The Narratives of Konon 9783598777127, 3598777124

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Beitrage zur Altertumskunde Herausgegeben von Michael Erler, Dorothee Gall, Ernst Heitsch, Ludwig Koenen, Reinhold Merkelbach, Clemens Zintzen Band 163

K · G · Saur Miinchen · Leipzig

The Narratives of Konon

By

Malcolm Kenneth~wn

K · G · Saur Miinchen · Leipzig 2002

Die Deutsche Bibliothdt - CIP-Einhe1Mufuahme Coaoa (Historicus): {The Namtives) The "Narratives" of Konon : {text, tl'ambtion and commenbry of the Diegeseis] / by Malcolm Kenneth Brown. Miinchen ; Leipzig ; Saur, 2002 (Beittagc zur Altemmul:.unde ; Bd. 163) Einheiwacht.: Nuntiones ISBN 3-598-77712-4 © 2002 by K. G. Saur Verlag GmbH, Mtinchen und Leipzig Printed in Gernuny Alie Rechte vorbdulten. All Rights Strictly Reserved. Jc-deAn der Vervid£i..ltigung ohne Erbubnis des Verhgc5 ISl unz~ig. Druck. wid Bindung: Druclch.aus .,Thomas Miintzer" GmbH. Rad Langcns..alz:a

PREFACE The present volume is a revised version of a work that was accepted as a dissertation in 1998 by the Philosophisch-historische Fakultiit of the Universitiit Bern, under the title The Diegeseis of Konon. Greek Text, with

English Translationand Commentary. I am especially indebted to my dissertation adviser, Prof. Dr. HeinzGiintber Nesselrath, who read the various drafts of the manuscript and improved it with numerous suggestions. His keen eye has saved me from many embarrassing mistakes; for those that remain I alone am responsible. I would like to offer thanks to Prof. Dr. Jacques Schamp for kindly lending me bis copies of the Photios manuscripts. I thank Prof. Dr. Ernst Heitsch for accepting the book in the 'Beitriige zur Altertumskunde'. I also wish to express my gratitude to the 'Fonds fiir Altertumswissenschaft, Zilricb' for providing a

generoussubventiontowardspublication. My studies, as well as this book, would not have been possible without the support of my wife Beata. So it is fitting that I dedicate this book to her andto ourson Ian,in eternalgratitudefortheirencouragement. patienceandfor neverfailing to remindme whatis most importantin life.

Burgdorf,October 2001

Malcolm K. Brown

CONTENTS Abbreviations

vii

Introduction

I. Konon's Date II. The Title of the Collection III. The Nature of the Collection A. Epitomes and Compendia B. Mythical Innovation N. The Stories A. Foundation Legends B. Aetiological Myths C. Erotic Myths D. Paradoxographical Myths E. Paroemiographical Myths F. Fables and Parables G. Trojan and Roman Myths V. Konon the Rationalist? VI. Sources VII. Photios • Excerpting Method VIII. Language and Style IX. The Text Text and Commentary Photios' Introduction I. Midas and the Brigians 2. Byblis 3. Lokros 4. Olynthos

5. Eunomos 6. Mopsos 7. Thamyris 8. Kanobos or Theonoe 9. Semiramis I 0. Pallone or Klitos 11. Lindians or the plowherd 12. Ilos 13. Aithilla 14. Endymion 15. Pheneates I 6. Promachos or Leukokomas I 7. Syleus

I 6 8

13 14 14 16 19 21 22

24 25 26 27 31 35

39 44

47 49 58 67 75 78 82 88

93 97 103 108 113 118 123 128 132 136

VI

I 8. Autoleon or Stesichoros I 9. Psamathe or Linos 20. Theoklos or Chalkidians 21.Dardanos 22. The Cretan 23. Oinone 24. Narlcissos 25. lapyges or Bottiaioi 26. Karnos or Kodros 27. Deukalion 28. Tennes and Hemithea 29. Magnetes 30. Peithenios 31. Prokne 32. Europa 33. Smikros or Branchidai 34. Diomedean Compulsion 35. Apollo Gypaieus 36. Gortyna 37. Kadmos 38. The Milesian or the Deposit 39. Melanthos 40. Andromeda 41. Pelasgian 42. A Fable 43. Anapias and Amphinomos 44. Leodamas 45. Orpheus 46. Aineias 47. Althaimenes 48. Phaistylos or Ilia 49. Apollo Aigletes 50. Tisiphonos or Thebo Photios • Epilogue Bibliography

Indexverborum Indexlocorum GeneralIndex

141 148 154 157 162 166 172 179 186 194 201 208 214 218

224 230

237 243 248

252 261 266 272 279 288 293

296 301 309 321 328 338

344 351 353 369 370 386

ABBREVIATIONS J.D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-painters. 2nd edn. Oxford 1963. C. Austin (ed.), Comicorum Graecorumfragmmm inpapyris AustinCGFP reperta. Berlin and New York 1973. C. Austin (ed.), Nova frag~nla Euripidea in papyris reperta. AustinNFEP Berlin 1968. W. Bauer,K. Aland, and B. Aland, Griechi.sch-deutsch,s Bauer-Aland W6rwrbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testammlsund der friJhchristlich,n literatur. 6th edn. Berlin and New York 1988. Bemab§ A. Bemabv,o~} 1ea\ &lllta ,c6A.e:atKai flaa\AeUatv, Ev 11Ev Ka11:1ta601dq. 'Ap1apa8n u 1eai Itai'.vvn, cl.v i:q) Iu,i'.vvfl crov£1tpu~evE~ ti,v

INTRODUCllON

3

with the past, for he took the name KdO'tq~ to commemorate his founding of a new dynasty and gave himself the tide ~\AOKatpt~ to remove any doubts about his suitability to rule. 13 Still grateful to his benefactor Antonius, Archelaos fought on his side at Actium in 31 BC (Pint. Ant. 61.1). Although Augustus deposed most of Antonius' appointees, he reconfirmed Archelaos (Dio 51.2.1-2) and even enlarged his kingdom with the addition of Cilicia Tracheia in c. 25 BC.14 During the redistributions of 20 BC Augustus added to Archelaos' kingdom some coastal regions of Cilicia as well as Armenia Minor, the rule over which had become vacant after the death of Artavasdes I of Atropatene. 15 Archelaos moved his royal residence from Cappadocia to Elaioussa, which he refounded as Sebaste. 16 Apparently grateful for his new possessions, Archelaos showed himself helpful to Augustus in Eastern matters, playing the role of peacemaker when Herod tried his sons for conspiracy at Berytos in c. 7 BC. 17 After his second mmiageto Queen Pytbodoris, widow of the Pontic king Polemon ll-Arehelaos added Pontos to his holdings. 18 The Athenians honmed Arehelaos for benefits he had conferred on their 19 city . He was also said to have been a man of letters who wrote about the territories covered by Alexander the Great.20 His reign was not however without its share of troubles. In c. 26 BC his subjects brought an accusation PaoWUlv, KUA.Tic; oi t«Vdaric; -ri\c; 1111tl)Oc; 10\l I\o{vvou f1.a.t'U~. Dio 49.32.3 maintains that Glaphyra was a courtesan; cf. Mart. 11.20.3: quod ft,tuit Glaphyran Antonius. 131be title K1fo111c;, which appearson severaldrachmsand hemidrachmsminted during Arcbelaos' reign(Simonetta 1977), may also hint at Archelaos' role in the foundation of Elaioussa-Sebaste (cf. Leschhom 1984: 293-300), but Sullivan 1990: 398 n. 138 favors the dynastic interpretation. An inscription at Comana (OGJS 358) readspaoU..ia 'Apxel.a(ov] C,tl.6w:a'tptv 'tOvK'ttcm,vKai oco't'ftpa 0 6fu1.o~.Coins from the island of Blaioussa have been found marked paatA£co~ 'An.Mou V auv&µe~Kai tO:'l>'tfl av et£v i)µiv 1Dq>£Alµo,,fi OUKav t\vtuyxavo,µev autoi, 6e6ouACOµtvo, tTIV yv0µ11v COvcruvhal;ev, oUx 0).{yaft'POO'iypa,rt),althoughthe extant fragments (F 103-24) repeat no stories found in the Diegeseis. In 18/17 BC Herod's son Alexandros married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaos (Jos. AJ 16.11). Archelaos became involved in Judaean politics and intervened on behalf of Herod's sons, who hoped to reach Augustus' esr through him (Jos. AJ 16.74). Nik.olaos' major work was 'ICJ'top\at, a universal history in 144 books (the longest since Ephoros) from Assyrian times to the death of Herod the Great (FGrHist 90 F 1-102). Although not a rhetor as Konon may have been. Nikolaos was a versatile and prolific man of letters who maintainedcontacts with many of the most importantmen of bis age. See K. Meister s.v. 'Nikolaos von Damaskos' in DNP vili 920-22. 29 Plution is mentioned by the Elder Seneca (Suas. 1.11) and Theodoros by Quintilian (3.1.18). Antipatros may have been the father of Nikolaos of Damaskos (J. Brzoska s.v. 'Antipatros 28' in RE i (1894] 2516-17). 30Suda s.v. 8e66copo~ ra6ap••~ (Adler ii Y 151). 31 Although this is assumed by e.g. Kennedy 1972: 573, by Cohoon in the Loeb edition of Dio (ii 223), and presumably by Jacoby, who prints the Dio passage as Konon T 2. See however the objections of A. Brinkmann in RhM 64 (1909) 479 and of E. Martini in RE xi.2 (1922) 1338. Kovo,v was an extremely common name (Fraser and Matthews, WPN i 269 and ii 269-70).

6

INI'RODUCTION

and Ilep\ 'lou6a(mv (F 4 = Jos. c. Ap. 1.216). The first two do however contain material that would not be out of place in the Dieg,,,is: Aigaion, the eponym of the Aegean Sea ('HpaKAeux), and Pelasgians and the naming of the river Sarnos (1taA1Ka).3 2

If Konon's connectionwith King Archelaoswere unknownit would be difficult to determine when he lived, for even though he apparently used the 'Atticising' Greek that began to be popular in the mid first centul)' BC, like his contemporaries Nikolaos and Dionysios his language probably did

not displaythe exlremeAtticismcharacteristicof some authorsactiveduring the Second Sophistic (c. AD 60-230).

II. The Title of the Collection Although i; KatUfflv 06ov !Vtuyx6ve:tAuK{6~K-tA.I Pind. Ol. 9.58; Nem. 4.58b; Nem. S.2Sc. Cf. as well l: Lond. DThr. (449.12-13 Uhlig): µu8o~ ie ~evo,v xpayµ.a:10>v wt1\pxat6)11£v(l)v 6111"f1lm.;. 11a6uvCXtmv 111:payµa1mv xape:taCl')'CO'fll. 41 One might tentativelyadd Tales 9 and 10, which in their original fonns may both have dealt with incest. This is stated in Tale 9 (Scmiramis) but is not mentionedin Tale 1Oas we have it. 42 Europe (32) and Kadmos (37), Askanios (41) and Aineias (46), Philonomos (26) and Althaimenes (47). 43 011~ O.vixin. axopci6t')v(253F). Of course Photios' Bibliotheke displays a similar haphazardnessand lack of organization.

INTRODUCI10N

9

Pbotios may also be responsible for the openings of the stories, which show slightly varied formulas. Lacking a uniform theme and marked by its hodgepodge nature, Konon's collection seems to have been little consulted in antiquity, for apan from Photios there is no known reference to it. 44 The papyrus fragments prove however that Konon was read at least in Egypt. There have been instances where writers who were completely ignored by

their contemporarieswere rescued from oblivion by later readersand even enjoyed some popularity, such as Dionysios of Alexandria, whose 45 was composed in the second century AD but Ohcouµ£v11.;11:£pif1YT1att; ignored until late antiquity when it was translated into Latin by A vienus and Priscus, from which time it was used as a textbook until the eighteenth century. 46 No such fate met Konon's work, and it has so far proved impossible to locate any references to the collection before Photios. One reason for tltis neglect was cenainly the lack of any system of organization, which made it difficult to consult. Both scholars and those who wished to appearscholarlywould have been put off by Konon's remissnessin naming his sources.And unlikeDionysios' verse geography,the Diegeseis cannotbe placed in the Hellenistic didactic tradition that sought to please the reader while informing him. Like bright shells found on the shore, Konon offers his

storieswithoutapologiesbut also withoutpretensionsof wishing to instruct; the very modesty of his collection precluded its enjoying a better reception. As for the geographical focus of the collection, Konon covers a wider

range than, for example, AntoninusLiberalis, whose stories are set for the most pan in mainland Greece, three of them (6, 24, 41) in Attika. Konon's tales extend from Magna Graecia (3, 18, 25, 38, 42, 43) in the west to Assyria (9) in the east. Several tales are set in Chalkidike (4, 7, 10, 13, 20, 32), and Konon evinces for Asia Minor (2, 6, 12, 21, 23, 28, 29, 33, 34, 35, 41, 44) as great a partiality as Parthenios does. 4 7 Concerningthe length of the collection, even in the original it must have been short.Photioscalls it a xov11J.uXnov and recordsthatit was in the same 6E,:~ a~ 6ul ,:()1tp6xe1povia~

6uxxecp•U"J• jl£Att~. ou6e tO\ltOls tTIV in\ tot~ &uo1- oµolav e8,µe8a q,pov'tt6a,a.Ua 1ea-cCX -cOE1eo\la1ov tO C£1ep1PEi; ai>i:c»v i>xepcoq,&ri). Konon's work clearly fell into the rare category, so it is likely that Photios

38

INTRODUCflON

summarized him at length and with a fair degroeof accuracy. In order better to illUSlratebow carefully Photios epitomized Konon, I have arranged in parallel columns the text of Tale 47 and one section of P. Oxy. 52.3648 (F 2, I. 2037). Photios' paraphrase of Konon is printed on the left side as it is, but I have taken the liberty of transposing a few lines from Harder's text and matching them with the appropriate sections of Photios (each line of the papyrus text is numbered); still, the papyrus text is printed mostly in its original order. Exact parallels are indicated by bold print; words that are identical but for tense or form (atoouX~e1 and ataat&aat;) or similar (auto~ and a,p(a,v) are underlined. ~ 'A~a11Liv11~ Illii. 'Hpa1[ 37. 'Aa]iav µutl&a,po\v•I

27. JCal'fiic; £~ 1Cato{,c1aw.. [ 24. µeet ta Kai61a. Xp6vcp 6' llpc\l KEpHuxmv a8p6ov ••• 1, Kl.olhov IIP8ri, 11:111 •op,tm, ""'" n,ip•111v ,o ISpo, a11:po11fl1, y1v611ovo,Kol.1.11,,••xv11,, Bp,y&v 1111011.•u••·Ku\ m, I•tl.qvo, Kopl ,o Bpi111ov ISpo, M(llou 5 111101:!.EUOV•o, di,pQq, i,,p' q>11:11\ ,o 18vo, 4i111v8pmK6•11•ov ISv· 11:11\ m, llx8ri ,o ~lpov i~ql.:!.11y11ivov fllV llliuv .,, iv av8pmK01>fUOOI, Ku\ is...., 11u,1p xpuoo, iy(vo,o 1Vµli Katop8ouµtvcov ;,,,8,,µui,v ). Konon's version takes this ambiguity into account and seems to suggest that Kaunos and Byblis' love was mutual (cf. ro~ ixp,\aato "l!pcott

6ucaatfi in line 15). Nonnos, whose source was possibly a Hellenistic epyllion (A.S. Hollis, 'Allusions to earlier Hellenistic poetry in Nonnus', CQ 26 [ 1976] 144-45), hints in this direction when he refers to the carefree time before Kaunos' passion when Byblis 'still loved maidenhood' (ciU' in BuPA~ EIJVq>W>Kap8,v~: D. 13.557). The words Kauv

toaa •ii; /iKo(pou 1o1v lllv 'Al1,o,; I, ••1diJLJLCDV uK•P•"il, ,1, 1tdi11o,; iyivo,o: Most sources mention Thamyris' beauty ( e.g. I A Hom. II. 2.595, Eust. on II. 2.596 [298.38-39), Zen. Cent. 4.27), but Konon is the only sourco for the beauty of Philammon. y{voptov; in Hes. F 65 M-W on the ti.Olnovplain near Lake Boibe in Thessaly. V. Burr (NEON KATAAOrOI, Klio Beiheft 49 N.F. 36 [1944] 67 and 136) thinks the resemblance between the two names

led Homer to confuse Messenian Dorion with ThessalianDotion. For the identification of Dorion with the Mycenaean hill-site of Malthi see E. Meyer in RE Suppl. xii (1970) 236-39, Lauffer 1989: 405, and Visser 1997: 515.

8-10. 1tav 8&n yijµa, b ettpo, vxepl Dpcotea\Mlov cin:0:v'tmv), which would normally be translated 'Protesilaos and his followers' but in later Greek could also be interpreted periphrastically as 'Protesilaos himself (LSJ), may be Photios' misreadingof what might have been oi toU Ilpcotea1A&ouin line two of Konon (whence perhaps the plural verb opµ(~ovtat in line five). Of course it cannot be ruledout that Kononknew of an alternativetradition,or that he himself was responsible for the error. The other explanation (first proposed by Hoefer 1890: 63) is that Protesilaos was one of the chieftains who accompaniedHerak.lesand Telamonon the firstexpeditionagainstTroy (first mentioned in II. 5.640-43 and 648-51). The only evidence for this proposal (and shaky evidence at that) is Strabo 7 F 25, where the story of the Trojanwomen burningtheircaptors•ships is mentionedalmost immediately

13. Aithilla

121

after a reference to Herakles' successful campaign against the giants on Phlegra (i.e. Pallone, cf. Steph. Byz. s.v. o>l.qpa p. 667 Mein.) on his way home from Troy. The collocation of the two accounts does not of course mean that Strabo dated them to the same time; he may simply have added the

tale of the Trojanwomen because he knew of a version thatwas located in Pallone. Still, this explanation has something to be said for i~ especially in light of testimonies that Telamon, Herakles' main companion on the expedition, received Laomedon's daughter Hesione as a prize after the fall of Troy (Soph. Aj. 1299-1302, Apollod. 2.136 [6.4], l: A II. 8.284); perhaps Laomedon's other daughter Aithilla was awarded to Protesilaos in another tradition. For the cult of Protesilaos on Pallone (in particular Skione, where he was celebrated as the ol,c,at,\~) see F. Cancioni s.v. 'Protesilaos' in LIMC vii.I (1994) 554-60. A coin from Skione (UMC no. 4), minted ea. 500-480 BC, shows on one side a man's head with the subscription PROTESILAS. See Hornblower on Thule. 4.120.1.

3-S. o!~ ,ov Jl••al;u ... opJl((ov,ai: Polyainos 7.47 and Steph. Byz. s.v. l:,c,rilv11p. 576-77 Mein. also name Skione as the town founded by the Greeks after they had lost their ships; Strabo 7 F 25 mentions a version of the story that took place on Pallene. Polyainos names, as does Konon, a

sister of Priamas the instigatorof the arson; Stephanosdoesn't mention a leader. The core of the threeaccountswas the foundationlegend of Skione, where Protesilaos may have been worshipped as he was in Elaius (Hdt. 9.116.2) and in the Chersonesos (l: Lyk. 532). Both Skione and Mende were towns on the western coast of Pallone, one of the three Chalkidic peninsulas. For Mende, the ancient site of which probably lay south of the modem village Kalandra, see Lauffer 1989: 421 and Hornblower on Thuk. 4.123.1. •l~ ,ov Jl••al;b Mivll11~,ea\ l:,c1mv11~ (,c6l.11ov):As Kanne 1798: 91 suspected, a word seems to have fallen out of the text. Kanne proposed ,ov ... ,col.xov or tov ... iSpµov. Jacoby prints to, taking it to mean 'the area'. I have opJl((ov,a,: Cf. the note on lines 2chosen to add ,c6l.xov to the text. 3 above. The plural form, even though the subject is still Protesilaos from

line two. One must take into account in such cases that Photios' epitomizationmay be to blame. S-7. ,ea\ 1llpo(av ... avallpaJl6v,a,v: Similarly in Strabo 6.1.12 C 262 (where the ships are anchored before the mouth of the Neaithos River in Italy), the Greeks foolishly leave the Trojan women unguarded aboard·the ships while they scout the land (e,c~ijva, ... ex\ 'tTIV1Catcia1C£'1'lV

'tii>vxcoplc.ov ). In this one pointthe second variantof the story(Trojanwomen burning Trojan ships) seems less absurd than the first (Trojan women

122

Commentary

burning Greek ships), for it would not be unusual for the Trojan men to leave ,ol} 11lyi111ol}6vm81Y:A their own women alone with the ships. rare use of livm8ev with the genitive. Cf. Hdt. 1.75.5: livm8ev tou atpcxtost6ou; Hippok. Art. 80 Lilln!: livm8,v tOU ,ro;pxou.

•a

7-9. 6l.>.a •• Ii A18Ul.a ... t;oq,&v "fE oi>x UKpav cixaaav dap6av£av E,c«A.£ae.

,,,.,o,{i-

22. 1tp'1, 'H ell'· JL••pacl\, ltP11•l yivv11JLm &pacov,o, lpmcmi, llmpoi,m,. 'O Ill l•p••• •• cm\ lseJLu.oii; y{vetat OUvtp~ ... icai ciUTIA.O~µEVEq,O.Ouv, oi 6£ tip µe1pcudcp 1tpo0Tl1Covt~

22. The Cretan

163

ci>pp..&uv tOU 8,iplou to µey,80, ... ,ca9eu3ovta V CJUV tip xa,6l EKIr• ,coµl~ouo, ... 6dpKO>v6, o XPOVO.tOV µ,v UK!qnJVeveavlav, tov 6, elpyuaato 6pu,covta i\611 tOUKpOElPT]µtvou tWlOV. ,ea{ Kot• 6,' EPTJµla. imv o 'Ap,ca. b tOU ~cpou ,ipaatl), ,cal epmµevo, :lnatai, KepttuyxuvEl, ,ea\ xau\µevo_ !;l,pe, ora ei,co, •Poa, tU µ,v ~yci>v, tU 6, ,ea\ auµµuxou, Kapa,ca:lci>v... OUICOUV

on

E1etivot;... toU cp8iyp.atot;C£1eo\Jti, 1eai aup{a~ O~U.otov clus,and the nameof Branchos'fatherto Smicrum (MSSsmiarum, sinicrum, smiarum etc.).

33. Smikros or Branchidai

233

m,

KMi .•. iv ftl1c{q: ·Ev i)Aic{q usually means 'in manhood, 2-3. cal of military age' (LSJ s.v. 2). Perhaps an addition of Photios, as in lines 4-5 Smikros is said to be exactly thirteen years old.

m,

3-S. cal ca,altp.1Eav11 ... ,p1aca13ica,ov lxov,a l•o;: Varro gives a slightly different account: Democlus, who had taken his son Smikros with him on his wanderings, landed on the shore to have lunch (pranderet in litore); when it was time to sail away, he left his son behind in a fit of absent-mindedness. Konon (or his source) tries to remove the absurdities of the tale by having Demoklos undertake the journey at the behest of the oracle (thus making whatever happened on the journey divinely decreed) and by making Demoklos leave Smikros behind because of his great baste to retake the sea. See Stith Thompson S 144.1 (' Abandonment alone on foreign coast') and L 111.2.2 ('Future hero found on shore'). ca,aA.tp.Kavat = ca,aldxu (Hipp. Mui. 1.8, 188.20; Thuk. 8.17.1).

S-6. cal

cb; Kai; 'Bpt8apaou ... Kpo;

,ov ..a,ipa:

Jn New Comedy, herdsmen often appear as the finders of exposed babies (GommeSandbach on Men. Epitr. 326), though Smikros, at thirteen, is long past the foundling age. Varro is silent on how Smikros came or was brought to Patron, but he does mention that Patron had several children (cum suis pueris), whereas in Konon only one son of Eritharses is mentioned, who both brought Smikros home and later fought with him over the swan.

6-8. ICCdI, 'Bpt8ap.,,.; ... ,oll,ov 1 66A10Y , ota .. ,, o6x ISKep 1,TJa•Y "EAeYo, IlaAAull,oY AalleiY ao,6Y, ckAA' UY i1CoiYOY i,ceiYo otYal 1Cal 1Ca IlaAAu6,oY !LOY UY•A•iY pouATJ8•, 6' 'Axa,oi, 1C01L(t,1Y. Kai au,oll 1LiAAoYV 61etw1) and DServ. Aen. 2.166. Tpolav tv "16n

240

Commentary

5-7. -.:at -.:a,ci aup.Jloulcic;... au1MXp.JluvouauApollod. Epit. 5.9 says Kalchas advised the Greeks to capture Helenos because he knew the oracles protecting Troy. Cf. DSetv. Aen. 2.166.

7-9. 1,oll l;av,a,ceicr8a, qpifLa• ,oil Ill spal;av,o; •I> 1v m8o&v, c)W,VOJI.OU Kpooovtoc; Philonomos (Kllµiv11;1,,..,«(8EM 6. ,ca0' 8. 'E1e6:-tepo1 o-OvA: ,ea\ £K6.te:po1 M

13. 1Ca-tolKT1atv A 2M: Ka't'ol1C1a1v A 17. .dmp1EcovHoefer: .dcopuc&vA 2: Arop1,covAM 19. 'H:l.1a6ii>vJackson: 1:l.ux6ii>v AM 23. 'h\:l.uaov ,ea\ Kaµe1povHoeschel: 111:l.uaav ,ea\• Aµ1povAM

47. Althaimenes The forty-seventh, how Althaimenes of the family of the Heraldeidai, three generations from Temenos, rebelled against his brothers (he was the youngest) and migrated from the Peloponnese, taking an army of Dorians and

322

Commentary

some Pelasgians. Also at that time the Athenians sent out the colony with Neileus and the Kodridai. In like manner as well the Lakedaimonioi for their part sent out as colonists the people of Philonomos, who were being led by men named Delphos and Polls. Each pany then invited Althaimenes to share in their undertaking, the Dorians in their voyage to Crete, since he was Dorian himself, and the lonians to cross over to Asia with them. He decided to sail with neither but. in accordance with the oracle given him, to go to Zeus and Helios and ask them for a land in which to settle: Crete was controlled by Zeus, and Rhodes by Helios. So setting out from the Peloponnese he put in at Crete, and left a part of the people that wished to settle there. He himself, taking the majority of the Dorians, sailed to Rhodes. As for Rhodes, in ancient times an autochthonous people, which the family of the Heliadai ruled, lived there; Phoenicians expelled them and took possession of the island. And when the Phoenicians had been expelled the Carians acquired it at the time when they also settled in the other islands around the Aegean Sea. The Dorians sailed against them, subdued the Carlan population by war, and founded three cities, Lindos, Ialysos, and Kameiros.

Beginning with Althaimenes,then, the Dorians have come down until now. And the three cities were consolidated into a single mighty and prosperous one to which they gave the same name as the island, Rhodes.

Commentary After their invasion of Anika was frustrated by the self-sacrifice of Kodros (cf. Tale 26), the Dorians founded Megara, where some of them settled while

the restjoined a colony the Argive Althaimeneswas leadingto Crete;in time the Dorian colonists of Crete crossed over to Rhodes and other islands (Strabo 14.2.6 C 653). The Argive Althaimenes was known to Ephoros FGrHist 70 F 146, who says the ten Cretan cities founded after the Trojan War were

settlementsof the Dorianswho had accompaniedhim (intOttllv 'AA8a1µ£ve\ tip 'Apydcp auva,coM>u&qaavtrov 4cop,ecov); in F 149.18 Ephoros says that Althaimenes lived five generations before Lykourgos. Rhodian tradition knew of another Althaimenes, a son of the Cretan King Katreus, son of Minos, and therefore much earlier than Althaimenes of Argos. After learning from an oracle that he was fated to kill Katreus, Althaimenes left for Rhodes. Many years later Katreus, wishing to see his son, sailed to Rhodes with his retinue. Althaimenes and the Rhodians, thinking they were under attack, engaged them in battle, during which Althaimenes unwittingly killed his father. Overcome with remorse, he wandered into the woods to die and was thereafter worshipped as a hero by the Rhodians. The

47. Althaimenes

323

story is recorded by Diod. 5.59.1-4, whose source was Zenon of Rhodes FGrHist 523 F I, an older contemporary of Polybios (Abel RE x Al [1972] 139). Apollod. 3.12-16 (2.1-2) mostly agrees with Zenon, but says Althaimenes took along his sister Apemosyne to Crete, whom he later killed for unchastity after Hermes deflowered her; and that after killing Kalreus Althaimenes prayed and was swallowed up in a chasm. Althaimenes was said to have founded Kretinia near Kameiros (Apollod. 3.13 [2.1], Steph. Byz. s.v. Kpt1xo xpro-tmv'Aya9tlpamv) and 7.129.1 (•a µlv yap au-rij~xpo~ ,iiv ~io fxov,a ,6 n: Ut\AiovOpo;ml TI"Oaaa cixoKll.i,t:i).

48. 1ta10,6Ao;

II "IAla

'H 1111'... 111pl 'Pm1100cal 'Pm116Mu lh11y1i,a,, 11apaAAGO• •11al &l d,; 'A116A10; oouoa 11po; ,oo; liAAOo; Iv i111J100A16oa;N1116,opa ,ov dilloA,ov ftolvo,, cal •iiv a6,oll 9uya,opa "IAlav, lva 11li ,6co, 111111' divllpm91l11,•ii; 'Bo,la~ 5 lop21av di11i,11v1. Ta6•11 111x81l; • Ap11;, di110Ao6111vo;•ii; 0111Ala;, Ila,,; •• ~v illfiAmoo cal II,, 1160 e6pou; ,i;o,a, i; a6,oll eal XPii 9appoiv. lipux• 'AAM ••eolloav a6µa_). The origin of the Latin version of 'Pci>µa_,Remus, is obscure. Schulze 1904: 219 traced the name to the Etruscan remne, which was latinized as 1-2.

332

Commentary

Remnius or Remmius. But this etymology, though widely accepted (for lack of alternatives), has recently come under fire from Wiseman 1995: 92-102, who embraces the explanation in OGR 21.5 that Remus was derived a tarditate ('from slowness'). becauseslow people were once called remores (from remorari, whence aves remores 'delaying birds' in Festus 345.14 L); Wiseman explains the etymology in light of the political rivalry between the plebeians and patricians in the early Roman Republic (103-28). It is also possible that Remus is a back-fonnation from local place-names such as Remurinus ager or Remona (Festus 344.25, 345.11 L). 'PG111otou: Schulze 1904: 219, 579-82 derived Romulus from the Etruscan rumlnas (Latinform Romilius).The suffix -ulus is Etruscanand suggests the nameof another founder, Caeculus of Praeneste (Ogilvie 1965: 32).

m,

"A11&t10, i1nl1out16aa, ... 1o{pou µ' uxij19e 6uot6xaat' aiv{1µata); IA 61 and 444. .:al aurii fllVµh laxi,v llixo,u,. The bestknown example of a woman who devises the death of her husband but does not herself carry out the deed is the wife of Kandaules in Hdt. 1.8-12, who not only uses threats to drive Gyges to do the deed, but even brings him into the bedchamber where Kandaules lies asleep and hands him a dagger (Gray 1989: 70- 72 points out the similarities between the Gyges-story and Xenophon's account of Alexandros' death in Hell. 6.4.35-37). The main differenceis thatthe wife of Kandaulesis contentto remainqueenat the side

,a

350

Commentary

of her husband's assassin, whereas in Konon Thebe seizes the throne herself. The notion of a woman engineering the murder of her husband and thereby obtaining and exercising power, if only temporarily, strongly contradicts Greek notions of proper womanly conduct. Plut. Mui. Virt. l 9.255E-257E tells how Aretaphila of Kyrene, in emulation of Thebe, brought about the death of her tyrant husband Nikokrates, but she did not usurp his kingship. For parallels we must look to Greek reports of the machinations of royal

women in the first Persianempire, as governed by the Achaimenidai,on which see Brosius 1996: 105-22.