The nature of the central Andean preceramic [1 ed.]

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(Occasional Papers ofthe dhe State University Museum, Number21 The Nature of the Central Andean Preceramic By THOMAS F. LYNCH

no, 2

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IDAHO

STATE

UNIVERSITY

William E. Davis, President

MUSEUM EARL H. SWANSON, JR

STAFF

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Director

GLENN R. DOWNING...

Chief Curator

ANITA M. FREEMAN.

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B. ROBERT BUTLER

eeeecnennnennnnnee Curator of Archaeology

SYLVIA CLINE.

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ee

cevetenenneennenCurator of Archives

EDSON FICHTER.......

sutae-Curatorof Mammology

MAX. PAVESIC. JOHN WHITE...

Secretary

:

Curatorof Anthropology ‘and State Highway Archaeologist Curator of Paleontology

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DAVID. FORTSCH.--eononennneneneAssistant Curator of Paleontology

ALAN _L. BRYAN DON E, CRABTREE RUTH GRUHN CHARLOTTE HOLTON DONALD R. TUOHY

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wen Research Associates

‘NUMBER 21 BESS

Es

Editors - Earl H. Swanson, Jr, & B. Robert Butler

‘THE NATURE OF THE

CENTRAL ANDEAN PRECERAMIC

Py.

‘Thomas F. Lynch

1824039

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS INTRODUCTION AND TERMINOLOGY Chapter B SITES ASSIGNED TO EARLY LITHIC III AND The Early Lithic Periods . Central Highlands of Peru Southern Highlands of Peru . . North and Central Coast of Peru South Coast of Peru. West-Central Bolivia . . North Chile and Southwest Bolivia Northwestern Argentina . see Ecuador is AS IL SITES NOT COVERED BY LANNING AND HAMMEL CUED) et ee ee Go ee GUT» a ee ee Peruvian Highlands... . 2... Northwestern Argentina Tit. SUMMARY OF CHRONOLOGY AND TYPOLOGY .

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IV

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Chronology. : Significance of the Distribution of Sites in Time and Space. . . . oe Distinguishing Central Andean Horizons Typologically . THE POSSIBILITY OF TRANSHUMANGE. . . . . Presence of Transhumance in America. . . . Parallels from the Great Basin Desert Culture Peruvian "Relicts" . . . 2 Archaeological Documentation of Transhumance in the Central Andes... 1. +s ++ s+ THE ECONOMIC BASE AND OTHER ASPECTS OF CULTURE . Hunting. . ‘ AsGoen fee Wild Plant Use oes poe Ethnographic Parallels ......... + Ochen Teaieers teil ets = © : Social Organization.

TABLE OF CONTENTS--Continued Chapter VI

vi

vit.

‘THE EMERGENCE OF AGRICULTURE AND PASTORALISM . Microenvironments and Sedentism . Animal Domestication . Highland Domestication of Canelids Coastal Peruvian Agriculture . Origins of Highland Agriculture. ‘THE CENTRAL ANDEAN PRECERAMIC IN NEW WORLD CONTEXT General Background : The Problem of "Barly Man" and the Pre-Projectile Point Stage The Entry of Man into South America. The Paleo-Indian Tradition and Its Expansion into South America RE c a's Old Cordilleran Culture E Origins of Old Cordilleran Culture CONCLUSIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . .

‘PREFACE

This paper written in the summer of 1966, constitutes the main body of my doctoral dissertation for the Department of Anthropology of the University of Chicago. The dissertation included as an appendix a lengthy interpretive description of the Quishqui Puncu site, which will be published separately in a future Occasional Paper. Thus, references to figure numbers in the original appendix have been deleted from the text, but general reference will be found below to comparative material in the "Appendix", to be published later. My work on the Andean preceramic was initiated in the spring of 1964 when the late Professor Allan R. Holmberg arranged for me to undertake field work in Peru, under the auspices of the Department of Anthropology at Cornell University and with financial support from the Cornell Andean Fund Iwill remain most grateful to Professor Holmberg for his support, encourage ment, and unfailing patience. I am also permanently indebted to Professor Donald Collier, who since the fall of 1964 has helped me develop my thesis with critical and knowing advice. Professors Robert M. Adams, Pedro Armillas, and F, Clark Howell, the other members of my dissertation committee, were likewise very helpful and generous with their time. To Robert Ascher, Robert E. Bell, Neil Johnson, Edward P. Lanning, and Donald W. Lathrap, I am grateful for various kinds of aid. In Peru, Herndn Amat 0., Felix Caycho, Manuel Chavez Ballén, Rosa Fung, Jorge Muelle, Hermilio Rosas Lanoire, and especially Gary Vescelius provided cooperation and assistance, for which I am truly thankful. My work in Peru was made possible only by the hospitality of the Peruvian Republic, the permission of the Patronato Nacional de Arqueologia, and the labor of many Vicosinos. In Ithaca, a Cornell University Faculty Research Grant sustained part of the cost of laboratory analysis of the Quishqui Puncu collections Finally, I am deeply grateful to my wife Barbara for the artifact drawings, encouragement, and support which she faithfully provided

INTRODUCTION AND TERMINOLOGY

The most recent synthesis of the preceramic archaeology of western South America was published in 1961, at which time the authors stated their opinion that". . . the current rate of discovery is such that the useful life of this paper may only be about three years" (Lanning and Hammel 1961: 139). Their estimate of useful life has proved overly pessimistic, but many new sites have been reported: the Pampa, Punta Grande, and Lomas sites at Anc6n; Chivateros; the Paracas burial site; Ranracancha; Quishqui Puncu} Ambo; Toquepala; and Ampajango. New information is available on several of the old sites, especially Lauricocha and Intihuasi. In the first section of this paper I will critically review the sites which Lanning and Hammel assigned to their Early Lithic III and Early Lithic IV periods, and suggest some revisions in interpretation. In Chapter IT there are short descriptions and evaluations of sites which have been subsequently reported and which bear on a redefinition of Early Lithic IIT and IV in the central Andes. My observations are based on an examination of several collections in Lima, as well as the published accounts. ‘The Appendix contains an interpretive description of Quishqui Puncu, an unpublished site which I excavated in 1964 and which was the inspiration for this study. While lamenting an unsafe reliance on index types, I do not think that the time is ripe for a major realignment of periods based on total artifact inventories from sites such as Quishqui Puncu. There simply are not enough complete industries known at this date; working hypotheses about time horizons must rely heavily on a few key types. Minor adjustments to take into account the excavations since 1961 are suggested, but emphasis is placed upon more broadly characterizing the nature of these later preceramic periods. In the absence of more comprehensive reports on sites and their industries, the Lanning and Hammel point typology correlations, which cover all of western South America, are likely to remain the standard reference for some time to come. However, in Chapter III, I reassess the dating of the central Andean preceramic, discuss the typology of its flaked stone tools, and divide it into two, somewhat differently defined horizons. Like Lanning and Hanmel's Early Lithic periods, the "willow leaf horizon" and "small point horizon" are characterized by changes in projectile point types, but the distinctions are made at different junctures and are intended to correlate better with major changes in the culture of the central Andes. Previous studies of the Andean preceramic have dealt nearly exclusively with typological and chronological correlations, and have left little space for discussion of the nature and changes in subsistence patterns and other aspects of culture. One purpose of this work is to attempt to partially rectify this imbalance. Chapter IV is a consideration of the likelihood and implications of a system of transhumance in preceramic times, in which I draw ethnographic and archaeological parallels from elsewhere as well as discussing the Lacking comparable applicability of such a system in the central Andes, data on such basic essentials as relative frequencies between artifact

classes, I have been unable to support the case for Andean transhumance with much directly relevant archaeological data. There is a need in Andean archaeology to strike a balance between the present practical use of a few crucial point types as markers of time horizons, and the more difficult task of finding ecological or environmental significance (for instance, a seasonal round) in complete industries with variable composition and proportions of tools. Aside from rare and indefinite references to the relative frequency of projectile points and scrapers, and the presence or absence of cobble tools and milling stones, the evidence for seasonal rounds and transhumance comes from non-archaeological sources. Non-archaeological sources also form the basis for reconstruction of pre-agricultural subsistence, which is attempted in Chapter V. The descriptions of aspects of culture other than subsistence activity rely heavily on ethnographic parallels, although there is some archaeological support for elements such as house types. There is archaeological evidence for incipient horticulture on the coast of Peru in preceramic times, but little successful attention has been paid to explaining the nature of the transition from lure" hunting-gathering to agriculture and sedentary coastal communities. Again the lack of archaeological data from the sierra limits the strength of the argument that can be made, but it is proposed in Chapter VI that highland Andean agriculture has its origins well back into preceramic times, and that it may be the forerunner of the coastal system

Peruvianists have been rather hesitant to broaden their frames of reference to include North America as well as South America, and even more reluctant to take into consideration the world context. A few scholars focusing on parts of South America other than Peru (such as Ibarra Grasso, 1955, 1957, 1962; Menghin, 1952, 1953/54, 1955/56, 1957; and to a lesser extent Gonzdlez, 1952) have compared their chipped stone artifacts and industries to material from North America, but they have received little encouragement for their efforts. Nevertheless, there is a need to evaluate the evidence for including the central Andean stone industries in more inclusive formulations such as Krieger's (1964: 59-63) Protoarchaic Stage and Butler's (1961, 1965) Old Cordilleran Culture The central Andean sites, industries, and presumably culture, from about 6000 to 3000 B.C., are very much like what has been found at approximately the same time level all up and down the mountainous western part of the two Americas. Adaptations to a life based on hunting deer-sized and smaller animals and gathering closely similar plant foods appear to be reflected in the widespread occurrence of industries with nearly identical willow leaf-shaped points, small scrapers, bifacial knives, and cobble tools. In the final section of this study, the roots of this tradition are speculated upon, and an argument is made for speaking of a Pan-American Old Cordilleran Culture which would include the Ayampitfn and willow leaf industries in addition to the better known North American complex.

The Central Andes, as defined by Bennett and Bird (1964: 1) " cludes the Peruvian coast and highlands and most of the Bolivian highlands.” As used here without capitalization of "central," the central Andes will be stretched across the political border between Bolivia and Argentina to

include the northwestern corner of Argentina, vhere obviously related preceramic industries have been identified. This redefinition eliminates a good deal of circumlocution, and the north-south division is still logically situated. ‘The Southern Andes stretch some 2800 kilometers further south between Tucunén and Chilean Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, another important locus of early sites.

The term "preceramic" is used with no connotations other than that the material so identified is thought to be earlier than the introduction of ceramics (a convenient marker trait) in the specified area. Pottery is introduced at different times in different regions and is not necessarily associated with agriculture. Incipient agriculture, similarly, may or may not be found with late preceramic remains. Following Braidwood (1946: 133-36; 1963: 58), an "industry" is a collection of tools of one category of material (here stone or bone only) which were found in archaeological context, or in an untransported geological context. If the tools are not found together as men used and left them, the industry may be incomplete or mixed, and is then degraded to an artifact collection. In surface sites, desert blow-outs, and sites with disturbed stratigraphy, there is no guarantee that the archaeologist has collected a single, complete industry. The term "complex" is avoided because it has been used and defined in 30 many conflicting ways, However, to prevent confusion or distortion it is sometimes repeated in this paper when it has been employed by the cited author. “Horizon" and "tradition" are broader terms, counterpoised to each other, with the former emphasizing the spatial dimension and the latter the time dimension (Willey and Phillips 1958: 29-40). Nevertheless, horizons must obviously share somewhat in the time dimension and traditions mst occur in space.

There is no such thing as an archaeological "culture," but archaeological materials may represent a total culture which is named after the artifacts that are recovered. "Stages" should not be confused with time periods or ages; stages are developmental levels which may occur at different times in different places (Braidwood 1963: 104). Moreover, stages do not necessarily fall in a regular evolutionary succession. Other common English words are used in their normal dictionary senses in an effort to avoid further compounding archaeological jargon.

CHAPTER I SITES ASSIGNED TO EARLY LITHIC ITI AND IV The Early Lithic Periods Lanning and Hanmel (1961: 139-54) have divided the stone industries of western South America into five periods dating from about 10,000 B.C. until the extinction of the Ona and Yahgan in historic times. They found Period I (10,000 to 8000 B.C.) to be unrepresented in the central Andes--the nearest occurrence being at El Inga in Ecuador--while Period II (8000 to 6000 B.C.) was represented only by the éarliest phase at Lauricocha.

Period IIT (or Early Lithic III), thought to date from about 6000 to 3000 B.C., was defined primarily by the presence of the willow leaf point, made of different materials but always of the same basic form and size. (cf, Quishqui Puncu Types 5-8.) These have been found at several localities in the central Andes, from the central highlands of Peru in the north to the highlands of northwestern Argentina in the south. Willow leaf points are nearly always accompanied by crudely flaked bifacial knives (cf. QP ‘Types 14-17), numerous scrapers, and some tools which may be combination knife-scrapers. Period IV (Early Lithic IV) included all industries later than Period IIT but earlier than the introduction of pottery, except in Argentina and Chile where pottery may appear considerably later than in the Peruvian and Bolivian highlands. Lanning and Hammel estimated that Period IV in Peru dated from about 3000 to 1200 B.C. Industries assigned to Period IV are distinguished by the small, stemless, shouldered point with the basal half wider than the blade half (sometimes described as diamond shaped) (cf. QP Type 1), but there are also many small leaf-shaped and bipointed proJectile points (cf. QP Types 2-3). In the south highlands of Peru and in highland Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina, Period IV is represented by collections with small, broad, triangular points having straight, concave, or notched bases. The Central Highlands of Peru Lauricocha

The stratified sequence at Lauricocha, excavated and described by Cardich (1958a, 1958, 1960, 1964), forms the basis for the Lanning and Hammel classification of Andean stone industries, The several sites excavated by Cardich are grouped around Lake Lauricocha, near the headwaters of the Huallaga River, at altitudes of 3880 to 4100 meters. Three of the caves gave essentially the same sequence, but recently attention has focused on L-2 where renewed excavation has secured the bones of seven human individuals and a radiocarbon sample of burned bone and charcoal from the earliest phase. This provided a date of 9525 t 250 years, or 7570 B.C., for Lauricocha I (Cardich 1960: 108, 112; 1964). Patterson and Lanning (196! 119) also report that Cardich found several stemmed points that are". . .

identical to those of the Arenal complex" in the Lauricocha I deposits. This seems to have influenced Lanning to place his Arenal conplex before the Luz complex (which has four radiocarbon dates centering around 5000 B.C.), in violation of his original “seriation" of the Anc6n lomas collections (see Chapter 11). The earlier excavations in Lauricocha I levels yielded nothing could be classed with certainty as a projectile point (Krieger 1964: which 58), there were some pointed flakes with unifacial marginal retouch and a crude but leaf-shaped point with some retouch on both sides. The most common Lauricocha T artifacts are retouched flakes and steep-edged scrapers. The Lauricocha I collection at the Museum of the University of San Marcos in Lima includes blades, sometimes retouched, but without prepared platforms; a few bifacial knives; and two "points" of the general willow leaf size and shape, but erudely worked. In my opinion Lauricocha I of the 1958 excavations does not differ radically from the following phase; it may be simply a primitive or impoverished industry of essentially Lauricocha IZ type. Although I have not handled the Lauricocha I (levels Q and R) artifacts from the later excavations, those illustrated by Cardich (1964: 82-85) are very similar to the Lauricocha I artifacts.

Cardich has guess-dated the Lauricocha IT phase 6000 to 3000 B.c. Its industry includes numerous finely made projectile points, and all of the specimens in the San Marcos collection conform to the Ayampitfn or willow leaf class. With the exception of one example with a straight base, all have rounded to somewhat pointed bases. A single specimen illustrated by Cardich (1958: Pl. 22) has shoulders and seems to belong to the Early Lithic IV index type.

There are also bifacial knives, some approaching projectile point size, and many snub-nosed scrapers on flakes (cf. QP Types 28-29). These "Lauricocha" scrapers, with a short but steep scraping edge at the foot of the flake, are perhaps the most characteristic artifact of Lauricocha II. Cardich'S cuchillo-raederas are bifacial knives, usually asymmetrical in outline, with one steep edge that looks like it would be more suitable for scraping than cutting. A similar Lauricocha II industry was revealed in two trenches dug in the six meter terrace of the Lauricocha River. Judging by its description, this open site on previously cultivated land is very similar to Quishqui Puncu (see the Appendix), although some 8000 meters higher in altitude. From the Lauricocha IL levels in Cardich's various sites, bones of Llamas, vicuflas, guanacos, tarugas, and deer of the Odocoileus and Qzotoceros genera have been identified, according to Cardich (1958b: 104). The Lauricocha II levels are also by far the richest in chipped stone and simple bone tools. Lauricocha III, estimated to date from 3000 to 1000 B.C., has many faunal remains and some bone tools, but stone artifacts are smaller and fewer. There are a few crudely worked points of Ayampitfn size, but most

are much smaller, being shape (triangular blade base). The San Marcos flake scrapers. The Lauricocha Ti1 solely on the basis of

bipointed, leaf-shaped, or of the distinctive diamond separated by slight shoulders from the slightly wider collection also contains a few of the small, snub-nosed

and the phase distinction seems to have been made the presence of pottery.

Callavallauri

Rockshelters in the Callavallauri Barrio of the Chupaca District near Huancayo, containing chipped stone artifacts, were first tested and reported by Tschopik (1946: 73-80). Tschopik's Shelter Number 1 is located on the third (topmost) terrace of the Cunas River at 3340 meters above sea level. Later, Fung (1958: 253-72) undertook full-scale excavations at this site and described in some detail an industry of 280 stone artifacts.

Only the lowest level of the deposit (Level 1) was completely without pottery, and from this level the Fung collection at the University of San Marcos Museum has only fourteen artifacts and artifact fragments. Two of these (Fung's Type 20) correspond perfectly to the distinctive type from Lauricocha III which is supposed to define Barly Lithic IV: the small, stemless, shouldered point with the basal half wider than the blade half. The other specimens (Fung's Types 2c, 2, 2e, and 2£) are less distinctive, but they include percussion-flaked bifacial knives and small unifacial scrapers. According to Lanning and Hammel (1961: 141) the index point for Early Lithic IV (two examples) was limited to Level I, However, Level II, which contained abundant potsherds, is represented in the San Marcos collection by eight shouldered points. These are somewhat larger or more elongated, and generally of cruder workmanship, but they must be closely related to the Lauricocha III--Early Lithic IV index type; in fact I do not believe that one of the specimens can be differentiated. It seems that in the central highlands of Peru, at least, this index type is not entirely preceramic--of whatever importance that may be. Southern Highlands of Peru Arcata

The Arcata rockshelters were discovered by Schroeder (1957: 291) in the southern highlands of Peru at an altitude of about 4600 meters in the Department of Arequipa. Schroeder's collection, now at the Museum of the University of San Marcos, consists of snub-nosed scrapers, a large bifacial knife fragment, a tanged sloping-shouldered point, a thin triangular point with a convex base approaching a tang, and several sub-triangular points with deeply concave or notched bases.

Icha

A short distance away, near Ichufia, sixty-five kilometers west-southwest of the city of Puno, Schroeder (Menghin and Schroeder 1957: 42) discovered and tested a river valley shelter at 3500 meters above sea level. Seventeen of the Ichufia points are roughly triangular in outline. They have nearly straight, concave, or deeply-notched bases like the Arcata specimens. Three larger points are described as stemmed; they too have roughly triangular blades, which form narrow shoulders where wide tangs project from the bases.

Schroeder also illustrates snub-nosed endscrapers, and, all told, the appearance of the chipped stone is very mich like that from Arcata. Conparing Tchufa (enghin and Schroeder 1957: Figs. 7-15) with Arcata 1958: Fig. 2), one sees that the only major difference is the presence(Schroeder Ichuffa of stone and bone beads, a pottery spindle whorl, and a grinding atstone. It may be that Arcata-like chipped stone industries pass into ceramic, time in the south highlands, but note that the contents of at least two stratigraphic levels were unavoidably mixed during excavation (Menghin and Schroeder 195; 44). North and Central Coast of Peru Pampa de los Fésiles

The chipped stone industries of the north and central coast of Peru were very poorly known in 1961. Larco’s (1948: 11) photograph of artifacts from Pampa de los Fésiles, just north of the Chicana Valley, is unavailable to most workers, although Bird (1948: 27) and others after him have been convinced of their antiquity. Bird noted that the artifacts were pressure-flaked and possibly associated with the remains of mastodons and other extinct Pleistocene animals, but only rarely (and accidentally, he thought) associated with potsherds. He also reported that sites similar to Pampa de los Fésiles had been found in Cupisnique Quebrada and the Rfo Seco Valley between Moche and Viré. Pampa de PaijSn have

Some artifacts from this locality, a few miles northwest of Chicama,

been

more

accessibly

Lanning and Hammel

(1961:

illustrated

Fig. 3a-b).

by

Engel

(1957b:

Pl,

34,

lower

half)

and

Lanning, the discoverer, interprets the

desert site of Pampa de Paijén as a workshop site. The illustrated examples include three essentially complete stemmed and shouldered points of somewhat different types. Lanning and Hammel (1961: 141) liken these to a group of stemmed points from El Inga in Ecuador; but later Lanning (19636: 363-64) finds them most closely related to points of his Luz complex at Ancén (see The collection also contains percussion-flaked bifacial Chapter II below). Although Lanning found some potsherds on the surface of knives or scrapers. the Paijén site, he considers the association to be almost certainly fortuitous (Lanning

and

Hammel

1961:

142).

Huaca Prieta

This site in the Chicama Valley is the best known representative of a presumably later preceramic culture, studied by Bird (1948) in the Chicama and Vird Valleys, which is thought to have lost the art of pressure-flaking stone projectile points. Bird (1943: 25, Fig. 11) describes only hanmerstones, net weights, use-retouched flakes, and cores. This last category appears from his photograph to consist largely of cobble choppers and scrapers. The Huaca Prieta people seem to have been quite sedentary, cultivating cotton, gourds, squash, and tuberous plants, as well as utilizing many wild plants and animals. Gulebras

Engel (1957a, 1957, 1963b) has identified and tested many other sites along the north-central coast, but only rarely are chipped stone artifacts recovered. Lanning (1961: Fig. 3c-d) illustrates two of four long, percussion-flaked, bifacial points or knives from the Culebras preceramic site, forty kilometers south of Casna. ‘These are something like the large lanceolate point from San Nicolfs (see under "South Coast" below), except for a slight shoulder along one edge and somewhat blunter basal ends. A

similar Pl. 32,

artifact No. 4).

comes

from

the

Rfo

Seco

site

at

Chancay

(Engel

1957b:

Ghira/Villa

The lower level of this site in the Rimac Valley lacked pottery but contained gourds and cotton. From 100 cubic meters of deposit, Engel (1957a: 64) recovered a few cobble choppers, hamnerstones, picks, a crude drill, and only two points (one just a fragment). The complete specimen (Engel 1957b: Pl. 34, No. 11) has a nearly straight base and convex edges, but Lanning and Hammel (1961: 142) describe a point "of CallavallauriLauricocha III-IV type." Asia Preceramic Cemetery

Lanning and Hanne! (1961: Figs. 3e, £) illustrated two of the three complete points from this late preceramic cemetery at the mouth of Asia Valley, 100 kilometers south of Lina, They more closely resemble the small leaf-shaped and shouldered points used to define Early Lithic IV, than do the points from Chira/Villa, In his comprehensive report on the Asia cemetery, Engel (1963a: Figs. 133-35, 145, 160-76) illustrates a third small leaf-shaped point, as well as a pecked stone bowl, retouched flakes, grinding stones, and a cobble chopper. South Coast of Peru Laguna de Otuma

This locality, practically due west of Ica, consists of a group of

thirty-two shellmounds around a coastal lagoon. They lack pottery or loom- v woven textiles, but cotton and gourds are present. In addition to shellfish, Engel (1957a: 59) found bones of whale, dolphin, and fish. Only three proJectile points have been found, the rest of the stone tools being cobble choppers, core scrapers, and a single sandstone grinding slab. Of the two points illustrated by Engel (1957b: Pl. 34, Nos. 16, 9), one is small and bipointed, and the other is broad and triangular with nearly straight base and sides. This last specimen resembles "Paracas" points or small knives; it might be either a forerunner of this mich later type or an intrusive artifact left by a "Paracas" visitor to Otuma. Similar fishing sites of "Paracas" age (possibly seasonally occupied) are found a few miles south of Otuma at El Chucho and Carhua (Engel 1957b: 83).

In consideration of the two small bipointed projectile points (each from a different mound), Lanning and Hanmel (1961: 148) set up Otuma as one of theit five definitive sites for Early Lithic IV.

Gasavilca This shellmound at the mouth of the Ica River was discovered first by Casavilea (1959), and then rediscovered and described by Engel (1957a; 1957: 83). Engel (1957b: Pl. 34, Nos. 8, 15) illustrates two points from Casavilca which Lanning and Hanmel (1961: 142) describe as "small leaf-shaped and bipointed projectile points of obsidian, exactly like those of Lauricocha II1IV and Callavallauri. . . ." One, with a straight base, is completely unlike the points from Callavallauri and also dissimilar to anything I have seen from Lauricocha. The second is leaf-shaped, but if the published scale is correct (1/2), at 42 millimeters in length;it is too large to be included in the "small leaf-shaped" type of Early Lithic IV, and would better be assigned to the willow leaf type.

Lanning and Hammel (1961: 148) list Casavilca as one of the definitive sites for Barly Lithic IV, but on the basis of the published record this seens unwarranted. With remains of gourds, raw cotton, cotton netting, and coarse cotton cloth (Casavilca 1959: 303), the Casavilca site must nevertheless be considered as belonging to the relatively late "cotton preceramic.” San Nicolds

The Bay of San Nicolse, just south of tha Nazea River and ebout forty miles southeast of the Casavilca site, is also one of the defining sites for Barly Lithic IV. On the basis of very limited testing, Strong (1957: 8, 10) suggested that the San Nicolfs shellmounds were probably preceramic and preagricultural. According to Lanning (in Vescelius 1963: 44), "It is doubtful that Strong's excavation at San Nicolés was sufficiently extensive to justify his claim that the site is bth preceramic and preagricultural." Lanning concluded that the San Nicolgs artifacts were most closely related to the earlier industry at Callavallauri and the tools from Casavitea, and speculated

that more digging at San Nicol4s would produce evidence of cultivated plants, v

even if no pottery.

10

Lanning assigns all five of the projectile points recovered by Strong to his "Ica-Huancayo" complex (Early Lithic 1V?), ‘Two of these (Strong 1957, Fig. 2b-c) might be considered overly large examples of the index type for Early Lithic IV, and a third (Fig. 2d) could conceivably be called bipointed, although it has an uncharacteristic plano-convex cross section. However, the other two, and another found by Vescelius (1963: Fig. 2b), may not even be projectile points to judge from their drawings. They certainly do not resemble the finely worked points which Engel illustrates from Casavilca. The large point described by Vescelius is something like the shouldered specimens from Culebras (see above), but its bipointed lanceolateshape and size (8,6 centimeters long) is even more reminiscent of the EL Jobo points from Venezuela. Ocofia Sites

Pampa Colorado is located due west of the city of Arequipa, a few Kilometers from the sea. There is no surface water today, but once the Pampa may have been the site of a shallow lake. Surface finds include two shouldered points of the definitive Early Lithic IV type (Engel 1957b: PL. 34, Nos. 13, 14) and a leaf-shaped example (Pl. 34, No. 7). There are also borers, scrapers, and points with tangs or stems and sloping shoulders (Engel 1957b: Pl, 34, Nos. 1-6, 10, 17-22). There is no particular reason to believe that these types are all contemporary, or that they compose any sort of an industry. Playa Chira lies near the sea, just a few kilometers to the south of Pampa Colorado. A small tanged point with straight shoulders and a triangular blade was found there (Engel 1957b: Pl. 34, No. 12). According to Lanning and Hammel (1961: 143), finely chipped scrapers with multiple graver points around the edge were also found at the Ocofa sites (cf. QP ‘Type 33). West-Central Bolivia Viscachani,

This large open-air site lies along the road between La Paz and Oruro in Bolivia, According to Ibarra Grasso (1957: 145-50) the site once covered at least ten hectares on the shore of a glacial lake. Viscachani is on the full altiplano at 3831 meters above sea level, and, judging from its name ("place of viscachas"), these large edible rodents once frequented the locality. ‘The lake is now dry, the viscachas have disappeared, and the entire surface of the site is said to have been destroyed by plowing and wind erosion (Patterson and Heizer 1965: 107). Viscachani was discovered some years ago and a collection of about a thousand pieces was housed in the private museum of Colonel F. Diez de Medina. In 1945 Diez sent a sample of his collection to the Ethnographic Museum of the University of Buenos Aires. However, Viscachani did not receive much public attention until 1954 when Ibarra Grasso (1954: 563-68)

ret

reported his collection of 1930 pieces of worked stone from the surface. By 1957 Ibarra Grasso had collected more than nine thousand artifacts, mostly from the surface of the site, but also froma few test pits where, unfortunately, cultural material was not found below the level of plow disturbance--here only ten or twelve centimeters deep. Lacking stratigraphic indications, Ibarra Grasso divided the collection into two "industries" on typological grounds. The first, eventually called Viscachanense, consisted of percussion-flaked "handaxes," crude leaf-shaped "points" or knives (sometimes with straight bases), "Sandia points," scrapers, and unifacial flake tools. All are made on quartzite, which lends to their air of crudity. From their drawings, Ibarra Grasso's (1957: 175, Fig. 5) “spear pointe" seem to be knives corresponding to Quishqui Puncu Types 14 and 15. The photographs facing pages 160 and 161 (Ibarra Grasso 1957) are 80 poorly reproduced that it can only be said that knives and scrapers are included and that there are not any handaxes of Lower or Middle Paleolithic type. Menghin (1957: 6-7), moreover, deplores Ibarra Grasso's efforts to date these and other American "handaxes" back into full Pleistocene time on typological grounds. He thinks that at most they belong to retarded end or postglacial industries of Lower Paleolithic style and derivation. /*Wenn Ibarra Grasso neuerlich die americanischen Faustkeile, vielfach gegen die klaren geologischen Tatbest¥nde, dem Protolithikum zuweist, so ist das ein bedauerlicher Rilckfall in veraltete Methoden. Man kSnte héchstens in dem einen oder anderen Falle daran denken, dass es sich un epiprotolithische Faustkeilkuleur dreht, die aber geologisch dem End- oder Postglazial angelhért" (enghin 1957: 7)./

A photograph accompanying the original report (Ibarra Grasso 1954)

purports

to show

two

and a small handaxe. (1953/54:

Pl.

11)

Ayampitfn

points,

a "laurel

leaf,"

two

Sandia

points,

This picture is excellently reproduced in Menghin's

synthesis

of

the

Bolivian

preceramic.

The

handaxe,

laurel

leaf, and Sandia points are clearly percussion-flaked knives (cf. QP Type 14). One of the "Sandia" shoulders is the result of a break, and the other is an irregular edge of the kind which mist occur quite accidentally, from time to tine, on percussion-flaked tools. Percussion-flaked bifacial knives, sometimes of very large size, are widespread in America although often referred to by other names--such as blanks, blades, and even choppers (Bryan 1965: 75). At Lauricocha, for instance, they are found throughout the sequence, associated with types included in Ibarra Grasso's second "industry" from Viscachani, that is Ayaupitinense. The Ayampitinense "industry" at Viscachani includes many willow leaf points of typical form (Ibarra Grasso 1954: 568; Menghin 1953/54: Pl. 13, Diez collection), but also other finely made points of types usually considered to be of lesser age. There are small leaf-shaped points of Early Lithic IV style, tanged points, and roughly triangular points with deep notched bases which seem to be identical to those from Arcata. Menghin (1953/54: 126-30) accepts Ibarra Grasso's division of the Viscachani collection into two industries, but assigns the second to an Ayampitinense IT phase, dating approximately to the third and fourth millennia before Christ.

12

It may be, as is claimed, that an evolved form of the Ayampit{n industry, still using the willow leaf points, also included these "late" point types. At least equally plausible, given the large extent and disturbance of the site by plow and erosion, is the possibility that Viscachani was occupied by groups which Lanning and Hammel would assign to both Early Lithic III and IV, and that their industries have become inextricably mixed together. North Chile and Southwest Bolivia Q Pichalo, Taltal On the north coast of Chile, Bird (1943) has investigated three localities important for an understanding of the central Andean preceramic. Quiani (Bird 1943; 232-52), a midden named after a strip of shore south of Arica where abundant shellfish are still found, appears to have been a temporary campsite, first for hunter-gatherers and later for preceramic horticulturalists. Fresh water and fuel, other than dried seaweed, are not available at the site itself. At Pichalo (Bird 1943: 253-77), about 113 kilometers south of Arica, water would have to have been brought from eight kilometers away. Sporadic occupation is again supposed, although here lasting well into ceramic times. Impermanent occupation is also indicated by the presence of guanaco bone, but only in the form of finished tools; presumably the animals were killed and eaten elsewhere, perhaps during a different part of the seasonal round. Taltal (Bird 1943: 279-300) lies just within the zone of permanent loma vegetation, several hundred kilometers south of Pichalo. The plant life and availability of guanaco might have enabled year-round use of the Taltal site, or at least a less exclusive sea orientation.

The earliest culture at all three sites is described generally as the Shell Fishhook culture because of its distinctive hooks and composite sinker-hooks, but the lithic aspect seems clearly to be related to preceramic industries from the highlands. Classic Ayampitfn willow leaf points are present in very small numbers at Quiani and Pichalo, and somewhat similar leaf-shaped to bipointed forms are illustrated from Taltal. Tanged and shouldered points are more common in the second preceramic phase at Pichalo. Triangular points, sometimes with concave bases and a single corner extended to form a spur, provide a link with the Ichufla and Arcata industries. Other larger triangular "points" are thought to have been hafted as knives. Snub-nosed endscrapers on flakes, Like the predominant Lauricocha type are illustrated from Taltal. At Pichalo, at least, bone flakers were used in finishing the fine tools. A completely different aspect of the lithic industries, consisting of crude percussion-flaked cobble tools, has been the subject of considerable discussion. Whether made by people of the same culture, or whether contemporary with the industry on cryptocrystalline rocks, or not, these basalt artifacts should not be called "core tools." Krieger (1964, 1965)

13

has pointed out that the pressure-flaked and cobble tool industries represent totally different levels of technology, and Bird (1943: 237) originally argued convincingly that they could not be cores in spite of their appearance: First, no artifacts made from flakes of this material are present here, nor do any of the flakes show wear or use. Second, the direction from which the flakes are removed consistently produces smaller flakes than could be secured from the cobbles used. Third, better quality stone for flake tools was available in this area. . . . ‘The basalt cobble tool industry was first publicized by Evans (1906), Gapedeville, and Latcham (1915) as an early representative of the "American Paleolithic." Uhle (1917) investigated Capedeville's claim that the lower portion of the Cerro Colorado midden was a stratigraphically separate deposit containing only cobble tools; he found that the deposit was only about three meters deep, in place of five, and he could locate no meter-thick level of sterile wind-blown sand. Bird

(1943:

281-82)

extended

Uhle's

trench

with

the

same

results,

and

reported that hardly anywhere did the deposit exceed two meters in depth. Almost all of the surface had been disturbed and turned over by unemployed laborers after the decline of the nitrate industry. This, as well as errors in measurement by Capedeville depth between 1914 and 1941.

might Also,

account as Bird

for the halving of Cerro Colorado's (1943: 286) first suggested,

“apparently the sand observed by Latcham (the sterile level below which only cobble tools were found) is a localized feature.”

Other possibilities are that the two industries (percussion on basalt, and pressure on cryptocrystallines) were practiced side by side at Taltal as in Peru, or that two distinct cultural groups occupied the site in different seasons. Krieger (1965: 271) claims that in the interior of the continent avery similar, if not identical basalt industry occurs widely in a "pure" form, without projectile points and pressure flaking: for example, at Ghatchi I (northern Chile), Viscachani (southern Bolivia), and Anpajango (northwestern Argentina). However, the validity of these industries is questioned elsewhere in this paper.

Bird (1943: 294) reports that some of the Taltal cobble tools are duplicated by specimens from Tierra del Fuego where they were used for working whalebone, but considering the large number recovered this can hardly have been their only function. It is perhaps significant that the cobble tools decrease in frequency in later phases at Pichalo (Bird 1943: 276), and that on the north coast of Peru (Bird 1965: 267) there is an abrupt switch to a preference for quartzite over basalt in the ceramic phases, where choppers were seemingly used for cutting roof beams. Surely it would be an oversimplification to lump all these cobble choppers together typologically, or to restrict them to relatively late time periods, although their great antiquity is not proven either. The sites which are supposed to exhibit only the "pre-projectile point" level of technology have not been dated by the of the Shell Fishhook debris at radiocarbon method, but a sample from the top 1965: 264). (Bird years 220 Quiani assays at 4206 B.C, +

14 Atacama Area

A sequence of stone industries has been constructed, based almost exclusively on surface collections, by Le Paige (1959, 1960, 1964) and Barfield (1960, 1961). Le Paige's collections were made on 4 large number of sites, chiefly from around what were once the shores of the present Salar de Atacama, at an altitude of about 2500 to 3000 meters. Barfield's collections and excavations were made in the somewhat higher neighboring lake area of southwestern Bolivia. The typologically simplest, and presumably earliest, of these industries is Ghatchinense, which is supposed to occur only on quartzite (Le Paige 1964: 14). It is represented by 18,477 pieces collected from the surface of lomas, covering an area of about twenty-eight by four kilometers, northwest of San Pedro de Atacama, According to Le Paige, in some localities only the interesting pieces were picked up and retained, while in other places complete surface collections were made.

Ghatchi I is supposed to completely lack projectile points, and Le Paige estimates that it dates from between 50,000 and 30,000 years ago until the beginning of Ghatehi II about 7500 B.C. All 304 points from the Ghatchi complex belong to Ghatchi II; that is, all Ghatchi sites where projectile points were found belong to this later "industry." Some of the points illustrated by Le Paige (1964: Pl. 11) look like Ayampitfn specimens, but others have tangs and narrow shoulders. Also illustrated are big picks, cortex-backed choppers, large bifacial knives (sone admittedly do resemble late Acheulian and Mousterian bifaces on large flakes), crude flake scrapers, discoidal tools, and big blades with retouched edges. Even if the distinction made between Ghatchi I and Ghatchi IT is a somewhat suspect one of convenience, it is possible to agree with Le Paige in correlating Chatchinense (when the willow leaf points are present) with the Ayampitfn industry of Argentina, Lanning and Hammel (1961: 145-46) compare the chopping tools to those at Pichalo and Taltal, while the bifacial handaxes suggest to them the percussion workmanship in Lauricocha II, as well as in "later" industries of the Atacama. Following his Ghatchinense phases Le Paige (1964) lists the Loma Negra, Puripica, Tulan, and Ascotén groups, Lomanegrense is on a rough-grained black basalt, rather than quartaite, but the typical artifacts are still big flakes worked into pick or knife form. Le Paige's "pre-projectile points" might also be described as pointed knives on flakes. From the Chaxas site (Loma Negra group) he illustrates some small triangular points, a small stemmed point, a point much like the index point for Early Lithic IV, and two relatively straight-based examples of the Ayampitin type. Perhaps Lomanegrense is a mixture of several originally discrete industries.

Puripica and Tulan are considered to be approximately contemporary. Lanning and Hanmel (1961: 145) go so far as to suggest that Tulan (at the south end of the Salar de Atacama) may simply be a variant differentiated from Puripica (at the northeast end) by the use of a fine-grained stone in place of basalt. Even on basalt, however, the workmanship is better than in the Loma Negra "industry."

15

Ue Paige (1964: 37) and Barfield (1961: 95) affiliate Puripica and Tulan with the Ayampitfn industries, and Lanning and Hammel, citing a willow leaf point and numerous percussion-flaked knives, declare that it is essentially the same as Lauricocha II. Nevertheless, it is worth the presence of mortars, tanged points, small leaf-shaped points (from noting Tebenquiche), shouldered and tanged points, notched-base points, and a couple of examples approaching the Early Lithic IV index type, illustrated by Le Paige (1964: Pls. 24-48). Puripica and Tulan, then, hardly appear to constitute homogeneous industries either. The Ascotan or Cebollar industry ie represented by a relatively small collection of 1,780 pieces. Le Paige illustrates a series of small delicate points, roughly triangular in outline, which sometimes have notched bases. According to Le Paige (1960) and Barfield (1961) the Tambillo industries, found mainly on the eastern shores of the Salar de Atacama, represent an approximately contemporary phase in the Atacama region. ‘The wide range of Tanbillo projectile point types includes medium-sized tanged points, a series of smaller points with narrow shoulders, triangular points (sometimes with notched bases, as at Arcata), small bipointed and leaf-shaped points, a possible example of the shouldered marker point for Early Lithic IV, and even ayampit{n points, Again, it is difficult to accept the complete integrity of this industrial phase. Le Paige's (1964) latest opinion is that mortars, but no potsherds, are associated with Tambillo industries. Circular pirca walls, apparently of huts, have been reported at the Calar site (Puripica industry) by Le Paige (1959: 160). The argument against the Calar instance being a fortuitous association from later times is strengthened by Barfield's (1961: 95; Figs. 3-4) discovery of similar structures at Salar de San Martfn to the north. At the hilltop site of San Martfn II, an “abundant stone industry" was associated with a group of three rough circular shelters. Barfield is confident that this is a valid association as ". . . most of the stone artifacts were found scattered round the largest hut." Unfortunately, the most characteristic tools found were the rarely bifacial, leaf-shaped "points" (probably knives) illustrated without a scale by Barfield. Such knives

are

typical

of the early Lauricocha and Ayampitfn industries,

but Lanning and Hammel's (1961: 145) statement seems somewhat over-optimistic: "EE these industries are as similar to Lauricocha IT as it would seem from the illustrated specimens, the houses are beyond doubt the earliest evidence of stone construction known in South Anerica." The shelter walls may well be associated with a chipped stone industry, but the lack of diagnostic artifacts makes it difficult or impossible to correlate the industry with other preceramic industries. Just

over

the

border

in

the

Bolivian

altiplano,

Barfield's

industries

those discussed from Laguna Colorada and Hedionda inspire more confidence thanat Laguna above. Barfield surface-collected eight lakeside campsites and large Colorada, rats are where flamingos and other birds nest, and vicwha, viscacha, types are Still a source of game. Aside froma single Ayanpitfn point, allbipointed and compatible with a late preceramic date--particularly the small leaf-shaped forms. Gouge-like bifacially retouched flakes are unreported

16

elsewhere, Lanning and Hammel (1961: 145, 149) equate Hedionda with the first preceramic stage at Pichalo in the first part of Early Lithic IV. This also seems reasonable in that the higher lakes of southwestern Bolivia should probably have been more intensively utilized after post~ glacial degeneration of the lakeside environment of the lower and drier Chilean Atacama, Only seventy kilometers north of Laguna Colorada, five similar campsites around Laguna Hedionda yielded an industry of slightly different composition. The dominant point type in four of the five sites is a small stemmed variety like the characteristic type in Bird's second preceramic phase at Pichalo. Barfield (1961: 97) assigns Site V to the Puripica phase, apparently because of the absence of projectile points and the presence of the ubiquitous bifacial knives.

Excavations in a rockshelter (Site IV) yielded two small- backed blades very much like the one from Quishqui Puncu (cf. QP Type 54 backed bladelet), but which are unrecorded elsewhere in the Andes. Other types include small triangular and leaf-shaped points, tanged points, a concave-base point, a possible borer, and "gouges." Lanning and Hammel (1961: 149) confine the Hedionda industry to the end of Early Lithic IV and the beginning of Early Lithic V. Bones of camelids, rodents, and a human humerus were also found at the shelter site. Northwestern Argentina Ayampitfn

The mountainous country of northwestern Argentina, including the Sierra de Cérdoba as well as the Andes proper, has yielded the most abundant collections assignable to Early Lithic III. In the literature this is most frequently referred to as the Ayampitfn horizon or culture, after the type site on the Pampa de Olaen (Province of Cérdoba) discovered in 1939 by Gonzdlez (1952: 112-15). Ayampitfn is an open-air campsite, about 1200 meters above sea level, exposed in an eroded gully. Lying directly on the unweathered loess, a five to ten centimeter-thick bed of reddish sediments (bed 4) and a fifteen to thirty-five centimeterthick dark level (bed 3), rich in organic matter, are reported to have been the source of all artifacts. Beds 3 and 4 are capped by a ten to twenty centimeter-thick grey level (bed 2) and a rich, dark humus not exceeding fifty centimeters in depth. A glyptodont carapace was found about eighty meters west of the site. cores,

The chipped stone industry consists Largely of many flakes and some as well

complete point

as

the

famous

Ayampitfn

or willow

leaf

points.

The

only

(found in two fragments) was subsequently lost, but all

the Ayanpitfn point bases have the classical rounded to somewhat pointed form. The ground stone industry is made up of one-hand manos and fragments of pestles and flat milling stones, leading to the belief that the occupants of Ayampit{n were systematic gatherers of plant food, as

7

well as hunters. However, no bones, charred plant remains, or hearths were found, The complete absence of pottery and considerations of soil development led Menghin to date Ayampitfn to the Atlantic climatic stage even before radiocarbon dating of similar industries.

In 1952 Ayampitfn was especially important as the only site where an industry of willow leaf points had been found in an isolated condition, but Gonzalez was able to report many similar points, mixed with other types, at Masa, Villa Rumipal, Lago San Roque, and in the Pampa de San Luis. At the Museo de La Plata, private collections from northwestern Argentina include dozens of Ayampitin points. Ongamira

This stratified rockshelter, aleo in the province of GSrdoba, was firet excavated in 1940, The geology Of Ongamira was described by Montes (1941), and the archaeological materials were reported in considerable detail by Gonzélez (1941). The lower complex (Pisos 2-4) completely lacked pottery, and is distinguished by bluntly worked points on guanaco phalanges, bone tubes, adorno pendants, dart throwers, simple perforators and scrapers, , Great quantities of chipping debris, manos, and flat milling stones (Gonzdlez 1952: 116). In his first report Gonzdlez (1941: Figs. 12-14, 17) illustrated some of the “bone arrow points"; two have no useable point at all, one looks more like a cannon bone awl, vhile only a third, perforated specimen (described as a “harpoon point") would lixely have been attached to an arrow or spear shaft. The upper complex (Piso I) shares the manos and milling stones, but adds small triangular stone points with straight or notched bases, flakers made of guanaco bone, stone balls, small scrapers, beads, and a few potsherds Gonz&lez (1941: Figs. 18,.23; Pls. 5c, 6c-d, 20a-e) (Gonz4lez 1952: 116). also illustrates a ground-stone axe, mortars, pestles, fine-pointed bone awls, antler flakers, and another cannon bone awl.

Intihuasi

This cave of volcanic origin, located eighty kilometers north of the capital city of San Luis in the province of the same name, has been the subject of small scale excavations since the nineteenth century. In 1951 Gonzélez rescued Intihuasi from its latest peril, in the form of highway builders, by excavating the remaining undisturbed deposits from its large (some thirty meters on a side) main chanber. Lanning and Hammel

(1961:

146) are of the opinion

that GonzMlez

found a

industries) consequence of lithic industries (Ayanpitin and the two Ongamtra sed deposits sisting neatly of ". . . three preceramic assemblages in superimpo of the on at the site of Intihuasi.” Actually, Gonz4lez' (1960) descripti site shows the situation to have been somewhat more complex. Typicai Ayampit{n points were found in beds 1 through 6 (numbered 4,from8 in the top): 57 examples in bed 1, 55 in bed 2, 143 in bed 3, 57 in bed" bed 5, and 5 in bed 6. A variant Ayampit{n type with "base rebajada

18

(thinned?) is distributed 18 in bed 1, 11 in 4, and 1 in bed 5. Squat, convex-sided, but represent the Ongamira industries. They are in bed 2, 11 in bed 3, and 3 in bed 4. Nine beds 1 through 3, and four of these might be the Early Lithic IV index type. Clearly,

the

bed 2, 6 in bed 3, 2 in bed roughly triangular points distributed 36 in bed 1, 17 stemmed points also occur in considered to be examples of

frequency of Ayampit{n types

is higher

in lower beds,

while point types assigned to the Ongamira industries and Early Lithic IV tend to occur later. It is, however, equally clear that the types said to represent the various phases are not always exclusive to them. Even if the industries were stratigraphically distinct it is difficult to make the customary three-stage industrial divisions on clear-cut typological grounds. Bifacial knives and various types of scrapers also cut across the industrial divisions at Intihuasi. eas assays from bed 4 (7970 t 100 years, or 6015 B.C.) and CER bed 3-4 (8068 t 95 years, or 6113 B.C.) are said to date the Ayampitfn industry Gonzdlez 1960: 158). Other cultural items of special interest

fron this complicated site are some fragmentary human skeletal remains, three man-made pits about one meter across, and twenty-nine potsherds (Gonzdlez

1960:

158,

156,

82).

Attempts to locate other preceramic stratified sites in northwestern Argentina have been unsuccessful, but museum and private collections containing similar artifact types suggest the widespread occurrence of closely related industries in the Andean Northwest (Gonz&lez 1952: 118-21). GoneSlez reports that small points typical of the later agricultural periods are frequently mixed in with willow leaf points, but that they can be distinguished on the basis of raw material as well as typology.

‘Two Ayampit{n points were found in ieoleted eurface locations near came Set cefanlainpitvs Gonekies tee egcavat onsia (a noe vaseusr additional specimens. The Methffesel collection at the Museo de La Plata, made in the Catamarca area, contains forty-nine basal fragments of Ayampitfn points and eight complete examples. Two of these are described as"... Ayampit{n de base recta ... cuya base en vez de ser semicircular o convexa, es recta y de Angulos romos. Por los otros caracteres: material, tfenica, forma del limbo y tamafio son anflogas a las puntas cldsicas, con las que aparecen asociadas en ésta y en otras colecciones del N.0." (GonzSlez 1952: 118-19; Pl. 13e). The specimen illustrated by Gonzdlez compares very closely to the dominant Type 7 at Quishqui Puncu, of which there are 118 examples. Lanning and Hammel (1961: 146) think that Gonzélez' straightbased parallel-sided type could be ". . . either a rare Argentine variant of the willow leaf or else a different earlier type.” In

Province

the

Lafone

collection,

of Catamarca,

Gonzflez

also

found

from

the

forty

Department

examples

of

of

Ayanpitfn type and three of the straight-based variety.

the

Santa

Marfa,

regular

The Moreno col-

lections of uncertain provenience, but perhaps from the same Santa Marfa

valley,

have

twenty-five

typical

Ayampit{n

points

and

one

of

the

straight-

based type. Another collection from northwest Argentina, the VAsquez

19

collection, has five examples of straight-based points including a large one with dentate edges. The collection of the Institute of Anthropology of the National University at Tucundn includes three typical ayampitfn points from the Department of Santa Marfa, the Cura collection has two from the Hualff{n Valley, and the Muniz collection two examples from the Department of Santa Marfa. Beuador El Inga

This site, with its fluted fishtail points, is one of the most famous v early sites in South America. It is located on a small promontory about 2,550 meters above sea level and twenty-two kilometers east of Quito, Ecuador. El Inga is 1,100 kilometers north and slightly west of Lauricocha. Although technically in the Northern Andes, El Inga is discussed here because of its importance and proximity to our area of direct concern in the central Andes. Initially, Mayer-Oakes and Bell (1960a, 1960b) thought that they had found basal fragments of points of the Clovis type, which were well known and of very early date in North America. However, excavation of the site failed to turn up any complete Clovis specimens, so it is now generally agreed thet all the fluted bases come not from lanceolate-shaped points, but from large stemmed points of which there are several complete and nearly complete examples from El Inga. Nevertheless, the initial confusion over these edge-ground, fluted, and eared specimens points up the fact that they are really very much like the North American fluted points. The essential difference of the El Inga type is that its wide blade forms shoulders where / it joins the tang. El Inga fluted points are really more like Clovis points than we have a right to expect, considering the distance involved. It is inconceivable to me that they are not closely related chronologically as well as culturally.

On the other hand, small leaf-shaped points from El Inga are similar enough to ones found in central Andean late preceramic contexts that these would seem to date El Inga to no more than a few thousand years B.C. The simplest answer is that we are dealing with a mixed industry including two or more components no longer separated stratigraphically, just as at Viscachani and Quishqui Puncu--also disturbed open-air campsites. This is indicated as well by the five radiocarbon assays made on flecks of charcoal Zion various stratigraphic lavele. ‘They range froa 9030 f 144 years ago (7075 B.C.) to 3919 t 121 years ago (1964 B.C.), and they are stratigraphi-

cally

inconsistent

(Bell

n.d.:

147-48;

1965:

311-12).

Krieger (1964: 68), in consideration of the use of obsidian as raw material and the generally recent aspect of some types, prefers a date of about 3000 B.C. for the whole Bl Inga complex. Lanning and Hanmel (1961: 147) suggest a date before 8000 B.C. for the fluted fishtail points, by anthe occupation during Early Lithic III (6000 to 3000 B.C.) represented to 1200 non-fluted stemmed points, and another during Early Lithic IV (3000 B.C.) for the small leaf-shaped points.

20

Recently Bell (n.d.t 154-55; 1965: 313-22) has more satisfactorily split the whole complex into three separate industries running from sometime before 7000 B.C. until sometime before 2000 B.C. The especially significant tools for the first phase, El Inga I, are the fishtail points and large plano-convex obsidian scrapers. For El Inga II they are ovate or leaf-shaped points, broad-stenmed points, and basalt plano-convex scrapers, The characteristic tools for El Inga III are contractingstenmed points, concave flake scrapers, striated scrapers, concave scraperburin cores, and perforators. Flake knives, burins, small blades, and various simple scrapers are thought to be present in all three “industries.” All types are illustrated with drawings (Bell n.d. and 1965) and excellent photographs (Bell 1960, Mayer-Oakes 1963). As the northernmost of the highland sites in the central Andes, it might be expected that Quishqui Puncu (at only 500 meters greater altitude) would show marked resemblances to El Inga. Both seem to be primarily campsites, but their industries are quite different in several respects. Large numbers of burins were identified at El Inga, vhile burins are rare or nonexistent in the central Andes. Fishtail points, too, are unknown in the central Andes--suggesting the possibility that an early "Paleo-Indian" big game hunting tradition, with fluted points and burins, never penetrated that region. A slightly different interpretation would be that the central Andean willow leaf tradition, completely absent at El Inga, had the same time depth and a complementary distribution; but the radiocarbon dates on the two traditions from elsewhere do not support such a pattern of coexistence. _ Nevertheless, El Inga seems to be quite effectively isolated from the central Andes. The only shared point types are small leaf-shaped points and some tanged points somewhat like coastal Peruvian types. Except for a few of the larger basalt plano-convex scrapers from El Inga, which somewhat resemble types from Quishqui Puncu (cf. Bell n.d. and 1965:-Figs. 33c, 33f, and QP Types 38-43), "cobble tools" are unknown at El Inga. Many of the scraper types identified at Quishqui Puncu appear to be missing at El Inga, although there are a good many scrapers of different types and a few (e.g., Bell n.d. and 1965: Figs, 30b, 30e) that resemble the Lauricocha snub-nosed type. Bell's perforators (n.d. and 1965: Figs. 480-482) are like some of the fine-pointed specimens from Quishqui Puncu (Type 19), but these tools are so generalized and widespread that the correspondence is not very impressive. In the same way, numerous bifacial knives from El Inga suggest a general cultural affinity, but the connections go far beyond the central Andes. Moreover, the specimens illustrated from El Inga have a much more finished appearance than those from the central Andes--although this is possibly due more to the tractable nature of El Inga obsidian than anything else. By far the most exciting correspondences

are in the débitage, which

Bell (n.d. and 1965) has been exceptional in describing at least to a limited extent. In spite of the striking difference in the quality of raw material, El Inga and Quishqui Puncu share a very similar microblade technique unnoted elsewhere in South America (see especially Bell n.d. and 1965; Figs. 22, 51£; and QP Types 53-55, 51).

a CHAPTER IT SITES NOT COVERED BY LANNING AND HAMMEL

(1961)

Coast of Peru Anc&n Lomas Sites

Some of the most interesting work reported since 1961 has been accomplished by Lanning (1963b, 1965) on the central coast of Peru. He has identified more than fifty sites on the fossil lomas above Ancén and arranged them in a series of six artifact complexes based on artifact morphology, degree of preservation of perishable materials, and inferred changes in the gathering economy. There is no observable stratification within the sites./ In Lanning's interpretation they are winter campsites in the area of fog vegetation, occupied serially, with the differences in the industries being a function of time. However, there are some abrupt discontinuities in Lanning's seriation of the industries--such as radical differences in the frequencies of whole classes of artifacts (scrapers, projectile points, core tools)--and it may well be that some of the industrial differences are not chronological. ‘They may be partly the result of subseasonal use or functional specificity of the sites. The proposed seriation of industries, oldest to most recent, in Lanning's 1963 report is: Piedras Gordas, Luz, Arenal, Canario, Corbina, and Encanto. In the 1965 article Piedras Gordas has been dropped and Arenal precedes Luz./

Piedras Gordas was characterized by a crude industry of large flakes (possibly used as sickles), core tools, two fragnents of percussion-chipped points, a well made scraper of Luz type, and "pointed tools" (here, in the absence of pressure retouch, thought to have been used for scraping bone rather than as flakers). There were also a few mortars, pestles, thick milling stones, and some cobble hanmerstones. The Luz complex was found at sites in a different locality, but it seems quite similar except for a lesser number of crude cobble choppers and utilized flakes and the addition of large-stemmed points likened to the Paijdn-Pampa de los Fésiles type. Lanning considers these to have been the armament for hand-held or hand-throwa spears, and he notes the presence of smaller projectile points, at least one resembling the Arenal type and another the Garnario type. Two percussion-flaked knives are illustrated. The tools described by Lanning (1963: Figs. h-j) as long slender awls appear from their pictures to be tip fragments of the large-stenmed-point type, but Lanning has identified use polish on the faces and edges. The large-stenmed points would certainly have been fragile if used as spear heads; perhaps a more suitable use was found for the frequently broken tips, or maybe they were never intended to be hafted on spears at all. Arenal industries were fourths of all the scrapers These include core scrapers scrapers, domed and carinate

found on only from the lomas continued from scrapers, and

two small sites, and yet, threesites belong to the Arenal complex. the Luz complex, thick flake side(particularly abundant) snub-nosed

22

scrapers. The few projectile points are described as pressure-retouched, stemmed, single or double shouldered, and triangular-bladed. The three illustrated in 1963b (Figs. 5b-d) do not appear to conform to a regular type, and the one added in the 1965 article looks to me very much like an example of the shouldered Early Lithic IV index type. Other artifacts are said to be continuations of earlier types. Bifacial knives, milling stones, mortars, and pestles are notably absent, but, as four manos were found this may be the result on an inadequate sample. The next three complexes (Canario, Corbina, and Encanto) are set geographically apart on Loma Ancén and Loma Encanto.

The differences between these three complexes are less marked than those between the earlier industries, but they are well tsolated from each other and certainly represent three different, if brief, periods of time. Scrapers disappear s0 abruptly from the sequence, inmediately after reaching a peak of abundance and variety, and that one suspects a lapse of time between the early complexes on the southern sites and the later ‘ones on the northern sites Clanning 1963b:

365].

Additionally, one might expect that site activities (such as the use and non-use of scrapers) in the northern and southern groups differed, regardless of the time factor. Lanning mentions some minor industrial differences among his later northern complexes, but his most convincing arguments for their chronological arrangement involve the excellent preservation of bone and vegetal material in the Encanto complex and the close similarities between Canario and earlier complexes, in spite of the complete lack of scrapers. With the exception of two examples (a shouldered point and a willow leaf point), all illustrated projectile points appear to conform to the bipointed type of Early Lithic IV. In his 1965 paper (pp. 70-72), Lanning dates the Arenal complex to about 7000 B.C, on the basis of projectile points and scrapers in use in the Peruvian highlands at that time. Presumably he is referring to Cardich's latest Lauricocha I industry, which is said by Lanning (personal communication, 1965) to include projectile points of the type illustrated for Arenal at that time level. However, there are no specific correspondences in the illustrated specimens. Arenal scrapers bear a reasonably close resemblance to those known from Lauricocha II. Lanning (1965: 7072) refers to radiocarbon dates between 6000 and 5000 B.C, for Luz artifacts, and 5000 B.C, for Canario points. Corbina is indirectly assigned to 4200-3600 B.C. and Encanto to 3600-2500 B.C. The terminal date is suggested by the appearance of cotton, known from various coastal midden sites to have come into cultivation during the third millennium B.C. Pampa The coastal shell midden of Pampa, described by Lanning (1965: 72-74), is dated to the same period as the Encanto complex. The six foot depth of

23

zefuse contrasts strongly with the camps in the lomas, and, "the Pampa refuse heap must represent the intrusion of a new group of people between 3600 and 2500 B.C." (Lanning 1965: 72). The inhabitants cultivated two species of squash, collected wild squash, other vegetables and shellfish, hunted birds and sea lions, and fished. As might be expected, their shell fishhooks and sandstone reamers and files are distinctive from the tools of the Encanto complex. However, in my view it has not yet been established that one and the same people might not hunt and camp at times in the lomas and Andean foothills, as well as occupying the Pampa midden. This tive seems especially attractive in view of the presence of guanaco alterna bone (in the shape of tools but not kitchen debris) from the similar Shell Fishhook culture northern Chile. I think that a search for the "hunting aspect" of coastalof midden culture might profitably be made on the western slopes of the Andes. Punta Grande

Lanning dates the appearance of permanent villages in the Ancén area to about 2500 B.C., but he has difficulty deciding on their origin: The establishment of the villages coincides with the abandonment of the desiccated lomas; the village refuse heaps also contain a number of lomas snail shells, and certain artifacts are common to the villages and the lomas camps. These facts suggest that the lonas people were the village founders. On the other hand, the presence of shell fishhooks and the large proportion of seafood remains in the villages’ refuse can be taken as evidence of Pampa connections. Moreover, the introduction of cotton and a sharp increase in the varie ties of cultivated foods may mean that a new group arrived on the coast at this point Elanning 1965: 74].

At one village (Punta Grande) the diet was based heavily on vegetable produce, especially edible roots such as potato, sweet potato, achira, and possibly two other highland tubers. According to Lanning, at this period these crops were not being cultivated elsewhere on the Peruvian coast, and he suggests that Punta Grande might have been", . . founded by highlanders who moved down to the coast and added a little seafood to their usual vegetarian diet.” But wholesale "migrations" or "intrusions of new groups of peoples" do not need to be called forth. A simpler solution to the dilemma of origins would find the same people making use of the coastal resources (e.g., at Pampa), the lomas (Encanto and perhaps other industries), and parts of the foothills or even highlands. Presumably this would be a seasonal affair, with the products and artifacts of each zone remaining where they were used except in uncommon circumstances. Eventually, some members of this population would have elected (or perhaps were forced by the deteriorating loma and foothill environment) to form permanent villages along the coast. In this case it would hardly be unnatural for them to introduce to thethey coast plants which they had formerly enjoyed elsewhere--particularly, if

had already, in a state of incipient horticulture, been encouraging the growth of these plants in the highlands. A few resources, such as wild potato (which might formerly have been collected and consumed in the Lomas or foothills) could be expected to begin to show up in the coastal middens when tubers were collected elsewhere but carried for consumption to permanent coastal habitations. Rare projectile points, as are sometimes found in preceramic and early ceramic middens, might be the only evidence to survive of occasional forays inland after deer and guanaco. Nearby herds would surely be depleted quickly by the expanding, agriculturally based population; a logical response would then be the documented, increased emphasis on marine protein sources--at least until the agricultural system was developed highly enough to independently provide a balanced diet. Ghivateros and Oquendo

At outcrops of very fine-grained quartzites near the mouth of the Chillén River, Lanning (Patterson and Lanning 1964: 113-19) has identified thirty quarry sites and collected “large bifacial picks or handaxes and spear points, followed by smaller projectile points, microblades and abundant burins." He has grouped his collections into three complexes: Chivateros I, supposed to be closely similar to the Gamare and Las Lagunas complexes of Venezuela (Rouse and Cruxent 1963a: 28-37); Chivateros II, related to the El Jobo complex; and Oquendo, of uncertain relationships. Patterson and Lanning suggest that the radiocaybon dates from Muaco, Venezuela (14,415 B.C. $ 400 years and 12,340 B.C. * 500 years) are, on the basis of typological similarities, applicable to the Chivateros complex. This is unjustifiable even if the typological correlations are valid. As Krieger (1964: 57) has emphasized, the Muaco swamp muck from which the samples came must have been constantly churned by large animals walking around in it. The El Jobo point fragment, scraper, and few other artifacts which were found could easily be several thousand years more recent than the dated sample. In fact the radiocarbon sample and the artifacts might actually date to opposite ends of the period during which the spring that fed the swamp was active. No habitation sites have been found with industries corresponding to the quarry sites. According to Patterson and Lanning the nature of the Chivateros industries indicates that the habitation sites were probably located in the wooded valley, where alluviation and plowing have Long since destroyed them. Another explanation, perhaps more economical, might be that Chivateros represents only the incomplete quarry aspect of a complex or complexes of a later period already known from habitation site industries. My examination of 4 Chivateros industry numbered PV 46-27 and housed at the Museum of the University of San Marcos found only "hard" percussion technique (probably direct rock on rock). With the exception of some crude knives and scrapers there appeared to be very few finished artifacts. Many of the "scrapers" on slabs and large flakes may actually be cores; the bases of some are prepared striking platforms. All in all, the Chivateros

25

industry is much like another quarry industry, Ampajango (discussed below), also undated except by typological assumpt ions. Finally ros industry that I examined vas in absolutely fresh conditi,on. the I Chivate find it impossible to believe, dry environment or not, that the chipping took place more than a few thousand years ago.

Paracas Burial Site

From a preceramic site at Paracas, on the south coast of Peru, Engel (1960: 12) has excavated a series of burials, one giving a radiocarbon assay ef 5020 years ago (3065 B.C.). He illustrates three points, which were associated not with the burials themselves, but came instead from the surface of the surrounding sands (1960: 27). One tanged point (Pl. VII, No. 5) practically duplicates examples from Arcata and Ichufa, and, more surprisingly, is mich like another from El Inga illustrated by Bell (n.d. and 1965: Fig. 13£). The second point (Pl. VII, No. 7), although crudely worked, conforms in outline to Quishqui Puncu Type 8; the base is nearly straight, and the edges diverge as they rise to the widest part of the blade at about the midpoint. The third of the Paracas specimens (Pl. VII, No. 3) appears to be a thick percussion-flaked knife, roughly triangular in outline, with a straight base.

Engel believed in 1960 that the coumunity which used this cemetery was non-agricultural, that the twined textiles were not cotton, and that sone skins he found were from camelids rather than sea mammals. Lanning (1963b: 370), on the other hand, points out that a concentrated burial ground suggests association with a sedentary village rather than the campsite of nomads. Nevertheless, Lanning was content with the relatively early date; Paracas is alnost on the northern limit of the area of ancient guano deposition--a phenonenon he correlates with the destruction of loma vegetation and forced Sedentary reliance on other resources somewhat later on the central and north coast.

Even more recently Bonavfa (1966) gives a radiocarbon date of 8830 years ago (6875 B.C.) for a burial excavated by Engel at Paracas. Engel is said to associate horticulture and bone and stone industries with the burial. In his report on the Asia site, Engel (1963a: 10) mentions hides, pointed sticks, clubs, and batons which "could also indicate a group of shepherds.” Pozo Santo Four kilometers west of Pozo Santo and just south of Paracas, Engel (1963a: 9) has reported a "workshop" on the surface of a mound740 containing B.C. Among Disco Verde pottery, a type supposed to radiocarbon date to the hundreds of flakes and dozens of knives, scrapers, and points are some

points

said

to resemble

the long-stemmed

type from Pampa de los Fésiles,

Paijén, and the Chillén Valley (where Engel also briefly notes surface finds of implements like those from Ayampitfn and Viscachani).

IE the Pozo Santo points, found on the surface of a ceramic age mound, really are related to these types from the north and central coast, the

26

Pampa and at Pampa dedoubelos Fosiles with pottery occasional associations ie cast on the early By extension, Patjén may not be "fortultous."” date aveributed to the supposedly related Luz points in the Ancén lonas series. Peruvian Highlands Quishqui Puncu

This site (described at greater length in the Appendix) is found about 150 kilometers northwest of Lauricocha in a side valley of the Galle jén de Huaylas. It ig advantageously situated at 3040 meters altitude on a terrace of the Marcar4 River, along a natural route into the high mountain pastures. From its location and the composition of its artifact collection, it is likely that Quishqui Puncu was a seasonally occupied campsite for hunters. Relatively recent disturbance has destroyed virtually all the natural stratigraphy and mixed in pottery and sone associated large flake and cobble tools of later date. ‘The majority of points and typeable point fragments (213) are of the willow leaf or Ayampit{n class, with a straight-based variant, relatively rare elsewhere, predominating (118 examples). Early Lithic IV is less abundantly represented by the shouldered index point (12), small leaf-shaped points (16), the small bipointed type (14), and small unifacial points (7), There are large numbers of bifacial knives (187) and many types of scrapers, such as snub-nosed scrapers, core and carinate scrapers, thin-edged scrapers, and graver scrapers. Perforators and borers, "pointed tools," and an abundant microblade industry are also present.

A few problematical rock alignments most probably served as terrace retaining walls for later, fully agricultural peoples, but they might alternatively be interpreted as the bases of ancient windbreaks or huts such as have been associated with preceramic industries in the Atacama. In its disturbed condition, Quishqui Puncu is interesting chiefly for the complete and relatively large collection of chipped stone tools described in the Appendix, although distributional data on types also suggest that some had different histories than others. The distribution of stone tool types, relative to intrusive pottery and signs of disturbance, suggests that a few types are characteristic of ceramic times, while others are exclusively preceramic, and still others may have been produced in both preceramic and ceramic periods. Ambo

This site is located at a moderate elevation of 2065 meters, on a terrace of the Huallaga River above the city of Ambo, in the Department of Huanuco (Ravines 1965). Its proximity to an exposure of cryptocrystalline silica rocks and the composition of its industry indicate that Ambo is primarily a workshop site. Of the 945 artifacts collected, 74.7 per cent have been classified by Ravines as foliated points, From

27

the drawings and excellent photographs is obvious that these tools are Percussion-flaked. ‘They might better beit described knives oF perhaps blanks, with the projectile point classificatasionbifacial being limited to two slender lanceolate specimens that have been pressure-retouched faces; Ravines describes these as being unique to the Anbo collection.on bothThe photograph shows what is probably a rather large, straight-based variant of the Ayampitfn type, Other artifacts mentioned by Ravines are cores, retouched flakes, choppers, knive-drills, and side, circular and nucleiform scrapers. Ravines estimates the age of Anbo to lie between 6000 and 4000 B.C., having compared the bifacial elements of the industry to Lauricocha TZ and the discoidal cores to some from the Canario complex. Ranracancha

This region of numerous rockshelters is located at the very considerable altitude of 4340 meters, near the headwaters of the Huallaga River, about thirty kilometers south of Lauricocha (Cardich 1962). In one of his three test pits Cardich found, below levels which contained pottery, a ten centimeter-thick sterile level (E) and then several levels which yielded only chipped-stone tools. Level F, from 1.5 to 1.7 meters, contained four leafshaped points, a "rhomboid" point, and ten steep-edged scrapers. Below 1.7 meters depth, in Level G, Cardich reported small-shouldered points (roughly diamond-shaped), amygdaloidal points, bipointed points, and some larger-shouldered points with small triangular blades and long wide stems. Level G also had small steep-edged scrapers. Cardich believes that Levels F and G correspond to Lauricocha IIT with the exception of the large-shouldered points characteristic only of Ranracancha. Below this, Level H was much less rich, but four foliate points about forty-five millimeters long, seven scrapers, twelve flakes, sone red ocher, and many "microlithic fragments" which came from it are correlated with the Lauricocha II industries. Toquepala

near Toquepala in Several cave and shelter sites have ofbeenTacna,identified east of the city of Moquesua. the south highlands of Peru, Department One of these, excavated by Muelle (personal communication, 1964) has been and wood to 9460 and 9470 years ago years radiocarbon dated by means of guano (1966) cites a radiocarbon date of 9580 (7525 and ago (7625

Bonavfa 7515 B,C.). These dates may B.C.),

may

not

be

truly

associated

with

the

with various other excavated industries Tock paintings reported by Bonavfa or Toquepala area. and artifact collections made in the or

l Museum When I was shown Muelle's Toquepala collection at the Nationa one of Anthropology and Archaeology in Lima, I was able to identifyto only of point @ belonged projectile point base. This could conceivably havesmall. If complete it the general willow leaf class, but it was rather leaf-shaped points common in would more likely be classified with the small cobble scrapers or choppers, Early Lithic IV. The collection includes many large scrapers on flakes, a few snub-nosed scrapers, and a few bifacial knives,

28

scrapers and small choppers. There were two distinctive beaked scrapers unlike anything I have seen in other Peruvian collections. Bonavfa (1966) thinks that "hachets" from Toquepala show some resemblance to tools in Lanning's Chivatetos industries. Northwestern Argentina Ampajango

‘The Ampajanguense industry was discovered by Cigliano (1961, 1962) on a Pliocene terrace of the Santa Marfa River, Province of Catamarca, Argentina. Because of its crude percussion workmanship and lack of projectile points, the Ampajango industry is generally assumed to be much older than the Early Lithic III and IV horizons with which we are primarily concerned, but there are no conclusive indications that this is the case, The “dated” site is located in a depression where large blocks of andesite, originally derived from the mountains, have been exposed by erosion of the Pleistocene deposit which had mantled the Pliocene terrace (Cigliano 1962: 22-23; Lanning 1964a), The erosion, which opened the site for occupation, must have taken place when runoff was considerably greater than at present--that is, almost certainly well before the onset of the altithermal. ‘Thus, occupation could have occurred during the Pleistocene, but it might equally well have taken place during postglacial times. Lanning

(1964a:

234),

in arguing

for an early date,

stresses

the

similarities of Ampajanguense with the Ghatchi I industry of Atacama, Ghivateros of the central coast of Peru, and Camare-Laguna of Venezuela. But the artifacts in those collections have not yet been convincingly dated to Pleistocene time either. Gigliano (1961: 178-79) reasons that Anpajanguense is typologically primitive and that the terrace sites would only have been occupied when the temperatures were lower and precipitation higher. Given the presence in the immediate area of sites from demonstrably recent times, the persistence through time of primitive non-projectile point industries, and the normal dominance of percussion and lack of projectile points at quarry sites of all ages, Cigliano's argument is likewise unconvincing. According to Lanning (1964a: 234), arg idanataténielt malta puncnt fee (aipra- Ryans (tC dated CelcccetlGayte This level of confidence in Cigliano's simple typological comparisons is completely unjustified. Cigliano (1962: 23) collected 900 pieces at the Ampajango quarry, of which 27 per cent are described as artifacts. Anpajanguense, whatever its age, is essentially a flake industry with no evidence of any technique other than direct percussion. There are a few long blade-shaped flakes, but with one possible exception (Gigliano 1962: Fig. 117) they do not show prepared, faceted striking platforms. Even the large bifaces are made on flakes. Of the many "monofaces" from Ampajango, none appears to have been

29

produced by Levallois "musteroide" working appropriately pointed Look like they might

technique, although Cigliano (1962: 30) mentions along some edges. Burins are defined only as flakes, but a couple (Cigliano 1962: Figs. 97, 105) have been prepared by genuine burin technique.

There are a few tools which might be classified as core-scrapers or choppers, and a truly impressive array of crude bifacial specimens. Some of these may be completed artifacts, but I see no good reason they must "seriate" before the bifacial knives of the Early Lithic why periods. Their crudeness may be a result of the refractory nature of the tough igneous rock, rather than a sign that they are prototypes for artifacts of the Tortoral

and Ayampitfn

industries,

Ampajango Ayampitinense In the same Ampajango region, Cigliano (1962: 22, 81-82) reports his discovery of two Ayampitinense sites on the second (Pleistocene) terrace of the Santa Marfa, where pottery is seldom found. Rather than andesite, the raw material is a "softer" metamorphic rock: an esquisto (schist? or slate?). Cigliano asserts that the industries (some 500 pieces, including debris) are also differentiated by the introduction of pressure retouch on projectile points, but to my eyes the photographs reveal only rather poorly controlled percussion flaking.

Of the several "Ayampitfn points" cataloged by Cigliano, only one even approaches the type established by Gonz4lez (1952), This specimen (Cigliano 1962: Fig. 127) is about the right size (67 by 22 by 11 millimeters), but the crude percussion flaking, irregular outline, and the stubby tip would seem to remove it from the type. (See instead Quishqui Puncu Type 11 for a specimen which it resembles closely.) Another "classic" specimen (Fig. 118) broken state; whole, it would

measures 73 by be well out of

30 by 15 millimeters in its the size range for willow

leaf points, and even somewhat bulky for the El Jobo type, All other points illustrated by Gigliano are fragmentary, but would appear to be percussion-flaked bifactal knives. However, some amall scrapers and a conical core differentiate this collection strongly from the Ampajango quarry industry. Totoral

Boman (1920) briefly described a preceramic site at Totoral in the Province of La Rioja. More recently, Lanning (1963a: 419) has reported that Gonzélez has amassed a surface collection from the same site which ineludes about 500 whole and fragmentary points and numerous large, type scrapers of various kinds. The points include the classic Ayanpitin and a variant with serrate edges, but no grinding stones were found. On the basis of this lack and of typological differences

in the chipped stone artifacts, Gonzalez suspects that the site represents a hunting culture related to Ayampit{n

but differing from it in many respects and possibly older

30

than the Ayampitfn assemblage from Intihuasi Cave in San Luis Province CLanning 1963a: 419). Santiago del Estero Other older collections from nearby parts of northwestern Argentina may also relate to the Ayampit{n horizon. Reichlen's (1940: 175) report on the Province of Santiago del Estero states that the mountainous southeastern part of the province (just east of Catamarca) has yielded the most abundant and varied lithic remains. He reports that collections at the Archaeological Museum of Santiago del Estero include laurel leaf points.

31

CHAPTER IIL SUMMARY OF CHRONOLOGY AND TYPOLOGY Chronology

__Too few radiocarbon reviewed above to allow Nevertheless, a pattern 1961 Lanning and Hammel

assays have been made on materials from the sites us to construct a really convincing chronology. may be emerging which is at times at odds with the synthesis.

Fortunately there are estimations made on burned bone and charcoal

samples by the CO* technique from both of the stratified cave sites which

have

been

excavated

in

the

central

Andes.

Level

I at

Lauricocha

(cave

is dated at 7565 B.c. t 250 years (Cardich 1958: 11), while level 4 at Intihuasi dates 6015 B.C. + 100 years, and a sample trom levels 3 and gave 6111 B.C. t 100 years (Gonzdle2 1960: 158).

L-2)

4

The original Lauricocha I collection contained no indubitable projectile points; it may be an impoverished industry of basically willow leaf or Ayanpitfn type, or it might represent a phase which shortly preceded the Ayampit{n horizon in Peru, The dated context is level R of the L-2 excavations (Gardich 1964: 83) which has been correlated with the 1958 Lauricocha I industry, in spite of the presence of at least one typical Ayampitfn point and several snubnosed scrapers and bifacial knives characteristic of Lauricocha TE. Although both lie at the bottom of their culture bearing deposits, there is no direct stratigraphic connection between Lauricocha 1 of excavation L-1 and

the

dated

"Lauricocha

I" of

excavation

L-2.

According to Gonzélez the Intihuasi dates were directly associated with a typical Ayampit{n industry. There are no other radiocarbon dates for a "pure" willow leaf industry, unless we include Toquepala, where only one typeable projectile point was found and where the association between the sample and the industry is not quite clear. However, the single basal fragment may be from a willow leaf point and the rest of the industry includes compatible types, such as bifacial knives and small scrapers. At least two assays fron Toquepala (see Chapter II) indicate an occupation around 7500 or 7600 B.C.--alnost exactly the same as the single date from Lauricocha T. There are no other radiocarbon determinations for the central Andes which reach further back than the early 6th millennium B.C., except the Paracas date (6875 B.C. from Bonavfa 1966) of unpublished associations. Two dates from El Inga in Ecuador, 7080 B.C. * 144 years and 5978 B.C, t 132 years (see Chapter I), fall in this early period, but they were taken from mixed samples and can not be definitely associated with any particular What they insegment of the total, obviously mixed El Inga collection. probably that re~ industry, dicate to me is that some pat of the El Inga presented by the fluted fishtail points, is at least as old as the assayed Sample of mixed carbon. Although there are no direct indications in the

32

form of stratified sites, typologically, and on analogy with the better known sequence of North America, the fluted fishtail industry of Ecuador

and Tierra del Fuego should be somewhat earlier than the Ayampit{n horizon.

Following the willow-leaf horizon of the 7th and perhaps 8th millenia B.C., there is an apparent gap before another small cluster of dates covering the late 6th to 5th millennia B.C..

These are mostly from Ancdn, where they

date the Luz complex (5350 B.C. + 120, 5350 B.C. * 100, 5190 B.c. ? 100, and 4650 B.C, + 120 years) and the Canario complex

(4751 B.C. t 100 years)

(Patterson and Lanning 1964: 120). The Luz complex is characterized by large~ stemmed points, and the Canario complex has both large and small bipointed projectile points. There is a date from Quiani 1, 4206 B.C. * 220 (Bird 1965: 264) for the Shell Fishhook phase and another of 3666 B.c, $145 for the subsequent, preceramic Quiani IT refuse. Two small-stemmed points, triangular points, "double-ended" points (possibly willow leaf, but scale not shown), and a thick-stemmed point reminiscent of the Ranracancha type were found at Quiani. Unfortunately, except for the last which came from the bottom of the midden, it is difficult to determine which specimens came from which phase at Quiani (Bird 1943: 239-40). Where dated, industries with very small projectile points (bipointed, diamond-shaped, small leaf-shaped, etc.) are mich more recent. On the coast of Peru, preceramic sites with chipped stone industries include Otuma at 1642 B.C. and 1892 B.C, and Asia at 1312 B.C. or 1225 B.C. ? 25 years (Engel 1963a: 12; 1963b: 122-24), Other coastal preceramic sites have been dated, such as Huaca Prieta, with many dates from the middle 3rd through 2nd millennia B.C., and Chilca, with several dates from 3738 to 2537 B.C. for the preceramic phase (Engel 19635: 120-28), but projectile points have not been associated. Taking into account only the genuinely stratified sites and the radiocarbon dates, then, the picture can be presented reasonably simply. There are two firmly established horizons: Ayampitfn or willow leaf centering on the 7th millennium B.C., and a "small- point horizon" of the last two or three millennia B.C, A large -stenmed point horizon may fit in between, if one relies on the dates for the Luz complex; or it may precede the willow leaf horizon along with other large-stemmed points (i.e., fishtail) if ene cares to argue from evolutionary typology; or it may be of Garantie age 1€ the position of the "Patjén" point todusery ab Poze dante is stratigraphically correct.

In ny opinion the chronologies and typological equations proposed by Lanning (n.d.) are extremely labored, and although they may prove to be correct, they are based on untrustworthy regional sequences. The sequences for northwest Argentina (Ampajango to Totoral to Intihuasi), the central coast of Peru (Chivateros I to Chivateros Ii to Oquendo to Arenal to Luz to Canario to Corbina to Encanto), highland Ecuador (El Inga 1 to III to II) are still very much hypothetical. They are based mostly on inferences about typological development, rather than on stratigraphy, real seriation of fall industries, or radiocarbon dating.

33

Significance of the Distribution of Sites in Time and Space

The gap between the dates for willow leaf industries and industries characterized by other point types must be due in large part to the small number of radiocarbon samples that have been run, It ig hard to believe that there was any depopulation during the intervening period which would have been serious enough to be reflected in today's meager archaeological evidence. It would probably be best to consider the two or three "dated" horizons simply as horizon styles, conveniently (for the archaeologist) representing times of relative uniformity in one aspect of culture--the stone tool industry. This is not to say that I believe demographic patterns to have been constant throughout the central Andean preceramic, or that demographic changes might not be reflected in the geographical and chronological distribution of stone industries. Chances are good that a consistent "horizon style" in the stone tool industries of a primitive culture represents a new and successful adaptation to resources--one which has recently spread over the area and has not yet begun to diversify locally. Conversely, experimentation in economic patterns might be measured by the tools involved in subsistence activity; lack of uniformity, local variations, or “aberrant” types signaling a change to (or at least a search for) new and differing ways of coping with the environment after the breakup of the consistent "horizon." If typological variation is accompanied by changes of settlement pattern, the archaeological indications of significant culture change becone even more convincing. It is hard not to notice that industries in which the willow leaf points predominate have been found chiefly in the highlands, while the "small point" industries are most conmon on the coast, or along lake shores, as in the Atacama, Equally difficult to avoid is the realization that the breakup in homogeneity (represented by the willow leaf or Ayampit{n horizon) occurs at about the same time as suspected beginnings of V experimentation with agriculture (the possibility of which is discussed below) and new adaptations to littoral resources. Of course these changes can not all be conveniently assigned to an archaeological "intermediate period!; it is probably more rewarding to think of them in terms of developmental stages if, as anthropologists, we are less obsessed with chronology than with cultural change. We must face the fact that there is room in the central Andes for two or more cultures to be practiced side by side (as they still are today), that easy movement from zone to zone permits great seasonal or longer term variation in culture (as for the Indians who today move from highland to coast and back), and that whole societies (perhaps in response to climatic changes, as suggested by Lanning) might adjust their economy back and forth. It is possible and profitable to relate broad industrial horizons to chronology, but it is futile to try to fix the time span of each individual Andean tool type--or even, perhaps, industries represented by two or three camps in the lomas vegetation. When we begin to look at the central Andean preceramic from this more generalizing point of view, the division between ceramic and preceramic seems// less and less important, even if very convenient. Judging only from the very

limited standpoint of lithic technology, Lanning and Hammel's Early Lithic IV seems at least as much like the later pottery using Early Lithic V as like the earlier, primarily hunting cultures of the willow leaf horizon. In short, the people of the "small point horizon" are often sedentary (relying increasingly on sea resources or agriculture)--and this differentiates them more importantly from the Ayampit{n hunter-gatherers than does the presence or absence of pottery. Early Lithic IV, at least as it is Found on the coast, "belongs" to the gathering-fishing-farming culture which in later times possessed pottery.

In the highlands the situation is not so clear; nor should we expect it to be if a major cultural transition were taking place there. Lanning (1965) suggests that changes in the Humboldt Current, by increasing food resources in the littoral zone and destroying mich of the lomas vegetation, initiated the cultural changes which resulted in agricultural subsistence. If he is correct the new coastal developments might diffuse and adapt to Fig ilk lewis cig vere sictly acd the cave tants lee tenia aoncey Lauricocha III, and Callavallauri I (although using new projectile points and sometimes pottery) might have been living essentially the same life as their forebearers who depended on willow leaf points.

On the other hand, there are alternative interpretations which are equally attractive. As has been pointed out repeatedly, these rockshelters may in later times have been temporary camps for farmers out on seasonal hunts, or for hunting specialists within a predominately agricultural society. After all, there are some indications (to be discussed below) that a horticultural system originated in the highlands. Or, it may be wrong to assume that typological equivalence means exact contemporaneity. The "small point horizon," with its various typological links between the coast and highland, may in both zones signal a time of disruption and innovation when people turned increasingly to the cultivation of plant and marine or lacustrine products--but this change in orientation might have occurred much earlier in one zone or the other, for all we know from the information yet obtained by radiocarbon dating. In other words, the types may not be mere stylistic markers of a time horizon; rather, the major typological and size variations could be more closely tied to function, and in turn relate to changes in economic patterns which might not have occurred exactly simultaneously on the coast and in the highlands.

However, the introduction of pottery and, less certainly, the formation of villages and towns with specialized architecture, took place at approximately the same time in both the coastal and highland zones (2nd millemtum B.C.}, As a working hypothesis it is reasonable to assume that the beginnings of really effective agriculture (but perhaps not the experimental origins) were also roughly contemporary. If the development of agriculture was in some way caused or triggered by changes in the postglacial environment, as many people have thought, it is completely logical to suppose that the old, strictly hunting-gathering culture was destroyed in both zones at about the same time, even if by different specific changes.

35

Furthermore, 1£ during the time of the Ayampit{n or willow leaf horizon, seasonal use were being made of both highland and coast in a pattern of "transhumance," environment

al changes in only one zone might cause the whole cultural system to become unviable at once,

Were this the case, certain environmental niches, rather than being transiently utilized, might become completely uninhabited if a new, successful adaptation for that zone was not hit upon during our intermediate or experimental period. This is certainly not so along the desert shore of Peru and northern Chile; there Early Lithic IV is abundantly represented, and the coast may even have been a center of successful innovation and adaptation. In the highlands the small points characteristic of Early Lithic IV seem to be less abundantly represented than the willow leaves of Early Lithic ILI, but I think the difference may be more apparent than real. In the central Andes, preceramic sites are most easily discovered where they are not masked by later intensive agriculture. The first sedentary adaptation on the coast may have been right along the desert shore where shellfish were at Hand, and this environmental zone has never since been more intensively utilized. Moreover, the middens left by these people have often been preserved and are relatively easy to identify. Finally, the modern population of Peru, including archaeologists, is concentrated on the coast. In the highlands most of the preceramic sites which have been identified are cave shelters at very high altitudes, One reason for this is certainly that the masking effect of later, intensively agricultural civilization has been least above the limits of normal cultivation and permanent habitation. The extremely high altitudes, now useful mostly-for pasturage, might ‘once have been one of the best zones for hunting, but would hardly have been the location of the first sedentary sites as people began to “settle into” their environment and cultivate plants experimentally. Rather, we should expect these sites in the alluvial bottoms of highland valleys, where nearly all traces have been eradicated by later intensive use. The closest approach to the discovery of such a site on regularly cultivated land in a highland valley is Quishqui Puncu, which in its later days might have been occupied in Just this way. The scarcity of discovered highland sites, then, between the willow leaf horizon and the pottery-using Initial Period, should not alarm us into thinking that this most hospitable part of the central Andes went unoccupied.

Distinguishing Central Andean Horizons Typologically. ly Because we are dealing largely with mixed, incomplete, or incomplete the described industries, it is difficult to talk definitively about even distwo major horizons discussed above. I think there is a fairly cleanpreceded tinction between the willow leaf horizon and the industries which "Paleoor it in South America--whether they were "Pre-Projectile Point" "handaxes” Indian." Large percussion-flaked scrapers, core tools, and tile Point stage) (which would be characteristic of the theoretical Pre-Projec

36

are occasionally found associated with willow leaf points, but they have also been found in virtually every later Peruvian horizon, as Bird (1965: 265-66) has recently pointed out. This is not to say that there is no such thing as a Pre-Projectile Point stage, but rather that there is a crying need for typological study of this segment of stone tool collections in order that fruitful distinctions among types may be made. When this has been done we should be able to define the chronological and cultural ranges of some types and techniques. The elimination of the Type 44 cobble tools at Quishqui Puncu from the preceramic industry is an example of what can be done even with limited data on raw material, working techniques, and distribution, Willow leaf points have never been found in association with points of the Paleo-Indian horizon in South America, that is with large lanceolate or stemmed, and sometimes fluted, projectile points manufactured by well controlled percussion or pressure flaking. Points of probable Paleo-Indian affiliation have been found in Venezuela, Ecuador, Tierra del Fuego, and Chilean Patagonia, and perhaps in coastal Peru, but never in the high Andes where the willow leaf point is most common. In fact their distributions are so complementary that one might even argue for partial contemporaneity. Different game animals may be the key to the separateness of the willow leaf and Paleo-Indian horizons. It is likely that the "Paleo-Indians" relied primarily on animals which became extinct in early postglacial tines (e.g., the horse, sloth, and perhaps mastodon), ‘These animals are known, although not always in clear association with archaeological material, in Venezuela, Ecuador, and in the southern tip of the continent--but not in the high Andes. ‘The willow leaf horizon may correspond to a shift to reliance on other, smaller game, and a consequent expansion of the cultural range to include the high Andean habitat of camelids and deer. At this time, when many elements of the Pleistocene fauna and flora were being lost, new variability may have been secured culturally by a pattern of transhumance.

One genuinely important new trait of the willow leaf horizon is the grinding-stone and mano (and perhaps the mortar and pestle) which are thought to be lacking in the Paleo-Indian horizon. They are by no means always found in willow leaf industries--in fact they may be confined to northwestern Argentina--but maybe we should not expect to find them in the high hunting camps known in Peru, This sort of variety among industries of the same time level might be taken as just one more indication for the presence of a seasonal round, although the possibility remains that the grinding stones were used for pigment rather than seeds. ‘The willow leaf point itself is a reasonably distinct type in spite of its simplicity. Examples have been found made on many different kinds of stone, but they nearly always exhibit well-controlled flaking are finished to the same general form and weight. Even the variations in the curvature of the base do not affect the over-all proportions of the artifact as much as one might expect, In spite of the expert workmanship, they are usually rather thick in cross-section and frequently there are distinct medial ridges resulting from collateral flaking; others are smoothly transverse-flaked on

7

one or both sides, and have a lenticular cross-section, There are a few examples with serrated edges known, and a few cases of edge-grinding (basal end) have been identified, at least at Quishqui Puncu. The mean length of Quishqui Puncu willow leaf types (see Appendix: Types 5-8) varied only between forty-three and forty-seven millimeters, although at other sites the mean length might run as high as fifty to sixty millimeters. Willow leaf points are typically fifteen to twenty millimeters wide and five to ten millimeters thick. Mean weights for the Quishqui Puncu willow leaf types varied from 4.1 to 7.2 grams, and I would not expect the mean to exceed ten grams in any collection that I have handled.

Small scrapers with even edges, particularly snub-nosed endscrapers on flakes (see Appendix: Types 28 and 29) are very characteristic of the willow leaf horizon. As best as can be determined from the available descriptions, these "Lauricocha" scrapers are most common in highland Peru. If they are hide scrapers, as seems likely from their small size and steep but even edges, it is reasonable that they occur in abundance at hunting camps. Much less attention has been paid to large crude scrapers and cobble tools, but they are also found with willow leaf points, although perhaps more conmonly at lower altitudes. Percussion-flaked bifacial knives, sometimes inappropriately identified as laurel leaf points, are found nearly everywhere, although Patterson and Heizer (1965: 110) think they are missing in the earliest occupation at Intihuasi. Again, they are most common at the high hunting camps. The cuchilla-raedera is basically a bifacial knife, but one or more of its edges is plano-convex, rather than evenly beveled in cross-section. The cuchill. aedera edge-forms are present everywhere (even if not all on one tool) on thin-edged scrapers and unifacial and bifacial knives.

Lanning and Hammel (1961: 148) included the large-stenmed as 4 northern variant in Early Lithic III, but the radiocarbon Luz complex and the finds at Pozo Santo now suggest that this what later. ‘The chronological position of the Arenal points, relationship to the willow leaf horizon, is also uncertain.

Paijéa points dates for the style is someand their

‘The small point horizon is not nearly as consistent internally as the/ willow leaf horizon, but industries from the respective horizons can be stemless readily distinguished. ‘The four most important point types are: shouldered point with basal half wider than the blade half (diamond-shaped); small leaf-shaped point; bipointed point; and, in the southern highlands, the small broad triangular point with straight, concave, or notched base (see Appendix: QP Types 1-3). All of these are found in the same size and weight range, which practically never overlaps with that of the larger willow* leaf points. For the three Quishqui Puncu "small point" types, mean lengths vary from twenty-five to thirty-two millimeters; mean widths from eleven to fourteen millimeters; mean thicknesses from five to six millimeters; and mean weights from 1.4 to 1.9 grams. Comparing this last, especially important seen that factor of weight with the figures for willow leaf points, it can be leaf points. "small points" are only one-fourth or one-fifth as heavy as willow

38

Only an uncommon wide-stemmed variant (of uncertain age) from the Atacama and Ranracancha may violate this rule. Also, the small-stenmed (sonetimes triangular-stenmed) points, best known from the Shell Fishhook culture of coastal Chile, sometimes equal the willow leaf points in length, but they are quite delicate and light. The suggestion, of course, is that a different, lighter kind of projectile (such as an arrow) is being used. perhaps primarily on smaller game. On the south coast the light-stemmed points continue into ceramic times; on the central and north coast proJectile points are rare in pottery-using (and even earlier) cultures, and a further projectile replacement is made in the form of slings and stones. In spite of all the local variety in point types, the rest of the stone industry from this horizon is much more limited than in the willow leaf horizon. Knives and small well-worked scrapers seem distinctly rarer, although graver-scrapers and discoidal scrapers may be two new types. The microblade complex from El Inga and Quishqui Puncu might be suspected to belong to this horizon on size alone, but at both sites there are earlier industries from which it cannot be segregated stratigraphically.

While none of the sites of che willow leaf horizon appear to have been constantly occupied (leading to the assumption that the Ayampitfn culture was "pure" hunter-gatherer), there is every indication that people of the small point horizon were sometimes quite sedentary. There is evidence of agriculture at this time level at several coastal sites (e.g., Paracas, Chilea, Otuma, Casavilca, and Pampa), and even where horticulture is not indicated, the heavy settlement pattern and increasing use of marine resources illustrate that people are beginning to "settle into" their environment. On the other hand, I would interpret the sporadic occurrence of Ayampitfn-like points at coastal sites as evidence that people of the willow leaf horizon included the coast in their seasonal round, but did not make intensive use of its resources. The irregular and unelaborated chipped stone industries, associated with small points or no points at all, of late preceramic and early ceramic times, mark a major change in economy from wide ranging hunting and gathering to more intensive use of local environments. This transition is reasonably clear on the coast, but is yet to be satisfactorily demonstrated anywhere in the highlands.

39 CHAPTER IV THE POSSIBILITY OF TRANSHUMANCE

Davis (1963: 202) has defined transhumance as "the practice of changing abode in a regular and traditionally recognized way, as natural food are followed." The usual dictionary definitions are more narrow, beingcrops historically oriented to the seasonal migration of livestock and the people who tend them. Twill use the word here in the more general sense proposed by Davis, as the mechanies of the system would seem to be closely similar, whether the people involved were hunter-gatherers or primarily pastoral. Unless the domesticated animal is fed on stored agricultural crops, his seasonal following of pasture will have to be basically the same as that of his wild, hunted relatives, Furthermore, most gathered human food crops will mature sometime during the season that the pasture and browse of the hunted or herded animal is in useable condition; this is no more true for the gathered food which is the basis of subsistence for the hunter-gatherer than it is for the highly desired (if not strictly essential) nuts and berries of the Swiss pastoraliet. With the possible exception of inhabitants of extremely productive or compactly varied microenvironments, all hunter-gatherers must practice “abode-changing" or transhumance in the most general sense of the word. That is, they must "change ground" in response to seasonal variation in their environment, or to put it in plain terms, they are nomadic. Nevertheless, there are at least two crucial differences between nomadism and transhumance. First, the use of the word transhumance makes it clear that the participants are in no sense "wandering"; their movements are regular and in response to seasonal change. Second, although they may not travel great lateral distances, the changes in environment are great due to passage through altitudinal zones.

In studying the development of culture, and particularly the birth of agriculture, this movement from zone to zone may turn out to be a most important factor. Flannery (1965) has argued that the key to domestication in the Near East was the moving of plants to environnental niches to which they were not adapted and the removal of certain pressures of natural selection, In the new zone man, whether conscious of it or not, controls the fate of the plant; deviant characters, not beneficial under conditions of natural selection, may survive under new climatic and edaphic conditions and becone the basis for cultivated, domesticated plants.

Presence of Transhumance in America Transhumance, while not as well known in the New World as the Old, was practiced by various American Indian groups. Perhaps the best known example is the bison-hunting horse-using culture characteristic of the Great Plains. The cooperative summer and fall hunts of the high plains were in many cases complemented by the dispersal of smaller component groups to

40

winter residence in lower sheltered and wooded valleys. Other groups, such as the Nez Perce and the horseriding Shoshone, returned over high mountain passes to more sheltered wintering grounds in the Snake River Valley or the Great Basin. The pre-horse pattern might not have involved such long distance travel, but surely some transhumance was necessary to avoid the cruel winters of the plains while still making seasonal use of their rich game resources. Folsom and Plano hunters of bison must have been bound by analogous environmental considerations to a similar yearly cycle. Where the American horse was hunted, the parallel with the needs of historically known horseriding Indians might have been even closer. The seasonal cycle of Eskimo hunting and fishing also occasionally involved transhumance. Spencer (1959) found that the pattern of movement for nuclear families of the North Alaskan Eskimo was quite variable, but the inland Nuunamiut ranged regularly from the north coastal plain--where they hunted or traded for sea mammals--well up into the northern slopes of the Brooks Range (whose peaks rise to 9000 feet). The game they followed was chiefly fish and caribou, the latter's seasonal migrations through Anaktuvuk Pass probably being a pattern with considerable time depth. Archaeological studies in Anaktuvuk Pass (Campbell 1961a, 1961b) indicate that this location has a long history of importance for hunters, such as those of the Kogruk and Tuku complexes. Campsites, and presumably their seasonal pattern of use, have been assigned to periods overlapping with and even preceding the willow leaf horizon of the central Andes. A sequence of coastal occupations on receding beaches at Cape Krusenstern, just south and east of the Brooks Range, seems also to date back several thousand years. Work at the Onion Portage site, 200 kilometers inland and south of the Brooks Range, reported by Giddings (1966), shows that strata there can be correlated with the coastal sequence of cultures. Onion Portage is an excellent fishing place and caribou crossing, located in the wooded country intermediate to the coastal and high mountain sites. As the abundance of caribou and fish there are keyed to the seasons, it seems practically inevitable that Onion Portage has always been occupied on that basis. Taylor (1966) has recently stressed the nearly universal adaptation of the Eskimo and their predecessors to both the inland and maritime environments, Even early students of the Eskimos, such as Mauss and Beuchat (1904/05), recognized the importance of seasonal movement. However, the Plains bison hunters and the North Alaskan Eskimo are both difficult to compare with the people of the central Andean preceramic in one important respect: their comparative neglect of plant resources. The Nuunamiut Eskimo are particularly negligent, their main use of plant food being some ten species of berries eaten mixed with caribou fat, soaked in seal oil, or pounded into meat to make a pemmican (Spencer 1959: 23-25). The stomach contents of caribou, although technically vegetable, were hunted not gathered. Spencer mentions a plant faintly resembling a parsnip which was gathered in the passes and foothills, a kind of rhubarb, willow shoots, and a dozen other plants, including roots and grasses. According to his informants these were only resorted to as starvation food, but there is always the possibility that greater and more regular use was made of them in prehistoric

times. Nor should we forget that important in non-food contexts: for bows, snowshoe frames, house lining, baby diapering, and lamp

plants here, as elsewhere, were always spruce bark for cordage; willow and birch construction, and fuel; and moss for boot wicks.

Parallels from the Great Basin Desert Culture The most closely analogous situation to the central Andes seems to | lie in the Great Basin. Here big-game hunting decreases in importance through time, while plants, insects, and small animals appear to have been the primary basis of subsistence throughout the last several thousands of years. There are some important environmental differences along the line of greater temperature extremes and the complete lack of access to edible sea products, but in general outline "Desert Culture" would appear to be moderately suitable for the central Andes. As best as we can tell, resources of the Pacific littoral were, after all, not heavily utilized by people of the willow leaf horizon even in Peru. On the other hand, rivers and lakes were hardly ignored by the ethnographically known inhabitants of the Great Basin and lower Columbia Plateau. Steward (1938: 33) stresses the importance of seasonal fishing in the southern Idaho tributaries of the Snake River, and in the Humboldt, Ovens, and Bear Rivers of the Basin. Freshwater Utah Lake was an important source of fish, and fly larvae were often gathered from smaller lakes.

noet homeland or sthe Ay anpitdn, traditdon In-qorthwestard?Argenrtiatis especially similar to parts of the Great Basin where the Desert culture was the only successful adaptation until the introduction of irrigation and Western culture. In view of our lack of information on Ayampitfn or willow leaf culture itself, it should be profitable to turn for hints to the archaeologically and ethnographically better known Great Basin. According to Meggers (1964: 515-18), Portions of the southwestern United States are so similar environmentally to portions of northwestern Argentina that photographs cannot be distinguished. The buttes and plateaus, rocky cliffs, talus slopes, dry washes, semi-desert climate, and even the appearance of the vegetation are almost identical. It has been pointed out that some of the cacti and sagebrush are closely related botanically.

‘As Meggers has repeatedly reasoned, environment may not determine culture, but it offers a series of possibilities that men with similar needs and capacities may exploit in similar ways. make some kind of For instance, extremes in daily temperature range clothing and shelter highly desirable or necessary in both of these byhigh semideserts, even if seasonal variation can be alleviated somewhat into transhumance. Similar fauna can be exploited for hides to be sewed

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garments with similar bone awls (known at Lauricochs, and later, in north~

western Argentina at Ongamira). With a scarcity of wood and an abundance of suitable rock outcrops, houses are likely to be of stone constructionas suggested in the Atacama and possibly at Quishqui Puncu. Meggers (1964: 518) notes that similar kinds of wild seeds are available in both areas, and that their preparation required the sane sorts of grinding tools. Pondering the presence of these grinding slabs and manos in the lower levels at Intihuasi, Gonzlez (1952: 117) speculates just as would an archaeologist in the Great Basin: "Quizds algunos de ellos se usaron para moler materias colorantes, pero otros creemos que corresponden a molinos destinados a la molienda de semillas silvestres, quizd de algarrobo." Switching continents, all one need do is substitute pinyon for algarrobo. Sauer's (1950: 326) geographical description of the pampean sierras of northwestern Argentina (that is, the provinces of Gérdoba, Tucumén, Catamarca, La Rioja, San Lufs, and San Juan, where willow leaf points have been found) applies perfectly to the Great Basin Here an ancient part of the crust, to which have beea added later volcanics, has been buckled and broken by the Andean orogeny into a series of long north-south blocks. Aggradation has filled the floors of the in tervening basins. . . . Many small streams deacend from the ranges and form well-watered alluvial cones at their bases.

The Argentine mountains are higher (up to 6400 meters, or 21,000 feet) and there is somewhat greater relief, but this is at least partially compensated by some ten or fifteen degrees less of latitude. In fact, in the basins of northwestern Argentina the hottest summer days of the continent have been recorded (Sauer 1950: 338). The Desert culture of the Great Basin can be traced from at least 6000 to 7000 B.C. till the ethnographic present, whence, ". . . fortunately for interpretation, the historic tribes of the West provide living analogies for many of the inferences derived from archeological finds" (Jennings 1964: 150, 153). Unhappily, this is not the case in Peru, where at least two or three thousand years of agricultural civilization intervene before history begins, or in northwestern Argentina where the Andean pattern of inteasive agriculture, pottery, and the accompanying arts and crafts became established sometime between 500 B.C, and the beginning of the Christian era (Gonzdlez 1963). The interpretation of archaeological materials from the western Great Basin, particularly Owens Valley and its surrounding mountain ranges, has on the other hand been greatly clarified by Davis’ (1963) archaeologicallyoriented study of Kuzedika ethnography. Before undertaking survey and test excavations, Davis worked with senior Paiute informants, visiting their old campsites and reconstructing the former scasonal round. She found a regular and indispensable pattern of movement covering nearly 6000 feet variation in altitude, as they followed a succession of plants and insects

43

maturing within various microclimatic areas. In addition, the cycle provided climatic protection for the Kuzedika and some of the game animals which they hunted, The exact details of the Paiute pattern are not of direct relevance in the Andes, but the general nature of the resources and movement may be helpful in constructing an analogy. Each spring Kuzedika family groups broke up their winter camps around Mono Lake, stored their metates, and worked their way up streams in sheltered canyons where they gorged on such early greens as wild onions and cress. This corresponded to the annual movement of the deer from the low country, where they spent the winter, to summer ranges high in the Sierras. Rodents, rabbits, suckers, waterfowl, and perhaps mountain sheep were also utilized. Later in the summer the Kuzedika harvested grass seeds and bulbs in the meadows, collected fly larvae on the lake beaches, and finally climbed to the high Jeffrey pine forests where they trapped caterpillars. At the end of the summer families moved down to the pinyon groves. There, while waiting for the nuts to ripen, they might organize a communal rabbit hunt. After the harvest the pine nuts were cached in a sheltered area with wood and water, where winter camp was made. This yearly round of activities leaves an interesting record for the archaeologist to interpret. Davis (1963: 204) notes that the large number of sites might convey a deceptive picture of the population density, and that different types of sites have different artifact assemblages--a pattern that has plagued workers in the Andes. Summer campsites in the meadows have mortars and fragments of manos and metates (as do at least two willow leaf sites, Ayampit{n and Intihuasi, in northwestern Argentina), while travelers! campsites on ridges and caterpillar-collecting sites in the Jeffrey pines often have no grinding tools at all. It may be, as has often been suggested, that the willow leaf horizon in Peru and Bolivia represents a regional variation of the Ayampit{n culture in which grinding stones were unknown, but the custom of the Kuzedika of leaving the grinding stones where they were used certainly suggests another interpretation. Gould it be that the Lauricocha campers did not care to lug heavy grinding stones to 4000 meters altitude on their hunting trips? It might well be that preceramic milling stones left at more moderate altitudes in the Peruvian highlands have gone unnoticed among later, similar Likewise, in northwestern Argentina there may well be Ayampitfn artifacts. sites at greater altitude that have remained undiscovered, but contain no grinding stones. le By working back ethnographically Davis has discovered why projecti where there is little points are rare in the climax Jeffrey pine forest, time activity; conbrowse for deer and caterpillar collecting was a full deer moved versely, points are numerous in the pinyon groves where the make such subtle to yet able seasonaily. Unhappily, in the Andes we are not rely almost exclusively on distinctions concerning site use, for we still projectile points to recognize the "culture." Peruvianists bent on splitting

44

the preceramic into yet more divisions might take Davis' (1963: 204) the diversified site warning to heart: "Without ethnographic information, of different succession would be difficult to interpret, suggesting a italics).

cultures rather than various aspects of the same culture” (Davis' This is not to say that certain major cultural divisions in the central Andes, based solely on the distribution of a few projectile points, may not be legitimate. For instance, the lack of fluted and fishtail points in the high altitude Andes suggests that early inhabitants of the continent did not practice high altitude transhumance, or at least that they did not hunt the animals which frequented these elevations, with such points. This argument is made more convincing when one notes the absence of roughly contemporary Paleo-Indian points at high altitudes in North America. In the western Great Basin, Davis (1963: 202, 204) finds Clovis-Folsom, Sandia, and large Lake Mojave points only in relatively low grassland and semidesert valleys, and therefore probably not connected with high altitude transhumance; while on the other hand, "the occurrence of Pinto and Silver Lake points in mountain meadows suggests that transhumance is as old as the Desert Culture itself." This would date the beginning of transhumance in the western Great Basin to about the same time level as the willow leaf horizon in the central Andes, when I am proposing that transhumance became important in that area. If anything, however, the Pinto and Silver Lake points are less securely dated than the willow leaf points; some archaeologists (for example, Wallace 1962: 175-76) date Pinto points as late as 3000 B.C. up till the time of Christ. Peruvian "Relicts"

Lacking ethnographically known hunter-gatherers in the central Andes, the case for prehistoric transhumance cannot be made as strongly as in the Great Basin, or even as strongly as in northern Alaska. The closest approach to ethnographic parallels are brief descriptions of Llama herders, such as Murra's (1965: 209) of Inca state herders, whose activities might conceivably preserve something of a much older way of life, These herders were held accountable ". . . for a variety of chores which in Andean thinking are associated with puna wild life: hunting of deer and buck huanacos, whose meat was dried into charki; gathering of multi-colored feathers to be woven into military garments; fishing, and the Like." In Inca times, however, herders of church and state flocks (the only ones about which anything appreciable is known) were full time custodians rather than seasonal inhabitants of the puna. The Llamas themselves were also kept mainly in the very high country, according to the chroniclers, but there is evidence that they were occasionally driven to the coast loaded with highland produce, and then driven back to the highlands loaded with surplus maize from the coast. According to Murra (1965; 188) pastoral transhumance, almost on the Old World pattern, is even indicated: "Occasional transhumance is suggested for the years when climatic circumstances made the coastal lomas bloom, and

45

the highlanders brought their herds down to what became islands of succulent range in the middle of the desert." But the blooming of the lomas vegetation is a yearly occurrence, although the total area in lush growth varies somewhat annually with the extent of geréa, or sea fog. One wonders vhy the occasional transhumance reported by Murra would not have been a regular practice. This possibility would seem even more likely if the beginnings of pastoralism eventually prove to date before about 3000 B.C., when Lomas vegetation may have been even more extensive. On the other hand, it might also be that highland pastoralists did not find transhumance of much benefit for their flocks, except when unusual conditions favored growth well in excess of the regular long-term carrying capacity of the "range" for its wild and local dependents. Under normal conditions, as mich fat might have been lost along the "caflada" as was gained in the lomas meadows. Mishkin (1944: 429-30) mentions in passing an interesting case of seasonal migration by the contemporary highland Indians. During the slack season in agriculture, they come down from the mountains adjoining the coast of northern and southern Peru to fish in the area between Trujillo and Chiclayo, in the north, and to Bahfa de la Independencia, west of Ica, in the south. According to Mishkin these areas have been". . . traditionally associated with seasonal fishing by Andean Quechua. After a few weeks of primitive fishing, mainly offshore fishing or with balsas, the amateur fishermen collect their catch, hire some conveyance to cart it back to the Sierra, and there sell or distribute it." It would be difficult indeed to assert that this traditional practice (now involving boats and vehicles) goes all the way back to preceramic times, but the example at least shows the feasibility of such a seasonal movement. Other examples of modern migration between highland and coast and back again, particularly highland Indians looking for wage work, could be cited; but they are even less pertinent to early prehistoric possibilities. Archaeological Documentation of Transhumance in the Central Andes Direct archaeological proof of transhumance in prehistoric times is not yet available, but Lanning (1963b, 1965) has quite reasonably argued that the preceramic camps he has discovered in the lomas around Ancén were used only from April or May to November or December. During the rest of the year these meadows, which are sustained by sea fogs or garda, are in their dry dormant stage. "In summer the hill-slopes would have been uninhabitable, their seeds and roots dried up, and the grazing animals The season. returned to the highlands for the green pastures of the rainy1963b: 362). archaeological sites thus represent winter camps" (Lanning

the austral sumer, The fact that the highlands get their rain in during a powerful injust when the coast is hottest and driest, is for itself transhumance has to be ducement for transhumance. As this argument we might note that the dry based largely on "circumstantial evidence," Great Basin factor of prothe geason alteration tends to compensate forLannin g (1963b: 360-62) notes that tection against temperature extremes.

46

deer and guanaco graze in the lomas today, that they must have been more abundant when the lomas were more extensive before about 3600 B.C,, and that they must have had to return to the highlands for the green pastures of the rainy season. According to Patterson and Lanning (1964: 114), the absence of summer camps in the same zone leads to the suspicion that the hunters spent their sunmers in the highlands or even on the high puna in pursuit of the same animals which were hunted on the coast in the winter. One problem with the hypothesis as it now stands is that we are unable to make convincing typological and numerical comparisons between industries in various environmental zones; we are unable to establish correspondences of the type that exist between Onion Portage and the Gape Krusenstern sites in Alaska, or between many Desert culture sites at widely varying altitudes in the Great Basin. In the central Andes, only a preliminary attempt can yet be made at establishing a pattern of seasonal transhumance through archaeological evidence. It is my impression that sites at different elevations, which should have been in use at about the same time, have different frequencies of whole classes of artifacts which probably reflect seasonal differences in activities. Thus, at Quishqui Puncu (about 3000 meters above sea level) small scrapers with even.edges suitable for preparing hides seem less common than at Lauricocha (some 1000 meters higher and 180 kilometers distant), but considerably more common than at sites near sea level 200 to 250 kilometers away. In the same way, projectile points are most common at Lauricocha (although this could also be influenced by selective retention of artifacts) and reasonably common at Quishqui Puncu, while on the coast willow leaf types, at least, are very infrequently found. The same may be true for bifacial knives. On the contrary, crude scrapers, cobble tools, and milling stones are most often reported at relatively low altitudes, vhile they are unheard of or less numerous at high elevation camps presumably occupied by hunters. However, until quantification is available for several well-dated sites, it will be impossible to more definitely establish or disprove seasonal use patterns. We should find, if the sites are contemporary aspects of the same basic culture, that specific types and stone-working techniques are shared, even though type frequencies and frequencies of entire artifact useclasses differ greatly. Nevertheless, one lesson that we have to learn from ethnography is that we should not expect a simple winter-summer dual division, as proposed by Lanning, but instead many varieties of industries adapted to many microenvironments--some sites perhaps being occupied for only a week or 80 each year. Lanning (1963b: 362) writes that his hypothesis ". . . can be readily tested by surveying in the mountains behind Ancén." But we should also keep in mind that the sea has many resources that might be utilized at any time of the year, that seeds and roots might be harvested when the lomas were in their dry phase, and that the lower reaches of streams fed by highland rains of the southern summer might be most productive during that season.

47

In short, some of the midden sites right on the ocean shore, and undiscovered lower valley sites, might belong not to "people of a differenty culture," but to yet other facies of the sane culture. Similarly, crop plants ripen in the highland valleys during the austral winter and there might be good reason for hunter-gatherers (or perhaps incipient agriculturalists) to spend a part of the "winter" season at high altitudes. ‘The environment of the central Andes is anything but simple; we should not expect early lifeways to be so either. The case for transhumance in the willow leaf horizon of South America does not appear to be as strong as for Mesopotamia, where Flannery (1965: 1255) is able to contrast a thoroughly excavated farming village (Jarmo) at 750 meters elevation in the oak woodlands with a herders’ camp (Tepe Sarab) at 1260 meters. Both appear to date to about 6000 B.C., but the herding camp lacks pigs, wheat and barley, houses, ovens, and grinding stones. "Nearly identical" pottery objects bind the sites together chronologically (and perhaps culturally), while the slaughter ages of demonstrably domestic sheep and goats show that Tepe Sarab was only occupied in late winter or early spring. It will be some time before data of this completeness are available in the central Andes; nevertheless, there is evidence from elsewhere in the New World of transhumance at this time level, the environmental situation favors it, and the end result-agriculture--was likely the same.

CHAPTER V ‘THE ECONOMIC BASE AND OTHER ASPECTS OF CULTURE Hunting There is always a danger of overemphasizing the importance of hunting because of our preoccupation with projectile points, but it would be difficult not to visualize it as a key aspect of the economy of the willow leaf horizon. However, as Lanning (1963b: 362) has attempted to demonstrate on the central coast, there seems to have been a steadily increasing reliance on gathering as we proceed through time. By the time of the conquest,hunting was of practically no economic importance, and we tend to lose appreciation of what the game resources would have been in times of lighter population and less intensive use of the Land.

Even in the time of the Incas, two kinds of deer and the guanaco were hunted, usually by driving them into fenced enclosures or by huge surrounds which required the co-operation of thousands of individuals (Rowe 1946: 217). This last method would not have been workable in times of simpler social organization, although smaller scale drives, on the pattern of the Basin Shoshonean communal hunts for rabbits, antelope, deer, and mudhens (Steward 1955: 109-11), would have been possible. The Incas dispatched the surrounded animals with clubs, as did the Shoshone, and similarly they hunted with nets (but only for birds). The Incas also used slings, small bolas, snares, and nooses (Rowe 1946: 217), Elsewhere in South America, Gilmore (1950: 383, 451) notes that deer and guanaco were hunted with bow and arrow, spears, and bolas, by stalking or in ambushes. Deer

Although cervids are not particularly numerous in the Andean region today, the very variety of surviving forms suggests to me that they were once an important element in the fauna. ‘wo genera (Odocoileus and Hippocamelus) survive principally at very high altitudes, although Gilmore (1950; 383) states that Hippocanelus bisulcus, "the short-legged, single fork-antlered, medium-sized Andean deer, is found on the high puna, paramo, and altiplano of the Andes from Columbia to Tierra del Fuego." In addition to these two genera of deer, whose bones have been found in archaeological context at Lauricocha, Cardich (1958b: 104) reports the presence of Qzotoceros, described by Gilmore (1950: 383) as "the pampa deer," ranging presently over southern Guiana-Brazilia and northern Patagonia-Chilea. Cameloids ALL of the Andean deer are small by North American standards, It is likely that more sustenance was provided to early hunters by the llama, weighing as an adult between 75 and 125 kilograms (165 to 275 pounds), and the somewhat lighter built guanaco (75 to 100 kilograms). Gilmore (1950:

49

447-51) reports that the guanaco (Lama glama guanicoe or L. guanicoe) is still widely distributed in spite of recent intensive hunting with firearms. Its range now extends from the southern tip of the Andean chain to midway through Peru, and in prehistoric times it may have been found as far north as Columbia. The guanaco favors dry open country (although it is occasionally found in forests), wherever such terrain occurs between sea level and 5600 meters (18,000 feet).

Guanacos generally move in small herds, either of a few young males or 2 dominant male and several females and young animals, but solitary males are also seen. In the summer, in the month or so between calving and rutting, large conposite herds of hundreds of individuals sometimes These may have provided a seasonal hunting opportunity of considerableform. importance to early hunters. Also of interest to students of primitive hunting techniques is Gilmore's (1950: 449) off-hand mention that when the male leader of a herd is shot, the females and young are as likely to remain standing about as to flee. The sane behavior pattern in Anerican bison was taken advantage of by professional buffalo hunters in the Plains, who were able to pick off dozens of individuals at a single "stand"; conceivably, they learned this hunting technique from their American Indian predecessors.

The Llama (Lama _glama) is known now only in the domesticated state, and may even have been derived from the guanaco by domestication during Ptehistoric times, rather than being a completely distinct form (Gilmore 1950: 435-41), In late prehistoric times llamas were distributed over virtually the whole Inca state, from central Ecuador to northern Argentina. Cardich (1958b: 104) identifies llamas as distinct from guanacos in the Lauricocha deposits; if the distinction is valid, the Llamas must have been already specifically differentiated from guanacos in the wild state-or we would be forced to consider the possibility of animal domestication in the willow leaf horizon, Also, Cabrera (1931) claimed to have identified Llamas from Pleistocene deposits in Patagonia far south of their present range. At any rate, whether or-not the llama was a separate species from the guanaco in preceramic times, its habits and value as a game animal would most likely have been similar. The llama, and its close relative the guanaco, are very adaptable animals, being able to derive food from the harsh dry vegetation of the Andean semideserts and able to survive several days without drinking by converting water "camel style" from carbohydrates and subcutaneous fat (Gilmore 1950: 439-40). Not only must these animals have been available leaf as game in essentially all of the territory covered by the willow places, horizon, but their dung, which accumulates in communal defecating no woody may have been used as fuel in the many parts of their range where plants grow.

now has a very restricted range ‘The domesticated alpaca (Lama pacos) rn Argentina. Its former in southern Peru, northern Bolivia, and northe d to prefer wetter country than the range is uncertain, but it is repute id group, ) thinks that it, of the camelo Llama, and Gilmore (1950: 441-46lly to high altitudes. The alpaca is is the best adapted physiologica

50

somewhat smaller than the lama and guanaco, an adult providing only 9.5 to 18 kilograms (21 to 40 pounds) of jerked meat. The vicuna

(1958: 104) at with a greater 1950: 451-54), was undoubtedly

(Lama vicugna or Vicugna vicugna),

identified by Cardich

Lauricocha, is also restricted to high elevations, although range than the alpaca which it resembles in size (Gilmore Of all the Andean cameloids its coat is the finest and it used, even in the earliest times, by those who hunted it.

Archaeologists generally consider large game animals to be valuable primarily for their protein-rich meat, calorie-rich fat, and hides. However, Driver and Massey (1957: 200) record that the internal organs of game animals were universally eaten by North American Indians, and Gilmore (1950: 439) notes that the Incas consumed the fresh entrails and blood of llamas. The vitamins A, By (thiamine), and B (riboflavin) occur in substantial quantities in the internal organs, and vitamin C (ascorbic acid) is found in blood. Presumably, the preceramic huntergatherers of the Andes gained these essential vitamins by consuming the blood and intestines of deer and cameloids, if they were not already securing: them through the vegetal portion of their diet. The bones of large animals, particularly the cannon bones, were valuable as a tool-making material, as documented at Lauricocha (Cardich 1958a: 36-57) and Ongamira (Gonzélez 1941: 150-51, 153-55) where they were used principally for awls. Other Animals

Of the smaller mammals likely to have been hunted or trapped for their meat, the viscachas (Lagidium, several species) are probably the most important. These cat-sized rodents are found in large, semigregarious colonies at high altitudes in the central and southern Andes, while an extinct, larger form (Lagostomus crassus) survived long enough to be included in archaeological deposits near Cuzco and Machu Picchu (Gilmore 1950: 373). Viscachas were hunted in Inca-times for their hair as well as their meat (Rowe 1946: 217). Cavies, including most notably the common guinea pig (Cavia porcellus), are numerous in grassland, brush, and highland environments all over South America (Gilmore 1950: 372). Guinea pigs are diurnal and easily caught; surely the ancestor of the domesticated variety was hunted in early times. Many other members of the order Rodentia may have been caught and eaten, but it would be pointless to list them here. Other mammals of potential importance as game are opossums (Didelphys), ground sloths (Mylodontidae), and giant armadillos (Glyptodontidae), Remains of a glyptodont (Gonzdlez 1952: 114) were found near the archaeological gsoeteea Avanpl tfnuandecouniie! poke resaccl atadi with Ibi angen =nateume ta both North and South America, may have survived into early postglacial times.

St

: Of the carnivores, A the felids are a mos t diffiicult prey; q only one relict species of bear survives on the high eastern cult slopes of the Andes; and the canids, except for a fox (Dusicyon culpaeus lycoides) hunted by the Ona, were very unpopular as game, although domesticated dogs were eaten by various American Indian groups.

The Yahgan and Alacaluf hunted sea lions (Otaria flavescens) and fur seals (Arctocephalus australis), as have other coastal, sedentary people of Peru and Chile. Even if little attention was paid to maritime resources during the willow leaf horizon, these animals could have been taken in season at their breeding rookeries without the use of boats. Sea manmal bones are known from later, coastal preceramic sites. Tt is not certain at what time mastodons (Gomphotheriidae) became extinct in South America. If, as some believe, they survived much Longer in South America (for example, a very dubious association of mastodon bones with pottery near Quito; Uhle 1928, Collier 1946: 782) than in North America, they may have met men of the willow leaf horizon as well as earlier hunters. There is a chance that horses (Equus curvidens), too, may have lasted until relatively recent times in the southern part of the continent. Birds and their eggs were undoubtedly used. Flightless rheas (Rheiformes) of the Argentine plains may once have been found in the Northwest, and could have been hunted with the same technology as the large land mammals. The location of sites around lakes at Viscachani and in the Atacama suggests that these hunters may have taken birds of the order Giconiiformes (herons, storks, flamingos) and Anseriformes (ducks and geese). Barfield (1961: 98) found flamingo feathers and bones at a cave site at Laguna Hedionda. The ancestor of the domesticated muscovy duck (Cairina moschata) was surely hunted at some time. Partridge-like seed snipes (Attagis, Thinocorus) gather in large flocks in the uplands and adjacent Andes of southern South America, According to Gilmore (1950: 396) they crouch rather than running or flying when disturbed at feed, and are then easy to kill.

and lizards Reptilian resources include tortoises and turtles (Ghelonia) region. (Lacertilia), of which there are many edible species in theof Andean fish river 220) reports that in Inca times several kinds Rowe (1946: These were taken with spears, nets, copper hooks, by hand, and in weirs. with a together apparently would be the small orestines (Orestias) which, of the heavily small catfish, supply ". .. the only native piscine1950:food412). Along the (Gilmore populated altiplano of Pert and Bolivia" were eaten, as fish bones have fish coast, river fish and perhaps ocean Ancén (Lanning 1963b: 360; Patterson and been found at the lonas sites near lobster and shrinp (Panulirus Lanning 1964; 114). lawless "Langosta" coast of Peru and are easily caught. and Macrobrachium) are common alongand theseem to have been a "staff of life” Salt water mollusks are abundant firmly before intensive agriculture was where along the coasts of South America to the Lomas campsites Established. Mollusks were brought inland large land snails were also available (Lanning 1963b: 360).

52

Edible insects, although not always a preferred food, are found almost everywhere in South Anerica. Early inhabitants may well have found them a dependable resource, as did the Desert culture peoples of the Great Basin. Even the cultured Incas relished roasted larvae taken from under the bark of 2 certain tree (Rowe 1946: 217). Wild Plant Use

Te is far more difficult to assemble a list of plant foods which might have been utilized. The ethnobotanical and ethnographic de~ scriptions of the central Andean area naturally concentrate on cultivated plants, and, except on the dry coast, remains of prehistorically-used plants have seldom been preserved and reported (Towle 1961). General botanical descriptions of Peru (Macbride 1936-60, Weberbauer 1945) say Little about human use of wild plants.

Archaeological data from early preceramic times are limited to brief comments on the presence of seeds and gourd rinds at the Ancén Lomas sites (Patterson and Lanning 1964: 114), but from the last part of the coastal preceramic there is fairly abundant evidence of wild plant use at sites such as Huaca Prieta, There, Bird (1948: 24, Towle

1961: 105) recovered cat-tail roots and wild tubers, such as junco and cocos (Cyperus and Scirpus), and fruits: lucumo (Lucuma), ciruela del fraile (Bunchosia), and guayaba (Psidium) Unidentified, there are

several Kinds. of sceds, bark used to make bark-cloth, and @ plant fiber conbined with cotton in the making of textiles. On the central coast, cane (Gymerium), junco grass (Cyperus), and hurango wood (Prosopis) were used at Chilca for house construction (Donnan 1964: 141-43), while the use of totora reed and other marsh plants for basketry, matting, and cordage has been widely reported and illustrated (e.g., at Asia, Engel 1963a). Cactus spines and thorns, especially for fishhooks, are also common, and Bird (1943: 186) reports the use of cacti, shrubs, and huiro kelp for fuel in northern Chile. Wild plants were important in ceramic times for various purposes, and it may be assumed that many of these had a long history, even if undocumented (see especially, Towle 1961: 97-100, for a listing of plants according to their uses). In the case of food plants, it is impossible to suppose that the ancestors of the developers of Andean agriculture (which was based largely on endemic plants) did not pay a good deal of attention to wild resources. Certainly the wild progenitors of the basic domesticated species were collected. Even in Inca times the fruits of at least two kinds of tuna cactus and a bush were still being gathered wild, and the leaves of several kinds of wild plants were boiled and eaten (Rowe 1946: 216). Most of the Andean region with which we are concerned, that is, the range of the hunter-gatherers of the willow leaf and small point horizons, is relatively arid with a flora dominated by a large proportion of grasses and annuals (Weberbauer 1945: 139-516). Such dry land plants are especially suitable for human food use--much more so than the leafy

53

Perennials characteristic of zones where there is moisture available throughout the year. Arid land plants, especially annuals, devote a proportionately large fraction of their living tissue to the purpose of reproduction. As Aschmann (1962: 3) has pointed out, they are heavy seed producers, and it is this nitrogenous part of the plant--not the cellulose--that men can use Ethnographic Parallels

The lack of ethnographically known hunter-gatherers in the central Andes can be partly compensated by looking elsewhere, in somewhat similar environments, to see what use other non-agricultural peoples made of wild plant products. Unfortunately for our purposes, the central Andean cultigens have spread into virtually all the "similar environments" available in South America, eliminating to a large extent the reliance on wild plant foods. The ethnographically known Andean hunter-gatherers are restricted to the extreme south where they (the Yahgan, Alacaluf, and Chono) subsisted primarily on shellfish and other marine food. The low-altitude, humid-climate flora of the extreme south is quite different from that of the central Andes--although, happily, in some places not so different that the adaptable guanaco cannot thrive on it. The Ona of Tierra del Fuego, to which we will return for other purposes, made extensive use of the guanaco and other land and sea mammals, but practically ignored plants for food purposes. In Lothrop's (1928: 32) rating of the relative importance of Ona foodstuffs, grass seeds and berries, along with fungi, are found in the category of least importance (fourth); categories one to three are made up entirely of animal food. It is instructive to remember that Tierra del Fuego is about the same distance from Lauricocha as Lauricocha is from Mexico City (about 3000 miles). In sone respects the cultures of Tierra del Fuego (prehistoric as well as ethnographic) are more fruitfully compared with those of the high latitudes of the northern hemisphere than with the cultures of more moderate latitudes. More pertinently, to the west of the central Andes there are huntergatherers in the arid Chaco, and, to the southwest, in the semi-arid pampas. The Querand{ in the pampas just west of the CSrdoba Mountains, are typical of these in that they took up horseriding soon after the Spanish had introduced Old World horses. Consequently, next to nothing is known about their pre-horse culture. Horses allowed them to chase and bring down deer, guanaco, and rheas with much greater ease than previously, and undoubtedly changed the emphasis of their subsistence base.

ng thistle) and The Querandf still collected some roots (includi mortars (Lothrop with pounded into flour caught fish which they dried and suggests that at one time seed gathering 1946: 182). The use of mortars ence, or even that they had was an important pare of Querandf subsist In pre-horse times the Querand if are formerly practiced some agriculture. small bands of perhaps fifty related thought to have been organized into in vhat foot travel. Sinilerly Limited semiindividuals, linited in mobility in bypre-hor se times ave described as they could carry, their houses aks of skin or reed nats (Lothrop 1946:

r or nalfidone-shaped windbre Cingula 182).

However, in the dry Gran Chaco, particularly the most arid western part, just before the ascent of the western foothills of the north Argentine and Bolivian Andes, the introduction of the horse was of little importance, and the inhabitants ", . . even today retain the seasonal economic rhythm of the pre-Colonial era" (wétraux 1946: 203). Nearly all of the Chaco peoples practice some agriculture (except those who have abandoned it in favor of horse nomadism), but in the gane-poor western part they depend primarily on the seasonal harvest of wild seeds from the xerophytic scrub forest, The most important plants are algarroba (Prosopis alba and P. nigra), tuscas (Acacia moniliformis), chafiar (Gourliea decorticans), mistol (Zizyphus mistol), and various cactus fruits. The above species, or closely related Forms of the same genera, are also found in the Peruvian Andes (Weberbauer 1945), and Cigliano (1962: 12) lists algarroba and chanar as the dominant trees of the Anpajango region. The pith, shoots, fruits, seeds, and fermented sap of palms were eaten in the Chaco, and occasionally wild "rice," tubers, honey, and insect larvae were collected. Fish were important where available, and at least in the southern and eastern part of the Chaco, guanaco, deer, and rhea were frequently taken with bows and arrows, short spears, bolas, and traps. Nevertheless, it is difficult to gauge the importance of hunting in prehorse times. Temporary, matrilineally organized "villages" of dome-shaped brush huts are characteristic of the Chaco, but it is uncertain what type of settlement pattern and social organization preceded the arrival of feral horses, cattle, and finally Spanish observers (Métraux 1946: 197-370; Steward and Faron 1959: 374-96, 413-20), Other Traits

In reconstructing the culture of central Andean hunter-gatherers, it is difficult to do more than guess about aspects other than the subsistence base. Steward and Faron (1959: 380) note the presence of certain games and gambling practices in "marginal" South America, particularly the Gran Chaco, which are widespread in North America but otherwise unknown in South America. Similarly, many (e.g., Cooper 1941) have remarked on the use in the Chilean archipelago of ceremonial scratching sticks and tubes for ceremonial drinking-traits found many thousands of miles to the north, but not in the intervening area. Also, the common use of skin clothing by Anerican hunter-gatherers can easily be laid to environmental factors, but such trait distributions argue for an ancient hunter-gatherer tradition in which the people of the central Andes would once have participated. Weapons ‘The use of some sort of shaft-projectile weapon is certainly indicated by the stone points of both the willow leaf and small point horizons. Although bows and arrows were used by all nomadic hunters of South America at the time of white contact, Steward and Faron (1959; 391-92) hypothesize that it is a relatively modern supplement to and replacement for the spear, dart and dart-thrower, bolas, and sling. It is tempting to accept this proposal uncritically and assign the willow leaf points to a hand or stick-thrown spear and the clearly differentiated smaller points to the introduction of

55

the bow. After all, none of the ethnographically known bows are powerful enough to propel a heavy arrow with efficiency. They gre always of simple construction and never backed. The bows of the Siriond, for instance, are up to eight feet long but so weak and slow that tree-top game can someNever~ times be reached only by firing the heavy arrow up in two stages.’ “central” the in prehistorically used theless, it may be that better bows were areas, and that the equipment of the surviving hunter-gatherers was marginal technologically as well as geographically. There are no positive indications that the bow is a relatively recent introduction in South America. Miscellaneous Most South American Indians made fire with fire drills, except for the marginal peoples of southern Chile and Patagonia, who used flints struck on fron pyrite. This may be a relict from an early substratum, along with the custom of stone-boiling found among the Chono of Chile. Highly mobile and hunter-gatherers might find it difficult to carry about a fire drill hearth, particularly in the sometimes damp Andean region, while a strike-aLight requires no special protection--only the usual problem of keeping tinder dry. Tierra del Fuego, The basketry of the marginal peoples of Chile andcoast, is made by coiling, and the earliest known basketry on the dry Peruvian is widesp 80 this too may be an early technique. Cord netting of Peru.read among primitive hunter-gatherers and also early on the coast

g and tailoring Steward and Faron (1959: in395)SouthpointAnerioutca, thatbut tannin textiles may have replaced of skin clothing was unknown Nuclear Area of the continent influenced bylez the (1941: fetter skin garments in parts bone PL. 20) awls illustrated by Gonzd weaving tradition, The fine had “tailored” ble for leatherworking. Theby Onagrease from Ongamira look most suitaprese impregnation rved and softened hides leather moccasins and they (Cooper 1946: 111-13). Houses

h America None of the “pure hunter-gatherers bestof Sout sheltere were the Quteida of caves and rocksheltersthe, Chil Archipelago, huts of the Chaco and parte of hut is aneanamaz ingly close frame, conical variant of this

had true houses. probably the domed The Yahgan poleparallel to the

s having observed the follovd ingwhen gene Iyoimberg (1950: 23-24) relate ion l times among the Sir ed procedure severa successfully execut tall crecs at cuch a height that it as out of range oF

oes cieusted in of the huntera alinga his ceut bow over his back end Thee beve: Tone tos branch that ts within range of tha antmel. y: Glints up the treen to choot the aninal, he signals to hic companion below, °¢ Ghee ie & postio enoes force pute Jue h wit it es eas rel and bow hie into ow arr an gho puts goes by, grabs it» ow arr the as , ter lat The ft. alo ter hun e wae tth it in his bow, and shoots the animal

56

hut described by Donnan (1964: 139-43; Figs, 1, 2, 5) from Chilea, on the central coast of Peru, dating to 3415 B.C. t 120 years. Cooper (1946b: 85-86) describes the Yahgan variant as being tipi-form, with a frame of Stiff sapling poles supporting each other, and having at times a scoopedout floor. The Chilea house, also conically shaped, has a floor a little over two meters in diameter cut into the surface of the midden, and a tipi-like frame of cane bundles tied together where they join at the top.

The semicircular and circular, rough, uncoursed, stone-block walls found by LePaige (1958: 160) at Calar and Barfield (1961: 95-96) at Salar de San Martfn may be of comparable antiquity to the hut at Chilca. The use of stone blocks rather than a wood frane can be attributed to the scarcity of wood in the Atacama, but reeds were probably available around the salt marshes. Possibly, the Atacama walls were never covered over and served only as windbreaks, somewhat like (but in different materials than) the curved windbreaks of the Ona and some Chaco groups. The stone alignments at Quishqui Puncu may also be the bases of windbreaks. Three man-made pits about 2 meter across, at Intihuasi, are mentioned by Gonzdlez (1960: 156), but they were of indeterminate use. In East Africa, Clark (1960: 314) has compared similar shallow depressions at the Acheulian site of Olorgesailie with Hottentot "sleeping forms." But many other possibilities come quickly to mind for the Intihuasi pits. Social Organization

Our very sketchy and tentative ideas about huts and shelters tell us practically nothing about social organization except, perhaps, that it is likely to have been simple. The small groups of structures reported by LePaige and Barfield suggest that band size was small, at least while those sites were being visited. Similarly, with the possible exception of the Lauricocha group, rock shelters known in the Peruvian highlands and Bolivia are small--although one could easily argue that "accommodations" were not available for the whole party, or more sensibly, that hunting expeditions to the high, rough country were undertaken only by active males. Lightening and preserving meat by drying and smoking it into Charqui (which could be easily transported) has no doubt been expedient in the Andes for some time. It is interesting that lower shelters in northwestern Argentina are much more conmodious. Where the archaeological data fail us, we must turn to theoretical speculation, Steward (1955: 122-42) has argued that, where a population of low density subsists on the hunting and gathering of limited and scattered food resources, and particularly where the hunting of dispersed and small game herds is stressed, patrilineal bands will result. Underlying this hypothesis is the assumption that hunting such game will make it advantageous for men to remain after marriage in the territory of their birth, which they already know well. We will assume that transportation is limited to human carriers, and the validity of the "cultural-psychological fact . . . that groups of kin who associate together intimately tend

37

to extend incest taboos from the biological family to the extended family thus requiring group exogamy" (Steward 1955: 135). Large migratory game herds, which would allow more complicated social organization (such as composite bands), do not exist in the Andes. The cameloids appear to form somewhat larger herds than deer (see above), but only for a month or less, and they cannot be compared to the large migratory herds of North America, A large part of the Andean economy must have been based on smaller, non-migratory animals (e.g., viscachas and other rodents), and plant foods. In Stevard's thesis, if these were plentiful enough to be advantageously harvested in large collective groups, another sort of social organization might result. However, if we accept the argument made above for transhumance during the willow leaf horizon, small bands (quite possibly patrilineal) or nuclear families coming together seasonally at times of abundant harvests, seem most reasonable. The latter alternative would be yet another parallel with Great Basin culture. Toward the end of the central Andean preceramic period, perhaps corresponding with the beginning of the small point horizon, the emphasis may have shifted from hunting small but relatively mobile herds of guanaco and deer to a concentration on plant food and localized small game. Even though a seasonal round were still followed, there would be less premium on co-operative hunting, and, following Steward, a tendency for the lineages to break down. As in the Great Basin, plant food harvests might be accomplished best by small, non-competitive nuclear family groups. Not split being so dependent on migratory animals, lineages would inevitably up, each nuclear family following its own irregular round to scattered, of local sources of food. When larger groups did form, perhaps in times time. each abundance, the composition of the group would be different lture to the Eventually, with the coming of really productive Inagricu this sort of central Andes, permanent settlements would grow up. . residential stability situation Adams (1966: 44) has proposed that ". an. irregu but cumulative may algo engender social stability, encouragingwhich fissiolar cies shift from small lineage-oriented systems in tending towardnarylocaltenden uity contin dominate to larger, more open-ended systems and endogamy." this distance is interesting, speculation about social organization from ment can be made with real certaint: but hardly conclusive. Only one stateagri ure and stable communities, until the establishment of effective based cult on age, sex, and kinship. all social structure must have been

58 CHAPTER VI ‘THE EMERGENCE OF AGRICULTURE AND PASTORALISM Microenvironments and Sedentism

Coe and Flannery (1964) have recently defined the difference between nomadic hunter-gatherers and stable villagers in a new way. The former must exploit a wide variety of "microenvironmental" niches, scattered over a wide range of territory, in a seasonal pattern; the latter, possessing effective agriculture, can concentrate on one, or only a few very efficient microenvironments lying close at hand. In Mesoamerica, "the gradual addition of domesticates such as maize, beans, and squash to the diet of wild plant and animal foods hardly changed the way of life of the Tehuacgn people for many thousands of years . . . and seasonal nomadism. persisted’ until the introduction of irrigation" (Goe and Flannery 1964: 654). The mere presence of agriculture does not create a "Neolithic Revolution," and in Mesoamerica it seems that the real change in culture occurred only after the rich alluvial shorelands were tilled to support sedentary villages. MacNeish (1962, 19642, 1964b) is convinced that the Valley of Tehuacdn lies near the center of maize domestication, yet permanent villages occupied by full time agriculturalist have not been found there before the Ajalpan Phase, dated 1500 to 900 B.C. Until that time, inhabitants of the Tehuacdn Valley are thought to have alternated between dry season and wet season camps. This pattern begins in the Ajueresdo Phase sometime before 7200 B.C., and is only slowly and very gradually disrupted by agriculture, of which there is certain evidence in the Goxcatlan Phase beginning 5200 B.C. This era of incipient agriculture in Mesoamerica corresponds disturbingly well with the period we are examining in the central Andes. The four microenvironments specified by Coe and Flannery (1964: 651-52) for the Tehuacdn region appear to be spread over only five to six hundred meters difference in altitude (all semi-desert), but the situation bears some resemblance to highland valleys of the central Andes. The closest parallels are probably to be found in northwestern Argentina, while Coe and Flannery themselves underline similarities to the habitat and way of Life of the Shoshonean bands of the Great Basin.

Engel (1963: 124-26) has published eleven radiocarbon dates from 3738 to 2537 B.C. for the preceramic levels at Chilea, a site south of Lima on the central coast of Peru. The Chilea refuse mounds are four Kilometers inland from the coast and contained domesticated beans and gourds, in addition to shells and the remains of wild plant foods (Engel 1963b: 109; Donnan 1964). The absence of cotton, characteristic of other preceramic coastal middens, tends to vindicate the early radiocarbon dates. Or, as Engel (19636: 113-14) points out, the inhabitants of Quebrada Chilea might have known of cotton cultivation but not have had the necessary water resources to grow it.

59

Bonavfa (1966: 97) would push back the date for the first traces of agriculture in Peru to 6875 B.C. The date is said to apply to a burial associated with "horticultural elements and an industry of bone and stone," found by Engel near Paracas. The burial was flexed and covered with woven “vegetable” fiber. Engel (1963b: 110) earlier gave a date of 3025 B.C. for the pre-cotton cemetery at Paracas and listed a third site assigned, on typological grounds, to his hypothetical pre-cotton horticultural perio: Monte Grande del Rfo Grande de Nazca.

Engel (1963b: 110) allows that he has no proof that Chilea was continuously occupied during its 2000 year history, and that a seasonal occupation must still be considered, but he prefers to stress the permanent character of settlements once horticulture has been introduced. Engel's views on the unimportance of hunting and the seasonal round in the later and Peruvian preceramic are in rather sharp opposition to those of Coe Flannery regarding Tehuacdn. Once a society is established in a islocale conwhich offers stable resources for gathering, Engel (1963b: 106) to the vinced that hunting will be engaged in only as a sort of supplementAlthough regular economy, or to satisfy "besoins d'ordre psychologique." among a common assumption seldom stated so explicitly, this seems to be evidence hortiPeruvianists: that coastal midden sites withunconnected ofwithincipient what might be culture are permanent, self-sufficient, and taking place at the same time in other microenvironments (e.g., the lonas and the western slopes of the Andes). Animal Domestication assumption Recently, Lanning (1963b: 362) has made exception to thismoveme nt regular of sedentariness, at least to the point of propost ingof grazin s animal such between the Ancén lomas and the sierra in pursui daring in gsugges that as guanacos. Actually, Engel has been even morebeen left at pre-coting tton skins and long wooden rods or goads might have such an early domestication Paracas by Andean pastoralists.! The idea ofarchae ological data, but it hed of camelids is not supported by publis would be rash to reject it without serious consideration. there are sites in western Asia ‘According to Flannery (1965: 1254) goat domestication can be inferred dating from 8500 to 7000 B.C. where als to adult animals. Plant and animal from the high ratio of immature anim d, hand in the Old World, if, indeebarle domestication appear to go hand-iny. precede cultivated wheat and domesticated goats and sheep do not that the domestication of sheep may have ‘Adams (1964: 124-25) has estimated

de vigogne et s de peaux heur es de Paracas, typivetuques lyen découvrantGe 1esTonghom du merc et du e batons, outils

acolo seers

re } dee pasteure des Andes” forse reer des, peutet See also Engel 1963a: 10.

(Engel 1963b: 110).

60

begun as early as 9000 B.C., while domesticated wheat and barley can be firmly traced to 7000 8.C.--although increases in pollen suggest their cultivation considerably earlier. ‘The reasons why agriculture and pastoralism in the Old World developed contemporaneously have never been completely explained, but it would surely be unwise to ignore the possibility that the same forces were at work in the New World.

As reviewed above, the earliest concrete evidence for plant domestication in the New World has been found at about 6000 B.C. in the Tehuacdn Valley. Domesticated animals do not appear in the Tehuacdn sequence until much later, but of the four major New World native donesticates (camelids, guinea pigs, Muscovy ducks, and turkeys) only turkeys are indigenous to Mesoamerica. The other three are native to the central Andean region in both wild and domesticated forms.

The camelids appear to exhibit the most diversified domesticated strains, There are at least two species (1lama and alpaca), with the alpaca being split into two "true breeds" of pre-Columbian origin (huacaya and suri), and the llama assigned to a minimum of three (common, large-burden-bearing, and small Ecuadorean) breeds today, and four prehistorically (large-burden-bearing, small coastal, normal-sized with sunken forehead, and five-toed) (Gilmore 1950: 437, 445).

Looking at the matter in simple Vavilovian terms, the Andean region must be a center of animal domestication in the New World. When did animal domestication begin in the Andes? If, when New World plant domestication began about 6000 B.C., might it have been a widespread process not confined to areas of problen-oriented excavation in Mexico? If it vas a widespread process, might not animal domestication have accompanied it in the Andean region for the same, largely unknown reasons that the two went together in western Asia? These questions are unanswerable in the state of today's knowledge, but they suggest avenues of investigation. Highland Domestication of Camelids

Let us begin with the possibility of the early domestication of Tamas. Murra (1965: 187) remarks in reference to the origins of llama herding that "the date of domestication is still unknown, but through inference from coastal remains, the taming of the llama was a fact in the highlands by Chavfn times, 1000 B.C." Bird (as cited by Murra) and others have argued that domestication should not greatly precede this date because it was probably a result of a growing interest in wool on the part of coastal weavers, but Murra thinks it reasonable that camelids were tamed in the highlands by those who had come to know their habits through thousands of years of hunting. This would leave the date open, as domesticated Llamas could go unnoticed archaeologically in the high= lands for thousands of years. As for the ease and likelihood of domestication by relatively primitive and unsettled peoples, Gilmore (1950: 430) states that, "if

61

there is any basis for believing that there are inherent qualities in an animal or group of related species which favor domestication, such qualities may be found in the camel family." Gilmore, whose summary is the most complete and up-to-date available on the zoology and domestication of the Camelids, is of the opinion that the domestication took place in or on the margins of the central highland area of’ southern Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile, and northwestern Argentina. Murra (1965: 187) remarks that the guanaco, closely related and possibly ancestral to the llama, has a much wider distribution and is at home at low altitudes as well as high. But this really does not matter; both the llama and alpaca are clearly best adapted to the sierra, and it is there that the domestication must have taken place. To stretch the meager evidence to its limit, it might be proposed that domestication Occurred during the transition between the willow leaf and amall point horizons, when transhumant hunter-gatherers began to emphasize hunting large game less, and began to settle into a smaller range of microenvironnents.

Finally, as a strong believer in the reality of cultural-historical continuity, I find Murra's summary statement rather convincing, even without archaeological documentation:

As one studies the Llama and its uses, one keeps coning back to the high Andean area, between 8000 and 13,000 feet, including most of southern Peru and Bolivia, This is not only the optimm habitat of the domesticated canelids; it is also the country where people were most ingenious in their donestication of a wide range of frost-resistant tubers and grains and where they developed unique preservation techniques for potatoes and meat. Tubers and llanas, chufa and charki, vent together as staples in Andean nutrition and economics [Murra 1965: 188).

I see no reason why this pattern should not have persisted through a transition from a hunting-gathering to fully agricultural way of life. It is certainly not revolutionary to propose that the management of domesticated plants and animals requires little new knowledge on the part | of people who have been closely observing the "habits" of their cultigens wild ancestors and relatives for generations untold. The same processes es, are of growth and reproduction, with all their ecological complexitidomesticat es crucial; it is only the inter-relations between men and their which change.

Goastal Peruvian Agriculture evidence for the ‘As with domesticated animals, direct archaeological n region comes only early use of domesticated plants in the central Andea et (3738 to 2537 B.C.) cited above s, from the coast of Peru. The elevenai dates oc currence e of domesticated gourd from preceramic Chilca mark the first known beans (identified by Cutler, according to Engel 1963b 109), and perhaps sweet potatoes.

62

The origin of bottle gourds (Lagenaria siceraria) is uncertain, but they are probably indigenous to tropical Africa (Gutler and Whitaker 1961: 482). ‘The bottle gourd is earlier in Mesoamerica, and this may well be its direct source, as well as the source of the beans which are found in the greatest variety of wild and domesticated forms there. The sweet potatoes, if correctly identified, are almost certainly native to South America, but not to the coast of Peru.

Patterson and Lanning (1964: 114) report the presence of a Mesoamerican squash (Cucurbita moschata) at the Pampa site (Playa de Ventanilla). The Pampa site is supposed to have been occupied between about 3600 and 2500 B.C. (Lanning 1965: 72). The cultigens documented next in South America are cotton (Gossypium hireutum--origin uncertain, but likely to be derived in part from Asia), tzilacayote seed squash (Cucurbita ficifolia) from Mesoamerica, Canavalia beans (originally domesticated in Mesoamerica), Lima beans (Phaseolus limensis) probably developed in South America, and achira tubers, native to tropical America (Bird 1948: 24; Collier 1961: 103; Sauer 1958: 229; Towle 1961: 33). ‘These plants have been identified at Huaca Prieta (about 2500 to 1200 B.C.) and numerous other related preceramic sites on the coast of Peru. During the last preceramic subdivision in the Ancén area (2000 to

1200 B.C.), potatoes and sweet potatoes can definitely be added to the list of cultigens introduced to the coast (Patterson and Lanning 1964: 114), Two other highland tubers (oca and ulluco) may also be present at Punta Grande (Lanning, personal communication, 1965). Kelley and Bonavfa (1963: 39-41) now report maize of at least two distinct varieties in an apparently preceramic context near lluarmey on the north-central coast. One thing is clear: the coast of Peru is not a center of early plant domestication, for the wild relatives of none of these plants ate native to climates of year-round aridity. Sweet potato, for instance, needs abundant moisture for several months and "the basic maize is strikingly mesophytic, as shown by its shallow root system, large growth, and free transpiration from large leaf surfaces" (Sauer 1958: 217). As far as I have been able to determine, the only preceramic Peruvian cultigen, whose ancestors could possible have grown wild on the coast, is the potato. Wild potatoes are found in a myriad of forms and conditions from southern Chile to the Rocky Mountains of the United States. According to Lanning (1965: 74) they once grew wild in the Ancén lomas, although this would appear to be contradicted by Dodds’ (1965: 124) explicit statement that “in tropical latitudes, they [the wild species] do not occur below about 6000 feet." Furthermore, Dodds (1965: 129) reports that cultivated potatoes are found only above 6500 feet between about ten degrees north and twenty-five degrees south latitude (from about Panama to Taltal). Cultivated potatoes are found on the coastal lowlands of southern Chile below about forty degrees south latitude, but "they are probably relatively recent introductions to the area.”

63

Coastal Peruvian agriculture, then, must be a relatively late development, most--if not all--of the early cultigens having been introduced after domestication elsewhere. Some of the preceramic cultigens (perhaps all those reproduced by means of seeds) have a non-South American origin, and could conceivably have come directly by means of sea voyages; others (chiefly those reproducing asexually) must have come through the Andean highlands, where they may or may not have been accompanied by plants grown for their seeds. In formative and later times direct sea inportations from Mesoamerica might be convincingly argued; but two, three, or more millennia before the time of Christ it is easier to see maize, beans, and squashes filtering southward through the agricultural parts of South America as associates of root crops. Sauer (1958), speculating on how this might have come about, has selected northern Colombia as the most likely point of origin and dispersal for New World agriculture. Origins of Highland Agriculture

For our purposes it matters little whether Sauer or the Mexico-oriented botanists are right about where the first exploratory steps towardor plant through cultivation were taken. The idea must have spread quickly into It is quite possible the Andean area of high physical and biotic diversity. of domestication, origin of that Sauer is mistaken about the processes and point but his argument for transportation of cultigens "along the grain" of theconis still Andes, rather than across the grain of environmental barriers, external flanks of vineing: ‘These interior passageways, rather thanraintheforest and of desert the Andes with their barrier zones of cloud and from the southward, were the avenues by which agriculture, inif theit spread interior of lower lands, could most readily establish itselfadapt to, cold and even come to the Andes" (Sauer 1958: 218). Men culturally a system of transhumance, but rely on the crossing of environmental zones in plants to radically different it is a gradual and painstaking task to adapt environments. ce of agriculture based on Similarly, Sauer's ideas on the preceden active, even if they are almost vegetative reproduction are logically attr A certain amount of subentirely lacking in archaeological support. late (first millennium B.C.) tively Stantiation comes from a single, rela Colombian site--Momil (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1956, 1957). culture, I) there is no evidence of seedas agri In the lower levels (Momil dles are used in with raised edges, such grid put there are flat circular made oduced root from manioc (a vegetativelyapperepr the preparation of "bread" l IT leve ar abruptly~ ls, metates and manos crop), Above, in the Momi and they are e, maiz ding grin for used type ican aner Meso the of are e Thes lar bases, Mesoamerican ceramic traits:. annu accompanied by a series of new vhistles Tt is possible orts, and bird-shaped sequ tripod bases, mammiformer supp agriculture that , ence l Momi the of s basi weak rath the on ose fo supp system in South r olde the is s, crop root r othe aps perh and oc, mani be Gated g the western edge alon s time nt rece ly tive rela in ed lant supp only iee, Tmer was rarely the of the continent by the maize complex. After all, maize

64

staple in South Anerica; it was generally used for making beer, roasted green (with a high sugar content only), or as pop corn.

‘One does not necessarily have to believe in a lowland origin of root crop agriculture to appreciate Sauer's arguments on the ease of cultivation, and then domestication, when plants are propagated vegetatively. “Digging tubers gave an incomplete harvest; what was missed set a new crop in the disturbed ground, to be dug in another year. Such digging plots tended to become perennially productive" (Sauer 1958: 219). In general, the timing of harvests is less critical, and many tubers can actually be "stored" in the ground for extended periods without the cultural elaborations necessary for successful storage of grains and viable seed.

The problem of plant reproduction is greatly simplified in the incipient stages of root crop horticulture; when the cultivator wishes to obtain another plant of the same productive type, he can do so immediately with a cutting or a tuber. Most importantly, the plant is a genetic duplicate. It is not Subject to the vagaries of genetic combination, even today sometimes a mystery and source of discouragement to plant breeders. Once the practice of deLiberate planting has begun, successful selection for desirable strains is practically inevitable and domestication should proceed rapidly--whether in lowland South America or the central Andean highlands.

A further advantage is that root crops can be more easily managed by people who are not completely sedentary, such as the transhumant huntergatherers that have been postulated above for the central Andean preceramic. Until the introduction of Old World rooting pigs, root crops needed little attention once they were set and weeded, while ripening seed crops need constant protection from deer, birds, and rodents, Even today in Vicos (where Quishqui Puncu is located), the high altitude potatoes, oca, and ulluco receive relatively little attention during the growing season when the Vicosinos are engaged in other activities at lower altitudes.

Beside the standard potatoes (Solanum), ocas (Qxalis), and ullucos (Ullucus), which form the core of highland diet, there are many lesser known native highland tubers. These root crops are valuable for their starch content, but are deficient in oils and proteins, and they must have been supplemented from the beginning with complete animal proteins and oils and incomplete vegetable proteins from seeds. Many of these complementary foods are indigenous to the Andes and were obviously taken wild before they were domesticated: for example, llamas, guinea pigs, quinoa (Chenopodium guinoa) and cafiahuate (C. pallidicaule). Peanuts (Arachis) are grown for their oil and protein rich seeds, and are planted from seed, but the present form of the plant and the way in which it is harvested suggest domestication by people already practicing root crop agriculture. The peanut simulates a root crop by burying its seeds in the ground, and of course is harvested by digging or pulling the whole plant out of the ground (Sauer 1958: 220). Other plants--principally the maize, beans, and squash complex--were

probably derived in the first instance fron tnMesoanerica, although Thesomeplants varietion vere doubtless domesticated. locally South America, Ofimportance northern origin found in the central Andes seen normally to be of sost on the cosst. I do not think it is umvarranted to sugsest that they were less successful in the highlends partly because they met an alveady established agriculcural syeten with origins well back into prox

ceramic times. Working chiefly with evidence of the ceramic periods from the Peruvian Montafia and the Middle Ucayali Basin, Lathrap (1965: 798) has come tentatively to the conclusion ", . , that Sauer was basically closer to the truth than were his critics." In the report on his earliest excavations at Yarinacocha (near Pucallpa and less than 500 feet above sea level), Lathrap (1958: 383) from the beginning recognized affinities between his Early Tutishcainyo complex and the pottery from Kotosh and Chavfn. Lathrap's (1963) description of Cave of the Owls, about halfway between Yarinacocha and Kotosh, strengthens this connection. In this report Lathrap (1963: 37) stressed that the similarities, between the Early Tutishcainyo complex at Yarinacocha and Kotosh ceramics, occurred before the Chavfn horizon at the Kotosh site.

of Peruvian Tello (e.g., 1943) originally proposed that the origin and, in part, his civilization lay in the eastern watershed of the Andes,conclusion: hypothesis would appear to be supported by Lathrap's

ions we are not suggesting dthat In stressing these connectnts extension of Highlan Early Tutishcainyo represe On thean contrar are suggesting culture into the jungle. the result of y,the weinfluen ce of a V are that Kotosh IV andculture ainyo on a like Early Tutishc Tropical Forest which, very not this influence, vas ceranie tradition nt fronbefore Initial Pottery period particularly differethe North the Coast and Highlands . . . Roranic p styles of [bethra 1963: 373.

merican influence at Kotosh Even more recently, while recognizingry Mesoa representation), Lathrap around 1000 B.C. (figurines and the potte corn late appears about a thousand years too been (1965: 797, 798) points out that it templ are assumed to have to explain the earliest monumental commues,nitiewhich s. According to Lathrap the supported by sedentary agricultural of supporting necessary labor force Hudauco Basin would not be capable econony, but the it should be noted that even ring by means of a hunting and gathe ation base built by and served a wider popul the early temples might have been elves, monumental structures extending some distance from Hufnuco. In thems ly e. Nevertheless, Lathrap additional are not positive proof of agricultur bones within niches in the oldesoft fotes the discovery of remains of llama temple, ". . a probable indication (probably earlier than 2000 atB.C.) implications this early time." Again, theis exact developed animal husbandry possible to see it debatable, but increasingly and of these "Ilama" bones are South agriculture. American civilization early indigenous roots for o 1963) pottery (Izumi and Toshihik Thorough description of the Kotosh rast the Waira-jirca complex with Barly has allowed Lathrap to compare a nd cont

66

Tutishcainyo in even greater detail. However, Lathrap's argument for the priority of the lowland complex does not seem to me to be entirely convincing and defensible: ‘That these two complexes are closely related appears highly probable, and the fact that Kotosh Waira-jirca shows a number of ceramic influences from some other source, such as neckless ollas and pattern burnishing, which are completely absent in Early Tutishcainyo, suggests a lowland to highland movement rather than the reverse [Lathrap 1963: 798]. Andean agriculture may date well back into preceramic time, but it did not necessarily come up either from the desert coast, or from Amazonia by way of the Peruvian Montafia.

67 CHAPTER VIT ‘THE CENTRAL ANDEAN PRECERANIC IN NEW WORLD CONTEXT General Background Menghin

(1952,

1955/56,

1957)

was

the

first

archaeologist

to

seriously

address himself to the problem of finding a place for the South Anerican stone industries in world, or even New World prehistory. Using new terminology he had developed in Europe, he attempted to assign South Anerican artifact collections to industrial, cultural, and sometimes chronological stages which had been recognized in the Old World: Protolftico--Lower Paleolithics

Miolftico--Upper Paleolithic; Epimiolftico--Mesolithic. Krieger (1964: 29) is the only major figure in North American archaeology who has shown much interest in Menghin's system of classification, but even he confesses himself puzzled by the way it is used. Krieger correlates Menghin's American Epiprotolithic with Lower Paleolithic, but it seems to me that Menghin restricts its use in practice to industries having a very low level of technology (ultimately derived from Lower Paleolithic tradition) which have survived in outlying areas into Late Pleistocene times. To of diffusionist anthropologists, familiar with the age-area hypothesis, this sortequates orientation should be comprehensible. In the same way, Krieger explicitlyEpimioindi~ lithic with Upper Paleolithic; however, Menghin (1952: 32) has terminology, cated that the equation should be with the Mesolithic, and in today's American EpimioI believe he would use the word "Epipaleolithic."” That is, thereminiscent of lithic should represent a strongly hunting-oriented culture, European Upper Paleolithic hunting culture, which had lasted past its time in peripheral areas.

ively used outside ‘Although Menghin's terminology has not been extens have now gained a wide currency ‘Argentina, some of the ideas which he championed which lacked projectile points under different labels. ‘The Epiprotolithic, lives on in Krieger's Pre-Projectile but had large percussion-flaked "handaxes," al stage," which is supposed to have Point Stage. This also is a "technologicstance s (Krieger 1965). survived until late times in some circum

the first men to aeologists still believe that well ‘A few North American archssar -finished stone ily big-game hunters using enter the New World were nece and perhaps Phillips 1958: 79-86), but many, y projectile points (e.g., Wille re in which the an earlier more generalized orcultu the majority, now postulate manma non-existent. Tt is is was less important hunting of large gregarious because it ability of such a cultural c base, {mportene to establish the prob would eliminate the necessity of deriving all later lithi traditions from a "Paleo-Indian" stage. ‘The Problem of "Barly Man"Stagande the Pre-Projectile Point , geographers Being bound less by the Limitations of archaeological data

68

and zoogeographers have long thought that men would have been more Likely to enter the New World during times of congenial climate in the Bering Sea area, than at the height of Wisconsin glaciation from about 24,000 to 12,000 years ago (Classical Wisconsin and Port Huron--Mankato advances). Long before it became certain that a land bridge was in existence during much of the Late Pleistocene, they noted the Pleistocene exchange between Zurasia and North Anerica of several genera of rodents, and then of mastodon, mammoth, musk oxen, moose, elk, mountain sheep and goats, camels, foxes, bears, wolves, and horses (itaag 1962: 113-114; Darlington 1957; Sauer 1944: 538-39). "Evidence from botany as well as from zoology requires a substantial dry-lend connection between Asia and North Anerica throughout the Pleistocene" (Haag oriented review of the

1962: land

114). bridge

In the problem

most recent archaeologically Bryan (1965: 6) concludes that

it is possible that Alaska remained connected to Siberia throughout all of the Late Pleistocene.

If one ignores the lack of archaeological data indicating the early presence of man in extreme northeastern Asia, it is relatively easy to select the environmentally optimum times for entry of men into the New World. The first good opportunity would appear to be at the end of the Sangamon (Eemian) Interglacial or the very beginning of the Early Wisconsin (Early Wirm) Glaciation, before high latitude climate had fully deteriorated but after sone sea water was already locked up as ice. The Sangamon Interglacial was surely ended by 65,000 years ago (Miiller-Beck 1966: 1193), and Mousterian Culture was enabling men to adapt to conditions in Europe and Asia as severe as those at the Bering land bridge. ‘The limitations of the North Pacific littoral environment and the adaptive limitations of Middle Pleistocene men have both been overemphasized. As Bryan (1965: 7) has pointed out, winter temperatures of the present interglacial are more severe in North China than they are along the southwestern, Pacific coast of Alaska, Yet Peking Man was already living in North China by Late Mindel (Kansan) glacial times, according to paleontological and palynological studies at Choukoutien I (Howell 1961: 118). Still, if generalized hunter-gatherers were not present to extend their range into North America at the end of the Sangamon Interglacial, another excellent opportunity would have existed during the Middle Wisconsin. From the Port Talbot (Broerup-Loopstedt) through the Plum Point (Paudorf) "interstadials," climate fluctuated but remained essentially interstadial-more clement than it was to be again until the Two Creeks (Bélling--Alleréd) interval at about 10,000 B.C. (Gross 1966: 242; Miller-Beck 1966: 1192-93). There is no doubt that there was a dry-land connection during much of this period, dated between 47,000 and 31,000 years ago by Gross and between about 55,000 and 27,000 years ago by Miller-Beck (1966: 1203). Milller-Beck calculates that climatic conditions were best for crossing from 50,000 to 40,000 years ago. Radiocarbon dates of "greater than 37,000 years ago" and "greater than 38,000 years ago" from two hearths at Lewisville indicate that human population reached at least as far south as Texas during this interglacial, probably

69 along routes proposed long ago by Sauer (1944: 544-46). The interglacial date is supported by faunal remains found in and around the hearths, which include a giant land tortoise (Testudo) and glyptodons, neither of which could survive for many hours in freezing temperatures, now frequent in this partof Texas (Krieger 1962: 141), The diversified nature of this early hunting-gathering economy is suggested by hackberry seeds, mussel shells and snail shells, in addition to the mammalian fauna (Bryan 1965: 117).

Heizer and Brooks (1965) think that the Lewisville hearths may be carbonized wood rat houses, but fail to explain how these plausibly would become associated with a quartzite pebble chopper, quartzite hanmerstone, flake scraper, a few waste flakes, split and charred bones, and opened mussel shells. A single Clovis fluted point (a type belonging to a much later "Paleo-Indian" horizon) found at the Lewisville site is widely regarded as a "plant"; its presence cannot otherwise be reconciled in a river terrace deposit which geologically must date before the late Classical Wisconsin stages. The Entry of Man into South America The Tethmus of Panama may prove to have been a greater obstacle to the al and expansion of mankind's range than was the Bering region, but zoologic botanical evidence indicates that at times during the Pleistocene the climate around the Gulf of Darien must have been markedly drier: « «we know that numerous plants and some animals which Gould not cross a tropical forest migrated between North and South America in the Pleistocene. Numerous species of grasses, shrubs, and herbaceous annuals that range to the from the semiarid Southwest of the United States rainArgentine and Chile required a corridor with low the Pleisfall at some time, and some of them late, in South tocene. The true horse and deer passed into Pleistocene. America, it would seem, later than the early America, Edentates and ground sloths came north from hSouth many, if presumably in the late Pleistocene. Althoug d before the not all, of these migrations were effecte ted, they do time in which man is thought to have penetraavailab le in argue for a corridor of less rainy climate latter Pleistocene

time [Sauer

1944: 558].

m of Pleistocene are still in the real Meteorological changes during the to suppose that there were significant speculation, but it is reasonable loca tion of storm tracks during the aiterations of some kind in the s ago. from about 27,000 to 12,000 yeatIsth height of Wisconsin glaciation osed mus such changes in the Lothrop (1961: 113-19) has propvards ofthatrela tively open pine and oak forest, l would cause the expansion down Lovered sea leve ma. Pana of st fore ical trop and lowl the of sone ng Wiepleci coastal mangrove able netr impe the up open and nage drai er bett te crea d woul swamps.

70

Tt may be only the coincidental result of haphazard archaeological finds in South America, but this model fits the currently available pattern of archaeological data. ‘There are no radiocarbon dates (except the determination of 16,375 years on the churned muck at Maco) on archaeological materials which precede 9000 B.C., and there are no occupation sites which can confidently be assigned to a Pre-Projectile Point Stage. (See the discussion of Camare, Chivateros, Anpajango, Taltal, and Ghatchi T industries in Chapters I and II.) ‘The first human inhabitants of South America would appear to be specialized hunter-gatherers who followed the expansion of their game animals' (and gathered plants'?) range slong the Isthmus route after it was desiccated during the climax of Classical Late Wisconsin glaciation. ‘The Paleo-Indian Tradition and Its Expansion into South Anerica L have argued above that men were present in North America before the closing stages of the Wisconsin glaciation, but to judge from the scanty archaeological evidence population was extremely scattered and intensive use was probably not made of the Pleistocene Megafauna. Stone points, probably hafted on thrusting spears, appear suddenly about 9,500 B.C. and in the next couple of thousand years spread quickly over the unglaciated parts of the continent. This Paleo-Indian tradition, reviewed comprehensively by Mason (1962), is thought to mark a rather specialized adaptation to the taking of large migratory animals by equally mobile hunting bands. The origin of the Paleo-Indian tradition remains something of a mystery, but Haynes (1964, 1966) has proposed that the specialization originated during Late Wisconsin times in the unglaciated portions of central Alaska, when this barren area was isolated from the main part of North America by the combined Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets. Then, when the Two Creeks Intrastadial opened an ice-free corridor between these two sheets about 10,000 B.C., Arctic hunting specialists were able to expand their range into a world where big game abounded and had scarcely been hunted until that time.

In the tundra and near-tundra conditions of unglaciated Alaska and Siberia, the Late Wisconsin concentration on big game herds may have been an enforced adaptation to inescapable conditions, while the barely viable nature of the adaptation may have limited population (and hence archaeological remains) to a few sparsely settled advantageous zones. The rapid florescence of the Llano and then Plano hunters in the "virgin lands" of central North America would have been another story--their new technology would have over-adapted them to relatively easy hunting conditions and an abundance of game, to whose extinction they may have contributed. ‘The heartland of Paleo-Indian culture is found on the Great Plains where the largest herds must have grazed, but typical points are distributed all the way from the East Coast to the western margin of the

nm

Great Basin. There is no reason to suppose that an as yet barely documented expansion southward through Mexico and Gentral America did not take place at the same time. Wormington (1957; 84) reports several fluted points from northern Mexico and one from a Costa Rican collection, while Coe (1960: Fig. 1) has illustrated a fluted point from twelve kilometers west of Guatemala City, and Lothrop (1961: Fig. 6) describes two from the Canal Zone. Two of these Central American points deviate from the classic Clovis type of North America by having constricted "waists." A person does not have to force his imagination to recognize a relationship with the sometimesluted "waisted" fishtail points from the lower levels of Fell's Cave in southern Patagonia (Bmperaire et al. 1963: Fig. 21; Pl. 6) and the similar fluted-stem points of Ecuador (see discussion of El Inga in Chapter I). The stems of some El Inga specimens are so much like bases of North American fluted points that broken stems were at first identified as Clovis points.

The fluted fishtail points from Fell's Cave come from levels XI and XII (Emperaire et _al. 1963: 229). A radiocarbon assay on hearth charcoal (8759 B.C. # 300 years) probably dates level XIII immediately below, but represents the same major occupation phase which was terminated by a rockfall (Rubin and Berthold 1961: 96). Extinct horse (Hippidium) and sloth (Glossotherium) are limited to this lower occupation phase, with sloth being found onlyand in the lowest level (XIII). Remains of guanaco, a small rodent, foxes,202-208, birds were also found in the lower levels (Enperaire et al. 1963: 252). When Krieger (1964: 67) assigned Fell's Cave to his Protoarchaic early Stage rather than the Paleo-Indian Stage, the fluted points from thelength the whole occupation had not yet been published; it now seems thattraversed by Paleo~ of the Andean backbone of South America may have been Indian hunters. retation. First, if ‘There are two serious problems to such an interptheir tical margins we accept all the radiocarbon determinations within culturstatis from of error, there is very little time for Paleo-Indian nia. e A toverytravel d limite rn Patago its assumed origin in North America to southe range southward an average of original population would have to expand ite imatel y 6000 mile expanse in a about six miles per year to cover the approx s following migrating animals this thousand years. Even for nomadic hunterthey have been encountering would be an impressive task, although ory may which they were expanding, practically no opposition in the territ the into beaver trappers of the last land they may have been spurred on (Like and even extinctions left in their couple of centuries) by game depletion wake. graphic model, for Given high mobility, Haynes’ of(1961.26: to112)1.4 demo in each twenty-eight year e. or population expansion by a factide fill out the rang the necessary people to ts, feneration, might barely provdiffusio and were we n knows no speed limi serthe other hand, stimulus "Pre-Projectile Point vas already populated by rtun to assume that South Anernoicademo : graphic problem. Unfo atelofy, Soutash argue there would be vec America, evidence forit eitan herearl. ier settlement e woul good tra Faoples”therevid ence con dicts although no

72

The second, and unanswerable problem, is whether large fluted-stem points and the hunting of horses (which were presumably found in large migratory herds) constitute an adequate indication of Paleo-Indian culture in South America, The way of life of specialized Patagonian hunters may have differed greatly from that of contemporary Paleo-Indian hunters in North America, It is curious, however, to note the nearly perfect corresponience of the Fell's Cave locale (a shelter cut during a time of higher stream level, which overlooks the Rfo Chico) with Haynes’ (1966: 110) description of North American campsites as ". . . on high ground, such as a stream-cut terrace or a ridge, overlooking the floodplain of a river or creek." Old Cordilleran Culture

This concept was introduced to the literature by Butler (1959, 1961), who originally restricted it to parts of the northwestern United States, but Krieger (1964: 36, 38, 52, Fig. 3) has extended its use to the whole Pacific Northwest and much of the area west of the Rocky Mountains. Included by Krieger is MacNeish's (1964c: 344-45) Cordilleran Tradition, made up of the Flint Creek complex of the northern Yukon, the Kluane complex of the southern Yukon, and Borden's earliest component from Fraser Canyon, Defining traits of MacNeish's Cordilleran Tradition are Lermalike points, sometimes with diamond cross-sections and collateral flaking; blades; split pebble choppers; burins; blade endscrapers; snub-nosed endscrapers; and percussion-flaked "bifaces." MacNeish (1964c: 345) notes that “the fact that many of the components are situated along animal crossings or at good fishing spots on streams or rivers in the mountains may be an additional trait." He guess-dates his Cordilleran Tradition from roughly 12,000 to 6,000 B.C., on the basis of a few dates in the seventh and eighth millenia B.C, in the Fraser and Columbia drainages. Butler (1961: 1-6) compares his Old Cordilleran culture of the Northwest to the Lerma complex of Texas and the Sierra de Tamaulipas, and the El Jobo complex of Venezuela. All three share bi-pointed, leaf-shaped points, with one end more rounded than the other, but when one pays attention to attributes other than the outline, it becomes obvious that there are important differences among these points. Lerma and El Jobo points are relatively thick and heavy, usually approach ten centimeters in length, and are difficult to visualize as the point for any projectile lighter than a hand-thrown spear. They are within the size range of the North American Paleo-Indian points, which were used for hunting elephants and giant bison, and they might be more appropriately classified as “Paleo-Indian." In fact, a Lerma point was found in association with the second mammoth at Santa Isabel Iztapan, and El Jobo points are said to occur with remains of mastodon in Venezuela, On the other hand, the Cascade points which characterize the Old Cordilleran culture (see especially Butler 1961: Fig. 2) seldom exceed six centimeters in length and more typically are confined to four or five centimeters. This is almost exactly the same size range as for the willow

73 leaf points of the central Andes, and quite Having handled a number of Cascade, E1 Jobo, I am certain of this fundamental difference and Lerma points usually weigh four or five leaf points.

suitable for use on projectiles. and Andean willow leaf points, and would estimate that El Jobo times as mich as Cascade or willow

Furthermore, Cascade and willow leaf points have never been found with large extinct animals. ‘The Andean camelids. and deer, hunted with willow leaf points, have their counterpart in the deer which formed the basis of Old Cordilleran subsistence. Butler (1961: 33, 36-39) has found deer to be the most important game animal at sites where bone is preserved, such as Gold Springs and Ash Cave. "The basic economy appears to have been relatively flexible but was essentially oriented toward the hunting of land mammals, particularly deer" (Butler 1961: 65-66). Butler (1961: 43; 1965: 1127) carefully distinguishes his unspecialized hunting-gathering Old Cordilleran culture from that of the Plains big-game hunters (Paleo-Indians) who oc~ casionally spilled over into the Snake River Valley, as well as from the Desert culture and Bitterroot culture (Swanson 1962) which also occupied parts of the Columbia Plateau in early times. It is difficult to understand why Krieger (1964: 36) assigns the Old Cordilleran culture to his Paleo-Indian Stage, as 2 western equivalent of years ago. the fluted-point cultures of the Great Plains, beginning 13,000 such a time Not only are we lacking radiocarbon dates which would indicate specialize depth, but all indications are that the Old Cordilleran was notof athe radio- d, big-game hunting culture. Butler (1961: 64), after a review eatlier than carbon dates in the Northwest, estimates a beginning datethe noeastern portion of 8000 or 9000 B.C. at the Dalles, and an expansion into the Columbia Basin about 7000 B.C. is represented Besides the Cascade points, the Old Cordilleran culture choppers cobble and by percussion-flaked bifacial knives, small scrapers, ated in the Andes with willow virtually indistinguishable from thosethatassoci milling stones and manos are someleaf points. Another similarity is times present but more often missing, as are edge-ground cobbles. (such as Camas and kouse), and Butler proposes that berries, roots There is archaeological evidence that d. other vegetable foods were collecte ensive oited to a small degree, but "ext fish, snails, and mussels were expl the e a universal phenomenon in econ use of fish does not appear to have becom omy the gy, ecolo local the of e natur the upon g ndin depe d, indee ure; cult d for a remained essentially lend-oriente SE the Old Cordilleran culture (Butl r (1965: er 1961: 64-66). Recently Butle Considerable length of time" that edge process -ground cobbles were used to viro 1127, 1129) has speculated only in the nment, roen "mic ow mead damp high, dug are These . crops root used--resulting were ent ronm envi the of s facie other times other at while basic culture and atries from sites of the sane tn vecovery of different indu natural fisheries s listed by Butler are the age. The other microenvironnent phytic grass meso and s land park the and rs, rive major the of beds ser mussel lands where game animals were hunted.

74

This sort of seasonal round, requiring movement through altitudinal zones, is very reminiscent of the one which has been proposed above for the willow leaf horizon of the central Andes. The resulting generalized econony would be expected to be unlike that proposed for the Paleo-Indian culture, with which Krieger has associated the Old Cordilleran culture. It seems more sensible to place the Old Cordilleran culture in Krieger's Protoarchaic Stage, along with the very similar Andean willow leaf horizon, and attribute the parallelisms to common origins in the Pre-Projectile Point or Paleo-Indian Stages and/or common environmental stimuli. Both the willow leaf and Old Cordilleran cultures exhibit Krieger's (1964: 59) defining characteristics for the Protoarchaic: appearance of food-grinding implements, new point types (especially unfluted, small, lanceolate points parallel-fiaked by pressure technique), and a sharply decreasing emphasis on the few lingering "Pleistocene mammals."

Archaeologists have almost always stressed the development of new types of stone tools in their definitions of stages and cultures; this, Of course, is the aspect of culture which is best represented in the archaeological record, at least in the earlier time periods. However, changes in technology might be seen more profitably a3 reflections of the economic changes which were centrai in the lives of the participants--and upon which our definitions ought actually to be based. Looked at from this standpoint, Krieger's Protoarchaic, with all its regional variation in . North and South America, is part of an important worldwide transition: + + + the closing phases of the Pleistocene saw a whole series of adaptive changes in subsistence, of which the incipient development of agriculture at first was only a regional variant. Perhaps foremost among tie more general features of the changes was an increasing sedentism, based upon the substitution of patterns of intensive localized, "broad-spectrum" collecting for the more wide-ranging selective pursuit of migratory herbivores. These localized patterns took many forms, ranging from new techniques for the exploitation of riverine and lacustrine resources to a fuller and more variegated reliance on seeds, fruits, nuts, and small forest animals [Adams

1966: 40J.

Along the mountainous western edge of the Americas, impressive similarities in artifact typology (such as willow leaf points, bifacial knives, and cobble choppers and scrapers), and broken Cordilleran topography with its consistent variety of resources, suggest a natural American subdivision of this stage-the Old Cordilleran culture. As both Butler (1965: 5) and Krieger (1964: 36) have noted the resemblance of Cascade points to the Ayampitfn type, it seems it is mainly the very considerable distance, in schools of archaeology as well as miles, that has prevented this obvious association. The Origins of Old Cordilleran Culture The historical origins of the traditions which make up the Old

Cordilleran culture are obscure. Butler (1965: 1126-27) says of the Pacific Ber Eieece brcaclcmiy Gc 1c Vateivel? cure qo nore chan 2,000 yeaes so) and that it is distinct from the overlapping Big Game Hunter culture (PaleoIndian), Desert culture, and Bitterroot culture, MacNeish (1964c: 370-71) believes that his Cordilleran Tradition "formed in the New World” while people and traits "were flowing into it from Asia." According to Miller-Beck (1966: 1206), the Old Cordilleran of the Rocky Mountains ", . . could be considered as at least partially an offspring of the Plano . . . but it is not impossible that even influences from the Desert Culture are present. In his view the Ayampitfn complex is a sort of "cousin," descended from the Toldense tradition of fluted fishtail points by way of the Older Llano tradition,

There are also some very limited indications of a more southerly derivation for the Old Cordilleran culture. MacNeish (1962: 31-33) lists the characteristic the Lerma and El Riego (long, concave-based) types as Basin, and points of the Ajuereado Phase at Tehuacdn, and Agatefor the El Plainview, Riego Phase. El Riego (among others) as the distinctive points prominent barbs (something points with After this, small triangular-stenmed on the north coast Tike the triangular-stemed type of the final preceramic Tehuacdn which MacNeish The of Chile) predominate. (1964d: 32) has illustrated

only with

Lerma point from a scale measures

6.4

centimeters

in

length.

large size a Lerma point, and on the perfectly Tes dimensions are on the snail sideor forCascade), which it resenbles for a villow leaf point (Ayanpit{n in outline.

On the basis of this "transitional" for deriving the Old Cordilleran culture Mexico. Such a derivation might also be cobble choppers, endscrapers, (including common to both traditions. Ground stone Phase, ending about 7200 B.C., but both in the El Riego Phase which follows.

specimen, an argument might be made from the Paleo-Indian complex, in suggested by the occurrence of snub-nosed scrapers), and other tools tools are absent in the Ajuereado milling stones and mortars are found

ng was always more important than hunti MacNeish calculates that gathering greater reliance on smaller ‘at Tehuacdn, but he also recognizes a progressively seem to have hunted deer . these people game. In the El Riego Phase, ".and . the ntail rabbit instead of the orjackfastead of horse and antelope, 3). Howevcotto er, as for the big-game huntersMacNeish rabbit" (MacNeish 1964a: 532-3 the area, to have originally peopled mamut PaleocIndians who were supposed en toda su encontraron un solo (1964b: 14) believes: "Probablendeente At any rate, £1--como algunos arqueélogos."" r Vida y nunca dejaron de hablaValle ing end-Pleistocene y were adjusting to chang the peonie of the Tehuacknally "Cord perhaps in a¢ here, ugh altho way, an” iller typic a in s ance umst Circ t of inthe central Andes, their regional variation included the developmen cipient agriculture. ition trad leaf ow will the of in orig the s find 84) 2, 70-7 5: (196 n Brya Cordilleran fic Paci the into d hwar nort used diff it ce vhen co, Mexi rn the tn nor hward into Scuch, sout and od, peri al aci tgl pos the of ing inn beg the at on fegi eded the: tlucad aatn’ prec .tt ¢hat tion posi ual unus the s Cake he e yrar (oe s Roo

76

tradition. Bryan derives the willow leaf tradition (or Old Cordilleran culture) directly from a widespread industry of large percussion-flaked bifacial tools and chopper/chopping tools, ‘These industries are thought to be associated with generalized foraging, rather than specialized biggame hunting, and Bryan dates their presence in America well back into Wisconsin times (Bryan 1965: 11-12, 19, 78-79). Bryan's basal culture corresponds in essence with Menghin's Epiprotolithic Stage and Krieger's Pre-Projectile Point Stage. Bryan (1965: 11-12) hypothesizes that "during the latter part of the Wisconsin, several projectile-point traditions evolved from the basic tradition. The two best known secondary technological traditions, the Fluted Point and Parallel-flaked Point Traditions, developed in response to opportunities to concentrate upon hunting certain species of large animals in different but ecologically similar environmental regions.” In addition, Bryan has his Notched Point (or Archaic, in the conventional terminology) and Willow-leaf Bipoint Traditions evolving from the same basal tradition ". . . in response to opportunities to hunt varied game species by relatively non-specialized ‘Archaic! hunters, fishers, and gatherers." Bryan (1965: 19, 23) prefers to recognize the "diachronic" structuring of culture (i.e., he emphasizes traditions), rather than the "synchronic" structuring (cultural horizons). He is certainly correct in insisting that different fechnological traditions developed in parallel ways in response to necessary adaptations to the markedly diverse natural ecosystems of the Anericas; but Bryan sometines seams to forget that the end-Pleistocene ecosystems were continually changing, and that these changes sometimes forced differential cultural adaptations or even discontinuities. Even in a relatively stable environment, such as the central Andes, cultural innovation and technological discontinuity are sometimes more pronounced than continuity of tradition. such

as

Occasionally Bryan's statements about the the following, are simply in error: "Most

persistence of significantly,

tradition, the

Willow Leaf Bipoint Tradition, once established in this area of the Peruvian nde Cazcund Tauvicochs) sometine prick to 7500/H.., persicund with iiecie change until the Inca Period" (Bryan 1965: 67). Actually, as we have seen, there is a relatively sharp break in technology at the end of the willow leaf horizon and before the small point horizon, and again with the introduction in some areas of bevel-edged ground-slate points. Strangely, this sequence has a close parallel in the Pacific Northwest where the Old Cordilleran culture; at least on the coast, disappears at the end of the

Altithermal (Butler 1965: 1127), and a ground slate industry becomes important in the first millemium B.C. (Compare the knives and points illustrated by

Borden (1962: Pls. 3-4], for example, with Quishqui Puncu Types 59 and 60 illustrated in the Appendix.)

Archaeologists have generally assumed close cultural connections between the big game hunting, fluted point making hunters of North and South America, but only very recently has interest grown in connecting other lithic

7 horizons not blessed by such obvious diagnostics as fluting and extinct big game animals. Bryan (1965: 86) now argues the case for making extensive east and west (or lowland versus Cordilleran) divisions, rather than the customary north and south (er continental) major breaks: The general spatial-temporal distribution of bifacial flaking in America suggests that the Western Cordilleran backbone of both American continents formed a north to south arterial which directed flow of the basic bifacial stone flaking tradition and several of its secondary descendants. In North America the Eastern Woodlands area appears to have remained isolated from the early bifacial flaking developments in the western centers. Likewise, in South America, the lowland tropical forest dwellers appear to have accepted bifacial flaking only long after the tradition had spread down the Andes and onto the adjacent Patagonian grasslands. easy and If stimulus diffusion between North and South America was I asagree), the vapid as Bryan has pictured it (and I am not at all sure that to the north-origins of the willow leaf horizon of the central Andes may liethe transition maybe even in North America, I prefer, however, to interpret Cordilleran pattern from Paleo-Indian specialized big game hunting to the Old mountainous as a process which went on more or less independently alland over s with very sometime western America, although for largely the same reasons similar results, as described above.

Indian hunters has been The penetration of South America by Paleo(1966: 1204), and it may actually byhavethe called an "invasion" by Miller-Beck erable distances, but {nvolved some population movement acrossntsconsid cted were largely seasonal, restri n, moveme tine of the willow leaf horizo l centra the of -down as sidewards. By the time fn distance, and as uch up-and rdilleran culture. we cannot even postulate a pan-Co Andean sali point horizonenviro ences not only has produced marked differ ‘Settling into” regional but innments e two largely economies; these probably includ in stone tool industries, s (centr al Andean and Mesoamerican) and many distinct agricultural system other as the Desert systems as diverse from eachparts {ntensive hunting-gathering Coast of North America. culture in neighboring ‘leur and the Northwest

CHAPTER VIL CONCLUSIONS

This review of the nature of the preceramic sites and stone industries of the central Andes has shown the need for restructuring our interpretation of the period and culture which they represent. Lanning and Hanmel's (1961) scheme of five Early Lithic periods distinguished by marker types stresses divisions which are important typologically, but largely ignores important cultural transitions and developments. ‘The Early Lithic I to V classification of stone tools in time horizons is objective, but arbitrary and, at times, somewhat short-sighted. No "Pre-Projectile Point" industries have yet been successfully described from the central Andes. The undated Chivateros and Ampajango collections are both acknowledged by their proponents to be quarry industries, and one does not have to revive the ghost of W. H. Holmes to point out that the recovery of finished projectile points is not necessarily to be expected at quarries. The Taltal cobble tools, according to the majority of first-hand accounts, were associated with a more "modern" industry of fine tools on cryptocrystalline rocks. The authors of the Ghatchi I and Viscachanense "industries" have, by their own admission, systematically excluded projectile points; LePaige assigns collections from Chatchi sites which contain projectile points to a Ghatchi IT Stage, while Ibarra Grasso has arbitrarily placed all projectile points from Viscachani in an Ayampitinense "industry. Although some central Andean sites and industries may one day be proven ¥ to predate the use of stone projectile points, the reality of the stage has not yet been demonstrated. The proof will not be found by making collections at quarry sites, or by segregating "industries" on the basis of typological crudity or raw material, as has been done in the Atacama, However, there is good reason to think that such a stage exists in the New World, at least at the Lewisville occupation site, which is dated stratigraphically and by radiocarbon. Less certain associations, such as at Friesenhahn Cave, have been found elsewhere in North America; and the Camare and Las Lagunas complexes in Venezuela (with very dubiously associated radiocarbon dates) may represent penetration through the Isthmus before the final climax of Wisconsin glaciation.

Krieger's Pre-Projectile Point Stage is difficult to establish because Vit does not seem to be distinguished by any stone tool types not also found in later industries. To be assigned to a Pre-Projectile Point Stage in the chronological as well as technological sense, industries must be collected fron occupation sites with firm paleontological, stratigraphic, and/or radiocarbon associations.

I believe that the earliest well-documented archaeological remains in South America may be more meaningfully assigned to a Paleo-Indian Stage, than / to a numbered (Early Lithic I) period. In Chilean Patagonia, and perhaps in Venezuela, large lanceolate and stemmed and sometimes fluted "fishtail" points have been found in association with the bones of extinct, gregarious herbivores. The name "Paleo-Indian" is firmly established for specialized North American

79

hunters of the now-extinct Late Pleistocene megafauna, particu ose who fluted the bases of their points. eo Ae why the term should not be extended to South America, although with reservations concerning the exact contemporaneity and identity of culture. However, the Paleo-Indian horizon has not yet been found in the central Andes, the nearest / occurrence of it as a technological stage being the mixed collection from EL Inga in the northern Andes, where the fluted fishtail points are essentially undated and unassociated with Pleistocene fauna.

Early Lithic IT (8000 to 6000 B.C.) is supposed to be represented in the central Andes by the Lauricocha I phase and now, by typological extension, the“ Arenal complex. Unfortunately, little is known about this stage except the radiocarbon date associated with the impoverished L-2 industry. As I would structure the central Andean preceramic, Early Lithic II exists primarily as a gap in the archaeological record, possibly having some cultural significance as a stage of transition from specialized big game hunting to the more generalized and strikingly successful adaptation of the succeeding willow leaf horizon. Lanning's arrangement of the Ancén lomas collections into a sequence of

difficulties. archaeological complexes, starting with Arenal, has some serious tools, milling Abrupt discontinuities in whole classes of tools--such as cobble are functionally stones, and scrapers--suggest that not all of the industries a chronological scale. equivalent, and that they cannot be simply "seriated" twoon small sites (out of more The Arenal complex, for instance, was found at only than fifty) from which came three-fourths of the total number of scrapers.

do not in my illustrated Arenal projectotilebe apoints Furthermore, the few type. en of One even appears period. goodSincespecin tent opinion form a consisthe the original later Early Lithic IV Luz, and Arenal the marker type for lomas much have collections, Piedras Gordas, of the “geriation" that now a possibility ceramic reasons, and there is been had to be rearranged for various produced in the large-steamed type of Luz and Paijén may even have times. the

central

Andean

preceramic

a neat period. each newly discovered indusof trycultuinto will not be found by placing rmin re during certain the nature Rather, we should try toingdetethat e rougmorehly ofcont as those emporary industries (such broad horizons, recogniz g ted for widely varying purposes, accordin to rear Anc6n) may have been crea Seasonal uses and purposes of the sites. cultural inct dist ly real t firs the for d mpte atte been has goal y loft ‘This ably dating to The willow leaf horizon,rougprob horizon of the central Andes. tily equivalent te is re the time of Chriac, char fevered thousand years0 befo acterized in culturalthieas 3000 B.c.), but it is cons Barly Lithic TIT (600 tochro lus{ons Grawn in gical terns. The tell as typological endow leafnolohori tation to adap ul essf succ a ts esen repr zon will the that is Haper d plant );an lids cane and. deer lly ecia (esp als anim ler smal of ing the hunt the canes! lea over ern patt nt tste cous er teth a in ead epe chl vhi g, exin Gati rance of ppea disa and ent ronm envi ial glac post ging chan the ¢o seria adjustment It

seems

to me

that

Pleistocene game herds.

the

road

to

"meaning"

in

80

A similar transitional adjustment may have taken place in several parts of the world, but more pertinently, it has been well-documented in parts of mountainous western North America, where it is identified and defined as the Old Cordilleran culture. This cultural pattern typically involves a system of seasonal transhumance, which, as it would be admirably suited to the central Andes, has been postulated for the willow leaf horizon. Hunting camps at high elevations are the most easily identified aspect of the willow leaf horizon. Their industries should include abundant projectile points and, probably, bifacial knives and small scrapers used for skinning, butchering, and hide preparation. Sites at moderate elevations in highland valleys have been made difficult of identification by later intensive use of the same localities, but points should be less common and a fuller industry with many kinds of cutting, piercing, scraping, and mashing tools (perhaps including grinding stones) should be found, Many somewhat similar sites in coastal valleys have probably been masked by alluviation and agricultural activity, while sites on the desert coast only rarely include willow leaf points anong the scarce lithic remains. Intensive use of the Pacific littoral seems to have been left to more sedentary people of the next major horizon; there they supplemented a possibly oil- and protein-deficient diet of gathered and cultivated plant food with marine Archaeological evidence from North America indicates that inland oriented systems of transhumance have the same order of antiquity there, and that they also emphasized diversified hunting of modern game with an increasing reliance on plant food, The difficulty of recognizing seasonally and functionally specific sites, representing a single way of life, is brought out through a discussion of the Desert culture in the Great Basin. I believe the situation there is comparable in many ways to what we should expect to find in the willow leaf horizon and, in part, some regional variations of the small point horizon. A simple winter-sunmer alternation of residence, as has been previously proposed, would not take full advantage of the complicated Andean environment. The precise nature of central Andean transhumance is still completely in doubt, but it may well have involved the removal of plants to different environmental niches where new selection pressures may accidentally have prepared Andean endemics for domestication and cultivation during succeeding horizons. Other aspects of culture, such as the possibility of social organization based on patrilineal bands, have been investigated theoretically and through analogy with peoples facing the same sorts of subsistence problems. Food resources, weather protection, weapons, crafts, and the like have been briefly extrapolated from what is known ethnographically of other South American nomadic hunter-gatherers (who unfortunately inhabited rather different environments), from practices of later inhabitants of the central Andes, and from the products known to be available. After a period of relatively great homogeneity, the adaptation represented

81

by the willow leaf horizon disappears archaeologically. ‘The supposition is that various locally adaptive, somewhat specialized adjustments were worked out, which allowed greater sedentism through a wider utilization of the microenvironments near at hand. This too appears to be part of a nearly Worldwide process, and, oa elsewhere, the development of agriculcure based onSone previously-gathered, indigenous regional one one of the e region genous plant:plants was probably probably

The first traces of pottery in the central Andes, although a convenient marker trait for archaeologists, come well after the onset of this important trend toward intensified economies and greater sedentism. Early Lithic IV and Early Lithic V have been distinguished by the absence and presence of I propose to call pottery; it is now advisable to consolidate them into what wholly arbitrary the small-point horizon. The choice of terminology is not entirely almost fall to appear types or only for convenience. The new point in a smaller size range which may reflect a basic change in hunting techniques, game types, and the importance of hunting in the economy; and this, quite possibly, could correlate with the important movement toward sedentiem and higher population density. The proposed terminology and new structuring for early Andean stone industries makes more sense in cultural terms, although of course it remains to be proven that the types of economy which have been proposed are actually associated with the industrial stages. First, there would be a hypothetical Pre-Projectile Point Stage accompanying a very generalized hunting-gathering culture which did not make intensive use of the Pleistocene megafauna. Second, of this culture would be replaced in some regions by a Paleo-Indian Stagesignal a would specialized big-game hunters. Third, the willow leaf horizon a through new utilization of the high altitude deer and camelids, but also, plant system of transhumance, the harvesting of seasonally available game andhorizon, the small-point foods in other zones. In the fourth major division, compact intensive use (often including horticulture) is made of a muchin more importance. range of microenvironments, and wild game decreases rapidly can vary greatly It should be emphasized that the cultivation of aplants of variety of bases upon in importance. Horticulture is at first just inone itself as the economic which sedentism can be based, and should not ns outlinbeed used above. criterion for the last of the stone tool horizo is a problem unto itself. ‘The origin of agriculture in the central Andes y of the problem sketched in No firm conclusions can be drawn from thestandsurveout. the beginning, coastal Chapter VI, but a few hints of answerswere originally In dones ticated elsewhere. agriculture is based on plants which from Mesoamerica and more parts of Some of these may derive ultimately of the early cultigens must humid been lowland South America, but several ands. Until the domesticationhaveof Andean brought down from the Andean highl e seeds, native highland agricultur chenopods, amaranths, and legunes , fortubertheir the s, and fruits (at least these are tust have been built around roots first Andean plants to be evidenced on the coast). ydrates, ts provide an abundance of carboh ‘Although these parts of men= plan of Mesoamerican they would :need to be. supple ted by (1) grains or legumes

82

origin, known to be already under cultivation there; or (2) domesticated South American grains or legumes which did not arrive on the coast until later times; (3) equivalent wild plants and game; (4) domesticated animals; or (5) any combination of the above. As there is next to no direct archaeological evidence from the highlands which bears on the problem, it is indeed a complicated matter which is likely to remain unresolved for some time. Of the four imporcant animals domesticated in America, three are native to the Andes and appear to have been domesticated there (llamas, guinea pigs, and Muscovy duck). This makes the central Andes a sort of center of domestication, and, other things being equal, it seems sensible to work from the premise that animal domestication took place early and accompanied the development of agriculture, as in the Old World.

Another possibility is that root crops (perhaps produced more dependably and with less effort by mobile people, than are seed crops) were cultivated well before the small-point horizon and supplemented by wild seeds, game, or (following Engel's speculations) maybe even by semi-domesticated, herded ilamas. Sauer has argued Long, and sometimes convincingly, about the ease with which tubers can be domesticated and improved when the plants are reproduced vegetatively. In this interpretation, true sedentism in the highlands would come about later, with the development of better-balanced and more effective agriculture. However, given the gaps in highland archaeological data, I believe the most satisfactory (although hopefully temporary) explanation must be a sort of conjectural compromise. The cultivation of Andean roots and tubers, judging from their early introduction on the coast, dates back some thousands Of years before the time of Christ. At first, dietary balance was most likely maintained primarily by wild foods. Somewhat later, coincident with a trend toward making increasingly thorough, "broad-spectrum" use of the resources of local environments, the new beans, squash, and finally maize were introduced from the north. Surely the timing of this introduction is closely connected with the rapidly developing sedentism of the small-point horizon, which allowed and encouraged the adoption of fully effective agriculture as Mesoamerican cultigens diffused from their centers of origin. This period of prehistory is becoming increasingly well-known on the desert coast, while, unhappily, much less complete evidence has been recovered in the central Andean highlands. It is likely that Mesoamerican cultigens reached the desert coast after traveling down the continuous highland spine of South America; but to judge by the relatively greater success of these crops on the coast than in the highlands, in later times, native highland agriculture may already have been fairly well developed when Mesoamerican maize, cucurbits, and beans moved into the central Andes.

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* £78 ne no

nal Papers of the Idaho State Univers THC

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