13, 77, 158, 238, 256 fruit, 17, 145, 148–49, 161–62, 173–76, 179, 189, 196, 214, 229, 234 livestock, 170–72, 226, 230 cattle, 170, 189, 233 doves, 171 goats, 145, 170 hens, 145, 171, 229 pheasant, 171 sheep, 226, 229, 233 meat, 226, 229 vegetables, 148–49, 173–75, 234 water (fresh), 35, 36, 145, 164, 165, 189, 193, 211, 223, 227, 230, 235 Forbes, George (fl. 1582–1651), 97–99, 113, 248, 251 Formosa (Taiwan), 96, 108–9, 248 forts Saint David, 106 Saint George, 107 France, 44, 124 Frazer, Mr, Governor of Fort Saint David, 106 French (the), 60, 111–12 French Foreign Legion, 99 Galle, xix

Gellibrand, Henry, 48, 53 gems and precious stones amber, 13, 77, 78, 158 bloodstone (cabriz, cabrize stone), 196n. coral, 7, 13, 67, 78–79, 147 diamond, 62, 78, 207, 229 emerald, 13, 77 pearl, 13, 77, 190, 229 George, William, 90, 250 Gingee, 194 Glasgow, 249–50 Gleyn, Thomas, 249 Goa, xv, xviii, xix, 12–13, 15, 16–17, 21, 30, 32, 61–62, 70–76, 79–80, 84, 88, 140n., 141n., 147–50, 155–67, 170–71, 179, 184–85, 197, 210, 253 barre (road) of, 147, 197 natives of, 160–61 VOC blockade of, 21, 30, 70–74 Goa Velha (Old Goa), 161 Goens, Rijcklof van (1619–82), 70 Goeree, 9, 11, 32, 123n. Goereesegat, xvii, 123n. Golconda, 179n., 189n. Gordon, Henry William, Reverend, 109–10 Gordon, Robert (of Straloch), 24 Gourlaw, Robert, 26 Grand Canaria, 126 Groot Fortuin, see Pulau Siberut Grote Kombuiseiland, see Pulau Panjang Guinea, 94, 124n., 252 Gujarat, 85, 163n., 164n., 166n. Gulf of Arracan, see Bay of Bengal Gulf of Persia, 69, 167n. Gulf of Siam, 195n. Gusarattes (inhabitants of Gujarat), 163 Habsburgs, 59–60, 63–65, 69–72 Hadfield, Andrew, 27 Hague (the), 88 Hakluyt, Richard (1552?–1616), 14, 18, 22 Halmahera, xx, 200n. Hamilton, Alexander, Captain, 68–69, 97n., 110–11, 115n. Hamilton, James, Marquis of Hamilton, 113, 251 Hammond, Walter, 251 Hansen, Ivar, 15 Hartsing, Karel, Admiral, 211n. Hay, Robert, 252 Helena of Constantinople, 232

index

275

Hellevoetsluis, xvii, 9, 121, 123n. Henderson, John, Colonel, 94 Herbert, Sir Thomas, 15, 19–20 Hercules, Alexander, 248 Heuvel, Anthonio van den, Governor of Ambon, 87 Hog’s Corner, see Tanjung Tua Holland, 36, 64, 98n., 110, 123 homosexuality, 196 Hoorn, 5, 201, 210 Hormuz Island, 167 Horn, Mr, 114n. Houtman, Cornelis de (1568–99), 32, 63 Hoyland, Robert, 186n. Hyderabad (Colconda), 179n., 191n.

Jansz, Daniel, 249 Janz, David, 91 Japan, xviii, 99–100, 249–50 Japanese (the), 97–98 Japara, 101n., 102, 209n., 249 Java, xviii, xx, xxi, 3, 11, 14, 18, 25, 30, 34, 56, 67, 81, 83, 90, 96, 100–12, 144n., 145n., 206–14, 248–51 Jesuit college of Salsette, 162 João IV, King of Portugal (1641–56) and 8th Duke of Bragança (1603–56), 60, 73 Johnson, James, Captain, 94 Junius, Robert (Robert de Jonghe) (1606–56), Reverend, 108–09, 248

Île Amsterdam (Amsterdam Island), 34, 141 Île Saint Paul (San Paulo), 34, 141 Ilha da Boa Fortuna, see Pulau Siberut Ilha da Trindade (Altrinidado), 15, 32–33, 131 Ilha de Diogo Soares, see Antsirane Ilha de São Brandão, see Cargados Carajos Shoals Ilha Tissuari, see Island of Tisoare Ilhas de Martim Vaz, 131 India, xviii, xix, 6, 13–14, 17–18, 30n., 32, 61–62, 67, 72, 82, 87, 93, 106, 107, 115n., 146n., 147, 155n., 159, 161–97 fruit of, 17 Indian Ocean, xviii, xix, 33, 35, 140–41, 229 Indonesia, xx, 3, 66, 121, 138n., 144, 145n., 146n., 149n., 159n., 173n., 174n., 177n., 178n., 200–09, 211–14 Indrapura, 104, 204 Iran (Persia), 90, 159, 185, 192, 251–52 Island of Tisoare (Ilha Tissuari), 159n. Isle of Foula, 243n. Ismael, Shah of Bijapur, 62 Italians (the), 164

Kalimantan (Borneo), xx, 18, 20, 84, 112, 148n., 176, 192, 206–07 Kartasura, 103 Keir, William, Captain, 111 Kellie, Sir Thomas, 28 Kennedy, Mrs, 111n. Kenya, 227n., 229n. Kepulauan Mentawai (Mentawai Islands), xx, 203n. Khambhat, see Cambay Kilwa, 227n., 229n. Kintore, James, 92 Kintore, Robert, 92, 114, 249 Klein Fortuin, see Pulau Betua Knox, Robert, 251 Konkane, 62, 160 Krakatoa, see Pulau Krakatau Kratawangsche Hoek, 7 Krui, 204n.

Jailolo, 200n. Jakarta (Batavia), xviii, xx, 3, 7, 11, 13, 20–21, 25, 34–35, 37, 67, 71–74, 79–80, 90, 92, 100–07, 100–10, 112, 123n., 138n., 140n., 144–47, 150n., 157n., 197n., 209–13, 248–51 Road of, 7, 147 James VI & I, King of Scotland (1567–1625) and of England and Ireland (1603–25), 88–89, 94, 113, 250 Jangoma, 173n., 195n.

Lam, Jan Dircksz, Commander, 68, 96 Lange Eiland, see Pulau Panjang Langelands, George, 99, 249 Langelands, James, 99, 249 language, 184, 195 African (unidentified), 226 Chaldaic, 187 Chinese (Mandarin), 20, 195 Dutch, 114, 122 Hebrew, 20, 195 Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia), 145n. Javanese (Bahasa Java), 105 Malaysian (Bahasa Malay), 96, 105, 195 Portuguese, 122 Scots, 25, 57, 120, 222n. Taiwanese, 108 Tamil, 184n. Thai (Siamese), 20, 195

276

index

Lawrence, Michael, 248 Leenen, Joan van, Vice-Governor of Padang, 103–04 Leith, 90, 248–49 Lemon Valley, 233n. Lindsay, Robert, 107, 250 Linschoten, Jan Huygen van (1563–1611), 15–18, 20–22, 26–27, 32, 36, 62–63, 121, 159n., 170 Lions Hill, 223n. Lisbon, 3, 16, 61, 69, 71, 73, 80 Lithgow, William, 27–28 Little, Andrew, 100n. Lockhart, William, 114n. Lockhart, William (jnr), 114n. Logan, James, 92, 252 Lombok, xx, 102, 197n., 249 London, 18–19, 28, 38n., 48, 89–91, 98, 113, 250–53 Lontor (Bandanaira, Naira, Nila, Pulau Naira), xxii, 81, 201n. Lopes, Fernão, 234 Low Countries, see Netherlands Lowe, James, 249 Lyall, John, Reverend Dr (Johannes Laelius Schotanus), 92, 109, 114, 249 Lyall, Robert, 92, 252 Lyall, William, Governor of Tranquebar, 92, 252 Macaulay, Malcolm, 251 MacDonald, Robert, 26 Macinnes, Allan I., 90n. Mackie, J. D., 24n. Madagascar (Saint Lawrence), xviii, 12, 18–19, 83, 105, 108, 113, 121–22, 139, 140n., 141n., 227–29, 251 government of, 228 Madeira, 125n. Maffei, Gian Pietro (Petrus Maffeus), 20–21, 180 Makassar, see Ujung Pandang Makkah Province, 209n. Malabar, xviii, xix, 12, 18, 20, 69–70, 81–82, 107, 160n., 164, 167n., 171, 175, 177, 179–88, 250 nobility of (Naire), 20, 180–81 Malacca, see Melaca Malaku Islands, see Moluccas Malay Peninsula, 146n., 159n., 172n., 178n., 194n., 195n. Malaysia, 96, 146 Maldives, xix Maluku, see Moluccas

Manders, Robert, 94 Mandovi River, 62, 72, 160n., 161n. Mangalore, 179 Manhica River, 227n. Marsdiep, 244n. Mascarenhas Islands, 229 Masulipatam (Mesulipatan), 189n., 193 Mataram, xx, 102–03, 148n., 207n. Maule, Henry (of Melgum), 22 Mauritius, 35, 140n., 229n. Maxwell, James, Earl of Dirletoun, 113, 251 Maxwell, Reverend, 108 Maxwell, Richard, 252 Mayer, Tobias (1723–62), 50 Mecca, 209 Mechelen, Jan van, secunde, 104 medicine benzoin, 178, 196 bezoar, 196 bloodstone, 196 camphor, 207 Melaca (Malacca), xviii, xx, 18, 20, 25n., 66, 69–71, 96, 99, 101, 108–09, 111, 159, 174, 178, 191–94, 248–49 Meliapore (Mylapore, Saint Thomas), 167n., 185, 188, 191 Menseneter Eiland, see Pulau Seribu Mentawai Islands, see Kepulauan Mentawai merchants, 89, 91, 95–97, 102, 104–07, 110, 113 Mesulipatan, see Masulipatam Middelburg, 3, 5–6, 62 Mijers, Esther, 94 Millar, Captain, 108 mining, 182, 196–97, 228–29 Mocha, xviii, 78, 209n. Mogadishum, 229 Moluccas (Malaku Islands), 18, 65, 68, 79, 88, 97, 159n., 174n., 177n., 200n. Mombasa, 227n., 229n. Monro, Lieutenant, 106 Monro, Robert (c. 1590–1680), Colonel, 29 Moray Firth, 245n. Moryson, Fynes, 27 Mossel Bay (Mossel Baai), 222n. Moucheron, Balthasar de, 62 Mozambique, 78–79, 160, 227, 229 Mukomuko, 204n. Mumbai, xix, 179 Mundy, Peter, 30n. Murray, William, 107, 109

index Muscovy Company, 94 Myanmar (Burma), 159n. Mylapore, see Meliapore Nacodá (Captain), 197 Nagapattinam, 66, 189n. Nailaka, 201n. Naira (Bandanaira), see Lontor Naire (Malabar nobility), 180 Namoud, Balian, 103 Narsinga (Bismagá, Vijayanagar), 18, 82, 179, 184–85, 189, 191–92 Nassau Island, see Pulau Pagai navigation, 31–57, 153 almanacs and tables, 49–50 cartography, 23–25, 47 compass use for, 51–53 course or heading, 41–43 currents and drift, 54–55 distances and displacement, 43–44 English miles, xvi, 124, 233 nautical miles, xvi, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38n., 44, 124 Scots miles, xvi, 25, 34, 38, 40–41, 44, 57, 71, 123–246 latitude and longitude in, 45–47 magnetic declination (magnetic variation), 50–53 meridian, 42, 46, 47–49, 51 meridian of Buchan Ness, 47, 243 Canary Islands, 224 Cape of Aguillas, 33, 34 Greenwich, 47 Saint Brandon, 140, 141 Tenerife, 42, 47–48, 125, 131, 134, 147–48, 236, 242 positional indicators, 55–56 standard meridian, 47–48 time keeping, 48 wind and leeway, 53–54 Negapatnam, xviii, xix, 188–89 Negay River, 189 Netherlands (Dutch Republic, Low Countries, United Provinces), xv, 3–4, 7, 11, 13–14, 31–32, 34, 37, 42, 52, 59–65, 69, 72–73, 80, 87–89, 91, 93, 95–96, 98, 104–05, 108, 110, 123, 213, 244n., 246n. Newcastle, 28 Nieuhoff, John, 21 Nila (Bandanaira), see Lontor North America, 26 Nova, João da, 232

277

Nova Scotia, 22–23, 26 Olafsson, Jon, 14 Oldenbarnevelt, Johan van (1547–1619), Advocate of Holland (1586–1618), 64 Onor, 185 Orang-kaya (Bandanese nobility), 201, 209 Orkney, 13, 243–44 Padang, xx, 104, 204n. Pagai Island, see Pulau Pagai pagoda, 182 Paliacate, 189n. Pattani, xviii, xx, 18–20, 172, 194–95 language of, 20 Pean, Captain, 106 Pedel, Thomas, 96 Pegu, 159, 177–78, 192, 195 Peninsular Plateau, see Deccan Plateau penis bell, 196 Pennington, L. E., 19n. Persia, see Iran Persian Gulf, 167n. Philip II (1527–98), King of Spain, 59–60 Philip III, King of Spain (1598–1621), 63 Philippines, xviii, 192, 209n. Phillip, William, 18, 159n. pirates/piracy Barbary corsairs, 36 Irishman called Kennedy, 111 Society of Pirates at Madagascar, 108 Plancius, Petrus (Pieter Platvoet) (1552–1622), Reverend, 52–53 plants and trees aloe (calamba), 196 banyan, 163 betel, 175 coconut, 145, 161, 176, 214 lacquer, 177 palm, 161, 162, 164, 175 sandalwood, 79, 168 Platvoet, Pieter, see Petrus Plancius Poland-Lithuania, 93 Pont, Timothy, 23–24 Ponunge, see Tanjung Belimbing Popham, Edward, 93 Port Augustine, 122, 227 Portugal, 3, 56, 60–67, 69, 72–74, 80, 147, 156–57, 161–64, 174, 188 Portuguese (the), 3, 12, 20, 47, 60–63, 65–72, 76–79, 87–88, 96–98, 136, 158–61, 163–65, 168, 174, 180, 196

278

index

Mestiços, 165 Potter, Cornelis de, 79–80 precious stones, see gems Predicx, James, 249 Price, Abel, 97 Prinsen Eilanden, see Pulau Panaitan Ptolemy, 229n. Pulau Ai, xxii, 68–69, 96, 201n. Pulau Babi (Pulau Tunda, Varkenseiland), xxi, 146n., 211n. Pulau Bacan (Bachan), 200n. Pulau Betua (Klein Fortuin), 206n. Pulau Krakatau (Krakatoa), xxi, 15, 145n., 206n., 208n. Pulau Kundur, 112 Pulau Naira, see Lontor Pulau Nias, 203n. Pulau Pagai (Nassau Island, Pagai Island), 204n. Pulau Panaitan (Prinsen Eilanden), xxi, 145n., 206n. Pulau Panjang (Grote Kombuiseiland, Lange Eiland), xxi, 146n., 209n., 211n. Pulau Pisang (Cocos Island), 204n., 214n. Pulau Rozengain, xxii, 81, 201n. Pulau Run, xxii, 68, 90n., 201n. Pulau Sangiang (Dwars in de weg), xxi, 121, 149n., 208n., 209n. Pulau Sebesi, xxi, 208n. Pulau Seribu (Menseneter Eiland), 146n. Pulau Siberut (Groot Fortuin, Ilha da Boa Fortuna), 203n. Pulau Tamposo (Toppershoedje), xxi, 121, 149n., 209n. Pulau Teün, 201n. Pulau Tikus, 204n. Pulau Tunda, see Pulau Babi Pulau Ular (Brabantshoedje), xxi, 212n. Pulicat, xix, 189n. Purchas, Samuel, 14, 18, 19n., 22, 26 Quast, Matthijs Hendriksz, Admiral, 12, 13n., 15, 38, 74–75, 77, 147, 149, 158 Queensferry, 249 Quesnoy, Jan de, Vice-Admiral, 74 Quilon (Cowlam), 18, 179, 184–85 Rammits, Jan, 249 Ramsay, John, 251 Reid, David, 27 Reino da Baixa Birmânia, 189n. religion Buddhism, 196 talapoi, 196

Christianity, 20, 26, 62, 90–91, 108–10, 162–63, 180, 185–88, 200 Calvinist, 107–10, 186 Roman Catholic (inc. Jesuits), 20, 26, 62, 162, 168, 180n., 186 Hinduism, 20, 163, 178, 180, 181–84, 189, 190, 192 brahmin, 163 ‘indigenous’, 181–84 irreligion, 226 Islam, 83, 84, 90, 148, 180, 185–86, 189, 207, 209, 228 Judaism, 19 Koran, 186n. Reynst, Gerard (1568–1615), Governor General (1613–15), 96 Rick, Robert, 249 Rio Grande do Norte, 233n. River Forth, 25, 193 River Ganges, xix, 188 Robbeneiland, see Seal Island Robertson, Sir Gabriel, 110 Roe, Sir Thomas, 14 Rotterdam, xvii, 5, 9, 92–94, 108 Ruige Hoek, 7 Rupert, Prince (1619–82), Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, 93 Rutgers, Jan, 89 Saint Augustin, 122, 227 Saint Brandon Rocks, see Cargaos Carajos Shoals Saint Helena (Tristan da Cunha Islands), 13, 18, 36, 134, 211, 230, 232–35 Saint Lawrence, see Madagascar Saint Marie, 122 Saint Thomas, see Meliapore Salsette, 16, 62, 161–63 San Paulo, see Île Saint Paul Sanderson, Andrew, 249 Santa Maria, 122, 227n. Santiago, 122, 227n. Saracens, 193 Sargasso Sea, 239 sarong, 207 sati, 190 Saudi Arabia, 209n. Scalloway, 92 Schagen, Nicolaes, Governor of Ambon, 109–10 Scheele, Anton, 31n. Schotanus, Johannes Laelius, see John Lyall

index Scot, Sir John (1585–1670) (of Scotstarvit), 23–25 Scotland, 11, 21, 26, 28, 30, 36, 47, 57, 87, 90–95, 99, 101, 105, 111–12, 113n., 134, 193, 243n., 244n., 245n. Scots (the), 87–90, 92–93, 98, 101, 105–06, 108, 110, 113–14 Gaels, 87 identity of, 25, 89 in foreign service, 28, 90–94, 114–15 language of, 25, 57, 120, 222 reading trends of, 28 Scott, Walter (d. 1633), first Earl of Buccleuch, 28 Scottish East India Company, 94 Seal Island (Robbeneiland), 223n., 251 Selat Sunda (Sunda Strait), xx, xxi, 14, 34–35, 74, 145n., 149, 206, 208, 209n., 214 Semarang, 209n. Serua, 201n. sexual practices, 196 Shairp, Alexander, 250 Shanks, Harry, 90, 105, 251 Shetland, 36, 92, 243–44, 249 ships Amboina, 209 Amsterdam, 150 Antelope of Delft, 124 Bull of Amsterdam, 124 Delft, 89 Duyvel van Delft, 248 Egmont, 12, 74, 80, 197 Enkhuizen, 35, 74–77, 138, 158, 210, 211 Erasmus, 248, 249 Francois-Boot, 112 Gouden Leeuw, 94, 248 Goudestein, 105 Harderwijk, iv, 12, 13, 38, 74–75, 77, 80, 147, 157 Henriette Louise, 35, 210 ’s Hertogenbosch (a.k.a. Bosche), 11, 13, 31–37, 74–75, 80, 123, 131, 157, 210, 211, 244, 249 Hollandia, 12, 13, 74, 80, 197 Kleine Erasmus, 248 Lands Welvaren, 105, 249 Leiden, 89 Local Coke, 110 Maastricht, 249 Middelburg, 35, 210, 211 Neptunus, 96 New Encusen, 138 Noordster, 74

279

Nossa Senhora da Quietaçáo (a.k.a. Santa Maria de Gosta), 12, 20, 29, 75–79, 84, 150, 157 Peace, see Vrede President, 107 Ridderschap, 105, 249 Roemerswaal, 74–75, 80 Rotterdam, 92, 100, 249, 250 Salland, 105 Santa Maria de Gosta, see Nossa Senhora da Quietaçáo Sion, 105 Speedwell, 110, 111, 115 Tijger, 35, 210, 211 Valckenburg, 80 Venlo, 74, 80, 157 ’t Vliegend Hert, 74–75 Vrede (Peace), 35, 210, 211 Waalstroom, 105 Wassenaar, 74, 80 West-Friesland, 35, 210 Zeelandia, 99–100, 249 Siam, see Thailand Sierra Leone, 99, 248 Sims, George, 248 Sint Nicolaasbaai, see Teluk Banten Smeaton, Charles (jnr), 252 Smeaton, Charles (snr), 252 Smith, Andrew, Lieutenant, 99, 248 Sofala, 229n. Solor, 65 Solours, Roland, 98n. Somalia, 229n. Spalding, Augustus, 38n., 90, 96–97, 107, 248, 250 Spalding, Richard, 251 Spanish (the), 60–61 wine, 13, 77, 158 Speelman, Cornelis (1628–84), Governor General (1681–84), 66, 104 Spens, James, Drummer-Major, 99, 114, 248, 254–57 Spens, Sir James (of Wormiston), General, 254n. Speult, Herman van, Governor of Ambon, 97–98 spice, 175–77, 201, 234 cardamom, 112, 177 cinnamon, 70, 177 cloves, 65–69, 177, 201 mace, 66, 68, 81, 177 nutmeg, 66, 69, 81, 176, 177 pepper, 61, 70, 72, 79, 112, 113, 175 trade, 4, 64–66, 68–72, 81, 110, 148

280

index

Sri Lanka (Ceylon), xviii, xix, 69–71, 80, 87, 173n., 177n., 192, 251 Stapelen, Jan van, 210n. Steele, Colin, 19n. Stewart, Colonel, 95 Stewart, Mr, 100, 250 Stewart, Thomas, 100, 250 Stirling, 92, 249–50 Stobhall (Perthshire), 26 Stone, Jeffrey, 23 Strachan, George, 90, 251, 253 Strachan, James, 251 Sukadana, 207n. Sumatra, xviii, xx, xxi, 34, 96, 103, 145n., 148, 174, 176, 178, 196, 203–06, 212, 249 Sumburgh Head, 244n. Sunda Strait, see Selat Sunda Surat (Suratte), xviii, xix, 52, 79, 252 Suratte, see Surat Susuhunan (Sultan of Surakarta), 103 Swedes (the), 89, 93, 247 Table Bay, 35, 223 Table Mountain, 223n. Taiwan, see Formosa Tamil, 184 Tanganyika, 227n., 229n. Tanjore, 184n., 185n. Tanjung Belimbing (Ponunge, Vlakke Hoek), 206n. Tanjung Tua (Hog’s Corner, Varkenshoek), xxi, 212n., 213n. Teding, Jordan, Commander, 106 Teluk Banten (Baai van Bantam, Sint Nicolaasbaai), xxi, 146n., 209n., 211n. Tenasserin, 178n. Tenerife, 42, 47–48, 125–26, 131, 134, 147–48, 236, 242 Terar, Thomas, 249 Ternate, 65–66, 200 Terschelling, 123n., 244n. Texel (the), 13, 36–37, 63, 138, 147, 150, 197, 213, 244 textiles, see fabrics and textiles Thailand (Siam), xviii, 18, 82, 85, 96, 97n., 159, 177–78, 195 language of, 20 Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648), 69 Thompson, Thomas, Reverend, 252 Tidore, 65–66, 200 Timor, xx, 178

Toit, Alexander du, 21n. Toppershoedje, see Pulau Tamposo Towerson, Gabriel, Captain, 98 Tranquebar, 14, 66, 92, 252 Treaty of Union (British, 1707), 112 Tristan da Cunha Islands, see Saint Helena Troenjja (indigenous leader), 103 Tropic of Cancer, 49, 126, 151, 170, 239 Tropic of Capricorn, 49, 121, 170n., 218, 231 Ujung Pandang (Makassar), xx, 66 Ujungkrawang, 7 United Provinces, see Netherlands Varkenseiland, see Pulau Babi Varkenshoek, see Tanjung Tua, 212 Veere, 95–96, 105, 248 Vengurla, xix, 71, 74–75, 77, 155n. Venice, 3 Viallé, Cynthia, 59n. Vietnam (Cochin China), xviii, 112, 192 Vijayanagar, see Narsinga Vlakke Hoek, see Tanjung Belimbing Vlie, the, 123n., 244n. Vlieland, 123n., 244n. Vloeker, David, 248 VOC, see Dutch East India Company warfare and conflict, African, 83 Anglo-Asian, 106 Anglo-Dutch (various), 3, 12, 68, 89, 97–101 Anglo-Portuguese, 12, 65–68 Asian, 66–67, 81–85, 88 Dutch-Asian, 81–82, 84, 99–100, 102–04, 106 Dutch-Portuguese, 12–13, 65–80, 84–85 blockade of Goa, 21, 29, 70–73 Dutch-Spanish, 3–4, 66–67 massacres, of the Bandanese by the Dutch on the Banda Islands (Maluka/ Moluccas), 81–82 British by the indigenous population at Pulau Condore (Borneo), 112 Dutch by the Portuguese and their allies at São Jorge da Mina (Gold Coast), 96

index English and Japanese by the Dutch on Ambon (Maluka/Moluccas), 97–98 Portuguese-Spanish, 73 weapons basilisk, 195 cannon, 67, 71, 74, 76, 82, 147, 181, 194, 214 fireworks, 154, 182 grenades, 182 muskets, 83, 114 pistol, 76, 158 shield or target, 27, 82, 83, 172, 180, 182, 228 spear and javelin, 83, 226, 228 sword, 27, 64, 76, 78, 82, 111, 158, 180, 201 weather conditions calm or still weather, 126, 128, 129, 133, 135, 137, 142, 145, 146, 153, 154, 200, 202, 206, 208, 212, 213, 214, 215, 220, 231, 232, 235, 236, 239, 240, 241, 243, 245 fireslaught, see lightning gales, 34, 40, 41, 125, 126, 127, 129–35, 137–44, 150–55, 198, 199, 203–05, 211, 213, 215, 219–20, 231, 232, 235, 238, 240, 244 hurricanes, 33 lightning (fireslaught), 134, 164, 167, 221, 237

281

storms, 124, 127, 134, 136, 152, 155, 159, 167, 219, 223, 241, 242 terrenhos (ventos—off shore wind), 166 thunder, 128, 134, 143, 154, 164, 167, 204, 221, 236, 237 travado (a typhoon), 211 viração (an on-shore wind), 166 Wedderburn, John, 90, 251 Weldon, Captain, 97n. Westerwolt, Adam, Admiral, iv Weymss, 249 Wick, 25, 244n. wildlife birds, 32, 136, 171, 222, 224, 243 mammals, 32, 172–73, 222, 226, 229 Willemstad, xvii Winius, George, 12n., 81n. Woet, John, 250 women, 16, 162, 165–68, 180–81, 196, 225–26, 228 Wood, Andrew, Reverend, 91, 108, 251 Wright, Edward, 26 Yemen, 209n. Zambezi River, 227n. Zeeland, 5–6, 62–63, 93 Zwari River, 62