The Nahuas After the Conquest: A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth Through Eighteenth Centuries 9780804765572, 080476557X

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Abbreviations (page xiv)
1 Introduction (page 1)
2 Altepetl (page 14)
3 Household (page 59)
4 Social Differentiation (page 94)
5 Land and Living (page 141)
6 Religious Life (page 203)
7 Language (page 261)
8 Ways of Writing (page 326)
9 Forms of Expression (page 374)
10 Conclusion (page 427)
Appendix A. Four Nahuatl Documents (page 455)
Appendix B. Molina's Model Testament (page 468)
Notes (page 477)
Glossary (page 607)
Bibliography (page 613)
Index (page 631)

Citation preview

The Nahuas _ After the Conquest

After the Conquest — A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth Through Eighteenth Centuries

James Lockhart

Stanford University Press, Stanford, California

Stanford University Press

Stanford, California ,

, © 1992 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America CIP data appear at the end of the book Published with the support of the © National Endowment for the Humanities,

an independent federal agency , Stanford University Press publications are distributed exclusively by Stanford

University Press within the United States, , Canada, Mexico, and Central America; they are distributed exclusively by Cambridge University Press throughout the rest of the world. Original Printing 1992 Last figure below indicates year of this printing:

O§ 04 O03 O02 OL 00 99 98 97 96

and |

To the memory of

Ned Lockhart and Bertha VanFossen Lockhart, my parents

to Arthur J. O. Anderson ,

Abbreviations XIV

I Introduction | a

Views of Postconquest Nahua History 2

Uses of Language | 5 Some Dimensions and Attributes of the Book 9

Debts and Affinities 12

2Complex Altepetl 4 Altepetl 20

Basic Principles of Altepetl Organization 15 The Sixteenth-Century Reorganization | 28

Town Government and Structure in the Later Colonial Period 47

3 Household | 59 , Terminology and Constitution of the Household Complex 59

The Vocabulary of Kinship | 72, Hints of Household Interaction 85

4 Social Differentiation | | 94.

Commoners 96

Nobles, Lords, and Rulers 102 : General Changes in the Postconquest Era IIO The Evolution of Naming Patterns II7 The Persistence of an Upper Group 130

§ Land and Living I4I Land Tenure at Contact 7 I4I

Land in Postconquest Times 163 Economic Life and Material Culture : 176

VI Contents 6 Religious Life | | 2.03 Religion and the Politics of the Altepetl 2.06

Cofradias 218 Saints 235

The Church People 210

The Church as Personal Property 229

The Question of Beliefs , 251

7 Stage Language , 261 I 2.63

Stage 2 284 3 304 “Stage 4” 318

8 Ways of Writing 326 Preconquest Writing , 327

The Introduction of Spanish-Style Writing 330

Postconquest Pictographic Writing 331 From Pictographic to Alphabetic 345

Alphabetic Writing 335

Preconquest Modes in Alphabetic Texts , 364

The Evolution of the Spanish Documentary Genres in Nahuatl 372

Annals , 376 Songs , 392 Theater 401

~ Q- Forms of Expression 374

Titles 410 IO Conclusion 427 A Glimpse at Art and Architecture 418

The Stages | , , 429 Some Aspects of Organization in Nahua Culture 436

Perspectives | 446

The Nature of Cultural Interaction 442

Appendix A. Four Nahuatl Documents 455 Appendix B. Molina’s Model Testament 468

Notes , 477 Glossary | 607 Bibliography , 613 Index | 631

Tables

2.1 Postconquest Rulers of Tenochtitlan _ 34

2.2 Officials of Coyoacan, 1553 38 2.3. Officials of Tulancingo at Two Points in the Late Period 50

2.4 Some Sets of Town Officials in the Late Period 50

1724. 5 2 Point 74

2.5 Witnesses to the Will of don Josef de la Cruz,

Tlapitzahuayan, 1763 51

2.6 Delegation Sent to Represent Tepetlixpan in Tlalmanalco,

3.1. House Complex of dofia Felipa de Jess, Soyatzingo, 1734 69 3.2 Distinctions in Kin Terminology by Gender of Reference

3.3. Gender Distinctions by Referent | | 74 3.4 Some Cross-Generational Projections and Symmetries 76

3.5 Affinal Kin Terms 77 3.6 Reciprocity in Terminology for Siblings of Spouse 78 3.7. Consanguineal and Affinal Relationships at the Level of

Aunt, Uncle, and Niece/Nephew 79

3.8 Comparison of Nahuatl and Spanish Systems of Categorizing

Siblings and Cousins 83

3.9 Approximately Equivalent Terms in the Spanish and Nahuatl

Categorization of Siblings and Cousins 83

4.1 Some Nahua Social Categories 95 4.2 Personal Names, Cuernavaca Region, ca. 1535-45 120

4.3. Personal Names, Culhuacan, ca. 1580 121 4.4 Typical Names of the Mature Colonial Period: Householders of Teopancaltitlan Tlatocapan, 1659 128 4.5 Known Governors of Tepemaxalco, 1605-1813 137 5-1. Terms for Fractions of the Primary Unit in the Indigenous

Measuring System : 144

x Tables |

1738 I§i Century | | 187

5-2 Land Scattering: The Estate of Félix de Santiago, Calimaya, ,

5-3. Overview of Indigenous Land Tenure Categories 161 5-4 Items Sold in Some Central Mexican Markets, Mid-16th |

5-5 Classes of Trade Groups in the Coyoacan Market, ca. 1550 189

1632 and 1640 224

6.1 Officers of the Cofradia of the Most Holy Sacrament of Tula,

| 6.2 Officers of the Cofradia of the Most Holy Sacrament of Tula,

1667, 1668, and 1674 224 6.3. Contributions for the Church Organ, San Pablo Tepemaxalco, 1647 , 231 7.1 Early Nahuatl Descriptions of Spanish Introductions and

Concepts | | | 266

7.2 The Early Complex Around “Tlequiquiztli,” “Firearm” 268

7.3. The Early Complex Around the Cart 269 7.4 Early Compound Words Based on the Extension of “Macatl”

(“Deer’’) to “Horse”’ 271 7.5 Early Compound Words Based on the Extension of ‘“Tepoztli” (“Copper, Metal for Useful Objects’) to

“Tron” and Other New Metals , 2.73 7.6 Uses of “Tepoztli” as “Iron” in the Meaning “Metal Device” 2.74 7.7 Some Early Uses of “Caxtillan,” “‘Castile,” to Describe

Spanish Introductions 276

7.8 Terms for the Main European Domesticated Animals 280

7.9 Early Terms for Spanish Musical Instruments 281 7.10 Proportions of Loan Nouns in Various Categories 2.86 7.11 Proportions of Loan Nouns in Artifact Categories 287

Individuals | 288

7.12 Proportions of Loan Nouns in Categories to Designate _ 7.13 Proportions of Loan Nouns from the Testaments of

Culhuacan (ca. 1580) in Various Categories 290 7.14 Common Stage 2 Loans in Various Categories _ 291

“Horse” | , 2.93

7.15 The Early Complex Around the Loanword “Cahuallo,”

7.16 The Early Complex Around the Loanword “Vino,” “Wine” 294 7.17. The Spanish and Nahuatl Phonemic Inventories and

Resulting Nahuatl Substitutions | 2.96

7.18 “-Oa” Verbs Attested in Nahuatl Texts 306 7.19 Loan Particles Attested in Nahuatl Texts 309

Tables | xi 8.1. The Roman Alphabetic Orthography of Nahuatl 336 8.2 Comparison of the Spanish Alphabet and the Spanish-Based

Nahuatl Alphabet, 16th Century 337

8.3. Hypercorrect Letter Substitutions in Loanwords 341 10.1 The Three Stages and Some of Their Implications 428

Figures

Altepetl 19

2.1 Cellular Organization and Nucleation in a Hypothetical

2.2 Organization of Tlaxcala, Chalco, and Tenochtitlan 2.2

| 3.2 Mexico City, 1585 61 House of Ana Justina, Mexico City, 1593 62 3.1 House Complex of Diego Juarez and Juliana de San Miguel,

3.3 House Complex of dona Catalina de Sena, Coyoacan, 1588 63

3.4 House Complex of Juan de San Pedro, Culhuacan, 1581 64 3.5 Evolution of a House Complex in Tlatelolco, 1620-69 65 3.6 House Complex of Baltasar Bautista, Mexico City, 1639 67

the Calpolli — | 108

4.1. Two Standard Views of the Position of Lords in Relation to

7.1. The Chronology of Spanish Contact Phenomena in Nahuatl 324

8.1 Pictographic Techniques 329 8.2 Pictographic Versions of Spanish Names 332 8.3. Text from the Codex Osuna, Illustrating Orthographic

Division into Phonological Phrases 340

Hands, 1746 343 8.5 Pages from the Otlazpan Codex 344 8.6 Page from the Codex Vergara 347 Chichimeca 349 8.8 Page from the Codex Aubin 352

8.4 A Subregional Writing Tradition: Lines by Two Different

8.7 Pictorial and Alphabetic Elements in the Historia Tolteca-

8.9 Land-Related Pictorials, Coyoacan, 15 50’s—60’s 354 8.10 Page from a Tulancingo Land Document, 1645 356

Century 358 Early 18th Century 359

8.11 Some Pictures in a Set of Annals from Puebla, Late 17th

8.12 Year Signs in a Set of Annals from the Tlaxcalan Region,

Figures Xill 8.13 Illustration for a “Title”: Mock(?) Confrontation Between

Representatives of Soyatzingo and Neighbors 360 8.14 Illustration for a “Title”: The Leaders of Atlauhtla Paying

Homage to Charles V 361 8.15 Illustration for a “Title”: Early Leaders of Soyatzingo/

Cihuatzinco | 362

World 437

9.1 Song Scroll and Stylized Bee in the Malinalco Frescoes 424 10.1 Forms of Cellular-Modular Organization in the Nahua

Abbreviations | AGN Archivo General de la Naci6n, Mexico City ANS The Art of Nahuatl Speech: The Bancroft Dialogues, ed. Karttunen and Lockhart

AZ Aztekischer Zensus, ed. Hinz et al. BC Beyond the Codices, by Anderson, Berdan, and Lockhart CA Codex Aubin (Historia de la nacién mexicana, ed. Dibble) CAN Colecci6n Antigua in MNAH AH CDC Coleccion de documentos sobre Coyoacan, ed. Carrasco and

Monyaras-Ruiz | |

CFP “De la Cruz family papers,” Tepemaxalco (Calimaya), MNAH AH, GO 186

CH Die Relationen Chimalpahin’s zur Geschichte Mexico’s, ed. Zimmermann

FC Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain, by Sahagtn, tr. Anderson and Dibble

GO Gomez de Orozco Collection in MNAH AH

HJ Hospital de Jestis, a section in AGN HTC Historia tolteca-chichimeca, ed. Kirchhoff, Giiemes, and , Reyes Garcia

_ MNAH AH Archivo Hist6rico of the Museo Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico City

Molina Vocabulario castellano y mexicano y mexicano y castellano,

| by fray Alonso de Molina (1571), 1970 edition NAC Newberry Library, Ayer Collection .

NMY Nahuatl in the Middle Years, by Karttunen and Lockhart

N&Ss Nabuas and Spaniards, by Lockhart RA Treatise on the Heathen Superstitions, by Ruiz de Alarcon, ed. Andrews and Hassig | TA ~The Tlaxcalan Actas, by Lockhart, Berdan, and Anderson

| Abbreviations XV TC Testaments of Culbuacan, ed. Cline and Le6n-Portilla | TCB Tula Cofradia Book, in Lilly Library, Indiana University, section Latin American Mss.—Mexico

TN Teatro nadbuatl, by Horcasitas UCLA TC UCLA Research Library Special Collections, Tulancingo Collection

ZM The annals of don Juan Buenaventura Zapata y Mendoza, Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, Mexican ms. 212

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The Nahuas After the Conquest

I

Introduction SPEAKERS OF THE so-called Uto-Aztecan languages can be found scattered across a vast area stretching from the western United States through the entire northwest of Mexico and on into the heart of the country, with a few enclaves

located as far south as Nicaragua. The southernmost major branch of the Uto-Aztecan family is Nahuatl, which by the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was the language of the majority of the people living in the core regions of central Mexico. Divided into a large number of separate, often warring re-

gional states, each with a sense of unique ethnic origin, sometimes living under the partial dominance of imperial confederations and sometimes not, the central Mexicans at the time of European contact were united, to the

language. | | ,

extent that they were, not by politics or even by an assertive consciousness of

unity, but by a shared culture carried in the vocabulary of their common These people I call the Nahuas, a name they sometimes used themselves

and the one that has become current today in Mexico, in preference to Aztecs. The latter term has several decisive disadvantages: it implies a kind of quasi-national unity that did not exist, it directs attention to an ephemeral imperial agglomeration, it is attached specifically to the preconquest

was not. - , period, and by the standards of the time, its use for anyone other than

the Mexica (the inhabitants of the imperial capital, Tenochtitlan) would have been improper even if it had been the Mexica’s primary designation, which it

Simply put, the purpose of the present book is to throw light on the history of Nahua society and culture through the use of records in Nahuatl, concentrating on the time when the bulk of the extant documents were written, between about 1540-50 and the late eighteenth century. At the same time, the earliest records are full of implications for the very first years after contact, and ultimately for the preconquest epoch as well, both of which are touched on here in ways that are more than introductory or ancillary.

2 Introduction , , Views of Postconquest Nahua History It is not unnatural that until recently the historical literature relating to the Indians of Mexico (and other Spanish American areas) in the time after European contact should have turned on the imagined relative position of Indians and Spaniards. The matter has two interconnected dimensions, the actual roles postulated for the two groups and the Spanish sources used at various points, which provided the primary perspective on the Indians and

_ hence went far toward determining the putative roles. | Successive generations of historians have viewed the interaction of Spaniards and Nahuas in very different ways.' The first wave, of whom William Prescott is foremost, followed the Spanish chronicles in writing narrative histories of the sixteenth-century conquest; they emphasized the simple military _ clash, the victories and defeats of the opposing sides. Conflict was the main interpretive framework. But even though everyone has realized all along that the military struggle was soon over in central Mexico (as opposed to peripheral areas), and it has since been shown that disturbances in the following centuries were sporadic and limited, initiated by restricted local entities in defense of their autonomy within the already existing scheme of things,? conflict and resistance have long continued to shape scholars’ notions of Spanish-

Indian relations. ,

_ Those who followed the epic historians, approaching the topic of the development of Spanish American civilization largely through the avenue of formal institutions, added ‘a new general interpretive notion, displacement, to that of clash. They, and above all the greatest of them, Robert Ricard, tended to see the quick replacement of indigenous elements or structures by European equivalents, or indeed, the introduction of things European into a relative vacuum. This view arose straightforwardly, or if you will naively, from the early institutionalists’ main source, the reports of officials and priests to the crown. Although officials in America did have a fair grasp of how crucial indigenous structures were for the success of the measures they took, it was not in their interest, in reporting on progress to their superiors, to talk much about this aspect. If they had done so, their steps would have seemed obvious, almost inevitable, with the outcome determined largely by the nature of indigenous society (as was in fact the case). Instead, they painted pictures of the vast revolutions they were bringing about in indigenous life and how well

their introductions were being received. ,

Perhaps the most formidable and accessible body of relevant official documents was that produced by the mendicant friars of Mexico in the aftermath of the conquest—voluminous correspondence and chronicles written above all by Franciscans, and secondarily by Dominicans and Augustinians. This

Introduction 3 literature tells how the mendicants converted the Indians of Mexico by the millions and introduced the full panoply of Christian pomp and ceremony among them, to the point that only a few piteous tatters of preconquest belief and practice were left. At the same time, the mendicants, according to themselves, brought the Indians the elements of European culture more generally, concentrating the scattered natives in new urban foundations, introducing European-style governance, teaching them European skills from agriculture to the crafts to music and other arts, with the most splendid and immediate results. The mendicants’ version of events, as ably synthesized by Ricard,: long served as the basic model for interpreting cultural interaction in Mexico and all of Spanish America.

The displacement model never held the stage undisputed, however. A counterview pointed to the isolation of the Indians from the social-economic centers of Hispanic life in cities and mines, with the consequent wholesale survival of indigenous elements untouched by outside influence. Supporting such notions were two kinds of evidence. First, institutional historians found in Spanish law a well-developed doctrine of two separate commonwealths: one for Spaniards, centered in the newly created Spanish cities; the other for Indians, consisting of towns and villages dotting the cities’ hinterlands. The illusion of two entirely separate spheres was augmented by the fact that, in order to throw their own activity into higher relief, friars and others wrote as little as possible about the role of competing agencies or of the Spanish civil population that almost immediately began to spill out of the cities. An apparently compatible message was delivered by twentieth-century ethnographers. Interested from the outset in continuities reaching back to the preconquest period, these scholars found (usually in relatively isolated areas) irrefutable evidence of survivals in diverse matters, including religious beliefs, kinship, medicinal practices, and material culture. The impression arising was that of communities. turned in upon themselves, frozen internally and resisting all change from the outside.* A breakthrough in the direction of giving more weight to the Indian side in shaping Spanish-indigenous interaction came with the work of Charles Gibson. First, Gibson showed that in the important central Mexican province of Tlaxcala, Hispanic-style municipal government was introduced and flourished in the sixteenth century not merely by Spanish design or fiat, or entirely on the Spanish model; rather it was extensively adapted to the local indigenous situation and took hold in part because of the Tlaxcalans’ perception that it could serve their interests. Then in his pivotal Aztecs Under Spanish Rule, Gibson gave an entirely different perspective to the history of SpanishIndian interaction and hence to postconquest Indian history.’ He showed that the local indigenous states of the Valley of Mexico survived long into the

4 Introduction postconquest period with their territories and many of their internal mechanisms essentially intact, giving the basis for all the structures the Spaniards implanted in the countryside. The encomienda (for newcomers to the field, a grant of Indian tribute and originally labor to a Spaniard, the foundation of the largest Spanish estates in the first decades after the conquest), the rural parish, and the Spanish-style Indian town followed the borders of the indigenous states and functioned through their already existing mechanisms. Administrative districts in the countryside (corregimientos) were collections of these Indian units, relying on them for collecting taxes, keeping the peace,

and much else. ,

The error of the Ricardian view now became fully apparent. The friars had stepped into a situation already made for them (and for the governmental officials to whom they had given less than full credit). The extent of their success depended precisely upon the acceptance and retention of indigenous elements and patterns that in many respects were strikingly close to those of Europe. Relatively few of the friars’ innovations were entirely new to the Mesoamericans. It was because of such things as their own crafts and writing systems, their tradition of sumptuous temples as the symbol of the state and the ethnic group, their well-developed calendar of religious festivities and processions, their relatively high degree of stability and nucleation of settlement, that they could quickly take to similar aspects of the Spanish heritage. As to the notion of isolation shared by the institutionalists and the anthropologists, post-Gibsonian scholarship has cut into it deeply. The encomienda has been seen to involve a whole staff of Europeans, Africans, and Indians in permanent Spanish employ. Communities of humble Hispanic people, including small agriculturalists and stockmen, petty traders, and muleteers, soon grew up inside many Indian towns.* Over time, Spanish influence on indigenous patterns of alcohol use and homicide was appreciable, especially in those areas with the largest Spanish populations and most opportunities for personal interaction.’

| As things now stand, then, it has become apparent that straightforward clash, simple displacement, and indigenous survival through isolation are modes more characteristic of areas on the fringe, where Spanish immigrants were few and indigenous people less than fully sedentary, than of a core region such as central Mexico. It is true that even there those modes came into play to some extent. But in any case, the crucial factor is not so much the particular modality of contact as the simple degree of contact, measured in distance, frequency, or hours spent, as the vehicle for interaction, regardless of whether that contact is construed as hostile or friendly, harmful or benign. The presence of Europeans among Indians unleashed a long series of vast epidemics that had nothing to do with the intentions of either party, but

, Introduction 5 resulted from the combination of the historical attributes of both sides. Likewise, in the cultural sphere, the degree of contact between the two populations helped shape centuries-long processes combining gradual transformation with deep continuities, depending on the relative attributes of the two.

Wherever human beings come into touch, there will be both conflict and cooperation, both congregation and avoidance; some things on both sides will be strongly affected, others less so. In the central areas, contact was relatively close from the beginning, and with a quickly and steadily expanding Hispanic sector, it grew ever closer in a cumulative trend covering centuries. Another important defining characteristic of the Spanish American central areas as opposed to the periphery is the widespread interaction of indigenous and intrusive cultures on the basis of coincidences that allowed the quick, large-scale implantation among the indigenous people of European forms, or what appeared on the face of it to be such. Only in areas resembling central Mexico were large and lucrative encomiendas possible, only there could hundreds of rural parishes be set up and independent Indian municipalities on the Spanish model be made to function. In many ways, the Europeans and indigenous peoples of the central areas had more in common than either did

with the other peoples of the hemisphere. | |

The coincidences, however, though real, were inevitably and invariably imperfect, leading to mixed forms. Absolutely unaltered survival and total displacement are equally rare in the history of cultural contact in central Mexico. In the early stages, what one typically finds is the preliminary identification of intrusive and indigenous elements, allowing an indigenous concept or practice to operate in a familiar manner under a Spanish-Christian overlay. Over the centuries, stable composite forms and patterns took shape, owing some traits to one donor, some to the other, and some to both. By the late eighteenth century, almost nothing in the entire indigenous cultural ensemble was left untouched, yet at the same time almost everything went back in some form or other to a preconquest antecedent.

Uses of Language The Franciscan friars of the sixteenth century remain unsurpassed in the importance they gave to language—recorded as well as spoken—in understanding the indigenous population of Mexico. Trained in the methods of humanistic philology, the Franciscans and their Nahua aides produced one indispensable work after another. By the late 15 40’s, fray Andrés de Olmos had completed a sophisticated grammar of Nahuatl, accompanied by a list of idiomatic expressions and a set of sample speeches by informants. In the next

decade, fray Alonso de Molina published a Spanish-Nahuatl dictionary,

6 Introduction greatly expanded in an edition of 1571; Molina went far beyond utilitarian basics to include a vast range of vocabulary, making many subtle semantic and grammatical distinctions. From the 1540’s forward, fray Bernardino de Sahaguin and a team of Nahuas worked for decades on an encyclopedic corpus; it was provisionally complete by the late 1570's, covering every aspect of preconquest Nahua life in Nahuatl texts written down by the indigenous aides and only later translated into Spanish. Sahagtin himself saw much of the potential usefulness of his work in its illustration of the meaning of special

indigenous vocabulary as employed in actual texts? A by-product of the indigenist philology done under Spanish auspices proved to be as significant as the movement itself, and in some ways more so. The Franciscans, other ecclesiastics, and possibly some literate Spanish lay-

men taught enough Nahuas how to write their own language in the Roman alphabet that the art became self-perpetuating among writing specialists throughout the Nahua world, serving as the normal medium for recordkeeping of all kinds. The practice continued generation after generation for most of the time up to Mexican independence, creating a large and varied corpus with remarkable time depth and uninterrupted continuity. Much of the material once preserved in local centers across the central Mexican coun-

tryside—indeed, apparently most of it—has been lost, but a great deal reached Mexico City through litigation and is still to be found in various sections of the Mexican national archive, not to speak of special caches in repositories in Mexico, this country, and elsewhere.

, Yet it was to be a long road to the exploitation of these unique records for the history of the people who wrote them. The gods of the disciplines seemed to have decreed that historians should study Indians indirectly, leaving it to

others, mainly anthropologists, to approach them through their own language. From William Prescott through Robert Ricard and Lewis Hanke, historians gave no small amount of attention to the Indians of Mexico, but al-

ways through Spanish eyes, using Spanish accounts and concepts. In his Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century (1952), Charles Gibson took a most meaningful step forward in his use of Nahuatl cabildo records along with more traditional sources, but in The Aztecs (1964), he reverted to almost exclusive

reliance on Spanish records. |

Meanwhile, serious scholarship on Nahuatl-language materials had been in progress for two generations or more, but the postconquest period failed to get its due, partly because anthropologists and others were primarily interested in the Indians before European contact, and partly because they turned first to the most spectacular and accessible documents, many of which were devoted to recounting preconquest events or recapturing preconquest culture.? The largest project of this type was Anderson and Dibble’s complete

Introduction 7 translation of the Nahuatl in Sahagiin’s Florentine Codex. Nonanthropologists entering this area were Angel Maria Garibay and on his heels Miguel Leén-Portilla, concentrating on Nahuatl song as well as the Florentine Codex and similar texts in an effort to reconstruct and analyze preconquest intellectual life.° The only clearly postconquest phenomenon receiving attention

was the corpus of Nahuatl religious plays, some of which were published many years ago by Francisco del Paso y Troncoso; other scholars, notably J. H. Cornyn, continued the process, leading finally to the appearance of a large collection by Fernando Horcasitas in recent years.'' Since themes, plots,

writing. | |

and perhaps more originated with Spanish ecclesiastics, however, the genre is

so rarefied and in a sense artificial that it produced relatively little understanding until the material could be put in a broader context of Nahua

By the 1970’s, scholars in both Mexico and this country were finally ready to turn to the more mundane documentation in Nahuatl. Some of it had been

catalogued for decades, so the mere fact of its existence was not, properly speaking, a surprise. But the extent, richness, and variety of the corpus surprised and continue to surprise those involved in opening it up. Done by Nahuas for Nahua eyes and for the purposes of everyday life, these documents, though most of them are ostensibly in Spanish genres, are not only more individual in their language, conventions, and content than the Spanish counterparts, but more complex in belonging to two traditions rather than one. They are both more difficult and potentially richer (that is, per item) than Spanish records. A realization of their nature has called forth a New Philology to render them understandable and available and put them in their true context. In the wake of the philological activity, often inextricably bound | up with it or indistinguishable from it, have come dissertations, articles, and monographs using the new sources for substantive analysis of aspects of Nahua social or cultural history.*2 The present work is one of these. I need not belabor the advantage of using records produced in the mother tongue by the subjects of a given historical study. Wherever native-language materials have been available, they have been used as the primary source for

writing a people’s history. In the present case, certain considerations make the language question even more critical than normal. Much of the vitality in recent early Latin American history has come from an approach that goes beyond aggregate statistics to find meaning and pattern in a series of individual lives, even and perhaps especially in the lives of quite humble people. But the extant record of the Nahuas, whether in Spanish or Nahuatl, only rarely allows us to track a single person through a variety of documents. Largely deprived of seeing the pattern in a succession of actions, we must fall back on the other aspect of the career-pattern approach, a close attention to

8 Introduction the categories that the person and his peers used to classify himself and his thoughts and actions, as well as the phenomena surrounding him, thus studying concepts borne in a person’s language rather than patterns manifested in the person’s life. Only in the original language can the categories be detected, for in a translation one sees the categories of the translator’s language instead. Moreover, at present the interests of the field are turning ever more, naturally and laudably so, to the cultural side of history. We begin to be interested in

the categories of thought in and of themselves. Let me make the point more concretely. Spanish documents, and even Spanish translations of Nahuatl documents, make repeated use of the term Indian (indio), but rarely do we find it in Nahuatl documents, not even in the very ones whose translations use the word. The significant subject of the evolution of indigenous corporate self-definition must be worked out exclusively from Nahuatl-language sources.'3 To take an equally basic matter, Spanish sources speak of indigenous political entities in terms of head towns and subject hamlets, but in Nahuatl sources we find only terms for the entire entity and its constituent parts, a fact with profound implications and the key to the discovery of a general Nahua mode of organization (see Chapter 2). Another reason why it is so important to have materials on the Nahuas in the original language is that language itself turns out to be an irreplaceable , vehicle for determining the nature and rate of general cultural evolution. Perhaps the same could be said for any human situation, but the special conditions of research in this field have led to the discovery that the language used at any particular juncture is the best and often only way to place a given phenomenon on a stepped continuum of Nahua adaptation to the Spanish presence. A Spanish translation will give a brute fact well enough, but it will not tell us if a loanword was used or how it was handled grammatically. It will not distinguish between iteachcauh, “his older brother or cousin,” the original Nahuatl expression current in the first half of the colonial period, and iprimo hermano, “his male first cousin,” taken from Spanish and characteristic of a later time. It will give identical translations of oquifirmayoti and oquifirmaro; both mean “he signed,” but the first is nominally based and indicative of an earlier stage than the second, which incorporates a Span-

ish verb. | ,

This is not to say that sources in Spanish lack value for Nahua history. Rarely does one find in the archives a whole dossier in Nahuatl. Rather a dossier with Nahuatl documentation usually contains one, two, or at most a

few items in Nahuatl, presented as primary evidence, whereas the whole lawsuit with its explanatory apparatus is in Spanish. It would be self-defeating

not to take advantage of the context, and I have done so as far as I could, without poring over the Spanish as closely as the Nahuatl. I have not explored

Introduction 9 extensively in files containing no Nahuatl, because, in all truth, I have had my

hands full. I have no doubt, however, that the history of Nahuas can profit greatly from further research in relevant purely Spanish sources. The sheer bulk of extant Nahuatl documentation greatly exceeds my original expectations; since 1976, when the first systematic survey of an already extensive

corpus was carried out,'* it has doubled or tripled, with no end in sight. Yet a laborious process of exploration, cataloging, and other steps is required to make this difficult and scattered material accessible and usable. Furthermore, though no specific cap can be predicted for the growth of the corpus, clearly at its maximum it will still be only a fraction of the archival material in Spanish related to central Mexican Indians, and whole aspects will be treated only in Spanish (it is also true, of course, that whole aspects are treated only in Nahuatl). Future ethnohistorical researchers must surely be prepared to consider material in either language according to the case, hopefully not forgetting that the Nahua concepts and special vocabulary of which Nahuatl texts have given us a grasp can serve as a key to open up the meaning of documents

in Spanish in a way that would not have been possible before. ,

| Some Dimensions and Attributes of the Book I have already said that the purpose of this study is to describe and analyze

the postconquest Nahua world using sources coming directly from the Nahuas themselves. The materials may strike the scholarly public, including even connoisseurs of early Spanish American history, as quite exotic, and to make things more difficult, I have taken a broad view of my task. Lest the reader

few guidelines. a oe |

despair at having entered a dark and impenetrable forest, let me provide a J have always believed that though cultures are fluid and miscellaneous rather than truly organic, everything in a given society, or simply in a given group of people in contact with each other, affects everything else, and some phenomena are pervasive, so that to achieve the greatest insight one should proceed on a broad front, seeing many elements in relation to each other. As my work with the Nahuas progressed, I was struck by the existence of parallel modes of organization in many different branches of life and parallel movements in evolution across time. The eight core chapters of the book seek to show these themes in all those domains of Nahua society (including political and economic life) and culture (which I take to be the common lore of the society and hence inseparable from it) for which Nahuatl sources yield systematic information. Between the earlier chapters, which the reader may find more social, and the later ones, which may seem more cultural—though in my own mind there is little difference—a great variety of topics are broached,

IO Introduction not all of which a given reader may be able to muster an interest in. Indeed, in a sense the eight chapters are like sketches of eight separate books, on quite

broad topics themselves, waiting to be written. Realizing that particular readers will want or need to go to certain chapters or even portions thereof, I have tried to make each quite independent within the common thematics and have divided each into titled sections amounting to subchapters.* Nevertheless, I wish the sources had allowed the thorough exploration of even more dimensions, especially music, dance, markets, material culture, crafts, the technical side of agriculture, and gender roles. Perhaps avenues of more

direct entry into these topics will yet be found. | The temporal and spatial limits of the study are those dictated by the Nahuatl documents that have appeared to date, whether found by myself and my colleagues and associates or published by others. Temporally, the records

are distributed across the years from about 1545 to at least 1770 in such a way that no decades and few years are missing, and a certain number of texts from after 1770 provide a glimpse into the very late era as well. Spatial distribution is more problematic. Presently known material tends to come from places scattered unevenly across central Mexico, one or two items at a time. Certain subregions give the appearance of being endowed with a coherent corpus (Tlaxcala, Cuauhtinchan, Coyoacan, Culhuacan, the south-central Toluca Valley, for example), but on examination that turns out to be the case only for a limited time period or for a certain type of record. Except perhaps for sociopolitical organization and land tenure, it would be impossible to find examples of each of the phenomena of interest.in each subregion across the ' whole time span. The only known thoroughgoing local Nahuatl census was done in the Cuernavaca region around 1540; the only sodality book containing lists of members and officers over a substantial time period, as well as _ discussions of crises and countermeasures, is from Tula; the only set of municipal council records is from sixteenth-century Tlaxcala; the only set of family papers maintained consistently over a long period of time is from the Toluca Valley in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.‘ I have, therefore, for the most part treated the material as a unit, carefully spotting each example geographically in the Notes, but using it in relation to patterns in the Nahua world more generally. A general approach seemed appropriate in view of the nature of the whole enterprise and the nascent condition of postconquest Nahuatl studies. But as I proceeded with the work, I became convinced that the Nahua world was in fact a unit in many respects, before and after the conquest. No other conclusion could be drawn, given the use of the same terminology and concepts in politics, kinship, and land tenure in random attestations across the whole region, and the appearance of similar ' Spanish loan particles and verbs at roughly the same time in texts spread from

} Introduction II Sultepec in the southwest of the Nahua region to Tulancingo in the extreme northeast. Where subregional differentiation has come to my attention, I have discussed it, as with the apparently different conception of lordly houses in the eastern and western halves of the Nahua world (Chapter 4), or the possible role of Mexico City and environs as the point of origin of linguistic

innovations that spread out from there (Chapter 7). | In general, however, I speak of patterns and trends for the whole central Nahuatl speech area, leaving future research to establish the doubtless significant subregional distinctions. I am by no means unaware of the necessity of accounting exhaustively for the spatial distribution of phenomena, and I also

understand, if anyone does, the unique value of intensive microsituational research as a laboratory. I have been able to adopt my present procedure | because of the extensive mapping of indigenous units carried out by Gibson in The Aztecs, supplemented by the even more thorough mapping of a specific region, Coyoacan, by Rebecca Horn, plus a series of subregional studies of various kinds (by Pedro Carrasco, S. L. Cline, Robert Haskett, Horn, Frances Krug, Ursula Dyckerhoff and Hanns Prem, Luis Reyes Garcia, Susan : Schroeder, and Stephanie Wood), all of which make it possible to proceed

with confidence at the macroregional level. For those who know Nahuatl, and for the swelling group of scholars interested in Mexico who are studying the language, I will explain my practices and conventions in reproducing Nahuatl words and passages. All longer passages, as well as some shorter ones and some individual words, are reproduced in a system closely following the original orthography. Given the often erratic and hard-to-determine original spacing, and the diffi- — culty that even relative experts experience in understanding utterances in that form, they are respaced here according to current grammatical norms. For convenience, overbars are resolved as 1 or m, and the lines associated with g are reproduced as the corresponding vowels. No punctuation is added, and

the passages are otherwise left exactly as in the original manuscript. : When I rewrite Nahuatl words and phrases, representing generalized usage rather than that. of a specific individual, the orthography I employ as standard is that of the grammarian Horacio Carochi, minus diacritics, since, though a bit idealized, it seems to me to correspond better to what was actually written in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries than any other single consistent system. I generally write Nahuatl toponyms (more properly the names of sociopolitical units) in the same orthography, but where the name is well known in present-day Mexico, I use the current form

instead (e.g., Tlaxcala rather than Tlaxcallan). Because I consider it extremely important to have the Nahuatl open to examination, I strive to give in the Notes the original of all Nahuatl passages

12 Introduction _ | have translated in the body of the book, except in a few cases where the “original” is itself a garbled copy that would only mislead the reader. To save space, however, I do not reproduce the original whenever a transcription has already been published, instead referring to that version in a note.

Passages from original texts (sometimes as short as a single word) are understood to represent the original orthography if reproduced in quotes, whereas italicized words and passages have been rewritten in the standard form. Full as the body of the book is of Nahuatl terminology, I have worked to prevent it from becoming a forest of italics. Nahuatl terms are italicized only on first appearance, or perhaps on reappearance after a long interval if the term is not a basic one within the book’s framework. If in the body a Nahuatl term is highlighted or used as a linguistic or conceptual example, it is placed in quotes. In the Notes I have proceeded differently, and in view of the linguistic nature of much of the discussion there, the same word may be

italicized repeatedly when it is being used as an example. , Debts and Affinities Although I appear as author of the present work and indeed organized it and wrote it, the entire process that led to it was a collective effort, so that a separate acknowledgments section, with implications of distance between the product and those thanked, could not do justice to the situation.* Without actually collaborating with them, I have profited greatly from the work of J. Richard Andrews, John Bierhorst, Forrest and Jean G. Brewer, Pedro Carrasco, Charles E. Dibble, Eike Hinz, Fernando Horcasitas, Harold and Mary Ritchie Key, Thelma D. Sullivan, Gtinter Zimmermann, and most especially, Charles Gibson. Some close colleagues and collaborators have worked with me in the analysis of Nahuatl materials to the point that it becomes difficult

to decide who is responsible for what; among these I count Arthur J. O. Anderson, Frances Berdan, S. L. Cline, and Frances Karttunen. A large number of people, including the just named, some of them having been at some point my students, have generously shared their own research materials with me, without which the present work could hardly have become what it is: Robert S. Haskett, Rebecca Horn, Frances M. Krug, Dana Leibsohn, Miguel

: Leén-Portilla, Mary Ann Lockhart, Juan Lopez y Magana, Andrea Martinez de Assadourian, Leslie Scott Offutt, Jeanette F. Peterson, Luis Reyes Garcia, _ *In the realm of simple thanks, I am grateful to the Guggenheim Foundation, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Institute for Advanced Study, the UCLA Humanities Foundation and research committees, and the Institute of Latin American Studies of La Trobe University for financial and fellowship support. J also thank Barbara Mnookin, who copy edited this volume for Stanford University Press.

Introduction - 13 Susan Schroeder, Barry David Sell, William Taylor, and Stephanie G. Wood. Some of these.connections are embodied in specific works of a philological nature that I have used repeatedly in the preparation of this book: Horcasitas’s Teatro nabuatl (TN), Cline and Leén-Portilla’s Testaments of Culhu-acan (TC), Beyond the Codices (BC) and The Tlaxcalan Actas (TA), by Anderson, Berdan, and myself, and Nahuatl in the Middle Years (NMY), by

Karttunen and myself. Many other publications of this general type have played an important part as well, as the Notes will show, but these five works, along with the Zimmermann edition of Chimalpahin (CH), have entered so deeply as almost to become a part of the book. They have with time acquired personalities, and I feel about them almost as I do about the people who have helped me. Those who study this book deeply will doubtless want to seek out

these items and become well acquainted with their contents.” I have also published a series of smaller items, some more philological, some more monographic, some more accessible and some more technical, during the years that I was engaged in the present project. Though I have frequently drawn on these works here, readers will find in them much additional useful information on various special topics. The material has been gathered, together with some previously unpublished pieces, and published in a supplementary volume Nahuas and Spaniards (N&S).

- Altepetl

AT THE HEART OF the organization of the Nahua world, both before the Spaniards came and long after, lay the altepet! or ethnic state. Indigenous people thought of the entire countryside of central Mexico in terms of such entities. We find it said of a preconquest spectacle that “the whole land as-— sembled, the altepetl inhabitants from all around came to behold.’”: In a sixteenth-century Nahuatl history, the indigenous inhabitants of the Valley of Mexico in preconquest times are described as “the people in the altepetl.”’? The word itself is a slightly altered form of the metaphorical doublet in atl, in tepetl, “the water(s), the mountain(s),” and thus it refers in the first instance to territory, but what is meant is primarily an organization of people holding sway over a given territory.3 A sovereign or potentially sovereign entity of any size whatever could be considered an altepetl, and on occasion the wide-ranging Nahuatl annalist Chimalpahin actually puts Japan, Peru, and the Moluccas into that classification.* In central Mexican conditions, though,

the altepetl was perhaps comparable in size to the early Mediterranean citystates. In the smallest, such as Huitzilopochco (Churubusco), just south of Mexico City, the territory might be measured in terms of a few thousand yards. The largest entities to be called altepetl, such as the great power of _ Tlaxcala, occupying most of today’s Mexican state of that name, were actually confederations lacking a single head, and everything again came back to their constituent altepetl, which shared all duties and benefits among themselves. Preconquest empires were conglomerations in which some altepetl were dominant and some subordinated, but the unit either giving or receiving tribute was always the altepetl. While empires and even large ethnic confederations came and went, the smaller constituent states tended to survive in| some form through the centuries. After the conquest, the altepetl if anything | gained in importance. Everything the Spaniards organized outside their own settlements in the sixteenth century—the encomienda, the rural parishes, Indian municipalities, the initial administrative jurisdictions—was built solidly

upon individual, already existing altepetl.: |

Altepetl : 15 In his dictionary of 1571, the great Franciscan lexicographer fray Alonso . de Molina defines altepetl as “pueblo,” and in fact that is the word Spaniards

were already using for Indian polities and settlements of any size. “Town” or “city” is often the best English translation in a given case. When speaking of altepetl, however, the Spaniards did not normally use their standard termi-

nology for urban entities: ciudad or city for the highest rank, villa or town for the second, and aldea or village for smaller dependencies.‘ “Pueblo” means “people,” and in that sense the Spanish term was perfect, for each altepetl imagined itself a radically separate people. It does not appear that “pueblo” as used in sixteenth-century New World Spanish implied a particularly small unit, a “village.” That connotation was to arise with changed conditions in later times. Perhaps “pueblo” was preferred as a term not implying | as much urban nucleation as the normal Spanish vocabulary did. Like the altepetl, a Spanish municipality stretched over a large territory and was not confined to a strictly urban center, but in the Spanish entity everything did point in toward the urban core, from which dominance in all spheres of life spread out into the relatively undifferentiated surrounding territory. Among the Nahuas, although nucleation was a significant factor, it was not central to the modes of sociopolitical organization.

| Basic Principles of Altepetl Organization — | The Nahua manner of creating larger constructs, whether in politics, so- | ciety, economy, or art, tended to place emphasis on a series of relatively equal, relatively separate and self-contained constituent parts of the whole, the unity of which consisted in the symmetrical numerical arrangement of the parts, their identical relationship to a common reference point, and their orderly, cyclical rotation.” This mode of organization can be termed cellular or modular as opposed to hierarchical, but it is by no means incapable of producing

real, cohesive, lasting larger units. ,

As the principal container of Nahua life, the altepetl was fully within the general tradition, both in its simpler forms and in more complex agglomerations. Let us look first at altepetl organization in its simplest manifestation

and perhaps somewhat abstractly, for it now begins to appear that a considerable degree of complexity and conglomeration was the general rule in central Mexico by the time the Spaniards arrived. The minimum requirements for an altepetl as the Nahuas mainly used the word (in reference, that is, to preconquest times) are a territory; a set (usually a fixed canonical number) of

named constituent parts; and a dynastic ruler or tlatoani (pl. tlatoque). In central Mexico, virtually all altepet] maintained the tradition of having been established in their sixteenth-century form by migrants (most often refugees

16 Altepetl from the breakup of legendary Tula or the hunting-gathering people from the north known under the cover term Chichimeca). Such groups were imagined to have had an ethnic unity going back into unremembered times, and even during their travels they had a set of named subgroups and (at least usually) a special god of their own. Some traveled under the leadership of a tlatoani, while others acquired one at the time of the acquisition of their territory and the formal establishment of the altepetl. An established altepetl would have a main temple, symbol of its sovereignty (and apparently always the abode of its special ethnic god, though the topic is not fully studied), as well as some

| sort of central market.’

As to the constituent parts of the altepetl, they are well known under the name of calpolli, a term meaning literally “big house.”* At one time, the calpolli was confidently spoken of as an egalitarian kin group looking back to a common ancestor.? More recent scholars have reexamined the sources — and found quite a different picture, beginning with the fact that the calpolli

plays a very small role in Nahuatl documents, compared with the altepetl (which earlier scholars nevertheless tended to ignore in favor of attention to the “Aztec” empire). The notion of semi-independent subgroups of the altepetl is found everywhere, but the word calpolli itself is much less common than tlaxilacalli, a term of obscure etymology.'? Some texts use calpolli more for the migratory phase, tlaxilacalli for a group with a fixed territory.'' Since “calpolli” does not disappear entirely from colonial Nahuatl texts, and the , term is readily recognized, I will continue to use it at times in referring to the subunits of the altepetl.

, Whatever we call them, the calpolli were not typically miscellaneous in number. Some ethnic groups appear to have fancied seven parts, probably associated with the Seven Caves of the origin legend, but most preferred sym-

metry. Four, six, and eight parts were common (four relating readily to a persistent dualism, as well as coinciding with the cardinal directions and fitting neatly into the Mesoamerican numerical system, and eight being the result of doubling that number). Each part often had its own god. Each had a distinctive name remaining the same over long periods of time, most often

referring to geographical features or ethnic affiliation. Each had its own leader (called by some teuctlatoani) with a distinctive title or teuctocaitl (“lordly name”’);*3 whether or not such leaders were dynastic, even after the * This is most often written in English and Spanish as calpulli, but there is no reason not to use the normal Nahuatl form. Perhaps the different spelling can serve to underline the difference between the unit as we understand it today and the clan imagined by earlier scholars. In Nahuatl, “calpolli” in the sense of the organization, as an inanimate noun, does not show a plural, so as

with “altepetl” I use the same form for singular and plural. The form calpoltin with an overt plural, which is indeed seen in Nahuatl texts, means “members of a calpolli or of various cal-

polli,” not “various calpolli.” |

Altepetl 17 groups were settled, is not yet established, but in well-developed situations they very likely were. And each held a portion of the altepetl territory, exclusively for the use of its own members. To what extent these subterritories were contiguous solid blocks, to what extent interspersed with each other, is not

known. Probably at origin the territories tended to be blocks, with compli- , cations arising later.* The even numbers typical of calpolli sets and the close association between the larger group and the calpolli names (which were of-

ten retained as a set even when the altepetl suffered a schism or created a colony) make one think that calpolli arose from a process of division of an earlier unitary group of people. On the other hand, some calpolli names imply

foreign ethnicity, and doubtless many subgroups indeed originated as outsiders joining the main group. In any case, the ethnic pride so characteristic of the altepetl is seen at the calpolli level too. Nor was the calpolli thoroughly

exogamous like a kin group; members married outside it, but apparently more often within." Thus the constituent calpolli were in many respects microcosms of the altepetl. They in their turn were divided into what may be called wards (no indigenous term emerges) of (roughly) twenty, forty, eighty, or a hundred households, each ward having a leader responsible for land allocation, tax collection, and the like. From the little that is known, organization at this level seems to have been relatively flexible, ad hoc, and without the long-term

stability of the parent calpolli units. Wards lacked names as distinctive as those of calpolli; some appear in Nahuatl census lists unnamed, and others may at times have taken on some of the innumerable toponyms that blanketed the Nahua countryside, sometimes with the result that each field had

its separate name.'¢ a

As equal and separate entities, the calpolli would contribute separately and more or less equally to common obligations of the altepetl; each would separately deliver its part of a general levy in maize or other products to the designated common place of collection; in time of war, each contributed a fighting unit under its own leadership. For ongoing altepetl duties, however, involving either draft labor or the delivery of products throughout the year, a scheme of rotation was necessary. The fixed order of rotation of the calpolli

was the life thread of the altepetl. Once in operation, the important thing about it was the sequence, since it repeated on itself indefinitely and could be halted and restarted at any point. A rotation order, however, was not merely cyclical. It was at the same time a ranking and order of precedence from first to last. Nahuatl lists of constituent parts of entities show great regularity in always beginning with the same name and proceeding in invariant order until the last listed, and the ordinal numbers play a prominent role: first, second, third, and so forth.

18 Altepetl It happens that the sources tell us more about ranking in composite altepetl than among calpolli sets. At the higher level, we know that ranking at times reflected historical evolution, that is, that the first to join or be founded ranked first, the second second, and so on; but at the same time, in some , cases, one can see an apparent preoccupation with an orderly movement in relation to the cardinal directions.’7 We do, at least, have some examples of calpolli sets listed in unchanging order in reference to both preconquest and

postconquest periods.'* | ,

Rotational order manifested itself above all in duties performed for the tlatoani or king, the primary reference point of all the calpolli and the embodiment of the altepetl. A prominent view both before and after the conquest was that an altepetl existed where and only where there was a tlatoani. Yet despite standing above the various calpolli as their common reference point, the tlatoani was himself usually (and perhaps always) based in an individual calpolli, the highest ranking, where he in effect served as teuctlatoani

of the smaller entity as well as being general ruler of the whole. Like the — teuctlatoque, he bore a polity-specific title handed down from one generation to the next.’ In many cases, his position may have originated historically in an exaltation of the leadership of the first-ranked calpolli. Even so, taxes and labor duties from all over the altepetl went in the first instance directly to the tlatoani. Nobles from all the calpolli resorted to his tecpan or palace to pay court, and calpolli commoners rotated in service there. The rulership was dynastic, hereditary within a given line, but the rules of inheritance varied greatly from one kingdom to the next, much flexibility was the practice, and rulerships repeatedly survived dynastic breaks. Once established, a given polity could be said to possess a given tlatocayotl or rulership whether it was

occupied by a dynastic tlatoani at the moment or not. ,

Other focal points for the calpolli sets were the market and the temple of the principal god. The market was closely. associated with the tlatoani, who taxed and regulated it; rather than rotation, the principle here was the , simultaneous congregation of representatives of all the calpolli to trade complementary specialties.”° All the calpolli alike looked to the temple and its god

in the same way as they looked to the tlatoani (the altepetl deity may often have grown out of the deity of the senior calpolli, as the tlatoani may have grown out of its leadership). A priesthood consisting of high nobles often closely related to the tlatoani was in charge of the temple, and though we know few details, it appears that the calpolli rotated in duties to the temple

— tlatoani. |

and the performance of rites and festivities, as they did in duties to the

Palace, temple, and market would ordinarily be located near to one another, representing a considerable force toward nucleation. During the pre-

, Altepetl 19 conquest centuries, a formidable degree of urban nucleation in fact existed in central Mexico, and not only in the famous great cities of Tenochtitlan and Tetzcoco.?! Yet a dominant central city was not really compatible with the

principles of altepetl organization. The notion of a city separate from the altepetl did not enter into the vocabulary in the form of any distinct word. It appears that when Nahuas spoke of Xochimilco, Azcapotzalco, or Culhu-

acan, they may have sometimes meant the largest urban settlement, and sometimes the whole altepetl, but it is nearly impossible to be sure in a given

instance that only the urban part is meant. Never does one find a central. nucleated settlement in an altepetl with any other name than that of the altepetl as a whole. There were words that meant the built-up part of the polity,

where houses crowded together, but these terms hardly occur in documents bearing on political life.” In a Nahua altepetl, any central urban cluster that might exist would not constitute a separate jurisdiction, but would fall into the areas of some of the constituent calpolli, so that it was the calpolli each separately and as a part

of the overall rotation, not some “city,” that contributed to and benefitted from altepetl operations. Figure 2.1 illustrates a hypothetical, idealized altepetl whose territory is divided symmetrically among eight calpolli. The four outward ones have hamlet-like settlement clusters central to their respective territories, whereas the settlement clusters in the inner four are pushed in ~

, 38 £2

, ,| iom » | fm! 5-8

Fig. 2.1. Cellular organization and nu- : : cleation in a hypothetical altepetl. In this rs re ,

figure and the similar one that follows, ,

the dotted lines show the direction of ro-

of precedence. oo . , |

tation and the numbers show the order oe |

20 Altepetl toward one another, creating an agglomeration that might in many respects resemble a “‘city,” but in other respects belongs to four different parts of an eight-part structure. To the Spaniards, thinking in terms of city and countryside, dominant and

subordinated entities, a very different picture would present itself. They would see a capital city ruling outlying subjected hamlets; they were to call the concentrated group of inner calpolli the cabecera (“head town’’) and the

outlying calpolli sujetos (“subjects”). Although the Spaniards thus pro~ foundly misunderstood the altepetl, there was little on the surface to tell them

that they were wrong, and in time their conception and their terminology were to have important effects on the Nahuas themselves.

Complex Altepetl Just as symmetrical cellular organization extended downward and inward to a host of little-understood subdivisions of the calpolli, so it extended upward and outward to encompass configurations larger and more complex than the simple or one-tlatoani altepetl. Indeed, the simple form may have been characteristic above all of earlier times, recent creations, and marginal cases, and complexity may have been the norm among the polities the Spaniards found in the sixteenth century. Surely it seems that whenever the sources

allow us to penetrate very deeply into a central Mexican state, it proves complex. Larger entities retained an ethnic character. They might arise through the

progressive subdivision or hiving off of an originally unitary group, as with Tlaxcala and Tenochtitlan/Tlatelolco; or a common historical experience could mold a sense of ethnicity among an originally diverse group, as with Chalco and Tetzcoco; or ethnicities retaining a sharp sense of ethnic distinction could be accommodated within the state, as with Cuauhtinchan. Constant among entities of this type, even those of common descent, were fierce rivalries and feelings of independence and superiority on the part of each of the constituents.?3 Indeed, schism, splitting off in dissatisfaction, was as basic to the process of growth as was conglomeration. Such organizations could hold together over centuries, becoming so deeply entwined (as with Xochimilco or Amaquemecan) that after the conquest they could no longer be taken apart. They were in a sense confederations, but they should be distinguished from ad hoc, often fleeting political confederations with little ethnic solidarity, such as the triple alliance of Tenochtitlan, Tetzcoco, and Tlacopan

sometimes referred to as the Aztec empire. | ,

Essentially, in a complex ethnic state whole altepetl played the same role that calpolli played in the simple state; in other words, a set of altepetl, nu-

a — Altepetl | 21 merically and if possible symmetrically arranged, equal and separate, yet | ranked in order of precedence and rotation, constituted the larger state, which was considered and called an altepetl itself. In some situations, notably Tlaxcala, there was no known terminological distinction between the constituent and the overarching entities. The historian Chimalpahin, however, introduces the useful word tlayacatl for constituent altepetl of a tightly knit

composite state, and I will at times follow his terminology. When the Span- — , iards became aware of these sovereign units within larger states, they were often to call them parcialidades or partes. Although the composite state was at root an enlargement of the simple -altepetl, it differed in lacking a single tlatoani for the whole. The only heads were the tlatoque of the constituent parts; each ruler received all the tribute

of his own subjects and none from the other constituents. The tlatoani of the | highest-ranked tlayacatl might function to an extent as ceremonial head for the whole, and it appears that in each generation one of the four tlatoque of preconquest Tlaxcala was designated titular representative for his lifetime. The composite state thus needed reinforcement of its unity if it was to continue to exist as such, and it was always in danger of becoming a mere alliance, as happened with greater Chalco.* One important way such unity was attained was through repeated dynastic intermarrying, with the result that the various tlatoque of a composite altepetl were often close blood relatives, and a person might succeed in a tlayacatl other than the one in which he was born. In Amaquemecan, the web grew so thick that one person might be a candidate for several of the rulerships and even advance in the course of his lifetime from a lower-ranked to a higher-ranked position, treating the entire

composite state as a single stepped system.” Let us look for a moment at a few examples. Best known is that of Tlaxcala, which consisted of four altepetl distributed in four pie-shaped territories converging on a central point (see Fig. 2.2).2* The seats of the respective tlatoque, rather than being deep within each territory, were close together at the center (though not so close as to merge or even be in sight of each other; the unified City of Tlaxcala was an innovation of the postconquest period). By Tlaxcalan tradition, Tepeticpac was the first kingdom founded, with Ocote-.

lolco, Ticatla, and Quiahuiztlan branching off in that order; the order of foundation then became the order of precedence and rotation, as reported by ‘some writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.” As time passed, the balance of real power among the four shifted to the point that Tepeticpac was left the weakest and least populous. The order of rotation was so important to the whole, however, that the Tlaxcalans did not abandon it; they retained the same sequence and changed only the starting point, with Ocotelolco first and Tepeticpac hence last (which would have been entirely unnoticeable with

| 1 (later 4) Tepeticpac mM

a i 1, . A | 3 PN 2 , | “a , e4 r 2 (later 1)

4 (later 3) oo , ‘ _ 3 (later 2)

Quiahuiztlan “""~° °° SARS Ticatla

Oo : , (a) TLAXCALA , , Ocotelolco

Tlacochcalco/Tlalmanalco (tlayacatl: Opochhuacan, Itzcahuacan, Acxotlan)

Tenanco «--------1---------* Amaquemecan

(2) ‘ ; (tlayacatl: Itztlacogauhcan, sO Tlailotlacan, Tzaqualtitlan

, or Tenanco, Tequanipan, Panoayan)

|4

4rs ne,| an3

Chimalhuacan (tlayacatl: Xochimilco, | Oo Tepetlixpan)

, : : - (b) CHALCO

Cuepopan Atzaqualco or Tzaqualco

: Moyotlan Teopan : (c) TENOCHTITLAN , Fig. 2.2 Organization of Tlaxcala, Chalco, and Tenochtitlan ,

Altepetl 23 alongtime thereafter. , | | any ongoing rotations). So things stood when the Spaniards arrived, and for

, The internal organization of each of the four constituent altepetl of Tlax-

cala is not presently well understood. A Nahuatl census of the mid-sixteenth century divides each altepetl into four to six numbered and ordered but not named groupings called tequitl (in this context, “slices” or “sections”’). Each tequitl in turn contained several named settlements. No clear geographical, numerical, or ethnic criteria have yet been recognized in the formation of the tequitl, and since the term (in this meaning) appears in no other early Tlaxcalan records, it may be that the units were ad hoc aggregations disguising a more complex and permanent organization. From records of the postconquest Tlaxcalan municipal council or cabildo, each altepetl appears to have had a settlement located in the interior of the jurisdiction, well away fromthe __ seat of the tlatoani, that from an early time was made the headquarters of a

lieutenant in charge of keeping the peace in the countryside; the same places | often became the site of ambitious church-building projects.2° One is led to wonder if in preconquest times each of the altepet! had some form of dual organization and two tlatoque rather than one. Indeed, greater Tlaxcala was so large, populous, and diverse that it could easily have contained a full set of tlayacatl and tlatoque within each of the four constituent altepetl.3! Perhaps the especially strong development in the Tlaxcalan region of teccalli (noble

lineages with a titular lord possessing their own lands and dependents) worked against the multiplication of rulerships and sovereign entities.22 At any rate, by the sixteenth century each of the four altepetl did have a single

clearly dominant tlatoani with authority over the whole. : In the case of Chalco, the organization of complex kingdoms can be discussed with greater than usual clarity, mainly because of the work of the ~ Chalco historian Chimalpahin.** According to Chimalpahin, a series of migratory groups arriving in succession in what was to be the Chalco region, most but not all of them “Chichimeca” and by no means all related to each other, established in the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries a set of kingdonis that by the end of the process had a two-tiered numerical organization and ranking (see Fig. 2.2). All the peoples were considered

Chalca, and Chimalpahin calls the entire structure an altepetl, Chalco or Chalcayotl (“collective entity of the Chalca”). The four parts were ranked in the order Tlalmanalco, Amaquemecan, Tenanco, and Chimalhuacan, which was the same as the chronological order of their foundation, although the first-ranking, Tlalmanalco, incorporated more recent arrivals as well as the - original fountainhead of the Chalca, Acxotlan. Note that though this ranking ‘starts in the north like the original order in Tlaxcala, the sequence varies

thereafter; it seems likely that chronology was more central to the rationale |

than the cardinal directions.

24 | Altepetl The four parts of Chalco, unlike those of Tlaxcala, lacked unitary tlatoque but were instead composite altepetl themselves. Greater Chalco was a very loose entity, hardly more than a regional defense alliance stiffened by some sense of common ethnicity and historical experience. Each of the four parts consisted of a number of constituent altepetl, which, as already mentioned, Chimalpahin calls tlayacatl, each with its own specially titled ruler and rulership. For only one of the four parts, his own Amaquemecan, does Chimalpahin provide fairly complete information on the evolution and structure of the tlayacatl. By the time of the conquest, Amaquemecan had five - tlayacatl, the odd fifth having arisen through a schism in the first; the ranking was chronological by order of arrival in the area and constitution as a kingdom, except that the splinter group of the first ranked second instead of last. How the five tlayacatl were allocated across Amaquemecan’s jurisdiction is nowhere specified, but each did have its own territory, whether contiguous or not. Each also had, as we would expect, a ranked set of constituent calpolli

or tlaxilacalli. a , ,

Cuauhtinchan, located east of Puebla, is a preconquest composite state that bears a strong resemblance to Tlaxcala and Chalco in certain respects but seems to deviate sharply in others.3* By the sixteenth century, there were seven distinct titled rulerships, some bearing the same titles as counterparts in Chalco; the number seven may have represented an ideal based on group legend, but it also appears to have been a way of accommodating two origi-

nally very distinct ethnicities, the Nahuas and the Pinome, since the rulerships were divided between them, with the normal four held by one group, and the rest by the other. The fixed ranking is not known, but since allocations were

made differentially, there is reason to believe that one existed. Nor is the geographical distribution of the rulerships established; their lands appear to have been interspersed to a considerable extent. The surprising thing is that the seven units, as far as is presently understood, were called teccalli, not altepetl or tlayacatl.37 Nothing is said about any subdivisions within them, and the entities in Cuauhtinchan called calpolli were few, outside the teccalli, and peripheral to the state’s overall organization. It may be that the difference is largely a question of terminology alone, or it may be that powerful noble

houses subverted and replaced the usual elements of altepetl structure (though in the end functioning very similarly themselves).;* | Organization of the type I have been describing was characteristic of the _ “imperial” powers as well. The Mexica origin legend, as is well known, speaks of a typical wandering calpolli set.3* Less frequently discussed is the _Mexica reorganization after the establishment of Mexico Tenochtitlan on its permanent site. By that time, in the early fourteenth century, there were according to the Mexica historian Tezozomoc fifteen calpolli, each with its own

| Altepetl , 2.5 divinity, plus the general ethnic divinity Huitzilopochtli (based no doubt in a calpolli of his own, making sixteen in all). Shortly after the foundation of

Tenochtitlan, it was said, Huitzilopochtli told the Mexica to divide themselves into four parts and name the parts. That done, the calpolli gods were allocated accordingly. The resulting configuration can be seen in Figure 2.2. Tezozomoc gives the four parts as “Moyotlan, now called San Juan; Teopan, now called San Pablo; Tzaqualco, now called San Sebastian, and Cuepopan, now called Santa Maria la Redonda.” The order given by Tezozomoc is the same one still functioning in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.*! It follows the general Mesoamerican preference for a counterclockwise movement around the four directions, though it differs from the norm in not starting to © the east. Possibly it had undergone adjustment at some point, as in Tlaxcala, and it certainly was not established at the command of Huitzilopochtli, but

the Mexica clearly saw the four-part supra-calpolli organization and sequence as an ancient and basic facet of their polity. Within each part, there was probably a ranking of four constituent calpolli, and as Tenochtitlan grew, one would expect these to have been subdivided in turn.” Each unit no doubt had a leader with a polity-specific title, and it would be natural to expect a dynasty of tlatoque in each of the four parts, one of them being the “em-

peror.” The Mexica rewrote their history so thoroughly for political purposes, emphasizing unity and the strength of the principal ruler, that little trace is left of any set of rulerships in the constituent parts, but certain hints exist.‘ As to Tetzcoco, its principal historian, Ixtlilxochitl, came relatively late in time, was far less well informed than Chimalpahin and Tezozomoc, and obscured things further by writing in Spanish; he expressed himself in terms of kings and vast empires, with rulers “giving” regions to their subordinates and allies. Ixtlilxochitl paid little attention to and even perhaps had little grasp of the polity-specific nature of central Mexican rulership or of the importance of a fixed complex of constituent parts. Nevertheless, it can be discerned that Tetzcoco in the narrower sense consisted of six constituents named after various ethnicities. In some postconquest sources these are referred to as tlaxilacalli or barrios, but they may once have been tlayacatl.* A specific form of complexity in central Mexican polities of all sizes was dual organization. The frequency of fours, sixes, and eights is closely related to the pervasiveness of an underlying duality. Whether an altepetl was relatively simple or enormously complex, its units might fall into two quite distinct parallel sets, each with a separate head, though one set for historical or other reasons might constitute an upper moiety, and its ruler might represent the whole in some ways. In Tulancingo (north of Tlaxcala), the two halves, each with many constituents spread over a large territory, differed in language

26 Altepetl and ethnicity, Tlatocan in the-south part of the region apparently going back

: to Nahuatl-speaking conquerors, Tiaixpan in the northern part originating in the Otomi-speaking conquered population. The two halves of Azcapotzalco , (near Mexico City), Mexicapan and Tepanecapan, seem to have been somewhat similar. The basis for the two halves of Coyoacan (just southwest of Mexico City), Acohuic and Tlalnahuac, is not known except that they constituted separate geographical districts and mean “upper” and “lower.” Two separate contiguous territorial blocks may have been the most usual type of dual arrangement, but there appear to have been other possibilities. Fragmentary data hint that Calimaya and Tepemaxalco (in the Toluca Valley) may

_ have been interspersed across the same general territory, each constituent

part on the south.* : |

consisting of a larger Calimaya part on the north and a smaller Tepemaxalco

If many dual entities arose from the combination of disparate parts,

moiety-like arrangements also arose through splitting previously more unitary groups. The Tlacochcalca, who eventually became the dominant party in Tlalmanalco, had been six constituents under one tlatoani, then divided

into two groups of three; both had a tlatoani of the original royal line. It seems that there was no entity too small to have moieties. and a second ruler. Though Chimalpahin’s Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco was only the third-ranking tlayacatl in Amaquemecan, which was itself one of the four parts of Chalco,

it had two tlatoque, a senior one based in the calpolli Tlailotlacan and a junior one based in the calpolli Atlauhtlan. The status of the second ruler was precarious, and he eventually fell to the rank of teuctlatoani or calpolli head; yet after the conquest, in the early seventeenth century, Atlauhtlan was to attain independence of the rest.* The tiny town of Sula (Collan), probably part of Tlalmanalco in preconquest times and too small to merit mention by Chimalpahin, retained the legend of a pair of primordial leaders, of whom

the secondary was partly foreign and suspect.*’ | _ Looking across the totality of reasonably well-documented preconquest central Mexican polities, it is clear that they all operated along the same general lines, but that they also varied a great deal in size, complexity, terminology, and the relative weight given to certain structures and mechanisms compared to others. Nor were they static. There was nothing to prevent the

- simplest form of altepetl from growing through natural increase or the absorption of migrants and becoming complex, with one or more former calpolli heads transformed into tlatoque. Conversely, there was nothing to prevent a composite form from being collapsed into a simpler and more unified one, which might happen either because the entire group suffered reverses such as population loss and military defeat or because one constituent part

outgrew the others. | | | oS ,

When the Spaniards came to central Mexico and conquered it, they would

Altepetl 27 need, as everywhere in Spanish America, to operate in a great many respects through existing sociopolitical units. The “empire” was not a viable unit for this purpose. Although great economic and demographic concentrations had arisen at Tenochtitlan and Tetzcoco, and although these two and Tlacopan had established certain enclaves and areas of direct dominance throughout much of the region, the individual altepetl were left essentially intact and selfcontained, fully aware of their heritage and eager to cast off tribute obligations and other ties at the first opportunity. Within a few miles of Tetzcoco

and in its area of dominance were entities such as Huexotla, Coatlichan, and | Chiauhtla, altepetl of considerable complexity that cherished larger memories

and ambitions of their own. Around Tenochtitlan, the situation was even more exaggerated; former imperial powers like Azcapotzalco and Culhuacan were at the very doorstep, and the Mexica did not lie unduly when they told Cortés “we have no lands, no fields.” ** Once the Spaniards had emerged as

the new military and economic power in the region, there was nothing to keep the imperial conglomeration from falling apart into its constituent ethnic altepetl, as it in fact largely did in the course of the Spanish conquest itself. Getting rid of imperial obligations was a large part of the reason why so many central Mexican groups ran so quickly into the arms of the invaders. By the

time the Spaniards were well installed, an indigenous imperial structure through which they could have worked essentially no longer existed. Like the Triple Alliance before them, they would have to deal directly with the altepetl. Nevertheless, the Spaniards still had a certain degree of flexibility, for as we have seen, the altepetl were evolving structures with inner tensions, and the Nahuas were by no means always unanimous among themselves on the size and nature of their own entities. After the conquest, feelings of pride and solidarity, economic interdependence, and extensive dynastic intermarriage

all still worked to hold large units together, but the strongest adhesive, the __ urgent need to combine for self-defense or aggrandizement, was now lacking, and the always existing forces in the direction of fragmentation could assert themselves more freely. Microethnicity was perhaps the strongest such force. Despite the growth of a dominant Nahua culture throughout the region, cultural minorities persisted, especially the Otomi. Even when local conquered groups and intrusive migrants were no longer discernibly distinct in language and culture, they retained a tradition of separate origin. Not only such large and diverse realms as Tulancingo and Cuauhtinchan recognized ethnicity in their organization; even the smallest and apparently most homogeneous altepet] was in a sense a confederation of distinct and competing ethnic groups.

The general principle of cellular organization itself meant that constituent parts at each level were relatively complete, rounded entities capable of main- |

taining an independent existence. - 7

In effect, the Spaniards had two options: attempting to retain and work

28 , Altepetl through large entities on the order of Tlaxcala, Coyoacan, Xochimilco, and Tulancingo or dividing them into their more obvious parts such as halves or tlayacatl. Depending on the conditions, they were sometimes to take one course, sometimes the other. Relatively small and unified altepetl were ordinarily left unchanged. Rarely would the Spaniards attempt to divide an indigenous unit in a way not following already existing lines of subdivision, and seldom indeed would they try to create an independent unit in the absence of a recognized tlatoani commanding the allegiance of a well-defined _ calpolli set. Yet in the few cases when they appear to have taken such steps, the new unit proved viable. The splinter group would accept its new independence only too gladly; invariably it had at least one titled leader who could be made to pass for a tlatoani, and by generally understood principles, it could soon achieve an order of rotation among its constituents.

_ The Sixteenth-Century Reorganization After the Spanish conquest—to which if their own and other accounts are to be believed, nearly all the altepetl of central Mexico contributed men and logistical support’*—the first major organizational act of the conquerors was to create and bestow encomiendas on individual Spaniards in reward for their part in the conquest. In most aspects, the institution had already taken shape on the Caribbean islands whence the conquerors came. The intention, and indeed the only possibility, was to rely initially on indigenous units however they happened to be constituted in a given area. In the Antilles, the Spaniards

| had not always been able to discern sociopolitical units as such. They had therefore normally based an encomienda grant on a cacique and the Indians under him, the powers of the cacique or indigenous ruler in any case being crucial to the organization and channeling of the encomienda’s benefits. In central Mexico, the Spaniards immediately took the tlatoque to be caciques and to a large extent shaped encomiendas around them. At the same time,

| they could not but become aware of the elaborately organized, strongly territorial, prominently named altepetl units, so that they increasingly issued encomiendas in terms of them, denominated “‘pueblos” as discussed above. — On the heels of the creation of encomiendas in the 1520's came the establishment of doctrinas or Indian parishes. A few vast encomienda units were

: to be divided into more than one parish, and in some cases, one parish en, compassed two closely associated encomiendas. But generally the parish was simply a function of the encomienda, depending on it for financial and other

support and relying on the same indigenous units and authorities. In the 1530's, Spanish officials began the process of reshaping indigenous government on the model of Spanish-style municipalities. Once again, the units were

largely the same. : ,

Altepetl 29 Essentially, then, the altepetl survived into postconquest times as the basis for all the most important institutional forms affecting life in the indigenous countryside, away from Spanish cities. A simple altepetl could expect to be-

come, with unchanged borders and constituent parts, first an encomienda, then (in addition) a parish, then also a Spanish-style municipal organization. Such cases (taking into consideration that a fully studied altepetl rarely turns out to be truly simple) are, in the south of the Valley of Mexico, Mixquic, Cuitlahuac, and Huitzilopochco, and in the north of the same valley, Xilo-

tzinco, Tizayuca, and Tecama.*! |

In multiple-tlatoani altepetl, too, the principle of building on the indigenous units remained the same, but the forms of adaptation could become very complex. Other things being equal, Spaniards in America tended to opt for the largest encomiendas the indigenous structure could support, that is, to

retain the largest viable indigenous units.5? Beyond a certain point, however, | and in Mexico that point was quickly reached, pressures built up in the opposite direction, not only because of the search for more encomiendas for eligible candidates, but above all because of the unwillingness of the bulk of the encomenderos to let any one of their number enjoy such disproportionate riches as would accrue, say, from the possession of all Tlaxcala or all Chalco

in encomienda. ee | Thus a large altepetl with sharply defined moieties and two principal tla-

toque might be made into two encomiendas. Each half of Tulancingo became an encomienda, and in the wake of that, two separate municipal corporations arose, although they shared a common parish. Without an explanation of the Spanish rationale in a case like this, we cannot be sure that the main reason for the arrangement was to create more encomiendas or deprive

someone of too great a plum. It may be rather that the moieties were so separate that they could not readily be made into a single tribute-paying unit. In the Toluca Valley, the’ intertwined Calimaya and Tepemaxalco became separate encomiendas and municipal organizations (again sharing a parish,

with a patron saint for each) even though the same Spaniard held both encomiendas.°*4

Often, however, a unit of considerable size and complexity had a good chance to be left unaltered. Several of the very largest entities were so valuable that they were never put in encomienda at all, or were encomiendas for only a few years after the conquest; thus they remained under direct crown jurisdiction, and the ordinary pressures for subdivision were less strong. Xochimilco, with three tlatoque and three tlayacatl, became and long remained one

parish and one municipal corporation, as did Coyoacan, which despite the

existence of a single dominant tlatoani was sharply divided into halves.+ | Tlaxcala, the outstanding case of large-unit retention, became one municipality and for a time one parish, even though it could easily have been divided

30 Altepetl | into its four altepetl, which already had entirely distinct rulers and territories.°* But unity was not always the result even under favorable conditions. Having originally treated Chalco as a unit, Spanish officials seem in time to have understood its true nature better, creating four corporations and parishes and before long recognizing subdivisions even of those. In the Acolhua region, the area closely associated with Tetzcoco (not to speak of former im_ perial dependencies such as Teotihuacan and Otumba), no fewer than four independent corporations and parishes arose in addition to Tetzcoco proper.:” Ordinarily, the constituent attaining recognition would have lobbied long and hard for it, with the senior constituent of the larger entity stiffly resisting.°*

| Governorship |

The campaign to create Hispanic-style municipal governments in the central Mexican altepetl stretched over much of the middle part of the sixteenth

century, typically affecting the largest and most prominent entities first. Nor did the entire cabildo (municipal council) normally spring into being all at the same time in any one place. It seems, rather, that often the higher offices were instituted first and the lower ones filled in progressively. Since the

first stages are naturally enough the least well documented, it is often not known whether a full cabildo was planned from the beginning or not. In any

or more. , | , -

| event, the office of “governor” (Spanish gobernador, becoming a loanword

in Nahuatl by midcentury) in many cases preceded the rest by a decade It is symptomatic of the whole process of rapprochement of Hispanic and indigenous government that the title gobernador was not a standard part of the terminology of Spanish municipal office. In sixteenth-century Spain, a , large city with a full cabildo would be expected to have as its presiding officer

, a corregidor, a person from the outside appointed by the crown and representing the interests of the central government as well as those of the municipality. More a counterweight to the cabildo than a part of it, he usually held office for only a few years before being replaced, lest he become either too

powerful on the local scene or too subservient to local interests. The central Mexican indigenous governor of the postconquest period, on the other hand, was to be, in general, a permanent member of the unit over which he presided. _ Usually, in fact, he was to be in the first instance the sole or premier tlatoani of the altepetl being reorganized as a municipality. Spanish officials were not, we will see, necessarily reconciled to the locally born governor as a permanent feature of the system, though in the end that solution was to prevail, but at first they had little choice in the matter. Even if there had been enough Spanish candidates available to supervise each and every Indian town, they would not have been knowledgeable enough to act as presiding officers in any mean-

Altepetl 3I ingful way. Nor would it have made sense to send Nahuas into foreign and hostile altepetl to help introduce a system they had yet to learn themselves. Beginning with the tlatoani, the fulcrum of the altepetl, was an obvious way to proceed, perhaps the only realistic possibility. Spanish manipulation

of the tlatoque had begun immediately, during the conquest itself, and at the same time tlatoque and rivals for their rulership had tried to maneuver the — Spaniards into supporting the claims of some candidates over others. Such — dealings were new to neither side. All over the Indies, the Spaniards, particularly in the conquest years, removed recalcitrant rulers in favor of pretenders

who promised greater cooperation. The Nahuas were already familiar with | similar interventions by the imperial altepetl Tenochtitlan and Tetzcoco (though generally associated with the politics of dynastic intermarriage). The rulers of the imperial cities had exercised the power of confirmation of tlatoque in office across broad areas of central Mexico (as had the rulers of Cholula and others before them), and rival factions in individual altepetl had | not failed to carry on intrigues with the imperial rulers in the hope of gaining

leverage in the battle for succession.» __ | , Often, it seems, the Spaniards in the early stages had an unconscious im-

pact on altepetl organization and succession in that, all unaware of such things as multiple tlatoque, tlayacatl, or moieties, they took the most visible leader to be the out-and-out ruler of the whole entity and dealt with him alone. For example, they apparently considered Maxixcatzin, tlatoani of _ Tlaxcala’s ranking tlayacatl Ocotelolco and perhaps indeed titular head of the larger polity, to be simply king of Tlaxcala.” In Coyoacan, they may have been responsible for exalting don Juan de Guzman Itztlolinqui to a position

of exclusive dominance, for Coyoacan otherwise shows many signs of dual _

organization and multiple tlatoque.* _ ,

Spaniards apparently sometimes spontaneously referred to Indian leaders as governors from a very early time.? But it was after 1535, in the time of Viceroy don Antonio de Mendoza, that Spanish officials systematically began naming the ranking tlatoque of important altepetl to formal governorships of their respective units, so that in Spanish the head of an Indian town was often called “‘cacique y gobernador” or “senor y gobernador.”’® In Nahuatl, he of course continued to be called tlatoani as well as governor, and the governor _ was to continue to be addressed as tlatoani long past the time when one and the same person ordinarily held both offices.* In these formative years, the governorship permanently took on a great deal of the aura, powers, and char-

acteristics of the preconquest rulership.

*In Chapter 4 we will see that with time the meaning of “‘tlatoani’’ itself broadened and weakened, but even in relatively early texts, and in unambiguous contexts, non-tlatoani gover-

nors were to be called “tlatoani” in the sense of “ruler.” ,

32 Altepetl One characteristic that was often retained by first-generation governors was lifetime tenure in office. Because of high mortality from epidemic disease, offices turned over quite often, despite life terms, but even so Spanish officials gave serious attention to attaining regular rotation in the office. Almost immediately in some places, later in the sixteenth century in others, sporadically

in yet others, governors came to be replaced after short terms, whether through ad hoc appointments or prescribed frequent reelections. This necessarily involved a separation of the governorship and the tlatocayotl, which would at least at some times have to be occupied by separate persons; consequently, many of the powers of the tlatoani would be exercised by the governor instead, and the dynastic rulership would inevitably lose some of its meaning.“ Thus a very considerable transformation took place in the nature of the highest political office of the altepetl in a relatively short time. Some of the change, however, was only apparent, because traditional tlatoque could continue to be decisive behind the scenes, and some of it was only temporary, since principles of dynastic selection and long-term rule reasserted themselves somewhat in later years. Some of it, though real enough and owing much to Spanish pressure, also responded to indigenous patterns and needs. The holders of the governorship, while no longer always tlatoque, were most often high nobles who might have been in the running for a rulership. Succession to the throne was generally less automatic among the Nahuas than among Europeans. Each kingdom had its own variant tradition, but depending on demonstrated capability and political maneuvering, any of the former ruler’s sons or brothers might succeed, or even his uncles or grandsons. A corporate body of the senior noblemen of the altepetl ratified the choice by a group “election,” which was ordinarily unanimous.* Eventually formally recognized in many postconquest municipalities, this body of electors could and did lend legitimacy to any Nahua nobleman named to the governorship.” In preconquest times, the losing candidates for the throne had represented a formidable problem. A bloodbath during or immediately after a succession was not uncommon. Surviving unsuccessful candidates often lived in exile in neighboring altepetl, hatching plots against the incumbent. Or the kings and their own ambitions sent them to wars in which they were often killed. After the conquest, despite the increased mortality from disease, the decline of fratricide, exile, and war left more than enough would-be tlatoque on the scene. A rotating governorship was well adapted to the new situation, satisfying several claimants in turn rather than one for a lifetime. High nobles not succeeding to a dynastic rulership had every reason to be happy with the new _ arrangement, and indeed it is only the tlatoque themselves whom we see complaining.” A rotating governorship could also ease the inequities caused in

| Altepetl 33 complex altepetl by the frequent Spanish overemphasis on the leading tlayacatl. In Amaquemecan, after a brief time in which some feared that the senior tlatoani would monopolize the governorship, it began to rotate among the tlatoque of all the tlayacatl.” In Tlaxcala, the Spanish preference for appointing Ocotelolcans to the governorship caused serious strife and precipitated an elaborate reorganization in 1545, with all offices allocated equally among the four constituent altepetl and the governorship (no longer held by the four tlatoque) rotating among the four units in strict order.” _ A nondynastic, less than life-term governorship had a preconquest precedent in the institution of the guaubtlatoani or interim ruler in an established tlatocayotl. Meaning literally “eagle-ruler,” the term originally had the connotation that the occupant had achieved his position through personal merit in war, not inheritance, and hence was only standing in until a dynastic heir could be agreed on or come of age. Even as late as the sixteenth century, the quauhtlatoani was often still a person of relatively humble birth, but the con-

cept had expanded to include a ruler who, for whatever reason, was not laying permanent and dynastic claim to the office, so that on occasion rulers of subunits and even members of royal lineages served as quauhtlatoque. Despite the interim nature of their appointment, many of them are said to have

exercised the powers of the rulership to the fullest.” A postconquest nontlatoani governor could readily imagine himself a quauhtlatoani, and be so perceived by his subjects. Some of the earliest cases of non-tlatoani governorship in fact arose in the primary situation calling for a quauhtlatoani, to serve | as regent for a minor successor.?} In Tenochtitlan, two quauhtlatoque held forth for five years each after 1525, filling the gap until the reestablishment of the dynastic tlatocayotl in the late 1530’s (see Table 2.1). Since the new tlatoani was also the first formally appointed, the quauhtlatoque can certainly

be said to have represented a transition to governorship in this case.” Governors were generally first chosen locally, through some combination of election, inheritance, and rotation, with influence sometimes exercised by locally based Spanish ecclesiastics or administrators, then confirmed by the viceregal government in Mexico City. In the second half of the sixteenth century, however, the central government at times took the choice out of local _ hands entirely and named someone from a foreign altepetl. A priori, such appointments would seem to correspond to a general Spanish campaign over the long haul to make the governor more like the Spanish model, the corregidor. But there may have been more pressing reasons for the policy.’ The early and middle years of the sixteenth century produced their share of embroiled disputes within and between altepetl over lands, jurisdictions, and successions. Unadvised Spaniards were in no position to adjudicate such matters. The best judge would be an outsider who was at once fully acquainted with

34 Altepetl |

‘TABLE 2.1 | ,

_ Postconquest Rulers of Tenochtitlan

| Name Position Background Tenure | Don Andrés de Tapia quauhtlatoani not born nobleman = 1526-30 Motelchiuhtzin

Don Pablo Xochiquentzin quauhtlatoani notborn nobleman 1532-36

Huanitzin Tehuetzquititzin Don Esteban de Guzman judge of , noble from 1554-57 residencia Xochimilco ~ Cecetzin (son of — | ,

Don Diego de Alvarado tlatoani, governor _ royalline 1538-41 Don Diego de San Francisco _ tlatoani, governor royal line 1541-54 Don Cristobal de Guzman tlatoani, governor _ royal line 1557-62

Cipactzin | , Tecamachalco ,

Huanitzin)

Don Luis de Santa Maria tlatoani, governor royal line 1563-65 : (Don) Francisco Jiménez? — = judge-governor noble from 1568-69

, Xaltocan

Antonio Valeriano (son-in- judge-governor not noble, from 1573-99 ' law of Huanitzin)? | Azcapotzalco Don Gerénimo Lopez judge-governor mestizo from 1599-1608

Don Juan Bautista judge-governor from Malinalco 1609 Juan Pérez de Monterrey< judge-governor mestizo 1610-14 ff

SOURCES: CH, 2; Gibson 1964; MNAH AH, GO 14; Tezozomoc 1949. 2Sometimes entitled “don,” sometimes not, in both Tenochtitlan and Tecamachalco (CH).

Originally not “don,” but custom soon gave him the title. In 1596~99, Valeriano was failing, and don

Juan Martin, mestizo, as deputy acted in his stead. :

de Monterrey. ) |

“Sometimes, but not usually, called “don” (that is, his naming pattern is more Spanish than Indian). A

Spaniard, Francisco Sanchez, was “presidente” in the governorship between don Juan Bautista and Juan Pérez

indigenous modes and knowledgeable about the Spanish system. Those most clearly qualified were Nahua noblemen with experience of Spanish-style Indian administration, and the viceregal government soon started sending them

from one altepetl to another on temporary missions to judge each other’s

disputes.’ ,

The next step was using figures of this type as judges in the periodic reviews to which Spanish governmental practice assigned a persistent role. Such a juez de residencia, as in the Hispanic tradition, actually took over the local government during the period of his inquiry; in other words, he acted as governor. For three years in the 1550's, the judge don Esteban de Guzman, from Xochimilco, was the de facto governor of Tenochtitlan.” Outside inspectors led easily to a further stage, simply assigning the outsider the governorship for a time. It was probably because of the association with outside judges that governors from the later sixteenth century through the rest of the

Altepetl a 35 colonial period were often styled “judge-governor” (juez gobernador). Outsiders as governors became a very frequent phenomenon in the Valley of Mexico and remained so on into the early decades of the seventeenth century, when they began to fade out in favor of locals, who had probably been the large majority all along.” Outside governors were especially prevalent in the immediate vicinity of Mexico City, an area whose dynasties had long been so interrelated that tlatoque frequently ruled outside the altepetl where they were born, so that there may have been a partial preconquest precedent. But most governors from the outside in the postconquest did not have any dynastic affiliation with the governed group. — Much of the impetus for outside recruitment may have come from the desire to spread Spanish-style indigenous government outward from the places

where it had taken root most firmly. An inordinate number of the traveling governors came from Xochimilco and Tlaxcala, two of the best-developed of the early municipal organizations. In other cases, someone would apparently demonstrate great proficiency, acquire valuable experience, and then receive such assignments again and again. At his death in 1600, the mestizo don Juan Martin was in his second term as governor of Tlatelolco and had served in the same post in five other major towns, Calimaya, Xochimilco, Cuitlahuac, Acolman, and Mexico Tenochtitlan.”* Whatever the advantages of appointing

governors from outside the altepetl, the practice proved a transitional one, , and by the middle of the seventeenth century, it was again unusual for a governor to originate anywhere but in the unit he was governing. In this respect, then, the preconquest structure dominated in the long run. Once the basic elements of Spanish-Indian municipal government had spread across all central Mexico, and Spaniards and Indians in general had learned more about

each other’s manner of operation, it was probably no longer worth going to | the trouble of maintaining a cross-regional indigenous administrative cadre and dealing with the opposition to outside governors that must have made

itself felt in each case. |

The Cabildo: Alcaldes and Regidores | We find some use of standard Spanish titles for municipal officeholders in central Mexican altepetl from the time when formal governorships were created in the later 1530's.” It is not until the 15 50’s, however, that one expects a full complement of officials with Spanish titles in all the more prominent altepetl. In most cases, the exact year of their first appointment is not known, nor do we have much evidence of who instigated the creation of the offices. In the relatively well-documented case of Coyoacan, an undated text shows the governor petitioning the Audiencia for permission to name two alcaldes

36 Altepetl and twelve regidores because, being so close to Mexico City, he had grasped

the Spanish style of government and wanted his subjects to be properly ruled.*° Nevertheless, generally speaking the initiative must ultimately have come from the Spaniards, bent on spreading their own system. In the fiercely - competitive world of central Mexican altepetl, of course, the moment certain prominent kingdoms acquired new offices, others would clamor to do

thesame.

As with the governors, Nahua alcaldes and regidores were to deviate substantially from Spanish models. To appreciate the deviance, we first need to understand the model. The backbone of the cabildo of a full-fledged Spanish city, either in Spain or in the Indies, was its corps of perhaps half a dozen to a dozen regidores or councilmen. Noblemen or those with pretensions to nobility usually occupied the posts; typically, they held office for long terms or life, and even when annual rotation was the practice, holders repeated frequently, maintaining representation of the same group over the years. Essentially, the regidores were representatives of large familial-economic complexes that were based in the city proper but in some sense dominated most aspects of life throughout the whole municipal territory. The continuity of the corps of regidores gave the Spanish cabildo a strong corporate identity. Completing the cabildo were the (standardly two) alcaldes, first-instance judges who ex officio sat with the council as full voting members. Alcaldes invariably rotated annually, and this characteristic, together with the rather onerous and demanding nature of the post, meant that the recruitment pool was somewhat different. While a regidor might on occasion serve as alcalde, often the alcalde was receiving recognition as an individual rather than as a representative of a family, or he belonged to a family complex on the rise and would later become a regidor. In other words, in social terms regidor ranked rather higher than alcalde.*1 With both offices, the representation of subjur-

isdictions played a minimal or nonexistent role. | What equivalent machinery existed in the central Mexican altepetl? We are told that the imperial altepetl of Tenochtitlan and Tetzcoco had high councils consisting of officers with special titles who carried out different combinations of judicial and military functions. Accounts vary greatly. It is not clear whether such councils were a constitutional facet of the altepetl or ad hoc creations of the principal ruler at the time. The sources do not assign them a strong corporate role.’ My own feeling is that the officers of this kind of high council must each have been based in a specific subunit of the altepetl. Looking away from the shadowy councils of the imperial powers, the main officers one would find in a Mexican polity would be the heads of its subunits: in a complex altepetl, the tlatoque of the constituent tlayacatl, and in a tlayacatl or simple altepetl, the teuctlatoque or calpolli heads. As people of no-

Altepetl 37 ble rank accustomed to adjudicate and administer, they offer close parallels to Spanish municipal functionaries, but some striking differences may also be observed. Although the Nahua officials were generally representatives of lineages and in that somewhat comparable to Spanish functionaries, they above

all represented geographically and jurisdictionally separate subunits of the whole, a principle alien to the Spanish system. Partly for this reason, they lacked the corporate cohesion of the cabildo, that is, they did not stand out from the rest of the altepetl structure as a closed body. No equivalent appears for the corps of regidores, long-term representatives of dominant families — without regard to jurisdictions. Nahua kingdoms did have another sort of corporation that asserted itself at critical junctures, such as successions and decisions of war or peace. At these times, all the prominent or elder nobles of the realm would assemble, provide a forum for debate, and through consensus, legitimate the action taken.*? The group of elders or electors, however, was far too large and unwieldy to meet regularly and carry on business like a Spanish cabildo. The most famous such body, in Tlaxcala, had no fewer than 220 members.*

Comparing the two systems, one would expect that, in the introduction of Spanish offices into the Nahua world, it would prove necessary to modify them to the extent of having each officer represent a specific subjurisdiction, __ and this is what seems to have happened, as far as the sources allow us to follow the process. One consequence was an early tendency, in the more complex altepetl, to multiply the alcaldes beyond the usual two, in addition to a large set of regidores. The cabildo of Tlaxcala after 1545 consisted of four alcaldes, one from each of the constituent altepetl; the four tlatoque sitting as perpetual regidores; and three annually changing regidores from each altepetl.’5 Tenochtitlan divided twelve regidores among its four tlayacatl, not always evenly in view of the predominance of San Juan Moyotlan, but each regidor always represented a specific tlayacatl and even possibly a specific subdivision within that.* In 1600, after a long period of rotating two alcalde posts among the four tlayacatl following the basic rotational sequence, Tenochtitlan went over to four alcaldes, one for each tlayacatl, and in 1610 the number was raised to eight, two for each (though it may be that neither of these schemes was carried out with full consistency).*? Coyoacan petitioned for two alcaldes (one for each half?) and twelve regidores, each to be chosen from a different subunit.** The Coyoacan cabildo roster of 15 53 in fact proves to include eight regidores plus four “principales,” perhaps tlatoque of tlayacatl serving as permanent regidores as in Tlaxcala (see Table 2.2).* As in all of these cases, and as in the structure of preconquest altepetl, sets of four, eight, twelve, or sixteen predominate generally in the staffing of the postconquest municipalities. But if the altepetl through some historical process had

38 Altepetl | TABLE 2.2 |

| Num- | Num-

, Officials of Coyoacan, 1553 | , | , Office Occupant ber Office Occupant ber Governor? Don Juan (de Guzman) 1 Majordomos Martin Tlacateuctli |

Alcaldes Don Luis de San Pedro Miguel Huecamecatl 2 , Don Luis Cortés 2 | Accountants Agustin Gallego | | Regidores Don Luis de Santiago Alonso Hueiteuctli 2.

de San Lazaro Notaries Pedro de Suero , Miguel deJuan la Cruz Alonso de Benavides 2 Pedro de Paz Alguaciles Miguel Huecamecatl

Toribio Silvestre (constables) . Gonzalo Lopez Juan Hueiteuctli FranciscoLuis Amiztlato .} Bartolomé Atempanecatl Daniel | Don Martin de Paz 8 Miguel de la Cruz , “Principales” Don Antonio - Martin Tlacochcalcatl . DonJuan Baltasar _ Miguel Sanchez de Guzman Crist6bal Xochihua 8 Bartolomé de Leén 4 Alcaide Alonso Tlapaltecatl —S_ i , (jailer)

7 Also tlatoani.

SOURCE: CDC, 1: 74-75.

NOTE: Unless otherwise specified, all tables give names and offices in the sources’ original order.

| an uneven number of constituents, the municipal offices would reflect it, as with the sets of three in Xochimilco and Tenango (Chalco region).” Clearly, then, the Nahuas in a general sense equated preconquest with

| postconquest sociopolitical structure and officeholding, and there were sig-

| nificant carryovers from one period to the other.*! The extent of the continuity, indeed, was crucial to the quick and successful establishment of independently functioning municipal governments across the whole region, something that in many parts of Spanish America happened later or never at

| all. Little terminological evidence exists for specific retentions and equations i because of the great stress laid on the new nomenclature by the Spaniards and the high prestige it enjoyed among the Nahuas. Just as ranking noblemen | over the sixteenth century abandoned Nahuatl surnames in favor of Spanish ones, so in documents any Nahuatl titles gave way immediately to “alcalde,” , “regidor,” and so on, with retention of Nahuatl office nomenclature only _ below the cabildo level. This does not mean, however, that either indigenous — names or indigenous office titles had really been forgotten so quickly. A document of the mid-sixteenth century from Coyoacan seems to equate teuctla| toque and alcaldes, calling the latter officials by both titles as if trying to make

entirely clear what an alcalde was.” If we think of Chimalpahin’s definition , of teuctlatoani as calpolli head, then this would be a case of one-to-one iden- _ | tification of preconquest and postconquest office. In fact, however, usage var-

| Altepetl 39 ies in Nahuatl texts, and in some, such as Sahagun, “teuctlatoani” appears applicable to anyone acting as a judge. The term is even found in reference to the Spanish judges of the Royal Audiencia.® _

A different sort of example comes from Huitzilopochco around the same time. In a letter to his counterpart in neighboring Coyoacan, the governor and tlatoani of Huitzilopochco steps outside the documentary genres associated with the postconquest municipality to use preconquest-style invective (and some polite language) in which the new vocabulary had no place. The | Huitzilopochco official who led his side in recent transactions having to do with a border dispute is called the Tlacateccatl, and the leading official for Coyoacan is called the Mixcoatlailotlac.™ In all likelihood, these people were members of their respective cabildos as alcalde or regidor. In any case, such

titles and functions remained unforgotten, and they were still unforgotten

when Chimalpahin wrote in the early seventeenth century. _ Another possible sign of identification of preconquest with postconquest

offices is the Nahua treatment of the office of alcalde as opposed to that of regidor. Whereas in the Spanish scheme, as just seen, regidor tended to be the more permanent and highly valued post, among the Nahuas alcalde distinctly

ranked higher. Alcaldes more often bore the title “don,” more often had Spanish surnames, and in general were of more illustrious lineage. Moreover, as regidores gained experience, connections, and renown, they advanced to

alcalde, creating a hierarchical ranking of the two offices. , Are we to presume, then, that alcalde and regidor correspond to two different preconquest functions, one higher and one lower? I believe that the reason for the Nahua divergence is to be sought rather in the lack of any close indigenous parallel to the Spanish regidor. Having once redefined both offices as representing subjurisdictions, the Nahuas may have found that the post of alcalde stood out as better reflecting the importance in preconquest | office of adjudication, in addition to having greater scarcity value (regidores being more numerous). For the rest, indigenous people may have seen little difference between the two offices and little need for both of them beyond the necessity for adequate representation of subunits. It is known that alcaldes did hold court and render judgments, at least in some places, often in con- _ junction with the governor, but in at least one case a regidor is shown in the same role.** Eventually, as we will see, the corps of regidores was to fade _ into insignificance, in many places disappearing entirely, and even in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries there were signs of the trend. Toward the end of the sixteenth century, Tlaxcala added four “provincial alcaldes” and dropped four regidores.”” Lists of Tenochtitlan officials from the 1560’s carefully specify the twelve regidores after the two alcaldes, but starting in 1600, as noted, the alcaldes doubled in number, then doubled

40 Altepetl

regidores.” | ,

again, and Chimalpahin’s lists of this time no longer give the names of

Nahuas were much less aware of the borders of the cabildo than Spaniards were. Again and again one finds joint reference to the municipal officials and the broader group of all the noblemen of the altepetl. Thus those who speak in a 1560 letter from Huexotzinco are described as “I the governor, and we alcaldes and regidores, and we lords and nobles.” » In 1582 in the Tlaixpan half of Tulancingo, the governor, alcaldes, regidores, “and all the noblemen of Tlaixpan” took responsibility for a debt. The regidores were likely to be —

overlooked entirely, as when Spaniards reported that they were met by a town’s “governor, alcaldes, and other noblemen (principales),” or municipal

accounts contain an entry detailing the expenses of a feast for “governor, alcaldes, and noblemen.” *' The Nahua cabildo was also more inclusive than the Spanish model in respect to competing hierarchies, specifically the ecclesiastical. Although a Spanish cabildo standardly put much effort into support

of general religious festivities, it brooked no direct interference or participa- tion from the personnel of church organizations. In preconquest Mesoamerica, priestly and political office had been closely associated, held by the same families and even interpenetrating. In the postconquest municipality, a second Spanish-style organization was responsible for the church and religious affairs at all levels below those requiring a Spanish priest. As we shall see in Chapter 6, this organization and the cabildo eventually grew into each other to a considerable extent, and especially the highest religious official, the fiscal,

member of the cabildo. | |

in some times and places and for some purposes virtually functioned as a

Notaries a

A Spanish cabildo was inconceivable without its official clerk-notary (escribano), who kept the minutes, wrote up the cabildo’s pronouncements in proper form, and as notary attested to their authenticity. The notary was not a voting member of the cabildo, but he was not exactly a lower official either. He might come from a solid middling family, or he might have pretensions to nobility; after some years in the post, he could even rise to full cabildo mem-

bership, though not nearly all did so. Preconquest Mexico also knew the official writer, the amatlacuilo or “‘painter on paper,” and the role was associated with nobility. The records kept were, as far as is known, mainly religious and divinatory manuals, historical annals, censuses, land cadastrals,

and tribute lists, in a form as much pictorial as glyphic.' The parallel may have been of a rather general kind, but the Nahuas (as well as other Mesoamericans) apparently did see some parallel, since they adapted to the post of

- Altepetl 41 notary quickly, successfully, and permanently, and notarial skills became self-

perpetuating among them. , |

Thus, starting from the 1540’s, when alcaldes and regidores first began to be appointed regularly, no Nahua cabildo was without its notary. The governor’s petition that Coyoacan be granted a full cabildo includes a request that the alcaldes and regidores be empowered to name a notary.'® The earliest known functioning municipal notaries are seen in 1545 (Tlaxcala) and 1548

(Coyoacan).!** Since the documents they produced show them as full masters , of their skills, it would seem that even then they had been practicing for some |

time. But it is unlikely that any substantial number of town clerks in the Spanish style were trained and installed before 1540. Indeed, the roughly | simultaneous appearance of notaries, alcaldes, and regidores is doubtless no

been illusory. | ,

accident; the creation of full cabildos in advance of people who had some | understanding of Spanish procedures and documentary genres would have Because of the unique sixteenth-century cabildo minutes of Tlaxcala, it is there that evidence on the notaries is fullest. At least six of the eight clerks appearing in those records were “electors,” members of the 220-man body that contained the cream of Tlaxcala’s nobility; two served at some time as regidor, and one of these as alcalde. The original functionaries, to judge by a few hints in the records, may have been trained by Franciscans at the local monastery, but by the 1560’s or earlier, they seem to have begun to train younger relatives in turn. An elaborate rotation of four clerks from the four constituent altepetl gave lip service to the general procedures of complex altepetl structure, but in fact the two most capable figures did most of the writing over a period well in excess of twenty years. The most capable of all, a Diego de Soto, was a nobleman though not an elector, nor did he attain full cabildo office; he was born around 1511, witnessed the conquest as a boy of ten or twelve, must have learned how to read and write Nahuatl in his teens or later, and served as cabildo notary at least from 1545 to 1582.'% The general profile of postconquest Nahua notaries is thus hardly distinguishable

from that of their Spanish counterparts except for their closer attachment to a certain subjurisdiction of the unit they served, and in view of their relative

scarcity, even that aspect was not always pronounced. Since the role and | status of the preconquest amatlacuilo remain shadowy, it is hard to know to what extent the similarity rests on previous convergence.

Minor Officials '

The Spanish system emphasized a sharp distinction between noble, prestigious full cabildo members and shifting, unprestigious, plebeian sub-cabildo

42 | Altepetl officials like constables and attendants. Rarely if ever could a person in the second category rise to the first. As we might by now expect, no such distinction existed in preconquest central Mexico, so that here too the Indian ca-

, bildo was to have more fluid borders than its Spanish counterpart. Partly perhaps because of the lack of a separate, well-defined, restricted corporation at the head of the polity, and partly perhaps because many governmental or

quasi-governmental matters involved attendance at the ruler’s tecpan and consequently had a courtly aura, the association of office with nobility was

much broader in the Nahua world than in the Spanish. ' | Again Tlaxcala is our best example. The well-developed Tlaxcalan mu| nicipality of the 1550’s and 1560’s included provincial lieutenants (tenientes), urban and rural constables (alguaciles), city majordomos (mayordomos), an | usher (portero), a jailer (alcaide), custodians of the tribute house, tribute overseers, and keepers of the municipal inns (mesoneros). A large proportion of these functionaries were electors of Tlaxcala, and turns of phrase used in the

records give us reason to think that they were all noblemen (pipiltin): As many as a dozen are known to have sat on the cabildo at some time, usually after their service in minor office. Yet only a small fraction rose to that eminence, and the minor officials as a whole stand out in the records from ca-

bildo members in that hardly any bore the title “don,” most had Nahuatl surnames, and such Spanish surnames as they had tended to be less imposing than those of the alcaldes and regidores. Like their superiors, the sub-cabildo officials represented specific constituent altepetl and probably subdistricts

| within them. Some served within their home areas, but even when they were

| located in the city proper, they remained compartmentalized and worked with their own people. Thus the municipal treasury contained four separate

funds, collected and managed by four different people.” , Some confirmation of the generality of certain elements in the Tlaxcalan picture comes from fragments in less fully documented situations. In the Tlaixpan half of Tulancingo at the same time, the four or sometimes more municipal tribute collectors represented four subunits and made separate collections in their own units; unlike the cabildo officers, who had fully Hispanic

- names, they retained indigenous surnames, but their high position can be deduced from the fact that most of the names end in the element teuctli, — “lord.” 18 The constables, accountants, and majordomos of Coyoacan in 1553 show a similar naming pattern, many using surnames that, though indigenous, were also typical preconquest titles of calpolli heads or lords of noble houses.1° In late-sixteenth-century Culhuacan, some of the lower offcials later rose to cabildo membership.” In Tlaxcala and, to judge by sketchier information, apparently in Culhuacan and Coyoacan as well, frequent shifting about was a common feature of

Altepetl 43 lower officialdom, with the same person appearing in a variety of apparently

unrelated posts." It would seem that the Nahuas viewed these as in some way the same thing and thus interchangeable. All the officials at this level were apparently deputies in the sense that they operated on authority delegated, in preconquest times, from the tlatoque and titular calpolli heads, and in postconquest times from the cabildo. They differed from ward officers in that the scope of their authority embraced larger units.12 The Nahuatl cate- — gory for the intermediate officers may have been topile. Although Molina translates the word as constable, and it does indeed appear in Nahuatl texts most frequently in alternation with the Spanish “alguacil,” it is also used at times as an alternative description for the holders of a variety of intermediate posts, including ones in the church organization. Literally, “topile” means “holder of a staff.” Since the staff was the Spaniards’ primary symbol of office, _ it may be that the word came into use after the conquest, but if so, it entered the language very early and must have replaced another common word of

nearly identical meaning. |

We have been discussing office at the altepetl level. The internal governance of the calpolli constitutes another level, of which far less is presently

known. Some sixteenth-century Nahuatl censuses show the existence of ward-like entities arranged in groups of twenty households, forty, and so on to a hundred (these numerical definitions must be construed in the most approximate fashion).''* Reorganization around midcentury could be carried out in terms of such units,’ and there is reason to believe that in a general way organization by small wards with individual heads projected indefinitely

into the future. - | |

After the creation of cabildos, most of the lower officials associated with them had Spanish titles (although one does find calpixqui, “steward,” used at times for the municipal tribute officers). These figures, who in the overall context are actually middle-level officials, were mainly directly involved in cabildo (i.e., altepetl) operations, or at least received their appointments di- _ rectly from the cabildo. In both respects, they differed from the ward officers, who are perhaps better imagined as citizens with some special duties than as

functionaries. It appears that in preconquest times they were commonly named after the size of the unit with which they were charged, but terms like

macuiltecpanpixqui “keeper of a hundred,” become very rare in Nahuatl documents after the 15 50’s. The Spanish titles merino, “rural constable,” -and capitan were sometimes used for ward heads in Nahuatl, mainly from a distance or in references to the officials en masse, although “merino” did gain much ground as time went on. More commonly applied to individual people,

especially before the late period, were the indigenous and probably traditional words tepixqui, “keeper of people, one in charge of people”; tlayacan-

44 | Altepetl qui, teyacanqui, “leader, guide”; and tequitlato, “tribute-speaker.” The terms appear to have varied with the function being emphasized and with the altepetl, each developing its somewhat special terminology.* The office of cibuatepixqui, “female person in charge of people,” also existed at this level; presumably, this officer, in addition to being a woman, had special responsibility for organizing or regulating women’s activity, but no more is known at the present juncture.""” Much is still to be learned about the recruitment of ward | officers in general, for we have little more than secondhand Spanish accounts. In the censuses of the Cuernavaca jurisdiction and Tlaxcala, they appear very much a part of the groups they led; their naming patterns hardly differ from those of the populace at large, and considering the large number of ward heads, it is impossible to imagine that they were all or even mainly noble or acquired office by virtue of lineage." In the records of actual proceedings, the ward heads with their more specific titles rarely appear as such. What one sees again and again in the authentication of wills, sales, and acts of possession is the appearance of an undifferentiated body of tlaxilacaleque, literally “holders or owners of the tlaxilacalli (calpolli unit).” The word is highly ambiguous, since it can mean “inhabitant of the tlaxilacalli” as well as “tlaxilacalli authority,” and in fact in some of the cases where the tlaxilacaleque remain unnamed, the authenticating group seems to be a broader section of the citizenry at large.’ Sometimes, however, the word huehuetque, “elders,” appears instead of or in addition to “tlaxilacaleque,” making it clear that we are dealing with authority figures of some kind.2° Or a contemporary Spanish translation may resolve any doubt. I take it that these tlaxilacaleque or elders, of whom anywhere from four or five to a dozen may be named, are the ward bosses as a group, minus the highest representative of the unit, who would normally be on the

cabildo.' | Congregation and Corregimiento

The Spanish policy of attempting to “congregate” or “reduce” scattered indigenous populations into more compact, well-defined permanent settlements had appeared in the Caribbean phase and was to reappear in some form almost everywhere the Spaniards went. Since the central Mexicans were already organized in extremely well-defined, reasonably compact units and in many cases even showed a relatively high degree of urban nucleation, Spanish officials put less emphasis on congregation there than in peripheral areas or

even in Peru.’ It has been shown for the Valley of Mexico that the number of full-scale congregations ever planned was quite limited, and that of these many failed or were never put into effect at all.2* A wave of actions called

Altepetl , 45 congregations apparently took place in the 15 50’s, since they are widely mentioned in generalizing administrative reports and gained a permanent place in the collective memory of the people of many altepetl, but little specific record seems to remain. From the general configuration of the central Mexican altepetl in the second half of the sixteenth century, it is obvious that the essential distribution of altepetl and calpolli remained untouched. Many of these

“congregations” seem rather to have fallen together with or indeed to have , been the same thing as the formal institution of a Spanish-style cabildo in an altepetl, with the attendant confirmation of its boundaries and those of its

constituent parts. That was surely, in any case, how the Nahuas tended to remember it. Where main settlements had been located on hills for defensive purposes, they may have been relocated on level land at this time, and existing

clusters may have been rearranged to the extent of establishing a grid pattern of streets, with a church and government buildings on a dominant central plaza.15

Sixteenth-century relocations seem to have fallen far short of moving whole subunits. In the 1540’s, a new City of Tlaxcala was established at the intersection of the territories of the four altepetl as a seat for the cabildo and a base for the Franciscans in the province. Though many important noblemen built their homes there, they retained their original affiliations, andthe nearby __

seats of the four tlatoque continued to exist as separate entities. One hasno sense of a massive enforced movement of people. When, in 1560, Spanish officials proposed a series of general congregations across the whole territory of Tlaxcala, the cabildo saw nothing but disadvantages in moving the commoners, but was willing to have some noblemen settle in a more concentrated fashion around local churches. The cabildo’s pleas were heard, and this sort of compromise arrangement may have been common at the time.” In the early decades of the seventeenth century, another wave of congregations took place, this time of a rather different nature. After many decades of severe population loss, some of the constituent calpolli of altepetl were no longer viable units, and consolidation was called for. The normal procedure was to bring people in from an altepetl’s outlying districts to the central area; it is precisely in these terms that Chimalpahin, thinking of the seventeenth century, describes a congregation.’ It may be that at times people or subunits were relocated in altepetl other than their own,’* but normally the reorganization would affect altepetl structure only in that the place of residence of the people in some of its constituent parts would be moved, and the smallest constituents might cease to exist separately at all, changing the ranking and rotation. Even when subunits were lost, their memory often lasted, and they might be revived at a future time.”

46 | Altepetl But if congregation failed to revolutionize the sociopolitical structure, it was not without its impact. At the level of social practice, it reinforced or increased the relative importance of the altepetl’s central settlement cluster, which through accretions came to hold a larger proportion of the total popu-

lation, including in particular a great share of the noblemen and leaders of the subunits. In addition to people encouraged or made to move as a part of the reorganization itself, congregation set up secondary movements. A good part of this, it is true, simply saw those unwillingly uprooted moving straight back to their original homes, but in the case of Tlaxcala at least, the newly

established central capital attracted voluntary migrants from all over the province and beyond. The actuality thus came ever closer to the Spanish no- | - tion of a cabecera or head town. At the level of concepts, congregation made the Nahuas more aware of the terms cabecera and sujeto. Although Nahuatl documents continued to use the indigenous “‘altepetl” and “‘tlaxilacalli” for most purposes until a much later time, the act of deliberate nucleation de-

manded some terminology distinguishing between nucleus and outlying | parts. Chimalpahin, who in his voluminous discussions of central Mexican altepetl both before and after the conquest hardly ever uses cabecera and sujeto, does resort to those terms in describing the congregation campaigns.'° Over the middle part of the sixteenth century, a system of Spanish provin-

cial administration came into being which, though not a direct part of the indigenous world, was to have a certain impact on its development. The countryside was divided into a series of large districts, corregimientos, in each

of which a Spanish official, the corregidor, presided as chief judge and tax ~ collector, taking, usually, the largest indigenous settlement of the district as headquarters for himself and a small staff.3: Like previous Spanish institutional innovations, this one too rested on the altepetl, although not always in so clear a one-to-one relationship, since in the majority of cases the corregimiento contained several Indian municipalities. Even so, the corregidor relied on them for most adjudication and tax collection, limiting himself largely to hearing certain appeals and channeling taxes to Mexico City. Moreover, in most cases, the corregimientos were not simple collections of towns that happened to be in the same general geographical region. It is true that in the Toluca Valley and the Cuernavaca region, the corregimientos came close to being miscellanies. But in the Valley of Mexico, Chalco for example became a single corregimiento (with four separate full-scale municipalities), Mexicalzingo contained four closely associated “Colhua” altepetl, and Teotihuacan and Otumba had existed as administrative districts, if not confederations, at least as early as the time of Tetzcocan imperial dominance.’ In no small number of cases, an entire complex altepetl became a single corregimiento, the whole continuing at the same time to function as a municipal unit; such

Altepetl 47 were Xochimilco, Coyoacan, Tlaxcala, and in a way Tulancingo, which after a time as two municipalities merged into one.

In a several-municipality corregimiento, the Spaniards considered the headquarters of the corregidor to be in a sense the cabecera of the whole district. The normal flow of legal and administrative business frequently brought parties from outlying towns into the corregimiento capital, adding to any preeminence it might already enjoy. Being normally the district’s largest settlement as well as the seat of its Spanish authority, the cabecera of the

corregimiento was likely to become the primary headquarters of any com- | munity of Spaniards residing in the area. By the late sixteenth century, Toluca and Cuernavaca had far outstripped any other communities in their respective basins as Spanish residential centers, loci of Spanish-Indian interaction, and hubs of valley-wide economic activity involving both Spaniards and In-

dians.* Not that the indigenous municipal governments in district capitals suffered in any obvious way; rather the cabildos there long continued, typically, to be the strongest, most active, and best developed in their regions, without at all ceasing to be authentic carriers of the principal indigenous traditions. Even so, the corregidor and his staff were likely to supervise and utilize the cabildo at the corregimiento base more than the councils in distant towns and also to attempt to exercise more influence on gubernatorial and other elections (just as, conversely, Indian factions in the cabecera were most likely to seek the corregidor’s support against rivals).t

Town Government and Structure in the Later Colonial Period It would not be wrong to say that the main lines of the mixed system of local government that had come into existence in the central Mexican countryside by 1580 or earlier lasted until the time of Mexican independence. The persistence of entities, offices, and forms of organization is striking. Yet the *] do not mean to imply that the district cabecera invariably outgrew other local centers. For example, although Tlalmanalco was preeminent among the four parts of Chalco and became cabecera as one would expect, it eventually lost the lead to Amecameca (Amaquemecan), earlier the second-ranking, and even inside the Tlalmanalco jurisdiction, the weight shifted increasingly

to Chalco Atenco. _

tSee Haskett 1985. Cuernavaca, seat of the magistrate, seems to have generated more extraaltepetl litigation and documents than any other municipality, though Tepoztlan ran a strong second. The imposition of the corregimiento brought the overall system one step closer to the Spanish model by introducing a frequently replaced higher official from the outside, Nevertheless, the indigenous governor still did much of what a corregidor would have done in a Spanish | municipality, since most districts contained several Indian towns, and even when there was only one, it does not appear that the corregidor usually presided over the sessions of its cabildo, In Tlaxcala, after a breaking-in period in the late 1540’s and early 1550's, when the corregidor often did attend sessions and give instructions, he was present only on ceremonial occasions and

during emergencies (TA, pp. 15-16).

48 Altepetl system had its own dynamics; the principles of microethnicity, small unit selfcontainedness, and the separate representation of subunits held the possibility of a progressive fragmentation that in fact began very early in the postconquest period and gained momentum in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Spanish concepts continued to penetrate deeper into Nahua consciousness, or at least to gain currency, although on consideration it often appears that their function was to give a label to deviance from the Spanish norm or the resurgence of Nahua patterns. The changes are sufficiently marked and

sufficiently bunched in time to justify speaking of a new period beginning around the middle decades of the seventeenth century. Office and the Vocabulary of Office

I have mentioned above that Hispanic-style Nahua municipal officialdom in several ways constituted a more open-ended, wider, less corporate body than the Spanish cabildo. Indeed, by speaking of individual officers or the broader nobility rather than of the cabildo as such, both Spaniards and Indians showed some appreciation of this fact from an early time. Yet the word does occur in Nahuatl sources of the sixteenth century, and in the Tlaxcalan council records, it is seen on almost every page. In records of succeeding centuries, apart from some rare chance occurrence, “cabildo” virtually disappears from the vocabulary of both Spaniards and Nahuas in connection with Indian town government. The term universally preferred in the later period is oficiales de republica, “officers of the commonwealth (polity).” Presumably the terminology originated with the Spaniards, who must have seen in time that an Indian municipality was not the same thing as a Spanish one even if the officeholders bore Spanish titles. Among the Nahuas, “oficiales” sometimes refers directly to the alcaldes or governor, but more frequent are

formulations such as “the governor, alcaldes, and all the oficiales de reptblica.” 3+ Here as often, the term is a catchall for any position below alcalde, serving to emphasize that the real officials, worth naming individually, are the governor and alcaldes. “Oficiales de reptblica” seems to stand for an undif-

ferentiated larger group, much as “the nobles” did in texts of the sixteenth

and early seventeenth centuries.

The language of rulership and nobility did continue to be used in connection with town officeholders, but the proportions and connotations were different. In the late period, the governor is referred to less frequently as “‘tlatoani,” “ruler,” while the officers.as a whole are constantly called “tlatoque,” “rulers,” often with some modifier meaning “honorable” or the like.» But the meaning of the word by this time seems to have become very broad and attenuated, especially in the plural, where it hardly goes beyond a courtesy title that could apply to any group of respectable citizens. The words teteuctin

Altepetl 49 (lords) and pipiltin (nobles), so frequently seen for sixteenth-century officeholders, become rare enough by the eighteenth century to strike one as an oddity or archaism. As far as I can recall, I have never seen “‘teteuctin” in eighteenth-century documents at all, and have seen “pipiltin” only once.‘ Of all the terminological innovations of the late period, the most revealing is the use of the pair of Spanish words actual, “current, present,” and pasado, “past,” as modifiers for titles of office. The earliest example I have yet found

is from 1654.17 Since the Nahuatl language was making a whole series of new adaptations to Spanish around the mid-seventeenth century, the 1640s may have been the time when the terms were introduced into general use, although I expect further research to unearth at least some isolated examples from the 1620’s or 1630’s. At any rate, in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, “actual” and “pasado” were a standard part of the vocabulary, and one will not read far in Nahuatl documents of that epoch without encountering them, especially “pasado,” which is the more frequent by far. Presumably the terms came in as a result of the Spanish campaign to drive home to the Nahuas, accustomed as they were to lifetime or indefinite tenure in preconquest times, the distinction between holding office and not holding office. Once adopted, however, the words came to play a much more prominent role in the indigenous world than among the Spaniards, who for the most part used them only when distinguishing between an incumbent and a nonincumbent or speaking of their individual service history. In Nahuatl documents, a past officeholder tends to be identified as such every time he appears in the record, and it is often precisely because of that past officeholding that he - makes his appearance. Also, at times the current governor and alcaldes will be designated ‘“actuales,” even when no “pasados” are mentioned, a usage one would rarely if ever see in reference to Spanish officials.¥* “Pasado” is not found equally applied to all municipal officials, but pri-

marily to the highest ranking, governors and alcaldes. Occasionally it may ~ accompany the title of fiscal, the high-ranking quasi-municipal office in the church hierarchy.” Only in special circumstances is it associated with lesser offices. Thus when a certain investigation involved establishing the authenticity of a document, the past notaries of Amaquemecan were summoned and identified as such.” In Tepetlixpan (Chalco region) in 1791, a person claiming to descend from the town’s former dynastic rulers was identified as “me-

rino pasado” just to give him some scrap of an honorific title.1 That more | attention should have been paid to past officeholding at the upper level than at the lower is not surprising; what stands out is the lack of association of “pasado” with the office of regidor.'* To understand this, we need to follow changes that had been going on in the municipal offices themselves. By the mid-seventeenth century, tendencies already seen at work earlier

50° Altepetl had led in many places to the practical disappearance of regidores, in others to a lower status as auxiliaries, in effect minor officials. A corollary was the

expansion of the alcaldes to the point that there was one for each major subunit. The named officials in any major act of a town government in the late period are likely to be the governor, several alcaldes, a regidor mayor, sometimes an alguacil mayor or chief constable, and the notary (compare Tables 2.3—2.5). There may have been lesser regidores in some cases, as a chief regidor implies, merely being too lowly to be named, but I suspect that often the regidor mayor was alone. To date there are few clues to his function, but the treatment accorded him in documentary protocol seems to put him at a rank comparable to that of the alcaldes.

| It is entirely possible that much of the change observable in late colonial officeholding is in terminology only. That is, since both alcaldes and regidores

| TABLE 2.3

1687 | 1720 -

Officials of Tulancingo at Two Points in the Late Period

Don Nicolas de San Juan y Aguiar, Don Juan Maldonado, governor

governor Don Antonio de Galicia, regidor Don Nicolas Josef, alcalde mayor | Don Juan de San Francisco, alcalde Don Pedro de la Cruz, alcalde

: Don Josef Gaspar, alcalde Don Juan Ramos, alcalde Don Francisco Josef de Galicia, Don Bartolomé de la Cruz, alcalde regidor mayor , Don Antonio Mejia, interim alcalde

Don Ventura de San Juan, alcalde _ for Tlaixpan : Don Josef de la Cruz, notary Antonio Rodriguez, notary

SOURCE: UCLA TC, folders 14 (Oct. 7, 1687), 19 (July 30, 1720). |

TABLE 2.4 | Some Sets of Town Officials in the Late Period

Tenayuca (Valley of Mexico), 1708 Don Antonio Juarez, alcalde, Sta. Ma.

Don Antonio de San Juan, governor de la Asuncién Don Bartolomé Felipe, alcalde, Don Sebastian Serrano, alcalde,

Iztaccalla barrio Santiago

Baltasar Gregorio, alcalde Francisco Nicolas, regidor mayor

Diego Felipe, alcalde Don Andrés de Santiago, notary

Mateo Garcia, regidor mayor Calimaya (Toluca Valley), 1750 Antonio Juan, alguacil mayor Don Pablo de Estrada, judge-governor

Gaspar Lorenzo, notary Don Asenscio de la Cruz, alcalde

f. 3. : | |

Tepemaxalco (Toluca Valley), 1682 Don Agustin de la Cruz, alcalde Don Juan de la Cruz, governor Don Francisco Javier, regidor mayor

Don Lorenzo Lépez, alcalde Julian Asenscio, notary Don Nicolas Blas, alcalde, San Lucas

| SOURCES: AGN, Tierras 1805, exp. 3, f. 127; MNAH AH, GO 186, f 16; AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11,

Altepetl 51 TABLE 2.5 Witnesses to the Will of don Josef de la Cruz, Tlapitzahuayan (Valley of Mexico), 1763

Don Lazaro Josef, alcalde actual Don Juan Eugenio, alcalde pasado Nicolas Hernandez, fiscal mayor Don Juan Luis, fiscal pasado Domingo Antonio, alcalde pasado Don Juan Francisco, alcalde pasado Josef Joaquin, alcalde pasado '| Andrés Ramirez, regidor mayor Matias Juarez, alcalde pasado Don Juan de la Trinidad, alguacil mayor SOURCE: AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 23v. NOTE: The “escribano de la repiblica” who wrote the document was Pedro Hilario.

represented specific constituencies from the beginning and functioned primarily as leaders of their own units, it could be that the change merely consisted of renaming the regidores.'** Likewise, the Tlaxcalan records document in great detail a sixteenth-century situation that I imagine to have been widespread—monopolization of the offices of governor, alcalde, and regidor by a relatively small cadre, with those who had once held office retaining great influence whether they were currently incumbents or not.'** Once the term “pasado” came into use, the role of past officeholders is much easier to appreciate in the records, but that does not mean that associated practices were

necessarily new. ,

At any rate, regidores were mainly out of the picture by the eighteenth century, and Nahua towns now looked not only to incumbent municipal officials, but to the corps of all living past governors (in towns that had them), alcaldes, and in some places and for some purposes, fiscales of the church for guidance, representation, and legitimation of actions. The same people might return to office again and again after short intervals, and they also held the different positions in succession. Don Pedro de Santiago Maxixcatzin of Coatepec (between Tenancingo and the mines of Sultepec, south of the Nevado de Toluca) was following a common path in serving first as master of the

church choir, then alcalde, then fiscal, and finally governor.'** Reaching the top of the ladder as governor, however, did not necessarily prevent one from

repeating later as alcalde or fiscal. — ,

Past officials joined incumbents as those most sought out as witnesses to testaments. For an ordinary will, any two or three might suffice, either present

or past; in the will of a prominent person, the names of the whole corps might | appear (see Table 2.5 for an example). In litigation it was primarily past officials who were called on to give testimony.'** Petitions to higher authority often bore the signatures of past as well as present officers, and delegations

sent to the corregidor or to higher Spanish officials in Mexico City were likely | to include both (see, as an example, Table 2.6). I have yet to see past officials

52 Altepetl | TABLE 2.6 Delegation Sent to Represent Tepetlixpan in Tlalmanalco, Capital of the Corregimiento, 1724

Don Matias Gerénimo, alcalde Nicolas Salvador, notary

actual , Don Diego Francisco, alcalde pasado

Don Josef de Avila, teniente de alcalde Don Salvador Pacheco, alcalde pasado

(deputy alcalde) — Don Domingo de la Cruz, alcalde Juan Antonio, alguacil mayor pasado

Antonio Juan, regidor Don Nicolas Rodriguez, alcalde pasado

SOURCE: AGN, Tierras 2549, exp. 1, f. 41. NOTE: Tepetlixpan does not seem to have had a governor at this time, although it had acquired one by the 1780's and 1790's (f. 50). Tepetlixpan is in the Chalco region, Valley of Mexico.

actually act independently to issue judgments, decrees, or grants in the name of the town, but they could nevertheless be drawn into such transactions quite deeply and formally. Thus in Calimaya in 1750, when a citizen applied for a grant of land, the governor called together all the past governors and alcaldes, presented the case to them, and upon their reply that the land should be given to the applicant, proceeded to take the necessary steps.” In nearby Santa Maria de la Asuncién (a constituent part of Tepemaxalco) in 1781, the past alcaldes joined current officials in clarifying the status of a piece of land, and one of them actually signed the document with the others. Note that where Santa Maria’s alcalde had been part of the Tepemaxalco

government in 1682 (Table 2.4), the entity now had its own set of officials—alcalde, regidor mayor, fiscal, and notary—issuing documents on their

own authority. The earlier arrangement made such a transition easy and natural. All that was required was for the alcalde to stay at home, in addition

to which some tlaxilacalli functionaries already helping collect taxes and maintain the local chapel could be renamed regidor mayor, fiscal, and notary. Indeed, it appears that in some cases alcaldes may have acted part of the time with the larger unit, part of the time with the smaller ones independently, so that although formal independence may have been declared at some specific point in time, it would be hard to say when it became an effective reality. The Evolution of Units and Unit Concepts Surely the most striking aspect of the entire picture of indigenous central Mexican sociopolitical structure in the eighteenth century is the recognition of an increased number of independent units, most of them formerly constituent parts of larger units. As time passed, the Spanish notion of a cabecera had an impact on indigenous thought, and traces of it began to appear occasionally in Nahuatl texts even in the absence of any impelling factor such as a congregation or a direct translation of a Spanish order. The reference might

Altepetl 53 be either to the cabecera of a corregimiento containing several independent ~ altepetl or to the central cluster of a single altepetl; it might involve the use of either the actual Spanish word or a Nahuatl equivalent.‘ Even in the eighteenth century, the use of the word does not seem necessarily to imply that the speaker has gone over to the Spanish concept of a headtown ruling distinct subject hamlets. In San Francisco Centlalpan (Chalco region) in 1736, a testator declares: “I make my home (am a citizen) in the barrio of San Diego Chalcatepehuacan, and | belong in the altepetl of San Francisco, our cabe-

cera.” 5° Here, though a distinction is apparently made between the cabecera | and the outlying units, those units are called barrios rather than sujetos, and their inhabitants are thought of as belonging to the cabecera after all, just as in the original indigenous concept of the all-embracing altepetl. Traces of Spanish “‘sujeto” are also to be found in texts of the eighteenth century, most often embodied in indigenous vocabulary implying something pulled along in the wake of something larger, so that here too indigenous and Spanish concepts may have continued to be somewhat at variance.'! Ever since the mid-sixteenth century, constituent parts had been successfully pulling free of larger units to be awarded the status of independent cabeceras (in their own terms, the status of full-scale altepetl not part of any larger rotation scheme). In the early period, however, the entities affected were above all what the Spaniards called estancias, located at a considerable distance from the main settlement cluster and in many cases not even contiguous with the rest of the altepetl territory.* Such units had arisen sometimes through conquest, sometimes through out-migration from the main group; in either case, they were likely to have attained a complex organization of their own and'have developed an especially strong sense of independence, so that they were ripe for separation on all counts. A second source of pressure for independence, exerted from an early time, came from fullfledged altepetl that had been members of empire-confederations, as with Huexotla and others surrounding Tetzcoco; in such instances, de facto sepa*See Gibson 1964, pp. 53—57. I find that Gibson’s terminology (followed by Gerhard) of estancia for a distant, separate constituent part and barrio for a constituent belonging to the main contiguous cluster makes an important distinction often borne out in Spanish sources, and I favor retention of this vocabulary for some purposes. It is well to be aware, however, that the

Spaniards were by no means consistent in their usage; “estancia” in this sense is fairly rare, | probably out of a fear of confusion with the much more common meaning “privately owned : tract of land for agrarian purposes.” And I have never seen “estancia” meaning a sociopolitical unit in a mundane Nahuatl document, nor does it correspond to any special term in indigenous vocabulary. I have seen it just once in Nahuatl historical writing, in the anonymous annals of Tenochtitlan during the 1560’s (MNAH AH, GO 14), in an entry for 1566, where people are said to have come in for a special occasion “yn ipan Estancia yn ima altepetl,” “from the estancias, the dependencies of the altepetl.” As one can see, the author felt the need to explain the

meaning.

54 Altepetl

required. , ration already existed, and only a word of formal pronouncement was

Relatively new in the late period (though, as we have seen, the germ of it existed from an early time) was independence attained by one of the ordinary calpolli-tlaxilacalli in the core section of a simple altepetl, as in the example - given just above of Santa Maria de la Asunci6n and Tepemaxalco, but by the eighteenth century it was just this type of movement that was snowballing. As mentioned earlier, it is clear that internal pressures for such a development are present in cellular structure, schemes of rotation and ranking, and ethnic differences between tlaxilacalli. The end of the Triple Alliance and of endemic warfare eliminated two of the main counterpressures in the direction of maintaining larger units. We may ask, then, why it was that minimal-unit independence did not come earlier than it did.

On the Spanish side, in the sixteenth century it was very much in the © , interest of Spanish individuals and officialdom to maintain large units and _ preserve the integrity of existing indigenous authorities. Large units meant large and lucrative encomiendas, and everything was channeled through the primary tlatoani. As cabildos succeeded tlatoque and the repartimiento succeeded the encomienda in the recruitment of temporary labor, the large altepetl remained an indispensable channeling device. The monumental churchbuilding campaigns on which both Spanish friars and their Indian parishioners put such emphasis also required the full resources of the larger unit. But by the early decades of the seventeenth century, with the great churches built, the repartimiento in decay, Spanish enterprises honeycombing the countryside and negotiating with Indian neighbors for their services as individuals or in small groups, and more Hispanic people available and willing to man additional parishes or serve as deputies to the corregidor, the larger altepetl form no longer had a marked advantage over small units from the Spanish point of view, and there was less reason to oppose indigenous pressure for

fragmentation. |

_ On the Nahua side, the large altepetl lost only a part of its utility after the conquest. Large entities could still do better than small ones in sharing burdens and representing the community’s interests before Spanish authorities.

, Although the Spaniards made drastic changes in the general economy by a few years after they had entered the country, the subregional markets organized by altepetl remained very meaningful to the Nahuas. Interdependencies of all kinds that had grown up over’ the centuries, including intermarriage patterns, did not immediately disappear. The linchpin of the altepetl, the tlatoani, to whom each subunit had a direct and equal relationship, remained

in place for a time, and both the structural relationship and the sense of allegiance were successfully transferred to governors and cabildos, who en-

Altepetl , 55 , joyed their heyday in the later sixteenth century. In this time when many Nahuas had not yet been exposed to the full force of Spanish cultural influence, individuals and small units still often had great need of the well-organized cabildo of the large altepetl as an intermediary in dealing with Spanish officials or employers. Later, with growing experience and acculturation, they would be more able to operate on their own. As already implied, it was not only the Spaniards who wanted to see a splendid monastery church built in each altepetl. Just as all the tlaxilacalli had the same relationship to the tlatoani and viewed him as their own, so too they had, in preconquest times, a common ethnic god and central temple that represented the sovereignty and power of the altepetl; not only the biased reports of approving friars but the internal logic of the situation lead to the interpretation that the people of the entire altepet] must have sympathized with the construction of a general altepetl church in the sixteenth century, and the task itself must have been a unifying factor. Once that task was finished, the construction of churches in each tlaxilacalli could proceed, helping refocus both energy and loyalties toward the smaller unit. Although there can be no doubt that in the late period many a community specifically built a church to reinforce its claims to independence,’ the timing of separatist movements may have borne a significant

relation to the natural sequence and timing of secondary church construction. , By the time the labor repartimiento ended, tlaxilacalli citizens were in more direct economic contact with Spaniards; no longer being sheltered by or re-

ceiving guidance in unfamiliar places from the altepetl government, they might now begin to see it primarily in terms of the exactions it made. By mid-

seventeenth century, the conditions for separatism were in a sense already fully given on both Spanish and Nahua sides; at the same time, all the trends were cumulative, so that the pressures to separate mounted with each decade

to 1800 and beyond. : /

As the situation gradually changed, Spanish concepts and vocabulary rela- _ tive to indigenous organization evolved correspondingly, and this in turn fur-

ther eased the way to fragmentation and had its impact on Indian notions. As mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, even while emphasizing the cabecera and the sujeto, the Spaniards had also used the term pueblo from an early time, primarily for larger settlements, so that very often Spanish “pueblo” coincided with “altepetl,” each referring to the same organization and group of people even though quite differently imagined. Yet the coincidence was never perfect; Spaniards were prepared to refer to any discernible cluster and its surroundings as a pueblo, not caring or not knowing that it was part of a larger altepetl. As early as the late sixteenth century, one can find Spaniards on inspection tours of the countryside calling cabeceras simply

pueblos and using either pueblo or barrio for subunits..3

56 Altepetl _ As time went on, “‘pueblo” came to dominate ordinary Spanish usage (including that of officials), diminishing the terminological distinction between “cabecera” and “sujeto,” which words were now used for the most part only when the relation of altepetl parts was being called into question. In the second half of the colonial period, legislation such as that establishing a 600-vara land area within which an Indian town’s possession could not be challenged speaks simply in terms of pueblos.*%* Any entity that could get itself recognized as a pueblo would be in line for confirmation of the 600 varas. And indeed, whereas in sixteenth-century separation campaigns a successful “sujeto” was freed of its “cabecera” and became a “cabecera”’ itself (i.e., in indigenous terms two independent sets of calpolli-tlaxilacalli came into existence, constituting two full-scale altepetl), the Spanish government now began to give new recognition to Indian entities simply as pueblos, independent of any others it is true, but with no implication that the pueblo contained any large or complex set of constituent parts. Similarly, the independent “formal y rigoroso pueblo” of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries might lack a governor, its highest official being the single alcalde it had already had as a barrio or tlaxilacalli.5 Although it is hard to demonstrate philologically in specific cases, one cannot avoid the impression that by the eighteenth century, the entity. denoted by pueblo was likely to be a small one, the same connotation the word was to bring with it into the twentieth century.

The Nahuas seem to have had a quite full grasp of the evolving Spanish term pueblo and its implications. Getting legal confirmation of the right to 600 varas was one motivation for many of the eighteenth-century movements in which barrios sought recognition as pueblos.1* Barrios also tended to use Spanish perceptions of many small separate units among Indians to give the appearance of full independence even where it did not quite exist. In 1720, petitioners from Tequixquinahuac in the Tetzcoco region appeared in court in the corregimiento capital, led by their alcalde, complaining that the fiscal of the (apparently neighboring) town of Tezontla had been taking Tequixqui- nahuac land and giving it to people from his own pueblo. Only with further investigation does it turn out that Tequixquinahuac was still a barrio (in accompanying Nahuatl documents, tlaxilacalli) of Tezontla, a full pueblo (in Nahuatl called altepetl).1% Yet though seeming to understand and embrace the concept “pueblo,” the

Nahuas very rarely used the word in documents in their own language. ‘“Altepetl” continues to occur as long as Nahuatl documents are found. Not only small entities are so denominated (such as Tocuillan near Tetzcoco in

1722),'° but even entities remaining within larger ones. In 1786, Sacaquauhtla, with only alcaldes and admitting to being the ¢latilanalli (sujeto) of

Altepetl 57 Acaxochitlan, which itself was originally only one of the subdivisions of the northern half of Tulancingo, nevertheless appears as “the precious honored

altepetl of our precious honored mother Santa Maria de la Natividad.” Examples such as this have a double implication. On the one hand, they indicate that the Nahuas brought the key term of indigenous sociopolitical organization along with them to the level of the often smaller and, to all appearances, less complex new independent unit, viewing it in the same light as they had its larger predecessor. On the other hand, it seems possible that the meaning of “altepetl” may actually have been somewhat influenced by Spanish “pueblo,” even though the indigenous term and doubtless many of

its connotations were retained. | ,

Where subunits stayed together under one set of officials and shared or rotated duties as before (and a great many altepetl did so, with or without mutilations), ‘“tlaxilacalli” remained current to the end of the colonial period,’ but “barrio” appears as a loanword in Nahuatl with increasing frequency through the eighteenth century. Both words may be used in the same document, even in reference to the same entity, so that it is hard to detect any conceptual change involved in the introduction of the Spanish term.’ As far as one can tell from usage in texts, the meaning of the two was identical. The sense also appears unchanged from earlier times, although in some complex altepetl the tlayacatl or sub-altepetl, originally sovereign entities with separate tlatoque, had apparently been reduced to the level of tlaxilacalli..* By 1746, Chimalpahin’s five “tlayacatl altepetl” of Amaquemecan are being called tlaxilacalli and barrios; the only indication of a greater complexity is the occasional use of a double name, as Itztlacogauhcan Acolhuacan, where Itztlaco-

cauhcan is the senior of the old tlayacatl, and Acolhuacan must have been one of the Itztlacocauhcan tlaxilacalli, although its status as of 1746 is a subject for speculation. Eighteenth-century developments in Indian town structure should not be quickly labeled “decline.” The evolution resulted in large part from vigorous, protracted campaigns by smaller units to attain their independence from larger entities that under changed conditions no longer seemed to serve their interests. And while the ever-growing Hispanic community of central Mexico, as a fact of life, was doubtless the ultimate reason for the change, the Indians had by no means simply gone over to Spanish organizational modes. Although affected by Spanish concepts to some extent, they had above all reshaped notions like cabecera and pueblo in their own minds and manipulated them as a means to attain their own ends. Their goals were indigenous rather than Spanish in inspiration, an embodiment of small-unit ambitions that had existed since remote times. What had happened was not so much “fragmentation” or “homogenization” as a decentralization that was one of

58 Altepetl | the possibilities inherent in indigenous sociopolitical organization from the

beginning. Nor is decentralization, in the sense of the reduction to small simple pueblos, each the same as the next, a full description of the result of the process in the late period. Many altepetl-tlaxilacalli complexes remained relatively intact by the time of Mexican independence, and even such idiosyncratic arrangements as double governments in a single territory were still ex-

: tant in places.’ Even where a formerly unified altepetl was now divided into several pueblos, in many cases there was still a distinction between the direct descendant of the altepetl government, located in the largest settlement cluster, headed by a governor, and containing a full complement of higher and

lower officials, and the set of officials in former tlaxilacalli, not reaching above alcalde and very restricted in staff. A distinction also obtained in that _ the former tlaxilacalli were generally less populous and headed by figures of lower social rank. Ironically, despite the formal decentralization, the lateperiod seat of large altepetl government may have become more of a “cabecera”’ in a social and economic sense than ever before. Although by independence Spanish estates with their own dependent communities and Spanish clusters in the cabeceras had changed the configuration of the countryside considerably, the main outlines of the original large altepet] structures could

still be discerned.” , |

* Despite the changes it introduced, Spanish society in the Indian countryside, having at first been dependent on the various altepetl, to a very large extent replicated the original structure and settlement pattern, thus perpetuating it.

3|,

- Household THE ORGANIZATION OF familial life and kinship ties is no less a central aspect of Nahua society than of any other. Yet looking at the many Nahuatl sources touching on family matters (above all the numerous wills), no single , term for a general organizing concept, comparable to “altepetl” in the larger sociopolitical sphere, seems to emerge. The promising-looking tlacamecayotl, consisting of the roots “human being” and “rope,” plus a nominal suffix that sometimes denotes a collective entity, apparently means simply the totality of kinship ties as seen from the vantage point of some particular individual, not any actual, functioning, independently existing unit.! In any case, the word

is extremely rare in texts. Nor do naming patterns, either preconquest or | postconquest, emphasize lineages as surnames in the Mayan region do.”

Terminology and Constitution of the Household Complex

, Not only do any lineages tend to remain unnamed and undiscussed in Nahuatl sources;* no word appears that would have approximately the same scope as English “family.” Looking in Molina’s dictionary under familia, one finds the following collection of terms: cenyeliztli, “being together’; cencalli,

“one house”; cencaltin, “those in one house”; cemithualtin, “those in one patio”; and techan tlaca, “people in someone’s home.” “Cenyeliztli” receives the alternate gloss “people who live together in a house.” All the words, then,

emphasize the setting in which a joint life takes place, not the origin of the relationships between those living together; as a set, the terms converge on something akin to the English notion of “household,” which can therefore serve to lend a title to the present chapter. _

Some of Molina’s words are not unheard of in actual texts, but none is very common.} More frequently seen is the metaphorical doublet in quiahuatl, in ithualli, literally “the exit, the patio,” which is like “altepetl’’ in

be discussed in Chapter 4. |

* The teccalli or “lordly house,” a specific and important manifestation of the lineage, will

60 Household seeming to describe the physical aspect but actually referring to the connection between an organized group of people and a physical surrounding; the effect is very close indeed to “household.’’+ In preconquest times, the household was probably the repository of certain holy objects associated with the ancestors, lands, and possessions of those who lived there. In the postconquest centuries, “quiahuatl ithualli” is often seen accompanied by reference

to God, either as his possession or as something one is maintaining on his behalf. Images of saints may be mentioned in the same breath.’ An alternative

phrase for the dwelling with implications of household is “where we await

the order of (obey) our lord God.”’® | , An important related term is -chan, “home.” It may be that in some times and places “-chan” was the most inclusive word of all, combining and hence unifying notions close to both “household” and “family.”* Ordinarily, however, “-chan” is limited to indicating a person’s place of residence or affiliation; the word appears to have been primarily locative by origin.’ One’s home is said to be in a certain tlaxilacalli or altepetl, or one is said to be the “possessor of a home” (chane) there, that is, a resident or citizen." Both formu-

_ lations often have the connotation that the person was born in the district, and sometimes one’s “-chan”’ is the birthplace even though one now makes one’s home elsewhere.'! Often “-chan” means the entire home altepetl rather than the specific residence.” In the available sources, which are above all wills and land documents, the overwhelmingly most frequent word associated with household affairs is calli, “house” (primarily in the sense of the actual physical structure). Nahuatl ordinarily makes no distinction between singular and plural with inanimate nouns, so it is very hard to tell whether “calli” is being used as a collective name for the whole household complex or not, but following the details of the word’s use in texts allows one to discover a great deal about household structure. Reading in Nahuatl testaments, one soon forms the impression that an extraordinarily large number of people owned more than one house; such houses are usually described only as facing in a certain direction: east (“where the sun emerges”), west (“‘where the sun enters”), or, for north and south, usually ad hoc expressions, “toward such and such an altepetl” lying in the

proper direction. Finally it dawns on the reader that these houses are not scattered haphazardly across the landscape but are arranged around a central patio that the writers of the documents took so much for granted as to leave it unmentioned most of the time. Rather than saying a building is on the west of the patio, the Nahuas said it faces east, that is, had its door on that side, for doors always opened onto the patio, not the outside. A “calli,” then, is by no means necessarily the entire abode, but may be a component part (see Fig. 3.1). Spanish translations of the time often render the word as aposento, which depending on context can mean “lodging,” “room,” or “one-room

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Se a oO pe te aR ESS -_ sicot a oe fo fF = a 2 ‘ = . BeSE a ge apeee oe Boone . Beeae ees ee fou BSonaes ai ok Se Ue as aspasenha Serer SeShoes geen— eee Ce ee eeemf eeyea ol FePee ee & Sed WSdee Soe ee pees:ee ee a Se oF Pe :2a ee Ramer Ce Seer ne i ee wenn NN ae ee ee Be nee ee ae 2 i Bo 7) SSEERESS sian ocat eee pean EN ESPON S wean ae.5,ke Cs Benes. Sian Dl. -7:_:cots 2. °- |:-: a a - een — ~— e— eeorSS © Raa: ast para aa creatine Se Rea gee Srna Boe pepe! Sates oe :Steere SicSE sete aeSie Ssncsenatens.-sppgests oe eR Oe. gener Seceeee peWe SSSeocepeer oe ESE Bee ae pee ti a, © ae ge eae oo. . CC oR RS SEO RRO ier hn wag RR ee See RRO Rae eee cacrae Puboceindh Co ae |. ae aJoe ~—_ oo . SABO oe Ss Be anes, ee oo oS Fy goes BPRS Sir or See es Se wens, Po— NGSees eaeS: ; oe Se SEE eres ee . a8 | Ss oes eeBate “Hee ee 2 teees Be ne eee ee 6Be ec ieee aie ee Bee ee cee Sener itn ae ante Pe ee ais ee ee Sa Oe Ee See PEGE .UU iSeni, ieBes ~SU oe oe re esoie cee aeee SE GE eee SNE SC. eee : _=.Reese eee ban a~nabsprose SS .neleon OS In Huexotzinco, the great majority of the population in two outlying regions consisted of dependents of nobles residing in the core region; apparently, then, the Huexotzinca in comparatively recent times had conquered some of their neighbors and converted them from independent calpolli members of other altepetl into dependents of their own leaders. A more subtle indication of transience among the dependents can be seen in the early Cuernavacaregion censuses. The term tequinanamiqui, “one who helps with the tribute,” is used at times for the dependents of certain lords (teteuctin), some of them relatives and some not. Although the establishments of these lords are not called teccalli, they match the description in many respects. The lord gives each dependent some of his land, and in return the dependent performs certain services for the lord and delivers products to him. The same word and the same practice, however, are found among the ordinary commoners. A commoner might give some of his land to another, most often a younger relative, under exactly the same terms. No doubt, as is documented specifically for a region of Tetzcoco at about the same time, this was in the nature of a temporary arrangement until the younger relative could get established on his own, and it may well be that many of a lord’s dependents similarly hoped for something different at a later stage in life.27 The different types and levels of dependents of lords whom we have been discussing may or may not have headed a household, and the “‘tribute-helpers” often did not; they would, however, be expected at least to reside in their

own separate “calli” (in the sense explained in Chapter 3) within the complex. At the bottom of the society were those who lacked even that, but lived in the houses of others without fully belonging to the group. In the Cuernavaca-region censuses, where they are best described, these people are called -tlan nenqui, “one who lives with someone,” or -pal nemi, “one who lives by

means of someone.” Mainly young, they were often orphans or from the outside; within the household, they swept up, carried water, and the like. They were to be found in the households of both lords and commoners. Very similar in both provenience and role were the tlatlacotin (sing., tlacotli), or slaves, who were still to be found in the Cuernavaca area at the time (1530's or 1540's). They too had usually come from a distance as children, though

LOO Social Differentiation they differed in that merchants had brought them and sold them for a certain quantity of cloth.2* For the rest, the two types can hardly be distinguished,

and it seems appropriate that a source from Tetzcoco mentions them together: “the macehualtin who were tetlan nenque, or the tlatlacotin”’ (leaving

, us to guess whether the writer is saying that the two are literally the same thing or that one of them will serve the purpose of his statement as well as the other).”» In preconquest times, tlatlacotin may have been quite numerous, and several subtypes may have existed. Surely foreign slaves for religious sac-

rifice were a standard feature of the scene.*° But by a few years after the conquest, slaves were a minor population element barely distinguished from other menial servants and lower dependents, with whom they had probably had a great deal in common even in preconquest times.

Commoners of the two main kinds so far treated were closely associated with agricultural work.3: But the crafts and commerce were well devel-

oped in preconquest central Mexico, and it is necessary to examine the question of where the practitioners of these activities fell within the noblecommoner scheme. In chronicles speaking of the preconquest period, they appear to have occupied a privileged position above the macehualtin and transitional between the two basic categories, if not indeed more associated

with the nobles. We are told that they were exempt from draft labor and even from tribute in agricultural products, giving instead items they made or sold.3? Merchants (pochteca; sing., pochtecatl), it is said, at times acquired a position as teuctli or married the daughter of a tlatoani. In the Florentine Codex, the pochteca are seen as a prominent group with their own tight organization and their own subculture.* As to the crafts, even nobles are said to have practiced them. One retrospective discussion of the education of noblemen mentions that, in addition to instruction in war, music, oratory, astronomy, and religion, some “were taught the different crafts: featherwork, how feathers and plumes were arranged; also mosaic work, goldsmithery, jewel cutting, and metal polishing; and also painting, woodworking, and various other crafts.” >5 Despite such words, it is likely that the nobles going into artisanry were primarily those who did not receive lands or offices.

When we turn to early postconquest sources, including censuses and individual attestations in Nahuatl texts, the picture at first looks quite different. In Huexotzinco, the best recorded situation, over 20 percent of the economically active population had a trade specialty in 1560, but the specialists are listed among the ordinary commoners and the dependents of noblemen. A Spaniard assessing the population at the same time as the indigenous census found less than a fourth as many artisans as are included in the indigenous

Social Differentiation IOI lists. The merchants, of whom there were far fewer, lived together in certain subdivisions where they predominated but did not make up the total mem-. bership; like the artisans, they were distributed among ordinary commoners and dependents.** In Tlaxcala too, tradespeople were listed here and there

as macehualtin, and some pochteta appeared as dependents of the ruler of one of the four altepetl.2”7 In Cuauhtinchan in 1576, we find groups of carpenters, feather-workers, and sandal makers separately congregated on different pieces of land belonging to a tlatoani; apparently they were viewed as his —

dependents.**

In the Nahuatl censuses and lists, and even in Spanish descriptions of

contemporary indigenous life, it is often clear that a given activity was carried on because the raw material was available locally: fishing at lakeside, woodcutting in the forest, pottery where there was good clay, mat making where there were reeds, and so on.2? Under such conditions, though in a sense a certain trade would be a specialty of the people of a given subunit, not all local inhabitants would necessarily engage in it, and few or none might practice it full-time. They would hold and work lands, whether as calpolli members or as dependents, and perform duties as such; then at the proper time, they would produce or procure their objects of trade and take them to sell in markets of the region (generally of the altepetl). Other activities appear in the vicinity of a good market: near where noblemen were congregated, or along a highway.” Often involving luxury products or longer-distance trade, enterprise of this type was more likely to lead to full-time specialization. Pochteca

often had little or no land and lived entirely from commerce.“ Something similar may have happened with the finer crafts; some of the artisans located | on a lord’s lands may have been not dependents of the fieldhand type but “teixhuihuan” or even low-ranking nobles, in either case perhaps related in one way or another to him. Even full-time specialists seem to have called on the principles of ethnic-geographical assembly and subdivision as seen in the calpolli and the teccalli to organize themselves.* —

Thus the image projected in Zorita, Ixtlilxochitl, and other writers, of whole organized districts of artisans and merchants, freed from ordinary tribute and services and in many senses impinging on the nobility, may hold true for a certain number of full-time specialists dealing in goods of high value or

making very refined products, but a great deal of general production and commerce would have been carried out by people who were at the same time

macehualtin and farmers. The trades were an important area intermediate *The two principal words for merchants, “pochtecatl” and “oztomecatl,” are both derived from the names of geopolitical units: “inhabitant of Pochtlan” and “inhabitant of Oztoman.” See also Berdan 1986.

102 Social Differentiation between noble and commoner, but they did not themselves provide a third category. In many contexts, a person had to be considered either a macehualli or a pilli without any other alternative.”

~ Nobles, Lords, and Rulers In Nahua society, then, allowing for borderline cases, essentially everyone not a macehualli was a pilli, or noble. The categories applied equally to both

genders (although the modifier cihua- was almost always added to “pilli’ when reference was to a woman, yielding cibuapilli, “noblewoman, lady’’). A lord (teuctli) or king (tlatoani) was a pilli at the same time, and the plural, pipiltin, referred collectively to nobles of all ranks. As the most general term, one would expect pilli to be the most basic as well, but that is not the case, at least not by origin. As mentioned earlier, pilli originally had the meaning “child,” making the status of the person so denominated derivative from that of the parent.** Since the word was no longer possessed, it had acquired an independence in usage, but sources can be found asserting that pilli status was still derivative, accorded only to the children of a teuctli or lord. Indeed, it is linguistically plausible that the two categories hardest to relate to a literal meaning, teuctli and macehualli, might have provided the poles of Nahua social ranking. In the strictest view, the mere grandchild of a teuctli would no longer have been a pilli. Although this agrees in a way with one interpretation of how the Tlaxcalan term teixhuiuh got its meaning (see above), such an abrupt dismissal from noble status seems intuitively unrealistic. To approach closer to a matter on which the sources are radically insufficient, uneven, and contradictory, we must look at both “teuctli” and “pilli”

in the framework of the shadowy institution that in the eastern part of the Nahua region often bore the name teccalli, literally “lord-house.” * The view that emerges from material on the Puebla-Tlaxcala area is that neither the teuctli nor the pilli existed separately from the teccalli. Every teuctli was the head of such an establishment, and every pilli was a member of one; aside from some statements to this effect in Spanish writings, the Tlaxcalan cabildo minutes are explicit that this was the assumption. A nobleman who was not a lord held land only by virtue of his membership in the teccalli.** Here then, as one scholar has already noted, is the organization by lineage that fails to appear among the macehualtin or in Nahua kinship terminology.” That the

noble members of the teccalli were related to the teuctli is clear from the evidence,** but about the rules of membership and succession practically nothing is known. It can be said, at any rate, that since some teccalli contained as many as forty pipiltin or more,” not all pipiltin are likely to have been the children of the current teuctli or his predecessor. Collateral relatives

Social Differentiation 103 must have been maintained in noble status at least part of the time.‘° Very probably a crucial factor in determining whether or not relatives were considered pipiltin was the rank of their mothers. Nahua descent and inheritance were bilateral. The teuctli was nearly always male, but it may be that in the preconquest era a female sometimes succeeded for lack of an eligible male; . after the conquest, there is no doubt that some teteuctin were women.*: The female line was also used, in certain cases, to reckon descent for purposes of succession. Just as intermarriage among tlatoani families was a normal procedure, and the son whose mother had the highest connections was most often the one to succeed, so there must have been teccalli intermarriage, with the children whose mothers came from important lineages given much consideration whether they inherited the lordship or not. Marriages with relatives of the altepetl’s tlatoani would doubtless be most sought after, and the children of such unions most preferred. But if pipiltin were not all children of a teuctli, it does seem to be literally true that every teuctli was the holder of a specific lordship involving subordinate nobles, dependents, and lands.** Above all, each lord had a title, looking essentially no different from the specific title of a tlatoani (see Chapter 2), which like the title of a tlatocayotl adhered not to him as an individual but to him as head of a given teccalli (or as head of a calpolli or calpolli subdivision, as we will see). Hiving off was possible, with a member of the parent teccalli becoming teuctli of a new one that was independent but also allied and possibly lower-ranking or subsidiary. If the new foundation was lacking in people and resources, it might be recognized only as a pilcalli (““nobleman-house’”’), another of the transitional phenomena that were typically found at the edges

census.*+ ,

of Nahua social categories; a few of these appear in an early Tlaxcalan

As to the manner of succession of teteuctin, it seems to have varied from direct descent in some situations to emphasis on brother succession in others, always depending on the capacity of the candidates and the difference in their outside connections, with the whole body of nobles of the teccalli making the final choice, at least in cases of doubt.ss The process would thus have been hardly distinguishable from that of tlatoani succession at a higher level. It has

been maintained that the tlatoque named whomever they pleased tolordships to reward allies and meritorious individuals,** but this seems to fly in the face of the whole principle of the teccalli as a lineage; to name an outsider head of a given teccalli would surely be as great a transgression (and impossibility) as to name someone tlatoani in an altepetl where he had no kinship ties. What

went on, I think, is the kind of actions attributable to the imperial tlatoque of Tenochtitlan, Tetzcoco, and Tlacopan, and earlier the tlatoque of Cholula, when they “named” the tlatoque of other altepetl, which is to say, that they

104 Social Differentiation , had rights of confirmation and exercised influence on the choice among already eligible candidates, working in favor of their own relatives.’’ It does appear to be true that tlatoque had the power to create new teteuctin, that is, new titles, presumably with associated lands and dependents.* _ For the eastern part of the Nahua area, then, something approaching an intelligible picture of lords, nobles, and lordly houses can be discerned. For the Valley of Mexico and the whole western part of the area, things are at least superficially very different, for the word teccalli fails to appear in known Nahuatl documents of that vast subregion even a single time. Nor is it easy to find any full equivalent. In the work of Chimalpahin, which covers Chalco and other parts of the Valley in preconquest and early postconquest times and constitutes by far the most thorough extant treatment by an indigenous writer of the history and sociopolitical organization of a Nahua region, teteuctin are hardly mentioned, and there is no hint of the existence of entities like teccalli.s* It has been suggested that tecpan, “palace,” meant the same thing in the west as “‘teccalli’’ in the east.5* The suggestion has merit. Linguistically, the two forms are closely related. ““Tecpan”’ is literally ““where a lord

is” and means in the first instance a building or precinct, just as “‘teccalli” uses the metaphor of “house”; indeed, in the west, the form tecpancalli, combining both, is frequently found as an equivalent of tecpan.* Moreover, usage in the east was not entirely uniform. Often an entity that is recognizably a teccalli is given no label at all in the records. The word tecpan also occurs in the east at times, and one of the best-documented teccalli of Tlaxcala was

suggestively named Ayapanco Tecpan.* |

The largest problem with the identification of the two terms is that the _ tecpan of the west is primarily restricted, in the sources for that area, to the establishments (relatives, followers, buildings, lands) of altepetl tlatoque. Chimalpahin emphatically recognizes the existence of only one tecpan for each of the five sub-altepetl of Amaquemecan (there having been, it is true, at times two tecpan in the one that according to him had dual tlatoque).2 Only a few indications of a possible wider use of “tecpan’” can be found. Molina, first glossing the term as the establishment of a king, then extends it to that of a great lord. In the records of sixteenth-century Culhuacan, there are tantaliz* A large question. is where in this picture to fit the “judges” we find mentioned (FC, book 8, pp. 42, 54-553 FC, book 10, pp. 15-16, chap. 4; Offner 1983, pp. 132, 137, 243, 250-53, 271; Zorita 1941, pp. roo—4). Note that though “teuctli” is translated as “judge” in FC, it is senador in Sahagiin 1975, p. § 51. Often spoken of in Spanish simply as royal officials, in Nahuatl these functionaries bore titles like “teuctli” and “teuctlatoani.” I do believe that in more complex altepetl especially, such figures carried out specialized, more or less bureaucratic-governmental

functions, but I think that at the same time they must have been based, at least nominally, in some subunit of the altepetl and must also have been teteuctin with something like lordly estab-

lishments in the normal way. , a

Social Differentiation 105 ing hints of the existence of a tecpan in each calpolli/tlaxilacalli, though the implied nature of the entity is quite different from the usual picture of the teccalli of the east, for apparently the tlaxilacalli citizens had some claim on the tecpan’s buildings and lands, and public assembly or entertainment was part of its functions.* Overall, labeled lordly establishments are beyond com-

parison rarer in the western than in the eastern sources. | If we proceed to the level of observing actual structures, however, close parallels emerge. The best source for the west, the Cuernavaca-region census records, shows us a number of teteuctin holding substantial lands that they

subdivide among relatives and other dependents. These establishments an- , swer well to the description of the eastern teccalli, except that they have no special name and are counted as part of the calpolli structure. The teteuctin pay tribute to the altepetl; usually there is only one teuctli within a calpolli (actually calpolli subdivision; the records recognize two levels of entities as calpolli), and he governs the whole in addition to his group of dependents. His title can be based on the name of the calpolli, as in Molotlan the Molotecatl teuctli (Molotlan-inhabitant Lord).** The teteuctin of the Cuernavaca region, then, are exercising the same function (except for the few cases where a second teuctli with fewer dependents is found in the same subdivision) as the teuctlatoque or calpolli rulers of whom Chimalpahin speaks. Though Chimalpahin says nothing of these calpolli heads having extensive lands and dependents as in the Cuernavaca area, there is no reason to think that they

did not.

Thus somewhat similar configurations, headed by teteuctin possessed of locally differentiated titles, existed in both the eastern and the western part of the Nahua area. The apparent difference lies in the different relationship of the lordly houses to the calpolli-altepetl structure. In the west, as seen in the records of the Cuernavaca region and as implied negatively by other western

accounts, the lords and their holdings are quite fully integrated into that structure. Aside from heading their houses, the lords are at the same time the heads of their calpolli subdivisions in a political sense; their titles are apparently an inalienable attribute of those subdivisions, of which they are officers

in the same sense that a tlatoani was an officer of an altepetl. Presumably in the same fashion as an altepetl might outlast its dynasty and refill its rulership

when a dynasty died out, so too the calpolli or calpolli subdivision would renew its lord regardless of the continuance of the teuctli line. The holdings of a Cuernavaca-region teuctli appear to be calpolli land, and he and his followers constitute one of several wardlike sets of people and land within his calpolli subdivision. His relationship with his followers is no different in kind from that of commoners with the poorer relatives to whom they give some of their land in return for help with their taxes. In this system, no real line can

106 Social Differentiation be drawn between the ordinary commoner and the special dependent; all alike are on land belonging in the final analysis to the calpolli, and all contribute directly or indirectly to calpolli obligations.

In the east, the documents seem to say that the teccalli stood entirely outside the calpolli and even outside the framework of altepetl obligations (though not ultimately beyond ethnic and political allegiance to the altepetl). In the first place, the various teccalli held land as corporations; this is most clearly stated for Tlaxcala, but the principle also probably lies behind assertions that lords and rulers of other altepetl owned the land.* In any case, the documents emphatically deny that the dependents held land in any other way than as temporary recipients of lands belonging to the lords, and this even in cases where, as in Cuauhtinchan and Tecali, it appears that the vast majority of commoners were teccalli dependents, and independent calpolli members were a small minority peripheral to the organization of the altepetl. Indeed, we are told that the basic numerical subdivision of Cuauhtinchan was in terms of units called teccalli (though each was headed by a tlatoani, in the fashion of tlayacatl or sub-altepetl elsewhere). If this is really true, the teccalli had virtually replaced the calpolli as the basic unit of sociopolitical organization. The second essential aspect of the extra-calpolli stance of the eastern teccalli

is a relatively sharp distinction between plebeian teccalli dependents and calpolli members. Though the Tlaxcalan cabildo minutes do not use special terminology for the two in most cases, they insist on the difference between the ‘“‘macehualtin of the altepetl” and those of the lords.*7 From Huexotzinco,

~ we have an affirmation that calpolli members had land, as opposed to the

dependents of lords, who did not.

, Nevertheless, the picture of the eastern teccalli as being divorced from the calpolli and even to an extent from the altepetl is not the entire truth of the matter. The Tlaxcalan records repeatedly document the proposition that

lords and nobles paid tribute to the altepetl as a matter of course.® This facet of the system, deliberately obscured in the representations the lords made to Spanish authorities, brings the eastern teccalli in one basic respect very close to the manner of operation of western teteuctin as seen in the example of the Cuernavaca region.* Even if they did not use the calpolli mechanism, the *The propaganda of the lords, at times abetted by Franciscan friars, led to assertions, which have otten been taken at face value by modern scholars, that teteuctin and pipiltin gave no tribute either in kind or in service (see, for example, Zorita 1941, p. 144). I have seen only one statement by a Spaniard showing a full comprehension of the truth of the matter (though I have little doubt that many more grasped it). In 1564, responding to complaints by friars about “principales” and governors being counted as tributaries and their dependents being made responsible for tribute, Dr. Vasco de Puga wrote that the nobles had always been reckoned as tributaries, paying more than commoners (he gave the specific examples of Xochimilco and Tlaxcala), and that the reason the dependents did not pay tribute directly was that they were relieved of the burden by their lord’s payments. (Paso y Troncoso 1939—42, 10: 34.) Despite this

Social Differentiation 107 lords were delivering tribute assessed on their lands in the same manner as calpolli members, and their dependents were ultimately functioning as “tribute-helpers” just as in the west (though it remains possibly true that they were

normally exempted from draft labor for the altepetl). If we go beyond the level of synthetic accounts, often authored by interested parties, which is where most of the evidence for sharply separated lordly establishments in the east comes from, we find indications that many of the teccalli bore a close relationship to the calpolli after all. In Tlaxcala, the general census of the population in the 1550’s ignores the teccalli, putting commoners and nobles into the various altepetl divisions and subdivisions with no distinction between altepetl subjects and teccalli dependents.” It is entirely possible that a good number of dependents were omitted from the census, but if the picture the nobles of the cabildo give is true—that most of the commoners of Tlaxcala belonged to a teccalli—then it must be that large numbers of them were included in the general census, counted as members of altepetl subunits. Moreover, it has been demonstrated that some of the teccalli coincide with altepetl units. Let us return to the previously mentioned example of Ayapanco

Tecpan, a teccalli in Tlaxcala’s premier altepetl, Ocotelolco, of which don Julian de la Rosa was teuctli in the mid-sixteenth century. The census shows a unit named San Pedro Tecpan, with which we know (from his will) that don Julian was connected; two of San Pedro’s subunits, Ayapanco and Tecpan, bear the same names that serve to identify the teccalli. Furthermore, don Julian was styled Tecpanecatl teuctli (Tecpan-inhabitant Lord), so that he, just

like the Molotecatl teuctli of the Cuernavaca region, took his title from an altepetl unit. If we imagine that the two subunits Ayapanco and Tecpan constituted the core of don Julian’s teccalli, the similarity in structure between Tlaxcala and the Cuernavaca area leaps to the eye. In the Tlaxcalan case, too, the teuctli is head of an altepetl branch that embraces his establishment. Nor is the example an isolated one; elsewhere in Ocotelolco, the Tezcacoacatl teuctli was connected with a subdivision Tezcacoac, the Mixcotecatl with Mixcotlan, and the Tlamaocatl with Tlamaoco, an entity of a higher order, like San Pedro Tecpan.”' Also in the Huexotzinco census of 1560, many lords and nobles are associated with a calpolli (others are not), and though depen-

dent commoners are distinguished from the commoners of the calpolli, to

headings.” : , |

which they do not seem to belong fully, both are listed together under calpolli

On the other side of the matter, in the west, the multiple (and confused) categories of lands held by rulers, lords, and nobles, such as those described basic insight, Puga was dead wrong in his belief that tribute was paid per capita rather than

according to property (p. 35). ,

108 Social Differentiation by Ixtlilxochitl for preconquest Tetzcoco, are distinguished and separated from calpolli lands in various ways, and the altepetl duties of lords and nobles are minimized. Though in Ixtlilxochitl, noblemen’s lands appear to pertain primarily to offices or individuals, inheritance is also emphasized, and most of what Ixtlilxochitl says on this subject can be interpreted in the framework of corporate landholding by lineages (i.e., entities no different from eastern teccalli).73 In the Cuernavaca region, too, one can find the inherited lands of nobles distinguished from calpolli land in such a way as to make them seem

mutually exclusive categories.” In a word, there are strong hints to support the claim that noblemen’s holdings were a world in themselves, detached from

the calpolli-altepetl, in the west as well as the east. , Ultimately, though it appears undeniable that the teccalli acquired a sharper profile in the eastern part of the Nahua region than in the western, it would be wrong to take the version presented by the eastern lords at face value. In many cases (possibly all, if we knew the full truth), the lordly establishments of the east prove to be as integrated into the calpolli and altepetl framework as their western counterparts, and we have some evidence of a

similar mentality among lords in both areas. The two types of description—that, for example, of Chimalpahin for the west, of the Cuauhtinchan documents for the east—could be two ways of looking at almost exactly the same thing, the western view emphasizing ethnicity, with the lords seen primarily as officers and leaders of the ethnic group, the eastern view emphasizing noble lineages, with the broader ethnic group relegated to the background and imagined as dependent on the lineages (see Fig. 4.1). Although ethnic entities and noble lineages both operated along the general Nahua lines of

teuctli | -

teccalli

oe teuctli and calpolli' head | =1 ' establish-

‘ment

"Eastern" version "Western" version Fig. 4.1. Two standard views of the position of lords in relation to the calpolli.

Social Differentiation 109 subdivision into separate independent corporations, real tension did exist between the two principles of organization, leading to different configurations in different situations. Yet both would have been in evidence in almost any given situation, and regional differentiation in the actual distribution of structures may have been less striking than the opposing interpretations that different parties and interests would have put on the same situation (this being one facet of the ongoing conflicts reported in all the annals of the preconquest period). If the concept “teuctli” is an inextricable mixture of social rank and political office, so is “‘tlatoani,” in both respects the highest position in the Nahua world. Above I have used some analogies from tlatoani selection proce-

dures and intermarriage patterns to illuminate the teccalli, but the major thrust of the analogy is in the other direction. In a sense nothing more needs to be said about a tlatoani than that he was a large-scale teuctli at the altepetl level. His title was at once that of the rulership (tlatocayotl) of the entire altepetl and that of his specific establishment, just as the titles of the teteuctin were often ambiguously associated with a calpolli or calpolli subdivision as well as with their teccalli. Tlatoani titles in fact included the element “‘teuctli”; the tlatoque of the imperial altepetl of Tenochtitlan, Tetzcoco, and Tlacopan were the Colhuateuctli, Chichimecateuctli, and Tepanecateuctli, re-

spectively.7> A tlatoani was at the same time a teuctli and a pilli. His establishment, tecpan or teccalli, was like a teuctli’s except larger.”* As seen

in Chapter 2, the tlatoani, just like the teteuctin, had his base in a specific subdivision of the altepetl. There, as with them, his palace and core holdings

would be located, although he would also, to a greater extent than other lords, have lands and dependents scattered across the entire altepetl.”” Just as officially the tlatoani’s tecpan was the focal point of altepetl tribute, socially it was the focal point of the lords and nobles of the altepetl, who paid court there and acquired both unity and individual prestige through extensive kinship ties to the tlatoani (in addition to jockeying for position with each other and even with the tlatoani in ways that we can hardly discern).

Although noble status was by and large inherited, it could (as already mentioned) sometimes be achieved, especially by military activity, or so the

posterior chronicles tell us. A special term existed for the noble through | merit, guaubpilli, literally “‘eagle-noble,” eagle referring to martial exploits.

In the usage of Chimalpahin, at least, the quauhpilli was not very highly regarded, and eyebrows rose whenever such a new nobleman or even one of his descendants attained high position. At the same time, a quauhpilli was an excellent candidate for the similarly named post of guaubtlatoani, or interim ruler of an altepetl, since he did not belong to a dynasty and represented little

threat as far as long-term succession was concerned. Indeed, in one place

ILO Social Differentiation Chimalpahin seems to imply that the acquisition of quauhpilli status did not make a noble of one’s children. On the other hand, he gives an example of a quauhpilli of Amaquemecan who actually became tlatoani and founded a dynasty.” The yaotequibuacacalli, “houses of leaders in war,” of which a certain number are found in early postconquest Tlaxcala and Huexotzinco, may have been establishments (small compared with a teccalli) headed by

quauhpipiltin.” General Changes in the Postconquest Era

All the above is intended primarily to depict the system of social ranking as it existed before the Spaniards arrived. But since the best sources for this purpose are postconquest Nahuatl documents, mainly of a mundane nature, dating from the late 1530’s to the early seventeenth century, the analysis also applies to the first generations after the conquest. Accordingly, rather than construct a whole new picture for the postconquest period, I will presume an overall identity and deal with changes as they occurred. Although it is theoretically possible that the types of categorization seen in postconquest documents were already changed from before the conquest, there are several good reasons for thinking that this was not the case. First, we have seen in discussing political and familial organization that there the deeper organizing concepts of society long remained unchanged, and that especially when writing in their own language for other speakers of it, the Nahuas continued to use their own categories in an unadulterated form. Second, the largest and most comprehensive source for understanding social differentiation, the collection of Cuernavaca-region censuses, from which alone virtually the entire system emerges, constitutes the earliest known major Nahuatl documentary corpus. A large portion of the population was not yet even baptized, and soon-to-be-banned practices like polygamy and slavery were unabashedly recorded. Parts of the census were apparently written as little as fifteen years after the end of the military phase of the conquest, in an

Mexico was. , |

area less directly affected by the first Spanish impact than the Valley of

_ Third, broadly congruent findings arise from sources originating in different decades and in regional societies separated by considerable distances or by mutual hostilities, without any evidence of the kind of item-by-item parallels with Spanish counterparts that one would expect if direct outside influence were at work. Prior existence of the classifications can be deduced by the principle used in historical linguistics that phenomena shared by scattered groups and distinct from those seen elsewhere are taken as characteristic of a

common predecessor. ,

: Social Differentiation I1l | Finally, the mundane. Nahuatl documents describing things then current can be combined readily with the historical literature written at the same time, in both Spanish and Nahuatl, and speaking directly of the preconquest period. In many essentials the two types are in complete agreement, and the differences point not to temporal change so much as to tendencies in the historical writings such as posterior idealization (giving a false impression of very rigid distinctions between categories and subcategories), partisan distortion (such as magnifying the power of lords and minimizing their duties), and giving specific regional variants as generally valid (as Zorita does in part). In one sense, preconquest social categorization can be said to have survived into the early seventeenth century intact, since some people alive at that time, the writers Chimalpahin and Tezozomoc foremost among them, still used and understood the entire vocabulary. On the other hand, changes in actual conditions had the consequence, from an early time, that certain social groupings ceased to exist or certain distinctions ceased to be made. The warfare endemic in preconquest central Mexico had played a large role in social dynamics. Through war, new nobles were created, born noblemen acquired eligibility to. occupy lordships and rulerships, prospective heirs to lordships were eliminated in their prime, slaves were captured, and new dependents were conquered. With the effective end of warfare, the category quauhpilli, which as we just saw described the nobleman through merit rather than birth, seems to have fallen quickly into disuse. No attestation of the term has yet been found outside historical writings. Next to disappear were the slavelike tlatlacotin. In the absence of battles, one source of supply was gone. Just as importantly, or even more so, though the Spaniards had taken slaves themselves in the course of conquest, they saw by the 1540’s that Indian slavery’s time of usefulness to them had passed and abolished it among sedentary peoples, relegating it to the nonsedentary fringes.*° By the 15 50’s, hardly any indigenous central Mexicans were held as slaves either by Spaniards or by Indians. In the early Cuernavaca-region censuses, tlatlacotin, though not a large proportion of the population, are a persistent, standard feature, but in the Tlaxcalan census of the 1550’s, only three are listed in a population of over 30,000 households.* After that time, Indian slaves were a negligible factor in indigenous society. However, to the extent that, as explained above, tlatlacotin were assimilated to other lesser dependents and servants, their disappearance implied no major social rearrangement. A deeper-going change occurring across the sixteenth century was the progressive movement in the direction of erasing any distinction between ordinary commoners and the special dependents of rulers and lords, with large implications for the lordly establishments. Two complementary forces lay behind the trend: from the outside, the Spanish pressure, especially as the effects

I12 Social Differentiation of vast population decline made themselves felt, to maximize tribute income and reduce exemptions; * from the inside, repeated and determined efforts by the dependents themselves to make good their right to the lands they worked and deny special obligations to the lords, or failing that, simply to go elsewhere. To first appearances, the end result, by sometime in the seventeenth century, was in effect the extinction of the status of special dependent and the

loss of any terminology such as tlalmaitl or maye, with the result that all macehualtin were now equally calpolli members on altepetl land as such, and hence obliged to pay altepetl tribute directly and perform public labor. The development did not take place quickly, however, or in a linear fashion, and it is, in fact, extraordinarily difficult for one to discern, through the misleading verbiage surrounding the issue and the paucity of well-established facts,

just what really happened. |

If we listen to Zorita, we must conclude that the lords had lost virtually

all their dependents by 1560 or before.®* Yet the 1560 census of Huexotzinco shows a majority of dependents over full calpolli members and is indeed the most solid extant evidence for the prevalence of dependent status at any time

period. What Zorita says is greatly weakened by the fact that he wrote primarily in defense of a campaign by high nobles aimed at cementing their claims to lands, dependents, and emoluments at the expense of the nascent Spanish-style town governments (a campaign supported by some friars and Spanish administrators who felt that dealing with fewer authorities was simpler or more efficient).** As I have implied above, I by no means believe all of the nobles’ claims about their rights and privileges in preconquest times. We

should not fall into the same trap as with drinking, where from having too readily accepted idealized and self-serving posterior statements that hardly anyone drank pulque before the conquest, we wrongly deduced an explosion of alcoholism after the Spaniards arrived.* It is conceivable that nobles actu| ally increased their hold on commoners in the immediate postconquest years. A Spanish witness claimed in the 1560’s that with the support of the Franciscans a local tlatoani was taking lands owned by macehualtin and turning the owners into his tenants and dependents. Although it is possible that we will never know the true state of things in the time before and immediately after the conquest, I myself think that the whole question of the status of commoners relative to lords must have already been in flux and the focus of serious contention, and that both sides tried to use changed postconquest conditions

to their own advantage. | ,

In the mid-sixteenth century and even later, some lords, especially altepetl tlatoque, won impressive legal victories in the Spanish courts confirming their

exclusive rights to lands and dependents.*” A favorable formal judgment might be of little use, however, if the dependents refused to comply with it.

| Social Differentiation 113 In the earliest known Nahuatl lists of a lord’s holdings, those written ca. 15 50

concerning don Juan de Guzman, tlatoani and governor of Coyoacan, don Juan had already “given” lands to several sets of his dependents, probably under pressure. In Tlaxcala in 1566, the holdings of the by now familiar teuctli don Julian de la Rosa were also under attack, and the obedience of his retainers seems to have been in doubt.** Known lists of dependents for the later sixteenth century show a precipitous decline.** In Tetzcoco in 1589, a noble widow complained that her late husband’s scattered lands could no longer be cultivated because none of the dependents who worked them were

left; all had died.” |

The great epidemics of the years around 1580 are the first thing to come to mind in connection with the diminution, probably rightly so. But the epidemics did not absolutely wipe out the macehualtin in general. If the dependents in preconquest times were often, as I have suggested, transients, marginal people fleeing from overcrowded situations, then the maintenance of the dependent population would require frequent renewal. Population loss must have meant less pressure on the land and hence less need for anyone to join a lord’s establishment, perhaps drying up the supply; nor could the conquests of neighbors add to the numbers of dependents as in preconquest times. Possibly the greatest difference of all in the postconquest world was that where people in these straits would once have entered the establishments of indigenous lords, they now increasingly became dependent upon Spaniards for their livelihood and protection. From their experience in the Antilles, the Spaniards knew of the status of special dependents in indigenous societies (calling them at first naborias, a word brought from the islands), and they _ consciously sought to appropriate Indians who were already in that relationship or to recruit or commandeer others in the same capacity, using them in positions requiring the skill or responsibility that came only with permanent employ. From the indigenous point of view, the fact that Spanish employers had more money than Nahua lords would hardly have gone unremarked.”! With each generation, the new group of Indians-among-Spaniards grew in size and importance, and soon Spanish employ far outweighed the estates of indigenous lords as a safety valve for Nahua society.” Later censuses of Indians no longer recognize a distinction between dependents and nondependents; this is true not only of Spanish summaries but

of full local population counts and tribute lists naming every individual (though these become scarcer as time progresses).* Still, the lack of a distinction in bare lists and counts is not decisive evidence; the same sources also gradually drop the distinction between commoners and nobles, even though, as we will see, that distinction continued to be a basic feature of indigenous society. It is not impossible to find indications that the lord-dependent struc-

II4 Social Differentiation ture retained its importance in the scheme of things far into the colonial period, at least in some places. In Cuauhtinchan, as late as 1705, a local priest writing in complaint about an administrative action described the situation as follows: “many caciques” owned land that they allowed the macehualtin as terrazgueros (“dependent renters, serfs”) to use in return for a payment in acknowledgment of their status (reconocimiento); the priest relied on the caciques to get people to fulfill their ecclesiastical duties and regarded the bulk of the local municipal officers simply as personnel whom the caciques named and supplied. This highly partisan description cannot be taken literally, but it does reveal the persistence of all the elements existing in that region in the first postconquest generations (including the disputes, for the macehualtin were now claiming that all land within the town’s core territory belonged to them and not to the caciques). Perhaps the lordly house with dependents remained stronger in the eastern region, where its position had been best defined from the beginning. In the west (although with further investigation the same is likely to hold true for the east as well), a new category began to emerge in the seventeenth century that may have replaced the earlier terms for dependents to some extent. It is only a hint, but in a few instances references occur in Nahuatl texts to the gavdn of a high-ranking indigenous person (in the cases so far, a governor).2> A Spanish loanword, the term was a partial successor in Mexican _ Spanish to “naboria,” which was disappearing by the end of the sixteenth century. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, “gafan” was used to designate resident Indian workers on Spanish rural estates, subordinate to more Hispanic foremen and specialists but still holding permanent and often responsible positions. Though paid in money and supplies, the gahanes were reminiscent of preconquest dependents in that they had the use of some land and a house on the owner’s estate and often escaped direct altepetl tribute and labor obligations. To what extent the gafanes in indigenous employ resembled those working for Spaniards, to what extent they were simply mayeque renamed, is not known, but in view of the general if partial Hispanization of Indian noblemen’s enterprises, Spanish ways could be expected to have had at least some impact. On the other hand, there can be little doubt

that indigenous relationships between lord and dependent had much to do with the original definition of the ganhan’s role.

By around 1600, “macehualli” was, even more than earlier, the primary word applied to the bulk of the indigenous population; its competitors and modifiers had largely dropped out of sight. Perhaps for this reason, by the early seventeenth century, the word was being used in the plural as a designation for indigenous people regardless of rank, as opposed to Spaniards, blacks, or those of mixed descent. ““Macehualli’” thereby returned in a way in

Social Differentiation 115 the direction of what (as noted above) I take to be its basic meaning—‘“‘human being, person.” Although in general all of the ethnic terms used by Spaniards in the Indies quickly became loanwords in Nahuatl, indio, “In-

dian,” was a large exception.” No more than a couple of examples have so __ far been found in the voluminous Nahuatl texts of the sixteenth century, and even they seem to involve, in one case, non-Nahua Indians, and, in the other, direct translation of an entire Spanish document into Nahuatl. For that matter, “indio” did not become part of the normal Nahuatl vocabulary in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries either.*? As the point of reference and

overwhelming majority, especially within the confines of the Nahua world, , indigenous people generally needed and received no specific ethnic label as individuals (in Spanish documents, it is the opposite: Spaniards are usually

left unlabeled, while people of other ethnicities and especially “Indians” rarely escape an epithet). When it came to collectivities, the writers of Nahuatl documents from the sixteenth century forward, when speaking of them-

selves or rivals, emphasized the narrow ethnicity of the local altepetl and calpolli-tlaxilacalli rather than broader ethnic categories. They tended to do so even when the contrast between indigenous and Spanish was specifically at issue, as in sixteenth-century Tlaxcalan statements trying to limit Spanish residence in the area, or the order of a noblewoman of Culhuacan in 1577 that some chinampas be sold not to Spaniards but to “inhabitants of the

altepetl here” (nican altepehuaque).™ | |

At times, however, there was no avoiding speaking of indigenous people more broadly. The main expression used from the 15 50’s until the end of the sixteenth century was ican titlaca, ““we people here,” sometimes expanded to phrases such as nican titlaca ipan Nueva Espana, “we people here in New Spain.” 1: By the early decades of the seventeenth century, the Nahuas were beginning to abandon “nican titlaca” in favor of timacehualtin, ““we macehualtin” (also sometimes in the third person) when speaking of groups whom Spaniards would call “Indians.” Usage is best demonstrated in the work of Chimalpahin, apparently mainly written down around 1600 to 1625.1” In speaking of the preconquest period and most of the sixteenth century, Chimalpahin consistently uses “macehualli” to mean commoner as opposed to noble, and “nican titlaca” for indigenous people as opposed to Spaniards, in both cases apparently mainly following what he found written in earlier texts. With the year 1595 (though the passage may have been composed somewhat later), “timacehualtin” appears in contrast to Spaniards, and this usage becomes standard in discussions of later years up to the point where the annals

break off, though a transitional “nican titlaca timacehualtin,” pairing the new phrase and the old, continues to be seen on occasion.'» The new term includes high-ranking people, as can be seen from its use for groups going in

116 Social Differentiation , religious processions, and it could also refer to non-Nahuas (Mixteca migrants in Mexico City).'* If there is any doubt about the referential meaning, Chimalpahin resolves it with the passage (unparalleled in his writing) “macuiltin timacehualtin indios,” “five of us macehualtin, Indians.” 1

In general, it is fair to say that “macehualtin” came to dominance as a successor of “nican tlaca,” but the meaning may have been there almost from the beginning, and certainly it had been in gestation for a considerable time. In a set of annals of Tenochtitlan in the 1560's, apparently written contemporaneously with events and surely not later than about 1570, two entries for 1566 have “timacehualtin” unmistakably in the ethnic sense, exactly as it was

to be used later.1% |

Although the two words macehualtin (in the broader sense) and indios designated the same set of people, their connotations and manner of use were quite different. The collective macehualtin was more neutral, and even after it had become established, it was much less frequent in Nahuatl than its counterpart in Spanish. It also continued to have its older meanings. Even in dealing with his own time, Chimalpahin contrasts teteuctin (here meaning noble-

men in town government) with macehualtin, and when he speaks of macehualtin doing tribute labor, he unambiguously means commoners; he also uses the traditional “macehualtzitzintin,” “poor commoners.” '” The two senses remained close to each other, and at times it is not entirely clear whether indigenous people or commoners (who would also be indigenous) is Chimalpahin’s intention. The new meaning was not restricted to a single Nahuatl speaker located in Mexico City. Since the term, as I say, was not constantly on people’s lips, and the types of sources handed down to us have little occasion to use it, evidence is not extensive. But in a text of 1611 from as far away as the Guadalajara region, outside central Mexico as construed here, “macehualli’’ borders on the sense “indigenous person,” and a contemporary Spanish translation renders it as natural, “native,” and as indio..» A set of Nahuatl annals from Puebla, composed for the most part in the late seventeenth century, repeatedly shows the broader meaning of macehualli, in explicit contrast to Spaniards and specifically including indigenous nobles and municipal officers. The word is now always in the third person, the “we” having been dropped, and “macehualtzitzintin,” earlier used to indicate condescension or compassion, had apparently been repeated so much as to lose its force, becoming the standard form, for this writer at least.° As more late annals (the form by its nature most likely to produce attestations) become available and receive close study, it should grow increasingly clear that “macehualli” was the general

centuries.!!! |

Nahuatl approximation of “Indian” in the seventeenth and eighteenth

Social Differentiation 117 Like the terms for commoners, those for nobles were undergoing change and loss. As seen in Chapter 2, in the course of the sixteenth century, “tlatoani” came to be used for a governor as well as a dynastic ruler, and the plural ‘“‘tlatoque” was applied to municipal officers en masse. By about the mid-seventeenth century, the whole traditional terminology of nobility could be said to have fallen into relative disuse. The specific titles of rulerships and lordships are virtually not seen. When “pilli” or “teuctli” appears referring to groups, which is no longer frequent in most areas, they designate officeholders only. “Teuctli” in particular hardly seems to have been retained in the vocabulary of many. The terms for noble status (and macehualli in the stricter sense as well) are found applied to individuals only on the occasion of election disputes in which each faction was anxious to claim high rank for its candi-

date and brand the opposing candidate a commoner.'” This state of things represents a marked change from the late sixteenth century and the first decade or two of the seventeenth. As late as the 1580’s and 1590’s, Tetzcocan documents routinely identified each noble as a pilli or a cihuapilli.“3 Chimal- | pahin and Tezozomoc, writing from the late sixteenth into the early seventeenth century, were still concerned to label each person, even among their contemporaries, as pilli or macehualli, and had the entire noble terminology

at their fingertips. ;

As with political organization and kinship, so with social rank the middle part of the seventeenth century proves to be a watershed in the evolution of vocabulary and concepts. Are we to conclude, then, as not a few have in the past, that indigenous society by the later colonial period was compressed and homogenized into a single quite undifferentiated rank?1* The loss of certain overt distinctions is undeniable, and the social range appears to have become progressively less wide, yet the overall conclusion does not follow, especially in its more extreme form, with the implication that a real difference between the mass of Indians and an upper group approximating the nobility of earlier times no longer existed. The self-serving complaints of nobles that they were no longer any different from the commoners, and above all the constant unfounded charges of election factions that their opponents were macehualtin, have at times been too readily believed.1'5 At the same time that some distinctions faded, others made their appearance, and some important differences continued even in the absence of clear labeling.

The Evolution of Naming Patterns Names not only point out specific people, they are capable of making numerous distinctions, potentially covering gender, age, descent, rank, ethnic-regional affiliation, and other matters. The naming system that gradually

118 Social Differentiation grew up over several generations after the conquest went far toward replacing traditional social categories. Not nearly enough is understood about the use of personal names in preconquest times. A complex system of hidden, successive, or alternate names for the same person may have existed, at least at certain times and places and for people of high rank.""* According to the best present understanding, however, at the time of the Spanish conquest the great majority of Nahuas bore

only a single personal name throughout their adult lives, except that with lords and rulers the title of office acted almost like a second appellation.” In keeping with Nahua kinship principles, nothing about the naming indicated “family,” although in certain royal dynasties the same names were used in succeeding generations, at intervals, thus associating a set of names with a specific dynasty and rulership.1* Apart from that, so far as we know now, naming (among males at least) did not vary greatly with social rank. In the Cuernavaca-region censuses, the largest available repository of personal names in the preconquest period, the same name types seem to prevail among wealthy and poor, more and less noble. Nearly all are immediately intelligible as normal Nahuatl words (though sometimes apocopated and/or with a reverential added). Some are calendrical, such as Ome Acatl, Two Reed, referring to the time when the person was born; many of the signs being animals, this practice frequently gave rise to animal names. Some refer to prowess in war, some to physical or emotional characteristics, and some are rather lyrical metaphors; others indicate the origin of the person or his parents outside the local community. Very common are mock-derisive nicknames (used as the principal name), pointing out the uselessness, insignificance, or annoying habits of the bearer, an example of the fine sense of humor displayed also in Nahuatl aphorisms.” Irreverence knew no bounds. The tlatoani of Ocotelolco, greatest of Tlaxcala’s kings when the Spaniards arrived, bore the (later dynastic) name Maxixcatzin, One Who Urinates, which must, as often with the Nahuas, have Originated from noticeable behavior in early childhood. A little later, the Mexica dubbed don Luis de Santa Maria, governor of Tenochtitlan in the 1560's, Nanacacipactli, Mushroom Alligator, because of his alleged meekness in accepting new tribute obligations.* Possibly everyone originally had a calendrical name, which was ordinarily, or at least often, displaced by another *I am not sure whether the nickname alludes to the hallucinogenic qualities of mushrooms or to their insubstantiality (as if to say “paper tiger”). Chimalpahin thinks the Mexica gave don Luis the whole name and uses it seriously, but the governor seems to have borne Cipactli (Alligator, a calendrical name) from birth (CA, p. 75; CH, 2: 19). The son of one of the great tlatoque of Amaquemecan in 1540 was named Pablo Moquatlahuitec (He Hit His Head Against Something; CH, 2: 12). The tlatoani of the Amaquemecan tlayacatl Tequanipan in 1575 was don Pablo de Santa Maria Cuitlaquimichtzin (Dung Mouse; CH, 2: 26).

Social Differentiation 119 more descriptive term at some point later in life.12° Whatever the nature of the

name, it does not appear that people remained aware of the literal meaning for very long; the retention of the originally scurrilous Maxixcatzin alone shows that. Tables 4.2 and 4.3 give some examples of each of the types mentioned; similar and even identical names are found all over central Mexico. If there seems to have been relatively little distinction by rank, there was a good deal by gender. All of the above kinds of names in early Nahuatl — mundane texts are applied overwhelmingly to males. Of the colorful words and phrases in Table 4.3, only two designate females, and whereas examples for males could be multiplied readily from the same source, ones for females could not. In the most copious early Nahuatl sources, the great majority of women and girls are called by the order of their birth, carrying the names Teyacapan (or Tiacapan), Eldest; Tlaco, Middle; Teiuc, Younger; Xoco, Youngest; or Mocel, Only.2: This manner of naming is gender-specific; it was not normally used for males. It also involves more rank differentiation than

is seen in masculine naming. Although the ordinal names occur also with high-ranking women in the records of both the early Cuernavaca region and Culhuacan later in the sixteenth century, there are exceptions, quite numerous in the Cuernavaca documents, in which females have more descriptive names, and these are likely to involve women of demonstrably high rank (as with dona Ana Cihuanenequi in Table 4.3).22 In annals of preconquest times, the women mentioned are mainly wives and relatives of rulers and often possess names that are poetic, calendrical, or otherwise nonordinal.' The same tendency can be seen in some mundane sources too; thus the wife of the oftenmentioned Tlaxcalan teuctli don Julian de la Rosa was named Maria Cozca-

petlatzin, Jeweled Mat.'4 It was baptism that started the process of change in the indigenous naming system. Each newly baptized person received a Christian and hence Spanish

name, which in the beginning must have been chosen by the friar or priest carrying out the ceremony. From the 1520’s into the 1540’s, essentially the entire indigenous population of central Mexico received baptism, so that well before 1550 everyone had a Spanish name, and the new-style appellations, as well as can be judged from the sources at our disposal, were soon in use in everyday speech (though adjusted to Nahuatl pronunciation). Mainly the names chosen were common among the Spaniards of the time, such as Juan, Pedro, Antonio, and Miguel, or Ana, Maria, Juana, and Magdalena. But others, like Tomas, Pablo, and Ambrosio, though well known as saints’ names, were rare or unheard of among Spaniards of the sixteenth century. Acquisition of the new did not, however, mean immediate displacement of the old. Perhaps because the new repertory was less varied, at least for males, perhaps because of a felt need for continuity, an indigenous name was retained in

120 Social Differentiation

TABLE 4.2 , | Personal Names, Cuernavaca Region, ca. 1535-45

Poetic Metaphors Sardonic Nicknames

Quetzalcoatl Feathered Serpent Andrés Chilcanauh Narrow Chile

(preconquest god) Gabriel Tomiquia _ The Death of Us Pedro Xochitzetzeloa He Sprinkles Flowers | Ant6n Acnel Who in the World’s He.

Diego Xochtonal Flower-fate Maxtlacozhuehue Old Yellow Breechclout Domingo Quetzalhua Owner of Plumes Don Pablo Campa huitz Where Does He Come

Francisco Ecapapalotl § Wind Butterfly From?

Quauhtemoc He Descends Like an | Tochnenemi He Hops like a Rabbit Eagle (name of Domingo Ayac icniuh He Has No Friends

tlatoani of Cihuacuitlapil Woman’s Tail (a Tenochtitlan) 2-yr-old) Quauhtliztac White Eagle Domingo Tecuetlaca He Hurls People’s Skirt.

Citlalin Star Down | . AcMartial mach quichiuh Who in Heaven’s Name and Religious Did It (engendered

Teuctlamacazqui Lordly Priest him)? Mihua Possessor of Arrows Amo mimich He’s Not a Fish Juan Quachiqui Scraped-head (2-yr-old) (warrior) Quenhueltehuantin How Lucky We Are Quauhchimal Eagle Shield Quicemitoa He Says It All

Yaotlachinol The Scorching of Canmach Where in the World?

War Quen opeuh How Did It Begin? Animals, Things, Calendrical Signs (6th child)

Chiucnauh Acatl Nine Reed Nonordinal Female Names? Ecacoatl Whirlwind Magdalena Teuccihuatl Lordly Woman

Techalotl Squirrel , Maria Tecpane Palace Inhabitant Domingo Coyolton Little Bell Anican Not Here

Xopil Toe (5-yr-old) Quauhquimichin Wood Mouse Catalina Macaxochi Deer Flower

Chichiton Little Dog Magdalena Ilamaton Little Old Woman

Tecolotl Ow! . Magdalena Necahual Abandoned One

Macatoch Deer-rabbit (the Dona Maria Flowery Water of symbols of Tonallaxochiatl Summer bestiality)

SOURCES: AZ; MNAH AH, CAN 549-51. : *Most females in preconquest and early postconquest times were named by order of birth, “Oldest,” “Middle,” etc addition to the Christian one. In the Cuernavaca region this was often called

the macebualtocaitl, ““macehualli name,” another indication of how near “macehualli” was to being a general designation for all Nahuas from the very beginning.1* A baptized adult would retain the name he or she already had; infants received a second name in the normal indigenous fashion. In the case of calendrical names, which consisted of a number and a sign, the number was usually deleted, so that Martin Nahui Tochtli (Four Rabbit) would become just Martin Tochtli. To Spaniards, the second element would appear to be a surname, and though the Nahuas doubtless did not feel it as such, and

Social Differentiation 121 , TABLE 4.3 Personal Names, Culhuacan, ca. 1580

Poetic Metaphors | Sardonic Nicknames

yiego Macaihuitl Deer Down Juan Quenitoloctzin - What’s-His-Name

edro Cocgamalocatl Rainbow Inhabitant | Juan Ilcahualoc He Was Forgotten

uana Xoxopanxoco Fruit of Spring (when they gave out intelligence, etc.?)

Animals and Calendrical Signs Antén Tepotzitoloc One Who Is Talked

Miguel Quechol Quechol (species of About Behind His Back . tropical bird) Pedro Huelyehuatl That’s the Very One Melchor Quauhtli Eagle Juan Caoya He Just Left (i-e., without

edro Chapol Grasshopper saying goodbye, etc.)

*rancisco Ayotoch , Armadillo Juan Otlicahuetztoc He Lies Fallen on the

anton Mimich Fish Road (probably drunk) edro Olin Movement Dofia Ana Cihuanenequi _—_ She Imagines Herself a

Martial Woman ‘uan Yaomitl War Arrow (is in love, distracted?)

- arita Miguel Nacazitztoc He Lies Looking Sideways

*rancisco | Melchor Tlecannen What’s the Use? Chimalquauh ~ Shield Eagle Gerénimo Tlaxcalcecec Cold Tortilla

Mateo Yaoquizqui _ Warrior Juan Atonemac Not Our Inheritance Miguel Yaochoca He Makes War | (he’s not ours) Cries Antonio Tlemachica What in the World For?

Titles Other Descriptive Names

Jomingo Tlacateuctli People-lord Mateo Opan On the Road (name of a

edro Tlacochteuctli Dart-lord trader and horse-

uan Colhuateuctli Colhua Lord (lord owner) of people of Juan Tzapa Dwarf

Culhuacan) Pedro Achane Homeless One Altepetl and Calpolli Pedro Nentlamati __ He’s Pining Away oo, Francisco Tlamaceuhqui _—Penitent ‘rancisco Inhabitant of

Huitziltecatl Huitzillan , | Atzaqualco

Anton Atzaqualcatl Inhabitant of

uan Tocuiltecatl Inhabitant of Tocuillan OURCE: TC.

did not normally hand it on to members of the succeeding generation, it increasingly came to function as a kind of surname in a system in which a twoelement appellation was becoming, although not universal, at least a norm (see Tables 4.2 and 4.3 for some typical examples of this type). Such names did not occupy the field alone for very long. By 1550 and in individual cases much earlier, Nahuas were acquiring second names which, if not always standard Spanish surnames, were not indigenous either. The main model was apparently a type of name borne by some of the mendicant friars who did most of the baptizing. While many mendicants retained the sur-

122 Social Differentiation names they were born with, some assumed religious surnames, commonly a saint’s name; Crist6bal de Benavides would become fray Crist6bal de San Pedro. In Spain in the late fifteenth century, many newly converted Jews had been named in the same fashion, allowing one to identify them even some generations later by their surnames (though possibly a small minority of Old Christian Spaniards also bore such surnames). As the ecclesiastics embarked upon mass production of surnames, the “de San. . .” formula quickly became the predominant one, so much so that “‘de San” became an annoying redundancy and was dropped, whether first by the Spaniards or by the Nahuas | am not sure. Thus a person named Juan de San Martin at birth would ordinarily be called just Juan Martin, though he might retain the fuller version on occasions demanding greater formality.2” By the end of the sixteenth century, this type of appellation, consisting to all appearances of two Spanish first names, was becoming the norm for ordinary Nahuas (and Indians all over Mexico), and it was to retain that flavor until independence, despite many further complications of the system. With females the end result was the same; Barbara Agustina, Leonor Magdalena, and the like were archetypal for Nahua women across the entire colonial period. It is not certain, however, that the result was achieved by the same means. A few noblewomen had names incorporating “de Santa” before the second element, but I have yet to find an example of alternation between the two forms as occurs with males, and in some instances the second element does not refer to a saint, as with the popular “Maria Salomé.” In any case,

masculine. , |

the second element is always a feminine name, just as with males it is The tradition of one-element appellations did not die out entirely. As the new names became more familiar, some people used only the single Christian name. In the Tetzcocan region in the 1580’s, the heroine of the story told in Chapter 3 (who gave a feast and negotiated the grant of a house site for her family) was called simply Ana, and her husband and son were both just Juan. A propertied woman living in Azcapotzalco in 1695 was given only the name Angelina in her testament.” People who in everyday life went without a surname seem sometimes to have drawn on the patron saint of their altepetl subdivision in case of need; Siméon de Santiago, who made a complaint to the — municipal authorities of Tulancingo in 1584, was from the subdivision of Santiago and was probably ordinarily known simply as Simon, just as he calls the person whom he accuses only Crist6bal.° The second element of names sat lightly on ordinary Nahuas, even those who possessed one, and made even less impression on Spaniards, who not infrequently referred to any macehualli by his first name plus “Indian”: “Juan indio” or “Juana india.” Simultaneously with the double first name, other types were coming into

Social Differentiation 123 existence, creating social distinctions whether that was the original intention or not. Once “de San” had been mainly dropped, retaining it created a name of greater resonance, likely to be used for people of higher rank. Consider the municipal officers of Tenayuca in 1708 (listed in Table 2.4), with the governor called don Antonio de San Juan in contrast to all the others, who have unadorned double Christian names. The surname Santiago, which did not lend itself to contraction, also stood out from the rest and continued for the whole colonial period to have implications of relatively high position, though as just seen it might be appropriated at times by almost anyone. Surnames based on items of Christian lore and doctrine (also used by the mendicants themselves) were rarer than those of saints and generally indicated higher rank. The great standby was “‘de la Cruz,” sometimes seen as “de (la) Santa Cruz” or “de la Vera Cruz’; others, such as “de la Asuncion” or “‘de la Encarnacion,” were much less frequent. Another surname type at about the same level was created by taking the entire name of an actual saint, as with dofa Catalina de Sena

(Coyoacan, 1588), don Nicolas de Tolentino (Mexico City, 1733), and don Gregorio Nacianceno, the governor of Tlaxcala for many years in the early seventeenth century.'3! The names of the Magi were similar, but Baltasar de los Reyes, Melchor de los Reyes, and Gaspar de los Reyes were so popular

all across the colonial centuries as to become a bit devalued. (Somewhat along these lines, but more in the nature of an ecclesiastical joke, was the common Domingo Ramos, a play on “domingo de Ramos,” Palm Sunday; understandably, this name carried no special implications of rank.) Highest on the ladder were actual Spanish surnames differing in no way from those used by Spaniards, and in many cases actually taken from some _ Spaniard who served as baptismal sponsor or in some other way adopted his namesake as a protegé. Surnames of famous conquerors, viceroys, encomen-_ deros, corregidores, and prominent friars headed the list, being assumed by rulers and great lords. The practice began with Hernando Cortés, under whose sponsorship so many tlatoque and sons of tlatoque were baptized don Hernando Cortés that Cortés became one of the most common noble surnames all over central Mexico in the conquest generation and for generations afterward; 2 indeed, in colonial New Spain, a Cortés was much more likely to be an Indian than not, and if he bore the “don” it was almost a certainty. Alvarado, from Pedro de Alvarado and his brothers, was also popular at the highest level, as was Mendoza, from don Antonio de Mendoza, the first viceroy.'3 The local encomendero and the prior of the local monastery were perhaps the most natural and frequent sources of distinguished surnames. The tlatoani family of Zinacantepec in the Toluca Valley took the surname Samano after the encomenderos of that altepetl, and also adopted the same Christian names,'3+ as was usually done when baptismal sponsorship was in-

124 Social Differentiation volved. Paez de Mendoza, a prominent surname among the tlatoque of Amaquemecan, harked back to the days when the Dominican fray Juan Paez was in service there (and actively intervening in politics).° The names of lesser local Spaniards—notaries, lieutenants, interpreters, nonencomendero estate owners—would serve as well, especially if they had a good ring to them in the Spanish context.1%

In all these cases, the Spaniard probably actually knew or at least met the

Nahua and gave his permission and sponsorship. Some names became so famous, however, that they seem to have been adopted in the Spaniard’s absence, or after his death, though still with some kind of indigenous or Spanish monitoring, for only the most prominent were eligible recipients. Fray Martin de Valencia, legendary leader of the first twelve Franciscans, was a notable

example. In Tlaxcala, don Martin Coyolchiuhqui became don Martin de Valencia long after fray Martin had died, and in Tulancingo there was another don Martin de Valencia living late into the sixteenth century.’ The Cortés surname also seems to have spread posthumously. Spanish patronymics like Hernandez, Sanchez, Lopez, and Pérez were a somewhat different matter, at least in the long run. Extremely common among Spaniards of the time, they had a strongly plebeian ring unless accompanied by a higher-sounding second surname. Many of the humble Spaniards

going among Indians as employees of encomenderos, small farmers, petty traders, or muleteers bore these surnames or others of a similar flavor. It is ' probably from them that the Nahuas began to take such names, though it is also possible that as obvious choices, patronymics were arbitrarily awarded to many people by friars or priests at baptism. That possibility may be suspected especially with the surname Juarez, which became in time almost as characteristically “Indian” as Santiago or a double first name. At any rate, in the first generations even surnames of this type were associated with high rank in the indigenous world. From the late 15 40’s into the 1570's, a majority of the prominent nobles constituting Tlaxcala’s prestigious 220-man electorate had indigenous or religious surnames, and any true Hispanic surname put a person in a small upper category. Lucas Garcia and Alonso Gémez were governors of Tlaxcala, and Juan Jiménez was a high _ nobleman of great influence in the cabildo, repeatedly alcalde.*° In Culhuacan around 1580, people with names like Juarez and Garcia held noble titles and municipal-churchly office.1+ In some cases, an unimpressive surname be-

came associated with a tlatoani family and remained prominent and prestigious on into the eighteenth century, as with the Diazes of Cuernavaca.'? But from the beginning, the more distinguished Spanish surnames usually went to the very highest members of indigenous society; even in early Tlaxcala and Culhuacan, the dynastic tlatoque did not bear patronymics. As time went on,

Social Differentiation 125 patronymics and other surnames ranking lower on the Spanish scale became

neutral among the Nahuas; they stood out somewhat against the sea of double first names, in the same manner as the religious terms, but either humble commoners or people of high status might use them. A special characteristic of Spanish surnames in the Nahua world is that, as among Spaniards and in contrast to most. second names of Indians, they were frequently passed on to children and grandchildren. Let us first consider the great majority of cases, where second names bore no relation to lineage. A family of the late colonial Toluca Valley (Metepec, 1795) can stand for the usual situation from the conquest generation forward, for the earlier indigenous surnames were treated in the same fashion; Miguel Geronimo and Pascuala Josefa had a daughter Petrona Martina, who married Cayetano Salva-

dor, and their children in turn were named Gil Antonio and Rafael Valentin.’# In Azcapotzalco in 1695, the grandchildren of the Angelina mentioned above were Tomas de los Santos, Teresa de Jesus, Jacinto Ventura, Josefa de la Encarnacion, and Nicolasa Jacinta.'#* Occasionally, but as well as

one can tell from wills and the like not often, children were named after parents, though not in such a way as to imply a lineage surname. In Xochimilco in 1572, Constantino de San Felipe (also called just Constantino Felipe) had named his son Felipe Constantino, a neat reversal that is quite rare in the documentation generally.‘** Somewhat more common was for the child to take the entire name of the parent, as with Juan Fabian, father and son, in the Coyoacan region in 1617.'* Religious second names, particularly de Santiago and de la Cruz, were sometimes treated as continuing surnames, but overall the bulk of names carried in the same family were Spanish surnames, borne by lines of propertied nobles who held municipal office and had not infrequently originated in a tlatoani or great teuctli. Tlaxcala provides a good example; the same surnames adopted by the lords of that complex altepetl in the mid-sixteenth century are still seen in the cabildo membership in the 1620’s and beyond.'*” Many surnames of tlatoani or governor lines were maintained from the sixteenth into or through the eighteenth century: Guzman in Coyoacan, Paez de Mendoza in Amaquemecan, Maldonado in Tulancingo, Hinojosa in Cuernavaca, Rojas in Cuauhtinchan and Tepoztlan, and

so forth.1 | |

An element of prime importance in the Spanish naming system was the honorific “don,” with its feminine equivalent “dona,” in tandem with a person’s first name. Since usage was invariant, so that a given person either always had the title or always lacked it, at any time period there was an upper group with “don” and a lower group without it. At the time of the conquest, only the very highest Spanish nobility had the don, and ordinary hidalgos lacked it, though the doha was more widely spread and was used by most

126 Social Differentiation women of hidalgo families.“* Drawing the parallel, the Spaniards awarded the don to most, though not all, of the recognized tlatoque of New Spain at baptism. Within a few years, the Nahuas themselves had taken over management of the title, using it in a similar but not identical way. For Spaniards, the don was primarily a matter of family and birthright; all the sons of a don were also don, from the hour of their birth to the hour of their death. The Nahuas seemed to equate the title more with attained position. Lords and rulers with the don had brothers and cousins without it, as though it were the equivalent of “teuctli.” 5° On the other hand, as one attained reputation and position, especially high municipal office, one could acquire the don along with it (see Chapter 2); for early Tlaxcala and Tulancingo, this process is well documented, and variants of the same phenomenon are found in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as well. In some places, the title went with certain offices so strictly that a person might lose it after the end of his term.'5! And doa, so widely used among Spanish ladies, was actually less frequent among the Nahuas than don, presumably because the noblewomen did not ordinarily hold an office or head a teccalli.s? In time, things seem to have evened out to the extent that women in notable families usually bore the dona, but where the husband had risen from low or intermediate status, his wife would often remain without title. With the don as something that could be acquired within one’s own life-

time, inconsistency of use was much more frequent among Nahuas than among Spaniards, although true arbitrariness was rare. Most cases of vacillation involve people on the verge of achieving prominence; ordinary commoners would never receive the title, and the highest-ranking would never be left without it.*3 In the Spanish world, usage evolved quite rapidly; by the seventeenth century, most Spaniards of any prominence at all bore the title, and in the eighteenth century, it spread so far as to be used by almost any respectable and solvent man. The same tendency asserted itself among the Nahuas but never went, relatively speaking, so far. From being at first the prerogative of major tlatoque, the don spread rapidly to other lords and their relatives. On the cabildo of Tlaxcala, the don had hardly gone beyond the altepetl tlatoque in the late 15.40’s; by the late 1560's, most cabildo members

had it; by 1620, all did (except the notary), and a good many of the 220 electors as well.5* Much the same thing was happening in Tulancingo, although perhaps as much as two decades behind Tlaxcala at any given

moment.'5 | |

Since Tlaxcala was such a large entity, it included more truly eminent families than a normal altepetl. Generally speaking, the don never diffused appreciably beyond the group of families that rotated in the municipal offices of governor, alcalde, fiscal, regidor mayor, and notary, and in some towns, _

Social Differentiation 127 even the last two were not usually included in the circle. In the eighteenth century, especially in the second half, usage seems to have become rather more arbitrary and less consistent, perhaps as a result of the extreme devaluation of the term among Spaniards, who at that point still insisted on its use in addressing others but no longer added it to their own signatures. The effect is partly caused by documents in Spanish; perhaps because of a desire to maintain a distinction between Spanish and Indian names even now when the don was so general in the Spanish world, Spanish writers increasingly declined to apply the title to any Indian, however high ranking.15 Overall, then, the naming system of the postconquest centuries was subtle and highly differentiated, as well as changing over time. For much of the sixteenth century, the majority of the population bore indigenous surnames, and the greatest dividing line was between them and those possessing names of all the other types. A party of officials of Mexico Tenochtitlan in 1585 divides sharply into two groups: the high-ranking cabildo members, who all have some

sort of nonindigenous name—Juan Martin, don Martin Hernandez, Pedro Gerénimo, and Pablo Juarez—and the lower-ranking constables, named Pedro Aca (Reed), Martin Quauhtli (Eagle), and Pedro Ahuexotl (Willow).1” By the second quarter of the seventeenth century, indigenous surnames had in effect disappeared in most subregions except for a few illustrious dynastic names recognized even by Spaniards, including Maxixcatzin and Moteucgoma. The primary dividing line was now between those with double first names and all

the rest. The religious surnames occupied an intermediate position, along with the commonest patronymics. The mark of high distinction in the indigenous world was possession of the don plus a nonplebeian Spanish surname. In both the earlier and the later period, the generality of the indigenous population stood (as it had before the conquest) in a relative anonymity, bearing appellations that had no generational depth and by themselves did not suffice _ to distinguish one person from another, at least in a larger community. The middle-rank surnames, de la Cruz, Santiago, de los Reyes, and the rest, were only a slight improvement in this respect. The bulk of Indian names were so similar and indeed in a sense so nondescript that to outsiders they all seemed

the same. Spanish lawyers frequently got the names of their own Indian clients wrong, mixing up Luisa Clara and Juana Luisa, for example, and the same could happen even with Nahua notaries in larger settlements. In Mexico

City in 1596, a notary after writing a long testament had forgotten the testator’s all too common appellation, Juana Mocel, and referred to her as yehuatl fulano, “that what’s-her-name.” * From the inside, things were very different. In any given situation, certain surnames took on a local coloration, and the nomenclature served to articulate the population, leaving little doubt about lower, intermediate, and higher.

128 Social Differentiation | TABLE 4.4

Typical Names of the Mature Colonial Period: Householders , of Teopancaltitlan Tlatocapan (Tepemaxalco, Toluca Valley), 1659

Don Gabriel de San Pedro Juan de San Miguel Monica Elena

Francisco Nicolas? Francisca Juana Ursula Maria

Baltasar Gregorio Don Diego de la Cruz Francisco Hernandez

Lucia Florenciana | Agustin Salvador Diego de Francisco Bernabé de Juan Santiago Es Gabriel Tapia | Juan Nicolas Bautista Juan Nicol4s¢ Francisco Nicolas Lorenzo Lopez Anton Josef

SOURCE: MNAH AH, GO 185, p. 15. 4There were two men named Francisco Nicolas and two named Juan Nicolas. The like-named pairs were possibly but not necessarily related. _

Let us look at a list of names from a section of Tepemaxalco in 1659 (Table 4.4). Of the twenty-one compound appellations, no fewer than thirteen are double first names. Another, Juan de San Miguel, is the same thing in altered form, for the previous year the person referred to had been just Juan Miguel. Likely he had made a good marriage or prospered in business. In 1653, he held a minor position as church topile (constable, general henchman). There are two Santiagos; this surname, which could mean almost anything, had no strong profile in Tepemaxalco and probably does not indicate especially high status in these cases. Two persons possess patronymics. Of |

these, Lorenzo L6pez was to be master of the church choir in 1666, and alcalde (by then entitled don) in 1682. Francisco Hernandez had been church topile in 1653, was master of the choir in this very year of 1659, and was to become alcalde and don in 1672. One person is named Tapia, which had originally been a grand Spanish surname but had spread so widely among Indians as to fall, in general, approximately to the level of a patronymic. Gabriel de Tapia was to become regidor mayor in 1667, then don and alcalde in 1671. Lopez, Hernandez, Tapia, and the Santiagos probably all represent persons conscious of carrying on a family line. Only two of the men bear the don. The surname of don Diego de la Cruz ranks, in general, no higher than de Santiago, but in Tepemaxalco, the governor (as we will see) was a de la Cruz more often than not over a century and a half, so that don Diego was definitely a member of Tepemaxalco’s upper crust. In fact, he had himself been governor in 1655. About don Gabriel de San Pedro’s background we can say on the basis of his title that he had somehow attained high status. Names cannot, after all, do absolutely everything. In small groups where everyone knew everyone else, even a prestigious family would for whatever reason sometimes revert to a nondescript name, which in the context would soon convey something quite different than usual. Don

Social Differentiation 129 Gabriel thus may have been of high rank from birth despite the unremarkable “San Pedro.” Another possibility is that he was originally just Gabriel Pedro

and through some combination of marriage, merit, wealth, and longevity reached prominence. In 1647, he was already Gabriel de San Pedro (though without don) and made a substantial donation of twenty pesos to the church, indicating solvency. By 1655, he had the don and was serving as alcalde. In preconquest terms, the twenty-one household heads would seem to represent,

as of 1659, the approximate equivalent of thirteen clear macehualtin, six people of intermediate or rising status, and two pipiltin. (The proportion of persons eventually attaining the don and high municipal office is higher here than it would be in other parts of Tepemaxalco, for Teopancaltitlan was the ranking subdivision.) Essentially, the Nahuas were nearly as able and inclined to designate rank distinctions as they had ever been. Although the newer system was nowhere identical to the older one, it resulted in somewhat equivalent distinctions and groupings. “Don” in the later period was overall rather more exclusive than “pill” had been, rather less exclusive than “teuctli,” and more like “‘teuctli”’ than “pilli” in representing attained status plus birth rather than birth alone, but it had a function similar to that of the earlier terms. For all the differences, the set of people holding the same prestigious surname in a Nahua altepetl in the seventeenth or eighteenth century constituted a designated lineage hard to distinguish from the pipiltin of a teccalli in earlier times. Although Spanish priests and friars continued to officiate at baptisms to independence and beyond, at some fairly early point, the Nahuas must have begun choosing names for themselves, for by the middle colonial period the system of naming was a

perfect fit for their still quite intricate society. |

Naming patterns betray many distinctions larger than those of individual rank. During the years when the system was still taking shape, that is, until the third or fourth decade of the seventeenth century, one finds a far higher proportion of nonindigenous surnames in major centers, with a greater Spanish presence, than in smaller and more remote ones, graphically illustrating the earlier impact of change in the “cabeceras.” '*: Later, in the time of the © mature system, the relative prevalence of names associated with high rank in major centers, together with the plebeian naming of even governors and alcaldes in minor towns, tells one a great deal about the distribution of the prominent and the humble in the Indian world of the late period. The system as it evolved also set up distinctions between Indians and Spaniards. Even after indigenous surnames faded, it was generally easy to tell an Indian from a Spaniard by his name alone. Not only were the double first names and religious surnames idiosyncratic; until the eighteenth-century explosion of the don among the Spanish population, the very presence of the

130 Social Differentiation : don in conjunction with a Spanish surname (and especially with one of plebeian flavor) hinted that the possessor was Indian.* Mestizos of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries such as Juan Bautista de Pomar and Diego Munoz Camargo, who went among Nahua relatives but did not use the don, were thereby signaling that they belonged to the Spanish world, and there were some mestizo governors of the time who did the same.’ Later the don evened out, but at the same time high-ranking Spanish surnames evolved in the direction of greater complexity, so that a difference remained. Closest to identity between the two spheres were the simple two-element appellations of Christian name plus patronymic borne by humbler Spaniards, the ethnically mixed, and some Indians alike; the patronymics seem to have increased in popularity with the bulk of the Indian population as time went on, and the trend may be indicative of a more basic rapprochement.t — In the final years before independence, a certain number of Nahuas, mainly people of some prominence, were adding a second, indigenous surname.'* The meaning of this late and secondary phenomenon is not yet clear; possibly it was an attempt to escape from the relative anonymity of the usual _ “Indian” surnames, or possibly it is a back-manifestation of the pride in the

indigenous heritage that Mexican Spanish patriots had been preaching - through the whole later colonial period.

| The Persistence of an Upper Group | By 1650 and before, the older Nahuatl terminology of nobility and high rank was primarily restricted in usage to courtesy titles for municipal officers’ : and posturing in municipal election disputes. Of the special titles of rulerships

and lordships, so important a feature of the earlier system, only minimal traces were left, or so it seems in the record. For some reason, the lordly titles

had been almost surreptitious from an early time. The sixteenth-century wills of lords and rulers leave their titles entirely unmentioned even when the documents designate successors to the positions, and it is mainly from historical *Until a late time, such a name as don Pedro Jiménez did not occur among Spaniards and would have been extremely ludicrous. Anyorie so named could only be an Indian nobleman. tl have seen a few examples from the Tulancingo region of a phenomenon that may have been more widespread, an apparent tendency ‘to have one name, more typically “Indian,” for the inside, and another, more meaningful to Spaniards, for dealing with the outside. In Tulancingo in 1642, a Gaspar de Santiago sold a house, according to a Nahuatl document, but the Spaniard who bought it identified the seller as ‘““Gaspar Jiménez indio” (UCLA TC, folder 12). In Acaxochitlan in the Tulancingo area in 1768, a person who is Domingo de la Cruz in a Nahuatl will is _ called Domingo Rosales by a Spaniard, and his uncle (don) Marcelo Simon is called don Marcelo Simon Rosales. Something of the same tendency can be seen, potentially, in the names of the town’s governor and alcalde, don Pedro de Santiago Lopez and don Juan de la Trinidad Lépez

(ibid., folder 25). |

Social Differentiation 131 accounts that we learn of their existence.* When dealing with Spanish authorities, from whom little comprehension could be expected, it is under_standable that tlatoque and teteuctin should pass over the lordly titles, often _ representing themselves as the single cacique or natural lord of the altepetl even when there was a complex set of rulers. But it is hard to account for the conspiracy of silence in Nahuatl wills and municipal documents, since all manner of other traditional indigenous social and political concepts crop up there. Possibly the lordly titles were felt to be associated with preconquest religion (though Chimalpahin, for one, had no such feeling, proudly displaying the titles of the tlatoque of Amaquemecan right up to his own time). At any rate, by the middle of the colonial period, the preconquest terminological system for distinguishing the prominent from the lowly was moribund; it had been replaced by a several-tier naming system that was capable of making as" many distinctions, though without drawing as sharp a linguistic line between

upper and lower. a | ,

‘It was not name alone that distinguished an upper group from the rest. In the example of the names from Tepemaxalco, we have just seen that even in the later colonial period not everyone held office. In most Indian towns of central Mexico, a body of vocales, “voters” or “electors,” continued to be _designated up to the time of independence. A study of the Cuernavaca juris_ diction in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries finds that from 5 percent _ to as many as 20 percent of the tribute payers were vocales, with ro percent:

perhaps something of a norm; and more fragmentary data for other regions confirm this picture.*** According to estimates on the basis of early Nahuatl censuses, the proportion of pipiltin in the mid-sixteenth century fell within the same range.’ Like the earlier pipiltin, the vocales monopolized governmental and churchly office. (But they were not all equal; in a given altepetl, usually only one, two, or a very few families aspired to the governorship, a

- point to which I will return.) a | Economic differences persisted as well. In seventeenth-century Tepemaxalco, when the special field of a church or cofradia (lay religious sodality) was to be cultivated, the present and past officers (the same sector as the vocales) brought yokes of oxen, whereas the ordinary people brought only _ huitzoctli (a type of digging stick). Though the upper group is given no name, the lower group is referred to in contrast as macehualtin and tlapaliuhbque, “farmers, hands, the able-bodied.” The de la Cruz family, source of so many - governors, contributed at times more money to pious causes than the rest of - the officers put together. The persistence of substantial estates among the indigenous ruling group in the Cuernavaca region has been demonstrated, and sharp differences in landholding, much like those obtaining at conquest, have been documented for other places as well in the late period, ranging

132 Social Differentiation from the landless or nearly so all the way up to gubernatorial families with quite extensive holdings.'© It is true that by 1750 few Indian estates could compare with those of even middle-level Spanish families, and it is also true that to some Spaniards, and especially to observers fresh from Europe, Indians seemed all the same, reduced to a single level. Yet meaningful, systematic differences continued to exist, closely comparable in type to those obtaining when the Spaniards first arrived. Even the flexibility and in some cases indeterminacy of status had good preconquest precedent. One might say that the prominent of the late colonial indigenous world had been reduced to the level of macehualtin in the sense that, when not holding office, they had the same tribute obligations as any ordinary Indian. In fact, however, as we have seen, Nahua lords and noblemen had always paid tribute in kind to the altepetl, if not exactly for themselves then at least by virtue of the lands they held and for their dependents, and it was only their great and for a time successful scam of extolling their privileges and sweeping their duties under the rug that hoodwinked Spanish authorities into thinking they had been exempt. To be sure, earlier Nahuatl nobles had been truly exempt from the coatequitl or draft public labor, whereas in late colonial times, they had the same formal obligation to the Hispanized form of the institution, the repartimiento, as the rest of the population. But the repartimiento was no longer meaningfully operative in many parts of central Mexico after the early seventeenth century, and even where it was, as in the Cuernavaca jurisdiction and the Toluca Valley for the neighboring silver mines, fur-

ther research will probably establish that members of the “vocal” group bought their way out or otherwise managed to avoid the duty. The late colonial “gubernatorial” lineages appear to have a good deal in common with the tlatoani lineages of the sixteenth century. To what extent is this appearance only? For the Valley of Mexico, it has already been demonstrated that although the formal tlatocayotl was often legally buttressed by Spanish governmental decrees granting the right of succession, confirming rights to the labor of dependents, and giving the ruler’s holdings the status of an entail, the institution was in rapid decline by the early seventeenth century.

~ Some lines died out, others persisted but on the edges of the ruling group rather than at its center, and some flourished indefinitely, a few in a very large way, though they did so because of the reputation of the line, the astuteness of its members, advantageous alliances, or luck rather than because of the power and wealth of the rulership as such.1” In the late colonial period, the © concept of the tlatoani as the dynastic head of state of an altepetl or tlayacatl, if it did not absolutely disappear, then at least went underground. The latest

use of tlatoani to mean dynastic ruler that I have seen in a Nahuatl text is from Amaquemecan in 1661; a don Francisco Cosme is called in passing

Social Differentiation 133 the “Tequanipan tlatoani,” Tequanipan being one of Amaquemecan’s sub-altepetl.17! By this time and even earlier, “‘tlatoani” was coming to mean no more than prominent person (in almost any capacity). Already in the sixteenth century, the plural tlatoque had often referred to groups of municipal officers none of whom was a dynastic ruler, and by the middle colonial period, even the singular, which until then had designated at the least a currently officiating governor, was being used in the same way. A Nahuatl text from the Toluca Valley in 1645 speaks of the “tlatoani don Simon de Santiago, fiscal mayor.” '” In Acatlan in the Tulancingo area in 1659, a notary refers to don Francisco de Larios, a wealthy landholder and former governor, as “the tlatoani,” though there is no hint of a formal tlatocayotl.173

Just as in studying the evolution of the concept altepetl the Spanish “pueblo” becomes relevant at a certain point, so to understand late colonial concepts of nobility and rulership one must discuss the Spanish terms cacique

and principal. “Cacique,” though not invariably used in grants of rights to indigenous rulers (‘“‘sefior” was an alternate term), was the operating concept

among Spaniards in the sixteenth century, and the ensemble of rights and holdings surrounding the rulership was called a cacicazgo by analogy with Spanish mayorazgo, “entail.” At this time, “cacique” was fully equivalent to traditional Nahuatl “tlatoani,” and “cacicazgo” to “‘tlatocayotl.” Declining to call Indian noblemen hidalgos or caballeros (those being the most common

Spanish terms), the Spaniards soon settled on “principal,” “important person.” Applied to Indians, the word may not have conveyed nobleman in the strictest sense, for it was sometimes used in the Spanish world to speak of persons of great influence but undistinguished birth, and it can be found referring to leaders at the macehualli level. Yet all in all, “principal” in the

sixteenth century is simply a translation of Nahuatl “pilli.” 15 : Such clarity was not long maintained. The Spaniards were mainly concerned with rulers and lords as figures of authority, not with nobles or: nobility as such. In effect, most of the “‘principales” with whom they dealt were “caciques,” and even by 1600, one begins to see the two terms used in tandem more than separately.'”* The two increasingly became equivalent. If this served

to raise the connotation of “principal” somewhat, its main effect was to broaden “cacique.” By 1700, cacique in Spanish no longer usually had the meaning “holder of a tlatocayotl or cacicazgo.” In much usage, it tended to displace “principal” almost entirely, referring to any prominent, propertied person of an officeholding family; the women of these circles were called ca_cica.7”’ A single minor town could have several caciques. In the San Sebastian

district of Mexico City in 1733, don Nicolas de Tolentino, don Miguel Juarez, and don Vicente Ramos, all three called “cacique y principal,” lived side by side. Two had been alcalde; they were, respectively, a carpenter, a candle-

134 Social Differentiation maker-choirmaster, and a mason.?’8 Since the crafts had always been practiced by some Nahua pipiltin, and in any case in postconquest society, many indigenous noblemen carried on profitable activities that were middling to low on the Spanish scale, the trades of these gentlemen by no means demote them to low status in the indigenous context. Nevertheless, the thrust of “‘ca-

cique” had clearly changed.

Late colonial “cacique,” then, was not far from meaning what Nahuatl “pili” had meant earlier, though it was used more pragmatically than genealogically and had little or no legal standing. But “‘cacique” continued to mean

“holder of a cacicazgo” as well, for those cacicazgos that still existed. As “tlatoani” continued its long evolution toward meaning simply “Mr.,” “ca- cique” in its broader sense began to be used by the Nahuas, though more in dealing with Spaniards than when speaking Nahuatl.” It was, however, by now the only term left in either Spanish or Nahuatl that referred to formal dynastic rulership, and in a testament from Tepetlixpan (Chalco region), dated 1733, it is actually used in the Nahuatl text in that meaning instead of “tlatoani.” 18° The two meanings could be played off against each other. In the

1760’s, a former governor of Coatlichan. (Tetzcoco region), don Sebastian Ignacio (de Buendia), claimed in a Spanish court to be a cacique, meaning without a doubt in the broader, devalued sense, which to every appearance was true. But the opposing party denied the claim, saying that a cacique did not pay tribute as don Sebastian did, for the possessor of a formal cacicazgo was in fact usually relieved of tribute obligations.‘ Some cacicazgos did continue to function on into the eighteenth century much as they had before, although the phenomenon may be confined to the eastern region, where, as seen earlier, the teccalli had always proclaimed itself

especially strong. The only full-fledged example I know of comes from Cuauhtinchan.'* In preconquest times, the Tecpanecatl teuctli had been one of Cuauhtinchan’s seven tlatoque, perhaps the ranking one. As of 1576, this tlatocayotl was held by don Diego de Rojas, a grandson of the incumbent at the time of the conquest, who bequeathed it in that year, along with extensive buildings, landholdings, and dependents to his son don Tomas. Some 130 years

later, in 1707, don Antonio Tomas de Rojas, “cacique y principal,” a direct descendant although through his mother, was in possession of a cacicazgo specifically so called (his will is in Spanish) and left the rulership and most of his property to a daughter and son-in-law, since the whereabouts of his son was

unknown. Not only the surname Rojas, but the first names Tomas, Antonio, _. Diego, Antonia, and Maria had now been kept in the family for many generations. Don Antonio Tomas had a large house compound in town, not said in so many words to belong to his cacicazgo, but a rancho and six caballerias of land were specifically cacicazgo property. The rancho was leased to a

, Social Differentiation 135 Spaniard; of the six caballerias, don Antonio Tomas rented thirty lots to his “vassals and tenants” for two pesos annually each and let them use the rest in return for the customary service to him, “since they are subject to my cacicazgo.” Proceeds from other cacicazgo land leased out to Spaniards went for an annual festivity of Santo Tomas, which seems to have been held at the place where the six caballerias were, constituting a “barrio

that they call Tecpanecatl,” so that in a slightly disguised form even the title of the tlatocayotl had survived. The first tlatoani baptized had borne the name Tomas, doubtless coinciding with the “barrio’s” patron saint and

Spanish name. oe Although the heirs of don Antonio Tomas de Rojas were expected to carry

on in the same fashion, the 1707 document seems to be the last known of the cacicazgo. Possibly the family and its holdings evolved in the same direction as in the case of another Tecpanecatl teuctli, this one the tlatoani of Tepetlix-

pan (originally a tlayacatl of Chimalhuacan) in the southern part of the Chalco region. Although the documents are sketchy, something of the story can be pieced together. In 1629, a don Juan Pacheco headed a party of officials and other citizens of Tepetlixpan, all with names far less distinguished than his, who bought four caballerias of land called Tetepetlac, in their own district, from a nobleman of Tlalmanalco, to be community property. Other Pachecos, in the late seventeenth and the eighteenth century, were alcaldes of Tepetlixpan and connected with the tlatoani family, which by 1690, in the person of (don) Josef de Aguilar, claimed ownership of Tetepetlac among other lands. I deduce that don Juan Pacheco was the Tecpanecatl teuctli and as such took the “community property” for himself and his heirs. In 1690, though nothing was said about any cacicazgo, the family was still flourishing. In 1704, strains were beginning to show. Dofia Francisca Ceverina, who had held the inheritance until then, lived in a compound sporting an oratory with many saints, and she still treated the Tetepetlac land as her own, but she considered her son Gaspar (de los) Reyes a drifter and loafer and tried to

leave everything to her daughter-in-law Magdalena Ursula instead. (Note the , deterioration in the family’s surnames, from a high-sounding Spanish surname to religious names and double first names, with loss of the “don.’’) By 1737, the last known of the Pachecos said in his will that Tetepetlac

had been wrongly lost to an hacienda—probably through a mismanaged lease—but was really the property of the Tecpaneca caciques (using the Span-

ish word in Nahuatl, as mentioned above). Dona Francisca is actually referred to, posthumously, as “the Tecpanecatl,” the latest instance known to me in which a preconquest lordly title is attributed to an individual. The

family did not regain the land. In 1791, a current and a past governor of Tepetlixpan brought the grandson of Gaspar Reyes, Miguel Castillo, to Mex-

136 Social Differentiation | ico City to press further claims. It is apparent that the town officials were propping up Miguel, whose greatest eminence was that he had once held the lowly post of merino, in order to win back some of the land for the whole community, and that the descendants of the tlatoani family no longer played an appreciable role in town affairs.1*3 In fact, it is not certain that any of the participants in the 1791 appeal were fully cognizant of the genealogy of the tlatoani line, for no open reference is made to cacicazgo. Nevertheless, the title had been carefully handed on, sub rosa, into the eighteenth century, and

the same may have been true in other altepetl where not even as slight a documentary trace is preserved as in Tepetlixpan. But in many places there is little reason to think that those prominent in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had any genealogical affiliation with a preconquest tlatocayotl. Because of some quasi-personal Nahuatl records, the best available example is that of the de la Cruz family in the Toluca Valley municipality of Tepemaxalco (the lower ranking of dual governments in the Calimaya region) in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. A certain Pedro de la Cruz, organist of the church, began keeping a book of income and expenses related to the local churches and cofradia, starting with a campaign of 1647 to raise money for a new organ. In time, others added entries, often having to do with municipal business; someone put in a page or two of historical annals, and notable events like earthquakes were reported as they happened. As a result, a rather intimate if highly sporadic and partisan account of municipal affairs emerges. Pedro de la Cruz the organist became governor don Pedro de la Cruz in 1657 and held the office for virtually the rest of his life, until 1674, with minimal interruptions. The last part of the century was dominated by don Juan de la Cruz, a son-in-law rather than a son but nevertheless principal heir to all don Pedro’s interests, his own male

children having died early. Don Nicolas de la Cruz was governor in the middle eighteenth century, and at the end of that century, don Bernardino de la Cruz y Serrano held the office (see Table 4.5). Although the records do not provide an exhaustive series of incumbents in the governorship, there is every reason to think that the de la Cruzes held the post essentially as often as they wanted to when they had a mature and capable candidate. In the time of don Pedro, the best-documented family member, don Juan Pablo was a stand-in governor in the second half of 1662 when don Pedro must have been sick; otherwise he was Juan Pablo the notary. The term of don Matias de San Francisco in 1671 was probably in the nature of a crumb to an old friend, for he had been master of the church choir when don Pedro was organist, and

don Pedro doubtless held the reins even that year, —™ During don Pedro’s tenure, he personally made large donations, sometimes

hundreds of pesos, to build and repair altars and chapels and to enlarge the

| Social Differentiation 137 | TABLE 4.5 Known Governors of Tepemaxalco (Toluca Valley), 1605-1813

Tenure Name | , Tenure Name

-605 Don Diego Felipe 1671 Don Matias de San Francisco

1610 Don Francisco Martin 1672-74 Don Pedro de la Cruz 1616 Don Daniel (Velasquez?) 1678 Don Juan Martin -624, 1647 Don Baltasar de los Reyes 1682—83 Don Juan de la Cruz 655 Don Diego de la Cruz 1684 Don Francisco de la Cruz 656 Don Matias de San Francisco | 1733-34, 1745-46 Don Nicolas de la Cruz 657-70 Don Pedro de la Cruz 1772 Don Josef de la Cruz

(don Juan Pablo for 6 1791-92, 1795, Don Bernardino de la Cruz

months in 1662) 1809, 1813 y Serrano

URCES: CFP; AGN, Tierras 1501, exp. 3, ff. 2 (don Josef), 19 (don Diego Felipe), 20 (don Francisco); Tierras 2533, ». 2, ff. 36v—37 (don Bernardino).

organ; his contributions were always substantial, and in many cases, he was the sole significant source of funds. Clearly he was a wealthy man. The next

de la Cruz to take over, don Juan de la Cruz, had large landholdings scattered across the district and was able to leave lands and oxen to each of an impressive number of children. Both don Pedro and don Juan had permanent employees (gafianes). In the mid-eighteenth century, governor don Nicolas and two nephews surnamed de la Cruz by themselves paid for a new bell for the church. The de la Cruz family thus gives every indication of having formed a dynasty, ranking at the very top of Tepemaxalco society socially, economically, and politically for generation after generation, thereby behaving for all the world like a tlatoani lineage. One looks in vain, however, for any assertions of noble descent on the part of the de la Cruzes. Not only do they never speak of any forebears or cacicazgo; they virtually never even call themselves tlatoani, teuctli, or pilli, terms that hardly appear to have been in their vocabulary. The appellation © de la Cruz, as indicated earlier, was only of medium status generally speaking and was not always treated as a continuing surname. By 1650, the family was becoming well established, for Pedro de la Cruz the organist was already son

of a (don) Juan de la Cruz who had been alcalde, and in 1655, don Diego de la Cruz assumed the governorship. Yet the family’s historical researches seem not to have turned up a de la Cruz governor before that. Possibly (though by no means necessarily, given the commonness of the name) the line | went back to an apparent muleteer of the late sixteenth century named Pablo de la Cruz, who was said in some Spanish records of Toluca to have been from Calimaya (Spaniards often failed to make any distinction between Te-

pemaxalco and Calimaya, ignoring the former). When don Bernardino de la Cruz, who had gone over to writing in Spanish, was given custody of

138 Social Differentiation the records in 1791, he called them “the book of my antecessor don Pedro de la Cruz Serrano, who was conqueror and founder.” Leaving aside for the moment the seeming utter inappropriateness of these terms, literally applicable only to sixteenth-century Spaniards, it can be seen that don Bernardino considered his family’s fame and high position to have begun with the great don Pedro. The seventeenth century does seem to have been, if not the time of origin of the de la Cruzes as a self-conscious line, then at least the time of their rise to prominence." Dominance as pure and lasting as that of the de la Cruz family may have been quite rare. Larger towns of the late colonial period were more likely to have two or three dynasties vying for the governorship and general preeminence, as in Cuernavaca and Tepoztlan, although the disputants might be so intertwined as to seem rival branches of a single dynasty, a common situation in the preconquest period.‘*s A few such families derived straightforwardly from sixteenth-century tlatoque, others had some slight affiliation with them, and yet others arose in the later period, at times helped by a matrimonial alliance with someone from the Hispanic world. Once a position was established in one way or another, the origin seems to have mattered relatively little. Dynasties behaved the same and were viewed the same whether they went back for centuries or for only two or three generations; in central Mexico by the middle colonial period, although traditions of current practice were handed faithfully and tenaciously from one generation to the next, perspectives over longer time spans were often blurred. In late colonial times, preconquest tlatocayotl was no longer a necessary ingredient of the biological heri-

tage of gubernatorial families, nor was it a major part of their conscious rationale, but as a precedent and a pattern it was historically important in shaping the nature of their activities and their general position. Despite all the loss, transformation, and renaming, late colonial Indian towns still had a mainly hereditary minority group, of greater wealth, prestige, and education than most, who held the bulk of corporate offices, and among that minority, a few continuing families were the wealthiest of all and dominated though

not always monopolized the governorship. , Other important aspects of the articulation of society have left too little evidence of themselves, or so it presently seems, to allow for systematic discussion. Although age differential must have continued to play a significant role, little was written down on the topic other than occasional complaints that a governor was too young for his post. The word huehuetque, “elders,” continued to be used at times for the authorities of subdivisions and even for

the municipal officers as a group, but the term seems to represent more a political formula than a description of chronological age or a high evaluation

Social Differentiation 139 of older people. Persons in authority were frequently called on as witnesses, causing them to declare their ages, from which one can form an impression that officeholders were all mature adults and often of middle age or over, but people in their thirties also appear.**% As we would expect from what was seen above about the importance of family connections in the upper reaches of society, rank was far from being a mere function of age. Gender too is little spoken of in the records. The complaint of a Tetzcocan noblewoman in 1589 that she could not manage her late husband’s properties adequately “because J am a woman” is quite without parallel.” The general picture arising from the study of inheritance and naming patterns is that both women and men held property, influenced family decisions, and shared in the family’s social rank whatever that might be, all of which, aside from being hardly any different from Spanish patterns, had also been true before the conquest. Spanish influence can sometimes be detected, as in calling the governor’s wife the “gobernadora,”’ *** but in the main the two models must have reinforced each other. A pattern of segregation of the sexes, possibly implied

by the separate education of boys and girls in preconquest times, is hardly confirmed in postconquest records. In house compounds, the structure called cihuacalli (““woman-house,” as seen before) is not very clearly a place for women only, and its counterpart oguichpan (“where the men are”) is attested only once. Both terms fade out as the colonial period progresses. The myste-

rious minor office of cibuatepixqui, “female person in charge of people,” pre- | sumably designates an official in charge of the women as a group in churchly and other organizations; it too is seen primarily in records of the sixteenth century, with one seventeenth-century example.'*? The long lists of witnesses

to wills and the like, first all the men-and then all the women, which are frequently seen in Nahuatl texts of the sixteenth century, diminish and are less formally organized by male and female in later centuries; also, witnesses

in the later time are much more likely to be all men, probably because of Spanish influence. Women did not hold public office, though they might succeed to a cacicazgo in the absence of male heirs; certain women who were said to be movers in political affairs often are found to have been widows of well-known figures or the only representative of that generation of an outstanding family, though some feminine political leadership seems to have originated primarily in the unusual personal gifts of the women themselves.'” A rare set of cofradia records from Tula shows an important role for women as supporting officers, part of a possibly very influential position in the orga-

nization as a whole. (We will return to the point in Chapter 6.) Hints of special functions of women in making petitions and public protests remain,

for now, tantalizing suggestions.'*! |

It is also evident that the role of occupation in grouping the indigenous

140 Social Differentiation } population was as great as ever, if indeed it did not gain in importance. In Spanish society, the terminology of nobility was also being deemphasized across the colonial period, and the hierarchy of professions and trades, together with the modulation of names and the use of ethnic epithets, represented perhaps the most basic means of ranking the population. The same may well have been the case among indigenous people, and we know in general that many Hispanic as well as indigenous trades were practiced, but the records are such that they rarely connect a specific person with a specific trade. It can be seen, however, that economic activities low on the Spanish scale, including petty regional commerce, regional and interregional transportation, and the most common Hispanic crafts, could be associated with relatively high rank among Indians. Nor do the three large areas of age, sex, and trade exhaust the Nahua social distinctions that must remain relatively unexplored. The upper group did not speak Nahuatl in exactly the same way as the ordinary folk, and at any given time they tended to know more Spanish; speech patterns also served to differentiate people by age, gender, and region. As little as is currently known about all these matters, they bear mention in the present context because they serve to remind us how richly differentiated the Nahua world remained, up to and including the last decades before independence.

5

Land and Living

IN THE MAINLY Nahuatl sources of this book, documents in annual series with precise specifications of prices and other quantities are rarely found, nor is there much detail on techniques of production and distribution, so that without using altogether different materials it would be difficult to undertake economic history in the usual sense, and such is not my intention. Yet some aspects of economic life, often related to the kinds of social and political organization discussed in the previous chapters, emerge clearly enough and will be treated here at some length. Since the documents are much more expansive on land tenure than on all other aspects of the indigenous economy, the pages that follow are necessarily heavily weighted toward that subject.

Land Tenure at Contact It was ultimately a rich, intensive, permanent-site agriculture that gave central Mexico at the time of the conquest preeminence in population size and many other respects over areas of southern Mesoamerica better provided with prestige goods, from jaguar skins and the plumes of tropical birds to the crucial quasi-staples cotton and cacao. Although the plant varieties and growing techniques that had developed over centuries, not to speak of the climate, were at least as important as the land itself in the flourishing of cen- — tral Mexican agriculture, they were constants, equally available to all, so that land became the principal determinant and attribute of wealth as well as the primary basis of taxation. Elaborate vocabulary and procedures evolved (presumably all or nearly all with long-standing Mesoamerican precedents) to classify, measure, and allocate land and to record tenancy. Preconquest practices related to land were as relevant to postconquest land tenure as the altepetl was to postconquest political life, so it will be necessary to give the preconquest situation ample discussion.

142 Land and Living Corporate Land Management It is important to note at the outset that in preconquest times, the keeping of land records was in the hands of altepetl and calpolli authorities, and so to

a large extent was allocation. This strong corporate role, together with a predisposition on the part of early scholars to identify the Mesoamericans with Indians of northeastern North America, led to the persistent notion that central Mexican landholding was communal. Recent scholars have now repeatedly shown that as far as arable land is concerned, in actual practice individuals and households worked it, held it on a long-term basis, and inherited it. This side of land tenure deserves and will receive emphasis here, for it brings indigenous patterns far closer to those of Europe than once thought. Yet there is no doubt that the corporate entities retained residual rights to all lands (as in Europe) and, with fertile land at least, took a more active role in allocation and reallocation than their contemporary European counterparts. _ Two of the most basic Nahua land categories were altepetlalli, “altepetl land,” and calpollalli, “calpolli land” (tlaxilacallalli, “tlaxilacalli land,” does occur with approximately the same meaning as calpollalli, but much less frequently).2 The two were in fact different ways of referring to the same thing; presumably there was no altepetl land that was not at the same time calpolli land. In some sense, the entire jurisdiction of an altepetl must have fallen into these categories, but in practice they were used as the opposite of land held by nobles, and indeed a frequent implication was that the land was not held at all and hence was open to reallocation. All these points are illustrated by a case of 1575 in Coyoacan, in which an individual petitioned to be given an empty piece of altepetlalli described also as “calpollalli that no longer belongs to anyone and lies idle.” Of the two terms, calpollalli was much more common, reflecting the importance of the calpolli/tlaxilacalli as the primary land-

distributing unit for the general population. |

Nahuatl documents of the early to middle colonial period deliver considerable evidence pointing toward an earlier corporate division of at least the most fertile lands into relatively uniform plots, allocated to the population at a single time in the past. Plots held by individuals are described as measuring twenty units, or some multiple thereof, far too frequently for such a result to have arisen from chance. In places at least, whole tracts must have been divided into plots of twenty units of measure (sometimes square, sometimes with a lesser width), arranged in long strips side by side; some people got only one plot, some several, and calpolli leaders or important nobles might receive many times an ordinary commoner’s allotment. The best extant ex-

ample is provided by the early census and tax records of the Cuernavaca region,’ where, in some districts at least, a plot twenty units long was the

Land and Living 143 normal allotment for a nuclear or small extended family, wealthier families might have forty, sixty, or even eighty, and leaders often had a hundred, two hundred, or more. In different parts of the region, the width of the twentyunit plots varied from five to twenty (making them square), but in a single

calpolli or large tract, plot width was often uniform, so much so that in the |

it unrecorded. ,

majority of cases the officials making the survey took it as a constant and left

On the other hand, many plots described in Nahuatl testaments of the sixteenth century, probably the absolute majority, do not have even dimensions. Records made in Tepetlaoztoc (Tetzcoco region) around the 1540’s, the only known painstaking and comprehensive land surveys of portions of a given region in preconquest style, also show predominantly plots of irregular shape and uneven dimensions.’ The registers, however, contain two separate sets of measurements for each plot, one giving the shape and lineal dimensions, the other the area in square units. A special sign is attached to any field of less than 400 square units, or in other words, less than the equivalent of twenty by twenty. A possible implication is that twenty by twenty was the normal plot size, and the irregularities arose in the process of adapting a

uniform scheme to the features of a sloping and varied terrain.¢ | The corporate management of fields extended beyond the original subdivision and allocation to ongoing reallocation and the maintenance of up-todate records. The Cuernavaca-region censuses contain numerous instances of outsiders who are given fields at some point after their arrival on the local scene, or of young newlyweds given their first allotment, or just as significantly, of people in these two categories who are still awaiting their allotments and meanwhile are performing less than full duties for the group. The lands are assigned by the calpolli officials (calpoleque) or by “the nobles” (pipiltin), presumably meaning higher authorities of the altepetl.’? A crucial feature of the preconquest system was the keeping of glyphic-pictorial registers of all arable, taxable lands in each district, together with the names of the current holders. The posterior Spanish chronicles assert that such was the preconquest practice,* and the Tepetlaoztoc records represent a concrete example, exhaustive land registration still being carried out about a generation

after the conquest. The Cuernavaca records, apparently for the most part done a little earlier, do not contain such a register, but they imply its existence and currency. To judge by the Tepetlaoztoc example, the notational conventions used by central Mexicans in registering land continued to be indigenous after the conquest, with the gradual addition of some (essentially superfluous)

alphabetic glosses in Nahuatl. Further full examples are not available, but fragmentary records from Xochimilco in the late 1560’s show that the details of the traditional manner of registration were still known: altepetl officials

144 Land and Living —

TABLE §.1

Terms for Fractions of the Primary Unit in the Indigenous Measuring System

Term Literal translation | Equivalent mat] arm, hand four-fifths of a unit? (distance between outstretched hands?)

mitl arrow half or three-fifths of a unit? (distance from one outstretched elbow to the far hand)

yollotli heart two-fifths of a unit? ca. 2.5—3 ft.?

(distance between heart and outstretched hand)

! armpit fingertips ciyacatl arm’s length | matzotzopaztli flat part of the arm from elbow to wrist cubit, from elbow to fingertips molicpitl elbowcubit cubit omitl bone

acolli shoulder arm’s length, from the shoulder to the

, tlacxitl foot 10—12 inches? iztetl, iztitl nail (of fingers or toes) ca. 6 inches (a Spanish jeme, distance

, forefinger)

, from tip of thumb to outstretched

EXAMPLES: matl, BC, p. 154; Williams 1984; mitl, AGN, HJ 298: 4 (translated as half a braza); yollotli, BC, p. 90 (construed by translator as a Spanish yard), TC, p. 20; acolli, AGN, Tierras 30, exp. 1, f. 37 (Mexico

City, 1570); ciyacatl, NAC, ms. 1481 (Tlatelolco, 1581); matzotzopaztli, AGN, HJ 298: 4 (translated as almost half a braza); molicpitl, AGN, Tierras 56, exp. 8, f. 3 (Tlatelolco, 1579); omitl, AGN, HJ 298: 4 (translated as cubit); tlacxitl, BC, pp. 88, 165; iztetl, iztitl, NAC, ms. 1481 (Tlatelolco, 1589; uses ommiztitl). _ 4More often, in most places, a full unit.

called tlalhuehuetque (“‘land-elders”’) existed, and the fragments appear to be extracts from complete registers still kept current? _ Registration involved exact measurement, something that indigenous central Mexicans were fully capable of. We know little of the techniques used,

how angles and areas were calculated, but the results show that the means were adequate. And although it may not be possible to establish absolutely precise equivalents for the units of measure, it is clear that each subregion or altepetl had its own version of a refined system of ‘standard units capable of handling both large and small dimensions. The primary unit was a largish one, most often of perhaps eight to ten feet. In some places it was called the ——- quabuitl, “stick,” after the measuring stick used. (In the Tetzcoco and Tepaneca regions, and perhaps elsewhere, the term was often expanded to tlalquahuitl, “land-stick’’.)° In other places, it was the matl or maitl, literally “arm,

hand,” referring to any of various ways one can indicate distance by arm extension. “Quahuitl” and “matl” often seem synonymous, but in Tetzcoco and Coyoacan at least, the matl could be a fraction of the quahuitl."" A con- siderable vocabulary, based on the length of body parts, was available to

designate various fractional units (see Table 5.1). |

Land and Living 145 As to the size of the primary unit, Spaniards often translated “quahuitl” and “matl” as braza, “fathom” (about six feet), but it appears that the principal indigenous measure, though varying from place to place or occasion to occasion, was generally larger than that, and Spanish translators sometimes recognized as much by writing braza de indios, “the braza of the Indians.” ” The relative uniformity of the measure at any one time and place led many writers in Nahuatl to omit the name of the unit, but some Nahuas and Spaniards, aware of the overall variation, were at pains to describe the measure used. A Nahuatl document of 1554 from Coyoacan mentions the use of a quahuitl containing ten (Spanish?) feet as the customary one there, though a contemporaneous document from that region specifies a twelve-foot quahuitl.* The quahuitl used in Xochimilco in 1568 had the special name nehuitzan (for which I have found no analysis); the Spanish translator called it an “old-style measure” (“‘vara de las antiguas”) and more usefully, a braza “measured from the foot to the hand,” that is, apparently the distance from the ground to the hand of a standing man held as far as it would reach over his head, perhaps seven to eight feet or more depending on the person’s height.’* A Nahuatl document from Amaquemecan in 1661 specifies that the quahuitl used in the case at issue contained three Spanish yards (varas).'s Another from Azcapotzalco in 1738 mentions that the tlalquahuitl employed on that occasion was called cennequetzalpan, derived from a word for standing erect; said to contain two and a half varas, seven and a half Spanish feet, it too was probably based on a standing person raising his hand over his head. Scholars working on the Tepetlaoztoc land records have arrived at an equivalence of 2.5 meters for the tlalquahuitl there; to aim at such exactitude may be somewhat illusory, but the estimate falls well within the general range of variation.” A measuring stick of a locally customary size, then, was used for determining relatively small linear dimensions. For larger dimensions, ropes came into play, or so one can conclude from the fact that mecatl, “rope, cord,” had

the extended meaning of a plot of land of a certain size. In Culhuacan, the

term is found once possibly referring to a piece 200 by 20 units, or 4,000 square units, and in the Cuernavaca region another equivalence occurs.'* In general, however, the mecatl seems to have been the basic standard plot twenty units square, called by Molina “an allotment of land” (‘una suerte de tierra”). The most usual measuring rope must have been twenty units long. In fact, it does not seem to strain speculation too far to imagine that at some distant time, possibly before the Nahuas had arrived on the Mesoamerican scene and adopted intensive agriculture, the twenty-unit measure was the primary one, delineating one side of a square plot thought to be sufficient to maintain a small family, and the quahuitl or matl was derived by

146 Land and Living — dividing the larger unit by the even number (in the vigesimal system) of twenty. If the quahuitl was eight feet, the basic plot was 160 feet square; if it was ten feet, the plot was 200 feet square. Under optimal conditions of water

and fertility, such an area (25,000 to 40,000 square feet) might have been enough to provide the primary support for a group of four to six people. The systems of land measurement, allocation, and registration, then, show that the altepetl and calpolli were deeply involved with landholding. But to what extent is use of the word “communal” justified? Modern governments dedicated to the notion of private property also maintain exhaustive cadastral records and peg taxes to land held; in new areas especially (as on the North American frontier), they may lay out plots of uniform size and shape and distribute them to the populace. They may even from time to time redistribute some land. They do not, however, make allocation a primary means of land redistribution, and to the extent that indigenous altepetl did so, their system of land tenure could reasonably be called communal even though the bulk of the arable land was held and worked by individuals and households. Yet it does not follow that the indigenous governmental units could reallocate at will or that corporate reallocation was the predominant means by which land changed hands. Consistent ongoing reallotment according to need would seem to be incompatible with what has been discovered for the best- _ documented areas for the early postconquest years, the Tetzcoco and Cuernavaca regions, where we find not only great variance in the amount of land households held, but no particular correspondence between household size and holding. The situation in Tepetlaoztoc, where some households held six or seven plots, others one, giving some far more arable land per person than others, appears to be primarily the result of the vagaries of inheritance over the generations. The implication is that the authorities could not or did not interfere with inheritance as long as there were living heirs and the land continued to be worked, and indeed, statements to this effect can be found in the postconquest chronicles.”° As to more direct evidence, the tlatoani of Coyoa-

can is seen at mid-sixteenth century confirming the rights of individual spouses and offspring of commoners to inherit the latter’s lands, or dividing the inheritance between disputing relatives.21 From the late 1540’s onward, Nahuatl testaments show nobles freely leaving their lands to their heirs, and as the testaments of commoners mount in numbers later in the century, the

same pattern obtains. | The editors of the Cuernavaca censuses, however, take the position that (there at least) inheritance could not be used to accumulate land, since for the great majority a single amount is given, for irrigated land, with at most, in a certain number of cases, a separate amount for additional unirrigated land. The question of how the land was acquired is usually not broached; in only

Land and Living 147 a small minority of the instances is the allotment said to have come from the altepetl or calpolli officials. What is most frequently seen is that the head of the household allots a portion of his (i.e., the household’s) land to some other member without breaking up the household’s unity. In my opinion, the Cuernavaca records are not inconsistent with widespread inheritance and accumulation. The editors attribute the differential to the varying size of the plots originally allotted,2 and I by no means discount this possibility, especially in the case of nobles and leaders. But I take it that most of the heads of house- _ hold must have acquired their land through inheritance. The suballocations seen within households look very much like the inheritance division described in the chronicles and often may well have been preliminary to definitive inheritance on the death of the household head. The fact that the Cuernavaca records, which are primarily tax documents, list sixty or eighty units of land together in a single sum does not mean that they necessarily made up a single plot. I imagine that as in all other known situations, many if not most holdings above twenty units (other than those of nobles, whose plots often took the form of large tracts) were in separate and probably noncontiguous fields, and there is no reason why they could not have been accumulated through

inheritance. ,

Overall, the picture suggesting itself is that on relatively rare occasions

such as altepetl foundation, large-scale migration, and major defeat or victory in war, corporate authorities laid out the best lands in plots and divided them among the members of the group according to their rank and need, but that

subsequently inheritance and spontaneous sharing or division among the people holding and using the land was the principal mechanism of continuity

and redistribution, much as in Europe. Corporate reallocation, although a constant factor and an important part of the rationale of land tenure, would have played a supplemental or secondary role, taking over essentially only when a household died out or land was left abandoned for some other reason. A further large question is what part individuals and corporate authorities respectively played when new allocations did occur. Who took the initiative? The larger land and census records have virtually nothing to say on this issue.

When the authorities gave plots to newlyweds or new arrivals from other districts, surely the recipients first requested an allotment, and in a few passages in the Cuernavaca records such requests are explicit.2* But could it hap-

pen that individual initiative went even further? Our only glimpse into this question is a unique document from the Coyoacan region, dated 1554, describing an inquiry into landholding and a partial redistribution that took place at Atenantitlan in the southeastern part of the region after it was reassigned from the district of Palpan (San Agustin) to the district of Hueipolco.s Although thirty years had passed since the conquest, the document belongs

148 Land and Living to the earliest land records preserved and is the only one known in which the fate of several plots over a period of years is detailed.

Most suggestive of all of the stories is that of a certain plot measuring

thirteen by eleven units, newly assigned in about 1544 to one Martin Quauhtli, who after working it for three years left the Coyoacan area for Xochimilco. Later, an altepetl constable came to assign it to a new holder, Francisco Cihuaihuinti, who though he must have requested it, left it lying idle for years, despite continuing to live in Atenantitlan. Finally, not long before February 1554, a Francisco Xico took it upon himself to cultivate the plot. As he testified, “Just recently I broke the ground for myself; no one gave

it to me.” His rights were apparently confirmed. Other plots as well were assigned upon the previous holder’s death or departure to new recipients who | either went elsewhere after a time or never used the holdings at all. The chain of action seems to begin with a particular individual seeing land left vacant

for whatever reason and moving to occupy it, probably with the informal assent of neighboring landholders aware of the overall local situation. The calpolli authorities are then prevailed upon to give the applicant the land he wants and may have already started working, and finally an official from the altepetl, a constable, alcalde, or regidor, comes to give final approval and see to measurement and proper recording. The dynamism in the system comes

from spontaneous developments at the level of individual and family— migration, death, the filling of vacuums, the capacity or lack of capacity to work certain lands—leaving the corporate authorities primarily the function of legitimizing the existing situation. The entire Atenantitlan investigation was carried out at the request of the local people to liquidate Palpan interests in the area and legitimate the subdivision among several local residents of a large plot left vacant by a nobleman presumably now deceased. Pedro de Paz, the Coyoacan regidor who represented the altepetl (though possibly affiliated with the locality too),* reported: “I distributed their land to those Atenantitlan householders just as they wished it. ... I merely followed their statements about how they had distributed it among themselves.” The regidor may in fact have exercised some discretion, but the very nature of the proceedings suggests that he used local information and preliminary allocations as the basis of what he did. In its day-to-day, year-to-year functioning, then, the system seems to have shared a great many common traits with European modes of land tenure, although surely there was less tolerance of individual land rights in the absence of active cultivation, and community consensus on landholding matters counted for more. In a land transfer of almost any kind, consulting local community opinion was an essential part of the procedure. Even with new allocations of empty land, inquiries were made to be certain no one had prior

Land and Living 149 rights to it.* Those asked are usually called “tlaxilacaleque,” which can mean either the calpolli elders or calpolli citizens in general, so that it is hard to be sure which is intended, but in any case, opinion is practically always unani-— mous, representing a local consensus on the status of the land and the legiti-

macy of the transfer. If at times the three or four persons interrogated are clearly district officials, at times there are ten or more people with humble names who appear to be simply neighboring houseowners.”” Sometimes the group is referred to specifically as householders or even “all the householders,” their individual names not being mentioned.” A report of the kind of thing actually said on such occasions comes from Tlatelolco in 1596. The governor and alcaldes, about to give possession of a house and lot after a

sale, went to the site:

When they arrived, the householders there, the tlaxilacaleque, were summoned, and these people next to the house were told: “Come, what do you think about this house? Whose property is it?” They answered and said: “Oh rulers, Maria Salomé was truly the owner [axcahua]; now her grandmother Maria Juarez and Miguel Juarez, whose wife it was that died, are the true owners, and no one is claiming it from them.” |

Thereupon the governor gave formal possession to the new purchaser.” Anonymous groups of district citizens continued to participate in legitimizing indigenous land grants and sales into the eighteenth century.*° General public assent was not the only rite associated with taking possession of land. The new possessor sponsored a feast, or at least gave something to eat and above all something to drink to the officiating authorities. The feast

is best documented for confirmations and transfers affecting one or more entire altepetl, but sufficient hints exist to indicate that it was standard practice among individuals as well.>!

The Structure of Individual Holdings

At the individual level we encounter perhaps the most characteristic aspects of Nahua landholding. Although specific individuals held specific plots, they did so, from the point of view of the corporation at least, in the capacity of cale, ‘““householder, head of a household.” Thus in some sense it was the household that held land, rather than its constituents, even though the person designated household head was in charge of all the lands, and other members might be assigned specific rights to specific plots. *To be sure, before granting land or giving final possession, Spanish investigators often canvassed all the neighbors brought together as a group to ensure that the action was without prejudice to third parties, approximating the same procedure. But there was an important difference. Spanish officials were trying to determine if any individual or individuals felt the action violated their particular rights; Nahua officials were trying to determine whether the consensus

was for or against the action. |

150 Land and Living Lands held by the household fell into two great categories, one well defined, the other defined mainly as not being the first. As seen in preliminary fashion in Chapter 3, the core of the holdings was the callalli, “house-land,” apparently meant to provide the family’s primary sustenance and constituting the most permanent element, more closely associated with the household as a cross-generational entity than other lands. I say “apparently” because everything must be deduced from the practical use of the relevant terms in texts produced by the Nahuas; no straightforward discussion of these matters is found in either Nahuatl documents or Spanish chronicles. In the most systematic of the early cadastral records, still mainly glyphic in nature, the first listed of a household’s plots bears the glyph for calli, “house,” signifying “callalli.” 22 Some of the signs are accompanied by the Nahuatl word written with alphabetic characters, leaving no doubt at all of the intention.» The callalli went far beyond being merely a site for a house; intended for agricultural use, it was if not the largest of the family holdings then at least a plot approximating standard size,** and it was possibly the best situated, best watered, and most fertile. In Culhuacan, the callalli most often consisted of a set of chinampas.*> Ordinarily the house complex would be found physically located on the callalli, but this was not an absolute requirement; land at some

distance could be understood to be attached as house-land to a certain

~~ household. For lands other than house-land, no single term emerges. Such plots are most often described simply as separate or in another place. In the 1554 Atenantitlan investigation, land not awarded as callalli is called inic occan itlal, “his land in another (or a second) place.”?’ In Tulancingo some fifteen years later, we find the term -huecamil, “one’s distant field,” juxtaposed with the primary plot.** It is natural to speculate that the secondary fields were often relatively marginal land, or at least less fertile than the callalli, but specific statements about relative value have no occasion to appear in testaments, the main potential source of such information. Although in the Cuernavaca census records irrigated land is listed before unirrigated, this is not entirely conclusive, since the figures appear to be totals rather than the dimensions: of individual plots. Holdings organized by the distinction between the central callalli and scattered non-callalli can be said to have been universal in Nahua society. In

Nahuatl wills, people who have more than an absolute minimum of land _ practically always have multiple holdings located away from the central plot.

This is as true for lords and even for tlatoque as for commoners. Around 1550, don Juan de Guzman, tlatoani of Coyoacan, had scores of fields scattered all across his kingdom, but at the center was some callalli, attached to his palace.3? Indeed, if one equates the teuctli or lord with the householder,

Land and Living I51 } TABLE 5.2

| , Size | Description Almudes Acres?

Land Scattering: The Estate of Félix de Santiago, Calimaya (Toluca Valley), 1738

—a house on a lot (solar) in town, near the jail ee —a field at the border of the San Marcos jurisdiction — — —a little field on the Metepec road, near a small hill 1 0.7

—a field on the Metepec road where there is a crossing to San Lorenzo 4 2.8

—a on the road, lower down 2.1 —afield field onMetepec the Analco road 4 32.8

SOURCE: NAC, ms.are 1477 B [1]. .| “The acre equivalents uncertain.

the teccalli or lordly house with the household, and the tecpancalli or palace with the house, organization is fully parallel for nobles and commoners. The manner of describing plots rarely allows us to tell just how far apart holdings were unless, like those of the tlatoani just cited, they were located in different calpolli districts. With lesser figures this was not often the case, and secondary plots are identified only as being either in a separate place (cecni) or at some named place that does not appear among the known calpolli.° Most often such names seem to refer to the kind of sizable tract of land (probably

defined by natural features) that the Spaniards called a pago or a paraje.* Holding lands in different parajes would constitute significant scattering, and it was very common, to judge by the frequency in Nahuatl testaments of plots in differently named locations. On the other hand, a household’s plots could be located in a single paraje and even at times be mainly contiguous, as shown in a recent reconstruction of a tract in Tepetlaoztoc.* Furthermore, there is _ no doubt that many households, in some places the majority, held but a single plot. Yet just as the existence of many single-structure dwellings did not ne-

gate the general structure of the household complex, so single-plot house- | holds, perhaps often inhabited by young couples or new arrivals, fit the landholding pattern in that any expansion with time would bring them into line with it, and their single holdings had the status of callalli. The pattern was as pervasive across time as across region and rank. As late as 1763, the holdings of a Josef de la Cruz in Tlapitzahuayan, near Chalco Atenco, consisted of the callalli plus four otKer apparently noncontiguous pieces of land.# Table 5.2

gives another eighteenth-century example. ,

What are the implications and rationale of the system of callalli plus scattered additional holdings? It can be seen as another form of cellular organi-

zation, treating a whole estate as a set of discrete independent parts related | to each other not directly but in their common connection with the holder, who would attend to them sequentially and separately (as, for example, in

152 Land and Living , the relationship of tlatoani and calpolli). On a larger scale, the same mentality

manifests itself in the general notion of dividing up the fertile land of the altepetl into many distinct, relatively small and uniform plots that retained their identity no matter who held them. Estate structure apparently had no room for numerical symmetries (other than the even dimensions of some plots), and it violated the principles of cellular organization by putting one plot, the callalli, on an entirely different plane from the rest. Yet it was surely comparable to the organization of the house complex into separate parallel buildings and even directly congruent with it, in the sense that just as each adult relative was likely to have a separate residential unit within the compound, he or she might have separate rights to one of the household’s plots, or in the case of a male, actually work a plot separately.** Among the more concrete motivations of the system, a primary concern, at least at times of large-scale distribution, must have been to avoid giving an undue proportion

of the best land to a few; the system of scattered multiple plots allowed a larger number to have at least some part of the most fertile areas, supplemented by less desirable land elsewhere. Multiple separate plots also facilitated the usual division of the inheritance among all heirs. For landholders who were lords or tlatoque, their lands could be close to dependents located in different entities and subentities.** Diversification would also have been possible, each larger household growing the various types of crops best suited

to various soil types and other conditions. However, although the Nahuas classified lands by soil type, availability of water, and slope, and integrated these categories into their landholding records, no overt evidence has been found for a conscious effort to obtain complementary kinds of lands. Certainly there is nothing to make one think of the large-scale, systematic attempts seen in the Andes for each household or small unit to use all ecological niches, often leading to holdings many miles removed from each other and a quasi-migratory way of life.” The central Mexican system was compatible with either a diffuse residence pattern of households scattered here and

there across the land or a quite high degree of urban nucleation (especially when the house-land was physically separated from the house complex), but its natural affinity, probably associated with the original rise of the system, was for an intermediary settlement type in which people would live quite close to each other on the most fertile parajes, working their primary plots there, and go out frequently to work supplemental plots in surrounding parajes, perhaps less favored by nature. The addition or loss of supplementary plots would hardly affect the location of settlements and households. Life would be fully sedentary, but there would be a great deal of short-term motion back and forth across the locality.

Land and Living 153

Land Sale oe |

Among the considerations speaking against a thoroughly communal interpretation of indigenous central Mexican landholding is evidence that individual holders sold land to each other in preconquest times. The chronicler Ixtlilxochitl claims that one of twenty ordinances issued by Necahualcoyotl, king of Tetzcoco in the fifteenth century, specified that if a person sold the same piece of land twice, the first buyer should keep it and the seller should be punished (for the duplicity, apparently, rather than for the sale proper, which here appears to be recognized by the highest authority as a legitimate possibility). The term tlalcohualli, defined as land that is sold and bought, is included in the encyclopedic volumes compiled under the direction of Sahagun.** Although these are not conclusive proofs, since Ixtlilxochitl is far from reliable on preconquest matters, and Sahagun’s work sometimes includes phe- , nomena of the postconquest period, mundane Nahuatl texts point in the same

direction. ,

In the Cuernavaca-region census records, done surely no later than 1544, with local society showing minimal change, a calpolli head of Tepoztlan is listed as possessing purchased fields amounting to forty units, in addition to eighty units of other land, and this is not the only such listing.*® Above all, an

entire calpolli of Tepoztlan was named Tlalcouhcan, “where land is purchased,” strongly implying the antiquity and generality of the practice.*° The lands of don Juan de Guzman in Coyoacan (ca. 1550) included many scattered pieces of tlalcohualli, distinct from and often smaller than his numerous patrimonial or lordly holdings.*! In Tlaxcala as early as 1547, indigenous people were coming from outside the area and buying land locally; the cabildo was concerned, but primarily, it appears, because it wanted the new purchasers to perform tribute duties, not because it saw anything untoward

about the buying itself.» |

From the earliest postconquest documents one finds land referred to as someone’s property (-axca) or the landholder called a property owner (axcahua).5> That “-axca” labels an item as special to a given person or persons rather than others is clear, but that the concept had all the connotations of “property” in European languages is hard to demonstrate; indeed, it is unlikely. Likewise, -patiub, often translated as “price” or “payment,” equally meant “value,” and it is probably derived from a root implying replacement _ and exchange in a very general sense.‘ Though words taken by early lexicog-

raphers to be equivalent to European “buy” and “sell” existed in Nahuatl, the same question arises. Namaca, “‘to sell,” by origin meant “to give in return,” and although cohua, “to buy,” is more obscure etymologically, it too seems to have to do with reciprocity.** These words were used in the earliest

154 Land and Living recorded postconquest money transactions, but what was their content in

preconquest times? A sixteenth-century Tlatelolco land case gives an answer to this question and throws additional light on the context and meaning of preconquest land

gales, for not only does it tell far more than usual about the circumstances, but the reported sale is the earliest one documented. In November 1558, relatives and witnesses affirmed that thirty-seven years before, by one reckoning, or three years after the arrival of Cortés by another, Magdalena Teyacapan, then doubtless still unbaptized, bought a piece of land at Tolpetlac (a northern dependency of Tlatelolco) from a man named Acxotecatl for twenty lengths of tribute cloth, or guachtli.” Since quachtli cloth was an important form of currency in preconquest Mesoamerica, the transfer from Acxotecatl to Magdalena approximated a sale in the European sense, not merely some sort of trade. Immediately after the transaction, Magdalena went to the elders (huehuetque), also called tetahuan, “the fathers,” who were altepetl officials in Tlatelolco proper rather than calpolli officials in Tolpetlac, and said to them: “Here is a bit of pulque that came from Tolpetlac, where I bought some land; it is so you will be informed that I am keeping the land for you, lest the person I bought it from, Acxotecatl, resident of Tolpetlac, should ever change his mind.” A land sale, then, was openly brought before the authorities, and a feastlike ritual accompanied the transfer like any other. Indeed, one way of looking at a transaction of this type is that the seller for a consideration relinquished his allocation from the altepetl/calpolli and permitted the authorities to reallocate it in the usual way to the buyer.s? Sale in those circumstances would not contravene residual altepetl rights; nor would it by itself constitute sufficient legitimation of the transfer, or create an entirely separate category of land. Yet since individuals played the primary role, and going to the authorities was a second step that many may have omitted when the buyer felt

sufficient confidence,® sale rather than reallocation was the effect, and throughout the colonial period indigenous people were to emphasize the distinction between tlalcohualli and other altepetl land.

The existence of land sale in return for currency did not preclude the exchange of one piece of land for another, and though we have little or no evidence for the preconquest period, trading is documented in Coyoacan in the time before 1575. One Juan Alvaro had accumulated six separate pieces of land, three by money purchase and three in exchange for land he already held. Although the term tlalcohualli does not appear as such, all six pieces are treated the same and apparently had the same status. In terms of the overall preconquest land tenure system, sale would seem

Land and Living 155 to have ranked third behind inheritance and corporate allocation as a mechanism for redistribution, but it was a normal, recognized feature. Data are not sufficient to say more with certainty. It would have been natural if sellers were primarily those who had inherited more land than they could work and if the land affected was usually other than callalli. The role of the corporation would thus have been stronger with the most fertile and densely settled lands, weaker with those that were more remote and less productive, at least in terms of maize. In postconquest times, however, as we will see, all sorts of holdings were sold, and there is little to tell us whether the pattern was new or old. Some scholars have proposed that selling was more common among the high-ranking; many early examples tend to confirm this proposition, but the mere absence of specific instances involving the humble, especially in the first decades, when they had only begun to appear in documents, is not en-

tirely conclusive. At any rate, we can say that the Nahuas had traditions close enough to European practices of buying and selling land that they could immediately begin to act within the framework of the Spanish conventions.

Further Aspects of Land Categorization , The above discussion of some of the most basic features of the indigenous

land regime has already defined several key concepts, but it has hardly touched the welter of categories, found in a variety of sources, that either show every sign of belonging to the preconquest system or openly purport to do so. A thorough treatment of the matter would assume frightening proportions without perhaps leading to a corresponding number of definitive con-

clusions. My intention here is merely to make one or two general points about land categories and then proceed to discuss a few of the ones with the most implications for postconquest times, trying above all to relate them to

each other. ,

One of the largest, most intractable problems is the gap between, on the one hand, those sources—mainly synthesizing, mainly in Spanish—that devote space to a self-conscious description of preconquest land categories, and, on the other hand, sources—mundane, concerning individual postconquest

cases, often in Nahuatl—that show comparable categories in actual use. A scholarly tradition has formed that approaches these two sets of materials by rationalizing the categories in the chronicles, comparing them with the mundane sources, and concluding from the difference a quick, sharp, and general loss of categories. The list of classes considered basic does not always agree in detail from one version to another, but the impression arises that the categories are fixed and mutually exclusive, even though some of the objections

to such an interpretation have been recognized and well stated: that the

156 Land and Living | chronicles are vague, arbitrary, and self-contradictory; that practice and the use of terms varied strongly from region to region; and that the descriptions

given are normative and partisan. , Let us assemble the terms included in three such listings, disregarding which of them different scholars subsume under the same grouping. They are

teopantlalli or teotlalli, land of the temples and gods; tlatocatlalli, ruler’s land; tecpantlalli, palace land; pillalli, noble’s land; teuctlalli, lord’s land; milchimalli, “army” land; and calpollalli. I propose that these categories were not mutually exclusive, that they were controversial, that terminology varied

with time, region, and even speaker, and that hence without contemporary case material from the preconquest period, which it appears we will never _ have, we cannot take the chronicles at face value on preconquest land categories. Certainly we cannot simply compare the chronicles with the postconquest mundane records and interpret the difference as change. It is at least as likely that those records give us a truer view of the situation in preconquest times than the chronicles do. In my view, tlatocatlalli, tecpantlalli, pillalli, and teuctlalli all refer to some particular way of looking at the lands of the teccalli or tecpan, the lordly establishment discussed in Chapter 4. We have already seen that tlatocayotl

or rulership was teucyotl or lordship writ large. “Tecpantlalli” emphasizes the corporate institution of the lordly house, and “pillalli” the individual holder of land, while “tlatocatlalli” and “teuctlalli” can be taken as emphasizing either the individual or the office. The status of “tecpantlalli’’ must have been as variable and controversial as the status of the lordly house itself, some maintaining that such land was separate from the altepetl/calpolli and at the discretion of the lord, others that it was held as a function of altepetl/calpolli office. No doubt the concept of a distinction between lands given by the corporation for a corporate purpose and lands inherited or acquired as an individual existed,** but there is no reason to assume that the distinction resulted in well-defined sets of entirely discrete holdings. Much land must have come under several categories simultaneously and uncontroversially; just as a tla-

toani was at the same time a teuctli and a pilli, so presumably tlatocatlalli could at the same time be teuctlalli and pillalli. For an early postconquest example (ca. 1550), some of the same lands on a list of the tecpillalli, “lordly noble’s land,” of don Juan de Guzman, tlatoani and governor of Coyoacan, appear in another list giving palace and patrimonial lands clearly pertaining

to the rulership.® |

As for teopantlalli and milchimalli, the most probable interpretation is that these words name portions of the calpollalli set aside, possibly on an ad hoc, shifting basis, to help meet the needs of worship and warfare. With teopantlalli (far the more frequently mentioned of the two categories) there is no

Land and Living 157 lack of indication that this may have been the case. One scholar has found calpollalli actually meaning land dedicated to purposes of worship. With relatively few examples of usage, it may be impossible to distinguish between

passages, if any, in which calpollalli truly carries the meaning “religious land,” and those in which calpolli land is simply being used for such purposes. Nevertheless, the more specifically religious meaning would not be at _ all far-fetched. Every calpolli possessed some sort of divinity associated with

its origin legend, and there are indications that in postconquest times, the Nahuas viewed the saints, the successors to the gods, as the residual owners of the land (see Chapter 6). Calpollalli could hence have been primarily and originally the land of the gods, and only by extension the land of the corporation. Another possibility is that lands held by temple functionaries on much the same basis as tlatocatlalli or teuctlalli could have been called teopantlalli (again, partial postconquest analogues exist). In any case, a student of preconquest religious festivities has emphasized the intertwining of priests with

other nobles and of temple life with government, opining that most support ! for religious display came from altepetl officials. It is unlikely that large surfaces were ever temple land to the exclusion of belonging to individuals or other entities, and even less probable that the constant wars of preconquest times were supported by the product of large plots permanently dedicated to that purpose alone. Of the categories commonly considered basic, then, only two emerge as sharply distinct from each other, namely, calpollalli and the land held under any of several appellations by rulers, lords, and nobles. Even between these two the line is sometimes hard to draw.

A category running parallel to calpollalli, used apparently for the same lands and contrasted in the same way with classes such as tlalcohualli and pillalli, is that of tribute land. The exact shape of the term varies considerably. Tequitlalli and tequimilli (“tribute land, tribute field’) incorporate the noun

tequitl, “tribute, duty,” whereas tequitcatlalli and tequitcamilli are derived ultimately from the verb tequiti, “to perform tribute duty, pay tribute.” « The two sets apparently mean the same thing. Another formulation is created by adding the modifier tequio, “that which owes tribute,” to the main word denoting the piece of land, whatever that should be.” Most common of all is a statement made about a given holding that ipan tequiti, “he pays tribute on it,” or ipan tequitihua, “tribute is paid on it.” 7° Since such expressions occur in Nahuatl documents from the earliest known to the eighteenth century, the category may be presumed to have existed in preconquest times. Not only do references to tribute land occur in the same situations where one might expect

mention of calpollalli, but in a document of 1596 from Tetzcoco, a plot is actually called by both terms at once (“tequitcamilli calpollalli’’);7 such a pair is frequently used in Nahuatl to form a complex appellation by specify-

158 , Land and Living ing two slightly different aspects of the same thing. In Culhuacan in the 1580's, some people at death returned certain lands to the tlaxilacalli authori-

ties for redistribution because the holdings were subject to tribute.”7 The phrase thus conveyed that the land was under the direct administration of the tlaxilacalli, to be allocated to other members at need, which was precisely the thrust of the term calpollalli. An eighteenth-century Spanish translator

rendered “tequitlalli” as “land of the barrio,” and in another document of that period, some land called tequitlalli in Nahuatl is called tierras de repartimiento (“lands to be distributed”) in Spanish.7? The Spaniards used one or

the other of these terms to denote the bulk of the calpollalli. Matters would be considerably simplified if we could ascertain that there were two separate sets of categories, one referring to the status of land relative to the altepetl/calpolli, the other to status within the household. To an extent, such groupings exist. Callalli or house-land, non-callalli or additional land, and tlalcohualli or bought land refer in the first instance to household-internal status, pillalli and calpollalli to altepetl status. All three types in the first set could occur in a single nobleman’s holdings and thus in some sense be pillalli. To be fully accounted for, any plot would need to be placed in two categories. In fact, however, whatever the primary thrust, most categories seem to have

implications for both spheres. — SO |

Let us take the example of the common category buehuetlalli, literally “old land.” The element buehue-, “old,” can be attached to such words as “field,” “house,” and “property” with the same effect, which according to Molina amounts to “patrimonial.” As one scholar has observed, huehuetlalli in practice comes close to meaning inherited land pure and simple.” But the corporation could give someone land so designated from the first moment, as when in 1567 the altepetl of Xochimilco awarded Martin Iuctli some chinampas “that become his huehuetlalli that he will leave to his relatives so that they will always eat and drink from it.”’’* Huehuetlalli thus tends to fall together with callalli as the more central and permanent part of a family’s holdings. For commoners, callalli was definitely simultaneously calpollalli at its origin and had the characteristic associated with calpollalli of not being lightly alienated.”* Nevertheless, the longer callalli stayed in a household, the

more distinct it must have seemed from the empty or quickly reallocated portions of the calpollalli. The term huehuetlalli appears to have been used | above all to denote holdings of the callalli type, with emphasis on the holders’ discretion to dispose of them and the difference between such lands and ordinary calpollalli. Thus when a Pablo Huitznahuatl began to work some temporarily unused land in the Tlatelolco jurisdiction around 1550, “he did not say it was his huehuetlalli, but only made it his tequimilli.””” Landholders used huehuetlalli status as justification for any action they saw fit to take,

Land and Living 159 either bequeathing the land to relatives or selling it.7* With such connotations, “huehuetlalli,” although more than anything else a household-internal category, came to imply a restriction of altepetl/calpolli claims on the land, while “tequimilli,” primarily an altepetl-related category, came to imply secondary holdings in the household (i.e., non-callalli). Further complications arise with huehuetlalli, however, for the term was used not only by individuals and households but by larger groups. and cor-

porations. According to Chimalpahin, in the early seventeenth century the citizens of the tlaxilacalli of Xolloco (Mexico City) claimed that the land on which a cross had long stood was their buehuetlatquitl, “patrimonial property.””? Here what is meant is a holding of the corporation as such, and no contrast with calpollalli obtains. Indeed, in such cases calpollalli was precisely what was being referred to, as a passage from Tulancingo (ca. 1570) makes clear. A party from one of the constituent parts of the altepetl complained to the Spanish alcalde mayor that a certain nobleman had sold off “the fields that are our calpollalli .. . truly the fields of our fathers and grandfathers, our buehuemilli |patrimonial fields].” * The sense remains the same—

long-term possession with an aura of full discretion and close association between holder and holding—but the type of possession varies, and the holder can be an individual, a small group (household, family), or an entire corporation. So huehuetlalli is no more a fixed land category, susceptible to the same interpretation in every use, than any of the other Nahua land categories, meaningful though they are. Even less fixed, probably not deserving the name of a land category at all, is -tlalnemac, literally, “land that is given to one, land-portion,” hence usually

‘one’s inherited land,” but also a plot awarded to one in judicial proceedings.*! The term apparently always refers to an individual or individuals, never to a whole household or corporation, and means essentially no more than one’s share within any of various frameworks. For this reason it is always, in my experience, in the possessed form, whereas huehuetlalli, though also possessed more often than not, does occur in the absolutive. It places emphasis on the possessor’s particular rights, not the source of the rights or category of land per se. Thus we find in a text the phrase “huehuetlalli no-

nemac,” “the huehuetlalli that is my share (inheritance, portion). Other types of land could also be one’s -tlalnemac.® Seen occasionally in sixteenth-century Nahuatl texts, once with specific

reference to the preconquest period, is the word cihuatlalli, “woman-land, woman’s land.” Although such land is most often possessed by a woman, the term seems to be a true land category meaning more than simply land that happens to be held by a woman at the moment. A preconquest king of Tetzcoco apparently presented his daughter with land called cihuatlalli on the

160 Land and Living occasion of her marriage, giving the appearance that the term refers in effect to dowry land.** Other instances are compatible with such an interpretation

but could as well refer to land a woman had inherited in her own right, regardless of marriage, or even acquired in other ways.* The thrust of the term seems to be that the land came into a household through a woman, and that she or her successors retained special claims on it in that context, not to place any restriction on what could be done with the property. Status as cihuatlalli was somewhat independent of the woman who first brought the land into the family; the word could be used in the unpossessed form, and the category could remain viable even when the land passed into the hands of a man, as when a male citizen of Coyoacan referred to “his” cihuatlalli.** Com-

paring the category with the last two treated, cihuatlalli could and usually would be someone’s -tlalnemac, but differed in principle from huehuetlalli in being less closely identified with the household as a whole, carrying instead the presumption of recent acquisition from the outside. It remains entirely possible, however, that huehuetlalli in one household could go to a woman as her inheritance and become cihuatlalli in another. There are other, less well-understood and -attested land categories that | have ignored, but those discussed above (and summarized in Table 5.3) are central to the system as I understand it.2” In general, though the evidence on indigenous land categorization is relatively copious, it does not suffice to allow a complete reconstruction of the principles of the system and far less to understand the details of a subtle and varying practice. The existence of an extremely well-developed set of concepts and principles governing land tenure—in effect, a large body of land law, understood and enforced by both governmental officials and the community at large—cannot be doubted. Inheritance, individual and family rights to land, and sale gave Nahua land tenure many points of contact with the European tradition, as did the role of government in recording and legitimating. But for all the similarities, differences were profound. Not only did any single Nahua category fail to overlap entirely with any European category, differing substantially in the ensemble of its implications, but the relationship between public and private was not at all the same. One scholar has ventured the opinion that the most general division in the indigenous system was between public and private domains.°* In fact, perhaps one of the most persistent sources of friction over land in preconquest times, and certainly in postconquest times, was the question of the rights of individuals or families relative to larger entities. Yet no terms that could be comfortably called “public” and “private” have yet appeared in Nahuatl land documentation (or in older Nahuatl in general, for that matter). We can identify entities of a clearly public nature that had land rights (the altepetl, the calpolli, the local community or subsection) and entities of

Land and Living 161 TABLE 5.3 Overview of Indigenous Land Tenure Categories

Category Translation Remarks | 1. altepetlalli land of the altepetl © Can encompass any land over which the altepetl had residual control, but usually in effect means empty or loosely claimed land; generally falls together with the much more frequent

| calpollalli (2) _

2. calpollalli land of the calpolli Primary term for land on which the corporate __

, | claim was strong, subject to reallocation; often

contrasted with pillalli (4), huehuetlalli (7), tlal-

, cohualli (8), and other categories emphasizing the holder’s discretion over the land

3. tequitcatlalli< 4 land with tribute Essentially the same land as calpollalli (2), with

tequitlalli obligations emphasis on the direct obligations of the holder to the corporation

4. pillalli land of nobles Most frequent of several often overlapping terms | referring to the holdings of high corporate offilordly and rulerly establishments, and , nobles as individuals; cials, often contrasted with calpollalli (2)

5. callalli house-land The plot or plots most closely and permanently associated with a given household; existed

| among both nobles and commoners; with commoners often assigned as calpollalli (2), but with time could be contrasted with it, falling together with huehuetlalli (7)

6. hueca tlalli, distant land, land Plots held by a household over and above the calinic occan Petlacalli means “box” only by extension, referring originally to a chest made of mats. “To my knowledge, neither Molina nor any other source of that time takes cognizance of bowed strings,

- unless Molina’s reference to the monochord be so considered. : |

4With tlapitzalli and pitza, Molina often mentions brass only as an afterthought. ¢] have not been able to identify the element builaca-, but since it is associated with the fife (especially clear. in Molina, Spanish f. 111v),’I take it to have to do with highness.

The tetzilacatl was of copper (Molina, Nahuatl, f. 111); the element zé- is reminiscent of ringing. The terms for playing an ayacachtli were ayacachoa, “to operate an ayacachtli,” and ayacachquetza, “to raise an ayacachtli” (Molina, Nahuatl, f. 3); presumably they would apply to the tepoz- form as well. Of the word for

playing a tetzilacatl nothing is known. , :

preoccupation with animals plays a large role in a child’s acquisition of a language, and the same phenomenon appeared in the early stages of the linguistic reaction of Nahuatl to the Spanish presence. Coming to the set of expressions related to introduced musical instruments, we find the type of thing we have come to expect, namely, some identification/extensions and some descriptions, here all qualified identifications _ (see Table 7.9). The musical terms are notable for their clear demonstration of how fully the Nahuas continued to rely on their own established lexical categories. In this case, the results tend to seem quaint, if not bizarre, to those of us brought up in the European musical tradition, but the same principles were at work everywhere. Before the conquest, the Nahuas had placed a high

282 Language value on music, employing song and dance at both public ceremonies and more private entertainments, and accompanying such performances with musical instruments.* Instrumentalists bordered on the professional, cared much about precision and effect, and had mastered many special techniques, including a drumbeat notation that has still to be fully deciphered.*° Thus the Nahuas were immediately interested in the musical instruments of Europe, at which they were soon to become adept.*! The problem in devising adequate expressions for the new introductions was that while the European system recognized three main types, winds, strings, and percussion, the indigenous

system recognized only two, winds and percussion. , , Actually, we have no indication that the Nahuas had a category percussion as such. Rattles and jingles, things one shakes, stood apart and were readily identified with their Spanish counterparts. Everything else had to be a wind instrument or a drum; the existence of these two categories is betrayed

: by distinct terms for playing them, essentially the same as the Europeans used: for winds, pitza, “to blow,” and for drums tzotzona, “‘to beat.” The word tlapitzalli, “something blown,” usually referred to the Nahua wind instrument par excellence, the flute, but the guiquiztli or conch-shell horn could be subsumed under that term. With these words as tools, creating designations for European winds was a straightforward task. European drums could simply be called buehuetl like the Nahua instrument of taut deerskin over a

cylinder.* ,

| It was only the strings, then, that, from a European perspective at least, would have presented a challenge for the Nahuas. Since bowed strings were rare among the Spaniards in Mexico in the conquest period, they could be ignored for the moment. This left the plucked stringed instruments, which the Nahuas settled on calling drums while recognizing the role of the strings; hence they resorted to the qualified identification mecahuehuetl, “cord drum.” , The term applied equally to guitar (vibuela), lute, and harp, the main Spanish plucked strings. All did have some kind of resonating chamber and were * Nahuatl generic terms in the area of music did not coincide closely with the approximate European counterparts. Since the observed phenomena could be named equally well in either _ system, the divergence apparently caused little or none of the innovation and borrowing that the _ specific introduced artifacts were to occasion. No general term equivalent to “music” has been identified. Molina’s entry “musica” (Spanish, f. 88) is restricted to the art of singing, giving the word cuicatl, a close approximation of what is conveyed by the word “song” in the European languages, i.e., words issued by a person on a definite but varying pitch. The metaphor in xochitl in cuicatl, “flower and song,” implies a formal composition with considerable attention to the niceties of language, much as in European poetry, but singing was the mode here as well. Cuicatl also seems to imply dancing, though special terms for that activity, with emphasis apparently on body movement rather than on footwork, did exist. Song was normally accompanied by instruments, above all the drums, but instrumental music was not cuicatl. In one instance, such music is referred to as in huehuetl in ayacachtli, “the drum and the rattle” (ANS, p. 152). (The nature of “song” is discussed in more detail in Chap. 9.)

Language 283 struck, if not exactly beaten, to produce the sound. An oddity was the organ, a wind instrument not blown by a human being and struck with the hands in

a percussive manner. Drawing on both typological analogies, the Nahuas came up with the mixed term ehuatlapitzalhuebuetl, “hide wind-instrument drum,” “hide” referring to the bellows. To play a plucked string or an organ, corresponding to their status as drums, was “to beat” (“tzotzona’’).»3 As ratiocinative or far-fetched as some of these terms may seem, they were not the arbitrary inventions of Molina’s assistants. “Cord drum” for guitar is found in actual usage, specifically in a list of Mexico City market specialties dating from about mid-sixteenth century.** With Stage 2, the Nahuas would quickly begin to borrow the Spanish words for nearly all the current introduced instruments, although in various corners of the land the Stage 1 terms

might still be heard.s5 “Tlapitzalli’? remained the general word for wind in- , ‘strument, and “to blow” and “to beat” continued to define the notion of musical performance more than in the European tradition. Looking under “music” in the two most complete dictionaries of local varieties of modern — Nahuatl, we find that one has tlapitzalli, “blowing,” and the other tlatzo-

tzonaliztli, “beating.” Generally speaking, the centuries-long three-stage process by which Na-

huatl adapted to contact with Spanish drew no comment from Nahuatl speakers,’ and as slowly and gradually as it took place, it is unlikely that they were conscious of change within their own lifetimes or had any perspective on the overall evolution. The change from Stage 1 to Stage 2, however, represents a partial exception. Stage 1 was so brief, and a myriad of simultaneous changes in the 1540’s, in nearly all spheres of life, set the new era so sharply

apart from the preceding years, that for a time an awareness existed of the difference, at least in certain circles. Analytical thought was not brought to

bear on the problem, but among post-1550 Nahuas, there did grow up a |

legend of some of the characteristics of Stage 1 speech. , When the Nahua writers of book 12 of the Florentine Codex (concerning

the conquest) speak as narrators, they generally use the loanword caballo (cahuallo) to designate the horse, but when they report Moteuccoma’s speech, they have him, as well as his contemporaries, use “macatl” (“deer,” as we have repeatedly seen). This distinction is the symbol of an awareness that the Nahuas at the time of the conquest used no Spanish loanwords. Fur- | ther, the conquest generation is reported as describing Spanish phenomena in rather extravagant and naive terms. A symbol had also arisen for this whole side of conquest-period speech; the Florentine Codex writers have their pre-

decessors using the term teotl, “god,” for the Spaniards.** _ | _ That these two expressions conveyed the essence of Stage 1 speech toNahuas of the late sixteenth century beyond the group of Florentine Codex

284 Language writers can be seen by a passage in a set of annals of Mexico City dating from that time, purporting to quote an address by Moteuccoma to the people: “atle quiqua yn immagavan yn teteo,” “the deer of the gods have nothing to eat” (i.e., the Spaniards’ horses need fodder). Actual set Stage 1 expressions of the types discussed above, beyond those that remained current in the later period,

are not at all frequent in Florentine Codex quotes of first-generation Nahuas—perhaps the writers were already somewhat out of touch with them.*

| Stage 2

By around 1545, when the Nahuas in some subregions were beginning to produce texts in their own language on a regular basis, the barrier to borrowing Spanish nouns, whether it had been an internal block or a lack of oppor-

tunity, had been removed. With the gates open, a hundred-year period of borrowing virtually only nouns began with a flood of basic loans in the second postconquest generation, perhaps around 1545—70.+ Molina’s first edition of his Nahuatl dictionary (1555) already shows most of the loans contained in the expanded, definitive edition of 1571.5? The Molina dictionary by itself establishes that a solid core of Stage 2 vocabulary rushed into the language in the time of the second generation. Doubtless a great many more words of a similar nature came in at the same time, but it is hard to know how many or what proportion of the total of Stage 2 loans they represent. Mundane Nahuatl texts contemporary with Molina (and even antedating him) expand our knowledge of the total loan vocabulary considerably and — duplicate many of Molina’s items. But they also fail to attest many of them. It is a matter of chance whether a specific loan turns up in a specific document, and some loans have much more reason to be mentioned than others. The upshot is that loans must have been more numerous than present attestations, and that some words first attested at a late time must in fact have been borrowed many years earlier. The general impression remains that an overwhelming input came in the second generation, followed by sustained if less spectacular borrowing through the late sixteenth century and on into the seventeenth.

Clearer than the precise quantity and rate of the borrowing is its nature, | *CA, p. 57. I will not discuss here the interesting possibility that certain Nahuas in close touch with Spaniards during Stage 1 may not only have used some Spanish words (perhaps the phenomenon is as much code switching as borrowing), but in the not yet regularized situation employed terms that Nahuatl would not borrow for centuries, if ever. The Cuernavaca-region censuses raise the question. See the brief discussion in NMY, pp. 40—41. t Although the matter remains in the realm of speculation, it is entirely possible that the onset

of Stage 2 (in all its dimensions, not merely the linguistic) is to be attributed not only to the growing Spanish presence, but also to the maturing of a generation of Nahuas who had lived through their formative years in the postconquest period.

Language 285 which can be treated as a unit for the entire period, since all the categories emerge in the earliest mundane documents and in Molina. The principle remains the same as in Stage 1 to the extent that Stage 2 loans occur under the same conditions as Stage 1 neologisms, both responding to the stimulus of some striking introduction of importance to indigenous people. But now the Nahuas were hearing and reacting to the spoken Spanish words, not just watching what happened. One might naturally expect that loans for tangible, visible objects would precede those with more abstract referents. If that was the case, the interval can have been no more than two or three years at most, and in the sources remaining to us no interval is detectable at all. It appears that in one leap Nahuatl became equipped to incorporate almost any loan, with the single proviso that it be grammatically a noun.” Loans other than nouns are minimal during Stage 2, and in most cases even they can arguably be interpreted nominally.“ Spanish loans in Nahuatl not only reveal a fascinating autonomous process; they map Hispanic cultural impact on the indigenous world or, to look at it another way, they pinpoint that part of Spanish culture that the Nahuas had reached out to understand, incorporate, and make their own. Table 7.10 gives some notion of the broad range of the loans and where the greatest weight fell. One large block, which had received much attention in Stage 1 as well, had to do with the introduced plants, animals, and objects. Newer were the words designating individual functions and group identities. Interest in the special practices by which the Spaniards organized their world had begun in Stage 1, but now it flourished, attaining a precision before impossible. It is here, in the realms of religion, law, economics, measurement, and calendrics, that one finds loans of a high degree of abstraction, including such an item as esencia, the one “essence” of the Holy Trinity. Quantitatively, within the

major categories two subgroups stand out in listings of all kinds as the | largest and fastest growing: artifacts and characterizations of individuals. Tables 7.11 and 7.12 detail the internal distribution of these subgroupings. It will be well to give some consideration to the characteristics of the different columns and categories of Table 7.10. The columns based on loans found in individual texts draw on a larger number of attestations, coming from vastly more varied and widespread sources covering a much longer period of time than the columns based on the publications of Molina and Arenas. Yet those publications have the advantage that their authors had access to people with a comprehensive contemporary knowledge of the Nahuatl of

their respective times and were not subject to the limitations of certain sources or the vagaries of archival preservation. Thus their listings may be more balanced in some ways; their larger percentages for loans related to introduced plants and animals may be closer to the true situation than the

TABLE 7.10 Proportions of Loan Nouns in Various Categories

7 (Percent)

Molina, Arenas, eS

: 1571 1611 Pre-1650 1650 forward Total Category (N = 221) (N = 57) (N = 496) (N = 224) (N = 720)
Sometimes a whole phrase in Spanish will appear in a Nahuatl text. In 1608, a woman of the Coyoacan region requested burial “ga bar amor de dios,” “just for charity, gratis,” a slightly garbled form of Spanish “por amor de dios,”

“for the love of God, for God’s sake” (i.e., free).'* ,

At this point we may ask, or speculate, for no one seems to have left us _ any direct testimony on the matter, who it was that was bringing such things as Spanish idioms and verbal meanings into Nahuatl. Once the expressions became current, they were understood by all, but clearly many Nahuas lacked the opportunity to hear much Spanish spoken or the ability to understand it when they did. The originators of the new Spanish equivalents, loan nouns as well as the more conversational phenomena, must have been either Nahuas who, if not exactly bilingual, had a certain exposure to and grasp of Spanish,

or Spaniards speaking Nahuatl. No doubt a Spaniard thrust into Nahuatl would tend to look about desperately for a “tener” equivalent and proceed to use it to translate Spanish idioms. Yet surveying the postconquest centuries as they appear in the documentary legacy, one cannot doubt that many more Nahuas attempted Spanish than Spaniards Nahuatl. By the second and third postconquest generations, even the majority of the professional translators acting as intermediaries between the two languages were native speakers of Nahuatl. On the other hand, most Spanish ecclesiastics and some lower-level labor supervisors habitually tried to converse with Nahuas in their own language. Many Mexican-born Spaniards could speak some Nahuatl in case of necessity, relying on what they must have learned from childhood playmates. Since the need existed, the actual originators of equivalents for Spanish expressions may have been a very small proportion of all speakers, so numbers were not necessarily decisive. If we look to the expressions themselves for internal evidence pointing in one direction or the other, the case of “pia” and “tener” seems neutral. Either

a Spaniard or a Nahuatl speaker would have been impelled to search out some indigenous verb offering a foothold for the “have” meaning. It may seem questionable that a Spaniard would have hit on the particular verb

Language 303 “pia,” but this depends on how the word was being used in everyday speech, which is hard to get a handle on at this remove in time and with the sources we have. If, as some passages hint, one of the common meanings of “pia” was “to hold (have control over),” then the choice would have been a natural one for a speaker of either language.” From “hold” to “have” is a common step in the evolution of languages generally; “tener” itself meant “hold” before it displaced haber as the primary word in Spanish for “have.” The “owe”

equivalents, however, since both “pialia” and “huiquilia” show a train of thought foreign to the Spanish concept, look much more like they were conceived by Nahuatl speakers who knew some Spanish but were still not quite at home with the notion of “deber.” Loan nouns in general are also inconclusive. Once the Spaniards were well _ established in the country, many Nahuas must have had frequent opportunity to hear words like “caballo,” “horse,” and “candela,” “‘candle.” The process of seeking names for new phenomena had already gained momentum during Stage 1, before the Spaniards were participating in it even indirectly. On the other hand, nothing would be more natural than for a Spaniard, just learning Nahuatl perhaps, to be at a loss for an equivalent and simply blurt out the _ Spanish word. Most of the phonological and semantic alterations in Spanish loanwords in Nahuatl do not speak to this question, since they could have

been made after the word’s initial adoption. _ : A few changes, however, do point unequivocally toward Nahuatl speakers as the originators. The Spanish word Huerta, “orchard, intensively cultivated

garden,” which was one of the core Stage 2 loans in Nahuatl, entered the language as alahuerta, “to the orchard,” and it continued to appear sporadically in that form for the rest of the colonial period. Clearly, Nahuatl speakers were hearing the word in Spanish sentences and, from the Spanish point of view, making an incorrect decision on which part of the sentence meant “orchard.” The most common such sentence was doubtless “go to the orchard,” and we can infer that the Nahua originators recognized and understood the verb, and then, presuming that in Spanish as in Nahuatl direction was indicated in the verbal component, took the rest to be the noun. None of this would have occurred to a Spaniard. Perhaps the only Nahuatl speaker who has left us a large enough quantity and variety of samples of his language to get a good sense of the process is the frequently mentioned Chimalpahin. Along with older loans, Chimalpahin — uses many newer ones, including quite a few that, as he is careful to make

clear, he is adopting provisionally and perhaps for the first time; often he explains the name as he goes, and equally often he spells the words in such a way as to show that he pronounced them with typical Stage 2 sound substitutions. The only conclusion we can reach is that in originating loans, Chimalpahin, a resident of Mexico City and long-time employee of Spanish ec-

304 Language | clesiastics, rather than relying on Nahuatl conversations with Spaniards, drew

directly on the Spanish that he had so much occasion to hear and that he understood quite well, though not perfectly. Without discounting the possible role of Spaniards, I think that Nahuas in direct contact with Spanish carried

the main burden of innovation at all levels.* , ,

Stage 3 a | After a long period in which, despite a large lexical input and some impact on Nahuatl idiom, loans from Spanish were virtually all nouns, and Nahuatl pronunciation and grammar were hardly if at all affected, the dam broke, and a whole set of approximately simultaneous additional adjustments took place, constituting a well-defined new stage corresponding to an expanded bilingualism. Perhaps because of its complexity, involving so many dimensions, or perhaps because of the uneven geographical distribution of bilingual people, Stage 3 took shape far more gradually than Stage 2, with more hints of regional variation in timing. Some advance signs can be detected as early as the final decade of the sixteenth century; then the momentum increases

after about 1620 or 1630, and by around 1650 one can speak of a fully formed Stage 3 Nahuatl. However indistinct the transition, the basic phe| nomena of the new stage are clear-cut and need to be enumerated succinctly before we proceed to a more detailed discussion. Briefly, Nahuatl now began to borrow Spanish verbs and particles (uninflected words, mainly preposi-

tions and conjunctions in this case); idiom translation was expanded and systematized; grammar began to be affected, not only by the particles and idioms, but by a change in the principles of pluralization on the Spanish model; and Nahuatl speakers acquired the Spanish sounds missing in Nahuatl, pronouncing new loans as in Spanish. The closer contact between Spaniards and Nahuas, some of the effects of which have been seen in previous chapters, was reflected in language as well; indeed, language would seem to have been a medium carrying many of the other changes. One of the most striking features of Stage 3 Nahuatl was the use of a set * Ecclesiastical terminology is possibly somewhat different. Ricard and others have given the impression that Spanish ecclesiastics simply dictated (not so much by their own usage as by fiat) what theological concepts should be expressed with Spanish words. Such a view of the matter

cannot be left unexamined and cannot be considered well documented, resting as it does on some public statements by friars, who invariably assigned themselves too large and too innovative a role in any development. Yet aside from the great common loans like misa, cruz, and. santo, which I would imagine arose in the usual way, the logic of the situation speaks in favor of the sponsored introduction of some of the more recondite theological terms. Their use by ecclesiastics in sermons and catechisms could also have had an effect. Note, however, that the great 17th-century grammarian Carochi tends to treat Spanish religious terminology in Nahuatl as a given, simply the way the Nahuas talked, just like any other aspect of their language, rather than

as something to be manipulated.

Language 305 formula for borrowing Spanish verbs as needed, just as nouns had been borrowed all through Stage 2, in such a way that the new word could be inflected like any indigenous Nahuatl verb, not merely used as a noun in the infinitive, which had been the previous prevailing mode, to the extent that verbs were

borrowed at all. The method that won out, however, still fastened on the Spanish infinitive, suffixing to it the indigenous verbal element -oa, one of the

most common endings of indigenous Nahuatl verbs and also a productive device for creating verbs from nouns and other words, often with a meaning, |

on the order of “to activate.” ' In a sense, Nahuatl continued to treat the Spanish verb like a noun, making the frozen nominal infinitive the stem, while -oa carried the inflection. Thus Spanish notificar, “to notify,” was borrowed as notificaroa; “I notify him” would be nicnotificaroa (“I-him-notify”); “he will be notified” monotificaroz (with reflexive prefix and future suffix); “they notified him” oguinotificaroque (with preterit and object prefixes and preterit

plural suffix). | |

Loan verbs were relatively few in number compared with nouns even after

they became a regular feature of the language. The last (and to date only) systematic compilation from Nahuatl texts yielded twenty-four attested loan verbs (that is, inflected -oa verbs) compared with 720 loan nouns over the

whole colonial period.* I am now able to present a list of forty (see Table 7.18), and quite a few more have been sighted, if not recorded, by | myself and others, but there can be no doubt that loan verbs were overwhelmingly outnumbered by loan nouns during the entire period treated here." Nor did they, for the most part, vastly outweigh their small number by constant. use and great importance in daily life, like for example the calendrical terms. Many of them were decidedly technical, with an emphasis on the legal among those presently attested. Of the forty verbs in Table 7.18, I judge eighteen to be legal in nature, six economic, three religious, two historical, and two related to introduced technology; only nine refer to unspecialized everyday ac-

tions (although the economic and one or two of the legal terms must be granted their place in daily life and speech). Since the sample is small, the great predominance of legal and economic over religious terms may be the result of chance, but it fits with the general pattern in which the finite number of important religious concepts was covered very early in one way or another, _ whereas the other two realms expanded indefinitely, generating new loans. For the most part, the verbs in Table 7.18 correspond to the more abstract nouns borrowed in Stage 2, and in fact several of the cognate nouns appear on earlier loan lists; in those cases only grammatical flexibility was gained by incorporating the verb. Yet if the majority of the terms are somewhat abstract, technical, or recherché (one suspects: that some were simply “borrowed” ad hoc by that particular speaker on that particular occasion), a few

306 | Language TABLE 7.18 © : | : “Oa” Verbs Attested in Nahuatl Texts Date , Spanish loan Date Spanish loan 1592 trasuntar, to translate 1707 __prendar, to take or lend on pledge, hock

1614—20? pasear, to stroll, parade about 1710 _valer, to avail oneself of — 1634 confirmar, to confirm (an order, 1717 —cruzar, to cross (a street, etc.)

appointment) , 1726 __ traspasar, to transfer (debts,

1637 espoliar, to spur, stick spurs into property) | ,

|firmar, 1728 _ elegir, to |elect , a_1650 +something |notificar, 1736to notify —, 1737 to sign entregar, to deliver, hand over . ca. 1650? conquistar, to conquer embargar, to sequester, seize

a | fundar, to found 1738 contradecir, to contradict (in legal 1652 arrendar, to lease out. - : proceedings)

1679 cobrar, to collect (money) 1746 citar, to cite, notify | estrenar, to inaugurate costar,to cost) ] 1687 jurar, to swear (in law) fundir, to found, melt, smelt (metal)

ca. 1680— = canonizar, to canonize montar, to total, amount to ,

1700 consagrar, to consecrate 1750 _ presentar, to present (a petition, | coronar, to crown witness, etc.) , culpar, to blame, accuse - mantener, to support, maintain

obligar, to oblige (a person)

pregonar, to proclaim by crier recibir, to receive

, sustentar, to sustain, carry through 1760 __trasladar, to translate, copy , visitar, to inspect (officially) 1786 descargar, to unburden (one’s

| conscience)

17?? desmandar, to countermand 1788 cumplir, to fulfill, carry out

1706 __ constar, to be evident, be recorded

, | SOURCES: NMY, pp. 70, 71, 73, 77-79; AGN, Tierras 56, exp. 8, f. 2v, 1520, exp. 6, f. 12, 2541, exp. 11, f. 3, 2301, : exp. 10, ff. 4, 9, 2539, exp. 4, f. 1, 2549, exp. I, ff. 1, Iv, 2554, exp. 2, f. 3v; AGN, Hospital de Jestis, 59: 6, f. 16; AGN,

and f. 8v. |

Civil 1072, exp. 13, f. 1v; MNAH AH, GO 184, passim (incl. ff. 21, 24); Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, pp. 168, 174; CH, 2: 132; UCLA TC, folder 14, Oct. 7, 1687, folder 25, March 1, 1768; NAC, ms. 1477 B [1]; Bancroft Library M 84/ 116m, f. 662; TN, p. 228; UCLA Research Library, Special Collections, McAfee Collection, titles of Metepec, title page | “The dates refer to the first known attestation; several of the verbs occur more than once and some many times.

others speak of normal quotidian matters, such as cruzar, “to cross (of roads and the like).”'3 And the repeatedly seen pasear, “to stroll, strut, or parade about,” is so frequently attested that it must have been a part of the ordinary

vocabulary of ordinary people on normal occasions.'"4 , , ~ It is with verbs that the relatively long time of transition into Stage 3 is best demonstrated. The first now known example of an -oa loan verb dates from 1592, long before the 1640—50 at which I set the beginning of full _ Stage 3. The passage, written in Tlatelolco, involves trasuntar, “to translate,” and reads: “‘caocmo motrassuntaroa yn ixquich notitulos,” “‘for all my titles have not been translated yet.” "5 In this example, the writer has clearly hit on the definitive solution for borrowing Spanish verbs, for the -oa formula is manipulated exactly as it would be later. As a first occurrence and an indication of ferment, the “trasuntar” attestation has clear importance, yet just as

Language : 307 clearly the -oa strategy did not catch on immediately, not even in the circle of literate Mexico City Nahuas versed in Spanish legal lore where it may have originated. Not until 1634 has another -oa verb been detected in mundane _ texts, this time in Huejotla, across the lake from Mexico City, and again it is a legal term, confirmar, “to confirm.” ''* The date is close enough to midseventeenth century and coincides so well with other marks of the changing times (especially the end of the agricultural labor repartimiento in the Valley of Mexico) that we can readily take the example as marking the beginning of , a continuous movement in a new direction.1”. To get some sense of what may have been going on in the years between 1592 and 1634, our best recourse is again Chimalpahin. In his writings, we have a large corpus of utterances in which the author expresses himself freely on many topics and in several subgenres or registers, repeating phrases frequently enough that we can get a good notion of his normal usage and for | once are somewhat freed from the lottery of random attestations. Searching

through the hundreds of pages that Chimalpahin covered with beautiful Stage 2 Nahuatl, we do find one -oa loan verb, pasear, the first known attes-

tation of what was to be a very popular loan.* The entry concerns the year 1614, when an Augustinian friar was awarded a chair of Latin grammar and theology over rivals, and the proud fellow members of his order took him about the streets of Mexico City in triumph: “ypan cauallo yn oquipassealoltique,” “it was on a horse that they paraded him.” In its spelling the verb

betrays some sound substitutions typical of the time, and later too it was likely to appear as paxialoa or the like, indicative perhaps of its having been

borrowed earlier than most other verbs, which are generally written with few | - substitutions in the normal manner of Stage 3 loans (as we will see).' Exactly when Chimalpahin wrote the sentence containing the -oa verb is hard to determine. The bulk of his Mexico City reportage has the appearance of having originally been written very close to the time of the event, but we know that he added, revised, and recopied. Although most of this activity

apparently took place by 1620, there are stray marginalia from as late as 1629. The strongest likelihood is that Chimalpahin first set down his -oa verb : when he wrote the original entry in 1614, though it remains possible that he added it at a later time, conceivably even after 1620. More important than the exact date is, first, the fact that during his lifetime he did use the -oa formula, and, second, the fact that in all his voluminous writings he used it only once. It is not that there was no occasion. In his entries on the Mexico City of his time, Chimalpahin covers almost exactly the same range, in a very similar register, as one of his closest competitors as a writer of wide-ranging

Nahuatl prose, the anonymous author of annals set in Puebla who wrote mainly during the last two or three decades of the seventeenth century and

308 Language whose discourse is liberally sprinkled with -oa verbs.'2° In Chimalpahin’s day, the -oa convention had germinated but not yet flowered.

As the reader will have noticed, both of the earliest attestations of -oa verbs are from Mexico City, Tlatelolco being in effect an attached suburb of the capital. It is entirely possible that -oa verb loans (and other innovations for which there is less evidence) originated in the country’s largest city, where the most Spaniards encountered the most Nahuas, and enjoyed a limited local currency for a time before spreading to the rest of the Nahua world. Spread they did. To specify the exact numbers in such a small sample as is presently available would be illusory, but the loan verbs of Table 7.18 come from all over the Nahuatl-speaking region: from Puebla, Tlaxcala, Tulancingo, the Chalco region and other places in the Valley of Mexico, the Toluca Valley, the Cuernavaca basin, and apparently from areas outside central Mexico. As for their chronology, one first attestation falls in the last decade of the sixteenth century, three in the first half of the seventeenth, fifteen in the second half, and twenty-one in the eighteenth century.’ My provisional inference from these data is that after gaining some currency in a fairly small circle in the time around 1590—1620, an explosive expansion of the convention took place starting in the 1630’s, and that from 1650 on, although loan verbs made up a small proportion of the lexicon, they represented a normal resource of

, the language all over Nahua central Mexico and further.” Along with -oa verbs, Spanish loan particles (uninflected words, as mentioned above) stand out as one of the most prominent features of the Nahuatl of Stage 3. The Spanish items in question here are prepositions and conjunctions. That they should be incorporated into Nahuatl late in the game is not

surprising; Nahuatl had no prepositions at all, and its “conjunctions” were _ mainly the same words as its adverbs, behaving quite differently from Spanish

clause-introductory conjunctions. The grammatical obstacles to be surmounted were thus even greater than with verbs. More surprising, on the face of it, is that words of this type should have been borrowed at all. A large majority of the verbs that Nahuatl accepted embodied a notion or practice not fully covered by indigenous vocabulary. Spanish prepositions and conjunctions, on the other hand, conveyed little if anything, in purely seman-

tic terms, that was not somehow being expressed in Nahuatl already. The reason for the loans lies in bilingualism. The two systems achieved much the same overall result with dissimilar means, dividing the spectrum of relations and connections very differently. To ease the mediation between the two languages constantly going on in the late colonial period, innovation was required. Thus in Stage 3, loans were motivated not only by Spanish objects, ideas, and procedures that struck the Nahuas as useful or impinged on their lives; the simple existence of a prominent linguistic difference between Span-

Language 309 TABLE 7.19

, Loan Particles Attested in Nahuatl Texts

Date Spanish loan Date Spanish loan

1652 — sin, without 1737 por, for, as

1653 hasta, as far as, until, even ni aun, nor, not even para, (destined) for, toward, 1738 fuera de, aside from

in order to | 1760 a,to,at 1736 como, as 1795 pero, but?

1672 _ sino, but, rather . 1782 entre, among : 1710 - pues, well then, so , 1786 desde, from, beginning at SOURCES: NMY, pp. 71, 78-80; BC, pp. 74, 80, 174; AGN, Tierras 1520, exp. 6, f. 12, 2539, exp. 12, f. 2v, 2549, exp. 1, ff. 1, tv, 5, 2615, exp. 5, f. 1; AGN, Civil 1072, exp. 13, f. 1; NAC, ms. 1477 B (1). NOTE: The dates refer to the first known attestation. En, “in,” and especially y, “and,” appear frequently in Nahuatl texts, and there can be little doubt that the writers understood their meaning, but they always appear in whole Spanish phrases (with ex usually date formulas), or in the case of y, at least between two Spanish words, so that one is not justified, on the available evidence, in counting them as full-fledged loans. 4Pero also appears in an undated document, probably done in the 1780’s: AGN, Tierras 2310, exp. 10,

f, 2oVv. |

ish and Nahuatl could bring on borrowing, and particles are the best illustra-

tion of the principle.* , , A Spanish preposition precedes a word that is its “object” but is connected in no other way: sobre el caballo, “upon the horse.” In Nahuatl, many

of the relational notions for which Spanish uses prepositions are expressed in the verb (the applicative being the equivalent of “for” and “from,” and the directional affixes conveying “to,” “toward,” “from,” “away,” etc.). Nahuatl’s specifically relational words are nounlike and must either be possessed | (“its-on the horse,” i-pan in cabuallo) or-placed after the noun “object” (cahuallo-pan, “horse-on, on a horse’’). The two modes, Spanish and Nahuatl, could not be combined, or were so distinct that it did not occur to the Nahuas even to try, so that no true integration with Nahuatl grammatical principles was achieved, as it was with verbs. When the time came, prepositions were simply used as in Spanish, placed before their objects with no overt indication of the connection, thus introducing into Nahuatl not only some new words but a whole new type of relationship between words, as in the earliest known example of para, “for”: “para ycabalyo,” “for his horse.” 2

It is in the 1650’s that some Spanish particles first appear in now known Nahuatl texts (Table 7.19). All of these attestations happen to be from the far west, but further compilation will doubtless establish that the distribution

was actually wider at that time.’ The words involved, as far as we now * Similarly, in the early postconquest years, the Nahuas in general took to those Spanish cultural patterns that were enough like their own to be workable and desirable; by Stage 3, they were sometimes adopting precisely those that were most different, as a result of close contact

with the Spanish world and the need to interact with it smoothly. The history of kinship is a good example.

| 310 Language know, were far fewer in number even than in the case of verbs. The repertoire of words on which to draw was of course relatively small to begin with, but even so, only a few seem to have been taken over, and some are attested only once. Ni aun, “nor, not even,” and por, “for, as, etc.,” occur often enough that we can consider them to have been within the framework of normal everyday speech, something anyone would be expected to understand readily. In -_aclass by themselves were two items, Hasta, “as far as, until, etc.,” and para, “destined for, in order to, etc.” These words, “hasta” apparently first, became

ingrained in the usage of some Nahuatl speakers, who surely uttered them many times each day. By the eighteenth century, it would be hard to imagine the language without them (something that remains true today).'%

Both words were used in ways showing that all the subtleties of their meanings in Spanish were transferred to Nahuatl. The writer of. the anonymous late-seventeenth-century annals of Puebla employs “hasta’’ in all three of its main senses in Spanish: “until (a certain time or specified condition)”; “as far as, up to (a place)”; and “even.” 2” A document from Calimaya in the Toluca Valley, dated 1750, uses “para” seven times and in several different ways.”* Four times it means “in order to” in infinitive-like constructions, as in “para quichtlahuas ytlatocatlacalaquiltzi,” “in order to pay his royal tribute.” 2° Once it means “in order that,” with a clause involving a change of subject: “para amo aquin quemania quipies tlen quitos,” “in order that no one should sometime have some objection to make.” Once it is a preposition with a noun object: “pena para ycajatzin,” “fine for the exchequer of (the

king).” And once it means “toward”: “para ycalaquian tonali,” “toward where the sun goes down (the west).” 8° “Para” in the sense “toward” was - particularly associated with the popular Spanish phrases “para arriba,” “upward (from a certain point)” and “para abajo,” “downward” (which could ~

be rendered “para yc tlatzintla”’).13! |

- Spanish nouns continued to be borrowed in Stage 3, and by all indications the loans were of much the same types as earlier, differing mainly because of the exhaustion of some categories and the continued evolution and change of Hispanic society. A certain number of post-1650 loans, however, belong to categories previously avoided, or at least left uninvolved. Outstanding among them are words for close blood relationships, above all those for siblings and cousins, which sharply reorganized the conceptualization of same-generation

kin (see Chapter 3). In a sense, these loans can be thought of as comparable to those of Stage 2, since they were a reaction to strikingly different substantive notions the Spaniards brought with them. They belong to a new stage,

first, because of the notorious slowness of any language to change its terminology for close kin, and, second, because, as with the particles, a large part of the reason for the innovation must have been the increased communication

Language 311 between Hispanics and Nahuas, with greater comprehension on the part of the latter and increased need to function within a common framework. The same reasons explain another new type of noun loan, a word used not for its primary meaning but in a particular idiomatic sense. Nahuatl had its own highly developed way of speaking of location, which generally remained intact throughout the colonial period, and lugar, “place,” is correspondingly not to be found in known Nahuatl texts in a locational sense. An eighteenth-century testator of Tlapitzahuayan in the jurisdiction of Chalco Atenco, however, asked his relatives to take “‘nolugar,” “my place,” in disciplining his children. It was also in Stage 3 that the Spanish words for the cardinal directions were incorporated into Nahuatl as part of the normal way of describing the location of property (though the indigenous expressions did —

not entirely disappear).'3 , |

__ As with -oa verbs, we find harbingers of some of these types of noun loans — well before they became characteristic, and again the anticipations come from the environs of Mexico City. In the early decades of the seventeenth century,

Chimalpahin writes oriente, “east,” and norte, “north,” and also uses the term hermano, “brother.”* Each occurs once only, and each is accompanied by an explanation or equivalent using indigenous vocabulary; two come in the course of discussion of matters from the Hispanic or outside world.'4 Early examples come also from Tetzcoco, a proud altepetl and former imperial center that with much justice could resent being considered a suburb of Mexico City. But despite the intervening lake, Tetzcoco after the conquest was in Hispanic terms little more than an appendage of the colonial capital.

A special affinity, affecting aspects of life from rhetorical style to dynastic politics, had apparently existed between the two altepetl in preconquest times, and traces of it were still visible in the late sixteenth century.’ The Tetzcoco attestations also occur in circumstances having to do with the Hispanic world; they are in papers relating to Juan Bautista de Pomar, the welleducated mestizo who functioned both as a Spaniard and as a Tetzcocan noble. The 1596 example of a kinship loan, “primo hermano,” “first cousin,” actually is in reference to Pomar; as in the comparable passage in Chimalpa- _ hin, a Nahuatl equivalent is given as well. The direction words norte and sur * Although the preconquest Nahuas acknowledged the same four cardinal directions.as in the European scheme, even giving them far greater importance, it would seem, in their cos, mology, religious rites, and orientation of political boundaries, so that the loans would be a mere © renaming, in some sense a mental reorganization was involved, as with kinship terms. For the _Nahuas, the four directions were points along an ordered, ongoing revolution, not four entirely ~ separate, independent points of reference. Above all, east and west, the solar directions, were better defined than north and south. The classical sources do not always agree on the Nahuatl words for north and south, or on which terms meant which. In postconquest land documents, there were set expressions (solar oriented) only for east and west, north and south being con-

veyed by ad hoc expressions referring to nearby settlements or physical features. __ ;

312 , Language occur in documents of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries having to do with Pomar’s acquisition of land but do not relate to him directly; it appears that Tetzcocan notaries, or at least the writers of these particular documents, may have borrowed the terms for normal use quite far in advance of Nahuatl speakers in central Mexico in general. As mentioned above, Stage 2 saw Spanish loan nouns taking Nahuatl plural endings, Spanish plural endings, or both. Now, in Stage 3, Spanish plurals came to dominate (though never to the exclusion of indigenous and, more | often, of double plurals, which hung on tenaciously with many older loans). In the late colonial period, the influence of Spanish plural marking went beyond the morphology of loan nouns to affect, apparently, the way the plural was used with indigenous nouns as well. Through Stage 2, plural suffixes were rarely used with nouns referring to inanimate things. Some particular

species of trees and some objects such as stars were the main exceptions, apparently because of motions characteristic of them; also, certain suffixes, especially the diminutive -tom, sometimes themselves acted like animate nouns even when attached to inanimates.” But words like “house,” “land,” and “‘tree” were normally not pluralized.3* Spanish, of course, like other European languages, indicated plurals on nouns in general. In Stage 3, Nahuatl began to do the same, not with entire consistency (nor has it attained such consistency to this day), but the plural marking of indigenous inanimates now began to be a normal feature of speech. In a 1746 Amecameca document, several of the people involved use

plurals such as caltin, “houses,” guauhtin, “trees,” and amame, “papers.”

plurality.1 | | ,

With some speakers these new plurals functioned entirely like traditional animate plurals, that is, other words in the sentence followed them in indicating

| We cannot say with absolute certainty that this change in usage was caused by contact, since Nahuatl continued to evolve in ways having nothing to do with Spanish, and as already seen, some movement toward a broader indication of the nominal plural had taken place earlier.*1 Yet the Spanish model remains the most likely source of the development, which thus, as with so many other facets of Stage 3, would be related to increased bilingualism. Another prominent feature of Stage 3 was the maturation of a number of important equivalences between Nahuatl and Spanish words. These “‘equivalence relationships” were crucial in translating Spanish idioms. The resulting expressions often look like calques (literal translations of foreign idiomatic expressions) and indeed may be considered such, but they did not usually occur in isolation. Rather they grouped around a key equivalence; we have already seen the “pia”/“tener” equivalence evolving in this direction. All such relationships known to me involve verbs and particles rather than nouns, in

Language 313 large part, no doubt, because Nahuatl had been so freely borrowing nouns

for most of the previous hundred years. a |

The Spanish words involved in the few equivalence pairs were very common, and the equivalents soon tended to become common in Nahuatl, too. We may ask if, despite the Stage 3 breakthrough in the direct borrowing of verbs and particles, some reluctance to borrow still obtained when it came to the most basic vocabulary in these categories. Or did the fact that certain equivalences, perhaps precisely because of their basic nature, got established in the course of Stage 2, when the time of verb and particle borrowing had not yet come, preclude a simple borrowing of these items at a later time?"

To me the latter possibility seems more likely. | Just how many equivalence relationships existed in the late colonial period remains unknown, and the matter is difficult to investigate systematically, partly because older Nahuatl idiomatic usage is itself still poorly understood, and it is hard to be sure exactly what is Spanish-influenced and what is not. “Pia” continued to absorb all the senses of Spanish “tener”: to have a certain length, width, or other type of measurement (the. usual Spanish expression, rather than saying something is so-and-so long); to have children; to have something to ask or demand; to have a right to something; and so forth.'** In Spanish, “to have to” is “tener que,” and in such phrases the Nahuatl word ¢#le or tlein, “what (interrogatory), that which,” took the place __ of “que,” “what (int.), that (relative).” +5 The end result, attained surely by the eighteenth century and perhaps before, was that “pia” could automatically be used for any technical or idiomatic sense that Spanish “tener” might

have or develop. | |

Given the hit-and-miss nature of specific attestations, caution is necessary __ in determining the chronological progression of this equivalence. Judging by the bulk of the evidence we have, it appears that through the sixteenth century the main development was the evolution of the sense “‘to possess,” that the early seventeenth century saw certain calques based on “‘pia/tener,” especially the one having to do with specifying one’s age, and that not until after 1650 did full, automatic equivalence obtain. It is only with some expressions used constantly in the sources, however, that we can be sure about the timing. Thus we can be certain that “pia” was not normally used with land measurements before about 1650, and that after that it frequently was (though still not in the majority of cases). We know that idiomatic uses of “‘pia/tener”’ are more common and varied in Stage 3 sources than in comparable records of Stage 2, whether mundane documents or annals. Yet in the 1611 conversational manual of Pedro de Arenas a surprising array of “pia” idioms makes

its appearance, not only to possess in general and for a vendor to “have” some item in stock, but an expression “to be troubled” based on “tener pena”

314. Language and even “tlein ticpia?,” “what’s the matter with you?,” based on Spanish _ “squé tienes?” Reading Arenas, who captures the register of everyday business dealings and the like in a way not matched in other sources, we could imagine that full equivalence had been attained in the first part of the second decade of the seventeenth century. If so, the phenomenon was perhaps restricted to the marketplace; many kinds of early-seventeenth-century Nahuatl

speech remained unaffected. oo

One other case of apparent full equivalence is documented for Stage 3, _ between the Spanish pasar, “to pass,” a common verb with many idiomatic

- meanings, and the Nahuatl pano, “to cross over the surface of something (specifically water, according to Molina), to ford.” 7 “Pano” is attested meaning “to go, to proceed” (a short distance from a given place to another, a common sense of pasar): “otipanoque ipan in itlaltzin caxtiltecatl,” “we (the parties and officials involved in a land transaction) went (from the courthouse) to the Spaniard’s land.” “* The temporal sense of “‘pasar” also surfaces in Nahuatl texts: “opanoc macuilli tonali,” “five days passed.” 1 “Pano” was also used to translate the participle pasado, “past.” %° It seems reasonable to ~ assume that the equivalence included all the other common senses of “‘pasar,” such as “to happen,” as it does in modern Nahuatl, even though not all of _ them appear in the available sources.'! No example of “pano/pasar” is attested in texts prior to the late seventeenth century, so to date we have no evidence that this pair went through a Stage 2 evolution comparable to “pia/ tener.” The possibility should not be ruled out, however. Still other verb equivalences probably existed during Stage 3, but at present they are more glimpsed and divined than established.1 Acting as the semantic and idiomatic equivalent of a Spanish word did not mean that the Nahuatl word bearing the equivalence ceased to have its earlier meanings as well. “Pia” continued to mean “to take care of”; “‘pano” continued to mean “to cross.” The Nahuatl verbs were thus even richer than the Spanish words they represented. No line divided “Spanish” from “‘Nahuatl” idiom. New idioms often show vestiges of earlier phrase types. The _ Spanish-based expression for having children, for example, contained, from _ the Spanish or English point of view, a redundant possessive prefix. Instead of “I have children,” Nahuatl said “I have my children” (niqguimpia nopil-

huan); the “my” was left over from older phrases such as “there are my children” (oncate nopilhuan) or “three my children” (yeintin in nopilhuan). Likewise, the Spanish phrase “en el afio pasado de,” “in the past year of,”

_ could become in Nahuatl “yn ipan xihuitl otihualpanoque de,” “in the year that we passed of,” continuing the general Nahuatl practice of using the firstperson plural when specifying dates.s+ As in cultural borrowings generally, then, here too the liberal admixture of indigenous elements erased any line

Language , 315

idiom. |

between the intrusive and the native, the Spanish and the Nahuatl, helping render such expressions a normal, unselfconscious part of current Nahuatl

That equivalences involving particles were common I cannot at present assert, for I have isolated only one frequently employed example, Nahuatl quenami, “how, in a certain manner,” for Spanish como, “how, as, like.” The relationship is perhaps less than a full-scale equivalence to the extent that it seems not to have involved the interrogatory sense of “‘como,” but only the ‘‘as” sense, or occasionally “how” with dependent clauses.'* But, so used, it was widespread by the time of Stage 3, introducing both nouns and whole

clauses:457 |

quenami ce soldado “as a soldier” (Puebla, late 17th century) |

yn quenami nesi ‘‘as appears” (Amecameca, 1746) _ | yn quenami quitohua “as he says” (Amecameca, 1746) nehual quenami jues “I as judge” (Calimaya, 1750) quenami mitlania se pe- “(it is seen) how (that) a piece of land is

daso tlali requested” (Calimaya, 1750) :

Probably also an equivalence was ica, “by means of, etc.” for Spanish con, “with.” +* The phrase cibuahua ica (literally, “person having a wife by means of”) appears repeatedly in a 1746 text in place of casado con, “married with [i.e., to].” 45° Here a vestige of the traditional indigenous meaning remains as a bridge to the Spanish, but in some passages in a 1750 text that connection | is gone, and “ica” means simply “in the company of,” one of the many senses of Spanish “con,” as it is of English “with.” ° The popularity of ““quenami” explains why Spanish “como,” as much as the Nahuas seem to have been impressed with it, is attested as a loanword only once; an “ica/con” equivalence would likewise explain the total absence to date of attestations of “con”

asaloanword. | - |

A further characteristic of Stage 3 was the acquisition of the sounds of Spanish that Nahuatl had lacked, making it possible to pronounce new loans as in the original language. Now Nahuatl speakers learned to produce the voiced stops 5, d, and g, the fricative f, and the liquid r—in short all the items for which they had had no equivalent (see Table 7.17). The new accomplishments had little effect on the pronunciation of indigenous vocabulary.

Moreover, older loans tended to retain the sound substitutions of the time when they were first incorporated.' But loans in general were now a better approximation of Spanish, bringing the two languages and peoples closer

together, as in so many other manifestations of Stage 3. : The developments in pronunciation, like the evolution of -oa verbs and the equivalences, took place over a relatively long period of time, beginning

316 Language well in advance of full Stage 3. Furthermore, the problems of determining the timing of this aspect are especially great, making very precise dating unlikely - in the best of cases. To state only a bare outline of the matter, Nahua writers in general spelled pronounced sounds rather than words. If a writer left out

an in his speech, he did so in writing too, or if he pronounced a glide between o and a, he wrote o/ua, or if he said x for syllable-final ch, he would write “noxpox” for standard nochpoch, “my daughter,” regardless of other considerations. The “word” is in any case a far less distinct and identifiable, more flexible entity in Nahuatl than in a European language. When it came to Spanish words, however, usage varied. Some writers had learned the canonical, invariant spellings of Spanish words as Spaniards spelled them, and always wrote them that way regardless of their own pronunciation. Some wrote Spanish vocabulary the same as Nahuatl, however they pronounced it. Most did a little of both. The result is that we can deduce very little from a given “correct” spelling of a loanword, but we can confidently connect “incorrect” spellings corresponding to expectable sound substitutions with the writer’s actual pronunciation. The assertion that Nahuatl acquired Spanish sounds rests on the broader observation that across the seventeenth century, spellings of loanwords in general became more standard,

except for some older loans. Enough substitutions occur in the eighteenth century to indicate that some people still used them in speech, but it seems clear that by then the ability to pronounce the full range of Spanish sounds

was widespread.'® | At times the written record affords fuller information on certain aspects

of the process, making us aware of transitional steps. Nahuatl had neither d nor r, both being voiced consonants with, in Spanish, a similar point of ar, ticulation and manner of pronunciation (in fact, Spaniards themselves occasionally used one for the other). In seventeenth-century Nahuatl texts (known examples stretch from 1634 to 1683), d is sometimes found written for r, and vice versa. The explanation seems to be that when Nahuatl reached the point of acquiring the Spanish sounds, it first developed a new common class

representing both d and r, and only later distinguished between the two. From known attestations, it would appear that the two middle quarters of the seventeenth century were the heyday of the transitional common class, and that by the eighteenth century or some decades before, r and d had distinct pronunciations in Nahuatl generally.‘ Such timing would fit well within the general framework of the chronology proposed above. A final aspect of Stage 3 that deserves mention, even though it has not yet been studied systematically (and at this point it is not clear how to do so with the rich but uneven materials available), is the virtual disappearance of certain kinds of vocabulary characteristic of Stages 1 and 2, over and above the displacement of older expressions by the innovations we have been discussing.

Language 317 Though hard to pinpoint, it is the absence of these terms, in combination with the new modes and elements, that produces a distinct, recognizable Stage 3 style. Perhaps the clearest example of the kind of loss I mean is the abandonment of the elaborate traditional Nahuatl terminology of social/ political rank, which is hardly more than vestigial in Stage 3 texts, as we saw in a previous chapter (p. 117). In this case, the documents have much

occasion to mention the topic, and one can draw conclusions with some confidence. When it comes to the highly developed older language of polite discourse

(of which social terminology was a part), it is hard to be sure whether its decline is apparent or real. The reader of documents of Stages 2 and 3 will not fail to come away with the impression that polite rhetoric had declined greatly

by the later period. But, then, with no manual of fancy talk comparable to the late-sixteenth-century Bancroft dialogues or collections of speeches like those found in Sahagun for the time after 1650, we lack adequate sources for

Stage 3 conversational style; and though the old rhetoric is no longer so dominant in Stage 3 petitions and correspondence as earlier, it certainly is not absolutely missing. Consider the following preamble to a letter of dissent the officials of a town in the bishopric of Puebla sent to their priest; except perhaps for the loan phrase “‘sefior cura,” this passage, written in about 1740, could as well have been composed a century and a half earlier: May the Most Holy Sacrament be praised. Oh our dear honored priestly father, lord curate, may God the Holy Spirit dwell happily within your dear person for many years. Oh our dear honored father, with humble obeisance we kiss your priestly hands, all of us together, we alcaldes and all of us holding office and all the town fathers and elders here in San Agustin Yacapitzactlan.'

Even two documents that I have used here as prime examples of Stage 3 Nahuatl, one from Amecameca (1746) and the other from Calimaya (1750), are not without echoes of this register. A petition included in the Amecameca papers begins matter-of-factly with the names and affiliation of the plaintiffs, but finally gets around to saying “‘amotlatocayxpantzinco tinesi,” “we appear in your rulerly presence,” and “rulerly presence” is sprinkled liberally across the page.” The Calimaya document, a land grant, is almost entirely businesslike, but does speak of the grantee’s petition in the following traditional terms (despite modern “quenami” and “ica” equivalences): “onesi ytlaytlanilis ynin DS yconetzi quenami mopechtecatihuis yca ychoquis yhuan yyelsis1huilis,” “there appeared the petition of this child of God, how he comes bowing down with tears and sighing.” Plainly, the time-honored way of talking had not entirely disappeared, and in more private circumstances, it may even

have flourished.

In general, the various aspects of Stage 3—loans in new grammatical and

318 Language semantic categories, the fuller development of equivalences and idiom translation, pronunciation of loans as in Spanish or nearly so, and de-emphasis of certain facets of traditional rhetoric—were all roughly simultaneous, gather-

| ing momentum as the seventeenth century progressed and approaching de| finitive form around mid-century, although a firm establishment of some parts of the complex may have come later, and quantitative growth along the same lines continued indefinitely. The Stage 3 innovations had in common

that they brought Nahuatl closer to Spanish, each in its own way, as was appropriate and inevitable with the now-ubiquitous presence of Spaniards among the Nahuas. As a set, the new developments formed a rounded system permitting the Nahuas to take anything from Spanish that they needed whenever they needed it and facilitating communication between the two groups of speakers, so that new currents of all kinds could easily cross the language barrier, creating for some purposes a single interacting social and cultural

entity containing both groups. | |

But this rapprochement, which we must remember was not deliberately planned or consciously implemented by a single human being of either group at any point, did not take place against the grain of the Nahuatl language. We have seen that in a long process of gradual change, each innovation built _ on precedents, some from indigenous grammar and lexicon, some from earlier stages of adaptation to Spanish. Moreover, the important features specific

to Nahuatl not only remained in the language in a general way but were frequently incorporated into the innovations. The new words and devices were soon as natural as anything else in Nahuatl, and indeed, apart from some hints in the work of the Tlaxcalan annalist Zapata,” we have no evidence that speakers even thought of them as other than Nahuatl, or that any Nahuatl/Spanish dichotomy was of concern to them (just as in political, religious, and economic life). The process of adaptation including Stage 3 is

- comparable to the experience of English in contact with Norman French, registering a vast impact but not thereby ceasing to be itself at root and surely

not becoming a carbon copy of the language of the new arrivals. |

| “Stage 4” |

I have put the heading of this section in quotes because the development involved does not stand in a strictly sequential relationship to its predecessor like the other stages. That is, “Stage 4” postdated Stage 3 but did not supplant it. The Nahuatl speakers of our times are still in Stage 3; loan verbs and particles are much more numerous than in the late colonial period, but verbs are still borrowed using -oa plus infinitive, and the old items are still in place,

from “paxialoa” (‘to stroll”) to “hasta” and “para.” In speaking of a

, Language 7 319 “Stage 4,” I am addressing the bifurcation of linguistic development. The evolution of Nahuatl in the postconquest centuries is only one side of a coin whose other side is Spanish spoken by Nahuas. For the most part, Spanish conversation by Nahuatl speakers, as important as we have seen it to be as the source of the innovations of Stage 3 and even Stage 2, occurred between individual Nahuas and individual Spaniards outside the context of the indigenous world that is the subject of the present book, and so my research and my discussions up to this point have skirted the topic. Some Nahuatl speakers habitually spoke Spanish, well or badly, from dofia Marina forward, not only

interpreters as she was, but employees of Spaniards and traders in crosscultural transactions. From the very nature of Stages 2 and 3, we can deduce a cumulative growth in their numbers and accomplishments. Not until the second half of the eighteenth century, however, did Spanish-speaking Nahuas produce a substantial amount of written texts in Spanish, texts that we can study to try to determine to. what extent the writers brought Nahua speech and cultural patterns with them into the world of Spanish speakers... _ A few hints are available of what the Spanish spoken by Nahuas of earlier times was like. Judging from Chimalpahin’s writing of Spanish loans in his histories, he probably spoke with a very strong accent.'7' From the hand of his contemporary Tezozomoc, a professional interpreter, we have a whole book in Spanish, a history of Tenochtitlan that for the most part appears to be a free translation of an already existing text in Nahuatl, probably originally composed by another party. Tezozomoc often follows the turns of older Nahuatl rhetoric so closely that his work is far from being elegant, lucid, fully | idiomatic Spanish, but he possessed a large vocabulary and a perfect mastery

of the ordinary elements of grammar and usage. 7 An isolated individual in a contact situation, however, can make great advances in the other language without having a noticeable impact on his peers. Doubtless there were many cases over the centuries of Nahuas who spoke perfect or near-perfect Spanish. Tezozomoc around 1600 was far closer

to standard Spanish than the bulk of the Nahuas writing Spanish mundane texts over a century and a half later. One looks for evidence of group idiosyncrasies of Nahuatl speakers in Spanish, but with the lack of sources we can

only deduce, from such tidbits as the remarks of a priest of the early eighteenth century on some Nahuatlisms in Indians’ Spanish, that a Nahua way

of speaking the language was in gestation by that time.'” | That Spanish texts by indigenous writers appear in bulk in the later eighteenth century, apparently mainly after 1760—70, seems to me to indicate the development of a critical mass of Spanish competence in the population, com-

parable at a new level to what the phenomena of Stage 3 tell us must have been happening around mid-seventeenth century, so I am moved to speak in

320 Language terms of a new stage even if the analogy with the other three stages is only partial. If the chronology of one of the most significant developments in Mexican history, the transition from Stage 2 to Stage 3 in the middle of the seventeenth century, is hard to tie to exterior events, the timing of “Stage 4” is not at all surprising, since it was just around 1760—70 that Hispanic society, economy, and governmental activity were undergoing explosive growth, raising the intensity of contact once again.13 One way to get a sense of the advance of Spanish speaking in the Nahua world, at least among the upper group who held office and were often called upon as witnesses, is to observe the language in which testimony was given in Spanish courts and the remarks made on the witnesses’ fluency (the testimony itself, alas, always appears written in Spanish whether originally given in Nahuatl or not). In the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries (in other |

words, during Stage 2), Nahuas virtually always testified through an interpreter, and such a procedure was taken as a matter of course. From the late seventeenth century forward, an interpreter continued to be used in most | cases, partly because of possible legal challenge to the validity of statements made in Spanish by Indians, and surely partly because interpreters wanted to practice their trade and keep their jobs. But now one not infrequently comes upon the remark that a witness spoke through an interpreter “sin embargo de ser ladino en la lengua castellana,” as the formula ran, “despite being fluent in Spanish.” :”* In the second half of the eighteenth century, although the just described pattern is still seen, more Nahuas begin to testify directly in Spanish, or, even as laymen, to translate for others.1”% In the last decades of

the eighteenth century and the early decades of the nineteenth, indigenous people often gave testimony without any mention being made of an interpreter or what language they were employing. Apparently they were speaking Spanish, and by that time, it seems to have been the expectation that all in-

digenous officeholders would be able to do so.* , Granted that Spanish speaking by Nahuas was taking on new dimensions in the late eighteenth century, what can we say about the quality, flavor, or idiosyncrasies of the Spanish spoken? Spanish clerks seem to have rephrased the Spanish-language testimony of indigenous witnesses to conform to their own style, for these statements differ in no way from those made by native Spanish speakers. It is to texts written directly by Nahuas that we must turn, and they prove a rich and suggestive source. What I have to say in this respect, *T speak only of the officeholding group because these are the people constantly called on to testify, so that one can form reliable impressions and find numerous informative examples, which

with extensive compilation could be usefully quantified. Nevertheless, from various hints and - deductions, I am satisfied that many other Nahuas were speaking good Spanish, especially those who were permanently employed by Spaniards and those who habitually migrated to work tem-

porarily in cities or on Spanish estates. :

Language 321 however, is more provisional than my analyses of texts in Nahuatl, because it

does not rest on the survey of a corpus of comparable size and variety. Throughout my work on the book, I have used sources written in Spanish, both those surrounding Nahuatl texts and others, but only late in the game did it occur to me that documents in Spanish would reward the type of close | analysis of language and genre that I had routinely applied to documents in Nahuatl. My remarks on Nahuatl-speaker Spanish are based on an analysis of texts from the Toluca Valley, with a few from Mexico City to put them in perspective.'”6 But my impressions from other documents less closely read and

further research.

recorded lead me to hope that the regularities observed will be borne out by Judging by my sample of late-colonial Spanish written by Nahuatl speak-

ers of the late eighteenth century, the Nahuas were reasonable masters of Spanish pronunciation and had few vocabulary problems in terms of individual words.'” Their difficulties, or to put it more neutrally, special habits, had to do mainly with syntax, the art of putting words into strings, which in Spanish as in any language involves not only grammar in the narrower sense but the manipulation of the frozen larger structures we call idioms. In a word,

_ the Nahuas at this point, expectably if not fully predictably, retained large elements of Nahuatl grammar and usage in their Spanish. Although quite

substratum. ,

competent and sophisticated in many respects, the Nahuatl-speaker Spanish of “Stage 4” is sometimes unintelligible without reference to the Nahuatl By the late decades of the colonial period, most Nahuatl speakers using Spanish appear to have had a quite full mastery of the basic principles of word order as well as of number and gender agreement (with some slips in the last because Nahuatl lacked gender). Nor did they have problems. in indicating the subjects of verbs. It was with the indication of the objects of verbs that the trouble, or divergence, arose. The Spanish system, distinguishing direct from indirect, masculine from feminine, and singular from plural objects through a welter of object pronouns, was far more complex than the Nahuatl equivalent, so Nahuatl speakers tended to simplify, sometimes going so far as to use /o (masculine singular direct object) to cover all cases. Perhaps the strangest thing about Spanish object marking from the Nahuatl point of view was the use of the preposition a (“to”) to indicate that a noun designating a person is functioning as an object of a verb (as in “veo a Juan,” “I see Juan”). Nahuatl had no case and originally no prepositions, and noun objects stood in apposition or cross-reference to a verbal object prefix, rendering anything on the order of a preposition accompanying the noun object entirely inappropriate. The result was that Nahuas often simply omitted the puzzling “a.” Once they became aware of its frequency and apparent __

322 : Language importance in Spanish sentences, they (or a good many of them) construed the “a” as indicating persons without recognizing its connection with objects, using it with subjects as well, as in ‘“‘a Vuesa merced puede mandarnos,” “your grace can order us.” 178

Prepositions are often used unidiomatically or omitted in the texts of Nahuatl speakers, especially it seems when they deal with location or direction.

Even though Nahuatl had borrowed some prepositions by this time, fully integrating “hasta” and “para” as we saw above, the great differences between the two languages are still frequently reflected in the retention of Nahuatl grammatical principles in this realm. Thus Nahuatl place-names ordinarily contain a locative within themselves; in Spanish, Nahuatl speakers accordingly sometimes omitted words like en, “in,” when specifying places: “esta Santa Maria Asumpcion,” “it is in Santa Maria de la Asuncion.” '” Nahuatl speakers seem to have been able to handle the Spanish tenses very well, even the subjunctive (which causes present-day English speakers such grief); though the two systems vary at every point, overall they in one way or another make nearly the same distinctions. Nahuatl, however, was the richer

of the two in progressives and modals. As a result, by Spanish standards, Nahuatl speakers made too much use of the progressive, and one finds odd expressions like “fue dejando,” “he went leaving,” an attempt to reproduce a Nahuatl modal construction meaning “left (something to someone) on de-

parture or death.” 1% |

Over and above such matters of grammatical structure, Spanish texts by Nahuas are distinctive because, whether from preference or necessity, they often bypass Spanish idiom and attempt to reproduce favorite Nahuatl idioms instead, An example common in the texts, many of which discuss land trans-

actions, has to do with the manner of explaining that two pieces of land border on each other. A current Nahuatl phrase type mentioned the owners rather than the fields and after using the first-person plural specified only the name of the nonspeaking person, the speaker being taken for granted as in all such Nahuatl constructions, as if one were to say “we abut John” (i.e., the lands of John and myself abut). Thus we are not surprised to find in Spanish texts things like “nos lindamos sehor San Miguel,” “we border sefor San Miguel” (i.e., the lands of the lord San Miguel and myself border on each other), even though the phrase as written is not grammatical in Spanish and

would not be comprehensible except for the context.13! | | Other and more numerous expressions in the texts are odd not so much because they are ungrammatical or. unidiomatic in Spanish (though sometimes they are that too) as because they are things not normally said in Spanish. All the formulas, often highly localized, that had grown up in Nahuatl public statements are retained, such as the repeated exhortations for com-

| , Language — 323 mands to be carried out.'*2 In many instances, Spanish vocabulary is put to

the service of Nahuatl syntax, idiom, formula, and ways of thinking. If the |

Spanish. | ,

Nahuas had become versed at Hispanizing calques in their own language, they now showed themselves equally prodigal with Nahuatlizing calques in As for the geographical spread of this Spanish in which the Nahuatl substratum often juts onto the surface, there is no doubt that documents written by Nahuatl speakers in “bad” Spanish issued in the final decades of the co- _ lonial period from a large assortment of subregions, though they remain to be collected and studied closely. Three documents of this type from the Cuernavaca region, dated 1766 to 1795, have been made available to me, and they share some characteristics both general and specific with the Toluca Valley texts.’ It is most suggestive that the Nahuatlizing Spanish documents from

the Toluca region are connected with a set from the Nahua community of | Mexico City, which though more complex and at a higher level of fluency essentially fits the same description." Indeed, the Nahuas of the two regions were using this kind of Spanish to communicate not only with Spaniards but also with each other. It appears that a variety of Spanish, distinct from the standard among Hispanics but with some uniformities across a wide area, had arisen and could be put to various uses, much like the dialects of English spoken by various minority | and immigrant communities in the United States today—and this despite the fact that Nahuatl remained the primary vehicle for spoken expression in the community at large and had by no means become extinct for written expression either. Presumably, Nahuatlizing Spanish as a community-wide feature was a transitional phenomenon on the way to a broader acquisition of the

more standard form spoken by most bilingual Nahuas today, but the timing |

remains for now a mystery. | ,

Looking back over three centuries of Nahuatl adaptation to Spanish, one _ sees constants (such as the operation in terms of complexes around a central innovation) and seamless continuities (such as the long-term extension of | “pia” in the direction of “tener’’) that transcend any notion of stages, not to speak of the many long transitions and subtle changes that we have observed. _ Nevertheless, in its totality, the three-stage sequence of the postconquest central Mexican experience is reflected in the linguistic dimension more clearly than in any other aspect of culture. Figure 7.1 attempts to convey a notion of both the larger simultaneities and the subtleties. In granting language a certain priority in the three-stage process, I am not placing it at the beginning of a-causal chain. Rather the subconscious patterns of thought resulting in the regularities of language evolution were clearly set in motion by contact oc-

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Language 325 curring for economic, social, political, and religious reasons. Yet the linguistic

developments do have a greater generality and to some extent greater explanatory value as well as greater visibility, for the other aspects are in a sense

included within language, and economic or political change in the Nahua world was also, perhaps even primarily, linguistic change, involving new

words bearing altered concepts. , | ,

8

Ways of Writing THAT THE SPANIARDS had paper and ink and used them for recordkeeping caused the Nahuas no surprise or puzzlement, for following a centuries-old Mesoamerican practice they had long been. doing the same thing, and they quickly made the identification between the two traditions. The indigenous words for paper (amatl) and ink (tlilli) remained in use in postconquest Na-

huatl and were applied to the Spanish variants, precluding the adoption of the relevant Spanish vocabulary.* Preconquest society also knew specially trained and quite honored functionaries charged with composing and preserving written records, so that the Nahuas, like all the other Mesoamericans and more than the paperless Andeans, were immediately ready to attempt writing in a new style and to step into the important role played in the Spanish system by notary-clerks.: The very word “‘to write” in Nahuatl, icuiloa, continued to be used instead of any Spanish-influenced term, and so for the

most part did pohua, “‘to read.””? |

Yet as in other aspects of the two cultures, the convergence was not complete. That preconquest Nahua writing was pictographic-logographic rather than alphabetic was only the beginning of the differences. In line with the generous use of picture and color in indigenous writing, no strict demarcation

existed between writing and painting. “Icuiloa” meant both to paint and to write, or at least to do what Europeans would tend to consider writing.’ We have no firm evidence that preconquest Nahuas made any distinction of prin| ciple between the two activities. Likewise, tlacuilo (the agentive of “icuiloa’’) meant either painter or (by our lights) writer; sometimes, to make it clear what type of painter was in question, the material would be mentioned: amatlacuilo, “paper painter.” * The Nahuas’ concept of reading was also different from the Europeans’. “Pohua” had the additional, actually primary, meaning

“to count,” corresponding well to the very prominent numerical facets of *“Amatl” apparently originally referred to the vegetable material used for the purpose (see also references to the word in Chap. 7, after n. 41, and in Table 7.7). “Tlilli”? meant basically _ “black substance, soot,” and was closely analogous to Spanish tinta.

Ways of Writing 327 | preconquest records. The word also meant “to relate, recount, give an account of,” hinting at the oral recital that accompanied a preconquest document, interpreting and expanding on it. The visible artifact was thus only a part of the total.communication, which proceeded on two partially independent tracks. The pictorial part could convey some things that were beyond spoken words and had the ability to pass through time unchanged, but the oral part carried much of the burden of narration, formulation, and conceptualization, since whatever the inherent capacity of the preconquest central Mexican writing system, it was not ordinarily (or to our certain knowledge ever) used to capture complete utterances of running speech in the manner of _ some of the earlier Mayan writing.* For this and other reasons, the genres of Nahuatl documents before the conquest diverged substantially from their

nearest Spanish equivalents. :

This chapter addresses the process of the interaction of the two writing traditions as seen in Nahuatl documents of various kinds. It begins with the mechanics of writing, but gradually wanders further and further from a nar-

row interpretation of the topic, since for the Nahuas (and perhaps other peoples are not so different) writing always remained what it had been before

the conquest, one part of a larger communication system from which we cannot separate it without great loss of insight. Moreover, the system varied immensely with genre, so that writing becomes bound up with form, conven-

tion, and even form-specific content, and soon one is discussing genre as much as writing per se. In Chapter 9, in a way an extension of the present one, the topic could still be called writing, but the emphasis shifts even more to the form and content of some genres of expression important to the Na-

huas of postconquest times. - ,

, | Preconquest Writing | | Central Mexican writing at the time the Spaniards arrived employed three , potentially distinct techniques: first, direct depiction, as in portraits of gods or priests showing every diagnostic detail of their accoutrements, or in maps of conquests; second, ideograms or logograms, as in the conventional signs (also originally pictures) meaning water, gold, sun, and the like; and third, *T say central Mexican rather than Nahua because, although the Nahuas are the best-known _ practitioners of the system, there is little about it that is language-specific, and it seems to have existed with little or no difference among neighboring peoples. The Nahuas probably were not the originators of any of the system’s main elements, although they had their own style. Even the name glyphs, which seem so peculiar to Nahuatl, would probably have been comprehensible to non-Nahuas, for many of the same names (that is, sounding very different and using roots native to each language, but meaning the same) were spread across the length and breadth of Mesoamerica. See Bricker 1986 for the early Mayan system. Charles Dibble recognized the double

nature of Nahua expression (CA, pp. 9—10). |

328 Ways of Writing phonetic transcription, in which (usually conventionalized, ideogram-like) pictures were used to represent the various roots of a word by the sound regardless of whether or not the idea associated with the word-sign was relevant (see Fig. 8.1).5 Actually, the vast majority of cases of the last type were still very near the ideogram, being representations of proper names (of individuals, altepetl, or altepetl constituents)* consisting of transparent words of the Nahuatl lexicon. Thus the glyph for someone named Mixcoatl, Cloud Serpent, would consist of conjoined pictures of a cloud and a serpent. Since on ordinary occasions people probably were not conscious of the original meaning of the elements of names, such transcriptions can in a sense be considered phonetic, but the moment one becomes aware of the original meanings, which are in no way obscured by the external form of the names, these name glyphs simply consist of more or less realistic ideograms. It is when the element depicted coincides in sound with the one intended but differs from it in meaning that we can be absolutely sure that phoneticism is at work. Such cases did occur. A notable example is the depiction of a person’s buttocks, tzin(tli) in Nahuatl, to convey the diminutive -tzin- that is part of many alte-

petl and calpolli names (see Fig. 8.1).’

An extensive conventional syllabary on the order of that associated with the older Mayan script does not seem, however, to have been a feature of Nahua writing. Fluidity was the keynote. Though one can, as I say, detect three logically divergent methods in the Nahua repertoire, all begin with pictures and all involve some degree of convention. In actual documents, the modes are usually so intertwined that the distinctions between them seem artificial. Even “phonetic” elements may be drawn as recognizable pictures; the phonetic and ideographic usually coincide; and ideograms often convey the message through direct pictorial means in addition to convention, as in the burning temples to signify the defeat of an altepetl or a person’s head with bleeding neck pierced through by a dart to signify an enemy king’s death . (Fig. 8.1). One part of the writing system, the numerical and calendrical, although it employed similar means, was so highly regularized that it escaped the usual flexibilities and ambiguities, reporting with great precision numbers of any magnitude and dates within a fifty-two-year cycle; in this dimension, one can speak of writing and reading in a sense hardly different from the

European, for no interpretation or oral expansion was required. , This writing system, or rather communication system in which writing was one of two equally necessary components, provided the basis for records of several genres, including tribute lists, cadastrals, records of individual land-

holdings, historical annals of the altepetl, king lists and royal genealogies, works on gods and ritual, divinatory manuals, and probably other types of which notice is now lost.? It does not seem that any attempt was made to use

= tee . ;Ys aS : ¥ ta5tee. | . ,| iCe a Cpl | far =) roo;_ .

Direct depiction vtcilopoche SHWED Geigy |sc: RO | The god Huitzilopochtli fi aoe 7) ewe OS Lh hs

Oo :

wi: PEALET —

A) “IMS ay i \

Ideograms

% & FE EN Ge € ESS. a

"water" "stone" "mountain" "sun, day" Ores’ |

atl tetl tepetl , tonatiuh

. — . . Q \ aos fr, Cat

RAE

Phonetic transcription a Coquitzinco Quauhnahuac Huitztlan

EB - a Bes

("little mud place") ("next to the trees") ("next to the spine")

32

| faA~ mim

,osmatt : : ase | ?é

Transparent ideograms , | temple burning leader pierced by dart

;4(3% ,a > . mf

Chichimeca. | |

Fig. 8.1. Pictographic techniques. Sources: Sahagtin 1905-7, vol. 6, cuaderno 2 (““Primeros Memoriales”); Codex Mendoza; Matricula de Tributos; Historia Tolteca-

330 Ways of Writing writing in connection with the many set speeches that carried such a large proportion of Nahua lore. Book Six of the Florentine Codex, the greatest collection of such rhetoric (in alphabetic script), contains none of the relevant ~ preconquest-style pictorial and glyphic material accompanying most of the other books in the work.’ In any case, the writing as we know it could not have done justice to the subtleties of flowery phrasing that were the essence of Nahua formal talk.

The Introduction of Spanish-Style Writing Let this glance at the traditional uses of Nahua writing suffice for now; before discussing the influence of preconquest on postconquest genres, I will

quest period. |

| examine the actual techniques of writing as they took shape in the postconAs usual, the earliest stage is poorly documented. Presumably, the Nahuas continued for some time to produce or at least use records in their traditional style with no change whatever, other than possibly an impact on the subject matter, but very little is preserved. (Even our most informative “preconquest”

documents were mainly redone under Spanish auspices in the 1540’s and later.) During the 1530’s, a number of Spaniards, who were overwhelmingly if not exclusively ecclesiastics, and within that category overwhelmingly friars, were on the one hand experimenting with pictorial communication themselves and on the other, reducing spoken Nahuatl to the Roman alphabet. In a few centers such as Mexico City and Tlaxcala, they were beginning to teach

some of their Nahua student-aides how to write their own language in that fashion, as well as how to manipulate some of the Spanish-style documentary genres. That all this happened we know in a general way from the writings of the Franciscans (especially Sahagin, Olmos, and Motolinia and his successors). The extant writings by Nahuas in Nahuatl tend to confirm the Francis-

can version indirectly, but we have virtually no direct evidence about the methods, content, and circumstances of instruction. From the 1540’s forward, however, documents of many types, in many

styles, were produced, as alphabetic writing in Nahuatl spread with great rapidity. For the second half of the sixteenth century (Stage 2), the picture is

| extremely complex and varied. Although alphabetic literacy never became a majority phenomenon among the populace or even among the nobility, by 1570 or before even the smallest altepetl had a new-style notary or two attached to cabildo and church, and in the larger centers there was a whole corps of such figures, as well as a number of nobles able to write in Roman letters. Practitioners in this mode produced, on occasion, documents little different from Spanish models except in being in a different language, but

Ways of Writing 33I most of them, most of the time, integrated the new writing into the indigenous central Mexican tradition of recordkeeping, sometimes in subtle ways, sometimes in the most blatant fashion, drawing heavily on the oral tradition as well as the resources of the preconquest pictographic style. Still other Nahua writers continued to hew to the pictographic method exclusively or at least primarily, adapting it of course to new subject matters and drawing

additional symbols from new sources. | | By the third quarter of the sixteenth century, the eclectic users of the alphabet were the mainstream and the vast majority. The use of the pictographic system as the primary vehicle was at most a strong undercurrent, progressively fading with each decade and especially after 1600; in most places, it effectively disappeared before the onset of Stage 3. Postconquest pictographic documents have received more than their proper share of attention, thanks in part to document collectors who mistakenly thought them of preconquest vintage and filled the European archives with them. As a result of their easy availability, many have been published, giving an inflated impression of their weight in the overall scheme of things. Actually, their bulk is infinitesimal compared with the mass of Nahua-produced _ documentation existing in the Mexican national archives, where it is a great rarity to find anything originating after the 15 40’s that is mainly pictographic, and the known alphabetic Nahuatl corpus, already many, many times as large as the pictographic, is growing daily. All the same, the continuation of the nonalphabetic tradition has undeniable significance, and I will devote considerable attention to it here. It is after all not a topic fully separable from alphabetic writing, for the two types were quite frequently practiced by the same people within a single overarching framework, and the two methods supported each other. Ultimately, however, they competed, and the alphabetic method took over more and more of the functions of communication, to the point that the pictorial component became unnecessary and fell by the

wayside. a |

Postconquest Pictographic Writing _ | In the second half of the sixteenth century, many Nahua writer-painters

still mastered tae form and sense of the basic repertoire of preconquest glyphs, though some showed an inclination to execute them in a style affected ; by European artistic conceptions. At the same time, they incorporated new European thematic material as needed, creating much the same kind of dy-

namic amalgam of old and new as in other cultural realms, with the new | assimilated to the old and adopted for its very familiarity. Pictographic writing had long centered on names, and now it was presented with the challenge

332 Ways of Writing | Francisco pan-ci-co , cl-co pan(tli) "banner" ci(lin) , ci(lin) "seashell" | @ | co(mitl) co(mitl) "pot" v Domingo to-mi-co Esteban ix-te-pan

fas (/) « ./~\ ra vy. . | a( mi(tl) to(totl)"arrow" "bird" ix(tli) "eye, face" \ te(tl) "stone" . co(mitl) "pot" | pan(tli) "banner" wd

Clara cal-a , cal(li) "house" a(tl) "water"

Fig. 8.2. Pictographic versions of Spanish names. Source: Joaquin Galarza, Estudios de escritura indigena tradicional azteca-nabuatl (1979), plates 2.7, 3.6, 3.10, 3.11.

of a host of Christian names, attached to both saints and the general population. One solution was to use the visual attributes of the saints (very similar in nature to those of preconquest deities) symbolically, as the basis of logograms for the respective names. A key stood for Pedro, a sword for Pablo, and so on." Aside from the content, the method was entirely within the scope of the traditional writing system, and the new signs were mixed freely with the old as appropriate, in much the same way that indigenous vocabulary and loanwords mingled without distinction in spoken language. | Since in many cases no succinct and striking iconographic symbol emerged for a given name, the other solution was to reproduce it phonetically, at least enough of it for recognition, using the sound values of some of the stock of conventional preconquest ideograms. One of the most popular such renditions was of Francisco, consisting of the glyphs for “banner” (pan{[tli}),

“seashell” (ci[lin]), and “pot” (co[mitl]), adding up to “pan-ci-co”; see Figure 8.2. This may not seem a very close approximation, and the lack of a good equivalent for the s of Francisco is in fact a compromise. But “pan-”

Ways of Writing 333 for “fran-” is a perfect transcription of the normal sound substitutions in speech, involving the simplification of an unpermissible initial consonant cluster by the omission of the r so troublesome to Nahuatl speakers and the replacement of the nonexistent labiodental fricative f with the labial obstruent p (see Table 7.17). Later versions of the glyph often omit the first syllable, leaving “ci-co,” which also probably corresponds to speech, since names all over the world are often reduced by dropping everything ahead of the stressed syllable.” With both the symbolic and the phonetic aspects of postconquest pictographic writing, it is noteworthy that although ad hoc inventiveness and innovation by specific writers is much in evidence, a living broader tradition clearly still existed in the middle and later sixteenth century. Signs such as a chalice for Juan or the just-mentioned phonetic rendering of Francisco appear not in one document but repeatedly,'3 showing the existence of a stock of new signs generally accepted within a wide circle (available materials do not seem to tell us whether or not that circle extended beyond the Valley of Mexico). An interesting question that seems beyond definite resolution at present is whether the widespread phoneticity of postconquest pictorial script is primarily a continuation of the preconquest tradition or primarily an adaptation caused directly or indirectly by the Spaniards and their phonetic alphabet. The more European in style and subject matter a pictorial document is, the higher its quotient of phoneticity is likely to be.* The preconquest-style tribute lists set down in the 1540's or earlier, the Codex Mendoza and the Matricula de Tributos, contain a limited amount of unadulterated phoneticism; a document done at a greater remove from Spanish instigation, the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, contains less if any; and surviving preconquest glyphs

on monuments are not demonstrably phonetic at all. On the other hand, postconquest phonetic transcription in pictorial form operates in terms of syllables rather than in terms of sound segments, as it should have if influenced by European alphabeticism.'* The syllable had been the unit in Mesoamerican phonetic writing ever since the Mayan script of many centuries previous, and in the Nahua system, as there, only the first consonant and vowel were generally intended to be pronounced (although sometimes the final consonant was included as well).:7 Note also that the great majority of signs used phonetically were taken from the conventional stock of the preconquest period. Moreover, the component signs of a phonetic transcription are to be read in various orders—left to right, bottom to top, top to bottom—or out of visual sequence, just like signs in the preconquest system." My own provisional, speculative conclusion is that pictorial phoneticism expanded in the postconquest period, but that the method already existed for

334 Ways of Writing use when needed; we have too little preconquest material to be able to tell much from the apparent absence of some trait. In preconquest times, however, since nearly all proper names consisted of readily intelligible roots, there

must have been little occasion for a pure phoneticism that would use the sound value of a depicted root regardless of its meaning; even non-Nahuatl Mesoamerican names were translatable into familiar concepts and roots. Not so Spanish names, which seemed to consist of a series of nonsense syllables crying out for purely phonetic transcription. Thus it would have been primarily the opaqueness of the new subject material that caused one aspect of the indigenous system to be more practiced, not Spanish encouragement or conscious imitation bringing on an entirely new writing principle.” A somewhat separate branch of pictorial expression were the comic-striplike documents sometimes called Testerians, after a Franciscan friar associ-

ated with the style. They illustrate each episode and usually virtually each © _ word of a Christian religious text such as the Lord’s Prayer or the Ten Commandments.”? Most seem to date from very early, centering on the 1530's, _ and all appear to have been composed under ecclesiastical auspices. Indeed, . though we have little trustworthy direct evidence on the matter, the Testerian ~ documents have the aura of having been produced directly by Spaniards. Be-

yond the use of visual material and the occasional presence of a Nahuatl translation of the text for oral presentation, there are few similarities with indigenous methods. The exemplars of this genre attempt to follow a spoken

text far more closely and exhaustively than occurs in indigenous writing. Whereas in the latter tradition the pictorial aspect has its own life, veering from and sometimes taking precedence over the more discursive and explana-

tory spoken words, in the Testerians the spoken text has utter primacy, the pictures being nothing more than an attempt to reproduce or suggest it. The vocabulary of signs employed does not for the most part include the preconquest glyphs so frequent in ordinary Nahua postconquest pictorial documents, nor, in the main, are indigenous artistic conventions employed. Although the Testerian style did not take hold in indigenous pictorials generally,

it may have had some impact. Thus a glyph for the assumption of Mary possibly had its origin in Testerian pictures showing two feet disappearing into the sky, the rest of the body cut off by the upper border of the picture.?! Spanish ecclesiastical interest in pictorials appears to have been strong, not only in the early years when the friars’ lack of knowledge of indigenous languages almost dictated it, but later as well, perhaps motivated by a feeling that this method would convey messages directly to a populace in the majority illiterate. Such attitudes on the part of ecclesiastics may have contributed to the creation of some late pictorials done when the tradition was gen-

erally receding quickly in favor of alphabeticism.” |

Ways of Writing 335 : Alphabetic Writing But let there be no doubt: as early as the middle of the sixteenth century, alphabeticism was gaining the upper hand over pictorial treatment, and the

balance continued to shift with every passing decade.2? Not that it was a question of pure displacement. The products of the preconquest pictorial tradition have much in common with the items called “handouts” that play such a role in academic and business presentations today. The handout contains some diagrams, numbers, and key words or concepts, useful both to the audience, who thereby get the core elements of the message in easily comprehensible form as a guide and reference, and to the speaker, who is reminded of the main points in sequence and, even if a polished prose statement has been prepared, may speak extemporaneously from the handout, reconstructing the largely memorized statement. In an alphabetically written text, the Nahuas had in the first instance not something to compete with the skeletal,

handout-like pictorial document, but something able to complement it through a faithful record of the extensive accompanying oral statement. Paradoxical as it may seem, the primary original purpose of alphabetic writing in the Nahua system of communication was to reproduce the oral component, and though things would change with time, this orality would always adhere

to Nahua alphabetic documents more than to most comparable European texts. As to the technical characteristics of the Roman alphabetic script applied to Nahuatl, they need to be considered in two phases, first as shaped by the Spanish ecclesiastics who originated the orthographic system and then as reshaped by the Nahuas. It is not clear that any one of the early Spanish titans of Nahuatl language studies was primarily responsible for the definitive adaptation of the Roman script to Nahuatl. Molina and Sahagin are too late in time, and in any case Sahaguin’s practice deviates considerably from the stan-

dard.* Fray Andrés de Olmos, the earliest student of Nahuatl to have produced an extant grammar, is a likely candidate, but his script too varies from the usual canon in some details.25 The earliest known corpus of alphabetic Nahuatl, the Cuernavaca-region census records of the late 1530's and/or early 1540's, was written by various indigenous persons, manipulating the script very much in their own way but betraying their schooling in a single orthographic canon, probably developed by a friar of the Franciscan monastery of Cuernavaca. The system is essentially the definitive one except that tz is missing, c (¢) and z being used instead.” In all probability, the standard orthography had several inventors; in any event, it operated primarily by using the Spanish values of the Roman alpha-

bet for similar sounds in Nahuatl and is what one would expect any literate

336 Ways of Writing

| TABLE 8.1

The Roman Alphabetic Orthography of Nahuatl

él Ich: , aa

Ordinary Spanish Special symbols or Changes by first half Stage 3

Sound symbols different values of 17th century changes

k c (with a & 0),

qu (with e & i)

kw qu (with a), cuh, cu, uc, forun- _—_cu for all prevocalic cu (with e & i)4 voiced final [k*] cases in some

€ 1 ,e€ 1 ll I] mm nh n

usage

often |, with Il having value [y]

t'ytsy sometimes tl tz I] O , O u, especially for

pS p ¢, z (final) S S x tt long o

Ww : v, hu, u? uh for unvoiced hu predominant final [w] prevocalically

glottal stop h (sporadically)

“In Spanish, these did not represent a unitary segment, although the pronunciation was close to identical. The use of » with this value in Spanish writing would have to be considered quite a rarity.

Spaniard to have done (see Table 8.1). Because Spanish had close equivalents

of a large proportion of the repertoire of sound segments in Nahuatl, this simple expedient went a long way, accomplishing much more than the reverse

procedure would have done, since Nahuatl lacked more of the sounds of Spanish than vice versa (see Table 8.2). Even so, Spanish was without the equivalents of several important Nahuatl segments and distinctions. The two most urgent needs were filled by straightforward digraphs, that is, two letters (representing familiar Spanish sounds) used as a unit to represent what in Nahuatl was a unitary segment: tz for [t*] and ¢/ for [t']. Faced with the true double [Il] of Nahuatl, which Spanish lacked (using written // for a different sound), the friars who were developing the system drew on their training in Latin, which had geminate /, and used // with that value. In

Nahuatl, any voiced consonant was devoiced at the end of a syllable. Although Spanish had no equivalent phenomenon, the Spanish orthographers

Ways of Writing 337 were aware of at least some aspects of the process and notated it in the case of [w] by writing -uh instead of the prevocalic hu- (or u or v); -cuh and -uc instead of cu-/qu- for [k”] had the same intention.”” But Nahuatl’s distinction between long and short vowels, which served to differentiate many roots from each other, went entirely unnotated, and although ways were devised to write the glottal stop, most usage ignored that important Nahuatl consonant, in both cases because of foreignness not only to Spanish orthography but to Spanish speech. Thus the system the friars taught the Nahuas was far from a perfect vehicle for recording the spoken language, but as practical orthographies go, it was nothing to be ashamed of. After all, vowel quantity, a basic feature of Latin, did not figure in Roman orthography either, and the glottal stop, too,

has often been undernotated in the world’s writing systems (remember that | preconquest syllabic phoneticism also seems to have left vowel length and glottal stop out of account). The Spanish-based Nahuatl orthography was perfectly serviceable, and it surely captured speech far more easily, fully, and TABLE 8.2 Comparison of the Spanish Alphabet and the Spanish-Based Nabuatl Alphabet, 16th Century

ac,b a . mM m — n n ¢ ([s] before ni = vowels) C,¢ O | O

Spanish Nahuatl Spanish Nahuatl

€he e-s4— It— _fg -— | tlt cvowels) ({k] Cbefore backfront pp qu ((k] before

ch ch({kw]) vowels) qu [a]) d _ qu qu ({k~] before

hu [w] | hu, uh (syllable~ tz finally) ue ~

a-?1—$ oo, Vv — - v| ({u], [w]) x ([8]) xv

1I ({1})< | y ({i] and [y])[s])yz _ z (syllable-final *Prevocalic, often silent. Not included on the Nahuatl side is the occasional practice of using / for glottal

stop, always syllable-final. ’Though sometimes used by the highly educated in words of Greek origin, and very rarely appearing in the

same way in Nahuatl texts, k was not part of the normal alphabet of either language. “Nahuatl //, a true double [I], does not correspond to this unitary sound.

4Some Nahuatl writers used s as equivalent to x. :

“Some writers of Nahuatl used u for 0; it was also used by some for prevocalic [w] instead of 4x or v.

338 Ways of Writing unambiguously than anything the Nahuas had known before. They took to the system immediately, and though as we will see they used it in their own way, they did not alter or attempt to tamper with the value of the symbols,

nor did they try to add any.” :

The primary innovation that indigenous writers made in the system, technically speaking, was to apply the introduced symbols to a different object.

Spaniards used letters to spell words; the Nahuas used them to reproduce pronunciation. For the Spaniards, each word had a set spelling known to all, and for most writers at least, that spelling did not vary appreciably no matter how the writer happened to pronounce the word (this is the basic principle of all modern European standard orthographies).2° Writing consisted of the spelling of a sequence of separate words (separate to the mind even though _ often written with no space between them). For the Nahuas, each sound uttered was recorded by the corresponding

letter in an ongoing string that took little if any cognizance of an entity “word” or its uniform spelling; rather each labial stop that the writer pronounced was written p, each palatal glide y, and so on. If the writer happened to pronounce the word for maiden “ichpochitl” rather than the standard ichpochtli, he would so write it. If he pronounced an extra glide between vowels, he would tend to write it in (though rarely with full consistency), as in “ohu-

acico”’ instead of standard oacico, “he arrived here.” In much Nahuatl speech, it appears that any intervocalic consonant was likely to be pronounced double, and was consequently often so written whether the root involved contained a double consonant or not. Such gemination was especially common in tying a particle into a phrase, as in “huell anquimocuitlahuizque” instead of standard huel anquimocuitlabuizque, “you are to take good care of it” (see Fig. 8.3, which has two examples). Though incapable of yielding detail the orthography was not equipped to represent, this philosophy of writing automatically left a good record of dialectal and individual variation usually lost in texts done on European principles. If there were units larger than the letter/sound segment in alphabetic writing as practiced by the Nahuas, they were not the word but the syllable and the phonological phrase. A few writers placed a discernible space between each pronounced syllable (morphology was ignored), and inadvertent repetition and omission took place mainly in terms of syllables. Whether or not . this trait was influenced by the emphasis on the syllable in preconquest Mesoamerican writing is a matter for speculation. It appears to me that the Nahuas were simply operating in terms of all the elements directly perceptible in

speech: the segment, the syllable, and the phrase. , The phonological phrase, consisting of a nuclear nominal or verbal stem with its affixes and its adverbial or other modifiers, is a far more obvious,

Ways of Writing 339 detectable entity in Nahuatl than either the “word” or the complete utterance (sentence); frequently the phrase in fact is a complete utterance.*! In what often appears to be an uninterrupted flow of letters across the page, it is hard to demonstrate a concern with this unit, but subtle indications of its importance do exist. Though usage varied, many Nahua writers followed the com-

mon Spanish practice of writing i as y at the beginning of a unit (for the Spaniards a sentence or word), but for them the unit was the phrase. For example, one would write “yuh quitoa,” “so he says, he says that,” but “yn

iuh quitoa,” “as he says”; “yquac ohualla,” “he came at that time,” but “yn |

iquac ohualla,” “when he came”; and so on.* | ,

: To my eye, many Nahuatl texts look as though the writer is putting a space between most phonological phrases, but this is debatable, since the . “space” was not a fixed category in the writing of the time, Spanish or Nahua.

Occasional writers, however, like the one who produced the passage in Figure 8.3, placed a period (a dot, at least) between phrases, leaving no doubt about the matter. My present impression is that this type of notation is more characteristic of Stage 2 than of Stage 3, but even for the late period there are still many hints of the tendency of Nahua writers to think in terms of a phrase

type quite foreign to European languages. |

Spanish loanwords received somewhat different treatment in Nahuatl texts than did native vocabulary. Although sometimes they too entered into the flow of letters and were spelled according to the writer’s pronunciation, sometimes they operated on the Spanish principle, being treated as distinct words with invariant canonical spellings.22 Examples produced on the former principle are what allow us to deduce the pattern of Nahuatl sound substitu-

tions in pronouncing loanwords (as treated in Chapter 7). Examples produced on the latter principle hint at a learning process in which Spaniards taught Nahuas the spelling of specific individual words, or the Nahuas in some other way saw the words written in lists or in Spanish texts. | Some items, however and wherever they were learned, spread in identical form through the entire literate Nahua world. Dios, “God,” santo, “saint,” regidor, and others are spelled standardly in the overwhelming majority of mundane Nahuatl texts, from the earliest forward.2? The same invariant standard holds also for common Spanish abbreviations: for names such as Juan or Pedro (“ju°,” “p0”), and for some terms like justicia, “justice, officer of

the law,” rendered as “just,” and alcalde, rendered “allde.” In fact, these * Figure 8.3 contains three examples, “yn itlayecoltillocatzin” and “yn itlayecoltilloca” (both originally written solid), “the service of,” and “yn itetzinco,” “concerning, relating to.” Throughout the text, whenever a phrase begins with a vocalic [i], the spelling y is used, whereas with two

exceptions phrase-internal vocalic [i] is written i. In one of these cases, “auh yn,” aub as an uiterance marker is so separate that the following element may be thought of as initiating the

phrase.

‘rad lal 5 nad haart abbey 7am moc§ihra yuck,

ae

ral Ph oboe La ore In iquac . quinmomaquilia topili . yn alcaldes . mexico . yn visorrey . quinmolhuilia . yn amehuantin . alcaldes ye anmochihua yn axcan achtopa . cenca . ypan xitlatoca . yn doctrina xpiana . ma mochi tlacatl . quimati . yn itlayecoltillocatzin . yn toteculyo . dios Auh catepan . ypan antlatozque . yn itlayecoltilloca . yn totlatocauh . yn Su magestad . yn tleyn quimonequiltia . yn itetzinco . monequi . ypan antlatozque . huell anquimocuitlahuizque auh yn ixquich tlacatl . yn macehualtzintli . huell anquimocuitlahuizque . anquitlagotlazque . ayac can tlapictli . anquitlatzontequilizque . yhuan . huell anquimocuitlahuizque . ynic mochi tlacatl . Elimiquiz . ayac tlatziuhti-

nemiz.

When / he gives the staff / to the alcaldes / of Mexico City, / the viceroy / says to them: / “You / alcaldes who are being appointed / now for the first time, / greatly / see to / the Christian doctrine; / let everyone / know / the service of / our lord / God. And after that / see to / the service of / our ruler / His Majesty; / what he desires, / what by him / is needed / you are to see to, / you are to take good care of. And as to all / the

commoners, / you are to take good care of them, / you are to treat them with esteem; / no one without reason / you are to judge, / and / you are to take good care / that everyone / cultivates (the land), / no one lives in idleness.” Fig. 8.3. Text from the Codex Osuna (1565), illustrating orthographic division into phonological phrases. Source: Codex Osuna, f. 471v; also Charles Gibson, The Az-

tecs Under Spanish Rule (1964), plate 7. ,

NOTE: Since the particle auh indicates the beginning of a new utterance and implies a full stop immediately preceding, the writer did not consider it necessary to put periods before that element. In one or two cases, the period falls where one would not expect

it, probably because the writer was putting special emphasis on a word that would ordinarily be included with the following phrase (as with cenca). For easier comprehensibility, the transcription divides the letters into words by modern principles, which as the reader can see is not true of the original. In the translation, the slashes correspond to the periods of the original; to retain the parallels, I have at times departed from English idiom and syntax.

Ways of Writing 341 TABLE 8.3 Hypercorrect Letter Substitutions in Loanwords

Primary Hypercorrect

substitutions? Examples substitutions Examples p for b, v capilto (cabildo) b for p brigo (pregon, ““proclamation’’) p for f Papia (Fabian) f for p forificacio (purificacién, “purification’’)

t ford totor (doctor) d fort desurello (tesorero, “treasurer’’) , c for g clelico (clérigo, “priest’’) g forc Gremente (Clemente)

| forr liplo (libro, “book”’) r for | morino (molino, “mill’’)

x for j, g, s Xihuan (Juan), xolal (solar) j,g for s’ julal (solar), gerencia (residencia) 2This list does not exhaust the primary substitutions (see Table 7.17), but the others do not lend themselves to hypercorrect merging. The use of u for Spanish o is not in this category because many Nahuas wrote u in native vocabulary

either in free variation with o or to distinguish long o. : ’No example of j or g for Spanish x is presently known to me. The frequent use of s for x in Stage 2 texts is not a hypercorrection but an alternate orthography occurring also, indeed primarily, in indigenous vocabulary.

and certain other words were nearly always abbreviated; furthermore, all except a very few abbreviations to be found in Nahuatl texts are normal Spanish renditions of originally Spanish words.** That Nahua writers would have needed to rely on written help with loanwords is understandable, since these words contained sounds unfamiliar to them. Once introduced to the world of Spanish spellings, however, they encountered additional difficulties. The new sounds were represented by sym-

bols not included in the orthography of indigenous Nahuatl vocabulary; | moreover, coming from their particular phonological system, the Nahuas could often detect no difference in sounds distinct to the Spaniards. Thus, b, f, and p tended to sound the same to them; the only thing they could do was follow the Spanish spelling mechanically. But since all three of the letters just mentioned seemed to be pronounced p, it was easy to mix them up, or even to merge them generally, taking it that the Spaniards had three variant spellings of p; b and f were possibly the more elegant (as the rarer, from the Nahua point of view).

This led to not infrequent hypercorrection, the use of b or f even when the original was Nahuatl’s own familiar p. Hypercorrection was perhaps most frequent when both the new and the familiar sound (and letter) were contained in the same word. Thus “Pablo” might appear as “Bablo,” or the two letters might be switched to form “Baplo.” But hypercorrect substitutions appear also without such contributing factors, as in “Biru” for Peru. Table 8.3 details the most common hypercorrect spellings, which are a mirror image of the sound substitutions (and hence primary letter substitutions) of Stages 1 and 2. The very fact of the use of the Spanish letters in this way tells us that the writers had not learned to pronounce the corresponding Spanish sounds. As Stage 3 progressed, both ordinary and hypercorrect letter substi-

342 Ways of Writing tutions became rarer in Nahuatl texts, betraying changed pronunciation and bringing Nahuatl writing a bit closer to the Spanish tradition (though the

manner of writing indigenous vocabulary was little affected).% After a corps of Nahua notaries and nobles had learned alphabetic writing

and Spanish-style document production from Spanish friars (in the years around 1535—45, and in smaller or more remote centers perhaps consider- _ ably later), the new tradition soon became self-perpetuating. We lack direct reports on this process, just as we do for the original learning, but the Nahuatl documents preserved today contain much pertinent evidence. Several of their general idiosyncrasies, things surely not imparted by Spanish instruc-

tors, have already been mentioned. ,

With few exceptions, texts produced by Nahuas, and especially mundane texts, look different from those produced by Spaniards. Possibly the difference starts with the clear Italianate hand the Nahuas had first been taught, so unlike the hasty, convoluted, abbreviation-ridden scrawl of Spanish clerks, lay Spaniards, and even most ecclesiastics. But over and above the special characteristics of the calligraphy that the Nahuas originally imbibed, their writing, even as it varied and evolved over time, even when it was done fluently by experts, always remained more rounded, clearer, and less cursive

than current Spanish practice. , Thus Nahua writing became a regionwide tradition of its own, evolving similarly and quite contemporaneously in the many altepetl spread across central Mexico. Within this framework, however, there were subregional traditions, traditions by genre or circle, and altepetl traditions. By the seventeenth century, the southern Toluca Valley, for example, had developed a style of its own, and it would be possible to identify many documents as originating there even if no locality were specified.2* Nahua annalists, each building _ on predecessors and sharing with contemporary colleagues, maintained a common style and vocabulary, at least within broad subregions.” The same was even truer of the authors of the Stage 3 “titles,” who in some subregions at least shared not only content and style but had deviant orthographic traits

peculiar to themselves.** — | Above all, each individual altepetl had its own style. Wills done in Coyoacan in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, for example, often mentioned specific offerings for tolling the bells at various churches, and might include in the preamble the phrase “God omnipotent who created the visible and the invisible.” »° In eighteenth-century Calimaya, the town granted people land so that they could raise “a kernel of maize” for their sustenance. Each altepetl had its own conventions, extending beyond phrases like those just cited to orthography and calligraphy. Consider the similar hands and pro-

Ways of Writing , 343

ye Pee

\ eg cles GOS EBSA oe IRD 2 gu igs

ite; real ant Poxcctice) ane een ee

oie secceratae aie ee

tepchahuher, rachhuas, tidhen Nehonpe J gg. | |0 Laan tage Sap po Piper aipae Fig. 8.4. A subregional writing tradition: lines by two different hands from Amaque-

mecan, 1746. Source: AGN, Tierras 1596, exp. 7, f. 2. ,

cedures of two writers from eighteenth-century Amaquemecan shown in Figure 8.4. Altepetl-specific traits can only have been perpetuated by local notaries handing the tradition down to their successors in a largely autonomous fashion. Surely the Spanish clergy, oriented toward the cities, rotating about the country and preferring uniform practices, can have had little to do

with it. | |

Yet the world of writing in Nahuatl was not hermetically sealed. Evolution

~ took place not only in generally the same direction over the entire Nahua sphere, but particularly in the direction of Spanish practice, and even following some of the same currents seen among Spaniards over the years. By the mid-seventeenth century, spoken Mexican Spanish had apparently lost the distinction between retroflex s and alveolar c/z; therefore the distinction soon tended to disappear in writing as well as speech, with s being used for almost all cases in many writers’ usage. The same trend, the displacement of c/z by

s, occurred in the Nahuatl writing of Stage 3, even though the language did not undergo any corresponding sound change. The difference in calligraphy between sixteenth-century and eighteenth-century Nahuatl texts runs parallel to changes in Spanish writing style, although as mentioned the two can al- — ways be distinguished. In some fashion, then, Spanish writing lore was reach-

ing Nahua practitioners. Though tangible proof is lacking, it seems to me that the most likely avenue was Spanish documents, for literate Nahuas, as _

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Ways of Writing 355 items. The first occurs in loose association with a testament, though there is no cross-reference between the two items; the original purpose of the pictorial was apparently to document the inheritance of doa Maria de la Cruz, and only later does it seem to have been pressed into service to help indicate the division of lands among her children.** The plots are shown in preconquest style as uniform rectangles and located by glyphs, and dofia Maria’s ownership is asserted by a female figure representing her, but the measurements of the plots, the land categories, and dofia Maria’s name are given

alphabetically. Se 7

- Unlike the first example, which is at least indirectly related to Spanishstyle legal proceedings, the others go back to the practice of the preconquest tlatoani sitting in audience on certain days to make ad hoc judgments on matters brought to him. In the second one, the alphabetic text (not shown) tells us that the governor divided a deceased man’s land at Copilco equally between his niece Francisca and his daughter Ana (who seemed to want it all), and that a constable went to measure the boundaries.*’ The pictorial merely shows the two portions, with (veiled) genealogical information on previous holders, not specifying the location or any other detail. The location

the fact. ,

and the size. of the two subplots are given alphabetically, apparently after | In the third example, the text reports that the governor affirmed the rights of Maria, a recent widow, to the property left by her late husband in Hueitetitlan, making Maria’s uncles, whose names are given, custodians or guardians to assure her ownership. The text describes the house and land in some

detail.s* The pictorial is quite elaborate but is limited to representing the property, with no reference to place, owner, or the guardians. The text is actually more precise on measurements than the pictorial, but the latter gives perspectives on the physical layout not emerging from the text. Like most sixteenth-century land pictorials, the Coyoacan examples, despite some alphabeticism here and there and enough realism in the drawing that many aspects are immediately recognizable, belong to the preconquest pictographic tradition, following its conventions, and are not merely attempts to draw likenesses or make diagrams corresponding to the actuality. With time, because of European influence or a weakening of the preconquest pictographic tradition, or both, portrayals of property became more realistic and less conventional. Figure 8.10 shows a page of a land document from Tulancingo in the mid-seventeenth century with a diagram of the property in question. No preconquest symbols are in evidence, not even for giving the mea-

surements (and in fact, as in many late documents, the measurements are never given in either the alphabetic or the pictorial portion). There is apparently an attempt to portray the properties and the relative size of the two

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Fe Pere Re SR BAGG Sc ORE RE CIO nS SCREEN ORCS RRR TD 2 KK Sb ate Mee, “A eiekaras: NS OME. oC, CSN RN AP - QR, NORD rina es RCN ES ees RE ge at Ee Re RE PRS ERR RY. ea a ER DRE Rte ce ae

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Eee eee iaeis fice. | Eanes re oes a igs i aegEee pie AeBeaBete. a eeRin,eSNgee Seo DAES REG ie Fe ee eee Re eee Most noticeable are elaborate inquiries about the other party’s health and welfare. In the few fully private letters in Nahuatl we have, the rules and vocabulary of polite Nahuatl speech take over completely.”* The — bulk of known examples of Nahuatl correspondence of any kind are from Stage 2, when. the styles and vocabulary of indigenous high speech were still flourishing. Perhaps letter writing faded in Stage 3 along with the tradition of

speech that fed it. Yet a stray letter or two from the late period show less

change than one might expect.” | |

What effect did preconquest oral modes have on testaments, the dominant genre of postconquest Nahuatl writing? Here we are unable to establish any one-to-one relationship as we can for correspondence because no samples of indigenous testamentary language have been preserved; indeed, it is not even certain that a form closely parallel to the European testament existed in preconquest times. The stunning success of the testament genre in the postconquest Nahua world, however, suggests a convergence with some significant indigenous antecedent.”* We can approach the probable shape of this convention in two ways, first through analogy with known Nahua forms and second through systematic divergences of postconquest written testaments from the

Spanish norm. , |

Taking the first tack, and considering the known body of preconquest Nahua oral forms for rites of passage both public and private (in the Euro-

pean way of looking at it), one would imagine that a dying person would make a rather elaborate speech quite rigidly conventional in its structure and vocabulary, full of rhetorical flourishes and admonitions. He or she would doubtless address the audience directly, exhorting them to carry out the requests made and to heed well all that was said, for their memory would in the future be the primary means of authenticating the proceedings. We can

only speculate on the size of this audience, but it is well to remember the tendency of Nahuatl rhetoric to draw in a relatively large circle. Only one possibly direct reflection of surviving preconquest practice is known to me, and it confirms at least part of this scenario. Among the testaments of Culhuacan is a fragment (ca. 1580) recording some of the dispositions of a man named Miguel Ocoma.” Miguel died before a formal testa-

ment could be written, and thus his final statement was not framed in the Spanish mode. A clerk subsequently wrote down his words, or rather the first part of his statement, very much in the manner of the first-person reportage of speech acts discussed above. Miguel begins with a call to two apparently high-ranking and trusted friends to approach: “Draw close, my lords, you, Miguel Iuhcatlatzin and you, Miguel Coatequitzin.” He then immediately ~ gets down to the details of his mass and burial and the division of his goods

between his son and granddaughter. There is little that could not be in an

368 Ways of Writing ordinary testament except a direct appeal to Coatequitzin to take Miguel’s son into his home. How Miguel’s address ended we will never know; perhaps death broke into it. But the beginning alone implies the convention of a ceremonious convocation of people responsible for overseeing the fulfillment of

the dying person’s wishes. a

_ Looking now for hints of preconquest antecedents in the large corpus of Spanish-style testaments in Nahuatl, we find first of all that they do in general follow very closely the structure and even in many respects the wording of the Spanish model; they nearly always obey the Spanish convention of having the testator make an absolute statement addressed to no one in particular and speaking of heirs, executors, and others in the third person, even when they are present.*® But Nahuatl wills also tend to evince some peculiarities com-

pared with Spanish equivalents. Taking a larger quotient of colloquial, speechlike remarks as something to be expected in all types of Nahuatl documentation, in wills a large proportion of such passages is admonitory. The remarks are of two kinds, negative and positive. On the negative side, for negative admonitions are more nearly universal in the texts, the testator declares that his command must not be spoiled, vitiated, violated, or carried out wrong, the thrust of the verb pair itlacahui/itlacoa, forms of which were invariably used in such cases.§t Or when he has bequeathed something to someone, the testator may add ayac quicuiliz, “no one is to take it from him,” ayac quichalaniliz, “no one is to dispute with him about it,” or ayac quelehuiliz, “no one is to covet it of him,” or the like.*2 On the positive side, the — testator will declare that his statement or order (notlatol, notlanabuatil) is to

be carried out (the words employed are ordinarily mochibuaz, “is to be done,” or neltiz, “is to be realized,” or, most commonly, both). One is inclined to call these admonitions perorations, for they almost always come at the end of a section (often an item), and they are oratorical in character. Generally they are in the future tense, which in Nahuatl often (as sometimes in English) has the force of a very strong command. There may be only a single general exhortation or warning in the preamble or the ending or at.some important juncture in the text, but often the urging becomes a formula automatically repeated after each item.** In Spanish wills, such additional commands are hardly found; adding nothing to the legal validity of the bequests, going beyond the purview of the testator, they would appear simply gratuitous. They make sense only if imagined as directed to an audience. Thus for all that the Nahuatl will employed the Spanish testamentary form—an abstract first-person statement in which the words in writing, addressed to no one in particular, were primary, and a written signature lent validity—ait remained residually a speech to a surrounding circle. An additional indication of that speechlike nature is the use of another element miss-

Ways of Writing | 369 ing in Spanish testaments, the formula ye ixquich, “that is all,” with which

Nahuas customarily ended any longer utterance. Sometimes the notary changed to the third person at this point, writing “that is all of the sick person’s statement,” but more often the testator was permitted to speak for himself.25 Once a Culhuacan notary allows the person issuing the will to come on stage in actual direct confrontation with the audience at this juncture, saying, “Oh my children, this is all I have said and what you who are present and will be named here have heard.” * Indeed, we must imagine that testators carried on in the old fashion much of the time, haranguing the audience rather than dictating to the notary, and that the notary partially abstracted from the proceedings to produce the versions that we read today. Even the perorations, though within an oral tradition, are probably abstractions to an extent. Testators doubtless uttered ad-

monitions, but notaries standardized them. In general, admonitions and exhortations vary with the notary rather than with the individual testator.®’

Yet a Nahuatl will remained more a record of a speech act than a piece of paper, more like a courtroom transcript than a European bill of sale or

testament. |

An evolution is involved here that I am not yet equipped to discuss systematically. My impression is that it may go somewhat as follows. The very earliest wills are often particularly close to the Spanish model, with little or no obvious oralisms and few deviations of any kind from the pattern originally set by the Spaniards.*? The notary, with the new model still quite firmly in his consciousness, tended to abstract strongly from what was actually said. An autonomous tradition of Nahuatl testaments had not yet formed. After a

generation or so, Nahua notaries ceased to think directly in terms of the original models and instead operated by precedents and their own evolving practice. Now more orality and other Nahua tradition crept in. It is at this time, with things still very fluid, that spontaneity was at a maximum, and more of what testators said was written down literally than at any other time. The next step was that certain aspects of orality and Nahua tradition were frozen as written formulas that represented but no longer so literally reproduced the testamentary speech act; the latter may have continued much as before or may have gradually assimilated to some degree to the now long-

standing Spanish-Nahuatl formulas.” These steps look a bit like my three stages of overall development but do not seem to coincide with them in most ways. They represent a quite purely

internal evolution in the Nahua world rather than adjustment to an everincreasing Spanish presence. The first two steps both took place in Stage 2, and though the third is indeed characteristic of Stage 3, wills were increasingly formulaic in the new style by the early seventeenth century.

370 Ways of Writing Given the declamatory nature of the Nahuatl will, the audience was an integral part of the testamentary proceedings. In the Spanish genre, the closest thing to an audience was the body of witnesses (although their primary function was to observe the signing of the document), and that term (testigos) was quickly taken over and applied to the listeners present, or to some of them.

In some early Nahuatl testaments there is, from the Spanish point of view, nothing special to note about the number or type of witnesses listed.” But two distinctive tendencies, not necessarily mutually exclusive, do characterize

witnesses to Nahuatl wills across the sixteenth century and later, seen en masse. One was the use of altepetl officials—cabildo members, the fiscal of the church, and others—over and above the notary who wrote the will. The other was the presence of a larger number and variety of witnesses than the Spaniards generally used. Spanish wills, especially in the case of people of high rank, were some-

times attested to by a substantial number of witnesses, but rarely did they include females. Witnesses to Nahuatl wills were women as often as not. A convention even existed for listing them; after naming the male witnesses in

one block, notaries would often write the heading cibuatzitzintin, “the women,” and proceed to list them in turn. The body of witnesses often included close associates and neighbors of the testator, as well as those who were receiving bequests or who were debtors or creditors. Heads or elders of the immediate ward or subdistrict might be present. Married couples often made up a good proportion of the men and women witnesses.*} Despite exceptions, it seems to me that the later sixteenth century was the great time of listing large numbers of ordinary people as witnesses, and that by Stage 3 the predominant pattern was to call on present or past governors and alcaldes and above all the fiscal of the church, supplemented by a few associates or relatives of the testator. Possibly women were less frequently represented among the witnesses of the eighteenth century, though this impression re- -

published form. | 3

mains to be verified by systematic research as more wills become available in

The apparent intention behind the use of both authorities and a cross

section of the neighborhood as witnesses was to have valid representatives of the community hear the testator’s statement. Likewise, it was apparently considered important to have people who were directly affected, and who might later be expected to raise objections, present at the proceedings. The nature of the witnesses, together with the nature of the statements of the testator, leads me to the conclusion (as earlier put forth elsewhere®) that the understood purpose of the witnesses’ presence was much broader than in the Spanish system. It appears to me that the primary function of the body of witnesses was to give assent on behalf of and in the eyes of the community—assent not

| Ways of Writing 371 merely to the fact that a certain ceremony was properly carried out, but to the truth and validity of what the testator said. The Nahuatl wills in the archives were brought to the authorities not only to settle disputes among heirs, but to prove family possession in the first place, like a deed, something wills could not do in Spanish law. The audience by its silent presence was saying that the assets mentioned in fact belonged legitimately to the testator and that his allocation of his goods was also legitimate. | In this light, the testator’s perorations take on the nature of the community’s indirect statement that the will must be enforced. In this light, too, certain other assertions that seem to exceed the testator’s proper scope can be understood. It was common for the testator to order items sold, and going beyond that, to order what price they were to fetch.*’ These apparently overambitious recommendations make more sense if we interpret them as implying the assent of the audience to the declared worth of certain items under current conditions. On the principle of “speak now or forever hold your peace,” it is not strange that members of the audience sometimes did speak out. This was probably the expected course of action of audience members since preconquest times; thus some of the episodes I cited earlier as examples _ of oral spontaneity, though they do partake of that nature, involve purposeful, appropriate steps foreseen within the framework and are not spontaneous in the sense of being random departures from the norm. Likewise, appar-

ently passionate outbursts on the part of the testator, lambasting deadbeat kinfolk, can be seen as a calculated and normal way of putting a case before the audience to justify actions against those relatives, leaving them out of the bequests or repudiating their debts.° Because wills are so relatively abundant and so basic to Nahuatl documentation, I have used them to explicate the interplay between the pronouncements of the primary party and the usually implicit assent and legitimation of the witnesses as audience and representative of the community. Many of the same things can be said about most mundane Nahuatl documents that have any pretension to legal force, and especially land documents. The latter even show some of the characteristic phenomena more distinctly than the testaments, for as we saw from a different point of view in Chapter 5, the witnesses to acts of possession were often too numerous to name, being

the bulk of the population of the neighborhood where the property was located. Furthermore, they were normally interrogated specifically about the validity of the transfer in question, and they gave their reply as a body, expressing the consensus.°”

In many Nahuatl bills of sale, on the other hand, there is little noticeable orality and no special role for the witnesses that one can detect. The witnesses

are often no more numerous than in a comparable Spanish document, and

372 Ways of Writing the Nahuatl notaries often follow the wording of the Spanish model even more closely than with wills, leaving the use of specific terminology as the primary way in which a strong indigenous residue shows through.”

The Evolution of the Spanish Documentary Genres in Nahuatl The residual substratum of indigenous communication modes tends to be the most interesting and perhaps in some ways the most significant aspect of

postconquest Nahuatl writing at all stages, in the sense that it gives it its special character. But we must not forget the enormous impact of various Spanish documentary genres, which became, in easily recognizable versions retaining the main lines of the original models, a basic component of Nahuatl writing practice. Very close reproductions of Spanish formats can be found at various time periods. Some of the closest are by well-instructed Nahua writers in major centers at a very early time. In the later sixteenth century, as alphabetic writing spread to smaller and more remote altepetl with less access to Spanish instruction, and as the Nahuas found ways to express traditional

patterns within the new framework, Nahuatl documents in the Spanish genres tended to become rather less like the Spanish “originals.” Then over ~ the long haul into the middle and later eighteenth century, they again approached closer, never becoming identical but showing an impressive grasp of Spanish terminology, procedures, and formats.” One would like to know much more about the details of this evolution. Just how did the Spanish formats reach Nahua writers in the first place? Were models in Nahuatl worked out in major centers by Spanish ecclesiastics with the help of Nahua aides, then diffused through the country? The variety of formulaic detail in early Stage 2 writing speaks prima facie for a multiplicity of models devised by different persons in different places. The prize exhibit at our disposal in trying to get a better notion of the process is a model will published by fray Alonso de Molina; the document and some of its implications are analyzed in considerable detail and in a rather technical fashion in Appendix B. Briefly, the Molina sample, which may have been a common product of the Mexico City—Tlatelolco Franciscan philologists, shares a good many formulations with actual Nahuatl wills both early and late. It may have — had a significant influence, though in many cases the near-inevitability of translations of the general Spanish model makes this hard to prove. At the same time, actual Nahuatl wills vary from the Molina sample in a large number of ways, some because of Nahuatlisms and some probably because of _ other Spanish sources of inspiration. Only a tiny group of Nahuas directly instructed by the philologists in the capital appears to have made any attempt to follow the Molina model consistently. Consideration of Molina’s sample

Ways of Writing 373 testament thus strengthens the impression that multiple models were prepared on different occasions, making for individual and regional variation and favoring a gradual, semiautonomous evolution of style. Though no outside explanatory information is available on the growing idiosyncrasy of late-sixteenth-century Nahuatl documents of Spanish type, the phenomenon tends to explain itself quite readily. It can only mean that the Nahuas soon became independent of their first mentors, and, left to their own devices, found ways of doing things appropriate to their own needs and traditions. The subsequent return in the direction of correct or standard Spanish-style formats and terms surely is in some way the artifact of the increasing Nahua-Spanish contact that defines the whole later period. As to the form that contact took, I tend to the same theory as with changes in orthography and calligraphy, that literate Nahuas were seeing and handling more Spanish documents in the course of their ordinary activities and because of their increased bilingualism were better able to understand and be influenced by them than in earlier times.

9

Forms of Expression THE NAHUAS DID NOT lack for means of expressing themselves. All the matters talked about in the previous chapters were authentic, essential expressions of their way of life and manner of dealing with the changing reality about them. Other important vehicles of expression, such as the crafts, have largely escaped the net laid here to capture Nahua patterns. What the present chapter seeks to do is to separate out and examine the postconquest Nahuas’ modes of more conscious self-expression, of the type often found in our civilization (at least in more recent times) in the arts, philosophy, scholarship, and journalism. We are restricted perforce to those aspects that have left tangible evidence behind; thus little can be said about dance, as well developed as we know it was both before and after the conquest. Some genres, such as preconquest calendrical books of days and fates, were entirely lost after the Spaniards came, so far as we know, and others, if they did not disappear, at least largely went underground, including above all the set speeches that, as Sahagun recognized, contained philosophy as well as rhetoric.: But postconquest reduction and loss are not the only or even the main problem in the present endeavor. Although the Nahua mind and ours share vast reaches of the intellect and the emotions, they differ in their distribution over a spectrum. One is reminded indeed of the differences in the

, actual spectrum of colors; it is clear, for example, that Nahuatl coztic, generally translated “yellow,” shaded into what we would consider orange and even light red, and the Nahuatl terms in the area of green and blue seem always to point in the direction of turquoise rather than sharply distinguishing the two colors that we see. In activities of the mind, though the Nahuas had well-defined genres, those genres did not divide the various functions as , we would. Rarely will a text be found devoted to relatively pure self-expression or pure enjoyment; nor do | take this to be a new facet of postconquest life. Everything the Nahuas said or wrote seemed to have some immediate, pressing, practical, not to say ulterior, purpose; for all their pride in them-

Forms of Expression 375 selves, the Nahuas were blessedly little inclined to narcissism. And no culture ever took more joy in words. Metaphor, order, elaboration, were everywhere,

in practically every utterance, but one is hard put to find anything falling clearly into our category of belles lettres, with the possible exception of the song collections that have come down to us. Thus expression and aesthetics tended to be a part of all genres rather than rigorously compartmentalized, a , state of things very common outside recent Western culture, and one to which perhaps it would be well to return. Mundane Nahuatl documents, then, were an avenue of cultural expression second to none, but they will not be reconsidered here, for much of this book is devoted to their content, and Chapter 8 in discussing techniques of

writing touched on their form. Instead, this chapter will treat four genres that in different ways stand aside from mundane documentation and that contain a large quotient of intellectual-cultural reflection or “expression”: (1) histories, practically all in annals form; (2) songs; (3) drama, all religious or close to it; and (4) the late “‘titles” of altepetl, with overtones of history and legend. In addition, in view of recent advances in art historical research and the already mentioned affinities between writing and painting, I will briefly try to put some phenomena from the visual arts in the context of the

other materials. , |

J approach the texts and genres J will be discussing with much diffidence.

For well over a decade, I and others have been poring over the kinds of everyday Nahuatl documents so crucial to this book, and by now we are familiar with many of the paths they take. Only in the last five years or so has this New Philology, as I have called the movement,; begun to explore texts of the kinds traditionally more associated with what some think of as high culture. Though writings of this type entered the consciousness of the scholarly world ahead of mundane documents, they are at this point much less well understood. The process of producing the necessary high-quality editions and commentaries has only started. With some of the genres, especially the titles, only a fraction of the probably extant corpus is presently known. Under the circumstances, it might seem that the enterprise of the present chapter is premature. Not entirely, I imagine. Enough has been learned about the materials to recognize in them some of the same patterns, emphases, and

— trends found in other aspects of the Nahua world, throwing light in both directions and making the overall evolution of the Nahuas moré comprehensible. But the time for a comprehensive survey has not come, and what follows here does not mean to be one.* Rather, it makes a series of pertinent general points illustrated by selected outstanding or representative examples, some of them the same works used for a similar purpose in Chapter 8.

376 Forms of Expression Annals On several counts, a type of historical work that we can call annals, since the entries were normally ordered strictly by year, occupies a unique place among the kinds of writing practiced by the postconquest Nahuas. In general, annals were produced more independently of Spanish auspices than were extant Nahuatl songs and plays, and they continued to be written over a longer time period. “Titles” were equally autonomous Nahua productions, but they

are confined to the late period, and their authors were often less than fully trained in the lore of Nahua government and literacy, whereas the authors of annals were well educated and well placed, usually cabildo members or functionaries in the local church establishment, in either case quite high ranking in society, centrally involved in altepetl affairs, and knowledgeable about both worlds, the Spanish and their own. The same sort of people wrote the

annals as produced mundane Nahuatl documentation, but here they were freer to express personal or factional opinion in addition to representing the altepetl. Indeed, the annals form gave scope for a wider range of topics and | attitudes than any other genre of the postconquest period. Of the presently available examples, most are anonymous, possibly because of the accretive nature of the genre, but also because author attribution in general seems not to have been a very strong Nahua tradition. Where the author or authors are known, it is sometimes only because of chance remarks dropped in the body of the work, as in the case of the relatives named Garcia who participated in the composition or revision of a set of annals of Hua‘mantla (Tlaxcalan region).’ For the author to declare himself openly is quite rare; the main examples are Chimalpahin and Tezozomoc late in Stage 2, and

Stage 3.° ,

the Tlaxcalan chronicler Zapata with his glossator Santos y Salazar in As became clear in the preceding chapter, this kind of history followed a preconquest tradition, but as so often, we must mainly deduce the nature of that tradition from postconquest evidence and are left with many uncertainties. The name of the genre was apparently xiubpobualli, “year count, year relation,” a term used by its greatest exponent Chimalpahin, xiubtlacuilolli, “year writing,” or (ce)xiuhamatl, “(each) year paper’’; all three contain the word xihuitl, ‘year.’ Another possibility, however, is altepetlacuilolli, ‘“‘altepetl writing,” which rather than describing the structure of the genre succinctly expresses its central focus.* In this connection, an important unanswered question concerns the sponsorship of preconquest annals. All known postconquest annals, whether the author is named or not, are personal, unofficial enterprises even though the altepetl is their primary topic, and they are correspondingly full of partisanship. Was this the case in preconquest

Forms of Expression 377 times too, or were there not official altepetl historians, guardians of the canonical version of the truth? At present it seems impossible to say. A near universal of Nahua historical writing is the inclusion of each event under its corresponding year reckoned by the indigenous calendar, creating a work in which the equivalents of chapters are the successive year units. The year is prominently marked and serves as a heading. Inside the year, the subunit is the separate event, signaled in the earlier annals by a glyph or picture

and in the later ones at least by a paragraph marker or the introductory comment “also in this year,” or the like. The year-chapter is thus a miscellany of distinct topics having in common only the fact of having occurred in the same year. Many annals, it is true, have only one or two events for most years. In those portions written contemporaneously by the author as observer, there is usually a chronological progression through the year, lending greater continuity and unity. But the form is very different from the type of history most practiced by the Spaniards in the Indies. Even though Spanish histories were also more often than not straightforwardly chronological (hence the name cronica, “chronicle”), each work had a special topic announced in its title and consisted of chapters, however episodic, which carried the story further along that thread, also usually titled, in the fashion of “How the Captain Escaped from His Enemies,” or “How the Expedition Arrived at the Indian

Town and Was Peacefully Received.” ,

Annals organization is another example of the Nahuas’ tendency to build larger units by the arrangement of discrete parts retaining their distinctness. In this case, since the number and size of the topics were bound to vary with the year, the often accompanying features of numerical symmetry and rotation are not present at the level of the subunits, the events, but they are prominent in the calendrical ordering of the years, with the four repeating year signs and the thirteen repeating numerical coordinates. Perhaps this is why Nahua annalists stuck so tenaciously to the indigenous system (as well as the Christian year in nearly all cases) when it so soon faded from all other kinds of Nahuatl writing, mundane and otherwise. Aside from the persisting indigenous structure, postconquest Nahuatl annals early and late have certain common characteristics that in all probability go back to the preconquest genre. Practically all are written by a citizen of the local altepetl, and often a specific subdivision of it, and the home unit becomes not only the main topic but the vantage point from which anything else that comes up is viewed. Changes of altepetl office, above all in the governorship but also in the other cabildo posts, are the single most common type of annals fare, in some histories representing the bulk of the entries. If the work has a preconquest section, changes of tlatoani are reported in the same spirit and with much of the same vocabulary. The term often employed

378 , Forms of Expression in the preconquest passages in reference to taking office, tlatocatlalia, “‘to place as tlatoani, as ruler,” occurs also with the postconquest governorship.° Other major events affecting the altepetl as a corporation are also reported: for the preconquest period, migrations, foundations, wars, dynastic conflicts;

for the postconquest, election disputes, changes in tributes, jurisdictional strife and rearrangements including congregaciones, and any other striking or controversial developments. Over and above strictly altepetl-related news, annals concentrate on note-

worthy events in general, the sort of thing that the populace would tend to become excited or concerned about and long remember. Even here the altepetl is still the viewing point and often the arena. More or less natural phenomena, most but not all bringing disaster, are prominent among such items. _ Comets and solar eclipses are copiously reported, as are earthquakes, snow and hail storms, downpours, floods, visitations of locusts, dry years with famine, and outbreaks of epidemic disease. Spectacles and scandals are not neglected: parades, consecrations of new buildings or images, celebrations, and notable theatrical productions (much of this kind of thing has directly to do

with the corporate image of the altepetl), but also public hangings, disturbances of the peace, and notorious murders. In this vein, miraculously moving images of saints and the arrival of papal bulls were likely to find their place among the entries. In brief, much of the content of annals, though distributed

over a longer time period, was a great deal like what goes into newspapers today, and to tell the truth, perhaps not into our most distinguished and analytical newspapers. All of the above topics, mutatis mutandis, I take to have been character-

istic of preconquest annals as well, as the preconquest sections of certain sixteenth-century histories tend to confirm." In at least some sense new was the interest of postconquest annalists in the appointment and some of the activities of Spanish officials, primarily viceroys and bishops, but at times descending to corregidores and priors of monasteries or parish priests. This facet was an extension of the altepetl emphasis, in two ways. First, the information reported was for the most part of the same type as given for the local governor and cabildo and before that, for the tlatoani. Second, the Spanish officials were of interest first and foremost because of their direct interaction with the home altepetl; the only lesser functionaries mentioned, whether administrators or clerics, were those who served in the annalist’s altepetl. High officials are noted when they assume or leave office, when they take actions | with repercussions on the local altepetl, and when they pass through or come to visit, on which occasion, it is hoped, they will spend a long time and praise all they see. A seventeenth-century annalist of Puebla wrote approvingly of a viceroy’s visit that “he admired things absolutely all over Puebla before he

, Forms of Expression 379 left.” Possibly annals of preconquest altepetl gave somewhat similar attention to the lords of Tenochtitlan and Tetzcoco, forming some sort of prece-

dent, but this is not known for sure. | Despite their emphasis on the corporate and publicly known side of

things, postconquest annals as unofficial productions often contain personal items as well. This is a bit ironic considering that so many annals early and _ late are anonymous. Yet the unnamed sixteenth-century author of the Codex Aubin put down, as we saw in Chapter 6, the start of construction on a house for a saint’s image at his home, and he also recorded the birth over the years of Juana Lépez, “Bastiana” (Sebastiana), and “Mariaton” (Little Maria), perhaps his daughters, as well as, unfortunately, a requiem mass for Juana Lopez in 1584, seventeen years after she was born.’ The work of the late-seventeenth-century Tlaxcalan annalist don Juan Buenaventura de Zapata is full of

personal tidbits, of which the following is one of the juiciest: | In the night before the day of San Juan Papa Martir, today Tuesday the 27th of May in the same year of 1675, thieves entered our house. There were six of them; two came in a window. One came in ahead of the others, and the very first thing he did was grab me; when I was about to get loose, he called his companion so that both of them took me on together. And when I grabbed his knife, he gave me some good cuts on the arms. The other four kept guard outside my house with swords and a musket. They took away a hundred pesos in cash, but they didn’t take our clothing. Not a rag did they remove, nor did they do us bodily harm."

In some cases, however, the personal goes far beyond adding life and color

to become a basic part of the motivation for the whole work and hence an important criterion in the author’s selection of material. This is easiest to see when we know the author’s name and background. Thus Tezozomoc not only wrote of his own altepetl, but emphasized Mexica royal genealogies and dynastic marriages both before and after the conquest because he himself was connected with the Mexica royal lineage.* With Chimalpahin the case is even

clearer. He had strictly speaking no position in the society of his own Amaquemecan at all, for he lived his whole adult life in Mexico City, and his parents seem to have been on the distant margins of the nobility of Tzaqual-

titlan Tenanco, the subkingdom in which he was born. Chimalpahin had some more illustrious grandparents and more distant forebears, however, and was ultimately a descendant of the kings of the subkingdom. His work on Chalco, therefore, emphasizing, detailing, and extolling the line of kings of | Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco at the expense of many other things he could have told us, has the double effect of raising up (one side of) his lineage and making the most of his own connections with it.’ We saw in Chapter 5 that in matters of Nahua landholding, our categories public and private are not really appropriate, and in Chapter 6, the religion of the saints proved to be simultaneously

380 Forms of Expression personal and corporate. Here we have another piece of the same cloth, the

fact that for annals writers corporate pride and personal lineage pride

, coincided.

Many annals, from all time periods, divide sharply into two distinct parts, though the division is never explicitly announced. A first portion deals with the time before the author-compiler’s life, or at least the time before he started writing. The entries are usually brief, often confined to the barest essential facts, and few per year, with many years missing entirely. Clearly, beginning annalists usually went searching for historical writings left by their predecessors and copied out entries, at times eclectically, at times practically duplicating an entire earlier text.'* Rare is the annalist who says a word about the origin of his material. Chimalpahin, who tells of exploring among old histories, apparently both pictographic and alphabetic, and interviewing some of their possessors, is an exception.’ He is no exception, however, in his manner of operation, other than in the extent of his searches. Although in a few cases succeeding members of a family may have kept making additions to the same document for a while, and Zapata’s work came into the hands of Santos y Salazar, who glossed it and made a few additions, annals seem to have typically terminated with a writer’s life or period of activity, remaining in the

hands of his descendants, most often doubtless to be lost in the long run. Each new annalist had to start from scratch. Thus though the annals corpus is cumulative over the generations in specific regions, the transmittal was often disjunctive, the new writer at times mechanically copying items whose broader context and significance he no longer understood, and perhaps garbling the original beyond recognition as

a result. Transmittal seems to have followed along the lines of the genre quite rigorously. As well as one can tell, annalists did not generally consult old mundane documentation ‘in Nahuatl or draw on purely oral tradition preserved among local people (both of which the authors of the “titles” to be discussed later apparently often did), but adhered to what they could find in other annals. In the late Tlaxcala-Puebla annals, the same restricted corpus of rather threadbare entries on the sixteenth century appears again and again." Chimalpahin, for all his advantages and resources, seems to have followed the same method. Though close to high-ranking Spaniards who could easily have given him all the information he wanted about past viceroys, he did not consult them on the date of the death of the first Viceroy Velasco, merely noting that the Tenochca and Tlatelolca (i.e., the annalists of those groups) disagreed

on the point. For all these reasons, entries on earlier periods tend to be highly unreliable as sources of hard facts on the time they purport to record, but all the more interesting as the tradition of the writer’s own time. |

Forms of Expression 381 From the date when the writer begins work, everything changes, creating a second section with quite different characteristics. Most annalists seem to have recorded current events as they occurred, year in, year out, using their

own observations and public knowledge as the source. The author of the Codex Aubin apparently laid out blank pages with the year sign decades in advance, a year per page, to be filled in with entries later.2* His plan would not have met the needs of some writers, however, for as they warmed to their work, they increased the number of entries per year and at times expanded them until they were vivid, detailed accounts filling long paragraphs and spilling over the page, the opposite of the terse manner one associates with annals in general. Some of these works became in effect journals, not written perhaps

literally day by day, but accounting for all the high points of the year in a given altepetl. Some writers retain brevity even for contemporary events, but in either case these sections are far closer to the objective facts than the more historical parts. They are not, of course, to be taken entirely at face value. Let us take a sample of a contemporary event reported in a set of annals of late-seventeenth-century Puebla, with the double aim of showing how far

it veers from “typical” annals style (in which a year’s entry might run “don Gaspar de los Reyes was governor; a flood carried away many houses”’) and how it combines relative closeness to fact with strong partisan coloration. In 1682, the annalist reports, the Spaniards began to raise the price of grain, despite a good crop of both maize and wheat. In September, a consortium of

fifty Spaniards applied to the alcalde mayor for a monopoly concession to make and sell (wheat) bread, and Indians were given a day’s notice to stop their breadmaking. The account continues: But they couldn’t keep it up. It was done for only two days in the city, and in those two days people were already starving because of it. On Monday, the 21st day of September, the very day of San Mateo, Monday, and on Tuesday, people were starving. Neither wheat bread nor tortillas could be found, neither in the marketplace nor in shops. And if someone secretly made half a carrying frame full and took it to the marketplace, even if it was tortillas, the Spaniards just fought over it. Even though it was someone of very high standing, the commoners (i.e., “Indians”’) no longer paid them respect. Whoever was first got the bread. There was nothing but weeping. And . then everyone became disturbed, priests and Spaniards as well as commoners, so that everyone took the commoners’ side. The commoners personally gave a letter they _ wrote to the alcalde mayor. When the alcalde mayor was going up to his palace, all the children together with some adults shouted to him, telling him, “Bread, bread, bread, lord captain, we'll starve, we'll starve!” And when the alcalde mayor heard it, and they read him the letter saying that the service of our great ruler the king would perish, that if they were going to forbid us our trade of breadmaking, let the Spaniards do the different services and pay the tribute, when the alcalde mayor had heard it, he quickly ordered a decree to be prepared, and then it was quickly proclaimed that the

382 Forms of Expression , commoners could make bread, and he ordered that the Spaniards be punished, and then the Spaniards who had made the offer fled.”

Such dramatization is not exclusively characteristic of the late period. The best-developed examples known to me are contained in a set of annals done in Mexico City in the 1560’s by someone who was close to the Tenochtitlan cabildo and to the Franciscan friars of the city; by internal evidence, he may have been both a notary and an artist, a tlacuilo in a very broad sense.” The author makes barely a gesture toward a historical section, with less than a page and a half of scanty notes starting well after the conquest, before he wades into a journal-type treatment of the year 1564, giving the full Spanishstyle date for each of the entries, some of which run to pages. One might be inclined to question whether the work belongs to the annals genre at all. After using the names of the year signs in the vestigial first section (a pictorial

component is entirely lacking, at least in the copy preserved), the author abandons them, introducing each year with a heading like “DE 1564 ANos.” Yet the organization is by year, and the topics (with a little weakness in the areas of the heavens and the weather) are those we expect annals to cover. No annals entry has ever given me as full a sense of immediacy, of drawing

the writer and the reader into the observed action, as what this author set down for May 28, 1564: ~ Today, 28th of May of the year 64, was the festivity of the Trinity, and the decree of the father guardian fray Melchor de Benavente was proclaimed, with three items: about curing, and that no one should perform divination in the water, and the third item I didn’t hear very well.”

He then writes that the father guardian (of the Franciscan monastery of Mexico City) proceeded to preach, saying that no one should make up medicines

for others, and told his audience that “your father fray Alonso has come back,” a reference to fray Alonso de Molina, who had gone on a trip to Michoacan. It was in 1564 that the Mexica, having performed a series of duties for the Spaniards ever since the conquest, were obliged to accept fullscale tribute payment like other indigenous corporations, over their strong protest, and the annalist evokes many scenes involving the populace, the cabildo, and Spanish officials. With all his excellences, this writer’s specialty—a general Nahua propensity, to be sure, but not so often seen in annals—is the quasi-verbatim reproduction of longish speeches. After the members of the Tenochca cabildo had delivered the first payment to the royal treasury, they returned to their own headquarters, and three or four of them spoke, on the verge of tears. One don

Martin did in fact weep, then moved to the corner of the room and from there made an ironic speech in reply to the rest, beginning as follows:

Forms of Expression 383 Here you are, you Mexica and Tenochca, now you are satisfied, since you have personally gone to deliver your tribute that you stripped from the hands of the female sex, the pay for their spinning, or a little something they borrowed from someone. You officials, are you happy and content to have been scolded somewhere? Do we | have lands and fields? We only work for a living. You elders, you men of prudence and experience, you have committed malfeasance against the altepetl, you have fought with it, you have offended it.?5

Looked at in both aspects, the laconic and the discursive, annals project an image of the splendor, continuity, and centrality of the altepetl, sometimes attacked and sometimes successfully defended, in an atmosphere of spectacle and against a background of repeating natural and quasi-natural events over which no one has control. How this image arises in the mind of the reader, however, is a bit hard to explain, for the annals tend to be nonreflective and usually ostensibly noncommittal. The simple choice of some topics over others and the march of entries through typical sequences are the most basic and important means of conveying the general message. The one thing that does often draw the annalist’s open commentary is spectacle. For any occasion, _ good or bad, the highest and most frequently seen accolade is “never was the like of it seen before,” or “never since the arrival of the true faith had such a thing happened.” The late-seventeenth-century Puebla annalist quoted before, in describing the commotion over English corsairs in Veracruz, says: “It was a marvelous thing that frightened people greatly and had never been seen since the coming of the faith.” 2 Annals tend to present each eclipse as more fearful than the last, and each reception of a viceroy or consecration of a new church is an unparalleled marvel. Here is a portion of a maximal but char-

Puebla: | acteristic account of a solar eclipse of 1691, again from our annalist of

At nine o’clock it became entirely dark, like seven o’clock at night, and it was dark for a full quarter of an hour. Then the little birds and the crows and buzzards all fell

to the ground and went fluttering about, crying out in distress, and something like yellow tassels of fire lay over the mountains, like the fire and smoke from the volcano, and it was as though people had lost their senses. Some ran to the church, some fell down in fright, and three simply died right away. There was nothing but weeping, and

people no longer knew each other... . All day there were very cold windstorms, and from three to four o’clock it rained. It was fearful what the lord of the near and the

close, our lord God, did on that Thursday afternoon.2’ , Beyond emphasizing spectacle, annalists generally avoid editorial remarks or expressions of emotion. Omochiuh onotlahueliltic, “Woe is me,” or tyoya-

hue, “alas,” can be found in songs, speeches, conversation, and correspondence, but not in annals (unless perchance in quoted speech). A scholar recently noted, in the specific case of Chimalpahin, the apparent flatness of

384 Forms of Expression Nahuatl annals entries,2 and on one level his observation is absolutely correct. Any overtly value-laden remarks tend to be put in the mouths of the actors themselves. Even when annalists take partisan stands, and they often do, they usually present the matter as if it were objective fact, without explicit reflection, analysis, or generalization. Let us take as an example the way some annalists handle mestizos. In point of fact, some people who were biologically partly Spanish functioned usefully and successfully, at a high level, within the indigenous world, but the general Nahua stereotype “mestizo” had mainly pejorative connotations and was often used as a weapon to attack one’s enemies, especially those who aspired to altepetl office.” The Puebla annalist devotes much space to the partially successful battle to keep a don Juan de Galicia, whom he calls a

mestizo, out of the governorship. He has only bad things to say about don Juan, and he reports that the cabildo sent to Mexico City for confirmation of the rule that non-Indians, including mestizos, could not occupy office in an indigenous corporation. But he does not openly generalize.*° The Tlaxcalan Zapata also had a mestizo archenemy in the governorship in his time. He tells how his foe came into office illegally, reports what he considers his foolish and harmful actions, and even calls him a “‘mictlan mextico,” an “infernal mestizo,” but he does not reflect or expand. His glossator Santos y Salazar on occasion does so, saying that the “champurros” (an insulting term referring to mestizos) were not good in public office, that their blood boiled too easily.3! Yet though Santos y Salazar was a Tlaxcalan patriot and of fully indigenous descent, he was Spanish-educated and as one of the few indigenous persons to be ordained into the priesthood, completely at home in Spanish, in which language he wrote most of his glosses, including the one just mentioned. His remark, though pro-indigenous, was more Spanish than Nahua in form. For open reflection by a true Nahua annalist on this topic (or indeed any other, to my knowledge) we must go to Chimalpahin. He too disapproves of mestizo governors but mainly simply reports their terms of office. On one occasion, though, he delivers himself of the following thoughtful statement: And with these mestizos we do not know how their lineage is on the side of the Spaniards, whether their grandfathers and grandmothers back in Spain from whom the mestizos’ fathers who came from there descended were nobles or commoners; they

have come here and married daughters of people of New Spain, some high nobles, and the Spaniards have married some daughters of poor commoners, so that those who have been and continue to be born of these matches are always mestizos, male or female; and some are born just through concubinage and illegitimacy, so that mestizos

male and female descend from us local people. The honorable mestizos, male and female, acknowledge that they come from us; but some misguided mestizos, male and -

female, do not want to acknowledge that part of the blood they have is ours, but

, Forms of Expression 385 rather imagine themselves fully Spaniards and mistreat us and deceive us the same way some Spaniards do. But some Spaniards whom our lord God created with honorable blood do honor and esteem us, although we do not have their blood; yet they recog-

nize and remember that at the foundation and beginning of the world we had only one father Adam and one mother Eve, from whom we descended, although our bodies are divided into three kinds.*

The author goes on to give open, emotional praise to certain high-ranking mestizos who still acknowledge and revere their origin, despite their great success in the Spanish world. The greatest of the annalists, Chimalpahin is both typical and atypical. This reflective mode is his alone, possibly as a func-

tion of the fact that his work is more highly developed in general than any other. We should keep in mind that even he more often than not maintains the reserve of the annals genre. To such an extent were annals the dominant and most inclusive form of individual-corporate written expression among the Nahuas that other types

of documents might become assimilated to them. A good example is the manuscript of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Tepemaxalco discussed in

Chapter 6 (the de la Cruz family papers), which was primarily an account book of current income and expenditures related to religion but took on many annals-like characteristics. It is, naturally enough, organized by year. Over a long stretch, it records the governor for each year, and often other altepetl officials as well. It mentions some disputes and highlights some religious festivities, and its central topic—the renovation of saints, churches, and ecclesiastical trappings—would fit right into a set of annals. As is common with annals, a large part of the motivation of the Tepemaxalco document is to glorify a particular lineage, and it too sometimes veers into the purely personal, recording the marriage or departure of some otherwise insignificant family member or dependent. It even includes a rudimentary set of actual historical annals for a period of some decades before the current accounting began, covering in minimal fashion many of the usual topics.2 _ As strongly marked and relatively uniform as the annals genre was, it of course varied with the author and the time period. Some writers had a deep vocation, others were perfunctory. The individual writers’ predilections put a stamp on their works. Some emphasized politics, others (probably church employees) Spanish ecclesiastical appointments, still others festivities or astronomy and meteorology; some were great gossips.» The differences had the potential of creating separate subgenres, but that potential was never realized. More substantial, systematic distinctions can be made on the basis of time period, specifically by recognizing two large groups corresponding to Stages 2 *CH, 2: 22. The three bodily types Chimalpahin refers to are presumably Amerindian, European, and African. | |

386 Forms of Expression | and 3. Many subtle lines of evolution cross and ignore the periodization by stages, naturally, and temporal distinctions exist that would call for further subdivision of the stages. Certainly, there is a substantial difference between the earliest postconquest annals, for which the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca can serve as model, with an overwhelming emphasis on the preconquest period, and annals of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, in which the postconquest era receives a large part of the writer’s attention. Two facts argue definitively for a distinction between Stage 2 and Stage 3 annals, two facts that in the last analysis are aspects of the same thing. First, despite great differences in emphasis, Stage 2 annals in general contain a substantial section devoted to the preconquest history of the altepetl and carry it as a unit, with its own identity and traditions, past the conquest into postconquest times.** Second, the material presented about the preconquest era, though always in some sense fragmentary and tailored to the purposes of the writer, and surely not to be confused with objective truth, is authentic preconquest lore handed down in a direct line to a writer who still has some understanding of it. Stage 3 annals, on the other hand, are often without any preconquest section at all; or if they have a few entries, these are likely to be in obvious error or presented in such a way that the writer clearly did not understand them.*s Stage 3 annalists had by and large lost contact with the preconquest period. For them, the sixteenth century had itself become a distant, legendary period about which they knew relatively little, although they did have certain living traditions about it. The first distinction leads to the second, which is perhaps more basic. The early postconquest annalists were in possession of earlier pictographic annals and in contact with people who could expound them (perhaps they could themselves); later Stage 2 annalists knew the work of their predecessors well, using it as source material. In this sense, all the Stage 2 annals belong to a single coherent corpus or tradition. With Stage 3 annals, the thread was broken. The late annalists of the Tlaxcala-Puebla region, with the possible exception of Zapata, show no sign of ever having heard of Chimalpahin or Tezozomoc, or even of the sixteenth-century Tlaxcalan historian Tadeo de Niza (whose work has now disappeared and must have been lost to consciousness as early as the second half of the seventeenth century). Perhaps these writers knew of one or two skeletal annals of an early time, whose entries influenced their equally skeletal lore on the sixteenth century. In general, however, they give the impression of having started all over again in the seventeenth century, mainly in the second half. They form a new coherent corpus and tradition, for within the group successors knew and used their predecessors. The annals of the two stages thus represent two partially closed bodies of material. _

One is inclined to say that in Stage 3 annals, appointments of Spanish

Forms of Expression 387 officials and general activities of the Spanish population occupy more space, are more integrated and understood, and that this corresponds to the broadening out of the Nahuas from the altepetl base into the wider Hispanic world in the late period. I think in fact that this will be found to be the case overall, but meanwhile it is best to remember that Chimalpahin and even the Codex Aubin are full of well-understood Spanish activity and that any temporal ordering along the suggested lines must take them into account. In any case, the difference in flavor between the annals of the two periods, at least those of a more discursive nature, is striking. It is partially attributable to the distinctions I have been making, but perhaps it is above all a matter of language. The annals genre in the hands of its masters allowed for relatively free, wide-ranging expression; in Stage 2 annals, we see the classic Nahuatl style and vocabulary in its full development, whereas Stage 3 presents us with the extensive loss of that vocabulary and rhetoric, plus the addition of loan verbs and particles, calques, and other characteristic phenomena of the Nahuatl of the late period, more richly illustrated than in any other form that has come down to us.°¢ Without attempting a full-scale examination of their works, I will say a few words here about some outstanding annalists who, when we have adequate and accessible translations of their writings, are certain to have a large impact on our view of postconquest Nahua thought and history. The dominant figure of Stage 2 is don Domingo de San Anton Munén Chimalpahin Quauhtlehuanitzin, whom modern scholars for some reason call Chimalpahin. Except for the Domingo, he apparently assumed all of this resplendent

name over the years: San Antén from the Mexico City church where he worked, possibly as fiscal; Munon from Spanish patrons; Chimalpahin and Quauhtlehuanitzin from kings of old he claimed as forebears; and “don’”’ for the position his erudition must have won him. In everyday life, he was doubtless known as don Domingo de San Anton. Born in the Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco subkingdom (tlayacatl) of Amaquemecan, for obscure reasons Chimalpahin came or was brought to the capital very early, apparently as a child, and he seems to have spent the rest of his life there. Starting probably in the last years of the sixteenth century and continuing into the 1620’s, he wrote the

largest and most distinguished corpus of annalistic history known to have been produced by a Nahua of any time period.” If Pedro Cieza de Le6n is the prince of the Spanish chroniclers of the Indies, and he is, Chimalpahin is just as clearly the prince of the Nahua annalists. His work has all the characteristics of the genre, and often illustrates its qualities better than any other text, even though in many ways it goes beyond that form as usually practiced. Chimalpahin followed the organizational norm to the letter; nearly everything he wrote is in discrete entries arranged

388 Forms of Expression by year, scattered in several different sets of annals.* It was not until a mod-

ern scholar published a transcription rearranging everything into a single chronological scheme that we could see Chimalpahin’s work for what it is.> In one respect (other than the quality of his mind, that is) Chimalpahin is unique. All other annalists known to me were solidly based in a single altepetl, the primary focus of their whole work. Chimalpahin had the same intense micropatriotism; he tells of having seen some annals stored away con-

cerning all Amaquemecan and having read and copied only the portion concerning his own Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco.” Yet living in Mexico City, he became involved in the capital’s affairs and the history of Tenochtitlan, with which to a point he identified. Though his more historical writing, the part about times before his own and especially the preconquest period, is most voluminous and systematic on Amaquemecan, Chimalpahin ranks as at least a major if not the premier indigenous historian of his adopted home. His postconquest entries begin to emphasize the area of the capital more, and his large journal-like sections deal with Mexico City almost exclusively. Thus through circumstances, the great Chalco patriot, without ceasing to be such, became the most cosmopolitan of the annalists. Let us briefly consider some of Chimalpahin’s excellences. We have already seen his unusual reflectiveness, for the genre. He carried out more extensive researches than any other annalist, and told us more about them (still not very much, by modern standards). He collected and consolidated a whole series of annals of the capital, several of which still survive, and he did the same for Chalco, where all the earlier works are now lost. Not only did he unite the work of his predecessors by bringing much of it together; he unified it by developing a uniform terminology, particularly in the realm of political life, giving us an invaluable, translucent insider’s view of Nahua modes of organization.*: And he was a master of the language, willing and able to bring whole scenes to life when something struck him. The following is only one of the passages one could quote in this respect: Today, Friday the 26th of the month of August of 1611, before dawn as the clock struck three, there was a very strong earthquake such as had never happened before, so that the earth here in the city actually moved, and the water of the great lake at | Tepetzinco, going toward Tetzcoco, made great noises as it boiled and stirred, and the other waters surrounding Mexico City all made noises as they boiled and flew up. The water slapping made a sound as though something were falling to the ground from a precipice; it cannot be said or expressed how wide the great stream became and how frightful the slapping of the water was. And all the wells in people’s homes everywhere stirred as though someone were taking a bath in them, the way the water flew, boiled,

and splashed, hitting and throwing itself against the cistern walls. , And everyone was sleeping in bed. When they realized there was a strong earthquake, they all got up and ran out of the bedrooms where they were sleeping and

Forms of Expression 389 came outside. The Spanish men and women too all came out just as they had been sleeping. Some were just in shirts, some came out naked into the patios, some then went out into the road. It was as though we were all drunk, we were so afraid when we saw how houses were collapsing and falling to the ground, for in people’s homes everywhere much stone and adobe came falling in all directions from the tops of the houses. The walls of houses were damaged everywhere, they all ripped open even if they were new houses just built; those especially were all damaged and cracked.... _ It was very frightening what happened, and it was pitiful to hear the cries over what was happening to us, for the earth went this way and that and we couldn’t stand, we just kept falling down as we stood up, and people really thought that the world was ending. No one remembered what money and property each person had in his house, everything was left inside the house, no one looked at it or saw after it while fleeing; everyone fled outside into the road as long as the earthquake lasted, and many people were hurt running out in the night.”

Chimalpahin then tops this off with an almost equally quotable passage criticizing don fray Garcia Guerra, archbishop and interim viceroy, for taking no measures to help and console the people, going ahead with his great passion

of bullfighting as if nothing had happened. : Don Hernando de Alvarado Tezozomoc, annalist in Nahuatl and chronicler in Spanish, a close contemporary and acquaintance of Chimalpahin’s, is better known today in the broader world than his colleague, because of his Spanish work. The same was true in his own time, for he held a more prestigious position as a high-level interpreter, and he was an authentic member of the royal dynastic clique of Tenochtitlan, called upon at times to be the public representative of the Mexica and the royal line on ceremonial occasions.‘ Unlike Chimalpahin, he got his high dynastic surname from ‘close relatives,

and he was well known by it. But as a Nahuatl annalist he is no equal of Chimalpahin, in breadth or in most other ways. It is thanks to Chimalpahin, in fact, that we know Tezozomoc’s Nahuatl work at all, for as part of his tireless researches, Chimalpahin copied his “Chronica mexicayotl,” adding his own comments and corrections parenthetically, and this is the only form

that survives. ,

As we would expect, Tezozomoc emphasizes the history of the Mexica altepetl and the genealogy of noble Mexica, leading in the direction of him- © self. Valuable as his material is, it is extraordinarily narrow; he eschews most of the range of standard annals topics, and even his Mexica governmental history is mainly confined to the preconquest period. For that epoch, he seems to be following one or two older sources very closely. The bulk of the rest of the work deals with descent and marriage among the high nobles of Valley of Mexico towns, centered on the Mexica, in postconquest times, apparently based on Tezozomoc’s personal knowledge and experience. Despite its clear bias, it convincingly shows the persistence up to Tezozomoc’s time of precon-

390 Forms of Expression quest dynastic marriage patterns in the Valley, with a wide network in which

the Mexica played a unifying role. |

Although Tezozomoc’s Nahuatl history entitles itself a chronicle and even mentions a “first chapter” with a typical Spanish descriptive heading (“Which Discusses the Coming and Arrival of the Mexica Here in New Spain’’),* it in

fact follows the usual year organization of Nahuatl annals, broken only by lists of children and marriages that cannot be fit into a single year (the same thing happens with Chimalpahin at times). The outstanding characteristics of the “Chronica mexicayotl” are the depth and coherence of its genealogical information and the well-developed dialogues used as a narrative device in the preconquest sections. These are sometimes more oratorical, sometimes more conversational, but in either case usually equipped with all the niceties of Nahuatl oral protocol. We must not entirely neglect Tezozomoc’s most famous work, the Cronica mexicana, even though it is in Spanish, especially since it is full of titles and terms left in Nahuatl, and it gives signs of being in large part a close transla-

tion of an earlier Nahuatl text or family of texts, called by some the “Cronica X,” which circulated in the second half of the sixteenth century among those interested in Mexica antiquities. This history was a magnification of Tenochtitlan’s preconquest imperial accomplishments, suiting Tezozomoc’s purposes very well. All that was left for him to do was to explain

terms, concepts, and allusions that a Spanish reader might have found puzzling, add an orthodox Christian perspective (perhaps already in the original), and make some connections with the Mexico City of his own day.” An outstanding feature of Tezozomoc’s Spanish chronicle, just as of his Nahuatl annals, is the inclusion of a large number of elaborate speeches by the actors. These prove to follow Nahuatl conventions through the barrier of language and indeed at the expense of idiomatic Spanish. Tezozomoc wrote fluent if not elegant Spanish, but the speeches often have a strange ring because of the literal translation of Nahuatl idioms. Thus the polite inversions of Nahuatl are retained; superiors call their aides their fathers, inferiors call the king their grandchild, and whole addresses follow Nahuatl conventional

forms. |

The Cronica mexicana, unlike its Nahuatl counterpart, is truly in the

form of a Spanish chronicle, with topically or episodically organized chapters

and very little attention to dates. The book makes one wonder about the nature of the Nahuatl original; fray Diego Durdan’s history of Tenochtitlan, based on some version of the same text, is also in chapters and not at all annals-like.** Was there a preconquest genre separate from annals that was more episodic and narrated through dialogue? I think it not likely. Duran’s version is lavishly illustrated, often with a picture per chapter, clearly derived from drawings accompanying the original Nahuatl alphabetic text. These, I

Forms of Expression 391 warrant, derived in turn from topic-indicating pictographs within an annals format, each one triggering in the trained preconquest annalist a recital of associated dialogues and narrative.*° In a Spanish context, the topics became chapters and the years were neglected. On the other hand, in the postconquest annals genre, much of the oral recital must have been lost at some point, leaving successors to reconstruct from the pictorial component alone and

leading to the terse postconquest annals style.*! | In the late period, the outstanding figure is the Tlaxcalan don Juan Buenaventura Zapata y Mendoza, who did his writing through several decades of the second half of the seventeenth century. Zapata exceeds other known _ Stage 3 annalists by as much as Chimalpahin surpasses those of Stage 2, and indeed more, for in Zapata’s time the competition was far less formidable.» To begin with, unlike his contemporaries, Zapata has far more than vestigial, pro forma information on the time before 1600. True, the emphasis falls on the seventeenth century and above all his own time, but his entries for the sixteenth century proceed year by year, giving the best account known of the membership of the Tlaxcalan cabildo outside the cabildo minutes (of which hardly two decades are preserved). Moreover, Zapata includes several pages of preconquest history that surely pale in comparison to Chimalpahin or the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, but that seem to come directly from sources of a much earlier period; even the language differs markedly from the author’s own. We need to know much more about Zapata’s historical sources, but it is already clear that he made a serious effort to go beyond received tradition and was in much closer touch with the reality of earlier times than other

writers of his era. _ When Zapata gets to the seventeenth century, his entries begin to become more copious, and for several decades before he stopped writing in 1692, the

work is journal-like, with full reports on several separate events for most years. The material falls entirely into the normal annals range as described above, but it is so much more voluminous that it often seems something quite

different, and of course it has its own special emphases and tendencies. Zapata himself was a member of the Tlaxcalan officeholding group, often alcalde, once cabildo notary, and once even governor, so he writes of municipal government as an insider. Each year begins with a full and clearly reliable list of all cabildo officials high and low, almost as though the book were a set of cabildo minutes, but the author adds interesting details about the members’ affiliations and at times, probably in the case of political enemies, makes snide remarks that they are of low social origin, currying favor with Spanish officials, or have bought their offices.

, Municipal pride swells large in Zapata, or perhaps he simply loved pomp and display; at any rate, he gives us splendid portraits of all kinds of public ceremonies, from viceregal receptions and chapel consecrations to royal fu-

392 Forms of Expression | neral rites. He especially loved bells, thanks to which we are told of the founding, hanging, moving, and repair of the bells of every church in Tlaxcala. All of the splendor (and disaster too) is closely associated with the altepetl and the cabildo. When a festivity occurs or a new chapel is built, Zapata is sure to say who was on the cabildo at that time, even if he has given the same names a page or two before, and he is inclined to do the same even with floods and earthquakes. But if a ceremony did not go well, Zapata did not hesitate to say so; in fact, he seems to have rather enjoyed saying so. In giving the schedule of a bishop’s visit in 1682, he does not fail to mention that the bishop went away leaving many unhappy children unconfirmed.’ When a new curate arrived in 1685 to take possession of his office, not many people came out to meet and honor him despite the casting of coins to the crowd,

because he arrived at midday mealtime.*

In many ways, Zapata shows himself to be a man of his time, and that includes his use of language; on his pages we find characteristic phenomena of Stage 3, such as loan verbs and particles, calques, and the extensive use of plural endings with inanimate nouns.** Yet one also detects a conservatism in Zapata’s language. The concept of “past” governors and alcaldes was impor-

tant to him, just as it was to his contemporaries, but he uses the somewhat strained indigenous term omochiuhque (“who had been made”’) rather than the Spanish pasados.*’ His favorite bells he calls coyolin, not campana, and they are housed in a coyolcalli, not a campanario; for bridge, he avoids Spanish puente in favor of quappantli. It is conceivable that Tlaxcalan Nahuatl was somewhat more conservative than the language of some other regions; it is also possible that Zapata, who must have grown up before the mid-seventeenth century, retained some of the usage of his youth. I strongly suspect, however, that we have here the beginnings of a conscious linguistic purism

and culturally motivated resistance to loans that was not characteristic of earlier times (and never became the dominant current). Zapata tends to fall back into the use of Spanish loans (“campana,” “puente’’) in unguarded moments.°* It is particularly revealing that he is entirely uninhibited in his use of nominal plurals, I believe because he did not realize that the blanket pluralizing of inanimates was foreign to the Nahuatl of earlier generations. At any rate, Zapata’s work is a major resource for Nahuatl cultural history; in time, his name will be as familiar as Chimalpahin’s or Tezozomoc’s.”

Songs | | Our next genre has a good deal of affinity with the annals we have been discussing in the sense that it too was well developed in preconquest times, and that it too was often concerned with history and the altepetl. It was very different in many ways, of course, and one of them was in its relation to

: Forms of Expression : 393 writing. Although one source mentions books of songs before the conquest, it is hard to imagine, given the nature of writing as practiced by the Nahuas of that time, what these books could have been other than glyphic inventories of compositions committed to memory and to be recited orally. In postconquest times, though as we will see there is much evidence of the continuing popularity of songs in the indigenous style, the Nahuas did not spontaneously put them on paper, as so many hastened to do with their annals. The precious, not insubstantial corpus of sixteenth-century Nahuatl song that has reached us owes its existence to deliberate attempts to preserve something that would in the normal course of events perhaps never have been written down at all. Far the most important item in the corpus is the Cantares Mexicanos, a large collection compiled by Nahuas under the auspices of the Franciscan philologists of the capital.*' The version we know was produced in the late sixteenth century, but compilation, copying, and recopying had clearly been going on for some time, and there are specific references to earlier decades. A second, smaller and more specialized collection, set down possibly as late as the early seventeenth century but apparently deriving ultimately from much the same circles as the Cantares, is the Romances de los sefiores de la Nueva Espana, found in association with the Spanish chronicle or report of the Tetzcocan mestizo author Juan Bautista de Pomar.® A set of several religious songs or hymns in Sahagun’s Florentine Codex completes the larger accumulations of Nahuatl song of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, though additional scattered bits are found quoted in some of the annals. The restricted body of material is adequate for some kinds of analysis but hardly for others. So complex and sometimes veiled is the language, as was noted at the time, that interpretations of the meaning and basic nature of the songs tend to remain controversial. —

Scholars have often used the word poetry to classify Nahuatl song. In many respects, the category is extremely appropriate: the compositions employ a special, artificial or refined language full of metaphor and allusion; they are rigorously structured in ways not found in ordinary speech or even in oratory; and their themes bear a close resemblance to those we associate with European poetry.© Yet I prefer the category song. The traditional European notion of poetry is closely associated with such characteristics as regular meter, fixed line, rhyme, the primacy of the written form, and a relative divorce from music and dance, none of which apply to Nahuatl song. The songs refer repeatedly to the speakers’ dancing, singing, and playing musical instruments. Many are provided with an elaborate drumbeat notation, which. though it remains to be definitively deciphered is undeniable evidence of a rhythmic percussive accompaniment (and the Nahua drums were capable of producing several different pitches). They appear to have been performed

394 Forms of Expression before an audience (idealized as a noble company) and at times have a strong flavor of theater or pageant.*’ Moreover, Nahuatl seems to have had no word closely analogous to “poetry.” In the corpus itself, the songs are repeatedly called cuicatl, which is translated “‘song” much as in English and seems to refer to the production of musical notes with the voice. Molina glosses the verb cuica, from which our noun is derived, as “for a singer to sing, or for the birds to chirp.” It is true that the special term (in) xochitl (in) cuicatl, “flowers and song,” or “flowery song,” is also used throughout the main collections and has been taken to be equivalent to “poetry,” but it seems to me that it simply refers to a finer, more

artificial and highly organized type of song (a common use of xochitl) as opposed to ordinary extemporaneous singing.” If we look for “poetry” in the

Spanish section of Molina, we find what appear to be ad hoc equivalents invented by aides, meaning “composing words,” “arranging words.” ” Modern translators and students of the classic body of Nahuatl song, who have been at work for several generations now, have tended to view the bulk | of the compositions we know as primarily the direct product of preconquest

times, with the merest Spanish-Christian overlay to conform to the sensibilities of ecclesiastical sponsors (for example, replacing the names of indigenous deities with Dios, “God’’).”! To be sure, the principal personae of the majority of the songs preserved are kings and nobles of central Mexican altepetl of the

preconquest period (mainly fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries), and events of that time form the background. But the matter is not as simple as it seems. One thing is clear: the genre itself must be a survival from before the conquest, for it has elaborate conventions implying a long period of evolu- tion, and those conventions are sharply distinct from anything found in Spanish counterparts. Let us discuss these uncontroversial matters first, before proceeding to examine the question of what may be specifically postconquest _

about the body of song. |

Nahuatl song shares some elements of vocabulary and rhetoric with oratory and polite conversation, notably double phrasing,* but it is recognizably different from either, with an unmistakable flavor of its own. A fairly re-. stricted set of stock metaphors, phrases, sentences, and sentiments recurs constantly through the corpus, mixed and varied in kaleidoscopic fashion, going far toward defining the genre and identifying the register of speech. Even more essential to the form, however, differentiating it radically from any other kind of utterance, is its structure. In its manner of organization, Nahuatl song is one more example of the pervasive tendency to achieve coherent *It is true that diphrasis, the employment of a pair of terms to suggest a third concept metaphorically, the pair then often becoming a fixed idiomatic expression, is rather less charac-

teristic of song than of oratory and conversation. | |

Forms of Expression 395 wholes through the symmetrical arrangement of independent parts, and indeed it vies with the altepetl as the most fully developed example of all. In a song, the cellular unit is an entity we may call the verse. Every song is a numerical and ideally symmetrical arrangement of verses.”2 Like the calpolli in an altepetl, each verse is independent of the others, self-contained, so

that all are of equal status. A verse may be recognized as such not by its : — length, for length varies greatly, and the line of a certain number of feet as known in European poetry is not seen; indeed, no fixed metrical scheme in terms of syllables has yet been discovered. Nor does rhyme enter in. A verse is defined by ending in a coda of nonsense syllables or vocables, derived ap-

parently from various exclamations and lamentations, but used in extant | song in a great variety of combinations primarily for rhythmic and sonorous _effect and as punctuation. No verse is without its nonlexical coda.* The body of the verse, the lexical portion, makes statements related to the overall theme of the song but does not openly refer to other verses. Nor do the verses pro-

ceed from one to the next in such a way that each is logically prior to the succeeding one, nor, in the examples that have reached us, do they tell a story. They may use a well-known story as essential background, but only discrete excerpts appear in the song itself. The strictly speaking narrative element is

practically nil in the known body of older Nahuatl song. | If the verse is the atom, the verse pair is the molecule. In the whole song corpus, a single verse not part of some sort of pair is a rarity and anomaly, | leading one to suspect loss or a copyist’s error. The vast majority of songs _ have an even number of verses; when a song reached the compiler with an odd-numbered set, he might take heroic measures to try to rectify the situation.” In some cases, pairing is a matter of subtle parallels or complementarity, but the most common, most basic mode of pairing is the sharing of material between two verses. In the classic pattern, a unique statement is followed by a shared statement (not, however, found elsewhere in the song); the coda may also be shared in this fashion. The amount of material shared

strong: ”4 | | ,

varies, making for stronger or weaker pairs. The following pair is very Do nothing but enjoy, each one enjoy, my friends. Will you not enjoy, will you

| not be ccntent, my friends? Where will I get fine flowers, fine songs? y

abua yya o ahua yia yiaa ohuaya ohbuayat ,

One never spends two springs here. I am afflicted, J Quaquauhtzin. Will you not enjoy, will you not be content, my friends? Where will I get fine flowers, fine songs? y abua yya o abua yia yiaa ohuaya ohuaya

taken for granted. | | ,

*In written versions the most common coda, ohuaya ohuaya, is sometimes omitted, being

tHere and in the song below, shared material in a verse pair is italicized. The nonlexical coda material is left untranslated. !

396 Forms of Expression The pair has the same characteristics as the verse on a different level. It too is self-contained, and when verses are reordered in variants, the pairs are usually respected, being moved as entities. Following the altepetl analogy, we might expect that a song would ideally consist of eight verses, and we would not be entirely disappointed. The most common scheme for a shorter composition indeed calls for four pairs, eight verses in all. Larger compositions or cycles are often in multiples of eight, each eight being a subdivision. Ten is also common in independent compositions, however, and six is much used for the parts of cycles. Whatever the number, it is in principle always even, and it is the numerical symmetry of the pairs that renders the composition a whole. At this point we must observe a distinction between the organization of songs and the organization of political entities. Cellular-modular structure

allows for two main ways of unifying a whole; one is the arrangement of similar independent parts in a satisfying symmetrical scheme, and the other is the establishment of a fixed order of rotation and succession among the parts. Since each pair of a song tends to bear the same relation to the theme as any other,’ the order of succession of the pairs is a matter of relative indifference and can be changed without affecting the symmetry of the whole. And in fact, in the collections we find that the same compiler-copyists who were so inflexibly intent on achieving an even number of verses, and so careful that _ they sometimes went back to add or omit a single letter in a long sequence of nonsense syllables, often put the pairs in different sequences in variant versions of the same song.

Here is an example of an eight-verse song, as typical in its structure asin

its residual translation problems: 1. The flower-plumed quechol bird enjoys, enjoys above the flowers. An ohuaya. 2. Sipping the various flowers he enjoys, enjoys above the flowers. An ohuaya.

3. Covered with green leaves are your body and your heart, Chichimec lord

Telitl; your heart is jade, it is flowers of cacao and fragrant white blooms. Ahua yyao ayya yye. Let us enjoy! A ohuaya. 4. You come intertwined with smiling flowers on the flower tree, on a mat of flowers, from paradise; the flowers swell, rootless flowers. From within flower plumes you sing, Tlailotlac;* you are fragrant, you are intertwined. Ahua yyao ayya yye. Let us enjoy! A ohuaya. 5. We are not twice on earth, noble Chichimecs; let us enjoy. Flowers can’t be taken to the land of the dead, we only borrow them. In truth, we must go. Ohuaya. * A ruler’s title, also an ethnic group name.

Forms of Expression 397 6. Ah, in truth, we are going, we are leaving the flowers and the songs and the earth. In truth, we must go. Obuaya.

7. Where do we go? Where we go when we die, do we still live? Is it a place of enjoyment? Does the Giver of Life still wish entertainment? Perhaps only here on earth are there sweet flowers and songs. Enjoy, each one, our wealth and our garments (of flowers). Ohuaya. 8. Enjoy, noble Chichimecs, for we must go to the home of Popocatzin, Tlailotlac Acolhuatzin.* You will (?); no one will remain. On earth are sweet flowers and songs; enjoy, each one, our wealth and our garments (of

flowers). Ohuaya. |

A variant version starts with what is here the second pair; the third pair, having perhaps been lost, is replaced by a different pair put second in order, followed by the first pair here, so that only the last pair is left in place.” Given, then, that a complex, highly characteristic indigenous song genre survived, with all its subtleties, past the conquest well into Stage 2, what of the compositions themselves? Do they too stem from preconquest times, or are they new products in an old tradition, or does the answer lie somewhere between? In the example just quoted, there is nothing that could not have been composed before the arrival of the Spaniards; even “Giver of Life” (ipalnemoani), although it became an epithet of the God of the Christians, was originally applied to powerful indigenous deities. Famous preconquest kings

and lords of Tenochtitlan, and secondarily of Tetzcoco and other central Mexican altepetl, are the protagonists of a great number of the songs, setting the tone for the whole corpus. , Yet all the dates given in the Cantares for composition, arrangement, or performance are postconquest, centering on the 1550’s and 1560's.” Even more importantly, the people named as composers or arrangers are not the protagonists or central figures celebrated in the songs involved, though the latter are often made to speak in the first person.”” One of the main things

leading to the long-held belief in the direct preconquest origin of the songs : was the impression that the central, first-person speakers in them were their authors. This belief no longer seems valid as a general proposition. The unnamed singer is clearly differentiated from the protagonist in a large number of songs, and even when he is not, the whole point of view of that main core of the corpus concerning famous men of the altepetl is retrospective, the notion being to perpetuate their memory and bewail their passing, thereby honoring both them and the group to which they belonged.*° Even if a song’s date of original composition is normally posterior to the *“The home of Popocatzin is explained by the copyist as “the land of the dead.” Whether “Tlailotlac Acolhuatzin” is direct address or in the third person is not certain.

398 Forms of Expression life of the hero, it could still fall equally well before or after the conquest. The same is true of many songs not featuring any well-known historical person-

age. The very notions “original composition” and “author” are probably rather out of place in this.context. Nahuatl song belonged to oral tradition,

, and in such a tradition, though much can be preserved over considerable periods of.time, the distinction between author and performer can be blurred or nonexistent. Each performer has some model or source from which he to a greater or lesser extent varies in style and content, within the framework of the genre. Things are made little clearer by the fact that the Cantares give credit for certain songs in the postconquest period to specific named individuals on specifically dated occasions. Some of these attributions employ a verb that invites the translation “compose”: tecpana, “to put in order, arrange in a line or sequence.” (The same word often refers to the action of a testator in ordering his will.) Either of two meanings could equally well be intended: to give already existing material a somewhat new numerical verse arrangement and rhetorical clothing, or to make up the basic material in the first place. Perhaps the Nahuas were not attuned to making such a distinction, which can easily be seen as artificial or at least a matter of degree. Another word

used in attributions, tlalia, is just as ambiguous, since it can mean “to set down, to provide, to issue under one’s responsibility,” and a host of related

notions, as well as “to compose.””*®!_. , At any rate, there is no reason that a very large part of the song corpus we know could not represent relatively slight reworkings of preconquest songs, very much in the manner of the preconquest sections of Stage 2 annals.

The great idiosyncrasy of Nahuatl song, before and after the conquest, is , surely the same: the combination of themes of ethnic pride, battle, martial glory, and the divine not with epic narrative but with an intricate lyricism of flowers, birds, music, friendship, the refinements of nobility, and the pathos

of ephemerality.*2 :

Again as with the annals, however, an important portion of the corpus represents new postconquest composition, concerning the conquest, the new religion, and personages of postconquest times. And as with the annals, some themes remain much the same, adjusted to the conditions. One cycle deals with the Mexica in the Spanish siege of Tenochtitlan, concentrating on their great old rivals the Tlaxcalans.*> These frankly postconquest songs use basically the same vocabulary as the rest but add Spanish loans as appropriate, loans in no way distinct from those found in other types of Stage 2 sources.* Like other Nahuatl materials of the time, these portions are firmly Christian. They also show admiration or affection for the Franciscans of Mexico City, _ and indeed some of the songs may have been composed by their aides.*5 To-

Forms of Expression 399 ward other Spaniards they are noncommittal, leaving them largely unmentioned except for the conquest battles; in these, the Mexica regret their defeat but treat the conquerors simply as the other side.* Leaving aside many other complexities, ambiguities, and dimensions in a corpus amazingly rich and varied for its size, we may ask whether such a rarefied art, known to us only through copies made by aides of Spaniards, really was part of general Nahua culture. The answer appears to be that it was indeed, at least in the Mexico City region. The painter-clerk annalist of Tenochtitlan in the 1560’s several times reports the performance of songs in subgenres mentioned in the Cantares, as though these were grand public oc- . casions.’? Chimalpahin too has some such entries, the last being for 1593.% | “Headflying” (quapatlanaliztli), descending on spiraling ropes from a high

pole, was part and parcel of such celebrations. : :

After 1600, such reports are heard no more, possibly because of the paucity of late Nahuatl annals from the Valley of Mexico region. Nor were any more collections of Nahuatl song compiled, to our knowledge. The reason could be simply the decline of Spanish philology, leaving the Nahuas to rely once more on the oral tradition that had always reigned in the world of song. Zapata reports that in Tlaxcala in 1677, for a procession honoring the coronation of the new Spanish king, each of the four sub-altepetl set up a platform where singers in the ancient manner (/uehuecuicani) held forth. No texts or other details are given. Perhaps one is justified in drawing the conclusion that the sixteenth-century style of song had been altered substantially and was revived only for special ceremonial occasions. We can only wonder whether a living, fully authentic tradition survived in some circles, or whether the style was reconstructed from later notions of what it had been, as with much sixteenth-century history in the late annals. From the Spaniards we hear mainly reports of pole-flying and dancing, - and the dance most often mentioned is the tocotin, a name derived from the drumbeat notation of the songs of the sixteenth century (and presumably earlier). The Jesuit historian Clavijero reports this dance as still going strong in his time, the late eighteenth century.*! A tocotin could have words; some preserved in Spanish differ in no way from contemporary Spanish verse.” As to song texts in Nahuatl, they are few indeed, and one must go all too far to find them, leaving much doubt about whether or not they reflect ordinary practice. The late-seventeenth-century Spanish nun sor Juana Inés de la Cruz wrote some occasional poems imitating the language of Indians and blacks in Mexico City in her time; among them is a tocotin in Nahuatl.® It is in praise of the Virgin and evinces none of the rhetoric of the old songs. Without verses defined by a coda of vocables, it is organized in the typical Spanish manner, with rhyming lines containing a prescribed number of syllables, and stanzas

400 Forms of Expression of no set numerical pattern. We cannot know, however, whether sor Juana Inés was following current Nahua custom or her own propensities, and were this the only example at our disposal, we might give the matter no further thought. Another set of examples does exist, however; it also arises under rather unclear circumstances, but at least it seems to have been generated by some Nahuatl speaker. The Tlaxcalan don Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, the collector and editor of late annals, was also interested in plays. In 1714, he wrote, copied, or revised (as will be discussed in more detail in the following section) a Nahuatl play about Santa Elena and the Holy Cross. Included are some short Nahuatl texts to be sung. As in the example of sor Juana, they consist of stanzas of four more or less rhymed lines (a b a b or ab ba), with eight syllables or thereabouts. Here is the longest, the only one of more than

one stanza:

Yn Constantino axictini Constantine arriving,

quinmahuiztilia iteohuan honors his gods. : Ica on huel huelitini For that reason he was able , Oquinxico in iyaohuan. to overcome his enemies. - Ma nohuian yectenehualo May everywhere be praised _ Yn Constantino tlapaltic valiant Constantine,

Ylhuiltic ymacehualtic deserving Nohuian mauhcaittalo. | to be feared everywhere.

, Huelitini in iteohuan Powerful are his gods, Ca icxitlan quintlalique for they have put at his feet

Yn nepapan yaohuan his various enemies, Yn huel oquicocolique. who greatly hated him. Ye oquimixmachilitzino Now he has recognized

Yn Dios itlazopiltzin the precious child [son] of God;

Ye oquimocelitzino Now he has received Yni necuayatequiliztli. baptism. Even if this song were given a much less literal, more flowing, elegant, and rhythmic translation than it has received here, it is no masterpiece (aside from its strangely contradictory message about religion). The point is that the old metaphorical language is practically gone (a hint of it lingers in the double phrase for “deserving”’); the dialogue characteristic of the older form is absent, and so is its indirection, yielding to straightforward declarations. As to structure, we might say that the four lines per stanza and the four stanzas fit well in the Nahua tradition, as do in a sense the eight syllables per line, but Spanish coplas can have the same arrangement, and the basic organizational

principles of the composition are European. |

| Forms of Expression 401 The above does not amount to a great deal of evidence, but it is consonant

with the shape that Nahuatl song composition has taken in the twentieth century, often employing rhyme, meter, stanzas, and themes much like those

of Spanish poetry, though still with some relics of the older indigenous mode.” If songs like the one composed or preserved by Santos y Salazar were representative of Stage 3 style, then song evolution would correspond closely

to other developments we have seen. As with noble terminology, kinship terms, oratory and refined conversation, and land registration, a special in- — digenous vocabulary in its own genre or other framework weathered the conquest, then survived or flourished, with some adjustments, on into Stage 2, but would have undergone drastic losses and reductions in Stage 3, when a new vocabulary and form emerged, much closer to Spanish modes than before, though still the heir of indigenous antecedents. Pending the discovery of further Stage 3 song samples, I provisionally believe that the scenario just

outlined in fact describes the situation. | _ Theater

Several theatrical works written in Nahuatl during the postconquest centuries have survived, most as manuscripts dating from the late colonial period or as copies made from such manuscripts still later. Numerous reports make it evident that indigenous-language plays were being composed and performed from the 1530’s forward, becoming a normal, prominent part of postconquest Nahua cultural life.” All have Christian religion as their theme; most are biblical or hagiographic, while a few emphasize Christian morality in everyday settings. So Hispanic are the compositions in many aspects—plot, characters, message, and dramatic conventions—that they have often and with much justification been assumed to be the products of Spanish authors,

primarily the philologists among the Franciscan friars. | Now that we begin to understand better the extent to which Spanish ecclesiastics relied on indigenous aides in producing Nahuatl texts, even those to which they claimed authorship, it is natural to search for evidence of Nahua participation in the composition of the plays (generally not ascribed to

any author in the original). One strong indication of a Nahua role is the ' naturalization of the material; the characters, as we will see, take on Nahua ranks and operate within the context of Nahua social and conversational conventions. Nevertheless, it remains at least conceivable that an astute and knowledgeable friar would have made such adaptations deliberately, the better to reach his audience. A less ambiguous trace of indigenous writers can be found in numerous nonstandard spellings of Spanish loans corresponding to the usual Nahua substitutions and hypercorrections.* But since the copies

402 Forms of Expression known until recently all seem to be posterior to the original compositions,

the deviant spellings could have been introduced by the copyists. A third. indication of some Nahua autonomy in the production of the final versions is the existence of occasional doctrinal irregularities in the plays, things the friars surely would not have tolerated had they been fully aware of them. The most blatant example known to me is in a piece apparently finished in approximately its present form in the first decade of the seventeenth cen-

tury and dedicated to fray Juan Bautista, a Franciscan philologist based mainly in Mexico City and active in the production of Nahuatl texts, includ-

ing not only sermons and confessionals but plays. The Franciscan on one occasion openly acknowledged the aid of Agustin de la Fuente, a Nahua who had earlier worked with Sahagun, in the composition of all his Nahuatl productions, including three manuscript volumes of plays (now lost).* In the play in question, the Virgin expresses her gratitude to one of the Magi in the fol-

lowing terms: “I thank you, Baltasar, on behalf of my precious child; his precious honored father the Most Holy Trinity has sent you here.” + That this rather basic misconception about the Trinity, identifying the term with God the father and excluding Jesus, is no mechanical slip can be confirmed by its repetition on 4 following page. Even things of this nature, presumably, could have been brought in at some point in the copying process. Although both the specific clues and the general nature of Spanish-Nahua writing collaboration point to Nahuas as the ones responsible for the actual wording of the plays preserved today, what

has been needed for final confirmation is access to some sixteenth-century manuscripts of the works. One has now appeared, a playlet for the Wednesday of Holy Week included in a book of sermons and other materials collected by a still-unidentified Franciscan as he traveled about central Mexico in the late sixteenth century, perhaps the 1580’s or 1590’s.1 Headed “miercoles santo,”’' it is written in an entirely different hand from the bulk of the book. In the clear, round, chiseled characters, so different from the smaller, more cursive, more abbreviated Spanish scrawl of the friar, one immediately __ recognizes an indigenous writer. If any doubt should remain, numerous spellings betray the Nahuatl speaker, including among others “‘cochilo” for cu-

chillo, “knife.” On the other hand, here as in other plays we find multiple evidence of Spanish intervention. The story, a single scene essentially, concerns the attempt of Jesus to get Mary’s blessing before going into Jerusalem to be sacrificed for mankind’s salvation. She is most reluctant, saying, “Don’t you remember how I bore you in a manger? Don’t you remember how I raised you , with the milk of my breasts?,” and goes on to remind him of the difficulties she had experienced getting him to safety in Egypt and the like.‘°s To reinforce

Forms of Expression 403 Jesus’s point that mankind must be saved, angels appear with letters from Adam and other Old Testament notables imploring Mary’s consent so that they can finally be freed from limbo. Though the very human tone of the confrontation between mother and son might be attributed to a Nahua, and the smooth phrases of perfectly idiomatic elevated Nahuatl conversation surely must be, the stage directions and the machinery of angels and letters, not to speak of the at times complex theology and the Spanish terms that go with it (such as “original sin,” “holy Catholic faith,” both in Spanish), can only have been Spanish-inspired.' There remain as usual many questions about just how direct the Spanish inspiration and supervision were, but the particular circumstances of this original manuscript allow us to deduce certain procedures that may have been widespread in the composition of plays. Assuming that Spanish ecclesiastics were in many cases ultimately responsible for the plot and much of the content, a question that comes to mind repeatedly is whether the Spaniard com-

mitted material to paper, to be used directly by an aide who perhaps had some grasp of Spanish, or whether he simply communicated with the amanuensis orally, in some mixture of Spanish and Nahuatl. The Holy Wednesday

playlet contains a very revealing hint in this respect. In general, the stage directions and asides are in Nahuatl, but at one point the following Spanish appears (in the hand of the Nahua writer): “vee y lee nra senora la carta de Adan y diez,” “Our Lady looks at and reads the letter of Adam and ten...” 1%” The passage tells us that in this case the Spaniard had indeed put something

on paper, and that the Nahua who copied it and left an unintelligible “and

ten” hanging did not understand the Spanish well at all. And yet the passage was left just as the Nahua writer set it down. The book’s Spanish owner did not make one mark anywhere on the script of the play. None of the “incorrect” Nahuatl spellings of Spanish words are altered. Nor is one theological irregularity that the Nahua writer committed challenged in any way. The writer has Mary address an angel as “noteouh notlatocauh,” “my god, my ruler,” * implying perhaps the inclination to multiply autonomous yet interpenetrating divine entities that we can detect in Nahua Christianity generally. It is as though the directing Spaniard, although in a sense probably deserving to be called the author of the play, never looked at it again once he had given it to a Nahua to translate and realize as he saw fit. Presumably, the Spanish friar would show the script in the same spirit to literate Nahuas wherever he might be stationed, expecting them to organize its performance. In a word, the Holy Wednesday script confirms ultimate Spanish authorship and sponsorship as well as a large field of Nahua discretion and independence in translation, extending to numerous adaptations and additions.

404 Forms of Expression : : In their adaptations, we would expect the Nahua amanuenses or secondary authors to follow established traditions of their culture and especially the conventions of any sort of theater or theater-like genre the preconquest Nahuas possessed. The problem of reconstructing such an earlier form is much more difficult than with annals and songs. There, too, our direct knowledge of preconquest models is minimal, but the postconquest writings contain so many references to preconquest times and so much in the way of distinctive material and modes that it is not hard to form a good notion of basic aspects of the traditional genres. In the case of drama produced after the conquest, preconquest references are rare and peripheral,’ and the general Spanish framework is so dominant as to obliterate the outlines of a specifically dramatic preconquest genre, if indeed such a thing existed. Nothing purporting to be a drama in preconquest style has survived. Spanish observers and antiquarians of the sixteenth century speak of various kinds of mimicry, pageantry, and representation, sometimes using the vocabulary of the European theater, but the descriptions generally emphasize song and dance.''° One is left wondering if preconquest song, which was apparently also always dance and surely contained elements of costume and pageant as well, was not identical with the dramatic performances mentioned. Some modern scholars have, not without reason, identified certain of the multivoice cycles in the extant corpus of Nahuatl song as

dramas." |

The first step in attempting to clarify the preconquest precedent for the religious plays of the postconquest period, then, should be to see if there are significant affinities between the plays and the corpus of Nahuatl song. In fact, a close search through the plays reveals few affinities and many differences. Exclamations and laments crop up here and there in the plays, but the vocables that are so crucial to song organization are entirely lacking. So are the symmetrical numerical arrangements of units that are the songs’ basic organizational principle. Song and dance are no part of the ordinary transactions of the plays; at most, some Latin hymns are interspersed between action segments, and these are not even entered into the scripts. Beyond some metaphors and doublets that pervade all older Nahuatl expression, the plays

evince none of the strongly marked rhetoric and vocabulary of the songs. Where the latter are highly allusive and indirect, the former, though elevated in style and full of complex constructions, are lucid and direct, immediately intelligible to an audience, following a straightforward line of thought and action from the beginning to the end. Each speech takes direct reference to the preceding, just the opposite of the norm in the songs. Nor do the plays contain any trace of the themes of the songs; the illustrious Nahua ancestors

Forms of Expression 405 are missing, and so is the whole lyric-martial aura surrounding them, with all its paraphernalia. —

One characteristic of the plays does put one in mind of the songs. The direct replies of one speaker to another often (by no means always) involve a combination of repetition and variation strongly reminiscent of the verse pairing at the root of the symmetrical arrangement of Nahuatl song. An analysis of the seeming similarities quickly becomes highly subjective, however. I tend to the opinion that the repeating and varying seen in succeeding speeches does not generally go beyond that inherent in any human discourse and therefore does not represent an affinity of genre. In any case, the dialectic involved ina statement and reply, aimed directly at each other, is vastly different from the parallelism in the verses of a pair, each aimed at the same outside target. Yet in one extant play, the same possibly early-seventeenth-century version of the story of the Magi mentioned above, a type of pairing appears that

seems to bear more than coincidental similarity to the song mode. To take one of the stronger examples, at the beginning of the play an emperor some_ where in the East sends out a captain and two vassals to look for the prophesied star. The captain observes that it is a mystery how they were sent by God

to the mountaintop where they are on the lookout. Thereupon follow the speeches of the two vassals: FIRST VASSAL: What you say is very true, my dear companion, it is a mystery how we arrived here; may it be His will that He likewise returns us whence we were sent. SECOND VASSAL: Let us kneel, let us pray to God the father; as He has brought us

here safely, may it be His will that He likewise returns us whence we were sent.\2

Except for the lack of vocables, these two speeches are structured exactly like a verse pair, with unique material first, followed by shared material, and with the two statements running parallel rather than directed at each other. Many other pairs, and sometimes triplets, occur throughout the play, though none

are quite as strong (in the sense defined in the section on song) as our example.’ Furthermore, the bulk of the speeches in the piece are not obviously

paired, and I have not discovered this kind of deliberate pairing in any other play. If Nahuatl song is very weakly reflected in the plays, the influence of the interrelated realms of oratory, didactic speech, and polite conversation is pervasive. Rather than rapid dialogue, the discourse tends to consist of a series

of rounded speeches in the Nahua manner, varying greatly in length, of course, but rarely reduced to a simple “yes,” “no,” or “very well.” Consider the following exchange between Abraham and Isaac, in which Abraham uses

406 Forms of Expression conventional Nahua metaphors to show appreciation of children and proceeds to dispense fatherly advice in the style of the buehuetlatolli or “ancient - wisdom, speech of the elders.” 114 Following the polite convention, Isaac outdoes himself expressing gratitude for the wise words and apologizing for the trouble he causes: ABRAHAM: You my golden necklace, my jade bracelet, my silver necklace, you my dear child, come; it is with great consolation that I embrace you, for All-Powerful God, who made everything on earth, the visible and the invisible, created you. Listen, my dear honored child, beware lest sometime you besmirch your spirit ~ and soul in some way. Always consider it a jade, a pearl, for God created it. Do not violate a single one of our lord God’s precious honored lordly commandments. Write them on your heart and always remember them, for your Engenderer and

heaven and on earth. ,

Creator who made you exists, He to whom praise should always be given in

Now you are to know, my dear honored child, that your relatives are coming here to see you and to find out how much J love my precious child. Isaac: You my dear father who engendered me in an earthly sense, now your body has grown old with all the concern and trouble I have given you here on earth in raising me. You give me my daily sustenance, you clothe my body; you do everything in your great mercy. But J am making you ill, my precious father [by prattling on like this]. I have greatly profited from the precious honored words with which you have admonished me. [If I keep talking] I will give you headaches and stomach pains, my precious honored father. All that you command me I will do.''5

Greetings are often textbook perfect by the Nahua code. Consider the following exchange between Herod and Melchior on the arrival of the three Magi. HEROD: You who have arrived and come here have fatigued yourselves [i.e., welcome], you honorable ones, you lords, you rulers. May the divine ruler our lord God give you health. And is the All-Present God granting you a bit of good health? MELCHIOR: Remain seated, oh lord, oh king, oh Herod, we greatly appreciate your hospitality; you have been most generous to us your slaves and vassals. Yes, we are enjoying a bit of good health. We warmly kiss your precious hands and feet. HEROD: Come up into your home, your altepetl, do enter and eat, for it is at your

home that you have arrived.1'6 ,

Nahuatl formal speech, with its combination of preachiness, elevated tone, and clarity, was perfectly adapted to the purposes of the type of religious

drama the Spanish ecclesiastics wished to generate, and it could also lend verisimilitude and accessibility to otherwise exotic material. That it was used for specifically dramatic purposes in preconquest times is not, however, necessarily indicated. It serves and colors the postconquest genre rather than defining it. Possibly religious plays, like some successful Spanish-style docu-

mentary genres, had no single preconquest precedent, instead drawing on

Forms of Expression 407

and expectations. , | ,

various indigenous resources and meeting a combination of indigenous needs A strong aura of nobility marked elevated speech among the Nahuas, and

it was natural if not inevitable that many of the biblical characters of the religious plays would be given high social rank and placed in the context of | Nahua sociopolitical organization. In the story of the sacrifice of Isaac, for example, Abraham is tlatoani of an altepetl, surrounded by noblemen (pipil-

tin), whereas his concubine Agar and her son Ismael are tetlan nenque, a specific type of marginal dependent.:” In one version of the story of the Magi,

Mary in referring to Jesus’s charge injects Nahua notions of rulership as a burden."'* In another version of the Magi story, the Old Testament prophets and patriarchs are spoken of in terms used in the Florentine Codex and elsewhere for Nahua rulers of the past.' Though thus strongly naturalized, the predominant themes of the plays remain Spanish, with emphasis on teaching the audience the principal personae, doctrines, and morality of Christianity. Apart from a relatively small doctrinal error here and there, the strong adaptive tendency hardly affects the content at this level. It may well be, however, that some of the topics were chosen for their special applicability to the Nahuas’ situation. The story of _ Abraham and Isaac, in addition to teaching obedience to God and parents, contains a strong implicit message against human sacrifice, perhaps a reminder for sixteenth-century Nahuas who had not entirely forgotten preconquest practices. And a few plays set in the central Mexico of the time, teaching Christian conduct in executing testaments and carrying on business, are aimed specifically at certain Nahua behavioral tendencies.” Presumably it was the friars who chose such themes as a result of their local experiences, but in some cases the Nahuas themselves may have pressed for a given topic _ or emphasis or made it popular by their reaction to it. That would appear to be the case with the Magi, in whom the Nahuas seemingly saw a token that Christianity was not just for Europeans but also for the peoples of distant lands, who had their part to play too; indeed the friar-historian Motolinia

said as much at an early time.'2! ,

In view of what we know of the postconquest religion and general outlook

of the Nahuas, one would expect them to have clamored for plays on the patron saints of altepetl. Surely from a very early time they were inclined to reshape Spanish-organized pageantry in the direction of local patriotism.’ Yet very few indeed are the extant examples of plays with a single saint as protagonist. Except for the Magi (who were not the patrons of any important altepetl to my knowledge), the central characters in the corpus in general are Jesus and Mary (with God the father prominent in the background), surrounded by the disciples as a group, and some Old Testament greats. The

408 Forms of Expression emphasis, then, is the same as in the early body of confessionals and catechisms, on a purist, almost saint-less religion concentrating on the Trinity, the Virgin, doctrine, and individual morality. Surely this direction was dictated

by the ecclesiastics as part of their general thrust in the early and middle sixteenth century. We are confronted, then, with the superficially paradoxical situation that the vast majority of extant copies of the plays are very late, while their basic anatomy and central message correspond to a very early time. Nor are other

indications lacking that the basic corpus came into being long before the copies that have reached us. As I have already stated, traditional decorous Nahuatl speech and traditional social categories pervade the corpus, and we have seen elsewhere that both elements drastically declined or disappeared in Stage 3. Spanish loans in the corpus are entirely compatible with Stage 2 as a time of composition, and indeed the core of the loans consists of staple items that could very well have been included as early as mid-sixteenth century.’ We even see some possible hints that the first versions of some of the plays

may go back into Stage 1, for in some cases one finds tepozmacquabuitl, ‘metal hand club,” instead of the Spanish espada, “‘sword,” and macatl, “deer,” instead of loanwords for horses and donkeys.'2+ Motolinia, after all, reports the performance of plays in Nahuatl in the 1530’s.5 A great deal of systematic textual research remains to be done, but. my preliminary conclusion is that the extant versions of the plays, nearly all from Stage 3 and some specifically written down as late as 1760,!%* are in the main reasonably faithful copies of material originating in Stage 2, predominantly well before the end of the sixteenth century. Even the lost collection of plays put together by fray Juan Bautista in the first years of the seventeenth century must have been essentially a compilation of pieces that had proved successful in earlier decades. If the play about the Magi that can perhaps be ascribed to the Nahua amanuensis Agustin de la Fuente is indeed to be dated 1607 (and

this is by no means sure), the work would have come at the end of de la Fuente’s long career of collaboration with several Franciscans, and in any case it contains many hints of being based on an older version or versions.'2”

The basic chronology of the religious plays, then, would have much in common with that of classic Nahuatl song, both reaching a height in Stage 2, and primarily the early and middle portions of the period, after which new production in that style declined steeply or halted. A large difference is that

the Nahuas spontaneously continued to write the plays down to preserve them and perform them, whereas songs virtually ceased to be transcribed, and though song continued as part of Nahua culture, from the hints we have,

the compositions bore little resemblance to those of an earlier day. In the plays, a phenomenon essentially of Stage 2 jelled, became canonical, and pro-

~ jected without major change into a later time. Exactly why this was remains

Forms of Expression | 409 to be explored. As noted in greater detail in Chapter 6, I do not believe that the Nahuas were excessively enamored of the basic message the friars were originally attempting to convey. To me the most likely explanation is that individual plays or versions of plays, though they were at first intended to be performed all over central Mexico (remember the playlet that our ambulatory friar carried with him wherever he went), and though they were not specifically tied to any altepetl by theme, nevertheless gradually became localized, representing an important yearly altepetl function, expected by the audience and doubtless performed by the same amateur actors year in and year out. Such a process implies a certain amount of change over time, and though I have until now emphasized the overwhelming continuity and conservation, I do not mean to imply that no change at all took place. Even in those late copies that seem purest and that are the basis of our knowledge of the sixteenth-century genre, one finds bits of syntax and vocabulary that jar and seem to belong to a later time.'2* Perhaps they arose by a copyist unwittingly following his own usage, or perhaps they deliberately reflect the evolving tradition of local actors. An occasion especially propitious to minor change would arise when citizens of one altepetl chose to copy and appropriate a popular play associated with another altepetl; that this happened we have

good reason to believe. +9

In some cases, the changes go beyond orthography and occasional variant language to affect the tone of a whole piece. A passion play associated with Tepalcingo (and especially with a famous image of Jesus Nazareno housed

there), known in an eighteenth-century version, is to a large extent in the language of its time and place, despite the fact that it contains no blatant late loan phenomena and does retain a great deal of the older dramatic rhetoric and vocabulary as well. The speeches often approach everyday utilitarian conversation more closely than usual in the old style, and more of what transpires involves action.': Either a great deal of new material has been added to an older core, or the whole was newly composed in the eighteenth century, preserving much of what had by then long been established as the manner and stock material of religious plays.%2 Despite aspects of modernity and a good many Spanish loans, at times the script uses indigenous constructions of the type employed in Stage 1 for words of Spanish origin that had been in common use in Nahuatl since the mid-sixteenth century, including tepozmecatl, “metal rope,” for cadena, “chain,” and pepechtli, “underpinning,” for silla, “saddle.” 33 Again, this vocabulary could either be a relic of a very early play or be newly included in the belief that the style of plays so demands. | believe on balance that an accretive process led to late plays like this one, but I would not discount the ability of late practitioners to imitate some of the features of what was by now a familiar, hallowed style. One extant late play, concerning the discovery of the true cross by Santa

410 Forms of Expression Elena in the time of Constantine, stands apart from the rest.3+ The script is unusual in specifying a date, 1714, as well as an author (or arranger; the ambiguity is no different from that surrounding the “authors” of Nahuatl songs)—the same don Manuel de los Santos y Salazar of Tlaxcala whom we have met before.'5 Santos y Salazar apparently chose the topic because he was curate of the town of Santa Cruz Cozcaquauh Atlauhticpac. Like the passion | play of Tepalcingo, the piece contains archaizing vocabulary, speeches in the old manner, and blocks of familiar material that could have been done new

but were probably taken, at least in part, from older plays. But a further transformation has taken place; Santos y Salazar has adopted certain of the conventions of Golden Age Spanish theater. Some of the speeches have the air of soliloquies. Two buffoons (graciosos, though the script does not use the term) punctuate the serious action by chasing each other about the stage, brandishing weapons in mock heroics and uttering crude jokes. Instead of Latin hymns between acts, songs in the vernacular, tocotines, or as the Spaniards would call them, villancicos, intrude into the main discourse. Santos y Salazar was such an exceptional figure, or at least ahead of his time in being both an indigenous patriot-antiquarian and an expert in the arts of Spanish literacy, that one must await further evidence before concluding that the interesting innovations in what is to date a unique play represent a broader trend in the Nahua cultural world.

Titles | In all likelihood, some more examples of the genres we have been discuss-

ing—annals, songs, and plays—will come to light in future years, and sophisticated analysis of the examples we already have, using recent advances in Nahua ethnohistory and philology, has just begun. Yet in each case a real corpus has emerged, and serious work of discovery, translation, and commentary has been going on for many years. The same cannot be said for the next documentary type to be examined, the so-called “titles” (titulos) purporting

to authenticate an altepetl’s right to its territory. Although an awareness of the genre goes back some decades, and some preliminary statements and par- _ tial analyses have been available,’ they have not involved a close reading, or in most cases any reading at all, of the Nahuatl texts. Nahuatl scholars have now begun textual analysis, and some studies have appeared or are forthcoming, but it is all very much work in progress, first because only a small portion of the probably extant corpus has been discovered, and second because of the enormous difficulty of the texts. It seems fair to say that to date hardly a single

one of these documents has been satisfactorily transcribed and translated, much less edited and published. Somewhat like Nahuatl songs, but to aneven _

Forms of Expression AIL higher degree, the titles are sui generis, and whereas the songs constitute a highly unified body of material, the titles are far more individual in almost every respect.3* Having already declared the matter of this chapter to be more than normally provisional, 1 must further assert that that caveat applies with

greatest force to this section. Indeed, I will abbreviate my remarks, for the most part merely summarizing and making some deductions from a few recent or ongoing studies, fully expecting that more extensive and definitive treatments will soon follow, whether from my pen or another’s.° _ In several ways, the titles genre stands out from any other type of Nahuatl _ writing. As far as we now know, it is entirely a Stage 3 phenomenon; no known example antedates 1650. At least, this is the conclusion one must

draw from many indications, such as the vocabulary and syntax, dates stamped on the paper, dates of presentation and translation, the handwriting, and the confusion about well-known figures and events of the sixteenth century, even though many titles purport to be dated in the mid-sixteenth century or earlier. It is true that Nahuatl plays are also almost all known in copies of Stage 3 vintage. But they give every sign of following relatively faithfully an earlier written tradition, whereas the titles, or most of them, have the air of being a first gathering together of relevant oral tradition and various bits of older documentation that might have been preserved locally. The apparent reason for collecting such lore and putting it on paper (nowhere do we find a direct statement on the point) was a new need for the legal justification of land occupancy. In the late colonial period, as the non-Indian population increased rapidly and the indigenous population itself began to stabilize and grow, pressures

on the land mounted, so that Indian corporations abandoned their longstanding relative indifference to outside encroachments and to the legal status of their land rights.‘ In the growing number of land disputes that characterized the period, Spanish-style documentation of title was at a premium. Indian towns often had little or nothing of this nature in their possession, and hence some of their citizens wrote down something considered appropriate, which might then be presented to Spanish authorities. The majority of such documents now known seem to have been preserved as a by-product of their presentation as evidence in legal disputes over territory. Though they gained little credence in court, since they lacked the apparatus of Spanish-style authentication, it was perhaps in this way that they became generally known as

“titles,” a term that the authors of the original documents seem not to have used. Ironically, then, it may have ultimately been Spanish pressures that brought

about the creation of one of the most peculiarly indigenous of all the forms of written expression in Nahuatl. Stories, speeches, and conceptualizations

412 Forms of Expression concerning the altepetl-shaking events of the sixteenth century must have been kept alive in many Nahua communities, handed down from one generation to the next, which might understand them differently or repeat them ununderstood. Stage 3 annals captured very little of the material, but it flooded into the titles. Essentially intracommunity lore thus reached the outside, not helping the Nahua legal cause very much, but providing students a potentially

rich source for cultural history. .

To give the reader some feeling for the flavor of the titles genre, here is what is written under the heading “Grant” (Spanish merced, rendered “me_ sed”) in a set of documents presented to royal authorities in 1699 by indigenous officials from Soyatzingo in the Chalco area: Alas, Oh lord God, we honored the moon and the stars, the property of God the ruler of the universe. Oh my dear children, you must entirely understand that Cortés don

Luis de Velasco Marqués [sic] brought us the true faith. Let no one flee when he arrives. He brought the true belief in the precious honored body of our lord Jesus Christ, so that we would become Christians. We need to make a house of God where we can attend mass and learn the four ways of knowing our lord Jesus Christ (in our words or language?), so that there we can confess and prepare ourselves to receive the precious honored body of God, and so we can be baptized there, and when we die we will be buried there. Thus Cortés don Luis de Velasco Marqués ordered us. My dear children, ask yourselves what saint we shall serve.‘

It is apparent that the writer was not at all sure what the Spaniards meant by “merced,” except that it was a document important to land rights. Instead of language appropriate to the conveyance of land from the general domain to a specific entity or individual by a higher authority, we find a portion of the kind of speech, smacking very much of huehuetlatolli, that elders no doubt gave to the assembled young on occasion, telling them how things were in the

altepetl in the past. ,

Here we have a fragment about the abandonment of pagan beliefs and the adoption of Christianity under the sponsorship of the early Spanish conquerors and governors. But the first conqueror Cortés, later known primarily by his new title of Marqués, and the viceroy don Luis de Velasco, in office in the 1550's and 1560's, have been amalgamated into a single symbolic person." The reference point in time changes abruptly and without explanation, as do speaker and audience, in ways it would be illusory to try to interpret exactly. It is as though a body of lore about earlier times had become canonical in the

community but was not preserved in its entirety, and the present writer is putting down those bits he can remember, as he remembers them, without much attention to flow and lucidity. Even the early sections of Stage 3 annals

are much more sophisticated about Spanish phenomena and closer to the historical facts than passages like this. Many prominent and well-educated

Forms of Expression 413 Nahuas, even at this late time, doubtless realized that Cortés and Velasco were distinct, and many certainly knew full well what a “merced” was. In the matter of spelling as well, titles tend to fall outside the range of the | expected, as wide as we have seen that range to be (Chapter 8). Many give the impression of having been written not by the professional or near-professional notaries, church employees, and altepetl officials who were responsible

for annals, songs, plays, and mundane documentation, but by amateurs. In the present case, the writer had definitely been subjected to considerable instruction in the skills of Nahuatl literacy; his hand is legible, and it is not hard to recognize the roots and affixes he intends to convey. His missing and in-

truded n’s and his hypercorrections (d for t) are commonplace in Nahuatl writing. He even knows the abbreviation “tt©” for totecuiyo, “our Lord.” But when it comes to the common abbreviation for Cristo (““Christ”’), ““xpo”’

or “xpto,” he falters badly, once putting ‘“pxoto” and once “xopto.” He sometimes places a cedilla under an s, a true oddity. The letter c has gone berserk in his usage, being employed also for z in addition to representing glottal stops and being frequently omitted and intruded. Readers of titles almost come to expect such vagaries, though the writing sometimes ap-

proaches the standard.

If annals, songs, and plays represent high culture, and mundane documentation an efficient, up-to-date quotidian culture, titles seem to correspond to popular culture, in both surface and deeper aspects. Something insulated the

titles genre from other kinds of writing. Annals could have been useful to their purpose but were clearly almost never consulted. In Chalco, some of the same towns that presented fanciful titles written in an outlandish fashion also produced notarial documents entirely free of such qualities. On the other hand, there was some sort of underground network of the writers and custodians of titles, at least on a subregional basis. The titles of various altepetl of Chalco betray that their writers lifted idiosyncratic names, phrases, and “facts” from each other or from some common source. It seems that a few sets may have been pirated from other towns almost in their entirety. A common vocabulary, not found (to date, at least) in other forms of writing, ran through the Chalco titles, one example being the term “telocatolio” (or “‘tero-

territory.” '* |

gatorio,” etc.), from Spanish interrogatorio, ‘‘questionnaire,” which in this _ sphere had come to mean “papers proving the true title of an altepetl to its Reducing local lore to written form, integrating modified extracts from

whatever sixteenth-century documentation local citizens might have, and predating the results comes very close to falsification, though as well as we can

judge today that was not usually the intention. Rather the intention was to give an authentic altepetl-internal view of the corporation’s rights, grounded

414 Forms of Expression | in its history, adhering closely to what the citizenry had said and believed for as long as the oldest alive could remember. Under the pressures of the situation, and perhaps having lost touch with relevant local traditions, some towns did resort to deliberate fabrication. It seems that somewhere in the orbit of Mexico City there existed what amounted to a factory or studio for false titles, where towns in need could

have a document made to order, complete with pictures in a pseudo-sixteenth-century style, indigenous-style paper, and a final smoking to give the appearance of age. These are the so-called ““Techialoyan codices” (a modern term), whose Nahuatl texts are now being studied for the first time.'** The antiquing process extended to the (often rather skeletal) texts themselves;

knowing somehow that the Nahuas of earlier times had not yet borrowed many of the Spanish terms now current, and that they pronounced what they did borrow in their own way,'” the fabricators bent over backwards to use indigenous vocabulary, as well as letter substitutions in names and any loan-

words they could not manage to avoid. Indeed, for those conversant with actual sixteenth-century texts, they went much too far, destroying credibility, for they invented indigenous equivalents of universally used loans and substituted letters in items always spelled standardly (even though pronounced just as the fabricators surmised). Nor were such devices restricted to the Techialoyans proper. A brief and rudimentary titles document from Cuitlahuac south of Mexico City gives the date, the equivalent of 1561, only by the indigenous number and year sign, something absolutely unheard of in sixteenth-century Nahuatl documents

outside the annals genre, and even there the Spanish-style date is always added as well.* The document runs along throughout with many unrealistic terms and substitutions, of which the ending can serve as an example: “ninotlilmachiotia notoca notonal. Ton Locax te xantiaco tlacuilo” (“I sign my name and rubric. Don Lucas de Santiago, notary”’).\*? Here the invention “tlilmachiotia,” literally “to make an ink sign,” has replaced the usual loanbased firmayotia,'® and tonalli, “day, day-sign, fate,” is made to serve for the usual loan firma, “signature, rubric.” Tlacuilo instead of the loan escribano, “notary,” is possible but improbable. “Ton” for don and even “te” for de are sometimes, if rarely, seen, but hardly Locax for Lucas and surely not Xantiaco for the well-known name Santiago, virtually always abbreviated. An authentic document done in 1561 would have read more or less as follows

(perhaps with some letter substitutions in “firma” and “escribano”’), although no real notary of 1561 would have borne the “don”: “ninofirmayotia

vano, esc9, etc.].” , ,

[or nictlalia notoca nofirma] don Lucas de Stiago escribano [escriuano, escriThe Techialoyans and other titles affected by some of the same tendencies

Forms of Expression 415 are of limited significance within the larger titles corpus, in which context they

are a somewhat aberrant subset. But demonstrating as they do the communication of materials and styles across a broad area of the Toluca Valley and the western Valley of Mexico,'! they reinforce the notion of something of a titles underground operating in central Mexico, surely part of the Nahua cultural world but quite isolated from its other principal written manifestations.

, Since even the titles we have (doubtless only a fraction of those extant) vary so much, compiling a list of characteristics that would apply to all or even the bulk of them is a hopeless enterprise. Nevertheless, one can identify a set of diagnostic characteristics frequently appearing in the corpus, even if they may not all be present in any one document. The most nearly universal component is a survey of the boundaries of the altepetl jurisdiction; often the document describes how leading citizens, together with representatives of neighboring entities and perhaps Spanish officials as well, made their way around the borders, agreeing on the altepetl’s rights, and it always gives numerous place-names and landmarks on a line circling the territory. This core feature is entirely germane to the question of title authentification and corresponds quite closely to Spanish procedures of investigation and granting possession, but it also seems to portray a traditional preconquest rite of border — verification.'5? Preconquest pictorial altepetl maps, though not directly narrating such rites, may have accompanied them. It is quite possible that the rites included a recital of the altepetl origin legend. As far afield as the present

southwestern United States, some groups had a story type in which the totemic spirits conducted the first founders around what was to be the group’s territory, noting the landmarks." When the survey is dated, the date is likely to fall between the conquest and 1560. The transaction is likely to be associated with the foundation of a Spanish-style municipality, an investigation ordered by a viceroy, or a congregacion, or all three (and the three could in fact have coincided). At the same time, the proceedings may be linked with the altepetl’s original founding in

preconquest times and the legitimation of boundaries that accompanied it. The two foundations may merge, partially or completely. Building a church , and accepting some basic rites of Christianity are often seen as an integral part of the process (as in the Soyatzingo example above).

A great many titles are cast at least partly in the first person; an elder speaks to the young and future generations with essential information on the altepetl and advice on how to preserve it. The elder (sometimes elders, or a father and mother pair) may belong to the generation of founders, or be the

principal ruler of the altepetl at an early time, or be a symbolic incarnation of the altepetl. His speeches have the admonishing tone of the old huehuetlatolli, and he often uses terms and phrases associated with that form of dis-

416 Forms of Expression course. Rarely is it entirely clear whether he is speaking in the present (after 1650), in the sixteenth century, or in preconquest times, or shifting back and forth from passage to passage. As a result of this concentration on the elder/

founder, a few titles are in the form of a testament issued by that figure.‘ Whether founding fathers speak in the first person or not, they are often present as the protagonists of the transactions related in the document. In what has already been said one can detect the relatively atemporal or at least nonchronological nature of the titles, the opposite of the annals genre. If certain brief and relatively uncomplex titles refer exclusively to a single set of events dated unambiguously in a specific year in the sixteenth century, the majority leave the impression of a morass of temporal vagueness and contradiction. Various partial explanations can be offered. Knowledge of dates a century and more back was sparse in the Nahua community at any level, and even sparser, no doubt, in popular oral tradition. A process of accretion may have contributed. As we have seen, mest titles were not manufactured whole

cloth but stitched together from disparate existing local sources, with the result that the same events can be dated differently in the same document. Some of the Nahua title-writers may have understandably thought that the Spaniards were date-crazy and thrown a kaleidoscopic array of venerable dates at them simply to impress them. None of this touches the core of the matter, however. Essentially, most titles were written from a timeless perspective much like that found in myth, ordering the material in a topical way, not concerned with making distinctions between similar phenomena across time but rather merging them, making all altepetl leaders the same, as well as all new beginnings and all outside threats, for all had the same function. The effect, not consciously intended, was the strongest possible assertion of the unchanging unity and strength of the altepetl regardless of time, that is, from its foundation in an infinitely remote past, the equivalent of the imagined beginning of the civilized world,

to the present. Thus the titles, for all their historical ammunition, are not history like the annals, but some combination of corporate ideology, special pleading, oratory, and myth. They hardly ever simply tell random interesting facts, and they are distinctly not the place to go for relatively reliable data on this or that event. But to disregard the historicity of titles material totally is to-go too far. Some of the names dropped in titles have been proved to be actual historical personages, some of the congregaciones mentioned actually took place, and so on.'55 In view of the genre’s general utter unreliability in this respect, we still cannot use unsupported assertions found in titles as evidence on facts, but the factual dimension allows us to see better into the nature of the documents themselves.

Forms of Expression 417 Prima facie the genre presents a wholly corporate facade, the only apparent crack in which is some hint of tensions between the two parts in altepetl with dual organization.'5* When something more is known of the personages

named, it may turn out that the ostensible founding father was a member of one faction, and the trouble-making mestizo from the outside, excoriated in the document, was actually the father of an altepetl governor belonging to an opposing faction.” Here, as in the annals genre and in so much else in the Nahua world, individual, faction, and corporation merge in a complex balance, in which, though it is not devoid of conflict, the corporate aspect is used for individual ends without making any distinction in principle between the two.' The corporation indeed occupies the forefront, yet the system totally transcends older notions of monolithic Indian communalism. But granted the need for subtlety in interpretation, the titles genre does give us a fuller, more direct and untrammeled expression of the Nahua image of corporate self, for the later period at least, than any other written medium. Despite the role of Spanish pressure in stimulating their composition, titles _ are freer from direct Spanish influence than plays, less thematically restricted than songs, and at times more discursive than annals, which do have much | the same basic theme. Mundane documentation implies and illustrates the centrality of the altepetl but has little occasion to discuss it. The relative amateurishness and lack of sophistication of the titles writers put them in all the closer touch with popular stereotypes and made them more uninhibited in

expressing them. ,

For the most part, the image projected in the titles is no surprise. A com-

posite of the picture presented (again, not all of it will be found in most individual examples) would run somewhat as follows.‘° The altepetl is an organized people different from any other, existing from a remote time until _ _ today as an independent entity in sovereign control of its territory and destined to remain so, assuming its citizens hold to their time-honored traditions and stand firm against outsiders. The traditions include originally indigenous as well as originally Spanish elements, so fully merged and integrated that there is no separating them. The saint and the church (the physical building) are prominent altepetl symbols. As to the hostile outsiders, they too can be either Spanish or indigenous; an outsider is an outsider, and broader ethnic awareness or solidarity is no more to be found in the titles than anywhere else. The altepetl feels loyal to distant Spanish governmental authorities, the king and the viceroy, hoping from them support in its conflicts with more local authorities, Spanish laymen, and rival altepetl. Likewise, the feeling expressed about religion is enthusiastically if often unorthodoxly Christian, but distant archbishops are given a large role, while local priests are ignored. The titles thus express a bit more openly the view that pervades almost all

A418 Forms of Expression - manifestations of Nahua culture, and most Nahuas of the entire postconquest period could probably have readily subscribed to the essence of what the texts assert. Some aspects of their vision, however, belong specifically to the late

period. Sixteenth-century Nahuas were beginning to see a saint as the embodiment of the altepetl, and they were inclined to take any useful introduced element for what it was without asking where it came from. But in the titles the interpenetration of elements from the two cultures has gone much further than it had in Stage 2. The authors of the titles had often lost nearly all sense of any distinction between things of Spanish origin and things of indigenous origin as long as they belonged to the local tradition. Lost, too, was an awareness of the difference between the pre- and postconquest periods. Christianity and Spanish legal procedures might be attributed to the preconquest Mexica, or preconquest wars projected onto postconquest congregaciones. And if the image of the altepetl as an autonomous people had not changed, some of the entities to which the concept is applied in the titles must have been sub-altepetl, calpolli, or less in the sixteenth century before the late-colonial wave of

fragmentation set in. | |

Even as a Stage 3 phenomenon the titles have their peculiarities. Late annals share much of their vagueness about earlier times. But whereas the annals are largely unconcerned with the preconquest period and do not concentrate on the sixteenth century, in titles the sixteenth century is the primary time of reference, and preconquest material and modes are rife even if the authors do not fully recognize them for what they historically are. Although essentially written in Stage 3 vernacular, often complete with loan verbs and particles, the titles, frozen perhaps in set presentations handed down from one generation to the next, retain far more of the old-style rhetoric and vocabulary than do the annals. Late annals, in contrast, following the trend of the times, show a far wider and more perceptive vision of the world beyond the altepetl. It was not by accident that the assertive corporate ideology of the

titles, traditionally shared by all Nahuas, found written expression when many altepetl citizens were making individual contacts and accommodations with Hispanic society and partially transcending the corporation. The titles genre remains an opening into a corner of the Nahua mind to which we have no other access and an evidence of cultural vitality and creativity generations

after the confrontation with the Spaniards had begun. | A Glimpse at Art and Architecture Not only is writing an art, but the visual arts often approach the function of writing, expressing specific symbolic meanings through conventions broadly

understood in a given society. Like writing, the nonverbal arts are genrebound, but there, too, important conventions and techniques can be common

Forms of Expression AIQ to distinct genres. Conventions and techniques can even be shared by writing _ and visual art, and this was markedly the case in preconquest Mesoamerica. We have seen that a single term denoted both writing and painting (sometimes sculpture was also included), and that “writing” was highly pictorial. The other side of the coin was that painting and sculpture were a great deal like writing. Lacking European-style perspective, relatively nonrealistic for the most part, depictions of a great many objects relied partly on convention to make the reference clear. In other words, painted pictures were somewhat glyph-like. Many of the same signs appeared in sculpture as well. Architecture | was a rather different matter, no doubt, but it had its symbolism. Its way of arranging ensembles ran parallel to modes of organization in many aspects of Nahua culture, and above all it was covered with sculpture and painting, which served at once to ornament and interpret it. Moreover, the visual arts were like writing in some of their functions, especially the function of serving | the altepetl and its religion. After the conquest, comparable continuities and

transformations are to be observed in both realms. It would be very much to the point, then, to treat the visual arts here in the same way as annals or plays. Alas, to do the massive basic research required would take many years, not to speak of new training. And the art historical literature, which contains some distinguished work, has mainly approached its topics in ways that leave the ethnohistorian’s questions unanswered. Even so, a few authors do speak to the topics relevant here, or give relevant evidence, and one recent study on a set of sixteenth-century frescoes provides precisely the kind of basis needed to put art in the framework developed here. Using these materials, I will briefly examine some phenomena of art with a view to discovering processes and timing parallel or otherwise analogous to what we have already seen. The necessarily fragmentary nature of these remarks will perhaps frustrate some students sufficiently that they will consider making a career of combining art historical and ethnohistoricalphilological research, for nothing less will do justice to a whole realm of significant phenomena traditionally seen far too much in isolation. | Among the forms already discussed, the circumstances seen in connection with theater bear the closest resemblance to those of postconquest Nahua

artistic expression, and not only because both are primarily religious in theme; both involve production under Spanish auspices and supervision, so that the larger plan is at least to appearances Spanish, and it is mainly in the execution of details that indigenous people have a freer hand and operate more obviously within their own traditions. In both realms, when there are larger congruities between the product and Nahua tendencies or needs, it is

hard or impossible to know whether the rapprochement should be attributed to Nahua initiatives or to prudent adjustment on the part of the Spaniards. The largest such question has to do with the rise of a monastery church

420 Forms of Expression complex consisting entirely of European elements but as an ensemble without

known precedent in Spain or elsewhere. Remarkable enough was the large stone single-nave church, with a cut-stone portal, flanked by a cloister, but more idiosyncratic was the precinct itself. The church faced onto a huge walled-in open space with its own impressive stone archway at the entrance. Somewhere near or attached to the church was an “open chapel” where mass could be said for multitudes standing in the great patio. In the four corners of the patio were as many small chapels, left open on two sides for processions to pass through, and in the center, on a platform, stood a stone cross,

usually decorated with carved insignia of the Passion.'*! Affinities between this system and that prevailing before the conquest have

often been noted.'2 To begin with, the new complex was not infrequently ~ erected over the ruins of the main altepetl temple. Preconquest temples faced large enclosed spaces where the populace stood watching the rites and participating in the processions. In the center of the space was a sacrificial platform not too dissimilar from the base on which the cross was to stand after the conquest. Above all, everything happened outdoors in open view under

both arrangements. = Such similarities go beyond coincidence. But how did they come about? The origins of the outdoor complex, which often preceded the church and cloister, go back into the legendary decades just after the conquest and are correspondingly obscure. In the early years, the parallels with the preconquest layout may have been even more striking. One of the first known open chapels, if not the first, in Tlaxcala, dating from the late 1530’s, was elevated far above the audience like indigenous temples,** whereas with some exceptions altars in later chapels were near ground level. Nahua pressure and Spanish accommodation remain equally plausible explanations for the prevalence of the open chapel, for it is hard to imagine how the hordes of the early and middle sixteenth century, before the epidemics took their full toll, could have been served in any other way. Well before the end of the century, though the physical plant of the outdoor system remained, it appears that Sunday services were being held in the church as in Europe, very possibly more because of the reduced population than because of a changed perspective on the part of either Nahuas or Spaniards.'* At all odds, church architecture is one more realm where Spanish modes were transformed in the process of being applied to the Nahuas. My analogy between religious architecture and Nahuatl plays admittedly has its limits. The plays met indigenous tastes and needs and hence long survived, but it is doubtful that the Nahuas would have clamored for them had the Spanish ecclesiastics not taken the first step. Churches were a different story. Indigenous religious architecture had been the arena of a crowded cal-

Forms of Expression 421 endar of sacred rites deemed essential to success and good order in every human endeavor; now the buildings had been destroyed and the rites abolished. The need for replacement buildings and rites was imperative.’ Of equal importance was the role of the temple as the primary symbol of the main framework of Nahua life, the altepetl. It was predictable that the citizens of each altepetl, from high to low, would not rest content until they had built a new equivalent edifice, as splendid as possible, to represent their polity

and enable them to hold up their heads in dealing with other towns. | Another difference between theater and architecture (all art, really) has to do with the Spaniards’ relation to the product. Plays required the use of idiomatic Nahuatl dialogue. This, as non—native speakers, the Spaniards were simply not capable of producing unaided, so that, as we have seen, they perforce left the production of the polished version to their aides, and we have many hints that they did not fully understand what the aides had written. But in building and carving, the protective veil of language was absent; Spaniards could see directly what was done, compare it with their plans and canons, supervise more closely, and intervene directly in production when they felt it necessary.

The overall surface of religious art was thus more comparable to Spanish originals than was the case with plays, and indigenous independence was much restricted. Few indeed must have been the major building projects of the sixteenth century carried out without a Spanish designer, a Spanish over-

seer, and some non-Indian technical personnel (crew bosses and trained craftsmen)—although in truth the question of personnel in building and decorative campaigns must be answered largely by deduction from the work itself and parallels drawn with other postconquest craft activity. Nevertheless, zones of indigenous independence existed in this realm. So much needed to be done that, apparently, Spanish supervisors often left certain tasks they considered less important in the hands of indigenous craftsmen alone, and the decoration of already set designs (sometimes highly skeletal) was one such assignment.'° Such a mass of work was needed all across central Mexico in the sixteenth century that a very large proportion of it had to be done by Nahuas alone, and no matter how close the supervision they were under, they could do only what they had at any given point in time learned to do. Under these circumstances, nothing could prevent indigenous styles, techniques, and perceptions from affecting the end result. Some indigenous practitioners of the arts in European style were from an early time so thoroughly trained and adept that their works are difficult or impossible to distinguish from those of Spaniards. But in the sixteenth century, for every one of these there were many craftsmen less fully exposed to the European tradition. _

422 Forms of Expression With the buildings themselves and even the architectonic aspects of portals closely designed by Spaniards, sculpture was one of the main areas where

the indigenous could manifest itself, primarily in relief carvings on church entryways, patio chapels, crosses, baptismal fonts, and the like. These included representations of human figures and flora and fauna, as well as more abstract decorative motifs. Some of the work could pass for Spanish, and very little of it shows a carryover of preconquest symbols (in contrast, for example,

to the postconquest glyphic writing discussed in Chapter 8), but at times it treats the topics and tasks dictated by Spaniards in a fashion clearly in the indigenous tradition. One is not surprised to find in such carving yet another reflection of the general Nahua propensity toward cellular-modular organization, the symmetrical arrangement of independent parts of which we have seen so much in previous chapters. Consider the familiar ring of an art historian’s observations on indigenous-Spanish carved ornament:* The many stressed episodes do not add up to an expression of continuous movement, but-remain separate shoves and swirls. .. . The movement is repetitive .. . rather than flowing. ... Such all-over, metronomic, never-ending repetition, as opposed to metrical scansion with phrased grouping of accents, is one of the fundamental differences

between the typical Indian and European expressions in ornament... . Coherence comes not from any organic or sequential interrelation of parts, but from their insistent repetition in tight and seemingly endless patterns, and from the incessant interaction of their outlines. Almost everything seems equally important because almost nothing submits to subordination.

Many of the same things could be said about Nahuatl song or about the altepetl. Not mentioned, however, is the numerical symmetry, the manipula-

tion of twos, fours, and eights to create larger coherent entities, that is so

find it. |

important in those types of organization. Perhaps the predetermined Spanish forms into which the ornament was crowded precluded the full development of organizational symmetry. Or perhaps it is actually there in many cases, as unnoticed as it was until recently in song structure, and future research can

A second major characteristic of postconquest sculpted ornament in Nahua hands has to do with the manner of showing figures and designs in relief. Emphasized elements stand out sharply, even exaggeratedly, but rather than being rounded against a flat surface, they tend to be, though deeply incised, nearly as flat as the background, what has been called the “cookie cutter” style.°° Many Nahua craftsmen of the time simply were not familiar with the European manner of simulating roundness in relief, but in any case their so-*] cannot bring myself to use the infelicitous invented term tequitqui for this style (the word’s origin and problematics are discussed in McAndrew 1964, pp. 196—97).

Forms of Expression 423 lution had the effect of reducing realism, heightening stylization, and bringing the compositions more in line with preconquest tradition.1”°

Nahua sculptors must have interpreted for themselves the shapes they | were directed to carve, and the meanings they attached to them did not always precisely match their meanings in the European tradition. In many cases we have no indication—at least no superficial indication—of divergence, but in others it shows through. Notably in the churchyard crosses carved by in-

_digenous sculptors with the paraphernalia of the Passion, the cross seems personified, a saint or deity itself, merged with Jesus, whose face and sometimes arms are depicted embedded in it. The Passion symbols on it are like the insignia carved on preconquest statues of gods.'71 The implied concept agrees well with behavior reported in sixteenth-century central Mexico but best known in Yucatan.'” Thus Nahua sculpture done in the sixteenth century in Spanish modes, or at least much of it, can be compared to the Spanish words coming into Nahuatl at the same time (Stage 2), which were given an indigenous pronunciation and often assumed a partially indigenous meaning

as well. | |

Postconquest Nahua painting has seemed to some more thoroughly dominated by European techniques and conventions than the sculpture,” to the point that much of it could be (and has been) taken for the work of Spaniards or Flemings, and only the sheer bulk of it, in fresco murals covering large spaces in central Mexican monastic establishments in lieu of canvases or cutstone ornament, convinces one that it must have been executed primarily by , indigenous people.1* Yet though a great deal of extant sixteenth-century painting seems to confirm this impression of overwhelmingly European-style workmanship, certain exceptions have long been known.'> Moreover, a recent study, the most thorough and broadest yet done in terms of searching out specific European and indigenous antecedents, shows a very considerable impact of the preconquest tradition on a set of monastic frescoes.’”* The cloister murals of the Augustinian monastery of Malinalco (southwest of Mexico City), executed probably in the 1570’s, at first glance look to be entirely Eu-

ropean in theme, style, and content. The design, doubtless worked out by some Augustinian friar, represents a paradisiacal garden (Eden or heaven). Between borders of foliage and grotesquerie, great panels are dominated by medallions with standard Christian religious insignia; the remaining large space is filled with flowers and verdure, as well as animals, birds, and insects seeming to enjoy the delights of the garden. It is primarily in these spaces that the indigenous tradition asserts itself.1” Some of the exuberant flora and fauna are European, and some are common to both hemispheres or unidentified, but many are identifiably species native to Mexico. Moreover, though most of these species are portrayed quite real-

424 Forms of Expression

Ae

¥ RES seen wip

PI WEETENQ On De (a) Dey OA qpe (/ 7%

=p),

Fig. 9.1. Song scroll and stylized bee in the Malinalco frescoes. Source: Jeanette Favrot Peterson, “The Garden Frescoes of Malinalco,” Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA, 1985, fig. 45.

istically, continuities with preconquest conventions of drawing them can be detected. There are even some preconquest glyphs, including for example song scrolls (see Fig. 9.1). Nor have the indigenous elements become pure decoration. Butterflies and stylized bees sip at the flowers (a preconquest convention for expressing the joys of especially meritorious souls in the afterlife), and the song scrolls are put in the mouths of creatures singing the praises of

paradise. ,

The Nahua painters at Malinalco thus retained preconquest techniques, conventions, and concepts, still forming a coherent ensemble, and integrated them into the murals as a whole in a congruent fashion. At the same time, they had gained much skill in the European manner, although some inconsis-

tencies or deviances can be observed, such as mixed perspectives or light coming from more than one source. Many of the indigenous elements in the murals also fit within a European style and conceptual vocabulary, giving the work added depth, for parts of it can be interpreted in two ways (or in different ways by the adherents of the two traditions). The Nahuas involved were all trained painters, but not all at the same level of competence in the European style; those most exposed to European instruction did the main panels, leaving subordinates or apprentices to do much of the more purely ornamental work, in which examination shows a greater preponderance of indigenous technique. Here, as with sculpture and plays, Spaniards at some point left the

Forms of Expression 425 execution of detail to the Nahuas, and what emerges in each case is a partial assimilation of the European to the indigenous, a naturalization. All the artistic phenomena we have been discussing belong to Stage 2, and mainly to the core of it, the last three or four decades of the sixteenth century. Like so many other manifestations of Stage 2, including the writings discussed earlier in this chapter,!” the art of the time combines strong, still vital and understood preconquest elements with introduced elements that tend to dominate the surface and are in fact quite well understood, although often reinterpreted to bring them closer to the indigenous tradition. The chronology here is determined ultimately by the same factors as elsewhere, by the framework of contact bringing exposure to the new and setting up processes of learning and adjustment. The relevant contact in this case is with Spanish experts in art, and the learning is of a highly technical nature, but the evolution still fits within much the same temporal framework as in other branches of life.'? Not until the 1560’s and 1570’s, for the most part, had Nahua craftsmen mastered the new skills sufficiently to produce complex images that would satisfy European eyes. This was not enough time, however, to forget the old skills, which contributed to products as uniquely charming, valuable, and informa-

tive as their analogues in other dimensions of life. | Did the parallels continue into later times? That is, was there a Stage 3 in art, in which the Nahuas opened up even more to Spanish currents, lost contact with much preconquest lore, and carried on Hispanic-style artistic activity more as independent individuals? Part of the question can be answered positively. Religious art and architecture executed by Nahuas definitely became more Hispanic in style, and indeed it seems to have experienced a wa- _ tershed earlier than most other branches of life (perhaps another effect of the irrelevance of the linguistic factor in visual art). Works of a markedly indigenous character, in touch with the preconquest tradition, are not reported in central Mexico after about 1600.1 Provincial and metropolitan manners can be distinguished, but hardly Spanish and Indian. Despite a widespread feeling

that the indigenous tradition somehow contributed importantly to the extravagant Churrigueresque of the eighteenth century, one hesitates to call it “Indian,” even in its more popular manifestations in small towns whose inhabitants were overwhelmingly Nahuas.'*!

After the apprenticeship of the sixteenth century, some Nahua practition- , ers of art shook off Spanish tutelage. An itinerant indigenous painter, one don Baltasar, who did a canvas of the virgin Mary for the Franciscan cloister of Tula in 1614 and was duly paid for his services, cannot have been the only such figure.'*? Given the great dearth of information, I will repeat in some detail an episode related in the late-seventeenth-century Puebla annals quoted

426 Forms of Expression several times in a section above. In 1688, the Nahua district of San Juan del Rio was beautifying its church by the addition of a dome (for in Puebla - a church had to have a dome). The builder in charge of this highly technical task was an indigenous craftsman named Josef Francisco. Whether he was a resident of the district or not is not mentioned, but at any rate he was a contractor working for pay, not someone doing duty for the altepetl. That an indigenous mason/architect and his crew should attempt such a task says a great deal. But so does the fact that he did not succeed. No sooner was the vault closed than the dome began to crack. Thereupon Spanish masters were summoned; the first said the whole church would have to be torn down, but _ others maintained that it was sufficient to remove the dome and build a new one, which was done in a month’s time.**? Even if the Nahuas were operating quite independently in their own sphere, the Spaniards were still better placed in respect to the ever-changing world of European technology and style, and when there was difficulty, they were needed. Yet the implication is that Nahuas and Spaniards were operating within a single system, sharing all the

same goals and suppositions. |

Much remains to be learned about the role of the Nahuas in Mexican art in the later period. Already clear, however, is an evolution from a stage when, as in language, much new vocabulary was treated by traditional principles to a stage when the syntax itself was deeply affected.

WHEN I SET OUT to do the research and writing that eventuated in this book, I wanted in a very general way to help put the history of indigenous people in Spanish America on the same level as the more developed literature about Spaniards.* I did not mean to tie the work to any single theme. Perhaps I was especially interested in demonstrating the desirability or necessity, as well as the feasibility, of using Indian-language sources in writing the history of at

least some major indigenous groups after European contact. I wished to show, and believe I have shown, that such groups long continued to constitute an immensely complex, partly autonomous sector that must be studied on its own terms, if only because its nature was vital to questions of postconquest continuity and change affecting early Spanish America as a whole—Indians, Spaniards, and their common arena, Spanish American society in general. Then too, the book, as the result of the first broad pass through the Nahuatl sources, contains much that may illuminate indigenous life in some way without being closely related to any particular special theme; I meant to let no detectable new characteristic of Nahua culture and its postconquest evolution

escape mention.

Nevertheless, as the study progressed it became surprisingly thematic; nor could this result be said to have been entirely accidental. Ever since my first archival experiences with them, I have had great respect for the degree of

integrity of both Hispanic and indigenous spheres in early Spanish America. , [have felt that each long retained its own center of balance, relatively imper* Around 1973-75, when I first began to attack Nahuatl studies seriously, it seemed selfevident that the historical literature was markedly imbalanced in favor of Spaniards. The time since then has seen a flood of high-quality ethnohistorical publications on Mesoamerica and the Andes, and one is tempted to say that we have redressed the imbalance or even perhaps gone overboard in the other direction, especially with research on Indians seen in isolation from other groups. Nevertheless, at the present writing, the corpus of scholarship on Spaniards remains far bulkier, more varied, and more comprehensive in coverage, and we continue to have a far subtler,

and culture. ,

fuller understanding of the workings of the Hispanic component of Spanish American society

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md FR O EA Z 4 VW an a friction. For the altepetl, it was a perpetual threat; yet without the independence the scheme allowed to the proud and diverse subentities, it would have — been impossible to persuade them to cooperate within the altepetl at all, and repeated splitting off from a parent entity was what had brought some com-

plex altepetl, such as Tlaxcala, into existence. Cellular-modular organization gave the Nahua world great resilience in postconquest times. Units seriously affected by demographic loss or Spanish reorganization always contained within themselves the means and the rationale to continue functioning. In the late colonial period, when times were becoming ever less propitious for larger altepetl units, the subunits not only made the adjustment but actively _ sought the independence to which they had tended from the beginning. __ To bring out the common thread, let us compare various types of Nahua modular organization with Spanish counterparts. The Nahua altepetl invites comparison with the Spanish municipality-province. In the Spanish scheme, a juridically distinct central urban entity ruled and dominated the rest of the jurisdiction; ranking members of all hierarchies were based in the urban center, with tentacles reaching out and down to the-hinterland; members of a single corporate council, the cabildo, exercised authority throughout the district. In the Nahua scheme, despite the existence of a single head of state, a common altepetl divinity, and an altepetl market, each subentity had its own separate head, its own nobility, its own version of all altepetl structures; no governmental corporation really existed other than the sum total of the sub-

unit heads, who represented primarily their own units. Most general altepetl __ functions were carried out by the subunits in turn, and when common, simultaneous action was necessary, each was represented proportionally. Both the Spanish and the Nahua house complex usually looked inward to

a patio around which the dwelling spaces were distributed. The Nahua household was more radically self-contained and demarcated against the outside, with a single entry-exit in a solid enclosing wall. A Spanish residence _ usually consisted of a single contiguous if sprawling structure, with many of the rooms intercommunicating. In a Nahua household, the rooms, themselves called “‘calli,” “houses,” typically stood entirely separate, with their separate storerooms, and at any rate opened only onto the patio, each tending to con-

tain a pair of adults with children or dependents. a

The same sort of differences obtained between the household’s lands in the two cultures. Scattering occurred in both, and in both there were small family holdings consisting of a single plot, but in the Nahua system, division into a larger number of smaller pieces, more widely separated, was normal. Moreover, in complex households, the individual nuclear families would each take primary responsibility for separate plots. A given plot was also often an

| Conclusion 439 element in a broader scheme dividing a whole large tract or basin into a large number of smaller pieces of relatively uniform dimensions, varying with the _ topography, of course, but based on a small standard unit. Even large plots

held by high nobles tended to be multiples of the standard unit and were © subject to subdivision at any time. Apart from lots in the urban center, no

such standard layout existed among Spaniards. - ! Turning to more specifically cultural manifestations, there too we find systematic contrasts. A Spanish song or poem, for example, often told a story in a linear fashion, or at least proceeded cumulatively, each succeeding element depending logically and aesthetically on those preceding. In extant Nahuatl song, pairing and numerical symmetry, together with a common theme, provide the unity; individual pairs of verses are self-contained, not referring to or implying each other, and in variants they often come in different sequences. A Spanish history or chronicle has a specific theme or title; it is organized into largish titled chapters, each of which carries the story one step further. A Nahua history or set of annals, though focused in a sense on the altepetl, covers a variety-of topics; it is organized only by the cycle of the year signs, each year making a unit and each event within that again a separate unit. Spanish decoration in art and architecture tends to emphasize, centralize, and enlarge certain elements, subordinating the rest to them, whereas Nahua decoration creates panels and series in which self-contained like elements repeat to form some sort of symmetrical whole. The indigenous and Spanish calendars could be compared in much the same way. So could the Spanish and Nahuatl languages. The topic would _ demand far more systematic demonstration than I can give it here, but Ido © want to sketch out in this connection what is perhaps one of the most basic manifestations of cellular-modular organization. In Nahuatl, not only every verb but also every noun bears a subject prefix and potentially constitutes a complete utterance. The language proceeds by a series of phonological/syntactic phrases consisting of a nuclear word (verb or noun), its affixes, and some half-attached particles; these conglomerate entities are larger than our words and often smaller than our sentences (some attention was given to these units in Chapter 8). Although Nahuatl can and does create supremely

long and complex utterances, in such constructs the individual constituent. phrases relate to each other primarily through cross-reference and parallelism; though many devices for unambiguous subordination exist, they are generally more subtle than their equivalents in European languages, and Nahuatl dependent clauses often seem less fully or unequivocally subordinated. The flow of language generally defies numerical symmetries and rotation schemes, but in Nahuatl double expressions are rife at all levels, bringing to mind the

popularity of the 2, 4, 8 series in other domains." a

440 Conclusion We have already seen that as pervasive as it was, cellular-modular organization was adapted in different ways to different purposes. It was no doubt the most general Nahua model for constructing anything whatever, but is not in itself a universal explanation. Without knowledge of the nature of the realm of the construction and of its purpose, one can predict little. Contradictions are found too—that is, principles other than cellular-modular organization may be admitted within the construct. In altepetl organization, the site combining the residence of the tlatoani, the main temple, and the altepetl market could give rise to the semblance of a dominant central settlement, despite the lack of a unified conceptual framework for it and the rationale (and actuality) of separate rotating subdivisions. In landholding, the principle _ of a central dominant headquarters as opposed to scattered distant holdings

was made explicit, even basic. The numerical aspect varies greatly. On the basis of the altepetl and the songs, one is inclined to think of 2, 4, 8, etc., as the canonical scheme. But other schemes are found as well. In politics, the vagaries of confederation and

splitting off could produce schemes of 3, 5, and other numbers. These seem to function as well as any, and indeed, the number 7 possibly constituted a competing canon.” Since 2 and 4 were also very important in preconquest religion and cosmology (which also obeyed the principles of cellular-modular

organization, including rotation), I believe that these numbers were indeed the general ideal and point of departure. One might imagine that the altepetl’s archetypal division into four parts, often oriented to the cardinal directions, had its origin in Mesoamerican religion. Without doubt these aspects of sociopolitical organization coincided with religious-cosmological notions and

had corresponding connotations for the Nahuas, but one could say just as well that Mesoamericans projected their own organization onto the cosmos, or that the cosmic and the sociopolitical view coincided and interpenetrated. _ To me, organization in both these spheres, and in others, is the result of the principle of cellular symmetry operating in the context of a given numerical

system.

Another notable aspect of Nahua organization is the general lack of clearly drawn polarities, seen above all in a disinclination to distinguish systematically between private and public, as with the shifting status of the teccalli or lordly houses, the interpenetration of social and political terminology, the land regime in general, the saints, and the combined individual-corporate

expression often found in annals and titles. This tendency can be brought

or consequence of it. |

into connection with cellular-modular organization or even be seen as a facet

Where the largest sociopolitical entities were divided into separate independent parts, those in turn into others, and those into still others, reaching

Conclusion 441 straight down to the household as a constituent part and right on into the household’s own constituent parts, each entity with its own rights and duties,

there is no one place in the continuum where such rights and duties can be _ said to have been different in kind from those at the next level. A constant tug of war went on that could potentially lead either to greater emphasis on the overarching entity or to the hiving off of the smaller ones, but the process was at the same time the normal framework for the accommodation of diverse interests. Complex protocols and sliding scales, very hard to discern with the means available to us, helped to ward off chaos and arbitrary action. One such mechanism was the principle that the longer a given entity held certain land, the greater its claim and its discretion over use, and the fewer its duties to other entities. | Nevertheless, one major polarity did exist in Nahua culture at European contact, the sharp distinction between pilli or noble and macehualli or commoner. It is true that merchants and some skilled craftsmen may have shared characteristics of both, that formal and informal mechanisms existed for the _ rise of commoners to noble status, and that at the level of social reality, the difference between lesser nobles and wealthier commoners was sometimes virtually indiscernible. But in principle, at the level of rationale and ideology, the distinction was absolute and well developed, with a large associated vocabulary, well-defined roles, and stereotyped behavior expectations. From the perspective of the sixteenth century, the pilli-macehualli distinction seems to deserve to be called one of the three foundations of Nahua society and consciousness, along with the altepetl and the household. The last two survived better than the first: as we have seen, by the eighteenth century, upper and

lower groups still existed in Nahua society, along familiar lines, but with

fallen into disuse. ] ,

more blurring and flexibility; the explicit polar distinction in terminology had

A final pervasive feature of Nahua culture as seen through the window of Nahuatl documents is, despite the commonalities and parallels between sectors that I have been emphasizing, a high degree of compartmentalization, both between large domains and within them. Although a relation to the selfcontainedness of subunits in cellular-modular organization comes immediately to mind, I suspect that much the same picture would emerge for any culture examined in the same way, and particularly one in which massive contact with another culture brings the differential interaction between their varying corresponding systems into play. Above I briefly touched on some

aspects of the differential. , ,

Much of the best evidence concerns questions of genre and subgenre in written texts, where the entire concatenation is before our eyes in a way not equaled with other topics. Thus annals, plays, songs, titles, and incantations

442 Conclusion each have their own separate vocabulary, structure, conventions, and even orthography (especially notable with the titles and songs). The practitioners of each genre were in varying degrees in touch with one another and with their predecessors, and drew primarily on the tradition of that particular genre, ignoring potentially available and relevant material in other genres. Clearly, each of these forms corresponded to a somewhat different social circle, interest group, and situation relative to the Spanish presence. They are comparable to systems such as land tenure management or the household, which had their own constituency, their own vocabulary, and though we are a little less familiar with them, their own associated textual genres. , But as I say, compartmentalization does not stop with whole systems and social circles. Mundane postconquest documentation was a single system operated by the same people with the same training, yet distinct subgenres existed, those with closer preconquest precedent differing markedly from those without it. And we have seen one example of genre-internal compartmentalization, with a quite sharp distinction between the incantation-like testament preamble and the body in more vernacular language. One is inclined to think | in terms of invisible boundaries or skins like those that in grammar.contain | words, phrases, and sentences and let them function as units in a larger

context. | |

Some borders are more porous than others. The one around testament

preambles was quite permeable; that around Stage 2 song considerably less — so; and that around indigenous-style incantations almost impenetrable. Some

boundaries permit continued evolution within them, whereas others lead to the fossilization and ritualization of their contents. The latter phenomenon may be associated with the drying up of the source, preconquest religious practice in the case of the incantations, and the abstract Christianity promulgated by the Spanish mendicants of the sixteenth century in the case of testament preambles. Boundaries can also open up or be erased. Something of this nature apparently happened with the system of kinship terminology at the onset of Stage 3, allowing the penetration of Spanish terms into a whole realm previously unaffected.

The Nature of Cultural Interaction Oe At the heart of this book is a three-stage process of interaction, over nearly three centuries, of two cultures, one indigenous and one intrusive, each borne by a substantial permanent local population, alike in many aspects of their basic profile yet with striking differences. If we seek to characterize that evolution at a yet more general level (still focusing, for now, on the effects on indigenous culture), we may begin by considering the viability of explanatory

frameworks that have been used in the past. |

Conclusion 443 The breadth and temporal extension of the regularities of the process, its subterranean aspect, with large parts of it quite hidden from Spaniards and even from the consciousness of Nahuas, put a severe limitation on any explanation that makes conscious policies, intentions, and attitudes the primary factor. There were, it is true, some things in Nahua culture so different from Spanish ways and in such direct conflict with them, such as human sacrifice and public non-Christian idolatry, that Spanish attitudes and policies led to their near-eradication in short order. But such spectacular cases have little to do with the overall movement. Notions of a planned and directed selective acculturation, conceived in the minds primarily of Spanish ecclesiastics, are inadequate, or, to put it more strongly, are false, for ecclesiastical policies and campaigns account for only a tiny proportion of what happened and cover an equally tiny proportion of the range of concepts and mental processes

involved. | |

| Much the same objection attaches to explanations emphasizing indigenous resistance. One could no more have resisted Stage 2 or Stage 3 than one could have opposed the High German sound shift. At any rate, it is perfectly

clear that the Nahuas, after an initial twenty-year period about which we know relatively little, were not for the most part in a mood of active resistance. The Spanish manner of using and building on the altepetl adequately met Nahua expectations and short-term interests. In one domain after another, we see that the Nahuas had no doctrinal distaste for Spanish introductions as such but related to them pragmatically as things they might make their own, according to criteria of familiarity, usability, and availability. If resistance is to be integrated meaningfully into the explanation of the broader process, it must be reconceptualized so as not to make a conscious decision to accept or reject something foreign the crucial factor. If a Spanish concept, practice, or organizational mode was too distinct from indigenous equivalents at a given time, the Nahuas would fail to understand it or see its utility, | and in that sense would “resist” it. The advancing three-stage process could | gradually change Nahua culture to the point of overcoming such “resistance.” Seen in terms of compatibilities, boundaries, and changing thresholds, perhaps resistance can be salvaged as a theoretical tool, but it must be han-

_ dled gingerly and remains problematic.”

As to the notion of isolation (from the Hispanic world) as a crucial variable in indigenous cultural history, the three stages in a way represent a resounding confirmation. What we now see, however, is a progressive breaking down of that isolation, starting at an early time, as part of a dynamic process of adaptation. Recent anthropological and literary assessments of cultural contact situations often fasten on the mental worlds of the two cultures involved, which is all to the good, but they also often emphasize well-articulated, high-culture

444 Conclusion | expressions of conscious attitudes and intentions, which is less apropos, bringing us back to the naive perspectives of the institutional and intellectual historians of past generations. One also often sees the concept of “the other” __ given great prominence in this connection. To the concept itself I would have little objection, if it is taken as encouraging us to study the extent to which groups newly in contact view each other as sharing basic common traits or not—whether they identify each other as within the pale or without. But the approach seems to lead to the notion that the groups facing each other are absorbed with this question and furthermore that they generally view each

other as radically distinct. ,

Not so with the Nahuas and Spaniards. Yes, it appears that the Nahuas may have called the Spaniards “gods” for a brief time,?1 and the Spaniards © (though mainly in Spain, and mainly some years after first contact) may have debated the degree of humanity and rationality of the Indians. But their everyday actions and words (insofar as these can be traced) betray a very different conception on both sides, from the beginning. Each side remained essentially more concerned with its own internal affairs and conflicts than with understanding the other. Among the Spaniards, family, social status, regional ori-

gin, and time of arrival in the new country were only some of the factors bringing about a highly differentiated local Hispanic society, in which a multitude of factions struggled with each other for position and wealth. On the other side, the Spaniards saw simply “Indians,” largely assimilated in their minds to the model they had already formed during their Caribbean

experience. , Likewise, the Nahuas remained highly conscious of their altepetl and sub-

altepetl, their calpolli and sub-calpolli, as well as of their social and microethnic distinctions, each entity and faction seeking, from the very moment the Spaniards arrived, to do the best for itself in the new situation. The Nahuas were concerned with the Spaniards only as they impinged on their particular subentity, and they were satisfied to lump the new arrivals under some blanket label, as caxtilteca (Castilians), espanoles (Spaniards), or guixtianotin (Christians). The overall view of each side, then, was centered in its — own society and culture, with a flat, one-dimensional, simplified view of the

other side. ,

The difference in the view the two societies took of each other lies, it

seems to me, primarily in the realm of evaluation. Clearly, the Spaniards overall considered the Nahuas and their civilization (or more properly from their point of view, the “Indians” and Indian civilization”) to be markedly inferior,

no surprise since they showed a somewhat less radical version of the same attitude toward non-Castilian Europeans (including peripheral Iberians) and other Old World peoples. The Nahuas had always had a similar attitude to-

Conclusion 445 ward non-Nahuas, and more specifically, the people of each altepetl, calpolli, and subethnicity had always manifested it toward all outsiders. I suspect that

there was more to the Nahuas’ initial reaction to the Spaniards than their quick recognition of Spanish military and technological power, that an ethnocentric feeling of superiority was also an element. (In the Florentine Codex, we find a remaining hint of this; the Spaniards are said to babble, stutter, and speak in a barbarous tongue, the same expression used for non-Nahuatl indigenous languages.*) Nevertheless, in the long run, the fact of the conquest itself, the subsequent dominant position of Spaniards, and the consequent effectiveness of their modes gave high prestige to Spanish personnel, words, concepts, and

methods. Nowhere can this be seen more clearly than in the way that in | general Spanish surnames ranked higher in the Nahua world than indigenous names, and the closer a name approached to the characteristics of high rank among Spaniards, the higher ranking it was among Nahuas as well. Even so, the Nahuas did not therefore denigrate themselves. The situation might be compared with that among Francophile Americans and Englishmen in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; the French were surely admired,

Anglo-Saxon context. and French culture was used as a ranking criterion, but always within an

Aside from the question of rank, each society/culture approached the - other in a similar fashion, manifesting relatively little interest in the other

side’s internal structure, apparently expecting it in some way to mirror its own. The unspoken presumption of sameness showed itself above all in the way each used its own categories in interpreting cultural phenomena of the other. Probably the same principle was at work, on both sides, with all the peoples the Spaniards encountered, but in this case, more perhaps than in any other, similarities between the two cultures reinforced the tendency.* At the root of

cultural interaction between Nahuas and Spaniards was a process I have called Double Mistaken Identity,2*> whereby each side takes it that a given form or concept is essentially one already known to it, operating in much the same manner as in its own tradition, and hardly takes cognizance of the other side’s interpretation. Each could view Indian town government, the monastery complexes, mural painting, land tenure, and many other phenomena of the postconquest Nahua world as falling within its own frame of reference. Under the unwitting truce thus created, Nahua patterns could continue indefinitely in a superficially Hispanic guise that was sometimes no more than © ~ *To an extent, without much explicit comment, the Spaniards showed an awareness of the special affinities between the Nahuas and themselves by using them as auxiliaries everywhere they went in Mesoamerica and to the north, by attempting to remake the Indians of the north in the Nahuas’ image, and by their particularly low and negative opinion of the northern Indians,

an implicit comparison with the Indians of central Mexico. ,

446 Conclusion a label. Then, over the centuries, without much obvious surface change, a rapprochement took place in many spheres, often leading to forms that cannot be securely attributed to either original parent culture, but that were accepted all along as familiar by both. Even when the end result looked more Hispanic than indigenous, the Nahuas, without second thoughts and with good reason, regarded the concept, pattern, or institution as their own.”

| Perspectives , ~ One would, of course, like to compare postconquest Nahua history with that of other indigenous cultures in Spanish America. Comparative scholarship, however, requires not only comparable structures and trends but similar sources and similar primary research on those sources. Otherwise, one is likely to repeat the errors of historians who once drew a series of contrasts between English and Spanish settlers in America on the basis of the supposed absence among the Spaniards of groups that actually were there, but had not yet been discovered because the sources with social content had not yet been

- opened up. No other group seems to have left us a legacy of indigenouslanguage documentation as large as that preserved in Nahuatl, and few have left any at all. Within Mesoamerica, where all the different regional cultures _ partook of the same general preconquest writing tradition, they also adopted alphabetic writing in much the same fashion as the Nahuas. In most cases, however, a bare start has been made on the kind of philological research done

in the field of Nahuatl studies. |

But one region, Yucatan, offers a foothold. Major research on both the indigenous and the Spanish sector has been done in recent years, a philological tradition dealing with postconquest Yucatecan Maya exists, and some

work has even been done on Maya linguistic adaptations to Spanish in the postconquest centuries.?* An extensive comparison, as rewarding as it would potentially be, would require much further study and research. Here I will

only mention a few important points and their apparent implications. To begin with language, Yucatecan Maya at some undetermined point in the sixteenth century began to borrow Spanish nouns of the same types that came *T have skirted the concept of “acculturation.” In the past, it has often carried the implication that an individual or group is taking on a new culture, all of it, ignoring the possibility of - cultural retention or the crucial question of convergences. When an isolated individual or small group is immersed in a new milieu and out of contact with the culture of origin, something like total absorption of the new without much relation to the old may indeed occur, including in Latin American history (as with Indians from peripheral areas brought to Spanish American central areas as slaves or dependents of Spaniards). But in general, acculturation needs to be understood as any meaningful interaction of cultures that leaves them or their adherents ef-

acculturation. |

fectively different. In that sense, the patterns observed here surely belong to the history of

Conclusion | 447 into Nahuatl in Stage 2, with the same kind of phonological adjustments. (Of , a Stage 1 and its timing little can as yet be said.) The outstanding difference lies in the length of the equivalent of Stage 2. It is not until mid-eighteenth century that one begins to see phenomena reminiscent of Nahuatl’s Stage 3, and even then the movement is not as consistent or inclusive as with Nahuatl.27 (Yucatecan Maya today, however, shows all the characteristics of Stage 3 in fully developed form.) The upshot, then, is that as far as can pres-

ently be determined, Yucatecan Maya went through an evolution very much like that of the Nahuatl language, but with the transition between Stages 2 and 3 retarded by at least a hundred years. Because of the lack of comparable research, the same cannot be. shown

for all the branches of interest here. But it is known that the evolution of temporary labor mechanisms was similarly retarded, compared with central Mexico, and the greatest decrease of indigenous population seems to have fallen in a later time.2*® The books of Chilam Balam, the nearest equivalent to

Nahuatl annals and titles, retained a great deal of authentic preconquest lore into the late eighteenth century, when they were still being copied and read, as was preconquest-style song.” The local tradition of writing in the indigenous language was still alive in Yucatan in the nineteenth century,* when to all appearances it was on the point of extinction in central Mexico. As late as the last decades of the eighteenth century, most of the Maya in Yucatan, _ including town council members and the like, still had indigenous surnames.*! It is also known that far fewer Spanish immigrants went to Yucatan than to central Mexico, that the few Spanish cities long remained very small, and that the number of Hispanic people moving into the countryside was rela-

tively tiny. a |

The Yucatecan example, then, would seem to lead to the conclusion that something on the order of the three-stage process, in most or all of its dimensions, was general in Mesoamerica and probably in all areas of Spanish America where there were sedentary Indians, without doubt being colored by | the idiosyncrasies of the local indigenous group, but varying most markedly _ in tempo, depending on the number of Spaniards entering the area and their distribution relative to the indigenous population. If we look about the area of sedentary Indian population including South America, many things are hidden for lack of sources, but one indicator of the trend in central Mexico, the evolution of temporary labor mechanisms from encomienda to repartimiento to informal arrangements, does vary from place to place according to the number of Spaniards present.3* There is also some evidence of the progressive fragmentation of indigenous sociopolitical units as the Hispanic

population increased. , |

Nevertheless, I will not speculate about the general applicability of the

448 Conclusion central Mexican stages outside Mesoamerica, and not merely out of caution. Despite the great rarity of postconquest alphabetic writing in Quechua, certain evidence has recently turnéd up pointing to the existence of a mundane documentation comparable to that in Nahuatl. I would have expected, be-

cause of the greater separation of the Spanish and Indian populations, together with such indications as the tempo of the evolution of labor mechanisms and the very different situation in the two areas today, that the central Andean highlands would have remained in the equivalent of Stage 2 for a much longer time than central Mexico, at least as long as Yucatan, if not longer. Some Quechua texts from the central highlands in the 1670’s, however, are written in a language fully comparable to Stage 3 Nahuatl.3s5 Moreover, two well-known published sources from an even earlier time, approxi-

mately the first two decades of the seventeenth century and possibly going back as far as the last decade of the sixteenth, contain some Spanish loan verbs, particles, and other Stage 3 traits.° I find it impossible to believe that the speech of the general highland Andean population included these innovations at that date, or that the broader social and cultural transformations accompanying them in central Mexico had taken place in the Andes at an even earlier time than there. The writers of both the early texts were primarily ecclesiastical aides, spending much of their lives within a Hispanic context. I provisionally theorize for the Andes an early bifurcation corresponding to the greater separation of the two societies, with only those indigenous people who were immersed in Spanish society or located in pockets of maximum contact going far along the process very early, the rest having long been less affected. A tendency for Mexico City to lead was observed in central Mexico, too, but there the rest of the compact, well-integrated region quickly followed suit,

maintaining a cultural unity and contemporaneity that I postulate as much less marked in the Andes. Indeed, I would expect not only great variation by region, rank, and occupation, but a different tempo in different realms of culture, so that well-defined, across-the-board “stages” may not have existed in the same sense as they did in central Mexico. Even so, the degree and nature of Spanish-Indian contact, along with the degree of convergence of the two cultures involved, would have been the ultimate determinants of a long

process which when well understood will surely be seen to contain many

elements familiar from the Nahua case.: , The attempt to compare has thus quickly turned into the highlighting of questions raised by the study—that is, likely directions for further related research, a subject to which I now turn by way of concluding remarks. As follows from the above, the investigation of the postconquest history of indigenous groups in Yucatan, the central Andes, and other regions endowed

Conclusion 449 with adequate sources must be given a high priority, in order to sharpen our perception of what is general or specific about the structures and trends involved in the Nahua experience. Such research should fasten not only on the process of adaptation and interaction, but just as importantly, on the indigenous concepts and organizational modes that conditioned it, seen whenever possible in sources produced by indigenous people in their own language. With Yucatan, indigenous-language sources seem to be adequate for the purpose. It begins to appear that the Quechua region, too, may have more in the way of native-language texts than we once thought. Moreover, Spaniards and indigenous or mestizo translators in Peru often considered certain Quechua words so special that they retained them in Spanish translations of indigenous testimony, allowing one to identify and analyze some key terminology almost as well as if the entire source were in the original language.** For both regions,

it is important not only that indigenous organizational principles be studied, as here, but that enough mapping of units and subunits be done to discover what the primary sociopolitical structures were; in this respect, Yucatan and Peru have not yet attained the level that Gibson reached for central Mexico in 1964 with his Aztecs.» It is a step that cannot be avoided, the indispensable _ background for further insight. Closer to the Nahuas, puzzles and opportunities are located all along the edges of the present study. Temporally, both the beginning and the end are of special interest. Since alphabetic records in Nahuatl begin in any quantity only with the 1540’s, I have had to approach Stage 1, the conquest generation, indirectly, through relics, survivals, and simple deduction. A good deal was achieved in this fashion, but the first of the stages remains by far the least well understood. At the same time, it has great inherent significance as the starting point of the process and the earliest time for which strictly contem-

porary information can be gathered about Nahua culture. The outlook for the appearance of earlier alphabetic Nahuatl texts is dim, but the secondgeneration texts purporting to speak of the conquest period can be subjected to close internal analysis in order to determine what if anything of early provenience they contain; the earliest postconquest pictographic records can be examined; and above all, one could go back through the Spanish documentation of the conquest period, perhaps seeing much more than before, now that we understand Nahua patterns better.“ My original research plan for the present enterprise was to seek out central Mexican Nahuatl documentation of all time periods, early and late. The plan never changed, but eventually it became apparent that the quantity of Nahuatl records in known repositories drops off sharply after about 1770. What has been found after that time shows, it is true, a picture not yet drastically changed from the years immediately preceding. Consider the 1795 tes-

450 Conclusion | tament (already variously discussed) of Miguel Gerénimo in Metepec, in the heart of the Toluca Valley. He still identifies himself by altepetl and tlaxilacalli. He and all his family had quintessentially “Indian” names, no two with the same surname. His lands were scattered, each measured by the traditional quahuitl, and the measurements ran to the traditional 20’s and 4o’s. In his house were saints that he left to his children to serve. Each of his bequests 1s followed by an admonition. The will could have been written any time in the previous hundred and fifty years, and indeed, except for its late Stage 3 language, even somewhat earlier than that.

Despite the clear continuities, however, it is at this same time, around 1770, that I have found some Nahuas beginning to write their records and communicate with each other for certain purposes in a Nahuatlized Spanish, in connection with which phenomenon I have used the term “Stage 4.” The tendency to compose original records in Spanish is, of course, the obverse of the diminution of the volume of Nahuatl texts.*3 I do not dismiss the possibility that 1770 or so is a watershed in other respects as well, marking another major transition in the long history of cultural interaction in central Mexico. If so, it would coincide closely with a series of economic, social, demographic, and governmental changes that tend to divide Spanish American history generally into two periods at that point.** A large-scale research project on the time from about 1770 to Mexican independence, along much the same lines

as the present book but relying of necessity more on Spanish-language - sources, could settle the question and should prove richly rewarding in other

ways as well.* |

The invisible hero of the present study is the bilingual Indian, whose im-

portance is seen only through a large imprint left on Nahua culture. The group deserves more direct attention, although beyond professional interpreters the avenues of approach are anything but clear.** No less important, and perhaps less hard to study, are the mainly humble Hispanics who bore the brunt of Spanish contact with indigenous people.*”7 We should not forget, of course, that many of these marginal Hispanic people were in some sense the descendants of bilingual Indians of previous generations. Given what I have said about Mexico City as the possible point of origin of linguistic innovations (and perhaps of other new concepts and procedures as well), a head-on study of the capital’s indigenous community across the postconquest centuries, including its ties with other indigenous communities, would-be a most promising, if somewhat forbidding, research topic. I have already mentioned

the possibility (and the probable difficulty) of studying the adaptation of Mexican Hispanic culture to the Nahuas, the mirror image of what is done here. At least, we now have a somewhat better idea of what to look for. An important consideration here is what one might call the post-Nahuas. By this

Conclusion 451 term I mean people who have made the language change and belong to the countrywide Hispanic society but have brought with them many things from

the Nahua world. A final large task will be to study the culture of these | slightly disguised descendants of the Nahuas, who have doubtless contributed to general Mexican culture in ways we as yet little understand.“

Appendixes

~ Appendix A -

~ Four Nahuatl Documents A growing number of increasingly accurate transcriptions and translations of mundane Nahuatl texts is available in published form, and students of Mexi- __

can ethnohistory will greatly profit from an acquaintance with them. The scraps presented here may help point the reader in their direction. I single out documents that are frequently quoted and cited in the body of the book in illustration of major themes. One is appearing in print for the first. time, and two are retranslations of earlier efforts. All the texts are difficult and highly individual; future improvements in the translations are to be expected. The

transcriptions follow the same conventions as the passages quoted in the body of the study (see Chapter 1, p. 11), except that here I retain overbars

rather than resolving them. , |

| 1. Grant of a house site, San Miguel Tocuillan

| _ (Tetzcoco region), 1583: ,

(E?] onquimitalhui yn anatzin Ana spoke and said to her older — quimolhuili yn iatzin jua migeltzin brother Juan Miguel, “My dear ‘notlacoatzin ma quezquilhuitl mo- older brother, let us be under your

paltzinco toyeca ca ¢a quilhuitzintli roof for a few days—only a few | [sic] camo miactin niquipian nopil- days. I don’t have many children, hua ca ¢a yehuatl y noxihuato ca only my little Juan, the only child. 1. AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 1, ff. 8—9. A transcription and translation is in Lockhart 1980, along with commentary on substance, style, and technical detail (more on the last than in the - present notes). A version with even more analysis and comment is in N&S, item 4. The original is not divided into paragraphs as here, though as will quickly be seen, it uses the particles niman

and aub extensively to indicate the same units. . oO

456 Appendix A | can icelto ca gan 1 teyxtin y mote- There are only three of us with your

tzin y xihuatzin, brother-in-law Juan.”

niman oquimitalhui yteatzin ma Then her older brother said, yuhqui mochihua [no]tecauhtzinne “Very well, my younger sister. ma xiqualmoquanilica y tlen aqui- Move what you have, bring up all

plia] ma hualeco y tlen amotlatnqui, —_- your things.” | niman otlananquili y cihuatl Then the woman answered and quito hotinechmocnelili notlagoa- said, “Thank you very much, my tzin nictlagocamati y motetlacotlali- | dear older brother, I appreciate tzin y manel nicnomacehuia y mixitl your generosity. Even if I should get tlapatl auh ca niquitohua ca niman intoxicated, I declare that I will

ayc nitlamahuizpoloz yn ipa qui- never act badly in the household, _ huatl [sic] ythuali ca nitlamahuiz- but will behave respectfully, and as tiliz Auh nica metztica y nonamic- to my husband Juan here, if he tzin y xihuatzin ytla quemania should ever lose respect, well, you ytla yc tlamahuizpoloz ca tel ocan are all there, I leave it in your hands ametzticate ca ahmomactzinco ni- as long as you hold the king’s staff cahua yn oquic aquimopialia yn [are members of the town govern-

ibaratzin y Rein ment].”

-ninman oquimitalhui y jua mi- Then Juan Miguel spoke and

geltzin quimolhuili yn ite[n?]|catzin said to his younger sister Ana, “My

yn anatzin notecauhtzinne Cuix younger sister, am I going to pick niquixnepehualtiz y notetzin ytla arguments with my brother-in-law,

quali yc mehuititaz if he goes along behaving himself?” ca huel ipa hotobre yc cepohuali Now it is far into October, the tlapohua metztli yn iquac y nican 20th of the month, and they have Ometzticatca ¢a huel ce metztli yn spent a whole month here now. oquimochihuilique

niman oquimitalhui yn anatzin Then Ana said, “Don’t let us macamo huel cenca miac netequi- give you so much trouble; let us pacholi timitztomaquilica ma nogo take a bit of the precious land of tepitzin tictehuica ytlacotlaltzin y our precious father the saint San totlacotatzin y santo sa migel ca Miguel, and there we will build a hoca ticquetzazque cetetl caltzintli little house. When the water has ytla ontemoc yn atzintli ytla ohuac gone down and things have dried

ca titemotazque out, we'll move down.”

niman oquimitalhui ytextzin Then her older brother said,

mac niquinolhuili y jua francizco- “Let me tell Juan Francisco, and tzin nima yehuatz[in] juan migel- Juan Miguel of Pelaxtitlan,? and tzin y pelaxtitla? nima yehuatzin y also Francisco Baltasar, and also 2. L.e., Perastitlan, “next to the pears (pear trees).”

Nahuatl Documents , 457 fracizco bartesaltzin nima yehuatzin Anton Miguel of Teopanquiahuac. Ato migeltzin teopaquiahuac amo Don’t worry, younger sister, they

ximotequipachotzino notecauh- will not want... 2 Let me go get tzinne [... ]moqueme? camo qui- them right away, and you be makmonequiltizque ma nima niquihual- _ ing a tortilla or two. There’s noth-

nanili ma ce tlaxcaltzintli xicmo- ing for you to worry about; there’s manili tihuatzin amo mitzmotequi- pulque for them to drink when they

comitiquihue

pachilhuiz ca oca y tlachictzintli come.” |

niman ic omohuicac quimanilito Then he went to get them.

niman oquimolhuili yn iteca- Then he said to his younger sistzin ca ye hualhuilohuac tecatzinne ter, ““We’re already back, younger

xihualmonochili sister; come greet us.”

niman oquimitalhuique y na- Then the four men said, “May

huiti tlaca ma dios amechmopiali- God keep you, and how have you tzinno quen ohuamocemilhuitilti- _ been today? Here we are.” que ca ye ontihualaque

niman oquito yn anatzin ma Then Ana said, “Do come in.”

ximocalaquica |

onetlaliloc down. |

niman ic ocalacolacohuac [sic] Then they all came in and sat , niman oquimitalhui yn anatzin Then Ana spoke and said to her

quimolhuili yn iatzin ma xiquima- older brother, “Give them some quili y tlaxcaltzintli ma quimoma- tortillas, let them enjoy them.” cehuitzinnoca

niman otlananquilique y hue- Then the elders answered, “Let huetque ma tictomacehuica yn us enjoy your hospitality. And is amotetlacotlalitzin cuix [ytla a]mo- there something that concerns you,

netequipacholtzin cihuapille lady?” |

niman oquito yn anatzin ca axca Then Ana said, “In a moment

- pachol cerns us.”

- aquimocaquitizque y tonetequi- you will hear what it is that conauh in otlaqualoc niman ic oca- And when they had eaten, Ana

lac yn anatzi quitlauhtia quimilhui came in and addressed herself to camo tlen ic onamechnonochili ca them, saying to them, “I have sumyz catqui y titocnoytohua ma noco moned you for a negligible matter. tepitzin tictotlanica ytlaltzin y totla- | Here is what we beg, that we might cotatzin sato sa Migel ca oca ticne- apply for a bit of the land of our — qui tictlalizque cetetl xacaltzintlica precious father the saint San Mi-

the left. :

he | 3. I have not deciphered “moqueme.” There may or may not be some letters missing to

458 | Appendix A tellamo miac nicpia noconeuh ca ca _guel, for we want to put up a hut niquixcahuia y noxihuato nochito* there. I don’t have many children;

, alone.t May we?” |

cuix tihuelitizque — | the only one I have is little Juan. niman oquimitalhui y jua fran- Then Juan Francisco said, “Let.

¢izCOtzin ma tel momaca tlen aqui- it be given them. What do you say? | mitalhuia ma ticmacaca xihualmo- Let’s give it to them! Juan Miguel,

_ huica jua migeltzin xocomanili take your cattle prod...‘ to mea-_ y mocaRochatzin ca no ticacaya sure it with. Let’s go, lady, and see noxti’ yc motamachihuaz ma tihuia where you wish it to be.”

lehuilia | | |

cihuapille ma tiquitati cani ticme- , |

|teloca here.” | , be there.” | nimanomohuicaque cani [tic|mo- Then they went. “Where do you

nequiltia cuix nica cuix nogo nepa wish it to be? Here, or maybe over — capa ticmonequiltia ma xicmitalhui there? Say where you wish it to be.”

niman oquito cihuatl ma nica Then the woman said, “Let it be niman oquitoque y teteuhti ma Then the lords said, “Then let it

| niman oquimitalhui y jua fran- Then Juan Francisco said,

cizcotzin aqui quihualtamachihuaz = “Who is going to measure it out?” niman oquitoque y teteuhti aqui- Then the lords said, ‘““Who innel amo yepa yehuatl y tlaocole y - deed? Other times, wasn’t it good

juatze quitamachihuaz old Juan? He’ll measure it out.” niman oquilhuique y tlaocole Then they said to him, “Come, | xihualauh juatze xocona [sic] y good Juan, take the cattle prod in ~ caRocha momatica xictamachihua your hands and measure it out. nauhcap[a] chiquase caRocha Measure out six lengths on all four

xictamachihua sides.”

Auh n oquitamachiuh nima And when he had measured it,

quilhuique ca [¢]a ixquichtzin y then they said, ‘““That’s how much

timitzmaca y tlaltzi[ntli] land we’re giving you.” niman oquito yn anatzin ca Then Ana said, “Thank you

ohuatechmocnelili [sic] ca tictla- very much; we appreciate your [co]camati yn amotetlacotlalitzin generosity.”

niman oquitoque y tla[to]que Then the rulers said, “Let it bema niman opeuhtihuetzin macamo gin right away; don’t let the stone _ 4. Possibly “nochito” is a variant diminutive of mochi, “everything.” , 5. [have not deciphered the string “canoticacayanoxti,” nor am I sure how to divide it.

Nahuatl Documents | 459

mieto oe | , |

amechmotequipachilhuiz y tetzintli concern you, but let it quickly be

ma ochitotihuetzi ynic opehua|[z ci]-_ —_ prepared to begin the foundation.”

niman oquito yn anatzin mac ti- Then Ana said, “Let’s go back

huiacaoctepitzinatzintliaquimoma- —_ and you must enjoy a bit more ~

cehuitzinnozque pulque.”

niman oquitoque y tlatoque Then the rulers said, “What | |

tlen oque ticnequi ca ye otictomage- = more do we wish? We’ve already |

huigu[e] had [enough].”

Auh yn anatzin mochoquili And Ana wept, and her husband

yhua yn inamic mochoquili yn wept, when they were given the

iquac macoque y tlalli land. , :

| niman oquimitalhui yn a[na]tzin Then Ana said, “Candles will be

ca ye polihuiz cadelatzin yhua po- burnt, and I will go along providing potzintli nicnomaquilitaz y notlago- —_—sincense for my precious father the |

tatzin y santo sa Migel ypanpa ca saint San Miguel, because it is on

a house.” , |

ytlalpatzinco y ninocaltia his land that I am building my

niman oquimitalhui y jua Mi- Then Juan Miguel said, “We

geltzin ca oticmocnelili y motlacota- — thank you on behalf of your pretzin ma mochipa yuhqui yez camo* _ cious father; let it always be so, not

[...]?6

tetecuhti a

tenahuatecoc yn iquac yn otla- _ When all five lords had spoken,

tlatoli [sic] mochiti y macuilti everyone embraced. | axcan ipa ce[... Jilhui viernes Today, Friday, the [2oth?] day of tlapohua metztli de otubre yhuan the month of October of the year ipa xih[uitl] de 1583 anos nehuatl 1583. I did the writing and it was ~ honitlacuilo nixpan omochiuh Do done before me, don Juan Bautista, jua bautista escrO amaxocotitla notary. The rulers convened here in

nica motecpana y tlatoque Amaxocotitlan. ,

Do jua Migel Regidor Do Bar- = = ~~=Don Juan Miguel, regidor. tesal franciz©° Do juan Franciz©O Don Baltasar Francisco. Don Juan

Do juan migel pelaxtitla Do Ant© Francisco. Don Juan Miguel of

Migel teopaquiahuac Pelaxtitlan. Don Antonio Miguel _

a - of Teopanquiahuac. >

6. Some words were apparently omitted after “camo,” which I take to be “and (or for)

not,” though it could be “ca mo-” “for your.” ,

460 Appendix A 2. Petition to altepetl authorities, Tulancingo, ca. 1584’ —totecuiyohuane tlatoquehe ca mix- = Oh my lords, oh rulers, before you

patzico nitlacaquiztillia yn ipapa I make an announcement about the yn ilpitoc xpoval ma ximocaquil- Cristébal who is in jail; listen to it. tica yn iquac mardes yohualtica yn When Tuesday in the night he stole onechichtequilli nototol® yn iquac a turkey? of mine from me, he made ye quitzatzitia totolli niman oy¢ac the turkey cry out. Then my wife

y nonamic opa ocallactihuetz yn woke up and quickly went in where opa mani totolti yn oquittac ye oqui- _— the turkeys are; when she saw him

quechcoto® yn totolli mano hual- he had already wrung the turkey’s quiztihuetz yn xpoval ca huel qui- neck.? Although Cristébal came tac y nonamic cuezcomatitla quiz- running out quickly, my wife got a tihuetz auh nima nechtzatzilia y good look at him as he rushed by nonamic quito tla xica ye quihuica the grainbin. Then she shouted to totolli xpoval nima nineuhtiquiz me, saying, “Wake up, Cristobal is niya yn icha Yn ononacito mozcoti- carrying off a turkey!” Then I got cate yn inamic gan ihuia niquilhui up and came out and went to his catli nototol xinechmaca ¢a oquito house; when I got there he and his tle y mototol ca nica nomac tipo- wife were warming themselves by pollihuiz ac mopa tlatoz nima qui- the fire. I said to him in a peaceful cuitehuac tepozhuictli?® yc nech- manner, ‘““Where’s my turkey? Give quatzaya niman tlalli ycnechmotlac _it to me.” But he said, “What turgan ixquich y nicac quilhuiya ynina- _— key of yours? Here you are going to

mic xiqualcui cochillo opa onoco perish at my hands; who is there to [sic] caxatitla yc nictoxahuilliz yn speak in your favor?” Then he got icuitlaxcol yc nima quihualmacati- up and took an iron-tipped digging huetz yn inamic cao nopa motlalli —_—~-_stick'° with which he cut open my

ayoc huel ninolliniya ca ¢a yeztitla head, and then he threw me on the nactoc ynic onechquatzaya nima ye ground. All I heard was him saying 7. Special Collections Department, library of the University of Texas at San Antonio. The sheet containing the document, reversed, serves as a cover to some Spanish land litigation of 1584 and conceivably was composed a few years earlier than that. No specific statement indicates to whom the petition is addressed, but apparently it was to one or the other of the two

of being sure.

cabildos of Tulancingo, that of Tlatocan or Tlaixpan. .

8. Totolin was used at times for “chicken.” Given the time and place and the fact that the _ word goes unmodified, | judge it more likely that the reference is to turkeys, but there is no way 9. Quechcotona is often translated as “decapitate” and without doubt can have that meaning, but by its parts it means “break the neck.” See Tezozomoc 1975, pp. 387 and others, where

he seems to be translating this verb in that way (although in other cases he makes the other decision, as on p. 386). Here the context favors the option taken in the present translation. 10. Although Molina gives “hoe or mattock” as one of the possible glosses of tepozhuictli (f. r04v), other documents distinguish between a hoe and this item (see Chap. 5, last section).

Nahuatl Documents 461 nechcocoxixiliznequi oc ne nicma- to his wife, “Fetch the knife lying topehua ynic ¢a nocuitlapa caqui there by the chest; with it Pll spill cochillo ye mo[ ... Jozquia" yc his guts.” Then his wife quickly

niman itech nopillo nictzitzquilli gave it to him; he threw himself on ytilma ca ¢a[... ] ic nepiqui” me and J couldn’t move, lying in the ayocmo no chicahua nima quitza- blood from where he had cut my tzaya yn icamissacol yhua ymaxtla- head. Then he started trying to stab

col ca petlauhta ynic[... Jllov me, but I pushed aside his hand so nima callactihuetzico y nocha yn the knife only entered my back. He acico quimictia y nonamic quilhuia was about to[... ],!! then I hung xicana y moquich onicpollo auh ca to him and seized his cloak, which niquitoa y nehuatl yni cihuatl y he was just wrapped in'’—it was nonamic omictillo ca ninotlaytlaya no longer strong. Then he tore his amixpatzico yn atlatoque capa nic- old shirt and his old loincloth, and nocuilliz yn tomines ca nicnotlacatl just went naked [... ].2 Then he ¢a ye pactica yn inamic xpoval ma quickly came entering my home; huallauh ma quimocuitlahuiqui yn = when he got there he beat my wife

~ jtlamictil ma yxpa yntla patiz ytla and told her, “Get your husband; nocgo miquiz ma yehuatl mochi ~ | finished him.” And I say as to this quixtlahuaz y ye nictlalliatomines | | woman my wife who was beaten, ca ye ome p9s ca can onicnotlane- I request in the presence of you ruhui pochteca ycha auh yn oquex- lers, where am I to get the money? quich quitlaniz espanor ca yc no- I am a poor person. But Crist6bal’s tlaytlania yn amipatzico [sic] ma ¢a wife is healthy. Let her be brought, yehuatl quimana yn tomines ca ¢a let her come take care of the person mochipa yuh nemi yni ychtectinemi he beat, let her be present if she reyhua ca mochipa temimictia yhua covers, Or if she dies, let him pay tlatziuhcanemi ma yehuati tlatol- back all the money I have spent, mellahuaca y topilleq santiago already two pesos that I have just borrowed at merchants’ houses, and more that a Spaniard will be demanding. Therefore in your presence I ask that he provide the money, for he always lives like this, going about stealing and always _ x1. Despite the missing letters, it is clear that something disastrous was about to happen to Sim6n. The subject of the verb might be the knife rather than Cristébal. 12. The meaning here is reasonably clear, but “nepiqui” appears an impossible form; perhaps the intention was nepiquilo, the passive.

13. The letters of the original are partially blotted at this point. Perhaps the intention is “chollo,” which would yield “and just went running off naked.”

462 Appendix A : | , beating people and living in idleness. Let the officials of [the district

, of | Santiago verify what I say.

| nehuatl simo d. s.tiago nonamic Simon de Santiago; my wife is

madallena‘ Magdalena.‘

3. Donation of houses and land to images, Coyoacan, 1621"

ano year 1621.

| Sabato 7 dias de agusto 1621 Saturday, 7th day of August of the yn yehuatzin s.tissima drinidat J have been sweeping up here

yn nica onicnotlachpanililiaya auh for [the image of ] the Most Holy yn axca ompa mohuicaz yn ichan- Trinity, and now it is to be moved tzinco s. ju° baptas yn onpaescuela __ to the home of San Juan Bautista,‘ ca umpa quimotlachpanililizque yn to the school there, and the children pipiltzitzinti yn Opa mohuapahua who are brought up there are to _ yn ichantzinco yn notecuio dios auh —_ sweep for [the image] at the house

yhua yn nocaltzin ca ychantzinco of my lord God. And also my house yez ynic cétetl huel 6can ymmo- is to be his [its] home; the first yetztica tonatiuh ycalaquiyampa [building] stands facing straight ytzticac ynic otetl hueitepeccopa”’ west, the second facing toward the ytzticac yhuan yn icallalo can mo- big mountain [south],’” together cemmattimani' ayac tle quitoz on- with its house-land. Everything is can tlatoz ynic oca mani milli yn included[?];'* no one is to make obitechtzinco puhui yn dios notlaco- jections or bring suit there. And a tatzin ymiltitlan p° comez yniquex- _ second field that is dedicated to can mani tlalli calpilco yhua ycalti- God my dear father is near the field tlantzinco mani aluar coca ypa ycac — of Pedro Gémez. And a third piece 14. These words are in the same hand as the rest of the document and thus do not represent a true signature by Simon. | 15. UCLA Research Library, Special Collections, McAfee Collection. This translation and transcription supersede the ones in BC, pp. 112—13. The planned second edition of that work will contain extensive explanatory comment on the substance and language of this document and Document 4 here (as well as the other texts in that collection). The name of the donor, who

speaks in the first person here, nowhere appears. , 16. The Dominican monastery church of Coyoacan.

17. Rebecca Horn has found this term used to mean “south” in other documents of Co-

yoacan (1989, p.146).

18. Or “it is known by all’?

Nahuatl Documents 463 yhuan yzquitlan mani ymiltitech — of land is at Calpilco and next to

ju° mateo the house of Alvar Coca, which

stands on it; and on all sides it is next to the fields of Juan Mateo.

Auh yn yehuatzin yn notlacota- And to [the images of ] my dear tzin s. fran©9 yhua s. nicolas yhuan father San Francisco, and San Nico-

yecce homo sta cricifixus [sic] l4s, and Ecce Homo, the Holy Cruyhuan yehuatzin notepantlatocanan- _cifix, and also to the image of my

tzin asuptio maje yhuan s. jacinto intercessor and mother the Assumpyhuan crucifixu maje yn intech- tion [of Mary], and San Jacinto, tzinco puhuiz nocaltzin hueitepec- . —_and the image of the Crucifix, to

copa ytzticac ¢an itech ¢aliuhtica them will belong my house [build-

tonatiuh yquicayanpa ytzticac ing] facing east that is attached to yhuan xucotzintli mebrilo cépantli the one facing south, with fruit yhuan tzapuquahuitl yey matlactli trees: a row of quince, and three za- peso yc nicouh niccohuili m4 4 p°s pote trees. I bought it for ro pesos. -nicmacac pOnila nicmacac 6 p°s I bought it from Maria [and Petro-

| nilla]; I gave [Maria] 4 pesos, and I gave Petronilla 6 pesos.

| | 4. Testament of Angelina, San Simon Pochtlan (Azcapotzalco), 1695”

Jesus Ma@y Juceph | | Jesus, Mary, and Joseph. y nehuatl angelina nican notla- I, Angelina, my district being xilacaltian san simon pochtlan ni- here in San Sim6én Pochtlan, declare quitohua yn axcan notech quimo- that now God my divinity and ruler tlalilia yn yusticiatzin y noteotzin has issued his sentence upon me. notlatoca [sic] Dios cenca yetie” My earthly body is very heavy,” yet y notlallo nogoquio auh y naniman- _— my spirit is aware; wherefore now

tzin motlachieltitica auh yehica yn it is with all my heart and of my , axcan nocenyollocacopa notla- own volition that I order my testaneqliztica ynic nictlalia notesta- === ~— ment, and let no one go against . 19. UCLA Research Library, Special Collections, McAfee Collection. This translation supersedes the one in BC, p. 113. See n. 15, above. 20. The final letter of what is transcribed here as “‘yetie” is a bit smudged. The intention may have been ¢c, which would yield the more standard yetic (etic).

464 Appendix A mento auh yn tlein nocamatica ni- what I shall say with my mouth; it quitoz macayac quitlacoz neltiz is to be carried out and performed. mochihuaz

ynic centlamantli nigqtohua onca First, I declare that I have a ce noxhuiuhtzin ytoca tomas de los grandchild named Tomas de los

santos auh niquitohua yn axcan Santos, and I declare now that I am nicnomagquilitiuh y notlagomahuiz- giving to him [the image of |] my

nantzin candelaria quimotequipan- dear honored mother [of] Candeilhuiz yntla quimochicahuiliz dios laria; he is to serve her if God gives ynin notlatol neltiz mochihuaz”! him health. This my statement is to be carried out and performed.?! | ynic ontlamantli niquitohua on- Second, I declare that there is a catqui tlaltzintli ompohualpa nican piece of land of 40 [brazas] here bemani ycampatzinco y notlagoma- hind [the church of ] my dear honhuiztatzin stO domingo” auh yn ored father Santo Domingo,” and axcan niquitohua cano yehuatzin now I declare that I am giving it nicnomaquilitiuh y notlagomahuiz- also to my dear honored mother nantzin candelaria yc quimoteqpan- _—‘ [of] Candelaria; my grandchild

ilhuiz y noxhuiuhtzin onicteneuh whom I mentioned named Tomas ! ytoca tomas de los santos yntla qui- — de los Santos will serve her with it if mochicahuiliz dios ynin notlatol God gives him health. This my

neltiz statement is to be carried out.

yniquetlamatli niquitohua yn Third, I declare that as to [the yehuatzin ylhuicac ychpochtli sta image of | the celestial virgin Santa catalina nicnomaquilitiuh ynicome — Catalina, I am giving it to a second noxhuiuhtzin yn itoca teresa de je- grandchild of mine named Teresa de

sus quimotequipanilhuiz yn{[tla] Jests, who is to serve her if God quimochicahuiz [sic] dios ynin no- gives her health. This my statement tlatol amo ytlacahuiz neltiz mo- is not to be vitiated; it is to be carchihuaz yhuan oncatqui tlaltzintli ried out and performed. And there yepohualli nicnomaquilitiuh y no- is a piece of land of 60 [brazas] _ tlaconatzin sta catalina yc quimote- that I am giving to my dear mother -

quipanilhuiz yn onicteneuh ytoca Santa Catalina, with which my | noxhuiuhtzin teresa de jesus neltiz grandchild whom I mentioned

mochihuaz named Teresa de Jestis will serve 21. Inserted before the next item is a notation in another hand: “yni tlalli motenehua monamaca yc mopatla alahuerta tlaco,” “this land mentioned is being sold; it is being exchanged for half an orchard.”

22. In an Azcapotzalco document of 1738 the districts (tlaxilacalli) of Santo Domingo Huexotitlan and Pochtlan are mentioned in the same breath (BC, doc. 17, p. 104). The reference, then, is to the church of that district and not to another saint’s image.

Nahuatl Documents 465

| performed.

her. This is to be carried out and

y nauhtlamantli niquitohua on- Fourth, I declare that there are cate omentin pipiltzitzinti y ce tla- two small children, the first named cat] ytoca jacinto ventora ynic ome Jacinto Ventura, the second named ytoca jucepa de la yncarnacion auh Josefa de la Encarnacion; and I deniquitohua yn axcan nica manitlal- _— clare now that there is a piece of tzintli caltitla matlactlo® yhuan na- land here next to the house, 14 brahui ynic huiyac auh ynic patlahuac zas long,? 11 wide, that I am giving

matlactloce quahuitl niquinma- to the aforementioned grandchilcatiuh y noxhuihuan onicteneuh dren of mine named Jacinto Venytoca jacinto ventura yhuan jucepa tura and Josefa de la Encarnacion; de la yncarnacion yntech pouhqui it belongs to them. The two of them concahuizque ayac huel quinquix- are to share it; no one may take it tiliz ynin notlato! mochihuaz neltiz from them. This my statement is to

| be performed and carried out.

ynic macuillamantli niquito- Fifth, I declare that there is a

hua oncatqui centetl caltzintli tla- house looking toward Tacuba copa[co]pa ytzticac nicmacatiuh yn [south]; I give it to the one named itoca juceph2* de la yncarnacion Josefa de la Encarnacion.” It beytech pouhqui ayac huel quiquix- longs to her; no one may take it tiliz ynin notlatol neltiz mochihuaz from her. This my statement is to be carried out and performed.

ynic chiquacentlamantli niqui- Sixth, I declare that there is a tohua nican mani callatiltontli2s small [ruined shack or the like?] tepiton auh niquitohua yn axcan here.2s And I declare that Iam now nicmacatiuh y noxhuiuhtzin tian- giving it to my grandchild at Tianquiztéco ca nicolasa jacinta yc qui- quiztenco, Nicolasa Jacinta; with it motequipanilhuiz y notlagomahuiz- she is to serve [the image of ] my natzin Rosario ytech pouhqui ayac dear honored mother [of the] Rohuel quiquixtiliz ynin notlatol neltiz sary. It belongs to her; no one may

mo[chiJhuaz — take it from her. This my statement is to be carried out and performed.

ynic 7 contlamantli niquitohua Seventh, I declare that the house yn caltzintli ypan mani matlacqua- is on land 10% brazas long toward 23. The writer originally put “matlactloce,” “eleven,” then, realizing that that was the width, marked out “‘ce,” leaving the anomalous “matlactlo.” | 24. The Nahuatl gives the masculine form of the name, but from the context, this seems to be an error, not a reference to a different person. 25. Under “callatelli,’ Molina gives “house site, where houses used to be” (f. 11v). Etymo-

logically, the word means “house-mound.” . |

466 Appendix A — huitl yhuan tlaco ynic huiyac inic Tacuba [north to south], and 81% tlacopancopa auh ynic patlahuac brazas wide toward the woods [east chicuequahuitl yhuan tlaco ynic to west]. It is [low or flat?]?« land. quauhtlacopa tlalpatlalli* auh yn And now I leave there my son-inaxcan oncan nicauhtia y nomontzin law named Tomas Pérez and his yn itoca tomas peres yhuan inamic wife Francisca Jacinta. No one may francisca jacinta ayac huel quin- take it from them; it belongs to © quixtiliz yntech pouhqui ynin notla- — them. This my statement is to be

- tol mochihuaz neltiz _ performed and carried out. ynic 8 tlamantli niquitohua yn Eighth, I declare that as to the tlayxpan calli yn quauhtlacopa ytz- house in front, facing toward the ticac can oncan nicnocahuilitiuh yn woods [west?], I am just leaving ilhuicac ychpochtli st4 catalina can there [the image of ] the celestial ichantzinco yez ayac huel quimo- virgin Santa Catalina. It will be her quixtiliz ynin notlatol mochihuaz home; no one may take it away

neltiz. from her. This my statement is to be performed and carried out.

ynic chicunauhtlamantli niqui- Ninth, I declare, in regard to tohua yn ipanpatzinco st© san nico- [the church of ] San Nicolas, where las yn ompa quimopielia Domingo they observe Palm Sunday, that they

Ramostzin quimochihuiliz cen- are to perform a high mass deditetl misa cantata yntech pohuiz mi- cated to [the souls of | the dead.” micatzitzin2” ynin notlatol mochi- This my statement is to be per-

huaz neltiz formed and carried out. |

| yc nictlamiltia y notlatol atle ma With this I end my statement. ytla nicnopielia ca gan ixquich y ni- = Not another thing do I have; I have can onicteneuh ca nicnotlacatzintli mentioned everything here, for I am ymixpan testigos ynice tlacatl ytoca a poor person. In the presence of

juceph andres ynic ome tlacatl witnesses, the first named Josef ytoca juan matias. yniquey tlacatl Andrés, the second named Juan ytoca pedro de los angeles ynic na- Matias, the third named Pedro de hui tlacatl ytoca juan andres cihua- los Angeles, the fourth named Juan tzitzinti ana de la cruz pedronila Andrés, and the women Ana de la Cruz and Petronilla.

yn tehuantin tonecuitlahuil sta Before us in whose charge is the yglesia fiscal tixpan omochiuh in holy church, [including the] fiscal, 26. Tlalpan is “(on) the floor, (on) the ground.” Conceivably, the reference is to ground stamped flat like a floor, since the land was doubtless primarily a patio. Other solutions, includ-

ing the possibility that the term was used locally as a proper name of some sort, should not be

especially provisional. ]

“ 7 This passage is problematic on several counts, and the translation should be viewed as

Nahuatl Documents 467 itestamento cocoxcatzintli otica- the sick person’s testament was quilique yn itlatol yc ticneltilia ni- made; we heard her statement. To can tictlalia totoca tofirma axcan attest to it we place here our names martes a 16 de agosto de 1695 afios _—_and signatures, today, Tuesday, on the 16th of August of the year

, 1695.

Don Diego Juarez fiscal de la sta Don Diego Juarez, fiscal of the yglesia juan domingo teopan topile holy church, Juan Domingo, church constable.

ante mi Don nicolas pelipe escri- Before me, don Nicolas Felipe,

vano Real de la audiencia royal notary of the court.

Appendix B

Molina’s Model Testament

The sample testament contained in Molina’s Confessionario mayor, ff. 6163v of the 1569 edition, deserves close consideration, for it is the only known example of a model in Nahuatl specifically prepared to be shown to Nahua practitioners. Molina enjoyed great preeminence among Spaniards as well as indigenous people for his Nahuatl erudition, and if anyone’s sample document is likely to have been widely diffused, it is surely his. The Confessionario

was published in 1565, with new editions in 1569 and 1578,' a bit late to have been influential in the creation of the Nahuatl testament genre. But the sample is set in Tetzcoco, where we are told that Molina was stationed in 1555.2 Molina doubtless possessed a similar text for practical use in his parish by that time or earlier; he had been active in generating Nahuatl materials

since the later 1540’s. The model could very well have circulated long in advance of its appearance in print, as often happened in sixteenth-century Mexico. In examining Molina’s text, we must ask whether or not his formulations became the general Nahua practice and at the same time whether or not they

are closer to that practice than one would approach simply by direct translations, regardless of the translator, of the standard Spanish format into Nahuatl. Let us go over some of the opening passages of Molina’s will in detail:

Yn ica ytocatzin, tetatzin, yuan Through (in) the name of the Father

tepiltzin, yuan spu sancto: and the Child and the Holy Spirit,

Something like this was the most frequent single beginning (there were others) for Nahuatl wills all across the postconquest centuries. Other ways to say “in the name of” could have been chosen and especially in early wills sometimes were.*? Perhaps Molina or other Franciscans were responsible for making ica the standard form. Anyone in full command of Nahuatl would 1. Molina 1984, intro., p. 13. 2. Ibid., p. 11. 3. See for example BC, doc. 1, p. 44 (Tlaxcala, 1566).

Molina’s Model Testament 469 have arrived at tetatzin for “the Father”; tepiltzin says “the Child” rather than “the Son,” but the gender of children was not usually expressed in Nahuatl, so this is an equally uncontroversial, almost inevitable form. Espiritu Santo, “Holy Spirit,” is left as in Spanish. It is so difficult to translate into Nahuatl that this, too, was nearly inevitable, but very possibly Molina or others in Franciscan circles are responsible for standardizing the use of the

Spanish loan phrase. |

Though all of the main words of Molina’s opening entered the Nahua

canon, some not insignificant differences can be observed in the generality of actual wills. The standard Nahuatl form included Dios, “‘God,”’ at least once and usually with all three persons, and it did not include ihuan, “and.” Here are examples, first one from the Culhuacan testaments, done around 1580, and then one from the Chalco region done in 1736.4 The Culhuacan version is the classical form; the Chalco version varies slightly. Culhuacan: In ica ytocatzin dios tetatzin dios tepiltzin dios Esp sancto Chalco region: Yca yn itocatzin yn Dios tetatzin y Dios ypiltzin y Dios espirito santo

The inclusion of “Dios” in the phrase doubtless took place on the initiative of some Spanish ecclesiastic or ecclesiastics, but not Molina. Here alone we have good reason to believe that there was more than one model, or that a single model was varied to suit different preferences. The omission of ihuan, “and,” which occurs twice in Molina’s phrase, can be attributed with some confidence to Nahua taste, for it results in a more idiomatic Nahuatl utterance, since (though the use of ihuan is not absolutely incorrect) the normal way to handle a series in Nahuatl is simply to string the items together, very often punctuated by the particle im, as in the Chalco region example.

- nicpehualtia yn notestamento. I begin my testament. Testamento is used as a loanword and quickly became common, perhaps because of the Franciscan model. The rest of the phrase is as anyone proceeding from Spanish practice would do it, and the whole phrase became normal if not de rigueur in Nahuatl testaments.

, ynin amatl , ,

Ma quimatican in ixquichtin quittazque Let all know who see this document

Here again is a nearly inevitable phrase coming from the Spanish format, and it became standard in Nahuatl testament writing. ca in nehuatl notoca Francisco gomez; that I named Francisco Gomez (or I (anoco yn ni Juana sanchez:) nican Juana Sanchez), whose home is here

4. TC, doc. 24, p. 74; NMY, doc. to, p. 117. ,

470 Appendix B nochan Tetzcuco, ytech nipoui in in Tetzcoco, belonging to the parish perrochia yn itoca scta Maria as- called Santa Maria de la Asuncién, ‘sumpcion: nicchihua notestamento make my testament. _ Most of this is again unremarkable and entered the canon, but there is an — important exception. Nahuatl wills rarely (never, to my knowledge) mention the parish (in Molina’s text, a Spanish loanword) but first name the altepetl as here, often using that term, omitted here, and then specify the altepetl district, using a classificatory term (tlaxilacalli, or later Spanish barrio) as well as a proper name. This is probably a Nahua innovation, an important and characteristic one. The same is probably true of another innovation, namely, that in Nahua wills one often loses sight of the object of Molina’s _ “let all know”—“‘that I make my testament.” Not infrequently, that phrase is entirely missing from Nahuatl preambles. The object then appears to be the statement that the testator belongs to a certain entity and/or that he is sick of body but sound of mind. Apparently there was originally some slippage here between Spanish instructors and Nahua students. Having (in many versions at least) just mentioned the beginning of the testament, Nahua writers may have judged it superfluous to announce again that one is making it, and emphasized pertinent new information within that framework. The next section in Molina’s version speaks of the testator being sound of mind although sick of body as death approaches, for which reason he issues his last will; the complex passage is too long to quote here. There might have been several ways to handle this part, but Molina’s formulations correspond closely to those that became common coinage. It is especially noteworthy that one phrase, though it did not ultimately enter the canon, nevertheless is found literally repeated in many sixteenth-century wills: “in miquiztli, yn ayac vel ypampa yehua,” “death, from which no one can flee.” My conclusion is that Molina specifically or a family of Franciscan models of which his is representative exercised strong shaping influence on this section of the Nahuatl tes-

tamentary form. Missing from Molina, however, are certain items that are normally (though not universally) found in this part of the preamble, after the specification of the testator’s affiliation and before the disposition of the soul: a declaration of belief in all the teachings of the holy mother church of Rome, and.a request for the intercession of the Virgin, often along with other.

saints, in favor of the soul. | Molina’s sections on the soul and body are very close to the later standard but also very close to the way anyone would translate the usual Spanish of these passages. The following part, on masses, emphasizes shortening the soul’s stay in purgatory; the delivery of an offering to the church; and the use of that money for church ornaments and priests’ necessities. Here the Nahua

standard diverges widely from Molina; although almost always a mass is

Molina’s Model Testament 47l requested and the offering to the church is mentioned, purgatory is a rare item, and the offering is often specifically to be used to pay the church attendants (teopantlaca) for their services and to purchase candles and the like for the ceremony. In the body of the will, dealing with bequests and the liquidation of debts, Molina takes a somewhat more general, hypothetical approach, at times giving instructions rather than examples. A good deal of what is said agrees with the Nahua norm, but an equal amount does not. Molina elaborately explains the system of separating out the property that husband and wife each brought into the marriage, designating the increase, and dividing it into two parts, one for the surviving spouse and the other for the children. No such rigid system is reflected in Nahua wills, which in any case give children strong preference over spouses. The section on debts, relying more on specific examples, is closer to the mark, but a succeeding passage ordering the payment of any unknown debts that might come to light, very common in Spanish wills, was

little imitated in Nahuatl, and the same can be said of the donation to the local hospital that Molina includes. Only after this does Molina name the heirs and specify the equal division of goods among them, whereas in actual Nahuatl wills the heirs are named piecemeal along with the bequests, which

though widely distributed are by no means always equal. , | Then, in normal fashion Molina has the testator name two executors and urge that they do full justice to their charge, but he does not use the Span- |

ish loanword for executor, albacea, which appears in the great majority of Nahuatl wills of all periods. A succeeding elaborate portion, usual in Spanish wills, revoking any previous testaments, is a rarity in the Nahuatl

counterparts. ,

In the final section, Molina names witnesses, numbering them in the fashion current among the Nahuas, and describes the signing procedures some-

what more elaborately than usual in a Nahuatl will, but fairly close to the actual practice. The place, Tetzcoco, is again given (in actual wills generally “in the said altepetl’’), but in a notable omission Molina leaves out any ref-

erence to the date, which is as close to a universal as anything in Nahuatl

testamentary writing. | ,

Although the witness list looks to be within the range of actual Nahua practice, Molina elsewhere explains that he has an entirely different view of witnesses from the Nahuas’.5 He wants the notary to take charge of choosing them: they are not to be neighbors or relatives of the testator, but should live at some distance; there may be six to ten of them, but they are all to be male adults this side of senescence. Those who are close to the testator are not to be present at the proceedings, and the witnesses, as well as the notary, are to 5. Molina 1984, ff. 58v—60.

472 Appendix B observe rigorous secrecy about the contents of the will until the testator has died. As already seen, except for the number of witnesses, this whole prescription goes against the grain of Nahua reality, for women were included, as well as all those directly involved, and rather than secrecy, the object was more a public consensus as a safeguard against nonfulfillment of the

testament.

Looking over the whole sample, one notices that there is not a single oralism, no place where the testator talks directly to the listeners even by implication. In this respect the document belongs entirely to the Spanish

tradition. |

Yet the sample is not altogether out of touch with the Nahua tradition. Whether this is the result of the participation of Nahua aides or of Molina’s own excellent command of Nahuatl and grasp of Nahua practice is impossible to say. That the will is not sharply divided into separate items, even though that was the Spanish procedure, is probably a concession to traditional Nahua modes. Ironically, the Nahuas not only immediately took to sepa-

rate items but went the Spaniards one better by tending to number them (an important facet of Nahua will writing a fortiori not represented in Molina). Moreover, though the sample contains no perorations, the content of the two most basic such phrases does appear in the form of abstract recommendations. At the end of the preamble, the testator says that he issues his testament “inic mochipa mopiyez ynic ayac quitlacoz,” “so that it will always be observed, so that no one will violate it,” using the ever popular itlacabui/itlacoa verb. Later, the testator asks that the executors see to his dispositions “ynic mochi neltiz,” “so that all will be realized,” using the key term nelti. These phrases are at once very similar to and very different from the direct appeals

seen in so many actual Nahuatl wills. They contain the complete usual phrase, in the usual tense as well, the future, but here the phrase is subordinated through inic, “so that,” reducing it to a recommendation within the convention of audienceless first-person discourse. Definite evidence exists of the impact of Molina’s testament model, or some antecedent or close relative of it, on the actual practice of at least one Nahua notary. Mateo Ceverino de Arellano, of Xochimilco,. belonged to the team copying the Florentine Codex under the direction of Sahagin;¢ he also served as municipal notary in his home altepetl of Xochimilco. In 1572, he wrote the testament of Constantino de San Felipe, which has come down to us.” It is clear that he has memorized Molina’s model or something like it as. his basic format. Consider the two beginnings: 6. Sahagtin 1975, p. 74 (prologue to book 2).

7, NMY, doc. 2, pp. 93-97.

Molina’s Model Testament 473

notoca... , notoca... |

Molina: Yn ica ytocatzin, tetatzin, yuan tepiltzin, yuan spu sancto: nicpehualtia yn notestamento. Ma quimatican in ixquichtin quittazque ynin amatl, ca in nehuatl Mateo C.: yn ica ytocatzin te[ta]tcin tepiltcin yvan Espiritu santo ye nicpeoaltia yn notestamt© ma quimatican yn isquichtin yn quittazque ynin amatl ca yn nehoatl

And Mateo Ceverino’s version continues in this vein throughout, with greater detail than Molina, to be sure, and often varying significantly from the model, but returning to it again and again, leaving no doubt of the close connection. Perhaps the surest sign of a tie comes at the beginning of the core section on bequests to heirs. Here Molina starts out with iz catqut, “here is,” perhaps another hidden reflex of the preconquest oral explanatory style (see the discussion of the Cuernavaca-region censuses in Chapter 8). In Molina’s version, the formulation fits very well into normal Spanish-style testamentary discourse: “here is my property that I mention, belonging exclusively to me as my own.” At the same point, Mateo Ceverino says “iz catqui notlagconamic

ytoca pedronilla teicuh,” “here is my dear wife named Petronilla Teiuc,” ‘which is a very odd phrase in a Nahuatl testament. It appears that the notary had the Molina model so firmly in mind that “iz catqui” was for him a signpost of the beginning of this particular section, and he used it even though it was-not fully appropriate to the following sentence by the norms of the decade and the evolving genre. At the same time, even Mateo Ceverino departs from the Molina model in the direction of general Nahua practice in several ways, of which I will list some of the more striking. He specifies the testator’s altepetl and altepetl subdivision but not his parish as such. He consistently divides the testament into separate items, which he begins numbering (though he does not finish). The property arrangements do not follow Molina’s prescriptions in the least, either in format or in substance, nor does the allocation of funeral expenses. There is an ixquich signaling the end of the testator’s statement proper, lacking in Molina (“‘ysquichin ynic onictlalli notlatol notestamt©,” “this is all of the statement I have ordered as my testament”). Here, then, is the only presently known example of a Nahuatl testament strongly and specifically influenced by the Molina model, and even it diverges substantially. It is interesting that though Molina and Sahagun were aloof _ from each other, possibly a bit touchy on the question of who was the greatest practitioner of Nahuatl philology, here a protegé of Sahagitin’s (and using Sahagiin’s orthography, not Molina’s) is seen to be following Molina’s sample testament. Perhaps the two greats were not as distant as it sometimes seems. Perhaps, too, it was not so much Molina’s model as one evolved in the Mexico City—Tlatelolco Franciscan establishment as a whole. In any case, as far

474 Appendix B | as we can now make out, this model was not followed with any rigor by the Nahuas save for a few who had been aides to the Franciscans of that establishment. On the other hand, elements of it may have entered deeply into general Nahua practice through direct or indirect avenues, but a good many of these elements arise so straightforwardly from the usual Spanish formulations and the nature of the Nahuatl language that other origins cannot be

precluded. |

Notes

Notes Chapter 1 , 1. The remainder of this section is adapted, with some changes, omissions, and

additions, from Lockhart 1985, pp. 465—68. ,

item Io. 2. Taylor 1979. 3. Ricard 1966 (1933). |

4. As presented above all in Wolf 1959. | 5. Gibson 1952, 1964. See the extensive discussion of both books in N&S,

6. See Lockhart 1968 and 1976; N&S, item 12; Szewczyk 1976; and Mar-

tin 1985. 7. Taylor 1979. 8. See Campbell and Clayton 1988, pp. 295—302. g. See Bierhorst 1985, pp. 118—20; H. Cline 1973; and Nicholson 1973. 10. Garibay K. 1958, 1964—68, 1971; Leén-Portilla 1956, 1967, 1976, etc. 11. See his TN for further bibliography.

12. See N&S, items ro and 11. ,

13. See the discussion in Chap. 4, as well as much of the contents of Chaps. 2 and g. It is true that works in Spanish by Nahuatl speakers or people who knew Nahuatl well, using key Nahuatl terms in Spanish sentences, can serve the same function up to a point and at times even bring to light aspects of Nahua categorization that have little | occasion to occur in the original-language documentation.

14. NMY. ,

15. Even a broad-gauged Spanish American ethnohistorian might find it useful to get an overview before turning to the individual substantive chapters, but I do not wish to burden the book with excessive introductory matter. One way to get a framework would be to read the conclusion first. In my opinion, however, the best introduction is a piece I wrote for a general audience, outlining in plain language and briefly illustrating many of the main themes and topics of the present book, which appears as item 1 of N&S. 16. See, respectively, AZ (a partial publication of the Cuernavaca-region censuses); TCB (unpublished); TA (a set of commentaries on, summaries of, and selections from the Tlaxcalan cabildo records); and CFP (unpublished). 17. As we come to understand older Nahuatl better and as the base of our knowl-

478 Notes to Pages 14-15 , edge expands, the need is arising to re-edit some of these publications (quite aside from the issue of some going out of print). Many of the translations of BC need redoing (two are in fact retranslated in the Appendix to the present book), and considerable work toward a new edition has been done. The need with the documentary portion of NMY is not so urgent. TC, now out of print, will hopefully be republished in due course, with no great changes in its core, but with a different format. The different page numbers in the new editions will render a great many page references in this book obsolete, but the editors intend to keep the document numbers the same, so that the future reader will still be able to find the material without inordinate trouble.

Chapter 2 — | 1. ANS, pp. 154-55; translated slightly differently there for a different purpose. Much the same phrase is found in anonymous annals of Tenochtitlan in the 1560's; for the marriage of don Luis de Santa Maria, governor and dynastic ruler (tlatoani) of Tenochtitlan, “nohuiyan huitza yn altepetl ypan tlatoque pipiltin,” “rulers and nobles in all the altepetl around came” (MNAH AH, GO 14, p. 15). Altepetl has the first and third vowels long, and the second, on which stress falls, short. There _ are only three syllables, the final t] being a single voiceless consonant. The word is not

easy to pronounce in English. ,

2. Anonymous annals of Tenochitlan, in CH, 2: 173, referring to events of 1575. Altepetl as an inanimate noun normally shows no plural in Nahuatl, and I use the same form for both singular and plural. The original phrase is “‘yn altepetl ypan

tlaca.” ,

3. Even so, Nahuas used altepet! and the names of individual altepetl to indicate location, as we might speak for exaniple of traveling to the United Kingdom. Thus the rulers of Huexotzinco asserted in 1550 that “gold is not found in our altepetl” (BC, doc. 29, p. 186), and phrases such as “here in the altepetl of Amaquemecan” (Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, p. 166) head up many Nahuatl documents, from the beginning of the colonial period to the end. 4. CH, 2: 59; Schroeder 1984, p. 138. 5. Although the actual word hardly figures in Charles Gibson’s The Aztecs (peripherally on pp. 169 and 267), the book is essentially about the altepetl. The core chapters one after another show how the altepetl was the basis for the major institutional arrangements the Spaniards introduced (and also what a departure the hacienda was in having an oblique rather than a direct relationship with indigenous polities at the altepetl level). Change is seen to consist very substantially of alterations in altepetl

structure. See N&S, item ro. ,

_ 6. In central Mexico (as in other parts of Spanish America), the terms ciudad and villa were mainly limited to Spanish foundations, each of which had a hinterland of partly subordinated altepetl or (Indian) pueblos. Only a very few altepetl received the title ciudad as an ornamental distinction, one not always respected in ordinary Spanish speech. Thus (aside from the question of the inherent appropriateness of the term), it confuses a basic distinction of the postconquest world to call an altepetl a

Notes to Pages 15-17 479 city. Since in the 16th century the great majority of the dependencies of a Spanish city

were Indian “pueblos,” the word aldea practically disappeared from the Spanish

American vocabulary.

, 7. Not all of the elements of unity are necessarily strongly evident in any one _ form, but they do happen to be so in sociopolitical organization. For other manifestations of cellular-modular organization, see Chaps. 3, 5, and 9 especially, as well as

the8. See general discussion in Chap. ro. : CH and Tezozomoc 1949, passim; and compare Schroeder 1984,

Ppp. 140-47. ,

9. This view was still taken seriously by writers such as Vaillant (1944) and

_Soustelle (1955).

10. A document from Culhuacan, 1577, twice has an h before the x, implying the presence of a glottal stop (TC, doc. 71, p. 248), but aside from the apparent presence of calli, “house,” in the compound, I have to date reached no satisfying etymological solution for the word. Nor am I sure whether the / after 7 should be single or double; Molina writes it single, and I incline to this form, but it is found

and tlaxilacalli as “barrio.” , | |

written double more often than not in Nahuatl texts. Molina translates both calpolli

In van Zantwijk 1985, pp. 249—66, tlaxilacalli is interpreted as a group associated with a small sanctuary dedicated to a 13-day period of the year, whereas calpolli is presumed to refer to a group (very often exactly the same people) associated with

the god of that entity and with a particular day sign. For preconquest Tenochtitlan, | van Zantwijk gives a plausible defense of his interpretation. Nothing in the sources for this study seems to speak to the issue; my own intuition is that the explanation is too pat and one-dimensional to have general validity. Van Zantwijk’s etymology of tlaxilacalli—“structure of the flank, belly house”—is not acceptable. He apparently takes -xila- to be xillan, “womb, belly, etc.,” but Molina, as just shown, gives a single I, the necessary -7 never occurs in texts that I have seen, and the now-attested glottal stop would be incompatible with that derivation. 11. CH; Tezozomoc 1949; and see Schroeder 1984, pp. 173-74. One sometimes finds. another term, chinamitl, “fence,” referring to this unit, but it is most frequently seen south of central Mexico. It occurs to some extent in the early Cuernavaca-region censuses, for smaller units coming last in the list. See AZ, 1: xv, xxvii

(table), 129, 134. See also Carrasco 1976b, p. 104. , 12. See Schroeder 1984, pp. 178—79, with references to CH; and Tezozomoc

1949, Pp. 26, 32. 13. See Schroeder 1984, pp. 246—5§2, with copious references to CH. Teuctla-

toani, lit. “lord-speaker,” contains the word tlatoani used for sovereign rulers. 14. The census-like surveys from the Cuernavaca, Tetzcoco, and Tlaxcalan regions (reproduced and/or analyzed in AZ; Carrasco 1971, 1972, 1976a, 1976b; Harvey and Prem 1984; Offmer 1983; and Rojas et al. 1987), though not totally unambiguous, give a strong impression of generally contiguous subterritories. 15. See the works cited in n. 14. Though not much emphasized, widespread endogamy is the operating assumption of Carrasco, Offner, Hinz, and others in their writings on questions of family and community organization. In the Cuernavacaregion censuses (MNAH AH, CAN 549-51), though people from outside the unit

480 Notes to Pages 17-21 are not at all uncommon, the apparently routine mention of their provenience at every opportunity implies that the majority of the inhabitants were born within the unit. 16. See AZ; and Rojas et al. 1987. TC gives the impression of multitudinous shifting ward names inside the more stably named tlaxilacalli. Note that Cline and Offner tend to use “ward” for the entire tlaxilacalli, not for a subdivision as here. 17. Tlaxcala (originally), greater Chalco, and within Chalco, Amaquemecan, generally followed the historical principle in establishing rank. Tlaxcala and (more - unequivocally) greater Chalco also proceeded generally from north to south. This

could be the result of accident, but the rotation of the four parts of Tenochtitlan sweeps consistently in a counterclockwise direction, starting in the southwest. See below. See also the remarks in the conclusion (Chap. ro) relating four-part organization of this kind to general Nahua principles rather than specifically to religion. 18. CH has many such listings for Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco (see especially 2: 145-78), as does CFP for Tepemaxalco. A Tlaxcalan document of 1552 implies an order of rotation within Quiahuiztlan; see the mention in TA, p. 52, item 125, with exact reference to the location of the full original. The passage is in Celestino Solis et al. 1985, p. 131, item 443, but “ynic uiztaz tequitl” should be “yn icuixtaz tequitl,” “how the tribute goes along being collected,” so that the translation given in that edition on p. 327, item 443, is not correct. 19. CH, passim; Schroeder 1984, pp. 208—16, with many page references to _ CH. A specific example is the Colteuctli or Quail Lord of Sula, i.e. Collan, “place of

the quail” (Lockhart 1982, p. 378; N&S, item 3). ,

dan 1982, p.n.42. 21. See Parsons d. :

20. See BC, doc. 25, pp. 138—49, for the fullest known example; compare Ber-

22. See CH, 2: 61, which has both main expressions in iyolloco in altepetl, “at the heart of the altepetl,” and in altepeyotl Mexico “the built-up part of Mexico Tenochtitlan (with houses and streets).” Altepeyotl consists of altepetl plus -yo, an ab-

stract or collective nominal suffix.

23. Consider the negative and disdainful feelings of the Tenochca toward the splinter group that established Tlatelolco (Tezozomoc 1949, p. 76), their subsequent attempts to demote the Tlatelolco rulership, and the continuing resentment and denigration of the Tenochca by the Tlatelolca (FC, book 12, throughout). Van Zantwijk ' (1985) consistently views the Mexica as multiethnic from the beginning. In a sense, | can assent. No entity organized on altepetl principles was ever entirely unitary. 24. See Schroeder 1984, pp. 154—61, with many quotes from and specific references to CH. Chimalpahin’s usage is most amply demonstrated with his native Amaquemecan, a composite state. He calls the whole unit altepetl and the constituent parts sometimes altepetl, sometimes tlayacatl altepetl, and sometimes just tlayacatl. In Nahuatl generally the word can mean a district of any size, including at the sub-calpolli level, and to date Chimalpahin’s specific sense of tlayacatl has not been found in any other text, despite the frequency of similarly constituted entities. 25. See Gibson 1952, p. 105. In Amaquemecan, the Chichimeca teuctli of Itztlacogauhcan held this position in general, which did not prevent the Teohua teuctli of second-ranked Tlailotlacan from becoming preeminent at times. See Schroeder 1984,

pp. 49-56 (especially p. 52), 80-92. ,

Notes to Pages 21-24 481

to CH. , 26. Chalco’s fate emerges from an overall reading of CH; compare Schroeder 1984, chap. 2. 27. See Schroeder 1984, chap. 2, especially pp. 69—72, 74, 88, with references

28. See Gibson 1952; TA, part 1 (especially pp. 3—5); and Anguiano and Chapa 1976, maps. Oddly enough, this spatial arrangement fails to emerge very clearly in Munoz Camargo’s Descripcion de la ciudad y provincia de Tlaxcala (1984). 29. Munoz Camargo 1984, pp. 163, 168—69, 172. 30. These settlements are Topoyanco (Ocotelolco); Atlihuetzyan (Ticatla); Hueyotlipan (Quiahuiztlan), though at times Iztaccuixtlan took over the role; and Atlancatepec (Tepeticpac). See TA, pp. 12-13, 34, 125, and map. 31. For a highly ambiguous hint of the existence of tlatoque other than those presiding over the four altepetl, see Anguiano and Chapa, p. 139; Rojas et al. 1987, pp. 190-91, 312; and TA, p. 20. The census lists two important noblemen of Atlihuetzyan, belonging to Ticatla, who were often on the cabildo. Though neither was the dynastic ruler of all Tigatla, they are differentiated from all others by being called tlatoque. The uncertainty lies in the use of the plural for both rather than the singular twice, for the plural was often applied to groups of members of the cabildo who were not dynastic rulers (see n. 33). 32. The teccalli will be discussed in Chap. 4. 33. Nevertheless, nothing in either the later histories or the contemporaneous sixteenth-century records rules out the possibility that the four tlatoque merely occupied the senior positions in four sets of rulerships. The use of tlatoani in the Tlaxcalan Actas is ambiguous. The singular form always refers to one of the four main rulers, but the plural tlatoque is often used for the whole cabildo membership or some part of it (the broader use, however, may well be only a convention of courtesy, influenced by the Spanish word senvores; see Chap. 4). 34. For more detail on many of the following points, see CH; and Schroeder 1984. 35. Chimalpahin is not informative enough on the other three parts of Chalco for the reconstruction of a reasonably full picture of organization, except to document the existence of tlayacatl. Were the reporting as full, they would no doubt prove closely comparable in complexity and organizational principles to Amaquemecan. 36. See HTC; and L. Reyes Garcia 1977 (above all pp. 88, 104, 121—22 for a quick overview), 1978. It is likely that an extensive examination of all the original sources with the examples and specific terminology of Tlaxcala and Chalco in mind would reveal yet more similarities. 37. On the basis of a firsthand but not systematic examination of some of the materials with which Reyes worked, I accept his analysis in terms of the teccalli, but to bring this situation into line with others and to emphasize the possibility of multiple perspectives, it is important to note that a Nahua witness of 1553 considered each of the entities with a titled rulership to be an altepetl (L. Reyes Garcia 1978, p. 85). 38. Other notable examples of complex altepetl are Xochimilco, with three rulerships and tlayacatl; Huexotzinco, with a four-part division in its core area plus two conquered areas or dependencies (the matter of rulerships and tlayacatl is not yet very clear); and Tulancingo, with two halves, each with a supreme ruler and each

482 Notes to Pages 24-29 divided into units not yet fully understood. See respectively Gibson 1964, pp. 41-42; Dyckerhoff 1976, especially pp. 158, 174—76; and N&S, item 2. 39. See, for example, the early portions of CA and Tezozomoc 1949; and CH, passim. 40. Van Zantwijk 1985, chap. 4, has a far more complex and partially conflicting version; he does not recognize the basic order of precedence and rotation. Most of the conflicting details are irrelevant; | am more interested in the mental organiza-

tion of the unit than in facts of the foundation.

41. Tezozomoc 1949, pp. 74-75. Atzaqualco is a more common form of the name than Tzaqualco. For the sequence in postconquest times, see below.

points. ,

42. Throughout van Zantwijk 1985 one will find much information on these

43. The line of the preconquest Cihuacoatl Tlacaellel, based in Acatla in the San Pablo Teopan tlayacatl, did not die out until 1610 (CH, 2: 91, 116). Don Diego de San Francisco Tehuetzquititzin, one of the postconquest governors of Tenochtitlan, who had borne the title Tlacochcalcatl, was also associated with Teopan (CH, .2: 13). So were the first two quauhtlatoque after the conquest (CH, 2: 8). Don Pedro de Moteuccoma Tlacahuepantzin and heirs were based in Atzaqualco (CH, 2: 117). See

also van Zantwijk 1985, passim. |

| 44. See Hicks 1984, p. 150; Ixtlilxochitl 1975-77, 1: 380; and Offner 1983,

p. III. 45. On Tulancingo, see Carrasco 1963 and N&S, item 2; on Azcapotzalco, Gibson 1964, pp. 38 (with notes), 189; for Acohuic and Tlalnahuac in Coyoacan, Horn 1989, pp. §3—62; and on Calimaya/Tepemaxalco, CFP, passim, AGN, Tierras 2441,

, exp. 1, f. 3 (statement of 1791 to the effect that they had separate governors but were substantially the same pueblo, divided only by the church, which was in the middle and shared by both); and Loera y Chavez 1977 (though not well explained there). 46. See Schroeder 1984, pp. 61, 64—65, 94—102 passim, with many references

to CH, of which 1: 124 and 1: 152 are especially important. ,

47. Lockhart 1982, pp. 378—80 (also N&S, item 3). ,

48. Examples of splits in kingdoms, reductions, and attempted dominance in the Chalco region and particularly Amaquemecan will be found in Schroeder 1984, especially pp. 56—61, 87-92, 97—99, 105, with many references to CH; also L. Reyes Garcia 1977 on Cuauhtinchan, which sometimes had a single general tlatoani and

sometimes did not. ,

49. CH, 1: 143. Chimalpahin gives the phrase, a marvelous and characteristic , Nahuatl utterance, as “nimexicatl camo nitlalle camo nimille.” 50. See especially BC, doc. 29, pp. 180-83 (Huexotzinco), TA, selection 23, _ pp. 119—20 (Tlaxcala), and Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Patronato 184, ramo 50, Solicitud de los caciques de Suchimilco, 1563 (Xochimilco). 51. See Gibson 1964, maps of encomiendas, parishes, and towns, for these and other examples, and for a vast amount of jurisdictional information in general. See also Himmerich 1984. Gibson 1964, p. 42, Shows that Cuitlahuac had no fewer than four tlatoque, but the whole was so small that the Spaniards succeeded in treating it

as one undifferentiated unit. , , ~ §2. Compare Lockhart 1968, p. 12.

Notes to Pages 29-33 483 53. See N&S, item 2; Carrasco 1963; and Gerhard 1972, pp. 335—38. 54. See Gerhard 1972, pp. 270-73. — §5. See Gibson 1964, pp. 41-42, 103; and Horn 1989, pp. 53-62. Coyoacan’s position as part of the extensive Marquesado del Valle had in many respects the same

effects as being directly under the crown. : 56. See above at nn. 28—33; TA, introduction; and Gibson 1952, passim. Tlaxcala avoided encomienda not only on the grounds of its size (and indeed any one of

its four parts would still have been too large), but also on political grounds, taking | advantage of its carefully cultivated reputation as the Spaniards’ chief ally in the

conquest. |

57. See Gibson 1964, pp. 40—41, 43, 52, Maps 3 and 6 (Tetzcoco); and Gibson 1964, pp. 42—44, Schroeder 1984 (Chalco).

: §8. See Gibson 1964, pp. 53-54. |

pp- 76, 85. | | 59. See L. Reyes Garcia 1977, pp. 86, 121; examples in Schroeder 1984, especially pp. 86, 87, 97, 218—19, with specific references to CH; and Zorita 1941,

60. See Gibson 1952, pp. 12, 105. , , 61. Compare Horn 1989. -

62. Gibson 1964, p. 167. It may be that the word gobernador as used in the early postconquest phase actually meant the same thing as ¢/atoani. In testimony given in 1553, don Juan de Guzman, tlatoani and governor of Coyoacan, explained how he came to occupy his office. The recorded Spanish version uses words related to gobernador ( gobernar, gobernacion) in speaking of holders of the highest office from.a very early time after the arrival of the Spaniards, with no awareness expressed of any difference between the first rulers and don Juan, who held a formal title as governor from the viceroy. In his original Nahuatl testimony, don Juan was doubtless using such words as tlatoant, tlatocati, and tlatocayotl throughout. (CDC, 1: 76.) 63. Gibson 1964, p. 167; for some examples of the phrases, see CDC, 2: 20, 93;

and N&S, item 12. The 1574 Nahuatl will of the tlatoani of Tlacopan has all three : primary terms in rare close conjunction: “tlatouani‘cagique gouernador por su magestad” (Zimmermann 1970, p. 12). 64. See Gibson 1964, pp. 167—72; and TA, pp. 19—21.

— 65. See TA, p. 8. | ,

, 66. See Rounds 1982, pp. 75—78, and sources quoted there.

67. Well attested in both Tlaxcala (see TA, pp. 5—6, 12, 112) and the Cuerna-

Tutino 1976, p. 186. | 68. There are abundant examples throughout CH; Ixtlilxochitl; Rounds 1982; : vaca region (Haskett 1985, pp. 69-77). See also Gibson 1964, pp. 176-77; and

and Tezozomoc 1949. , 69. As in the example from Coyoacan given in Gibson 1964, p. 159.

70. Schroeder 1984, pp. 236—38, with references to CH. |

71. Gibson 1952, pp. 104—11; TA, pp. 2-3. : ,

72. See Gibson 1964, pp. 37, 42, 168—69; and Schroeder 1984, pp. 239-46. Gibson, without a head-on discussion of the term, calls the quauhtlatoque military rulers. For some instances, this was not untrue, but quauhtlatoque were not ordinarily imposed from the outside as rulers by force alone or for military purposes alone. The

484 Notes to Pages 33-37 quauhtlatoque the Mexica set up in Chalco in the 15th century were not from their own ranks, but members of the Chalco dynasties holding the positions in lieu of the full tlatoque then in exile; and the quauhtlatoani of Tlatelolco before the conquest could be from Tenochtitlan because both altepetl were Mexica (see Gibson 1964,

PP375 42). | 73. Gibson 1964, pp. 167-68.

74. See Gibson 1964, pp. 168—69; and Schroeder 1984, p. 245. The Mexica themselves must have taken the initiative in proposing quauhtlatoque, since the Spaniards were not familiar at that early point with the indigenous terminology and practice and surely would have been content with a dynastic ruler had the Mexica come up with a candidate. 75. CDC, 1: index entry Lucas Garcia (judge from Tlaxcala in Coyoacan); CH, I: 1§8 (judge from Xochimilco in Amaquemecan); CH, 2: 42 (judge from Tlaxcala in Tlacopan after death of its ruler, 1594); MNAH AH, GO 14, p. 158 (judge from Tenochtitlan in Chimalhuacan Chalco, 1569); TA, p. 140 (judge from Tlaxcala in (Chiauhtla?]).

76. CH, 2: 16; Gibson 1964, p. 169. 77. Most known examples of outside governors involve the Valley of Mexico. 78. CH, 2: 50. 79. Gibson 1952, p. 109; Gibson 1964, p. 172, n. 48. 80. CDC, 2: 93. See Horn 1989, chap. 3, on Coyoacan governmental history. 81. Most of this is common knowledge among historians of Spain and Spanish America, although many, taking the mayor-like alcalde of much later times as the

norm, have tended to assume that alcalde was a higher-ranking post than regidor. That the opposite was the case, though not in doubt, remains to be documented fully. In Peru of the conquest period, some former tradesmen, nonencomenderos, and near-

transients not likely to have become regidores did become alcaldes; for some examples, see Lockhart 1968, pp. 19, 67, 69, 124. On the use of the alcalde post as a step toward being regidor, see Offutt; and on Spanish trends, Altman. It is true that in peripheral or dependent settlements where a full municipality had not evolved, an alcalde (often a single one) could be the primary official, and a couple of subordinates named to aid him would be called regidores, having little in common

with the regimiento of a fully developed Spanish city (this was the case in Upper California in the late 18th century). Such a model may have been in the minds of Spanish officials at the time of the introduction of alcaldes and regidores, and if so, may have helped shape developments.

82. See Gibson 1964, p. 172; Offner 1983, pp. 55-66, 147—58; and Rounds

1982, pp. 76-78. , 83. See Rounds 1982, pp. 75—76, with further references.

84. Gibson 1952, pp. 107—8; TA, pp. 3, 5—6. The exact size of the body in preconquest times is not known. 85. Gibson 1952, pp. 104—12; TA, pp. 3-14. 86. Partially tabulated in Gibson 1964, p. 175; much more information will be found in CH, 2, and MNAH AH, GO 14. See also Gibson 1953. 87. See CH, 2: 49, 89.

88. CDC, 2: 93-94. The petition, prepared by a lawyer and cast in Spanish,

Notes to Pages 37-39 485 says, typically, that a regidor should be chosen from each “sujeto,” and the rest from the “‘cabecera,” i.e., those units located near the seat of the main tlatoani. 89. CDC, 1: 74. Nevertheless, there is no other indication of tlatoque holding office perpetually ex officio in Coyoacan. As will be seen in Chap. 4, Spanish principal is generally equivalent to pilli, “nobleman,” but is used more broadly and loosely, sometimes referring to plebeian ward heads and sometimes, as possibly here, to dy-

nastic rulers. ,

go. Gibson 1964, pp. 188—89. The situation in Huexotzinco is not yet clarified. There were three larger regions, but two were subordinated to a core that was itself divided into four. Descriptions waver between emphasis on three and on four, and the

cabildo seems not to have been analyzed closely. See Dyckerhoff 1976, pp. 158, 174—75. Doc. 29 of BC, a 1560 letter from the cabildo of Huexotzinco, is signed (among others; p. 190) by one governor and three alcaldes, but it is entirely possible that one alcalde was absent, or that his name was listed without his title. gt. This is one of the few points on which I find myself in direct disagreement with Gibson; see Gibson 1964, pp. 172-73. 92. BC, doc. 26, part 6, p. 162. The original phrase is “tehuatin in titecuhtla. toque ioan talgaldesme,” “we teuctlatoque and alcaldes.” The use of “‘ioan” (“and’’)

is quite unusual in such a construction and raises some grammatical possibility that two distinct groups are meant, but from the context I feel confident that that is not the case. 93. BC, doc. 34, p. 212 (Tlaxcala, 1545). 94. BC, Appendix, p. 222. Tlacateccatl is a title found in polities all over central Mexico; the office is sometimes described as military or judicial (see FC; and Rounds

1982, p. 77), and I take it that some tlayacatl tlatoque were so designated (see the term’s use in ANS, pp. 124-25, as the specific title of a tlatoani). Mixcoac was a subdivision of Coyoacan (Horn 1989), and ¢lailotlac, originally an ethnic name, was a title of some tlatoque and calpolli heads (see Schroeder 1984, p. 210). Because of the letter’s linguistic difficulty, BC contains only paraphrases. A full translation by Luis Reyes Garcia, still very literal and speculative, has appeared in CDC, 2: 201—2, and a slightly more advanced one is being prepared for a planned second edition of BC. In Culhuacan ca. 1580, preconquest titles for unit heads were still appearing as (apparently) surnames, either alone, as with Miguel Chimalteuctli or in conjunction with a Spanish surname, as with Miguel Sanchez Tlacateuctli (TC, doc. 12, p. 38, doc.

14, p. 46). |

In the anonymous annals of Tenochtitlan in the 1560’s (MNAH AH, GO 1a, p. 36; 1564), one of the cabildo officials, referred to as “the tlacochcalcatl,” makes a speech to the group. He is later identified as Tomas Vasquez, whose name elsewhere appears as Tomas Vasquez tlacochcalcatl (or Tlacochcalcatl, depending on one’s interpretation; p. 3). One cannot categorically declare that the term is used as a title rather than as a name, but its use alone, preceded by the article, tends to give that impression. 95. These patterns are most amply demonstrated in TA (see especially the “Directory of Prominent Tlaxcalans”), but they can be seen in almost any 16th-century cabildo membership list. 96. Sullivan 1987, especially pp. 108-9. For Xochimilco examples, see AGN,

486 Notes to Pages 39-42 Vinculos 279, exp. 1. The one known case of a regidor acting as judge is Pedro de Paz, regidor of Coyoacan in the 1550’s, who not only went by himself to adjudicate contested and unclaimed lands, but sat together with the governor-tlatoani deciding land cases (BC, docs. 9—10, pp. 84—91).

97. Gibson 1952, pp. 109—12; Gibson is not specific about the regidores being reduced in number, which can be deduced from TA, selection 25, pp. 125—26, and

many entries for the time in Zapata (ZM). ,

98. These lists will be found scattered in prominent places through MNAH AH,

GO 14, and CH, 2, under the relevant years. 99. BC, doc. 29, p. 178. 100. UCLA TC, folder 5, Sept. 15, 1582. The original phrase is “yhuan mochin-

tin pipiltin tlayxpan.” ,

tor. For the first example, see N&S, item 13; for the second, from Coyoacan in 1553, see CDC, 1: 214. The accounts are translated into Spanish, so that in both examples the original word is “principales.” In a document from Tula in 1606, there is the phrase “J the governor and we alcaldes and all the noblemen who live here in Tula and take care of justice” (AGN, Tierras 3548, exp. 3[?], f. 1v). Here the context shows that “all the noblemen” in fact are the regidores, but the broader phraseology is used anyway, indicative of how the ruling group was conceived, and how unprestigious the term regidor was among the Nahuas, at least by this time.

102. Nicholson 103. CDG, 2:1971. 94. |,,

104. See Horn 1989, pp. 110-12; NMY, doc. 1, p. 93; and TA, p. 9. 105. TA, pp. 9—11. TC shows the long-term notary of Culhuacan, Miguel Jacobo de Maldonado, becoming alcalde late in life, in 1603 (doc. 83, pp. 280—81). Compare

also Cline 1986, p. 46. It is not clear whether other Nahua cabildos attempted to maintain minutes of meetings. Highly competent legal documents (petitions, decrees, litigation, and authentications of wills and sales, for example) issued by central Mexican municipalities from the 1550’s forward indicate that many of them had the capability of keeping such records, but there is no definite proof that they ever kept minutes in the Spanish style and no apparent compelling reason why they should have

done so. a ,

106. It may be that the Nahua concept of nobility was rather broader in general, including more roles involving special skill and responsibility; thus practice of the fine crafts was compatible with nobility in preconquest central Mexico, which was not usually the case in Europe. See ANS, pp. 150—53; and Pomar 1941, pp. 26—31.

/ 107. TA, pp. 12-14, 112. For more on the significance of names, see Chap. 4. 108. UCLA TC, folder 1; discussed more fully in N&S, item 2. The collectors are once called by the term tlapachoani, “one who governs”; Molina translated the word as “‘governor of one’s property and family,” hence possibly something on the order of _ a steward. I have not found the term in any other document: The four parts are referred to as naubcoco calpolli. My impression is that these calpolli were themselves very complex units; as to maubcoco, it contains “four,” but I have yet to arrive at a satisfactory explanation of -coco. The final -co is presumably the locative suffix, as indirectly confirmed in the title “Nauhcocatl tecuhtli,” where the -cat] ending, mean-

ing “inhabitant of,” ordinarily corresponds to a toponym in -co. ,

Notes to Pages 42-44 487 109. CDC, 1: 74-75. Included among the title-surnames are Tlacateuctli (People-Lord); Huecamecatl (Inhabitant [or ruler] of Huecaman, Far-away-place); Hueiteuctli (Great Lord); Amiztlato (Master of the Hunt); Tlacochcalcatl (Person at the Armory). These and some examples harder to analyze can be seen in conjunction with the Christian names in Table 2.2. See also Horn 1989, pp. 115—20. 110. For example, one Miguel Josef was executor (of wills), diputado, and regidor (TC, docs. 60-62, pp. 221-25). r11. TA, pp. 12-14, 112; in Coyoacan, Miguel Huecamecatl as both majordomo

and constable, CDC, 1: 74-75; S. Cline 1986, p. 45; TC, docs. 26, 82, pp. 85, 279, showing the same person as member of the church staff (teopantlacatl), constable,

and diputado. ,

112. Or on occasion units defined in nonresidential terms, as in Coyoacan tetzotzoncatopile, “person in charge of stonemasons” (TC, doc. 29, p. 94). 113. See S. Cline 1986, p. 45; the best examples are from Culhuacan. 114. See AZ; Dyckerhoff 1976; Gibson 1964, p. 183; Prem 1974; and Rojas et al. 1987. 115. CDC, 1, consisting mainly of papers relating to a Spanish inspection tour of

pp. 84-89. ,

Coyoacan, is full of the testimony of small-unit leaders. See also BC, doc. 9,

116. One might compare TA, pp. 12-14, with Haskett 1985, chap. 6. See also Gibson 1964, pp. 182—83; and Horn 1989, pp. 115—20. A term used frequently by Spaniards for officials at the lowest level was mandon, “boss.” Haskett finds that officers called merinos in Nahuatl might be referred to as mandones in Spanish, though mand6én does occur in Nahuatl texts too (1985, pp. 321-25, especially p. 322). Molina does not have tlayacanqui or tepixqui. He glosses tequitlatoas“‘mandon or merino, or one in charge of assigning the tribute and duties to the macehuales (Indian commoners).” Teyacanani, a variant of teyacanqui, is glossed as “guide of

others, one who rules or governs.” 117. See S. Cline 1984, p. 54. 118. AZ; Rojas et al. 1987. In CDC, 1, some ward heads have 60 brazas of land, others 40, not beyond the range for ordinary commoners. Gibson 1964, pp. 182—83, does not distinguish between intermediate and lower officials, and indeed it is often

hard to do so. ~ Oe

_ 119. In my experience, the singular tlaxilacale always means simple “district citizen,” and it is only in the plural that the ambiguity arises. Instances in which the plural refers quite unambiguously to simple citizens may be seen in BC, docs. 14, 17, pp. 96,

100 (Azcapotzalco, 18th century); and CH, 2: 5, 125. Although calpolli occurs in some texts far into the postconquest period, I have not found calpoleque in the sense of “district officers” during this time. 120. See BC, doc. 9, pp. 84—89 (Coyoacan, 1554); and AGN, Tierras 165, exp.

4, f. 14v (Mexico City, 1600). ,

121. In AGN, Hospital de Jestis 298, exp. 4, ff. 5, 13 (Mexico City; 1593), tlaxilacaleque is translated as mayorales, another Spanish word for lowest-level indigenous officials.

122. In an instance from Culhuacan in 1583 (TC, doc. 60, p. 220), the first per- : son listed among the tlaxilacaleque huehuetque is in fact the regidor from that district.

488 Notes to Pages 44-49 A problem endemic to the establishment of the identity of the tlaxilacaleque is that in the witness lists where they most frequently appear, further witnesses are appended with no indication of where the authorities leave off and the ordinary citizens begin. 123. This difference was not always so clear to later historians. Robert Ricard, who entirely lacked independent knowledge of indigenous society and put great credence in the self-magnifying reports of the early friars, gave the impression of virtually nomadic people being reorganized into entirely new units, and the Ricardian version formed the basis of many interpretations until the appearance of Gibson’s Aztecs in 1964. In certain circles it still does.

124. Gibson 1964, pp. 282-85. | 125. See Lockhart 1982, pp. 387-88 (also N&S, item 3); and Wood 1984,

covered.

pp. 24—34. Better records of the mid-16th-century reorganizations may yet be dis126. TA, selection 16, pp. 103—6. A similar impression arises from Chimalpahin’s brief mention of relocation in Amaquemecan.

127. CH, 2: 57. |

128. See Gibson 1964, pp. §54—55, for some examples.

129. See Wood 1984, pp. 212-34. ,

130. CH, 2: 57. For sujeto, he uses the actual Spanish word; for cabecera, he uses the close Nahuatl equivalent tzontecomail, “head, skull.” 131. For details of corregimiento development, see Gibson 1964, pp. 81-97; and Gerhard 1972 under individual jurisdictions. As Gibson makes clear (p. 82), the terminology actually used varied considerably, alcalde mayor for the official and alcaldia mayor for the district being the main alternate terms. Although the provincial administrators were sometimes referred to en masse as corregidores de indios, and a sharp distinction can be drawn between them and their approximate counterparts in Spanish settlements, the actual modifier de indios does not appear in documents concerning individual corregidores, not even in the decrees appointing them to office. 132. See Gibson 1964, especially pp. 11-12, 18, 90; and Offner 1983, especially

pp. 60-61.

133. Celestino Solis et al. 1985; TA, throughout. ,

134. As in BC, doc. 17, p. 102 (Azcapotzalco, 1738); and UCLA TC, folder 19, July 30, 1720 (Tulancingo). For oficiales as limited to alcaldes and governors, see AGN Tierras 2338, exp. 1, f. 14 (San Miguel Tocuillan in the Tetzcoco area, 1722). 135. For example, BC, doc. 17, p. 102 (Azcapotzalco, 1738), “in senca mahuistililonime tlatoque,” “the very honorable rulers.” 136. AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 4 (Amaquemecan, some time between 1723

and 1764), “tlatocamahuispipiltin,” “rulerly honorable nobles.” 137. Ibid., 2554A, exp. 13, f. 11 (Toluca Valley), “alcalde pasado.” , - 138. Examples in UCLA TC, folder 14, Oct. 7, Nov. 3, 1687 (Tulancingo). 139. Example in AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 23v (Tlapitzahuayan near Chalco Atenco, 1763). 140. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978. The example is from 1746.

141. AGN, Tierras 2549, exp. 1, f. 50. ,

142. Some examples will doubtless be found somewhere, but to date I have not

seen a single occurrence of “regidor pasado.”

| Notes to Pages 51-57 489 143. As we saw above at n. 97, in the late 16th century Tlaxcala simultaneously dropped four regidores and added four provincial alcaldes. 144. TA, pp. 8, 127—39. The constant repetition in office and the small number of officeholders over a 20-year period are overwhelmingly documented; the continuing influence of nonincumbents is deduced partially from that very fact, and partially from such hints as the warnings of Spanish officials to incumbents not to reveal secrets to past cabildo members (selection 6, pp. 75-77) and the naming of nonincumbents to important delegations representing Tlaxcalan interests to the outside (pp. 140—43). 145. AGN,.Tierras 1780, exp. 3. The exact date is not clear; although 1660 and 1680 are mentioned, the text may have been composed considerably later (although it at times purports to be from much earlier). See also Chap. 6 at n. 97. 146. For example, see Karttunen and Lockhart 1978. Witnesses to litigation in Coatlichan and Quauhtlalpan in 1762—64 were all past officials—governors, alcal-

fiscales. , | |

des, an alguacil mayor: no regidores (AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 8). AGN, Tierras 2555, exp. 14, ff. 5-12 (Soyatzingo; 1734) is much the same, with the addition of

bystanders. , | oO place” (p. 166). , , 150. NMY, doc. 10, p. 117. , ,

147. AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11, f. 3 (also in N&S, item 7). The governor also — asked “muchi comun,” “all the commonality,” but I take these to be little more than

148. AGN, Tierras 2533, exp. 3, f. 22. A past notary also signed. , |

149. In Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, citizens of the full-scale altepetl Amaquemecan (1746) refer to the corregimiento cabecera as “totzonteconyocan,” “our head-

151. In Azcapotzalco in 1738, the term used is -tlabuilanal, “something dragged along with something else” (BC, doc. 17, p. 100); in Acaxochitlan:(Tulancingo) in

1768 (UCLA TC), the term is tlatilanalli, “something pulled.” 152. See Gibson 1964, p. 54; and Wood 1984, pp. 222, 226, 278 (Toluca Valley, late 17th and 18th centuries). See also Chap. 6.

153. See N&S, item 12. , - , , , 154. Gibson 1964, p. 285 and notes; Wood 1984, pp. 183-90. ,

(also N&S, item 3). , ,

155. As with Sula in the Tlalmanalco/Chalco region; see Lockhart 1982, p. 375

156. Wood 1984, especially pp. 186—87. See also Wood’s discussion (pp. 238— 94) of how hacienda and mining settlements, though new, often partly non-Indian

agglomerations, frequently attained recognition as Indian pueblos. ,

157. AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6. a

158. An example is found in a late “titulo primordial” of Atlauhtlan (Chalco region); background in Lockhart 1982, p. 374 (also N&S, item 3). ; 159. AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 1, f. 14. 160. UCLA TC, folder 25, March 1, 1768. That is, Santa Maria de la Natividad was the town’s patron saint and also, as usual in such cases, gave it its Spanish name

in addition to the indigenous name, which was not used in this text. , 161. The latest example presently known to me is from Metepec in the Toluca

Valley, 1795 (BC, doc. 6, p. 74). , ,

162. In Azacapotzalco, 1703, San Simén is called a “Bario” but its inhabitants

490 Notes to Pages 57-60 are called “tlaxilacaleque”’ (BC, doc. 14, p. 96). In Calimaya, 1738, a district is given the double classification “tlaxilacali barrio” (NAC, ms. 1477B [1]). In Amaquemecan, 1746, a document has barrio seven times, tlaxilacalli twice (Karttunen and Lockhart

1978). 7

163. See Gibson 1964, pp. 41—44; and L. Reyes Garcia 1978, p. 177 (““Tecpa-

necatle,” Chichimecatecpan). 164. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978. 165. These include Tepanecapan and Mexicapan in Azcapotzalco and Calimaya/

Tepemaxalco. a

, Chapter 3 | , 1. My interpretation of tlacamecayotl is substantially concordant with that of Offner 1983, pp. 199-200. I do not agree with those who would interpret the word as meaning an organizational entity. 2. See Roys 1939 for constantly repeating indigenous surnames. 3. It is true that calli (without cen-) is the standard term for a household (and household head too, apparently) in the Cuernavaca-region padrones (see AZ; Carrasco 1972; and MNAH AH, CAN 549-51, throughout). Cencaltin occurs in the last source. For the rarer cemithualtin, see that collection, as well as AZ, 1: xvii, 27, 31, 4I, 2: 10; and Carrasco 1976b, pp. 104, 114. Cencale, “householder, head of a _ household,” built on cencalli, appears in an early Coyoacan land investigation (BC, doc. 9, p. 84; such seems at least to be the meaning). None of these terms appears in any testament that I have ever seen. I have not found cenyeliztli or techan tlaca in any text at all; to me both have the flavor of possible but rather ad hoc constructions offered by indigenous informants trying to satisfy Molina’s insistence on getting a _ precise equivalent for the Spanish word familia where none in fact existed. 4. The expression is sometimes found with the element ithualli placed first (e.g., BC, doc. 1, p. 50), and it often appears in the locative, guiahuac ithualcao (see AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, ff. 23-—23v). Quiahuatl is frequently translated as “entryway,” which is not incorrect, although the perspective on the aperture in the Nahuatl word is as a place through which to come out, not to go in. Note the speech of advice to the newlywed couple in the Tetzcoco Dialogues; although the desirability of having children is discussed, guiahuatl ithualli occurs in the speech, and any word referring more strictly to the personnel of a “family” is lacking (ANS, pp. 108-11). 5. See ANS, p. 110; and NMY, doc. 10, p. 118; examples from the 17th and

examples. , | 18th centuries are myriad. , ,

6. In oncan tictotlatolchialilia in totecuiyo Dios; unfortunately, I did not save

7. The form chan-tli, with the absolutive -tli, occurs in rare instances but is very much a secondary formation; in the overwhelming majority of cases, -chan appears with a possessive prefix: nochan, “(at) my home”; mochan, “(at) your home,” etc.; see ANS, pp. 52—53. For -chan paired with calli, see AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. ro (Tlatelolco; 1669). 8. In the will of don Julian de la Rosa, written in Tlaxcala in 1566 (BC, doc.

Notes to Pages 60—62 491 1), -chanyo (with -yo abstract and collective suffix) is used to mean “matters of (my)

household” (p. 46), that is, what portions of the house complex are to go to the -testator’s brother, what portions to his wife. The testator then orders his wife at the time of her death to leave lands he is bequeathing her to his -chan, apparently meaning his lineage (p. 50). -Chan is also used in this text in its more frequent sense of “at the residence of” the testator (p. 52). 9. See ANS, pp. 52-53. 10. See TC, docs. 29, 30, pp. 92, 96, among many others, for nican nochan, the dominant formula in the Culhuacan of the late 16th century. Nican nichane is possibly even more common; examples from an assortment of times and places are in BC, docs.

1; 4, 6, pp. 44, 64, 74; and NMY, docs. 2, 10, pp. 94, 17. 11. See TC, doc. 52, pp. 188—91 (1581), where Ana Tlaco’s -chan is distant Yecapixtla although she lives in a tlaxilacalli of Culhuacan (“ypan ninemi,” “I live

in...) and has property and relatives there. |

_ 12. Many cases are on the borderline between the two senses. Since most Nahuatl altepetl names are in the locative, they already mean “in... ”; Tetzcoco ichan could mean “his home is in Tetzcoco.”” When the Tlaxcalan cabildo threatens in 1547

to drive out outsiders, saying “yazque yn inchan,”. “they are to go (back) to their homes” (BC, doc. 22, p. 120), altepetl or regions are probably meant, but there is no

see ANS, pp. 52-53. ,

way to be sure. For some cases in which the reference is unambiguously to the altepetl,

13. See BC, doc. 2, p. 56. In a Nahuatl document of Tlatelolco, 1620, aposento

is actually used as a loanword equivalent to calli (AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 9v). , By the 18th century, it is not unusual to find a plural suffix attached to calli. Thus a _ testator in Sacaquauhtla (in the northern part of the Tulancingo region) speaks of nocalhuan,“my houses” (UCLA TC, folder 25, March 1, 1768). See also Karttunen

and Lockhart 1978, p. 170. | ,

A, Doc. 3). _

14. In fact, one occasionally finds turns of phrase such as huel tonatiuh icalaquiampa itzticac, “it faces straight west,” which imply that directions given without such modifiers are to be taken as approximate only (there is an example in Appendix

than buildings). |

15. See AZ, I: xix, Xxlx, xxxil; Carrasco 1964, pp. 190-93; Carrasco 1971, pp. 368—69; and Offner 1984, p. 138 (though the evidence concerns families more 16. The classifier tetl (lit., “stone”) is often used to enumerate the buildings rather than repeating “calli.” Nocal yetemani is “my house which is in three parts” or “my houses, of which there are three”; inic centetl is “the first (house, building)”; etc. See TC, doc. 65, p. 236, for an example. Caltontli and caltepiton refer unambiguously to small structures. I have not been able to determine whether caltzintli is a diminutive, a relatively contentless reverential, or something else. The form is quite common; since it often comes first in the section of a will discussing buildings, I have thought at times that it might refer to the principal structure, if not the whole complex, but this has not been consistently borne out. In the Culhuacan testaments, it can hardly be a diminutive because it stands in contradistinction to caltepiton, caltontli, and caltepitzin (see TC, docs. 19, 24, 31, pp. 60, 74, 102). A document of Mexico City, 1639, also distinguishes three residential “caltzintli” from a “caltepitzin” (AGN,

492 Notes to Pages 63—67 Bienes Nacionales 339, item 9), and another from the same place, 1587, embodies the

same distinction (AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 7). Spanish translators of the time rendered caltzintli simply as casa. 17. See TC for many examples of house demolition around 1580 in Culhuacan,

pp. 1o1—2. , ,

example.

where the moist chinampa environment and frequent floods must have militated against the longevity of structures. The phenomenon is discussed in S. Cline 1986, 18. The standard phrase is can itech caliubtica. See Appendix A, Doc. 3, for an

19. The usual wording is “las casas principales de mi morada,” lit. “the main

houses of my dwelling.” 20. TC, doc. 48, p. 172. Juan calls the house a telpochcalli, ““youth-house,” and goes on to define the term, in effect, as a house built by a young man before marriage. See S. Cline 1986, p. 100, for a discussion and differentiation of this use of the word

from the better-known meaning “preconquest establishment for the education of boys.” The existence of a special term implies that it was a not uncommon practice for a youth to build a separate structure for himself prior to and perhaps preparatory to marriage. The custom may have applied to both genders, since Elena Angelina of Mexico City had in her house complex a small structure she called her ichpochcalli, “unmarried young woman—house” (NAC, ms. 1481, Jan. 6, 1581). 21. There is no definite indication that Barbara’s husband came to live with her in the new building. J have the impression, however, that he did. 22. The term used for the house’s alleyway in both documents is caltentli, and the later one uses the loanword corral rather than the indigenous tepancalli for a corral or enclosure. An accompanying Spanish translation gives callejon for caltentli. 23. See BC, doc. 11, p. 90; and the discussion in Calnek 1974, pp. 45-46. 24. See, for example, AGN, Hospital de Jestis 298, exp. 4, ff. 5-6; and TC, doc. 19, p. 60, doc. 47, p. 166, doc. 50, p. 180 (the last two refer to the same structure), _ doc. 80, p. 270. These are also all the examples in which I am sure on which side of the patio the cihuacalli stands. No standard location emerges; two are on the west, one on the east, and one on the north. 25. TC, doc. 17, p. 58 (Culhuacan, 1580).

26. UCLA TC, folder 25, March 1, 1768 (Sacaquauhtla in the Tulancingo region).

| 27. Ibid. The house for the saints, and indeed the whole household layout, may have been the same in various parts of Mesoamerica. Houses built in the 16th century

under Augustinian auspices at Tiripitio, in the Tarascan region to the west of the _ Nahuas, were “all on one level, following the custom of the country. Most of the houses had, however, besides the bedrooms, a common room, a kitchen, and a chapel where the holy images were kept.” (Ricard 1966, p. 138, with references to contemporary chronicles.)

28. The building where the baking was done is referred to as a “tlachichih{ual|calin yhuan orno yhuan moch itlachichihualon.” It is unclear to me at present whether tlachichihualcalli means “product-house” or “equipment house,” in either case here a baking establishment, “with oven and all its equipment.” The Spanish translation is amasijo de pan, with the cosas necesarias para una panaderia. The subenclosure is called a tepancalli. (AGN, Bienes Nacionales 339, item 9.)

Notes to Pages 67-69 493 29. TC, doc. 34, p. 112, which contains an unambiguous use of both of the Nahuatl terms; calnepanolli is also seen in TC, doc. 20, p. 64, and BC, doc. 11, p. 90 (Coyoacan; 1568). The second is an example of two stories in modest circumstances. The term is derived from calli, “house,” and nepanoa “to join, to put one thing on top of another.” It is an entirely indigenous construction, doubtless preconquest. Prem

(1967, p. 98; 1974, p. 546) is incorrect in presuming that the word is a SpanishNahuatl neologism, i.e., that it contains calli and espanol, “Spanish.” 30. As in AGN, Hospital de Jestis 298, exp. 4, f. 4. 31. See BC, doc. 2, p. §6 (Coyoacan, 1588) for an example of the use of tlapan-

calli and its Spanish translation as altos.

32. There was a chinancaltontli, “little reed fence,’ together with small fruit trees around the place of Juan Miguel in Tezontla (Tetzcoco region) (AGN, Tierras 2238, exp. 6, April 28, 1689). A property in Mexico City, 1570, had an acatzaqualli, “reed enclosure” (AGN, Tierras 30, exp. 1, f. 37). See also S. Cline 1986, pp. 98—99. In TC (Culhuacan, ca. 1580) one does see some use of tepancalli (see just below) for the enclosure going all around the complex, implying a very solid structure (docs. 28, 49, pp. 86, 176), and in one case this is made explicit, with the specification that a tepantlatzaqualli, “wall enclosure,” was made of adobe (doc. 82, p. 276). The last term also occurs in a Mexico City text of 1564 (AGN, Tierras 22, part 1, exp. 5,

f. 123). ,

33. See TC, doc. 48, pp. 170—75; and AGN, Bienes Nacionales 339, item 9, for examples of use of the terms. 34. Examples in TC, docs. 26, 30, pp. 80, 96 (Culhuacan, 1580); NMY, doc. 2,

24, p. 124). |

p. 95 (Xochimilco, 1572).

35. Compare Calnek 1974, pp. 17 (map x), 47—49. 36. See the 1567 Tlaxcalan reference to streets around churches (TA, selection

37. See BC, doc. 26, parts 4 and 5, pp. 154, 160 (Coyoacan, ca. 1550); and Celestino Solis et al. 1985, p. 65, item 129 (Tlaxcala, 1549). For the modern usage, see Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, p. 162, with further references. 38. Often written as jolal or xolal, the word also appears as jollal in NMY, p. 56, where the writer has apparently taken the form to consist of jol- and -lal (the assimilated form of -tlal, “land”’). The root -tlal is seen even more clearly in the example xotlal, from Soyatzingo in the Chalco region, 1734 (AGN, Tierras 2555, exp.

14,39. f. ?). , See TC, docs. 12A, 14, pp. 38, 46 (Culhuacan, 1580), where substantial

pieces of land are called the -solaryo (or -jolaryo) of a house in exactly the same way that -callal is used in other documents in the collection. The -yb in this context is a suffix of inalienable possession, as in -atentlallo (= -atentlal-yo), “(its) land at the edge of the water,” another term used in the Culhuacan texts instead of callalli when chinampas are involved. The point can be seen even more clearly in a petition written in Tulancingo ca. 1570 (UCLA TC, folder 1, complaint about Martin Jacobo): “cequindi y macenvaltin atley yn ijolal ... atley yn ijolal yvan anotley yn ivecanmil,” “some commoners have no solar ... they have neither a solar nor distant fields.” Huecamilli, “distant fields,” is the polar opposite and complement of “house-land” in the indigenous conceptual framework, so that in this passage solar and callalli are equated one to one. See also Chap. 5.

494 Notes to Pages 69-71 , 40. See, for example, BC, docs. 2, 4, pp. 54, 56, 68. It is not always possible to know whether an orchard accompanies a house or not, as in BC, docs. 3 (p. 60), 4 (p. 66), and 26, part 5 (p. 160). The one in doc. 4 had pears, figs, and avocados. All these examples are from Coyoacan between the mid-16th and the early 17th century. 41. See especially TC, again and again, for example, docs. 48, 67, pp. 172, 242. See also S. Cline 1986, pp. ro1—2. 42. See TC, doc. 39, p. 128. 43. See NMY, doc. 2, p. 95 (Xochimilco, 1572); TC (Culhuacan, ca. 1580), doc. 69, p. 244; docs. 6, 31, 80, pp. 26, 102, 270 (all three of these grainbins were made of boards); NAC, ms. 1477 B [x] (Calimaya, Toluca Valley, 1738); AGN, Tierras 2533, exp. 5, ff. 1-2v (the wealthy sometime governor of Tepemaxalco, Calimaya

region, in 1691 had one large cuezcomatl and at least six others). As it happens, references from the Toluca Valley in the 17th and 18th centuries could be multiplied. 44. TC, doc. 29, p. 94 (Culhuacan, 1580); see also Cline 1986, pp. 100, 102; and AGN, Tierras 22, part 1, exp. 4, f. 1v, a temazcaltontli, “‘little temazcalli,” per-

haps now collapsed (Mexico City, 1563). ,

, 45. L. Reyes Garcia 1978, p. 176.

46. See the first reference in n. 44. ,

47. BC, doc. 2, p. 56 (Coyoacan, 1588); and TC (Culhuacan, early 1580’s), docs. 38, 49, 56, pp. 126, 178, 202 (the last has the quote). 48. TC, doc. 47, p. 168 (Culhuacan, 1581). When and to what extent Nahuas

took over Spanish-style raised beds is unclear. |

_ 49. TC, doc. 50, p. 182, and passim. In Nahuatl texts, the spelling is generally caxa (as it was in fact in Spanish texts of the time as well). | am uncertain when European-style tables and chairs became common household items. They occur in public or institutional settings as early as the 1550’s (TA, p. 6; TC, doc. 13, p. 44), but I have not seen them listed in connection with 16th-century households and unfortunately did not note down the few occurrences I have seen for the later centuries.

The relative absence is not conclusive, however; except for rare luxury products, tables and chairs were simple items with only a fraction of the monetary value of

chests and do not appear very often in Spanish testaments either. oe

so. Appendix A, Doc. 2. |

51. See NMY, docs. 2, 3, pp. 95, 99 (Xochimilco, 1572, Coyoacan region, 1608); and TC, docs. 39, 48, 67, 74, pp. 130, 172, 242, 256 (Culhuacan, ca. 1580). 52. AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6, June 4, 1713. The Nahuatl is ““oncan cate platos ce docena yhuan tlaco ynon cuitlaxcohuapanecayo / escudillitas ome / huehhuey ayo-

: tecti ome.” ,

53. This is true not only of politically oriented writings like Chimalpahin’s annals and the Historia tolteca-chichimeca, but also of the encyclopedic Florentine Codex done under the eyes of Sahagiin. Dana Leibsohn, a doctoral student in art history at UCLA, combed the Nahuatl text of FC for architectural detail and found very little that would distinguish one house type from another or define any house plan. 54. AGN, Tierras 104, exp. 8, June 27, 1721. The Spanish phrase used to locate

a building is like an explanation of the traditional Nahuatl “facing”: “que mira la puerta hacia el poniente,” “with the door looking toward the west.” The son’s structure is called an “‘aposento,” and the small house or room is a “casita o cuarto.” The

Notes to Pages 72-73 | 495 complex was in the barrio of San Francisco Tepiton (“the Little”). The testator had another house in the barrio of Xocalpan, including a kitchen (“cocina”), and divided it in half without further specification between her two daughters.

55. Ibid., 2555, exp. 14, f. 2. For a brief description of a similar complex in Cuauhtinchan, 1707, see L. Reyes Garcia 1978, p. 176. _ §6. The word is used mainly in the plural, and I have the impression that in that form it could include anyone in one’s household or persons closely allied with one in other ways, but I have never seen a passage that would demonstrate this unambiguously. Under “‘pariente,” Molina equates tebuanyolqui with “blood relative,” giving a compound form with cihua-, “woman-,” for “affinal relative.” Under “teuayulqui,” however, Molina gives “deudo o pariente,” deudo being a broad term that includes not only in-laws but people with even vaguer ties. Regardless of the word’s precise domain, the main point—that a primary category including blood relatives speaks

of togetherness rather than of blood ties—remains untouched. For an example of -huanyolque used in an actual will, see TC, doc. 60, p. 220 (Culhuacan, 1583); in this case, the speaker seems to make a distinction between his -huanyolque and the people he has merely lived with. Another occurrence in a will comes from Mexico

City, 1588 (AGN, Tierras 59, exp. 3, f. 17v). See also n. 58. a 57. Many examples can be found in CH (and from CH but easier to locate, in

Schroeder 1984) and Tezozomoc 1949. ,

58. I have seen -tlacamecahuan in texts only once (UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22—23; Acatlan, Tulancingo region, 1659) and not at all in dictionaries; the phrase runs “nopilhuan noxhuiuhan notlacamecahuan,” “my children, my grandchildren, my descendants,” with some question whether the last term describes the first two or, as is more likely, conveys “my descendants (beyond that).” The term -tlacayohuan

occurs in TC, doc. 45A, p. 160 (Culhuacan, 1581) in a context where it seems to mean much the same thing as -buanyolque, and also in ANS, though in an unilluminating context (see p. 51 there). A passage from a Mexico City will of 1588 confirms

the essential identity of the two terms, using -tlacayobuan at the beginning and -huanyolque in the same context at the end (AGN, Tierras 59, exp. 3, ff. 17, 17Vv). 59. BC, Doc. 4, p. 64. See n. 91, however, for an expression partly covering the

lack of a general category. a 60. Compare Offner’s findings (1983, pp. 199, 200, 210), with which I agree, that the tlacamecayotl is not a descent group, and that descent groups did not exist in Tenochtitlan’s households. Even to speak of “the” tlacamecayotl gives it too much of an independent existence. When it is unpossessed, it means lineal consanguineal kin relationships in general, and when it is possessed, it means the kindred in that sense

of the particular possessor. _ ,

61. Such extensions are in fact not much seen in mundane texts, where -col and -ci are almost always the actual grandparents. I have seen no unambiguous use of the

terms to refer to great-uncles and great-aunts. 62. See ANS, p. 162, for an example in which a man calls a boy his -mmach, “nephew,” hence must himself be considered the boy’s -tla, and also calls his wife the boy’s -ahui; there is no sure way of telling which of the two is the blood relative, but the principle is definitely established. It was possible when appropriate to disambiguate, however. One man refers to cibuayotica notlatzin, “my uncle through the female

496 Notes to Pages 73-75 side,” that is, the husband of the sister of one of his parents (AGN, Tierras 55, exp. 5,

f. 2; Mexico City, 1564). 7

63. Kin terms did add the absolutive suffix to make a rarely used citation form, as can be seen for many of them in Molina, but these are secondary formations. Several kin words end in a -ub that is by origin the possessive suffix: -teachcauh, -teiccauh, -hueltiuh, -(i)xhuiuh, -oquichtiuh, -coneuh. Ordinarily, the possessive -ub and the absolutive -t/ replace each other as appropriate, using the same stem. But some of these words, being heard in effect in the possessive only, were reanalyzed in

such a way that the -u/ was considered part of the stem, and the absolutive form included it as well as the absolutive suffix, as in bueltiuhtli and ixhuiubtli (for turther evidence that this is so, see the discussion in ANS, pp. 97—98, with additional examples on pp. 47—51). In other words, the possessive form became the basis for the absolutive. The same thing has happened with a different form of the possessive ending in -buezhui and huezhuatli. On the other hand, -coneuh has the normal absolutive form conetl, which may show that the term came into use later than the others. Since -teachcaub and -teiccauh are doubly possessed, they do not show an absolutive form

at all, although the related achcauhtli is based on reanalysis. As far as I know, no absolutive form of -oguichtiuh is attested. The obligatory possession of kinship terms seems to be common to Uto-Aztecan and Mesoamerican languages. Indeed, I presume that little if anything in the Nahua system as of about 1500 was idiosyncratic or new

in the Mesoamerican context. ,

64. Offner (1983, p. 179) is on the right track on this point, and Gardner (1982, pp. 102—3) understands it completely. The original mistake was the misinterpretation by some (not by all) of Molina’s reasons for appending “‘says a woman” or “says a man” to the gloss of certain terms. Since Molina’s citation forms are in the first person, it is necessarily the possessor of the relationship who utters that particular form, and Molina never meant to say, nor would it indeed occur to a knowledgeable person that he might have meant to say, that that kin word would be uttered only by someone of a given gender regardless of possessor. A problem has been that scholars working with kinship have tended to use lists and dictionaries as their source rather than actual texts, so they have lacked examples

_ that would settle this question once and for all. I will give here three relevant examples. In Chimalpahin’s annals (CH, 2: 16), the author, though a male, uses the term with female reference point, “yyachtzin,” to mean “her older brother.” In Mexico City in 1587, don Pedro Enrique de Moteuccoma, speaking of himself in the third person and addressing two female relatives, writes “amicuhtzin,” the term with female reference point, for ‘“‘your (pl.) younger sibling/cousin” (BC, doc. 32, p. 204). In Cul-

_ huacan in 1580, a woman speaking to two male relatives uses the term with male reference point, “amomach,” “your (pl.) niece/nephew,” for her daughter (TC, doc. 27, p. 86). Many more examples could be cited from unpublished documents. 65. The two terms are missing from the lists of Olmos and Sahagtin (and hence

from treatments that use those sources, such as Gardner 1982 and Offner 1983, pp. 177-200), an indication that they in fact were not a fully integrated part of kinship classification. Molina does include them, however (under “teichpuch” and “‘tetelpuch”). They are of high frequency in mundane documents of the postconquest

period, from the earliest to the latest. )

Notes to Page 75 497 66. Nevertheless, the category sibling is in a sense recognized. The words covering brothers- and sisters-in-law imply a division of siblings by sex but regardless of age relative to ego; so do those for uncle and aunt. The terms for niece/nephew include the children of all one’s siblings regardless of either age or sex. Nevertheless, no direct term for a sibling lacks reference to age; one of the few discrepancies in Offner’s generally sophisticated discussion of Nahua kinship is that it somehow slipped him that -hueltiuh is “older sister of a male,” not just “sister of a male.” See Molina under

“veltiuhtli” and “ermana mayor” (Molina has the age relationship but does not specify that the reference point is male.) 67. See above at n. 59.

68. See Offner 1983. Like Carrasco (1966, pp. 155—60) and Offner (1983, pp. 181-82), I see no way to be sure whether the modifiers buecapan, “distant,” and -tlamampan with a number (from tlamantli, a numerical classifier) are of truly indigenous origin or not. -Tlamampan occurs occasionally in CH (2: 28, 136), but the general absence of the modifiers in texts outside Spanish-sponsored lists is suggestive. The one exception I know of is the relatively frequent use of buecapan in the early census records of the Cuernavaca region; the qualifier is applied to -ci, -iuc, -iccauh, -teiccauh, -mach, -pillo, and perhaps other terms (AZ, 1: 3, 10, 12, 15, 36, 2: I15, and others). MNAH AH, CAN 549, ff. 4v, 23v, has “vel iteycauh” and “vel ycava,” with the modifier huel, “really, fully,” applied to -(te)iccaub, “younger sibling/cousin of a male.” In view of the generally untouched preconquest aura of this set of documents, even though they were doubtless done at Spanish instigation, I am inclined to believe, from these and other attestations, that huecapan, at least, was indeed part of the indigenous scheme, and that the lineal-collateral distinction was made at times in |

actual speech.

— 69. In Tlaxcala in 1566, don Julian de la Rosa used “niccauh,” “my younger sibling,” for Juan Jiménez, said in a Spanish text to be his cousin (primo) (BC, doc. 1, pp. 48—49). Don Pedro Enrique de Moteuccoma, in Mexico City in 1587, calls himself “amicuhtzin,” “your younger sibling,” in speaking to female cousins (BC, doc. 32, p. 204). Luis Tlauhpotonqui, in Culhuacan in 1581, calls his cousin Maria Tiacapan “noteicauh,” “my younger sibling,” and her husband “notex,” “my brother-inlaw,” and she calls him “noquichtihuatzin,” “my older brother,” though in this case Luis’s father had in effect adopted Maria and given her much of the inheritance (TC,

docs. 41, 53, pp. 138, 192). In Tetzcoco in 1596, don Miguel de Carvajal calls Juan de Pomar “notiachcauh,” “my older brother/cousin,” which is then defined by the Spanish term for first cousin (LOpez y Magafia 1980, doc. 4). Returning to the first example, I have thought at times that there might be some

distinction between -teiccauh and -iccaub, both forms of “one’s younger sibling,” beyond the fact that the former is much more common. Yet don Julian uses -iccauh both for a cousin and for Bautista Cuicuitlapan, who appears to be a brother. In AZ, I: 21, 22, -iccauh and -teiccaub are both used for the same person and relationship. The form -iccauh can also be used in reference to a younger sister (TC, doc. 44, p. 154; Culhuacan, 1581), so there appears, as we would expect, to be no distinction by the referent’s sex. -Teachcauh, “older brother/cousin of a male,” is seen even less

frequently without -te-, but that can occur (CH, 2: 6), and in one text “yachtzin” , meaning “older brother of a male” lacks not only -te- but -caub as well (AGN, Tierras

498 , Notes to Page 76 442, exp. 5, f. 9; Tlatelolco, 1620), thus becoming identical to the form for “older brother of a female.” Also, “older brother of a female” appears once with -te-: “‘-teatzin” (Appendix A, Doc. 1). Furthermore, Molina (under “icuh. n.’’) asserts that males as well as females can call a younger sister -iuc. 1 have never seen this in a text or in any other description, however, and the sibling/cousin terminology is one of the very few things about Nahuatl that Molina seems not to have understood fully. Despite the lack of complete consistency in usage, at some level the relationship between the terms for siblings of males and the terms for siblings of females was that they contained the same roots but, in principle, singled out the males’ siblings with

the prefix -te- and the suffix -cauh: — , te-ach-cauh -ach

te-ic-cauh -1uc

The root ach is in some way related to achto, “first” (the length of the a is not yet established beyond doubt). The roots ic and inc are probably identical in origin, since there is frequently a loss of rounding in uc [k”] before a consonant in Nahuatl. The sense may be “thereupon” (i.e., “afterward”’), as in -icpac, “on top of.” The suffix -caubh is not related to cahua, “to leave,” as Offner (1983, p. 184) speculates. As shown above (see n. 63), the -uh is originally the possessive suffix, leaving -ca-; since the a is long, this looks like the preterit combining form, implying that the roots were originally verbal. The -te-.is the indefinite possessor prefix; the original rationale of the double possession is not clear to me, although in verbs too some indefinite prefixes

have been absorbed into the stem. : | _ 70. lagree with Offner on this point (see Offner 1983, pp. 187—90). Proto-UtoAztecan t became tl! before a, so that -ta (father) is merely the archaic equivalent of -tla (uncle), somehow unaffected by the broader sound change. Offner also under-

stands the relationship between -pil and -pillo (ibid., p. 190). |

71. See also -buexiuh in the text below, which is reciprocal but does not distinguish gender. English has a fully reciprocal term in “‘cousin’’; if 1am your cousin, then

you are my cousin. _

72, Compare Offner 1983, p. 185. The element -ton(tli) is a diminutive. The relationship of -pi and -pipton may not seem obvious and indeed is not fully established, but it is entirely plausible. The root -pi contains a final glottal stop that may correspond to the final p of pip-. Most older Nahuatl glottal stops whose origin is known come from t, but c [k] is also attested (see Molina’s “colelectli’” or “coleletli,” “a certain demon”), and thus it seems that the glottal stop could be the reflex of any

lost obstruent. ,

In a 1736 document from San Francisco Centlalpan in the Tlalmanalco jurisdic— tion (NMY, doc. 10, p. 118), -achpil is used for “great-grandmother” (there written “‘-achpillitzin”), as well as simple -pil (written “‘-pilitzin”). Given the rarity of these terms and the possibility of scribal error in one or both, I will not comment on them further, except to say that they conceivably represent variation or variation plus combination of the terms projected from sibling terminology. An alternate word for “great-grandfather” is -achcocol (with a glottal stop after the first 0; see ANS, p. 45), which is based on -col, “grandfather.” Here ach- probably means “first,” “earlier” or “great-” directly rather than being taken from -ach, “older brother.” -Achcol (found -

Notes to Pages 78-80 499

meaning. , ,

as “-ahcoltzin” in Azcapotzalco, 1738; BC, doc. 17, p. 102) presumably has the same

-Achcol cannot be taken as a cover term for “ancestors” as Offner asserts (1983, p. 186). The instances he uses as evidence (FC, book 6, pp. 47, 57) have -achcocol in the plural possessed form, not -achcol (-col does not reduplicate in the plural _ possessed form), and the word makes up only one half of a set formula including -techiuhcaub, “one’s progenitor,” which appears not only in FC but also in the Bancroft Dialogues (see ANS, p. 45). In other words, the expression “‘one’s progenitors, one’s great-grandfathers,” is extended to “one’s forebears.”’ Tocolhuan tachtonhuan,

“our grandfathers, our great-grandfathers,” can be found with the same meaning (see ANS, p. 46), and other combinations of words for parents and grandparents (including grandmothers) are used in the same way on occasion. No single term for ancestor

seems to have existed. _ , ,

73. -Huexiub does occur in actual texts: CH, 2: 6; TC, docs. 43, 64, pp. 150, 230 (Culhuacan, 1581, 1585). There is also the term -ome, used between two brothers-in-law who have married sisters (see CH, 2: 124, and Zimmermann’s note on p. 199). The word occurs quite frequently in the Cuernavaca-region censuses, including AZ, 1: xvii, 17, 42, 49, 51; and MNAH AH, CAN 549, ff. 19v, 37, 38, 39V, 61, 61v. I have not seen enough examples to be certain how the term operates; possibly it is simply ome, the word “two,” with a possessive prefix. At any rate, it is like other same-generation affinal terms in being reciprocal and ignoring the relative ages of ego

and referent. , |

74. The situation with -mon, -cibuamon, -telpoch, and -(i)chpoch implies that at one time gender distinctions were made only with kin older than ego, but that at some point a conflicting principle was introduced, gender distinction for all kin past

puberty. Oo

75. Nevertheless, in one case -tex seems to mean the husband of ego’s female cousin (though that cousin was functioning as a sister, sharing in the inheritance

fully); see n. 69. . _ , 96. TC, doc. 46, p. 162.

77. UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22-23. , , 78. TC, doc. 74, p. 256. 79. Lépez y Magana 1980, doc. 3 (Tetzcoco, 1581). |

80. CH, 2: 95, has “ymachcihuamon,” “his niece/nephew—daughter-in-law.” 81. AGN, Tierras 165, exp. 4, f. 14. In TC, doc. 31, p. 103 (Culhuacan, 1580), Miguel Garcia calls his nephew and the latter’s wife “nomachua.” 82. TC, doc. 50A, p. 184 (Culhuacan, 1582). 83. See NMY, doc. 6, p. 105 (Coyoacan, 1613), “nomiccacihuamon,” “my

daughter-in-law, wife of my dead son,”

84. Examples are in TC, doc. 43, p. 148 (Culhuacan, 1581), “nohuepol,” “my brother-in-law” (where the sister is dead), and doc. 50, p. 182 (1581), “nohuezhuatzitzinhuan,” “my sisters-in-law” (where the brother is dead). Offner (1983, p. 181) is thus wrong in contending that the absence of “-micca” in affinal terms referring to ego’s generation or the adjacent generations necessarily meant that the consanguineal

relative in question still 2: alive. 85. One examplewas is CH, 76. .: 7oo

500 Notes to Pages 81-84 86. For example, see AGN, Tierras 2584, exp. 3, ff. 6—7 (Amaquemecan, 1767), and Tierras 2550, exp. 8, f. 6 (Xocotitlan, Tlalmanalco jurisdiction, 1722). Both also have -cetca in the meaning wife (there appearing as “‘-setcatzin”). Molina has “cetca. no.” “my relative [deudo], brother, or sister.” I have yet to see the word in texts in Molina’s meaning. I do not believe that it supplies the missing general term for sibling regardless of age or sex; my sense is that it is still more general, for any kind of kin, including probably affinal (at times an implication of Spanish deudo). Molina does not give the term again under “ermano” and “ermana,” nor does he there present any term at all that is not differentiated by both age and sex. Etymologically, -cetca appears related to ceti(a), “to be united.” « 87. AZ and MNAH AH, CAN 549—51, passim. AZ, 1: 36, has -mamic in the case of a calpolli head married at the church; though I have not combed the entire set

looking specifically for this word, after extensive reading | am aware of no other instance. AZ, 1: 42, has -cibuauh even though the couple was married in church.

88. FC, book 6, chap. 23; see especially pp. 127, 129, 131, 133 for uses of -namic or instances where another term is used when -namic would be expected. The word also occurs in book 6, chap. 29, pp. 161-62.

89. See, for example, BC, doc. 1, p. 46 (Tlaxcala, 1566); and doc. 2, p. 54 (Coyoacan, 1588). ,

90. Molina gives both “nenamictiliztli” and “teoyotica nenamictiliztli,” glossing them as “marriage” and “marriage by the church.” gi. But there is an expression, if not a category, that is susceptible of the “we” construction. Nebuan ehua, glossed by Molina as “brothers or sisters,” means literally “they rise together,” i.e., “they have the same parents.” This in a sense covers the missing “sibling regardless of age or sex,” but it is only a phrase, not a category as such, exists only in the plural, and except for some early litigation in which genealogy is in question, rarely figures in texts. A Tetzcoco document of 1589 (Lopez y Magana 1980, doc. 3) has a variant of the expression. After naming two uncles and an aunt, a person goes on to say “moch yeua” (moch[intin] ebua), “they are all brothers and sisters,” or “they all have the same father and mother.” 92. Viuda is attested as early as 1572 (AGN, Tierras 1735, exp. 2, f. 80). 93. “Widow or widower of .. .” was conveyed by inamic catca, ““whose spouse was,” or “who was the spouse of ...” (there being no difference in Nahuatl): “Ana Juana inamic catca Francisco Lazaro” would be “Ana Juana, whose spouse was Francisco Lazaro,” 1.e., “Ana Juana, widow of Francisco Lazaro.” The phrase is reminiscent of the Spanish expression, frequent in the 16th century, “mujer que fue de...” I have yet to see viuda or viudo in possessed form in a Nahuatl text. 94. CH, 2: 117; Lopez y Magafia 1980, doc. 4. Otherwise, Chimalpahin uses -tiachcauh and -teiccaub even when speaking of Spaniards (CH, 2: 23). Chimalpahin’s use of the loanword to say “their ecclesiastical brothers” (i.e., members of the same order) is not really related to kinship (“yn teoyotica ynhermanotzitzinhuan”; 2: 93.) _ 95. AGN, Tierras 1520, exp. 6, ff. ror—rov (Huejotla, Tetzcoco region, 1672, “noermanotzin”); Tierras 2338, exp. 1, f. 2 (San Miguel Tocuillan, Tetzcoco area, 1691, “noermanatzin’”); Tierras 2533, exp. 5, f. 1 (Iepemaxalco/Calimaya, Toluca Valley, 1691, “niquipie noyermanos noyermanas”’). An unorthodox and rather incoherent document from the Sultepec region, with some qualities of the titles genre,

Notes to Pages 84-88 501 which seems to contain the dates 1660 and 1680 but could be from somewhat later, has “noermano” (AGN, Tierras 1780, exp. 3, f. 3v). 96. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978. _97. Looking at modern dictionaries, we find a word of indigenous origin, the equivalent of -icniuh, “one’s friend,” under “hermano” in Brewer and Brewer 1971 (Tetelcingo); it is like hermano in structure, however, in not distinguishing the sex of the reference point or the age of the referent relative to the reference point (the same word is used for both brothers and sisters, thus varying from both Spanish and older Nahuatl). The unpossessed construction “they are brothers” is possible. The words for cousin, listed under “primo,” are fully Spanish in origin and structure: -primo and -prima. Key and Key 1953 (Zacapoaxtla) show exactly the same situation with hermano; under “primo” and “prima,” the glosses use vocabulary of indigenous origin but make mainly the Spanish distinctions, being the equivalent of -buecaicniuh and -huecacihuaicniuh, “one’s distant friend” and “‘one’s distant female friend.” 98. NMY, doc. 10, p. 118. The same text has the form “nohermanatzin,” “my sister,” with the reverential suffix -tzim frequently seen added to kin words taken from Spanish as well as to indigenous counterparts. 99. AGN, Tierras 2549, exp. 1, f. rv (Tepetlixpan, south Chalco region). 100. CFP, f. 24v (Calimaya, 1746.) An isolated early example is somewhat like __ those mentioned above for sibling terms. ““Ysuprina” in a text of 1598 (BC, doc. 33, p. 204) is not as in the other cases preceded by an indigenous term, but it does refer to Spaniards (the king and queen of Spain), and above all the text was written in Spain

by a Nahua nobleman who had become a permanent resident there. , tor. UCLA Research Library, Special Collections, McAfee Collection, Metepec, 1760 (“notiutzin”); UCLA TC, folder 25, March 1, 1768, Acaxochitlan near Tulancingo (“notio’’). 102. I have, however, seen nieto, “grandson,” in a document from Calimaya in the Toluca Valley, 1718 (AGN, Tierras 2539, exp. 2, f. 13). , 103. Since Nahuatl texts, as will be seen elsewhere, have a strong colloquial and spontaneous quality and vary greatly with locality, we can hope for new windfalls of this nature. Testimony in criminal cases concerning Indians that were appealed to Spanish courts may turn out to be a rich source, despite the translation into Spanish,

now that Nahuatl texts have set a framework. ,

104. Appendix A, Doc. 1; see also N&S, item 4. 105. A Spaniard much experienced in the administration of justice among Indians _ of central Mexico maintained that Indian men of all ranks brought their wives to court and had the wife respond to anything the judge should ask, even an inquiry about the man’s name (Gémez de Cervantes 1944, p. 135). The whole passage and further discussion will be found in N&S, item 4. 106. ANS; see the discussion of the origin of the text on pp. 2-13. 107. Kathleen Truman, in personal communications, has told me of the persistence of similar patterns among Mayan speakers of Chiapas whom she has observed; Hill and Hill 1986 have found the same persistence in part of the Nahua heartland, the Tlaxcalan region.

108. ANS, pp. 160-61.

109. ANS, pp. 140-43. | :

502 Notes to Pages 88—92

r1o. ANS, pp. 160-61. , 111. See ANS, pp. 44—51, for a discussion of further same-generation extensions.

112. As far as is now known, inversions affect relative age (with a consequent ostensible reversal of roles) but not sex. Polite inversion was also applied to possession with the word -chan, “home,” with my home being called yours and yours mine, both in the meaning of household and in the meaning of home altepetl. See ANS, pp. 45,

52-53. 113. | NMY,

doc. 1, p. 93. , ,

114. TC, doc. 50A, p.184. The exact form used is “ticuiuhtzin,” “our younger

sibling.” See text at n. 82 above. oO

115. I will not here discuss a document in AGN, Vinculos 279, exp. 1, ff.

126V—127V, written in Xochimilco in 1586 and using dialogue to describe a noblewoman’s deathbed scene. Many aspects of language use and interaction shown there reinforce the patterns seen in the two documents discussed in the text. The text is reproduced and commented on in item 5 of N&S. An excerpt appears in Chap. 8 at n. 70. 116. FC, above all book 10, chaps. 1 and 2, but many of the speeches in book 6 bear on kinship norms.

117. BC, doc. 11, p. 90.

118. TC, docs. 30, 48 (pp. 98, 174, 176); doc. 40 (p. 132); doc. 60 (pp. 214-22).

See also S. Cline 1986, pp. 72-75. , 119. AGN, Tierras 3548, exp. 3 [?], f. 14. Oo

120. Compare S. Cline 1984, p. 302, on Kellogg 1979. The same-sex inheritance preferences that Kellogg deduced from a relatively small sample of 16th-century Tenochtitlan testaments have no counterpart in the larger body of material from nearby Culhuacan in the same time period.

121. AGN, Tierras 30, exp. 1, ff. 5, 8, 32, 35 (Mexico City, 1569). Another testator ordered most of his house complex to be sold but left one structure to his wife, giving instructions that the new occupant was to close off his part (AGN, Tierras

38, exp. 2, f. 22; Mexico City, 1576). , , _ 122. TC, doc. 29, p. 94 (Culhuacan, 1580). ,

123. TC, doc. 50, p. 182 (Culhuacan, 1581). ,

124. Since the best and most numerous descriptions of households are from the

early period, it might be thought that things had changed drastically by the 18th century, but the isolated descriptions extant still show elements of the same picture,

as in the 1721 example from Tlatelolco (see text at n. 54). - | | 125. See the case of Baltasar Bautista the baker above, at n. 28; Baltasar left one of the three residential buildings on his property to each of his three small children _ and only the bakery to his wife, to support them; yet clearly she was to be in charge

of the residences too. | | _

126. See NMY, doc. 2, pp. 94—97, with the typical statement, “although I give it

to her, it is just so she will use it to raise my child.” Compare S. Cline 1984, pp. 295—302, on these matters.

127. Cases of this kind are in BC, doc. 6, pp. 72—77 (Metepec in the Toluca Valley, 1795) and Appendix A, Doc. 4 (Azcapotzalco, 1695). , 128. See the will of Juan Fabian, BC, doc. 4, pp. 64-69 (Coyoacan, 1617). In Tepetlixpan (Chalco region) in 1704, Francisca Ceverina left everything to her daugh-

Notes to Pages 92-97 503 ter-in-law instead of her son, whom she called lazy, negligent, and a drifter (AGN, ,

Tierras 2549, exp. 1, ff. 53v—56v). , 129. Some hints in this direction may be seen in S. Cline 1986, pp. 79-83. 130. See AZ throughout; and Offner 1984, p. 140. There are exceptions. 131. See the very congruent conclusions reached by Calnek (1974, p. 44) in relation to litigation over property in 16th-century Tenochtitlan. The article also reinforces much. of the analysis of household layout contained in the first section of the

present chapter. ,

132. See AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6, April 28, 1689 (Tezontla, near Tetzcoco) for the latest example I know of. The associations are doubtless preconquest in origin. See FC, book 6, p. 127 (chap. 23) for the axe associated with males; youths received | axes when they were ready to marry and go out on their own. See also S. Cline 1986,

pp. 112-13. ,

a Chapter4 1. The entire document in transcription and translation, with comment, constitutes selection 1 of TA (pp. 67—69).

2. The etymology of the word is not clear; ma- is the root “hand, arm,” and cehualli by itself means “shade,” not necessarily the original meaning here (cehua/ cehui is associated with various meanings having to do with coolness, resting, etc.). Macehualli is not derived from the etymologically equally puzzling macehua, “to do penance” and hence “to acquire that which one desires,” since macehualli has a long a in the first syllable and macehua has a short vowel plus glottal stop; the two words could still be somehow related, since in Nahuatl long vowel and short vowel with glottal stop do sometimes alternate in the same roots in different contexts. My feeling _ is that the word at origin was some sort of polite metaphor for a human being in

general and did not specify lower social rank.

3. NMY, doc. 6, p. 105. |

4. As in the page of the Codex Osuna (Mexico City, mid-16th century) reproduced as Plate XI in Gibson 1964. This -¢zin was often used in mock-humble meaning by people of very high degree, as when the members of the cabildo of Huexotzinco sign themselves ‘““mocnomacevaltzitziva,” “your poor humble vassals” (BC, doc. 29,

p. 188). , ,

5. Molina glosses the plural (under “maceualtin’”) as “pueblo menudo,” “ordinary folk, little folk” (he also gives “vassal,” which I consider not strictly correct

for the unpossessed form).

6. CH, 2: 57. In FC, book 6, p. 93 (chap. 18), “timaceoalti” is close to meaning people in general. Most telling is what Molina gives in the Spanish-to-Nahuatl section under “man or woman” (“ombre o muger”; f. gov): “tlacatl. maceualli.” Likewise

under “people or multitude” (“gente o gentio”; f. 65v), “tlaca. maceualtin.” 7. See Lockhart 1982, p. 385 (also N&S, item 3). 8. Zorita 1941. 9. See the authors cited in Hicks 1976, p. 67. “Mayeque,” the form used by Zorita and some other Spaniards, is a plural that they took for a singular, adding s to

504 Notes to Pages 97-98 form a Spanish plural. The Nahuatl word in the singular is maye, consisting of the root mai-, “arm, hand,” and -e, “one who possesses something,” so that the literal meaning of the construction is “possessor of hands and arms,” and the thrust is much like that of English “hand,” as in fieldhand or farmhand. The form was probably normally possessed, as it is in the only occurrences in Nahuatl texts I] have seen (see n. 14). 10. Ramirez Cabanas 1941 contains an early comment on the rare occurrence of the word. 11. See especially Dyckerhoff 1976;.Hicks 1976; and Olivera 1978. The analogous Andean yana seems to have been more distinct from the ordinary commoner.

12. See TA, p. 21, with more precise references in nn. 124 and 125; and BC, doc. 26, part 3, p. 152. 13. TA, pp. 21, 110; BC, doc. 26, part 7, p. 164. TA has the specific phrase “macevalli tlalmaytl” (selection 19, p. 110). In Coyoacan, “tepantlaca” also occurs (BC, doc. 26, part 2, p. 152); one wonders if there is not some confusion or merging with tecpantlaca, “palace people.” 14. Lépez y Magafia 1980, doc. 3. The other instance is from Mexico City, 1558; an indigenous witness, speaking of a time many years before and referring to another indigenous person, says, “we were his mayeque” (timayecabuan; AGN,

Tierras 20, part 2, exp. 4, f. 6). , , 15. Carrasco 1976b, p. 110. Olivera 1978 (p. 196) finds that in 16th-century Tecali, dependents were called the macehualli of someone, or -tech pohui.

16. In 1566, the teuctli of a teccalli in Ocotelolco (Tlaxcala) refers once to the people who obey him as “teixhuiuh tepiltzin” (as well as calling them “teixuiuan” or “teixuivan”; BC, doc. 1, pp. 46, 48, 50). The indefinite possessed form of pilli (tepiltzin) frequently but not invariably refers to a person of noble birth; there is the further ambiguity that a noun doublet in Nahuatl can be either a list of two separate things or a complex term for one thing. In the Tetzcoco dialogues of ca. 1580, the phrase “tepilhuan teixhuihuan” seems to refer to prominent people distinguished from the macehualtin (ANS, pp. 40-41, 5o—51). 17. TA, selection 19, p. 110.

18. BC, doc. 1, p. 47, n. 17, from a Tlaxcalan lawsuit of 1554. 19. The description of the tecpanpouhque (“those who belong to the palace’’) in the Tetzcoco region is reminiscent of the teixhuihuan. See Offner 1983, pp. 128— 29, 135-37. See also Dyckerhoff 1976, p. 173, for examples from the Matricula de Huexotzinco where the census takers found it so difficult to tell pipiltin from others that they first included some of them among macehualtin or dependents, and then erased the notations and counted them as pipiltin. Olivera (1978, p. 196) speaks of marriages between pipiltin and macehualtin in 16th-century Tecali. _ 20. Carrasco (1976b, p. 115) points out two cases in the Morelos records in which a teuctli’s dependents coincide entirely or almost entirely with a unit that is called “‘calpolli.”

, 21. See Dyckerhoff 1976, pp. 160—61; and L. Reyes Garcia 1977, pp. 106, 112,

117-18. | 22. See Hicks 1976; and Offner 1984. ,

23. Hicks 1976, p. 72. Hicks calculates dependents’ holdings at an average

Notes to Pages 98-102 505 1,282 m2, varying from 1,102 to 1,865, against 1,865 m2? for ordinary commoners,

with a range of 92 to 8,701. In view of the apparent tininess of the plots, Hicks surmises that the holders had additional plots or other means of livelihood. This seems likely, but we must remember that we have only the vaguest notion of the true equivalents of Nahuatl units of measure in any specific instance. 24. Carrasco 1976b, p. 113; MNAH AH, CAN 550. 25. Carrasco 1976a, p. 27; Carrasco 1976b, p. 113; Dyckerhoff 1976, p. 161.

26. Dyckerhoff 1976, pp. 160-61. 27. AZ, passim. See also Carrasco 1976b, pp. 107—8; Offner 1983, pp. 214— 16; and Offner 1984, p. 139. The lords in the Cuernavaca-region documents, and therefore their establishments, are integrated into the altepetl-calpolli framework

through the payment of tribute, but as discussed, this was probably the case for teccalli in general.

28. See, for examples of tlatlacotin, AZ, 1: xx, 2: 1, 3; and MNAH AH, CAN 549, £. 12, 550, ff. 5, 33Vv, 34V, 37V, 44V, 45, 47v. In the parlance of the early Cuer- __ navaca region, -tlan nemi was often replaced by -pal nemi; for examples, see AZ, 1: 6, 95 17, 23, 91, 2: 2; and MNAH AH, CAN 5,49, ff. rv, 12. For the term -tlan nemi, see ANS, p. 43. 29. ANS, p. 146. 30. Some standard authorities on preconquest slavery are referred to in Gonzalez Torres 1976. The material on slavery is mainly of the posterior oversystematizing and idealizing type on which little or nothing can be based.

31. Zorita (1941, p. 94) speaks of “los macehuales, que es la gente comtin y labradores”’; Anguiano and Chapa (1976, p. 152) also equate macehualli and agricul-

turalist. All in all this equation seems justified in practice, but macehualli did not mean “agriculturalist.”” Molina has other words for labrador. 32. Zorita 1941, pp. 142, 144, 147. 33. CH, 1: 98, has an example of a commoner marrying the daughter of a tlatoani and succeeding; he is not specifically called a merchant, but his wealth is given as a prime reason for the match. Tezozomoc 1949 (p. 173) speaks of the eldest son of the tlatoani of Tlatelolco in the postconquest period marrying the daughter of a (preconquest) pochtecatl. The pochteca role in Tlatelolco, it is true, was extraordinary. 34. FC, Book 9. This account has the advantage and the disadvantage of having __ been composed (after the fact) by people close to the merchant group; jealous of their reputation, the informants tell more about merchants’ social and political ambitions than about their business activity, doubtless enhancing the picture considerably.

35. ANS, p. 152. See also Pomar 1941, pp. 38-39. , ! 36. Dyckerhoff 1976, pp. 165-66. ,

37. Anguiano and Chapa 1976, pp. 151-52. 38. L. Reyes Garcia 1978, pp. 117-18. 39. See BC, doc. 25, pp. 138—49; Corona Sanchez 1976, pp. 96, 98; and Dyckerhoff 1976, p. 166.

, 40. See Dyckerhoff 1976, p. 166. 41. S. Cline 1986, pp. 90, 96; Dyckerhoff 1976, p. 167; NMY, docs. 2, 3, Pp. 94—100.

42. See Olivera 1976, p. 196.

506 : Notes to Pages 102-4 43. One of the most current among Spanish words for a nobleman, hidalgo/ hijodalgo, “son of something,” is closely parallel to “pilli” in its semantic origin. —

44. Implied in Zorita 1941, pp. 86, 91. See also Carrasco 1976a, pp. 21, 22, 26. 45. The rounding of the final consonant of the stem teuc-tli was frequently omit-.

ted in combined forms, making tec-. 46. See Carrasco 1976a, p. 22; and TA, selection 9, pp. 85—86. |

47. Carrasco 1976a, p. 20 and passim. 48. Ibid. 49. See Rojas et al. 1987, pp. 309-25.

| 50. In mid-16th century Tlaxcala, don Julian de la Rosa was reigning teuctli of the teccalli Ayapanco Tecpan, to which his cousin the high-ranking noble and cabildo | - member Juan Jiménez also belonged, so that one or the other was not the son of the previous teuctli. See Anguiano and Chapa 1976, p. 144; BC, doc. 1, pp. 44—53; and

Rojas et al. 1987, p. 317.

teuctli. :

51. Carrasco 1976a, p. 20; L. Reyes Garcia 1978, pp. 112—13; TA, pp. 28

— (n. 199), §6, items 144.2, 146.1. ;

, 52. CH, reported and analyzed in Schroeder 1984, pp. 220—23, with references. These cases refer to tlatoque, but as will be seen the tlatoani was at the same time a 53. It is also true, nevertheless, that the word teccalli is based on teuctli, not the other way around. Teuctli has logical priority and must in some sense have had historical priority too. It seems to me that teuctli must originally have meant simply “person of high rank, one to whom people look up, person of influence.” Indeed, in polite conversation, it retained this flavor; by no means everyone called “‘our lord” in

this sense was actually head of a teccalli (ANS has apparent examples). ,

54. Anguiano and Chapa 1976, p. 147. , 55. Compare Carrasco 1976a, p. 23. ,

_ §6. Zorita, in particular, is associated with this position (see 1941, pp. 85—86), and much the same impression emerges from a reading of the preconquest sections of

_ Ixtlilxochitl (1975-77). .

57. See Carrasco 1984; Gibson 1964, p. 38; and Schroeder 1984, pp. 86, 87,

97, 218—19, 222—23, with references to CH. ] , | 58. See CH throughout; compare also Schroeder 1984. Except in royal titles, Chimalpahin mainly uses teuctli in the plural, paired with pipiltin, as a way of refer-

ring to the nobility collectively. |

59. Carrasco 1976a, p. 21; Offner 1983, p. 132. _ 60. It does seem, however, that tecpan is used when the reference is to the king’s - court or to the social entity in general, while tecpancalli almost always means the buildings (though tecpan can refer to buildings as well). Compare Schroeder 1984, pp. 166—72. In the eastern sources, there are to my knowledge few implications that

teccalli refers to an actual building (with the exception of a passage in Tlaxcalan records of 1548; see TA, p. 39, item 25). Molina, however (based it must be remembered in Mexico City), glosses “teccalli” as “royal (governmental) palace or court

(building for litigation)” (“casa o audiencia real’’), |

61. Anguiano and Chapa 1976, p. 144. 62. CH, passim; the second tecpan was ultimately extinguished (Schroeder 1984, pp. 97-99, with references to CH). Much the same impression arises from a

, Notes to Pages tos—9 , 507 general reading of Tezozomoc 1975 and Ixtlilxochitl 1975-77. The seven tecpan of Teotihuacan (Corona Sanchez 1976, p. 93) seem to correspond to what Chimalpahin

would call tlayacatl. ©

63. TC, docs. 36, 64, 71, pp. 118-19, 228, 232-33, 248-49; also doc. 17,

pp. 56—57, though the term itself is not used. Even in the east, the statement by the Tlaxcalan teuctli don Julian de la Rosa that the buildings belonging (apparently) to the teccalli were techan, “someone else’s home,” could be interpreted in the same way

(BC, doc. 1, p. 50). , 64. Carrasco 1972. There are other examples in AZ and MNAH AH, CAN ~

549—51. In most cases, the term pilli does not come into play in descriptions of the establishments of the Cuernavaca-region teteuctin, leaving the parallel to the teccalli of the eastern region incomplete in one important respect. One could presume that the relatives of the teuctli were pipiltin, the nonrelatives commoners, but in many cases even relatives have such small land allotments as to cast doubt on their noble status. 65. Olivera 1976, pp. 196—97; L. Reyes Garcia 1977, pp. 113, 122; L. Reyes

Garcia 1978, p. 83; TA, selection 9, pp. 85-86. 66. L. Reyes Garcia 1977, pp. 104, 121. See also Chap. 2. __ 67. TA, especially pp. 43, 63 (items 58, 196). See also Celestino Solis et al. 1985,

pp. 72, 211-12 (items 164, 831-33). 7 68. Dyckerhoff 1976, pp. 160-64. ,

69. See TA, pp. 25, 26, selection 1 (pp. 67—69). The very orders to the effect that nobles and commoners were to deliver their tributes at different places prove that

both paid (see TA, p. 55, item 138.2). , , ,

70. Rojas et al. 1987. 7 |

71. Ibid., pp. 73, 76, 104, 317, 321, 323; Anguiano and Chapa 1976, p. 144; BC, doc. 1, pp. 44—53. In such cases, it is not possible to know for sure whether at a time more or less remote the lordly establishment took its name from the calpolli or vice versa. The important point here is that the two coincided.

72. Dyckerhoff 1976, pp. 164, 172.

73. See Ixtlilxochitl 1975-77, passim; and Offner 1983, pp. 124-39 (which among other things distills what Ixtlilxochitl says); also Corona Sanchez 1976, pp. 92-95. To the extent that the landholdings and land trading of nobles exist against the background of corporate lineage landholding, the distinction that Offner makes between individual holding by nobles and corporate holding by commoners ,

would be illusory.

(document IV.A). , 74. AGN, Hospital de Jestis 210. See Haskett 1985, pp. 494-97, 655-59

75. See Carrasco 1976a, p. 31. For a plethora of such titles and an analysis of

them, see Schroeder 1984, pp. 208-16. —

76. For some postconquest examples, the tlatoani of Tepoztlan ca. 1535-45 had dependents comparable in number to many a calpolli (MNAH AH, CAN 550, ff.

p. 110).

5—31V; see also Carrasco 1976b, pp. 112—13). In the late 16th century, the premier tlatoani and governor of Tecali seems to have had three times as many dependents as _ any other lord (Olivera 1976, p. 198). Also in Yecapixtla (eastern Cuernavaca region)

in 1564, the governor held the largest number of dependents (Carrasco 1976b, 77. The best example of a holder of dispersed lands is don Juan de Guzman of

508 | Notes to Pages 110-14 Coyoacan, in BC, doc. 26, pp. 150—65. The scattering of the holdings of other teteuc-

tin should not be underestimated, however; Horn 1989 (chap. 5, part 3, especially pp. 240-41) gives examples for several other noblemen and noblewomen of Coyoacan. See also the case of don Julian de la Rosa of Tlaxcala (BC, doc. 1, pp. 44-53). Although the many locations of his lands and dependents cannot be mapped, they were surely not contiguous; they appear to have spread well beyond his own unit of San Pedro Tecpan and possibly even beyond the altepetl of Ocotelolco. 78. See Schroeder 1984, pp. 195-97; and CH, 1: 98, 151, 172 (excerpted in Schroeder).

1987, pp. 309-25. |

79. Anguiano and Chapa 1976, p. 152; Dyckerhoff 1976, p. 173; Rojas et al.

80. See Lockhart 1968, pp. 200-201; and Lockhart and Schwartz 1983,

pp. 71-72, 100-101. Although there was justified doubt even in the 16th century that the tlatlacotin should be equated with slaves as Europeans understood that term, the Nahuas did at times make the equation themselves, using tlacotli for black slaves

in New Spain (TA, pp. 78-79). ,

, 81. Anguiano and Chapa 1976, p. 155; Rojas et al. 1987, p. 133. 82. See Gibson 1964, pp. 198—206. , 83. See Zorita 1941, especially p. 154. 84. See ibid., especially pp. 72, 91-95. Zorita is full of scathing partisan statements against Indian municipal officials, including the untruth (taken from standard blanket accusations by the partially displaced tlatoque) that they were a pack of macehualtin (see p. 171 and elsewhere). 85. See Taylor 1979, chap. 2.

86. L. Reyes Garcia 1978, pp. 108—9. |

87. See Gibson 1964, pp. 154—64, 260—61, and especially 265-66. 88. BC, doc. 1, pp. 44—53, especially 46—47. 89. See Gibson 1964, pp. 154, 159. 90. Lopez y Magaiia 1980, doc. 3. 91. See the 1547 passage in the minutes of the Tlaxcalan cabildo (BC, doc. 22, pp: 118—21) specifying that drunks being forcibly hired out were to receive higher

pay from Spanish than from Tlaxcalan employers. ,

92. Compare Lockhart and Schwartz 1983, pp. 138—42. 93. A good example of later lists is MNAH AH, GO 185, from Tepemaxalco (Calimaya, Toluca Valley) in the 1650’s and 1660's. A section is transcribed and translated in NMY, doc. 8, pp. 108-11.

94. L. Reyes Garcia 1978, pp. 219-20. The priest asserts, indeed, that macehualtin all over New Spain still give such payments to their caciques. He also presumes that in Cuauhtinchan in his time there was a “‘cacique” for each “barrio.” Note that

this secular cleric took the same view of things and adopted the same pro-teuctli

stance as mendicant predecessors in the area a century and a half before. , 95. NMY, doc. 7, pp. 106—7 (“cayanis”; Huexotla, Tetzcoco region, 1634); CFP, ff. 3v, 12 (“cayanis,” “cayanixti”; Tepemaxalco/Calimaya, Toluca Valley, 1658, 1674); in the last instance a group of gafanes is mentioned. In all three instances, the word is written with substitutions characteristic of the time when Nahuatl had not yet made any substantial phonological adjustments to Spanish, indicating that the

Notes to Pages 114-15 , 509 term probably became current by the early 17th century at the latest. It is also seen each time with a reanalyzed plural; that is, the Spanish plural form was not recognized as such and was used as a singular, with another plural ending added when appropriate. This too is characteristic of relatively early loans. Haskett 1985 (p. 474) has an example of gananes employed by an Indian noblewoman in 17th-century Yecapixtla.

138-42. a

96. See Tutino 1976; Konrad 1980; and Lockhart and Schwartz 1983, pp. 97. Espanol, “Spaniard, appeared in Nahuatl before 1550 (BC, doc. 22,

p. 118), though the doubtless even earlier caxtiltecatl, a folk-etymologizing construction meaning “inhabitant of Castile,” never went entirely out of currency. See UCLA TC, folder 23 (Acatlan, Tulancingo area, 1659); and BC, doc. 17, p. 100 (Azcapo-

tzalco, 1738). “Black” was almost as early, usually the literal Nahuatl translation tliltic rather than Spanish negro, though the latter does occur on occasion (for example, TA, selection 15, p. 103). Words for the ethnic mixtures appeared as the different terms at different times became prevalent in Mexican Spanish, which for

mestizo and mulato was very early. | 98. TA, selection 7, pp. 77-79; AGN, Tierras 39, part 2, exp. 1, f. 13 (transla-

tion of order of Audiencia judge, Mexico City, 1570). 99. Chimalpahin employs indio only once. The important Tlaxcalan annalist of the late 17th century, Zapata, does make regular, in my experience quite unparalleled , use of the word (written “indio,” “intio,” “idio,” “itio,” or the same using y, often with -tzin added). “Tlaxcalan” (tlaxcaltecatl) is still his basic category for describing

himself and members of his community, so that indio will not be found on most pages, but he readily resorts to the term when ethnic groups are being juxtaposed or when there is need to emphasize ethnicity. Some typical examples are “mochi tlacatl espanullestin yndiotzintzin,” “everyone, Spaniards and Indians” (ZM, f. 99); “quixtianotzintzin mextisotzintzin ydiotzintzin moquixtianochichihuan,” “Christians [l.e., Spaniards], mestizos, and Indians who dress like Spaniards” (the group to go fight the English pirates at Veracruz; f. ro9v); “Juan Bauh4 yntiotzin,” “Juan Bautista, Indian” (who made a metal cross for the Virgin of Ocotlan; f. rrov). Zapata makes very little use of macehualli, plural or singular, in this sense (though it does occur: “caxtilteca yhuan macehualtin,” “Spaniards and macehualtin’’; f. 84). Retaining as he did a strong sense of rank, the majority of his references go to that, in particular when he wants to denigrate altepetl officials he disapproves of, as in referring to a group of them as “cequitin pipiltin cequitin macgehualtin,” “some nobles, some macehualtin”

(f. 100). Perhaps it was his conservative reservation of the word for indicating rank

study. ,

that impelled him to use indio. This aspect of Zapata’s usage will require systematic

100. TA, pp. 30, 76; TC, doc. 71, p. 250. }

~ ror. BC, doc. 29, p. 186 (Huexotzinco, 1560); CH, 2: 16, 17, 99, etc.; TA (selection 15, p. 79; in this instance iz, an alternate word for “here,” is used instead of nican). Other examples will be found in early annals of Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco. 102. Since macehualtin was already fairly close to the indicated meaning, it was a natural alternative, and isolated early examples can be found. Consider the phrase, apparently a translation of “los indios de Coyoacan” in a Spanish original, produced in 1557 (BC, doc. 35, p. 216): “i nican tlaca cuyuacan macevaltin,” “the people here,

510 Notes to Pages 115-16

n. 106. | |

Coyoacan macehualtin,” with the two terms in close association even though macehualtin is probably not conceived in quite the same way as later. See also below at 103. CH 2: 45 (1595), 48 (1599), 86, 97, 112 (the last three pair the two terms). Although less frequently, Chimalpahin uses “macehualtin” without ti, “we,” in the

same meaning (2: 55, 60).

104. CH, 2: 45, 134, etc. (processions), 122 (Mixteca). 105. CH, 2: 142. The pairing of a Spanish term with its approximate Nahuatl equivalent is especially characteristic of a word or meaning that is relatively new and not yet entirely established in usage. CH, 2: 22, uses “Nueva Espafia tlaca,” “New Spain people,” by itself in speaking of indigenous people both noble and plebeian of

Chimalpahin’s own time. : 106. MNAH AH, GO 14. On p. 134 Audiencia judges, the archbishop, and “‘ti-

macehualtin” are said to have gone to a consecration at the shrine of the Virgin of Guadalupe in Tepeyacac. The term thus already includes indigenous people of high rank. If there is any doubt about the meaning of this passage, there is none in a second case, p. 138: “micque omentin timacehualtin ce espafiol yhuan ce tliltic,” “two of us

macehualtin, one Spaniard, and one black died.” |

107. CH, 2: 54, 56, 63.

108. As in CH, 2: 60, where I am not sure whether the macehualtin who were shipwrecked were specifically commoners or not. Likewise on p. 62, 1 am not sure of

the intention of “incal macehualtin,” “the. houses of the commoners?/indigenous people?” here J tend to view “commoners” as more likely, but it is quite possible that - in such cases Chimalpahin was not really making a distinction himself, since in so many instances the two meanings would overlap, and they were only in the process of becoming fully differentiated. All questionable cases I have seen involve the thirdperson “macehualtin” (and also once the singular “macehualli”; 2: 145). ““Timace- _ hualtin” with the first-person plural subject prefix ti- (“we”) unambiguously means indigenous people. Even when macehualli means primarily commoner, the reference is to an Indian commoner. True, Chimalpahin does say at one point that some of the Spanish fathers of mestizos were pipiltin, and some macehualtin (2: 22), and on another occasion, he calls a person in France (about whom he has heard a story) “‘can

cuitlapilli atlapalli,” “just tail and wing,” a traditional metaphor meaning “macehualli” (2: 91). But apart from his work, I do not recollect ever having seen Spaniards called macehualtin or an individual Spaniard called a macehualli; the two categories were mutually exclusive. 109. BC, doc. 27, pp. 166-73, 226—29. The Spanish translation does not per se mean that the terms were actually equivalent. Spanish speakers were much more con-

cerned with the general category Indian than with rank among Indians, and were entirely capable of translating any Nahuatl rank specification as “Indian”; they also frequently rendered Nahuatl tlacatl, “person,” in the same way, as with this same translator (p. 277, “los yndios de mesquitique”). Note also this phrase in a mundane document of Tepechpan (northern Valley of Mexico) in 1652—“espanoles yhuan macehualtin,” “Spaniards and commoners,” translated into Spanish at the time as “es-

paniles y naturales” (AGN, Tierras 1662, exp. 5, ff. 1v,3v). 110. MNAH AH, GO 184, ff. 17, 17v, 21, 22-24. As far as I am aware, all

| Notes to Pages r16—22 511 attestations in this source are in the mock-reverential. The term also occurs in the singular (ff. 17v, 22v). As usual, this set of annals does not contain the word indio. _ z11. A further. indication in this direction is the modern macehualcopa, “macehualli-fashion,” one of the terms used to designate the Nahuatl language; I imagine it took on this meaning in the second half of the colonial period, though I have seen no

definite evidence to that effect. , a 112. See Haskett 1985, pp. 171-73. ,

113. Lopez y Magafia 1980, docs. 1-4. The latest example of such usage that I have seen is in a document of 1658 from Tulancingo, but it is in Spanish (“dofia Francisca la soapile”’) and refers to a person who died many years before (UCLA TC,

folder 14, Nov. 4, 1658). | 7

Pp. 153, 165. , | , | |

, 114. For just a few examples, see Dyckerhoff 1976, p. 177; and Gibson 1964, 115. For one complaint of the nobles, see BC, doc. 29, pp. 188—89 (Huexotzinco,

1560); for election rhetoric, see Haskett 1985, pp. 147—51, 163—84. ,

116. Compare HTC, introduction, p. 5.

117. See Schroeder 1984, p. 209; and CH on almost any page dealing with preconquest matters. With the Molotecatl teuctli of the Cuernavaca region, the title seems to have virtually displaced the name (Carrasco 1972).

118. See the genealogical tables in Schroeder 1984. | 119. See FC, book 6, pp. 219—60.

120. The Dominican chronicler fray Diego Duran says (1967, 2: 252) that in . preconquest times the priests did the naming shortly after birth, giving metaphorical or whimsical names to the sons of lords according to their physiognomy or the implications of their day sign but simply naming the commoners after the day of birth. 121, See especially AZ and TC throughout; and the discussion in S. Cline 1986, pp. 117—21. It may be that in other places women received a broader selection of - names (women’s names in the Huexotzinco census [Prem 1974] would so indicate), but the evidence in two such massive and well-separated sources is impressive. Ordinal

names for women appear even among the gods. Four goddesses of lust and dissolution make a perfect set: Teyacapan, Teiuc, Tlaco, and Xoco (FC, book 1, chap. 12 [p. 23 in 2d ed.]).

122. See TC, doc. 71, p. 248. | ,

123. CH, HTC, Tezozomoc 1949, passim. - | 124. BC, doc. 1, p. 46. . 125. See AZ throughout and the as yet unpublished Cuernavaca-region census materials in MNAH AH, CAN 549-51. There is considerable change from the presumably earlier to the presumably later of these records. 126. See AZ 1: xxv, 1, 4, §, and in many other places. An alternate though perhaps less used term with the same meaning was nican itoca, “one’s here-name,” “local name” (one example is in AZ, 1: 5). Observe the parallel between the set -macehualtoca and nican -toca for indigenous names and the set macehualtin and nican tlaca for indigenous people. 127. For examples of such alternation, see MNAH AH, GO 185, pp. 7, 15 (Tepemaxalco/Calimaya), where the same person is called Juan Miguel one year and Juan | de San Miguel the next; and CFP (Tepemaxalco, 1658), where the same person ap-

512 Notes to Pages 122-25 pears as Nicolas de San Pedro and Nicolas Pedro. Similar examples abound in the , archives. It appears that frequently the second name had no baptismal sanction at all, not being mentioned in the baptismal records. Exactly when and how it was then

acquired is not known. ,

128. See the many Maria Salomés in TCB from the 1570’s forward. It was possible for a woman to have a surname based on a masculine saint, as with dona Leonor de San Francisco (L6pez y Magafia 1980, doc. 3; Tetzcoco 1589), but this could not be collapsed to the short form. I have rarely seen the converse, a man with a surname taken from a female saint, but it could happen, as with the don Pablo de Santa Maria

mentioned in the footnote to p. 118. , 129. Appendix A, Docs. 1, 4. With the Azcapotzalco example, a formal will, one

might suspect that a commonly used additional name was omitted, and Barry David Sell and James Braun, exploring in UCLA’s McAfee collection, have now discovered that this was the case. But the other text, though lengthy, highly colloquial, and done by a writer ignorant and insouciant in matters of Spanish norms, also fails to give a hint of any second name even though it was crucial in that instance to identify the person properly. | am confident that many Nahuas were called by only one Christian name in their daily comings and goings. 130. Appendix A, Doc. 2. Likewise, Lazaro de San Pablo, so called in Culhuacan in 1580, was no doubt just Lazaro when at home in the San Pablo section of Mexico City (TC, doc. 21, pp. 66-71). 131. BC, doc. 2, p. 54; AGN, Tierras 3663, exp. 3, f. 4; TA, index of names. Among the many don Nicolas de Tolentinos was one in Tepetlixpan in 1690 (Tierras

2549, exp. I, f. 55). 132. CH has many examples; others may be seen in BC, and they pervade mun-

_ dane documentation. |

133. Alvarado was the name of an important line of the royal family of Tetzcoco; see Lopez y Magana 1980.

134. N&S, item 12. oo 135. See CH, 2: 24, 25, 29. On p. 29, fray Juan Paez and don Felipe Paez de |

from the viceroy. | :

Mendoza are mentioned within a few lines of each other. “Mendoza” was doubtless 136. TA contains a range of Spanish surnames of this type.

137. See N&S, item 2; and TA, p. 139. | |

138. I remain unsure whether the more prominent names were always taken from a specific Spaniard or Spanish family or not. That is, was don Juan de Guzman, tlatoani of Coyoacan, so named after some Guzman actually in Mexico at the time, or simply because “Guzman” was a symbol of high nobility for Spaniards in general? 139. Especially frequent is the combination Mateo Juarez, perhaps after some Spanish holy man or ecclesiastical writer whom I have not yet identified. 140. See TA, part 4, sec. 2. 141. See TC, docs. 67, 71, pp. 240, 246—50. 142. See Haskett 1985, pp. 401, 405.

143. BC, doc. 6, pp. 74-77. 144. Appendix A, Doc. 4. 145. NMY, doc. 2, pp. 94-95. 146. BC, doc. 3, pp. 58-59.

Notes to Pages 125—30 513 147. See TA, selection 25, pp. 125—26. The annals of Zapata (ZM) carry the

demonstration of the point into the late 17th century. 148. Gibson 1964, pp. 158—60 (I must mildly protest against the omission of the

crucial “don” and “dofa” here); Haskett 1985, pp. 140-46, 366-67, 374-75, 407-23; N&S, item 2; L. Reyes Garcia 1978 (see Rojas in the index). Fragmentary indications suggest that prominent Nahua families, unlike the Spaniards, who often kept several surnames of allied families alive in a single set of siblings and cousins,

ordinarily gave all the children the same surname. , 149. See Lockhart 1968, pp. 35-37. , 150. See BC, doc. 1, pp. 44-53; and TA, pp. 21-22, with n. 129. At a remote

time, “don” in fact had been the equivalent of “teuctli.” 151. See Haskett 1985, pp. 387-88; N&S, item 2; TA, pp. 135-36, entry “(don) Alonso Gomez”; and Chap. 2 tables. 152. Compare the name of teuctli don Julian de la Rosa (Tlaxcala, 1566) with

that of his wife Marfa Cozcapetlatzin, not only without the dofia but still with an indigenous second name (BC, doc. 1, p. 46). 153. See N&S, item 2; and TA, p. 22. TC (Culhuacan, ca. 1580) has some cases of vacillation that we lack sufficient context to interpret; see docs. 13, 42 (pp. 42, 144,

[don] Juan Téllez), 45A (pp. 158—60, [don] Lorenzo de San Francisco), and 63 (p. 226, [don] Pedro de Suero). 154. See TA, pp. 22, 112.

155. See N&S, item 2. ,

156. I will give just two examples of this frequently seen phenomenon. A Nahuatl will of 1692 from the south—central Toluca Valley is issued by “don Juan Alonso,” but the summary of the case done a century or more later speaks simply of “Juan Alonso indio tributario” (AGN, Tierras 2533, exp. 3, introductory page and f. 1). Dona Felipa de Jestis made her Nahuatl will in Soyatzingo in 1734; just after her death the Spanish officials carrying out an inventory referred to her as “Felipa de Jesus

india” (ibid. 2555, exp. 14, ff. 1, 3). | 157. Ibid. 1810, exp. 1, f. 3v. , ,

158. Ibid. 70, exp. 4, f. 13v. The writer characteristically ignored the gender dis-

tinction between masculine fulano and feminine fulana. ,

159. The background on these householders also comes from CFP. 160. In Coatlichan (southern Tetzcoco region) in 1762, a man known on all ordinary occasions as don Sebastian Ignacio, who had been governor of the altepetl, appeared on one occasion as don Sebastian Ignacio de Buendia, making the quite credible claim to be a descendant of the “cacique” family of that name (AGN, Tierras

2.338, exp. 8). | ,

161. See N&S, item 12, for evidence concerning the Toluca Valley in this period.

162. CH, 2: 117 (Juan Pérez de Monterrey, governor of Tenochtitlan); Wood 1984, pp. 66, 68 (Cristobal de Rojas Cortés, governor of Toluca in 1623). On the other hand, mestizos of this time who used the don—like don Juan Martin (CH, 2: 46, 78), also governor of Tenochtitlan, and the historian don Fernando de Alva

Ixtlilxochitl—were accepting indigenous identity. ,

163. See Haskett 1985, p. 426; examples are from the late 18th and early 19th

514 _ Notes to Pages 131-38 centuries. Later in the 19th century, this was to become even more common, as with the well-known Nahuatl translator Faustino Galicia Chimalpopoca. 164. I speak of such wills as in BC, doc. 1, pp. 44—53, and L. Reyes Garcia 1978, pp. 109-19, and of Nahuatl historical writings such as CH and HTC. 165. See Carrasco 1963; and L. Reyes Garcia 1978, pp. 149—50. Spanish lawyers

probably had a hand in this manner of presentation.

166. Haskett 1985, pp. 69—77; Tutino 1976, p. 186. 167. See Anguiano and Chapa 1976, especially p. 126; Dyckerhoff 1976, p. 167; and Gibson 1964, p. 156. 168. CFP; additional detail on the family will be found in Chap. 6. 169. Haskett 1985, chaps. 8—9; Tutino 1976, pp. 182-87.

170. See Gibson 1964, pp. 156-65. ,

, 171. AGN, Tierras 2553, exp. 5, ff. 1-2.

172. Ibid. 2554, exp. 12, f. 11. I have not been able to determine just what part of the Toluca Valley this passage is from.

173. UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22-23. oo 174. See, for examples, CDC, 1: 97-142. ,

, 175. Asin the Lopez y Magafia 1980 documents. 176. See L. Reyes Garcia 1978, passim; and compare Haskett 1985, pp. 381—84. 177. See examples in MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 49, and many other places. 178. AGN, Tierras 3663, exp. 3, ff. 4-6.

179. See ibid. 2554, exp. 4, ff. 2, 16a, 23-23v, from Tlapitzahuayan, near Chalco Atenco, where the marginally prominent (don) Josef de la Cruz (see Chap. 6) is called an “indio cacique,” and he and his wife Dominga de Santiago “indios principales,” terms that must have originated among the Nahuas carrying on the litigation. In the accompanying Nahuatl texts, no epithets are used. As far as I now know, cacique in the broader sense appears in Nahuatl only in election documents (see Haskett

1985, pp. 90-91). ,

180. AGN, Tierras 2549, exp. 1, f. Iv.

181. Ibid. 2338, exp. 8, ff. 16-18. 182. L. Reyes Garcia 1978, pp. 81, 83, 109-19, 150, 167-69, 175—80. | 183. AGN, Tierras 2549, exp. 1, ff. 1—1v, 6, 37, 41, 50, 53-56. On f. 55v, the Spanish version of the will of (don) Josef de Aguilar (1690) has the phrase “son us_ tedes mis padres” directed to the alcalde, fiscal, and alcaldes pasados. This may be a late example of the older inverted use of -ta in the possessed form by rulers to refer to their higher subordinates. See also Schroeder 1984, p. 129. | 184. CFP; N&S, item 12, for Pablo de la Cruz; AGN, Tierras 1501, exp. 3, ff. 13-14v (1667 will of don Pedro de la Cruz in Spanish translation); Tierras 2533, exp. 5, ff. 1-2v (will of don Juan de la Cruz, 1691). I have seen one use of the word tlatoani in connection with the de la Cruzes; in CFP, f. 6 (1659), don Pedro as governor is referred to as “tlatohuani don p°e de la crus gor.”

185. See Haskett 1985, pp. 399-404; Rounds 1982, especially pp. 67-75, 80—83; and Schroeder 1984, pp. 86—91, 99, 221, 223. For evidence of a dynasty-like family in 18th-century San Francisco Centlalpan (Chalco region), see the will of don Nicolas de Silva in NMY, doc. 10, pp. 117—21 (though nothing emerges about the

Notes to Pages 139-45 515 ,

TC, folder 23). , 186. See Haskett 1985, pp. 391-92. _

family’s political role). Another is the Larios family in 17th-century Acatlan (UCLA

1683). _ | 1986, p. §4. | _ 187. Lépez y Magafia 1980, doc. 3. The Nahuatl phrase is “ynic nicihuatl.” 188. An example is in CFP, f. 18 (Calimaya/Tepemaxalco in the Toluca Valley,

189. TC, docs. 38, 41, 64, 65, 74, pp. 126, 140, 230, 238, 256; [CB (see Chap. 6 for the female cofradia officials who were like cihuatepixque); CFP. See also S. Cline

more light on this topic. , 190. Future publications by Stephanie Wood and Robert Haskett should shed 191. See Appendix A, Doc. 1; N&S, item 4; and Taylor 1979, p. 116.

Chapter 5 - : oe

and S. Cline 1984, 1986. , 1. Such is the common conclusion of Gibson 1964; Offner 1983; Harvey 1984;

2. The perhaps bewildering variety of land categories in older Nahuatl is quite simple from a linguistic standpoint, consisting in nearly every case of a noun compounded with the word Zlalli, “land. However, since in Nahuatl [t'] assimilates to a preceding [I], becoming [I] itself, tlalli appears as -/alli whenever the preceding noun stem ends in /, as in calpol-lalli. That calpollalli is so much more often seen than tlaxilacallalli despite the general preference for tlaxilacalli over calpolli may indicate that calpolli was at some earlier time the predominant term. The only attestation of

tlaxilacallalli | can presently produce is from Azcapotzalco in 1738 (BC, doc. 17, | p. 104), but I have seen the term on a few other occasions over the years, including

for the earlier time period. , — 3. BC, doc. 14, p. 94.

4. Of which a large portion is published in AZ. ! 5. Williams 1984.

6. It is also possible that in sources such as the Cuernavaca-region records where even numbers predominate, the figures were merely appoximations.

7. See AZ, 1: 76, 85, 86, 100, and 2: 114. 8. Motolinia, Zorita, etc., as mentioned in Harvey 1984 and Williams 1984.

9. AGN, Tierras 1525, exp. 5, ff. 3, 5v, 6. ,

10. Lopez y Magana 1980; BC, doc. 17, p. 106 (Azcapotzalco, 1738). 11. Williams 1984, pp. 105—7 (Tetzcoco); BC, doc. 16, part 4, p. 154 (Coyoa-

can, ca. 1550). TC seems to use the terms interchangeably. , 12. Compare Lopez y Magafia 1980, doc. 1, p. 63; and Haskett 1985,

pp. 478-79. ,

13. BC, docs. 9, 26 (part 7), pp. 88, 164. © , , 14. AGN, Tierras 1525, exp. 5, ff. 5, 6, 28. See additional examples and discus-

sion in Castillo F. 1972, p. 212. , 15. AGN, Tierras 2553, exp. 5, f. 1. .

516 Notes to Pages 145-49 16. BC, doc. 17, p. 106. See Molina’s entry “‘cennequetzalli,” “un estado” (a measure of length sometimes given as equivalent to seven feet). Cennequetzalli also appears in a document dated in 1571 in Tenochtitlan (AGN, Tierras 35, exp. 1, f. 6).

17. Williams 1984, p. 107. , 18. TC, doc. 47, p. 168 (Culhuacan, 1581). One possible interpretation of the

Culhuacan example, and the one to which I incline, is that the mecatl here was a linear measure of 200 units. See Haskett 1985, pp. 479-80, for the mecatl in the Cuernavaca region as a measure of 20 units (or thereabouts), with continuing uncer-

_ tainty whether a lineal or areal measure is meant. |

19. See AZ; Williams 1984; and Offner 1984. , 20. See Motolinia 1971, pp. 134-35; and Zorita 1941, pp. 87—88. , 21. BC, docs. 10, 11, p. 90; CDC, 2: 147-51.

22. AZ, 1: xliv. That the word for “field” in these passages consistently appears in the singular (iil) in no way affects the present matter, since milli as an inanimate noun does not show an overt plural even when the referent is plural. When a person has both irrigated and unirrigated land, they are clearly in different places. Several times in these records (MNAH AH, CAN 549-51) it is specifically said that a person has two different fields. I see no way to tell whether this is to be interpreted as an exception or, as so often in Nahuatl documents, as a general phenomenon rarely put on paper. ,

23. See AZ, 1: xlii—xliii. ,

24. For an example see AZ, 1: 7. 25. BC, doc. 9, pp. 84-89. Rebecca Horn (1989) has located Hueipolco and

, identified Palpan as the same unit as San Agustin (Tlalpan). 26. The nobleman who left the vacant land was don Martin de Paz, possibly Pedro de Paz’s relative. 27. In Mexico City in 1593, four tlaxilacaleque of San Hipdlito Teopancaltitlan

were asked about the status of a property owned by one Ana Justina; the contemporary Spanish translation calls them mayorales (lower officials; AGN, Hospital de Jestis 298, exp. 4, ff. 5, 13). In the San Sebastian district in 1571, those used as witnesses to ~ aland matter were a merino, two tepixque, and four huehuetque (AGN, Tierras 2789, exp. 1, f. 10). See also AGN, Tierras 35, exp. 1, f. 5, a 1573 case in the San Sebastian Cotolco district of Mexico City, involving 12 tlaxilacaleque giving a single unanimous opinion. 28. In Mexico City’s San Sebastian district in 1563, the same people first called “the householders there” are later called tlaxilacaleque (AGN, Tierras 20, part 2, exp. 4, f. 8v). In Tlatelolco in 1591, the unnamed group is called in oncan chaneque in tlaxilacaleque, a phrasing implying that “the householders there” and “the tlaxilacaleque”’ are the same people (AGN, Tierras 57, exp. 8, f. 4). In another example from Tlatelolco, dated 1599, the phrasing in tlaxilacaleque ihuan in oncan chaneque, with the added word ihuan, “‘and, along with,” sounds more as if the two are conceived as separate groups (NAC, ms. 1481). The truth seems to be that no sharp line was drawn in these situations between district officials and ordinary neighbors, since the function of both was to register the community’s consensus. 29. NAC, ms. 1481. “People next to the house” translates calnahuac tlaca.

Notes to Pages 149-51 517 30. BC, docs. 14, 17, pp. 96, 104 (Azcapotzalco, 1703, 1738). 31. See Lockhart 1982, p. 385 (N&S, item 3). The survival of these practices is discussed below at nn. 58—59 and after, n. 111. 32. Humboldt Fragment, illustrated partially in Gibson 1964, plate X; Williams _

1984, pp. 118—120 (Tepetlaoztoc).

33. Williams 1984, p. 120. Nevertheless, Williams seems to equate the term with the house site in the narrower sense, coming to the unnecessary and I believe erroneous conclusion that in certain cases where no space is indicated for a house lot, the “‘calli’ glyph is not to be interpreted as callalli. 34. See examples illustrated in ibid., p. 119; and in the Atenantitlan investigation (BC, doc. 9, pp. 84—89). As noted in Chap. 3, Nahuas of the postconquest period sometimes equated Spanish solar, “houselot,” with callalli, including agricultural land. TC, doc. 12A, p. 38 (Culhuacan, ca. 1580), contains an example in which the -solaryo of a house has the ideal callalli dimensions of 20 units square. 35. Generally in the Culhuacan testaments such holdings are referred to as the house’s -atentlallo, its “land at the edge of the water,” but once chinampas are specifically called callalli (TC, doc. 39, p. 130), and another time a house has its -calchinanyo, its “house-chinampas that go with it” (doc. 51, p. 186). The house itself usually stood on a strip of tlalmantli, built up and leveled land. 36. Examples are found throughout TC (see, for example, doc. 56, p. 200), and the circumstances mentioned by Williams 1984, p. 120 (callalli with no indication of a house on it) constitute further evidence.

37. BC, doc. 9, pp. 86, 88. | 38. UCLA TC, folder 1, ca. 1570, complaint against (don) Martin Jacobo. Similarly, in Culhuacan (1581) icalchinanyo calli, “the house’s house-chinampas,” are contrasted with in hueca chinampan, “where the distant chinampas are” (TC, doc.

42, p. 144). ,

39. BC, doc. 26, part 5, p. 160. See also, among others, the holdings of don Julian de la Rosa of Tlaxcala (BC, doc. 1, pp. 44-53), and those of the larger holders in TC. The holdings of don Luis Cortés (Coyoacan 1557) were scattered, though there is no specific mention of callalli (BC, doc. 12, p. 92). See also Horn 1989, chap. 5, SEC. 3.

40. For an example of the use of cecni, see BC, doc. 3, p. 58 (Coyoacan region, 1617). Commoners occasionally did hold land in different calpolli at the same time, possibly while in transition from one to the other; for an example, see AZ 1: 47-48. 41. Compare Williams 1984, p. 113. No equivalent Nahuatl term has yet come to my attention. The frequent itocayocan, which is generally found in Nahuatl texts where a Spanish translation has these terms, means simply “at the place named... ” Nevertheless, it may have had the more specific connotation in these contexts, or it may be that a place with a name is exactly what a paraje was. 42. Ibid., p. 119. 43. AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 23. For some references to callalli at various times and places, see BC, doc. 3, p. §8 (Coyoacan region, 1617); AGN, Tierras 2.338, exp. 6, April 28, 1689 (Tetzcoco region); and NMY, doc. 10, p. 118 (Chalco region,

1736).

518 Notes to Pages 152-54 44. As seen repeatedly in AZ and Carrasco 1972. 45. See the dependents and lands of don Juan de Guzman of Coyoacan (BC, .

doc. 26, pp. 152—165). See also Horn 1989, pp. 224-30. , 46. Categories can be found in Williams 1984. See also AZ 1: 2 (amilli, “irrigated field,” and tepecenili, “mountain maize”), 2: 115 (tlalbuactli, “dry or unirrigated land”); and MNAH AH, CAN 549, f. 42 (aquilitl, lit. “watered greens’’). The

Cuernavaca-region census records contain still others. : 47. See, for example, Spalding 1984, pp. 30—32, 37-39, 41. 48. See S. Cline 1984, p. 291; Ixtlilxochitl 1975-77, 1: 386; and FC, book 11, p. 251. Whereas in most words for land categories a noun is compounded with and hence modifies tlalli, “land,” here the opposite occurs, and ¢lalli modifies the other term, (tla)cohualli, “something purchased,” so that tlalcohualli actually means “landpurchase,” but in effect it is used in the same places where English would use “pur-

chased land.” |

49. MNAH AH, CAN 550, f. 55: “ymil napuali ytequiyocahv / ahv ymilcoval onpuali”; on f. 33v, the head of Tlacatecpan has 80 units of tribute fields (“ypa tequity”) and 180 of purchased fields. The purchased fields are referred to as -milcohual, with milli, “field,” taking the place occupied by ¢t/a/li in the more frequent term, as _ explained inn. 48. 50. Ibid., f. 2v. — §x. BC, doc. 26, pp. 154—60. One of the oldest known Nahuatl notarial. documents (1548) records don Juan de Guzman’s purchase of a house, doubtless with its land, from the widow of the ruler of San Agustin, a constituent or dependency of Coyoacan (NMY, doc. 1, p. 93).

52. BC, doc. 22, pp. 119-20. , 53. As in the quote at n. 31 above.

for another.” — |

54. The -ub of -patiuh is originally the singular possessive ending, leaving -pati-, which appears related to patia (applicative patilia), “to substitute one thing 55. Namaca is a combination of na-, related to the reciprocal prefix ne-, and

maca, “to give.” Cohua is probably related to a series of words with cu- or co- having to do with turning, twisting, doubling, reciprocity, etc. (as in cuepa, “turn, return’; coatl, “twin, guest-host, snake”; coatequitl, “turn-work”; cuel-, “double”; cuemitl,

“furrow, earth turned over’; and cueitl, “wrap-around skirt’).

56. AGN, Tierras 17, exp. 4, ff. 144-46. |

quachtli.” | , 58. See Berdan 1982, p. 44.

57- The wording is ce quimilli quachtli in ipatiuh, “its price was twenty

, _ 59. The procedure is reminiscent of that followed in the sometimes forbidden, sometimes countenanced sale of encomiendas in Peru and Mexico in the conquest period. See Lockhart 1968, pp. 2o—21; and Himmerich 1984, pp. 98—100. 60. Magdalena Teyacapan was not from Tolpetlac, but from Tlocalpan (which

I have not yet been able to identify more closely). | 61. BC, doc. 20, pp. 112—15. In this document, callalli is used in a way suggesting, though ambiguously, that it refers to all the different lands the owner had

accumulated. ,

Notes to Pages 155-57 519 62. See S. Cline 1984, pp. 291-93. But in a later work (1986, pp. 152-55), Cline does not make an association between purchased land and nobility. 63. The following discussion has specific reference to Gibson 1964, p. 257ff, the most basic and seminal discussion; Harvey 1984, p. 84 (with citations of others), and S. Cline 1984, which principally follows Gibson. Offner 1983, pp. 124—39 also shares

the tendency. 7 | |

64. For postconquest cases, see examples in AZ (1: 76, 84, 85, 86, 100) of

tribute officials holding land from the pipiltin (the altepetl) for the governmental function, any other land presumably being inherited or allocated from the calpolli.

65. BC, doc. 26, parts 4, 6, pp. 154—57, 162—65. See also AGN, Tierras 3548, exp. 3 [?], ff. 3, 4, where in 1606 don Francisco Cornejo, tlatoani of Tepexi, is said to have tecpillalli, translated into Spanish as “his patrimonial lands” (which he proceeds to sell). In my opinion, the attempt of Ixtlilxochitl (and Offner 1983 following him) to make a firm distinction between tecpillalli and other pillalli is ill-advised. - 66. L. Reyes Garcia 1975, 1979. Harvey also affirms that the calpollalli “contained various tracts which were dedicated to the support of temple and government”

(1984, p. pp. 91). | ,oe, | , 67. Broda 1976, 51—§2.

68. Tequimilli is first seen in a document dated 1558 in Mexico City (AGN, Tierras 17, part 2, exp. 4, f. 244), and tequitcamilli in Tetzcoco in 1596 (Lépez y Magana 1980, doc. 4). These forms imply the more basic ones in -tlalli, but I have

not seen any occurrences of those forms before the 17th century. a 69. The earliest attestation of tequio is in the Cuernavaca-region censuses of the , time around 1535 to the early 1540’s (MNAH AH, CAN 550, f. 55); a person’s -tequiocauh is listed separately from his purchased fields. Another instance is in TC, doc. 60, p. 216 (Culhuacan, 1583), equating tequio and ipan tequitibua. 70. The earliest attestation of ipan tequiti is in the same source as in the immediately preceding note (MNAH AH, CAN 550, f. 33v); as in that case, the piece of land so qualified is listed separately from purchased fields. (See also Haskett 1985,

appendix document.) :

Since tequiti also means “to work,” the phrase could potentially refer to any workable land, but as the editors of TC have observed, a passage in doc. 26, p. 82, expanding on ipan tequiti by reference to the coatequitl and other public duties, removes all doubt that tribute is meant. The editors of AZ translate ipan in phrases of this type as “‘for,” that is, “in return for.” For example, on p. 3, cempohualli amilli...

ipan quitlalia is translated as “twenty units of irrigated field ... for which she delivers . . .” Although this makes good sense, ic rather than ipan would be the normal

word if such a meaning were intended, and “in return for” is not an otherwise known meaning of -pan. I favor the rendering “on, on the basis of,” as in TC. It is true that since both translations make adequate sense in all instances, it is hard to give definitive proof of the inappropriateness of “for.” Consider, however, the following closely related phrase. In a document of Xochimilco dated 1567, it is said that the relatives of a person given certain land ipan atlizque tlaquazque, “will eat and drink on the basis of it,” or “from it,” but surely not “for it” (AGN, Tierras 1525, exp. 5, f. 6v). For ipan moxtlahua itlacalaquiltzin in rey nuestro senor, a Spanish translator of the 18th

520 Notes to Pages 157-62 : century has “donde pago yo los reales tributos de su majestad,” “where (or on which) J pay his majesty’s royal tributes” (AGN, Tierras 2550, exp. 8, ff. 7, 8v).

_72. 71.ForLopez y Magana 1980, doc. 4. , example, TC, doc. 21, p. 68. — ,

1723-64). 74. S. Cline 1984, p. 291.,| ,

73. AGN, Tierras 2550, exp. 8, ff. 7, 8v (Xocotitlan, Tlalmanalco jurisdiction,

1722); Tierras 2554, exp. 4, ff. 1, 18 (Tlapitzahuayan, near Chalco Atenco, 75. AGN, Tierras 1525, exp. 5, f. 6v. S. Cline (1984, p. 290) also cites another instance in which a tecpan awarded a man huehuetlalli (Culhuacan, before 1580). 76. For one specific proof, in Culhuacan (1581) we find a holding called both

“the house-chinampas” and “calpollalli” (TC, doc. 42, p. 144). , 77. AGN, Tierras 17, part 2, exp. 4, f. 244: in ya quimotlaltia amo quito no-

_ huebuetlal can quimotequimiltia. , ,

78. There are many examples in TC, including docs. 38, 46, 47, 53, pp. 126, 162, 166, 194. In doc. 64 (p. 232), however, a woman seems to apologize for having sold some huehuetlalli, saying all the proceeds were used for house repair, not on her personally, so that here huehuetlalli is viewed as the permanent support of a household, ordinarily to be maintained at the cost of personal sacrifice. 79. CH, 2: 125. The tlaxilacaleque were thereby saying that they could do whatever they felt like with the land, including keeping an old cross standing on it, no

matter what anyone else wanted. 7

80. UCLA TC, folder 1, ca. 1570, complaint against (don) Martin Jacobo. The Nahuatl reads in tocalpollal in tomil .. . huel tocolhuan totahuan inmil tohuehuemil. It is in this sense that buehuetlaili is used for the lands of the various teccalli (tlayacatl, sub-altepetl) of Cuauhtinchan (see L. Reyes Garcia 1978, p. 8; and S. Cline 1984, p. 291).

p. 102).

81. See the discussion in S. Cline 1984, pp. 290—91.

82. TC, doc. 64, p. 232 (Culhuacan, 1585). ,

83. In a text from Azcapotzalco in 1738 is the following passage: “for it is

tlalcohualli and our -tlalnemac,” “‘ca tlalcohualli ihuan totlalnemac” (BC, doc. 17,

84. S. Cline 1984, p. 288. ,

85. For example, a couple in Coyoacan in 1575 based their right to sell a plot on the fact that it was the wife’s cihuatlalli (“huel icihuatlal”), given to her by her father and mother (BC, doc. 21, p. 116). S. Cline 1984, p. 288, cites an example from Xochimilco (1582) in which cihuatlalli is translated into Spanish as land coming

- through the maternal line, considered property of the mother. , , 86. UCLA Research Library, Special Collections, McAfee Collection, will of

Tomas Feliciano. See TC, doc. 71, p. 48, for cihuatlalli in the absolutive. , 87. For some examples of lesser categories, see S. Cline 1984, pp. 288—90. 88. Harvey 1984, p. 84. Gibson also implicitly shares this opinion.

89. See S. Cline 1984, p. 286; and Gibson 1964, p. 261. Gibson tends to give the impression that the treating of tlatocatlalli and the like as “private” and the com_bining of lands of different original status in a single estate were postconquest phe-

times. ,

Notes to Pages 162—66 521

nomena, whereas I imagine that exactly the same was characteristic of preconquest |

90. Harvey 1984, p. 91. |

— 91. Calpollalli, Haskett 1985, p. 483; tlaxilacallalli, BC, doc. 17, p. 104; tequi-

tlalli, AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 1; callalli, AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 23; huehuetlalli, UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22-23; tlalcohualli, BC, doc. 17, p. 102. The last also contains an attestation of -tlalnemac for 1738, but as I say, I do not consider the term to be exactly a land category.

92. Haskett 1985, pp. 494-97. .

93. See Wood 1984, 113—21 (Toluca Valley). — ' 94. See the examples in BC, docs. 14, 17, pp. 96, 104 (Azcapotzalco, 1703, 1738). See also AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6, Sept. 11, 1721 (Tezontla, Tetzcoco region), where on being given possession of a piece of land, the new owner’s claims to 10 more varas were rejected because of the opposition of “the witnesses and the whole

town (pueblo).” ,

95. See, for example, the case of Juan Alvaro in Coyoacan (1575), where no documentary proof is offered of his many purchases in the indigenous community, although a bill of sale is drawn up for his transfer of the land to the Dominican

monastery (BC, doc. 20, pp. 112-15). ,

96. See, for example, BC, doc. 17, pp. 100-109. The 17th-century will used as authentication had no clear connection with the testator’s putative great-grandchildren now (in 1738) selling a piece of land that might or might not be the same as one

mentioned in the will. , , 98. Ibid.165, 1805, gg. Ibid. exp.exp. 4. 3. , 97. AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 8.

100. BC, doc. 6, p. 74 (Metepec, 1795). The latest example I presently have of matl is in a document of May 2, 1642, done in Tulancingo (UCLA TC, folder 12),

but I feel that later attestations are likely to appear. ,

, 101. BC, doc. 17, pp. 100, 106. , ,

102. AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 12v (Mexico City, 1630); an alleyway is described as 9 matl long, 1 vara wide. The larger unit is specifically defined in terms of varas not only in the passage just referred to (at n. 101), but in Amecameca in 1661 (AGN, Tierras 2553, exp. 5, f. 1). Among the abundant examples of the vara’s increas-

ing currency, see AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 9v (Tlatelolco, 1620); Tierras 1780, exp. 5, f. 18 (Coyoacan, 1654); and Tierras 104, exp. 8 (Tlatelolco, Nov. 1, 1712). It is true that nothing but intuition and the fact of its being used elsewhere as a fraction of the quahuitl/matl assure me that the intention of the Nahuatl varas is not the larger indigenous unit rather than the Spanish yard.

103. See Gibson 1964, pp. 309, 311; and Brading 1978, pp. xiv, 66-67. As

is a delusion.” 7 , , a

Brading justly observes (p. 67), “any presumption of great precision in these matters

104. For examples, see NMY, doc. 10, pp. 118—19 (Centlalpan, near Tlalmanalco, 1736); AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 2, ff. 3, 5v (Amecameca, 1726); UCLA TC, folder 14, Dec. 19, 1640 (Tulancingo area); and NAC, Ms. 1477B (1), (4) (Calimaya,

522 Notes to Pages 167-72 Toluca Valley, 1738 and 1751). Phrases such as (in the last cited source) calagui nabui — almud tlaolli, “four almudes of maize enter there” (i.e., can be planted there), usually obviate the necessity of borrowing sembradura, but it does appear at times (NMY,

doc. 10, p. 119). |

105. For examples, see UCLA TC, folder 14, July 1, 1656, Sept. 9, 1657, Nov. 25,

1746). a

1668 (Tulancingo region); and AGN, Tierras 2552, exp. 3, f. 3 (Soyatzingo in the Chalco region, 1736). In all these, Spanish yunta is treated as a loanword. 106. BC, docs. 13, 26 (part 5), pp. 94-95, 160-63; NMY, doc. 1, pp. 92—93. 107. See, for example, BC, doc. 17, pp. roo—109 (Azcapotzalco, 1738).

, 108. For an extreme example, see Karttunen and Lockhart 1978 (Amecameca 109. BC, doc. 13, pp. 94-95. In some 16th-century documents from Mexico City, one sees a Nahuatl paraphrase of Spanish posesion, tlamacehualiztli tlalquitzquiliztli, lit. “deserving or attaining, land seizing” (examples in AGN, Tierras 2789, exp. 1, f. rov, 1572, and Tierras 59, exp. 3, f. 15v, 1586). Despite the typically Nahuatl double construction and the fact that macehua was used in older expressions for the first occupation of land, the phrase seems subtly unidiomatic, a kind of calque, , as can be seen especially in its use as the object of the verb maca, “to give,” as in the

Spanish formula. a

110. AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11, f. 3 (N&S, item 7, text 1). See a very similar document from the same place in 1783, except that it is written in Spanish (Tierras

2541, exp. 11, f. 5; N&S, item 7, text 4). .

111. See Gomez de Cervantes 1944, pp. 134-35, and below at n. 118 about fees for sales.

112. AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, ff. 9v, r2v. 113. Ibid. 2541, exp. 11, f. 3 (N&S, item 7, text 1). Despite the indigenous concept, the phrase contains a Spanish loanword for corner (nahui esquinas). 114. AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 7v. 115. NMY, doc. 1, p. 93 (Coyoacan, 1548), is a bill of sale, though not yet following the standard formula, and BC, doc. 15, pp. 98—99, contains a full-fledged example from the early 17th century. Horn 1989 has a whole chapter (chap. 4) on the genre, with full texts in the appendix. The term carta de venta appears as a standard loan phrase in Nahuatl documents, but it was probably unanalyzed, that is, used without any awareness of the separate meaning of its constituent parts. Venta, “sale,” did not displace the corresponding indigenous vocabulary and has yet to be found in

a Nahuatl text by itself. 116. See the action against noblemen selling off teccalli lands in early Tlaxcala (TA, selection 9, pp. 85—86). | 117. See, for example, AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 12 (Mexico City, 1630: flooding, seller a poor old woman who needs the money to live); BC, doc. 15, p. 98 (Coyoacan, ca. 1610—20: to pay tribute and debts); and BC, doc. 17, p. 102 (Azcapotzalco, 1738: for masses). Horn 1989 (pp. 156—60 and appendix) has many examples

(not tequitcatlalli, and other reasons). |

118. AGN, Tierras 2548, exp. 3, ff. 4, 5, 9v, and unfoliated section. Note that both buyer and seller were apparently ordinary commoners. José Lazaro had only _ three pieces of land: the one he had bought, the one he already had next to it, called

Notes to Pages 172-79 : 523 in Spanish “de repartimiento,” and a third said to be located very far from the district (barrio). The /-t! sequence in “notlaxilacaltlahuan” is unusual, though not entirely without parallel. Only once have I ever seen an open, formal statement of the payment of fees to altepetl officials. A land transfer in Mexico City in 1621 includes an affir-

mation by the purchaser that he paid the alcaldes and notary 5 pesos in costs for

p. 154. | |

issuing a bill of sale and giving him possession, over and above the 15 pesos he paid for the property (AGN, Tierras 84, exp. 2, f. 3).

119. Examples will be found scattered through TC; compare S. Cline 1986,

120. Asin the above mentioned example of Juan Alvaro (Coyoacan, 1570's), who acquired several pieces of land from indigenous people through trade and purchase, then sold them at a high price (140 pesos) to the Dominican monastery. He had previously sold another piece to a neighbor (BC, doc. 20, pp. 112—17).

121. AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, ff. 9-10. , , 122. Ibid. 2338, exp. 6. !

123. TC, doc. 4, p. 20. The same procedure of asking for money in return for bequests was applied to property other than real estate, as we will see in Chap. 6.

124. AGN, Tierras 1520, exp. 6, ff. 8—9v (Huejotla, 1632). 125. Horn 1989, pp. 264—68, demonstrates in detail the popularity of patrimonio and its equivalence with huehuetialli in the Coyoacan region. A passage from Mexico City, 1563, shows the whole complex already in existence: buel totlatqui in tlalli ca topatrimonio tohuebuetlal, “the land is fully our property, for it is our patrimony, our huehuetlalli” (AGN, Tierras 22, part 1, exp. 4, f. 1). The term also occurs in the Cuernavaca region as early as 1579 (Haskett 1985, appendix doc. 5, p. 663). _ 126. See above at n. 92. 127. See Gibson 1964, pp. 265—67; Haskett 1985, pp. 574-79; and S. Cline

1986, pp. 155-56. —

128. Compare Haskett 1985, chaps. 8—10; and Tutino 1976, pp. 182—86. It is true that Spanish haciendas also normally consisted of separate, often named and noncontiguous parts, but those parts (estancias, ranchos, and sets of caballerias) were themselves large consolidated holdings of a kind rarely found in the indigenous _

scheme of things. | | ,

129. Gibson 1964, especially chaps 6, 11-13. I believe that much more can be done on the basis of specific case material in the Civil and Criminal sections of the AGN, but such research would stand somewhat aside from the main thrust of the

present project. . 130. See Berdan 1982, p. 43. , 131. Berdan 1982, p. 44. |

132. BC, doc. 34, pp. 208-13. | 133. See TA, pp. 23 (at n. 135), 25, 58 (item 157), and 79—84 (selection 8). , 134. BC, doc. 25, pp. 138-49. ,

135. See S. Cline 1986, appendix 1, pp. 173-75. a

136. NMY, pp. 54-55, 93 (doc. 1). 137. Compare Berdan 1982, p. 44, and Las Casas, quoted there. 138. Some passages, like this one in MNAH AH, CAN 551, f. 76v (7ov alternate foliation), are set up in such a way that it is impossible to be sure whether tlacoco-

524 , Notes to Pages 179-83 _ hualoni applies to the quachtli alone or also to some or all of a series of items like the following: “Here is the tlacocohualoni: 30 tribute quachtli, 20 hand cloths, 1,600 cacao beans, 200 turkey eggs, 10 turkeys, 1,200 chiles, 2,400 meals (tlaqualli|.” Most passages, however, seem to equate the term specifically with tribute cloth, quachtli; see AZ, 1: 140; 2: 117; and MNAH AH, CAN 549, ff. 37v, 42. 139. NMY, pp. 42—43; Celestino Solis et al. 1985, pp. 44, 51. See the entry

“dinero” in Brewer and Brewer 1971 and Key and Key 1953. , 140. See NMY, p. 81. TA, selection 22, p. 118 (Tlaxcala 1562), has pesos de oro

comun. ,

141. See, for example, Gibson 1964, p. 357. ,

142. See ibid., pp. 202—5 and especially p. 209.

143. See Haskett 1985, pp. 504—7. | ,

145. TC, doc. 56, p. 200. | 144. AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 2, ff. 3-13.

146. See Gibson 1964, pp. 76, 153 (with the references in n. 83). Part of the problem is that the word rentero used by 16th-century Spanish writers could refer to a dependent, but the passages have sometimes been interpreted differently by more recent scholars. 147. Examples in S. Cline 1986, p. 180.

148. AGN, Tierras 1780, exp. 5, ff. 17-18. The standard phrase for putting something in hock, used here among other places, is (qui)tlalia prenda, using the verb tlalia, “to place (down),” with the referent of the object prefix gui- being the goods hocked. In a 1581 example from Culhuacan, however, the verb appears to be mana,

“offer” (or possibly by syllable omission the verb is maca, “give”; TC, doc. 41,

p. 138). See also S. Cline 1986, p. 94. , , 149. In the cabildo records of Tlaxcala for the year 1547, cohua, “to buy,” and namaca, “‘to sell,” are used in connection with the forced hiring out of drunks as punishment (BC, doc. 22, pp. 118—19; on p. 118, last paragraph, ‘“yeua macozque”’ should read “yc namacozque”). Namaca is also used in relation to a governor taking money for hiring out vagrants in Huejotla (Tetzcoco region) in 1634 (NMY, doc. 7,

p. 107). | ,

150. See TC, doc. 10, p. 35. Recall also the case of José Lazaro above at n. 118, with installment paying, confusion with pawning, and the original owner eventually

claiming the land back.

151. Compare ANS, pp. 59-60, and TA, p. 40 (item 36 and n. 14). In early Tlaxcala, words of the tlanehua set are used in reference to real estate in a meaning

verging on or including “to rent.” 152. See TC (Culhuacan, ca. 1580), docs. 26, 41, pp. 82, 136, and others; and BC, doc. 15, p. 98 (Coyoacan, ca. 1620). Tlanehuia as “to borrow money” does occur as an exception (TA, selection 22, p. 118; Tlaxcala, 1562). 153. The causative tlacuiltia, “‘to lend (money),” is quite rare, but for an example see TC, doc. 41, p. 136 (Culhuacan, 1581). Tlaneubtia may have become the usual term when pialia, “to owe,” and pialtia, “to lend,” faded out after the early 17th century (see below at n. 158). A will of April 28, 1689, from Tezontla (Tetzcoco region) has the passage onictlaneubtili nocompadre don Juan Andres 6 19s, “I lent my compadre don Juan Andrés 6 tomines”’; the word is used the same way in another will

, Notes to Pages 183—85 525 from the same place dated Dec. 20, 1710 (AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6). Both times,

repayment is specifically requested. |

154. Molina, Spanish, f. 44v. 155. Asin BC, doc. 3, pp. 60, 62 (Coyoacan region, 1617). 156. TC, doc. 56, p. 202. For some later examples of pialia, see BC, docs. 3, 4, pp. 60, 66; and NMY, doc. 3, pp. 98—99 (all from the Coyoacan region, first two

decades of the 17th century). ,

157. See NMY, doc. 3, pp. 98-99, where “pia” is used for a whole list of people who owe small amounts of money to the testator; and BC, doc. 3, p. 61, where the debt of one Fabian is so described. 158. For examples, see BC, doc. 4, p. 66; and TC, doc. 81, p. 276 (the latter case

is unambiguously a true loan). At the same time, pialtia could still refer to simple custodianship, either of money or of goods; see TC, docs. 36, 81, pp. 118, 274. 159. BC, doc. 27, p. 168. A Spanish translation specifically renders the word as deber (pp. 225, 227). 160. On Carochi, see Karttunen 1983, p. 90. For a later example of huiquilia, “owe,” see AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6, will of Dec. 20, 1710 (from Tezontla, Tetzcoco region). Both Brewer and Brewer 1971 and Key and Key 1953 attest to the continuing

use of the word in modern times.

161. For the “not yet paid” phrase, see TC, doc. 41, pp. 134—41; BC, doc. 4, pp. 66—67;.and NMY, doc. 3, pp. 99—100. The last uses pia and pialia with money lent as opposed to purchase. Other common monetary terminology used by the Nahuas may also have varied subtly or not so subtly during a time of transition. From early texts forward, equivalents for “pay” and “spend” seem to be functioning much as in European practice, but the word for “pay,” ixtlabua, originally (and apparently still at the conquest) meant “‘to restore to someone that which is his,” and thus emphasized restitution or equivalence rather than paying out a certain amount of money. Poloa, which took over the function of “to spend,” basically meant “to destroy, efface, make disappear.” It may, however, have already had a relatively neutral meaning akin to “spend” in preconquest times. Consider Spanish gastar, which means both “spend” and “waste.” Often in Nahuatl -tech monequi, “to be used for something or someone,” appears where “spend” might be expected; but the same occurs in European languages.

162. TA, selection 22, pp. 118-19. |

163. Examples in TC, doc. 41, p. 136; and Appendix A, Doc. 1. See also S. Cline 1986, p. 92. 164. NMY, doc. 3, pp. 98—100. The transactions appear to have been true loans of cash rather than debts for merchandise sold. In cases of the latter type in the document, the merchandise is specifically mentioned, and with the loans the verb pia is used, carrying an even stronger implication of the debtor having actually received the money than pialia. For evidence of moneylending by professional pochteca, see TC,

Ppp. 91-93. |

doc. 41, pp. 134-41; Appendix A, Doc. 2; and the discussion in S. Cline 1986, 165. BC, doc. 3, pp. 58—63. 166. The play is extant in a typed copy made by J. H. Cornyn of another copy of 1912 (in Library of Congress, box “Aztec Dramas,” MMC 2771 in the Library of

526 Notes to Pages 185-90 Congress, under the title “The Merchant’); it bears the heading “Neyxcuintilli yntechpa tlantohua yn pochtecatl,” “Exemplary play speaking of a merchant.” The “original” was written out in Tulancingo in 1687 by a don Josef Gaspar (p. 21), but the text itself contains a reference (p. 39) to the date 1627 as a recent year. There is no reason, of course, why a yet earlier version could not have had another date. 167. See Gibson 1964, pp. 352—53; and BC, docs. 25, 26, pp. 138-149, I5O—-5I (the last contains an explicit statement that the market belongs to the tlatoani). 168. The Coyoacan lists, four of them (BC, doc. 25, pp. 138-49), are found among several documents that can be dated to a time close to the year 1550. Their purpose is to record taxes paid to the governor/tlatoani of the altepetl; each trade specialty is listed in turn, together with the amount paid by that group. The Mexico City market list is a copy of an earlier diagram of a market in the city (at exactly what site is not clear), with both glyphs and Nahuatl words indicating what was sold in spaces defined by lines forming rows of boxes. The document has been mentioned by Gibson (1964, p. 569, n. 132) and reproduced by Durand-Forest (1971, pp. 121-24). Aubin’s belief that the market was in the capital may have been conjecture, but the amount of Spanish goods available at an early time confirms the attribution. Although the copy is a late one of unknown provenience, its careful reproduction of gaps in the original and its close agreement with other lists on obscure items (such as cabezones, collars”) help establish its authenticity, as do its Nahuatl spellings and vocabulary (as opposed to the patently posterior calligraphy). The product list agrees especially closely with the trade names in book 10 of FC. Indeed, some of the words used— “Castilla tlascalli” for wheat bread instead of pan or pan de trigo, ““mecahuehuetl” rather than vibuela or guitarra—tend to indicate a time of composition in the 15 40’s and no later than the early 1550's. On the other hand, the document with its Spanish goods and what appears to be a Spanish-style fountain in the middle of the market does not represent the state of things at conquest or in the first few years thereafter. Since many of the spaces on the diagram are blank in the extant version, one can presume that yet more trade groups were functioning than are indicated. The primary list for Tlaxcala is from 1545 (BC, doc. 34, pp. 208-13). Composed under the auspices of Spanish officials wanting to establish prices for travelers, it became in indigenous hands more a list of the main foods available in the market. Unlike the other lists, it proceeds by individual items for sale (e.g., different types of chiles) rather than by group or space. Nonfood items are hardly touched. A supplemental list of 15.49, still made for the same purpose, adds a few more items (TA, p. 42, item 55). Other chance discussions in the Tlaxcalan cabildo minutes of regulations for or disputes with craftsmen, extending over the years to 1563, add the names of some trade

groups (TA, calendar items 28, 179, 194, 204). , 169. On the Coyoacan lists, no commodity seems to be listed for two separate groups of boat people (acalpan tlaca, “people on boats’’). Conceivably, they actually

, sold boats, but it seems to me more probable that they simply sold certain merchandise from off their boats. Also, one trade group is listed only by its unit of origin

of being specific. ,

(Iztacapan); probably its specialty was so well known that the list makers felt no need

170. One may wonder whether the assessments reflect the value of goods and profitability for individual tradespeople or simply the bulk of business done. Most : groups paid one-half, one, or two tomines. Those over two tomines stand out. The

Notes to Pages 190-92 527 lists tend to be organized from highest to lowest assessments, and list no. 3 follows that criterion quite strictly. At the top are the wood dealers with 22 tomines (probably representing several local trade groups) and the associated pine-torch splitters with four and split-oak sellers with three, all reflecting the area’s greatest ecological specialty, but surely not its most lucrative business for given individuals. Others in the high range, however, were producers of more sophisticated items: candles (6 tomines), rabbit hair (5), and colors (4). Considering that such things as bells and Spanish-style collars are found at the half-tomin level, it seems all in all that the bulk of a trade ~ rather than the specific value of wares was decisive. (The Spaniards, on the other hand, placed taxes primarily on items of high specific value.) 171. TC, doc. 21A, p. 40 (Baltasar Le6n, tlatzoncatopile), doc. 29, p. 94 (Mateo Juarez Tecpanecatl, tetzotzoncatopile). See also S. Cline 1986, p. 90. 172. See TA, pp. 26—28, and the references there given.

173. See Gibson 1964, pp. 214, 356. |

174. On the other hand, it is important to keep in mind that there was a whole range of imported or high-quality goods for which Spaniards went almost exclusively _ to Spanish merchants or artisans outside the marketplace proper (though their shops

might be on it or in the case of Mexico City’s famous Parian actually built in the middle of the square), and that this trade far outweighed the markets in money value. 175. MNAH AH, GO 184; the passage describing a specific episode is partially _

quoted and discussed in Chap. 9. ,

176. See Gibson 1964, pp. 354-57, 395; N&S, item 12; and Lockhart and Otte 1976, pp. 143-45. 177. Spaniards made a distinction between the mercader, the long-distance merchant involved in wholesale as well as retail, and the tratante or small trader, retailing goods usually locally produced and of less value. For the verb pochtecati (lit. “to act as a pochtecatl”) Molina gives “to be a merchant or dealer (‘mercader o tratante’),” erasing the distinction. For oztomecati, “to act as an oztomecatl,” he gives the nearly identical “‘to deal or sell merchandise (‘tratar o mercadear’).” But it is possible Molina understood “mercadear” as “to do business in a market,” in which case the pochtecatl could be construed as higher ranking. In FC, book 9, the two terms apply to the same groups of people and on occasion appear as a pair, the only observable difference — being that pochtecatl is used much more. In a passage in the Tlaxcalan cabildo minutes, oztomecatl refers to outsiders bringing wares in, pochtecatl to local merchants, but elsewhere in the document the terms are paired (see TA, p. 28, and references given there). The oztomeca of the Coyoacan market were, as seen above, mainly if not entirely people from inside the altepetl district. Chimalpahin on one occasion equates pochtecatl and mercader, speaking of “espafioles mercaderes pochteca,” “Spanish merchants (or) pochteca” (CH, 2: 92). 178. FC, book 9, p. 12. The passage speaks of six calpolli but gives seven names, headed by Pochtlan. This sort of discrepancy is seen not infrequently in Nahuatl texts, so there may have actually been seven groups, but another possibility is that Pochtlan is a general term including the others. The question also arises whether the merchants were organized into separate units called calpolli or simply had one unit within each of six altepetl calpolli (which that merchant group may have dominated), in the same fashion as various trade groups of the Coyoacan market. 179. See Gibson 1964, p. 398; and Codex Mendoza 1980, f. 7or.

528 Notes to Pages 192-95 180. BC, doc. 25, pp. 138-49; Dyckerhoff 1976. 181. TA, pp. 28, 50 (item 114). See also Berdan 1986; Gibson 1964, pp. 358—61;

and Szewczyk 1976. ,

182. MNAH AH, GO 14, pp. 114, 135 (1565, 1566).

183. Berdan 1982, p. 176; Gibson 1964, pp. 271, 287-88; Szewczyk 1976, pp. 140, 142. , , 184. TC, doc. 41, pp. 134—41 (1581); see the discussion in S. Cline 1986, pp. 90-94. Even these two are not themselves called pochtecatl, but the nature of their dealings and the fact that the son gave merchandise to someone with which to pochtecati, “act as a pochtecatl,” leaves no doubt. 185. TC, doc. 28, pp. 86—91. See also S. Cline 1986, p. 97.

186. NMY, doc. 2, pp. 94-97. ,

187. TC, docs. 44, §2, §3, 81, pp. 152-55, 188—91, 192-95, 272-77; see the

discussion in S. Cline 1986, pp. 93-95. |

188. Writing mainly in the first two decades of the 17th century, Chimalpahin still uses pochtecatl, but only in reference to Spanish and Japanese merchants (CH, 2:

92, 133, 141). ,

189. BC, doc. 3, pp. 58—63. See mentions of Juan Fabian in other contexts in BC, p. 3; and Lockhart and Schwartz 1983, p. 175. Accompanying Juan Fabian’s will are two Nahuatl memoranda (memorias) explaining in considerable detail the obligations his son-in-law Diego Francisco had incurred for the loss of animals, other expenses mainly related to the packtrain, and fruit he had taken to sell. These docu- ments raise the possibility that Juan kept written accounts of his business in the Spanish fashion. Yet since he was apparently illiterate, he could hardly have produced such | clean and sophisticated documents himself. Some indigenous person did so, but the memoranda have the air of having been prepared at a single time after the fact, doubtless with information Juan Fabian supplied, rather than kept on a current basis. In some fashion, whether in his head or through some system of marks and signs (of preconquest provenience or not), Juan was keeping precise track of a number of miscellaneous items of expense across significant periods of time. The fruit Juan grew and sold is called in Nahuatl tzapotl, often translated as zapote or sapota fruit, but as used in some texts it seems possible that the meaning was broader. 190. NMY, doc. 3, pp. 98—100. Let me take this occasion to correct a probable error in translation. ‘““Teoyotica noconeuh” (para. 26 of the will) is rendered as “my legitimate child.” While teoyotica is found in just this meaning in many texts, it did not necessarily mean legitimate or by marriage, but referred to anything sanctioned by the church. One’s offspring “through divinity” could also be one’s godchild, as seen in the Culhuacan testaments (TC, docs. 20, 45, pp..64, 156; see also S. Cline 1986,

“my godchild.”

p. 220, n. 21). Since Barbara Agustina gave her house to her daughter and only a turkey hen to Francisca, “teoyotica noconeuh,” the translation should doubtless be 191. In FC, book 10, the illustrations from 119 through 148 show many women as sellers instead of men, and the Nahuatl texts take no position on the gender of the vendors. Yet the corresponding English translations speak of men, and so for the most part do the original Spanish renditions of Sahagin (Sahagin 1975, book 10); a note

in FC, book ro (p. 69, chap. 19), takes cognizance of the anomaly. |

Notes to Pages 196-98 529 192. CH, 2: 39, 102, 124—25. The chocolate drink vendor is called a ‘‘chocolanamacac,” the only occurrence of the word “chocolate” in a Nahuatl text of which I am presently aware. For the trade of Francisco the tailor Chimalpahin uses both the

Nahuatl tlatzonqui and the Spanish sastre. | 193. TC, doc. 53, pp. 192—95. See also S. Cline 1986, pp. 93-94.

194. TC, doc. §2, pp. 188—91. See also S. Cline 1986, p. 96. 195. See Haskett 1985, pp. 564—74, for the best-worked-out examples.

196. See Gibson 1964, pp. 349-52, 387, 397-402, and Szewczyk 1976, pp. 142-43, 146—47. One possible source of information lies in the lists of Indian witnesses who appeared before Spanish authorities, which sometimes give their occupations. For example, of five witnesses from Atocpan (Milpa Alta district, Xochimilco jurisdiction) in Mexico City in 1638, all with double first names and illiterate, aged 35 to 6o, four are identified by trade. One was a butcher and three had trades related to wood—a woodcutter (lewador), a dresser of planks and shingles (oficial de hacer tablas y tajamanil), and a transporter of planks and beams (trajinero de tablas y viguetas; AGN, Criminal 234, ff. 83-—96v). The systematic collection of such lists would no doubt result in a much better picture of Indian occupational specialties in various times and places, and of the type of people practicing them, than emerges from synthesizing statements of Spanish officials and other observers, or from census documents. 197. See BC, doc. 26, part 1, pp. 150—51, for the continuing duties of Coyoacan artisans to the tlatoani/governor as of ca. 1550.

198. TA, pp. 24, 49 (item 103); see also pp. 61, 63 (items 179, 194). | 199. UCLA TC, folder 1, f. 8 (also in N&S, item 6, text 1). The painters are called tlapallacuiloque, “color painters,” to distinguish them from writers (a tlacuilo could be either a writer or a painter; see Chap. 8). None of the 11 could sign. Seven of their surnames were either saint’s names written out in full (e.g., Juan de San Francisco) or religious names (e.g., Gabriel de los Angeles); two were the quasi-Indian name Juarez, and two were full-fledged Spanish (Delgado and Alvarez). None of the 11 bore the “don,” but none had a simple double-first-name appellation or an indigenous surname. They thus fall into the higher medium range of the naming scale of their time. The painters are not identified by any altepetl subunit or given any organizational definition other than “we painters.” The cloths they were working on are as mysterious as they are interesting: six tilmatli huehuey tlaixtlapachiubcayotl “large ° cloths for covering (the face?).” Perhaps they were awnings. 200. A volume in AGN, Tierras, has the story—from somewhere in the northern half of the Valley of Mexico in the 18th century, if my recollection is correct—about an indigenous man trained as a carpenter who came into the community from the outside, married a local woman, and stayed permanently. There were questions about his rights, so in his support his side argued that he had frequently volunteered to do repair work on the local church. Since I saw these records before the present project had taken shape, I took no notes and did not keep the reference.

201. AZ, throughout. ,

202. See especially TC, doc. 49, p. 178. For more examples of women weaving and related discussion, see S. Cline 1986, pp. 89—90, 113-14. TC is a mine of difficult technical terms having to do with spinning, weaving, dyeing, etc.

530 , Notes to Pages 198—200 203. For example, see NMY, doc. 3, pp. 99-100, where the Barbara Agustina in the text above (Coyoacan region, 1608) was weaving a /uipil (a kind of blouse) for herself. Onictetecac is there incorrectly translated as “I spun’; it should read “I

warped” or “set up on the handloom.” - 204. In 1587, Pedro Tocgan had in his Mexico City house a loom and two lathes that his son had been operating (AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 7). Around 1689 to 1710, Juan Miguel had in his house in Tezontla (Tetzcoco region) a small loom with its gear, two lathes, and two carding apparatuses (ibid. 2338, exp. 6). Spanish loan vocabulary is used for all these things in both instances: telar, torno, carda.

, 205. BC, doc. 1, pp. 44-45, 50-51. Later attestations, as in Chimalpahin, involve the wearing of archaic costume for purposes of pageantry (see CH, 2: 41, 49). In this limited form, however, traditional indigenous garb or what was thought to be such long persisted. When, in 1674, a new saint was honored in Puebla, the cabildo of Tlaxcala was invited; three members, including the annalist Zapata, accepted the invitation, and they went “dressed as Tlaxcalans” (“motlaxcaltecatlaquetique”; ZM,

ff. 90-91). ,

, 206. See NMY, p. 22; and Brewer and Brewer 1971, entry “camisa.” 207. Gémez de Cervantes 1944, pp. 135—36. In this whole passage, the author is determined to show the humility and misery of Indian life to justify different regulations and legal officers for Spaniards and Indians. See Carrillo y Gariel 1959, pp. 44, 47, for opinions of contemporary outside observers that Indians generally wore shirts

and pants (zaragiielles). | ,

208. Appendix A, Doc. 2. 209. Gdmez de Cervantes (1944) uses this word, but considers the ones the Indians wore to be short and tight-fitting (p. 136). See also NMY, p. 65; S. Cline 1986,

pp. 114-15; and AGN, Hospital de Jestis 210, no. 67 (Cuernavaca, ca. 1605-10, ‘‘carahueras”’). A man in Mexico City in 1588 was outfitted with shirt (camisa), cloak (tilmatli), and zaragtielles (AGN, Tierras 59, exp. 3, f. 17). 210. TC, doc. 57, p. 206.

211. AGN, Bienes Nacionales 339, item 9. See also NMY, p. 68. , 212. TC, docs. 13, 28, pp. 42, 88; NMY, pp. 62, 63, 71. 213. See TC, doc. 56, p. 200 (Culhuacan, ca. 1580), where Miguel Huantli mentions notilma nofrezada, “my tilmatli and frezada.” In two cases, men seem to speak of wearing a frezada. Pedro Tocan (Mexico City, 1587; AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 7), says centetl frezada nicnoquentia, “‘a frezada that I wear.” OQuentia, the verb used, means generally “‘to wear (clothing),” and more specifically (see Molina) ‘‘to put on or wear a cloak or cape.” A similar example using quemi, a related verb of identical meaning, can be seen in TC, doc. 15, p. 52. Nevertheless, since the basic meaning is

“to cover” and tilmatli in addition to meaning “a specific kind of male garment” meant “cloth” in general, ambiguities remain. In fact, in the second example here, the

verb has the auxiliary -toc, which can imply a reclining position, hence use as a blanket.

214. AGN, Criminal 234, f. 128. An even more impressive outfit, including a capote, or Spanish cape, is recorded for 1652, but the example comes from the far west, outside central Mexico proper (BC, doc. 8, pp. 80-81). 215. AGN, Criminal 234, f. 128. Molina glosses tlapachiuhcayotl as “the cover

of something, or a woman’s veil and headdress (‘toca’).”

Notes to Pages 200-201 531

the 17th century. | 216. AGN, Tierras 2555, exp. 14, ff. 12, 14, 20v. In general, alas, Nahuatl documents so far seen are not informative on indigenous dress after about the middle of

217. A Culhuacan text of 1580 specifically equates tlaltepoztli and azad6n (TC, doc. 15, p. 52). So do Molina (Spanish, f. 2v, under “‘agada 0 acadon”) and Pedro de Arenas in his 1611 manual (1982, p. 142). The Spanish loanword sometimes replaces , the indigenous word in Nahuatl texts; see L. Reyes Garcia 1978, p. 140 (Cuauhtin-

chan, 1589). , ,

218. TC, docs. 24, 28, pp. 74, 88, 91. See Rojas Rabiela 1984 for a documented discussion of preconquest tool types; see also S. Cline 1984, p. 140. There is apparently some possibility that the preconquest huictli already sometimes. had a copper blade, but this is dubious if it rests on evidence like that of Francisco Clavijero, centuries removed, who was so out of the picture that he took Spanish coa, “digging stick,” to come from Nahuatl coatl, “snake,” rather than from an indigenous word of the Caribbean, as it actually did. Nahuatl coat! does not have the meaning “digging stick” in any text that I have seen. The Culhuacan texts also mention a chicohuictli, chico- being an element meaning “sideways, to one side, crooked,” etc. (TC, doc. 75, p. 260). Whether this is different from the ordinary huictli I am not prepared to say. Given Nahuatl’s great tendency to create doublets, it might reasonably be imagined that tlaltepoztli and tepozhuictli were the same thing, the second term being merely a specification of what is said more generically in the first. A Culhuacan text of 1580 settles this matter definitively, establishing the two as distinct, with the passage “one azadon/tlaltepoztli and one tepozhuictli of mine” (TC, doc. 15, p. 52). See in addition TC, docs. 24, 45, pp. 74, 158, where the two also appear to be distinguished. In doc. 75, p. 260, the tlaltepoztli is distinguished from the chicohuictli. A list of tools from Cuauhtinchan in 1589 includes ‘“‘one azad6n, one tepozhuictli, and one tlateconi tepoztli (instrument for cutting things, made of metal/iron)” (L. Reyes Garcia 1978, p. 140). Molina only partially confirms the distinction between tlaltepoztli and tepozhuictli. Under “‘coa de hierro,” “digging stick of iron (i.e., with an iron blade),” he gives tepozhuictli as to be expected (Spanish, f. 26v), but under the

Nahuatl word (f. 104v) he gives both possibilities: “hoe or mattock, or digging stick with iron blade.” _ Exactly what a tlateconi was is not entirely clear. I take the word to mean mainly

‘‘axe, hatchet.” But there are three widely separated passages in which the tlateconi : appears in tandem with tools of an agricultural nature, as though the three were the normal set. The example from Cuauhtinchan was just quoted; from Culhuacan, 1581, comes the series in tlaltepoztli in tlateconi in tepozbuictli, in which tlateconi is placed between the definitely agricultural tools (TC, doc. 45, p. 158). Speaking ostensibly of preconquest times, the Florentine Codex mentions in the same breath, as items sold in the market, a threesome of buictli huitzoctli tlateconi (FC, book 8, p. 68). Anderson and Dibble translate this as “digging sticks, pointed oaken poles, and hatchets,” whereas Sahagin renders it as “digging sticks, levers, and shovels (coas, y palancas, y palas)”; Sahagin 1975, p. 476), so that one great authority votes for “shovel” as the meaning. It is possible that tlateconi was a broad word with many meanings. It is also possible that the axe was considered among other things an agricultural tool, or alternatively, that the underlying notion of the series involved sharp objects made of hard materials for heavy work, rather than agricultural tools specifically. In one case, the

532 Notes to Pages 201-6 | Spanish loanword for axe appears in conjunction with tepozhuictli: ce hachaton ihuan ce tepozhuictli, “one little axe and one tepozhuictli” (Tezontla, Tetzcoco region, April 28, 1689; AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6). Allin all, I tend to think that in the 16th century tlateconi was an axe, increasingly one in European style with a head of iron or steel, and that with time the word was displaced by the Spanish hacha. 219. AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6, April 28, 1689. 220. CFP, f. 3. 221. See AGN, Tierras 2533, exp. 5, ff. 1—2v (Calimaya in the Toluca Valley, 1691), will of don Juan de la Cruz, sometime governor of Tepemaxalco, leaving a total of 16 yoke of oxen to various relatives. At nearly the same time, also in the Tepemaxalco district, don Juan Alonso left eight oxen and two cows to various heirs (Tierras 2533, exp. 3, ff. 1—-1v, Santa Maria de la Asuncion, 1692). 222. TC, doc. 45, p. 158 (Culhuacan, 1581). See also S. Cline 1986, pp. 112-13. 223. TC, passim. See S. Cline 1984 for a valuable reconstruction of the chinampa regime of Culhuacan; and Gibson 1964, pp. 320—21, for a brief synthesis of chinampa agriculture across the colonial period. See also Rojas Rabiela 1988, passim. 224. Asin BC, doc. 7, pp. 76-79. - 225. See especially BC, doc. 4, pp. 64—68, and also docs. 2, 3, 26 (part 5), pp. 54,

56, 60—61, 160. See also Arenas 1982, p. 17. ,

226. UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22-23 (Acatlan, Tulancingo region, 1689). 227. For examples see BC, doc. 34, pp. 210-11; UCLA TC, folder 1, accounts for 1567; TC, docs. 16, 31, 38, pp. 54, 104, 126; and CH, 2: 44, 47. For the various names, see Chap. 7. Originally, totolin by itself unambiguously meant turkey (hen) and was used in contrast to chicken, as in the 1567 passage in UCLA TC, folder 1, but in time, as with Chimalpahin in the early 17th century (CH, 2: 44), it could be used also to mean hen or chicken, causing some confusion for the modern reader.

Chapter 6 1. BC, doc. 29, pp. 176-91. 2. Gibson 1952, pp. 29-37. 3. See AZ 1:1, 10, 20, 32, 84, 98; Carrasco 1972; and MNAH AH, CAN 549, ff. 12, 25, 550, ff. r8v—19, 56v, 58, 64v, 551, ff. 82, 83v, 85. In most cases, the man with more than one wife is a tlatoani, teuctli, or calpolli leader, but a few seem to be ordinary calpolli members without large establishments or extensive land. 4. Sahagun 1986, especially pp. 146-55. 5. The facts of the above paragraph are extensively corroborated, though from a rather different perspective, in the chapter on religion in Gibson 1964, pp. 98-135. I am not sure at what point the term visita came to be applied to the town or the church rather than to the ecclesiastical tour, which was the original meaning. In account books of the Franciscan monastery of Tula in the second and third decades of the 17th century (MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 45), there is no instance in which

the word unambiguously refers to the building, foundation, or settlement rather than the act of visiting. Whatever the terminology, the phenomenon of the dependent chapel based on a calpolli goes back at least to the 1540's (as can be deduced from

Notes to Pages 207-11 533. TA, pp. 14, 40 [item 36], 48 [item 93], 50 [item 112], and 60 [item 169]) and probably earlier. See Gibson 1964, p. 120, for a 1539 example (though it is somewhat dubious, since the record is contained in a posterior document with many of the characteristics of the “titles” genre). Mufioz Camargo, writing in the early 1580s, does use the word

in the specific sense, but implies that the usage is a bit new or technical: “las iglesias, ... las cuales llaman los ministros de doctrina visitas de los monasterios” (1984, p- 96).

6. See Ricard 1966, chap. 3. 7. TA, selection 15, pp. 97—103, especially p. 101, statement of Hernando de Salazar.

8. CH, 2: 11-12. The story is told under the year of 1537, but it seems to extend over both earlier and later years, and a section referring to the governorship may relate to the 1560's. Quetzalmagatzin means Plumed Deer; Tequanxayactzin One with the Face of a Fierce Beast. See also Schroeder 1989, p. 26. :

g. For one expression of this view, see Ricard 1966, p. 79. ,

to. CH, 2: 65. The matter was later settled (2: 67). Chimalpahin calls the church

“ynhuehuechan,” “their patrimonial home.” |

t1. See Schwaller 1987, especially chap. 3; and Gibson 1964, pp. 102—10. The friars lost far less than they claimed they did. 12. It is in this light that I would interpret phenomena such as those reported in

Gibson 1964, pp. 112, 120-21. |

13. Example in BC, doc. 28, pp. 174-77. See Gibson 1964, pp. 54, 120-21. For related altepetl developments, see Chap. 2, section “The Evolution of Units and

Unit Concepts.” ,

_ 14. Anales de Diego Garcia, 1502-1601, MNAH AH, CAN 274, no. 24,

pp. 986—87. My thanks to Frances M. Krug for access to these sections of the annals.

annalist’s account. , ,

The truth of what happened, of course, may be at considerable variance with the

15. CH, 2: 40, 41. ,

16. CH, 2: 121. 17. Robert Haskett has brought to my attention a passage in a Nahuatl petition directed to the Spanish governor of the Marquesado in Cuernavaca, ca. 1607, in which the writer, Pedro de Molina, claims that his grandfather don Francisco Cortés, active in the time of Hernando Cortés, was a “tecuihtlamacazqui,” a “lordly priest,” presumably an indigenous rank and function, who also in some‘way served the Christian church and even received what his grandson called “rations” for it. The grandson continued in the tradition, playing the organ and serving as secretary to the father guardian of the Franciscan monastery. (AGN, Hospital de Jestis 210, no. 38, included in Haskett 1985, appendix IIIA, p. 650.) _ 18. For some reason, despite Gibson’s deep knowledge of altepetl officeholding, the nature and importance of the office of fiscal largely escaped him in The Aztecs (1964), as the religion chapter shows. The omission is all the stranger because Ricard before him had shown a very adequate grasp of the fiscal post and had given it quite

prominent treatment (especially 1966, p. 98). |

20. TCB, p. 11. , 19. See Celestino Solis et al. 1985.

534 Notes to Pages 211-13

21. BC, docs. 20, 21, pp. 112-17. 22. TC, doc. 13, pp. 40-45. Don Juan seems to have made little distinction between church property and his own, nor did he always quickly put money received to the purpose intended. On his death, church debts exceeded assets.

23. CH, Il, 32. The fiscal was don Esteban de la Cruz Mendoza, tlatoani of Tequanipan.

24. BC, doc. 3, p. 62. , 25. BC, doc. 6, p. 76. In 1723, Santiago Chalco had a fiscal and a fiscal teniente

(AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 1). Haskett 1985 gives further examples. 26. This is a rather frustrating situation considering that Chimalpahin was himself the next thing to a fiscal in a Mexico City church, and one suspects much the same of other ecclesiastically oriented Nahuatl annalists. Ricard’s brief summary of the office’s duties (1966, pp. 97—98) is accurate as far as I know, except that he somewhat confuses the titles of the fiscal and the lower-ranking mandon, a term in any case little used in Nahuatl. Ricard is aware that mandon is essentially restricted to Spanish but is under the misapprehension that the same is true of “fiscal.” Moreover, Ricard had little notion of the fiscal’s position within the indigenous community. Indeed, his picture of the fiscal’s duties seems to come largely from modern sources, and its accuracy is a function of the fact that those duties are still the same as they have been ever since the late 16th century. Haskett (1985, pp. 329—34) gives additional but congruent details, drawn from documents of the time and place, about the fiscal’s activities, including his responsibility for bell ringing. 27. The Tula monastery account book of the early 17th century (MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 45) is a storehouse of information on the fiscal’s financial activities. During part of this time, Tula tried to maintain a distinction between the fiscal proper and the sindico, or treasurer, but the two posts showed a strong tendency over the years to collapse into one. The sindico Juan de Contreras became so active that the records hardly speak of a fiscal, until finally Contreras himself was given that title, without changing the nature of his activity (see records from 1608 to 1617).

28. AGN, Criminal 234, ff. 80—100. ;

29. The Spanish secular custodians of the property of the dead (tenedores de los

bienes de los difuntos), however, did the same and worse, gaining well-deserved notoriety for using the funds for their own investments. Compare Lockhart 1972,

Pp. 290, 396. |

30. AGN, Criminal 234, f. 83. 31. Some testators in the Culhuacan wills of ca. 1580 specifically set aside maize, beans, and chickens to be consumed by those taking part in the burial ceremonies (TC, docs. 31, 69, pp. 104, 244). Similar examples in later testaments are hard to find, but the explanation seems to be merely that, as so often, an action that had become routine was dropped from the written record, for similar practices survive among indigenous people to the present day. 32. The best laboratory for observing the Nahuas’ use of the mass is, at present, the Culhuacan testament collection (TC; compare S. Cline 1986, chap. 3). Though there are not enough cases for a strictly statistical approach, the material is all from the same time and place, allowing one to make some well-founded analyses of the reasons for variation. The collection of Toluca Valley wills that Stephanie Wood is

Notes to Pages 213-15 535 forming, considerably more varied in provenience but including a greater number, should be an additional valuable resource for studying this topic. In the Culhuacan wills, it is more often than not women who ask for everything to be sold. Conceivably,

a greater overall female religiosity, on the Spanish pattern, was forming. But even more relevant to the situation, I think, was the apparent fact that the heir of last resort, the place where the line stopped and remnant property was available, was more often a woman, perhaps because men left alone more quickly acquired additional

dependents. |

33. TC, doc. 44, p. 154: “yuhqui yn can quimopatiotilliz.” 34. The Culhuacan wills (TC) are full of such cases, many no doubt attributable to the then-raging epidemic, but in other cases years had passed; in the interval, remarriages had taken place and children had been born.

35. Examples in TC, as in doc. 31, pp. 100-107. | 36. The extant copy of the Nahuatl bears the title “In animaztin ihuan albaceas” (“Souls and Executors”’), which J can hardly believe was part of the original. The copy, a typescript by J. H. Cornyn, is the item “Souls and Testamentory Executors,” Library of Congress, MMC 2771, “Aztec Dramas” box. See especially f. 3v. 37. AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6. 38. The only Spaniard I have seen so accused in Nahuatl materials is fray Ge-

ronimo de Zarate, chaplain of San José in Mexico City in 1612, who according to Chimalpahin (2: 103—4, 109) took people’s property and failed to say the masses due.

Zarate is a béte noir for Chimalpahin and in his version was also detested by the Mexica, who suffered under his ministrations and were greatly relieved when he was replaced. He is said to have spent cofradia funds, insulted people in public, and had them whipped for resisting him, even if they were ill. Chimalpahin makes a point of saying that Zarate was a monstrous exception, and that no other friar at San José had ever behaved in such a manner. Spanish ecclesiastics rarely served as witnesses to testaments, the whole proceedings taking place in the presence of Nahuas only. I have yet to see a priest named in connection with the testament of a commoner or even an ordinary noble. In the 16th century, one or more ecclesiastics sometimes (but by no means most of the time) appear when the testator was an important dynast. Even this faded out with time; the latest example I know is from 1622, when fray Alonso de Paredes witnessed the will | of don Juan de Guzman, a member of the tlatoani family of Coyoacan (BC, doc. 4, p. 68). 39. AGN, Tierras 3548, exp. 3 [?], f. 1. Similar concern by the cabildo, without

the action of the fiscal, is seen extensively in TA (see pp. 17—18). ,

Luis de Tapia.

40. MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 45, ff. 117v-118. The loan had taken place during or before 1617; the fiscal was Juan de Contreras and the governor don Andrés

41. AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 9. 42. Ibid. 2338, exp. 1, f. 31 and unnumbered folio of May 1758. 43. Haskett (1985, pp. 328—30) resists the notion of rotation between the positions of fiscal and governor as a regular phenomenon, tending to see it instead as exceptional and emphasizing that the common run of fiscales in the Cuernavaca region never reached the governorship. As a statistical fact, this is probably generally

(«$36 Notes to Pages 215—16 true. The same could be said of alcaldes. Haskett himself gives an impressive list of fiscal-governors in the Cuernavaca area, and instances occur from early-17th-century Tula to 18th-century Tlatelolco (AGN, Tierras 104, exp. 8, no. f., don Gregorio de San Buenaventura as fiscal Nov. 1, 1712, and governor June 27, 1721). In my view, regardless of exactly how common the officeholding sequence alcalde-fiscal-governor may have been in statistical terms, it ranks as a normal career pattern. See below at n. 97 for an example of this sequence, all the more meaningful because of its mythical-

archetypal nature. : |

44. Whereas from the point of view of Spanish officials, the greatest responsibility of the indigenous functionaries was the collection and delivery of royal taxes and the procurement of draft labor. 45. Asin BC, docs. 2, 4, pp. 54, 64 (Coyoacan 1588, 1622). The word teopantlacatl is virtually always in the plural, though it could if necessary occur in the singular with reference to a specific person . 46. UCLA TC, folder 1, entries for Dec. 11, 1567, Dec. 20, 1568, Dec. 16, 1569. Nahuatl noun doublets most often contain two words that mean the same thing or in conjunction metaphorically name a single thing, but teopantlaca cuicanime without further context could conceivably mean two separate groups or “those of the church people who are singers.” A possibly slightly earlier attestation, from an entry for 1564 in anonymous annals of Tenochtitlan, has exactly the same phrase, “‘teopantlaca cuicanime” (MNAH AH, GO 14, p. 14). I have refrained from giving this as the earliest occurrence because we cannot be certain the entry was written in its present form at the same time as the events, but it probably was.

47. See NMY, doc. 2, p. 94 (Xochimilco 1572); and UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22-23 (San Miguel Acatlan, Tulancingo region, 1659). As the second example shows, cantores continues to appear occasionally in later texts, but in my experience it seems to become increasingly rare once teopantlaca had established itself. 48. The most straightforward evidence of the term’s preconquest provenience that J have seen is Tezozomoc’s reference to the servants of the preconquest god Huitzilopochtli as teopantlaca, all the more impressive because ‘he inserts the Nahuatl word into a Spanish text (1975, p. 424). Another reason that can be adduced is that the word from which the term derives, teopan, appears to have referred to a sacred pre-

cinct in preconquest times.

Some have imagined that because of the implications of the word teocalli (lit., _ “god-house, divinity house”)—the primary term for preconquest temples—a new word, teopan, “(Christian) church,” was invented to refer specifically to Christian places of worship. Although teopan is in fact the standard postconquest term, and teocallt is less frequently seen except when there is some occasion to refer to preconquest temples, teocalli does occur in the meaning “house of Christian worship.” The pious Chimalpahin uses it several times in this sense (CH, 2: 15, 31, 127), and it also occurs in mundane documentation (Lé6pez y Magafia 1980, doc. 3; Tetzcoco, 1589) and “primordial titles” (AGN, Tierras 1780, exp. 3, f. 3v; Sultepec area, ca. 1680), not to speak of the Guadalupe story printed in the mid-17th century under the auspices of a Spanish priest (Lasso de la Vega 1926). Molina defines the word under “teucalli’ as “church or temple” and under “teocalli” in even more strongly Christian terms as “house of God or church.” |

Notes to Page 216 537 On the other hand, there is every indication that teopan (lit., ““where a god is [or gods are], where divinity is’) is not a postconquest formation. For example, the most common Nahuatl name for the San Pablo quarter of Tenochtitlan was Teopan. The term appears several times in the Florentine Codex in specific reference to preconquest temples, most impressively in FC, book 6, pp. 209-10, where teopan is twice used for indigenous non-Christian temples in general. See also book 2, chap. 20, f. 17, of Sahagtin 1979; and FC, book 12, p. 96 (chap. 34). The word would have been a strange choice indeed for Spanish clerics to have hit upon as a replacement for teocalli, since it repeats the very element that putatively gave them pause, teotl, “god,” the use of which they apparently feared could imply too close an equation of preconquest deities with the Christian divinity. Regarding the preconquest status of teopan as proved, then, I believe that it simply evolved as postconquest Nahua usage rather than being deliberately invented for a doctrinal purpose. And if it was in any sense a neologism, it was surely devised in the first instance by Nahuas, for it is utterly idiomatic. It was primarily used as a locative (i.e., it translates as “the church” less often than as “‘at or to the church’’). The simple noun sense was a secondary development, and the form with the absolutive ending -z/i, although it existed, was little used. Teopancalli, with the addition of calli, “house,” was sometimes preferred for the structure, and I have often been left with the impression that teopan refers to the whole church precinct. Molina’s definition of teopan is exactly the same as the principal one of teocalli, “church or temple.” (I see no way of being sure just what Molina meant by “‘temple.”) The two terms remind one very much of the set teccalli and tecpan (see Chap. 4, section “Nobles, Lords, and Rulers’).

The Spanish word iglesia also frequently appears in Nahuatl texts, mostly in set | loan phrases such as santa iglesia romana and with reference to the ecumenical organization rather than the physical plant, but occasionally with the latter meaning too. Since in my experience in the great majority of cases teocalli refers to a small church or chapel, it has occurred to me that a distinction of size might have existed between teopan and teocalli; yet Chimalpahin once calls the original cathedral of Mexico City a “teocalli” (CH, 2: 31). Because teopan mainly lacks an absolutive ending, one cannot be positive whether in the construction teopantlacatl it is bound to tlacatl, “per-

son,” or not. The form teopan tlacatl, with the elements as separate freestanding ~ words, may be more correct than the form I have chosen.

49. BC, doc. 18, p. r10. 50. CH, 2: 18 (also pp. 11 and 12, possibly misplaced chronologically). 51. TC, doc. 6o, p. 220. 52. Nineteen people received land; of these 13 are named, one without the size of the allotment. The distribution was as follows. The leader was allotted 100 units (doubtless the Coyoacan quahuitl, perhaps about 12 feet) by 60; two people got 80

by 60, four 60 square, and five possibly 60 by 40 or 40 by 4o. The other seven presumably got less. Even the smallest of the amounts listed would have been substan-

tial if good land was involved, and the largest are comparable to the tracts held by high nobles. (BC, doc. 18, p. 110; see also the detailed discussion of the document in Horn 1989, pp. 238-40.) Nahuatl documents generally fail to mention the instruction in European music received from friars in the early time, giving instead the impression that the Nahuas

538 Notes to Pages 217-19 perpetuated the skills among themselves. The only two references to Spanish instruction I have seen both mention fray Pedro de Gante in Mexico City. Chimalpahin (2: 25) speaks of fray Pedro as teacher of the Mexica cantors (“ynmaestro yn cantores mexica”). The anonymous annalist of the 1560's says (MNAH AH, GO 14, p. 150) that fray Pedro had the church singers learn a pipilcuicatl (“children’s song”) in 1567. The passage seems ambiguous and, as far as ] can make out, does not quite say that fray Pedro actually taught them the song: “Septienbre 1567 ypan in mocuicamachtique teopantlaca pipilcuicatl in quimomachtique ompa teopan momachtiaya yten-

copa in totatzin frai p° de gante quito yevatl mevaz in iquac ylhuitzin quicaz S. fran©°,” (“In September 1567, the teopantlaca learned [or were taught] songs. What they learned [or were taught] was a pipilcuicatl. It was being learned [or taught] at the church by order of our father fray Pedro de Gante. He said it was to be sung when the day of San Francisco is celebrated.’’)

«43. Seen. 46, above. 54. The musicians doubtless also received fees on other occasions less likely to appear in the documents, such as the parading of individuals’ saints mentioned above (at n. 28); but it seems to me that funerals must have been their best business.

55. AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 8, ff. 26-27.

56. See Haskett 1985, pp. 327—5§0, for lists of officers and duties in the Cuernavaca region over most of the colonial period. Haskett is aware of the interpenetra_ tion of functions. The same phenomenon is seen among lesser altepetl officials. See

Chap. 2, section “Minor Officials”; and TA, pp. 13-14. 57. For example, BC, docs. 20, 21, pp. 112—17 (Coyoacan, 1575). 58. Ibid. Baltasar Pérez appears as “alguazil teopan” on p. 114 and as “teopan topile” on p..116. Sometimes, as in this case, there were two church constables in the stricter sense, but in the records one preeminent figure is more common. Molina glosses topile as “alguacil” without giving any other alternative. The “teopan topile”’ mentioned in the Azcapotzalco region in 1695 (Appendix A, Doc. 4) also seems to have been a true alguacil de la iglesia.

59. TC, docs. 43, 55, pp. 150, 198. See also S. Cline 1986, pp. 9, 46. The Spanish word coro referred to the physical location in the church, not to the singers, who made up the capilla (though the singing did take place in the coro). Juan Bautista may have been the janitor for the choir rather than a person in charge of the singers. 60. TC, doc. 61, p. 222. Martin Jacobo never calls himself church notary, or cabildo notary either, but uses escribano nombrado, a term that in Spanish meant an interim notary named for the occasion. See the many indexed references to Martin Jacobo and notaries in S. Cline 1986. 61. This is not an exceptionless trend. Both examples and exceptions may be seen in the wills in BC and NMY. 62. See S. Cline 1986, pp. 44—46, 95-96. Notaries must have received a fee directly from the client for each document produced, as in the Spanish world, but I

have seen no unequivocal direct evidence to that effect. , |

63. Ricard left the impression that cofradias sprang into existence immediately as part of a general plan of Christianization (see 1966, pp. 181—82). Gibson corrected the perspective, calling the cofradia a delayed phenomenon (1964, p. 127). He emphasizes the small number of sodalities founded in the 16th century, seeing the time

, Notes to Page 219 539 of vigor as coming after 1600. I would not deny this in terms of relative numbers, but without a firm statistical basis, I have begun to believe that important foundations in larger units were occurring regularly from the 1570’s forward even though the wave of proliferation came later. Some of it may prove to bear a relation to late altepetl fragmentation. For all that Gibson’s multidimensional mapping did to increase the intelligibility of central Mexican history, it perforce stopped short of exhaustiveness. A great many constituent parts of altepetl and parishes remained unnamed and unlocated. The records may never permit us to fill in the picture entirely, but the resources for a very substantial thickening of the map do exist, and to improve our understanding of many topics affecting both the Hispanic and the indigenous world, it is imperative that further compilation be carried out. Robert Haskett and Stephanie Wood are doing valuable mapping beyond the Valley of Mexico, of the Cuernavaca region and the Toluca Valley respectively, but we also, and perhaps even more, require secondgeneration maps of yet greater detail. Intensive work on specific subregions may hold out the best hope; Rebecca Horn’s research on Coyoacan (1989) has produced impressive results in this respect. Once we have a more detailed roster and map of sociopolitical units, comparing it with the process of cofradia formation should prove extremely fruitful, but there too large-scale, systematic work, not an easy task, is much needed.

altepetl.

64. Chance and Taylor 1985, pp. 8—12. Farriss 1984 shows the cofradia extremely well developed and integrated with other local mechanisms in colonial Yucatan. Perhaps this is one more indication, despite Yucatan’s prominence in Mesoamerican culture history, of its relative peripherality by colonial times, and also of the difference in structure between its sociopolitical units and the central Mexican 65. See, for example, BC, docs. 8, 27, 28, pp. 78—83, 168-69, 174-77.

66. What Gibson calls unofficial cofradias were, however, dedicated to such saints (1964, pp. 129-30). An example of such an arrangement comes from San Miguel Tocuillan (Tetzcoco region), dated 1722 (AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 1, f. 14). A Spaniard (one of whose relatives married into the community) has rented a piece of land that a citizen of Tocuillan left to the patron saint San Miguel and has now paid two pesos, a year’s rent, which is acknowledged by a group consisting of the alcalde (there was no governor), regidor mayor, fiscal, the “majordomo of the church,” and “mochi tlacatl cofrandias,” apparently meaning “all the people or members of the cofradia,” although the writer of the Nahuatl may have been confused about the distinction between cofradia, the organization, and cofrades, the members. There was ordinarily no such position as ““majordomo of the church,” the title majordomo being reserved for the stewards of cofradias, and that is apparently what is intended here; I take the language not merely as a mistake but as indicative of the lack of differentiation between the cofradia and other organizations. Here the altepetl officials, the fiscal of the church, and the cofradia all act as one, with no concern for the last as a separate

entity. This particular cofradia was doubtless an unofficial volunteer and booster group for the festivities of the patron saint, and “cofradia” was hardly more than a name for the more actively involved part of the whole congregation. 67. For an example, see BC, doc. 4, p. 68 (Coyoacan, 1622).

540 Notes to Pages 220-22 68. CH, 2: 33-34, 45. 69. CH, 2: 110, 120, 121. Diego Lopez of Tlatelolco was a guaubtlacuilo; the word is defined by Molina as “woodcarver” despite its apparent etymological meaning “one who paints on wood.” Chimalpahin is not specific, but I take it that Diego Lopez, who was a good friend of his, was an indigenous person. 70. The Tula cofradia book (TCB) is in the section “Latin American Mss.— Mexico” in the manuscripts department of the Lilly Library, Indiana University. At one time, the book would probably have been far from unique; close counterparts may yet appear. Below (at n. 96) I will have some occasion to refer to fragments of a cofradia book, from 17th-century Xochimilco, which Gibson knew and used with much profit (1964, p. 128). The records I] have seen correspond in most respects, including some small details, with what Gibson reports of them, but I found them in a place different from that specified in his reference. Gibson gives MNAH AH, CAN 339, ff. rr et seq., 151r et seq. I found the same volume in the same repository, Fondo Franciscano 129; presumably some rearrangement took place between our visits. The _ volume is a superficially chaotic collection of disparate materials. Gibson, I believe, could not spend the great amount of time required to identify the various parts and construct an order or relationship. Neither could I, and the no doubt worthwhile task still faces us. It was not clear to me, nor I think to Gibson, which parts of the volume are from Xochimilco, and which from the Franciscan monastery in Cholula. 71. Although the constitution seems to envision a commingling of the two constituencies, that never happened, at least not on a large scale. The members listed are so overwhelmingly indigenous that it seems separate lists must have been kept for _ Spaniards; indeed, one such list is included in the volume. Two sets of officers were elected in 1590 (TCB, p. 40; my pagination; in the original the folios are not numbered); in 1591, only Spanish officers are mentioned. For the rest, all the officers seem indigenous. It appears to me that two separate organizations arose almost immediately, but that occasionally some of the affairs of the Spanish branch ended up in the indigenous book. When a Spanish person’s entrance and fee payment are on rare occasions recorded in Nahuatl in the otherwise indigenous lists, conceivably that person in condescension or piety was lending his name to the indigenous branch, though I am by no means sure of this. (One sure case is that of the posthumous entrance of the alcalde mayor into the “cofradia de los naturales” in 1660: p. 75.) 72. TCB, p. 8, item 14 of the ordinances: “in teutlacotlaliztli [sic for tetlacotlaliztli] yn itoca Charidad.” Another possibility, which I do not exclude even though it would not be characteristic, is that both the Spanish and the Nahuatl version (the Most Holy Sacrament being everywhere the premier cofradia) were so standard that they had circulated about the country for some time, which would explain the apparent archaism equally well. I must admit that Spanish-Nahuatl doublets do occur in much later texts also, but in general they are a sign of the newness of that particular Spanish concept to the writer. 73. TCB, p. 9, item 21 of the ordinances. Miccatepoztli is occasionally found also in later writings, including Chimalpahin.

| 74. VCB, p. 14. | 75. The list covers pp. 55-63 of TCB. , . 76. ITCB, pp. 11-17. The number is approximate because the records do not

Notes to Pages 222-25 541 always make a clear distinction between two people who entered as a couple and a woman (rarely man) who entered alone, with the spouse (probably dead without its being specifically said so, as it is in many cases) named only to identify the new member the better. The fee paid clears things up in some cases, but not all, since those entering on their deathbeds paid higher fees, and some people paid more than was required simply as a gesture. Some abbreviated notations commonly added to the entries may render their meaning clearer, if ever deciphered. 77. Nevertheless, the rate of entry of new members around 1579-81 did not differ substantially from the rate in the years just preceding and following. 78. Tepexic occurs seven times. I am not sure whether the entity meant is the major altepetl south of Tula, entirely out of the parish but closely associated with Tula’s affairs inrsome ways, or a tlaxilacalli of Tula with the same name. An entry of 1607 (TCB, p. 63) refers to Tepexic as a member’s tlaxilacalli (‘‘ytlaxilacalco”). However, some of the surrounding altepetl are also sometimes so denominated (San Pedro and San Marcos, 1636, p. 73). Neither status would change the overall picture drastically. Over time, all the towns in the Tula parish appear at least once. Best represented is the largest, Tlahuelilpa (Tlaahuililpan), followed by the small entities located on the doorstep of Tula, San Lorenzo Xipacoyan, San Pedro, and San Marcos. I suspect that in preconquest times many or all of these entities were joined with Tula in some complex altepetl structure. The fact that the remaining affiliations are tlaxilacalli of Tula proper is proved not only by the use of that term but by an occasional more specific phrase such as “chane nican tullan tzanpotla pohui,” “citizen here in Tula, belonging to Tzapotla” (1634, p. 72). In the text, I speak of “‘twenty-odd”’ affiliations not merely because of the Tepexic question but because I am not sure whether some infrequently occurring words are personal names or affiliations. Moreover, the names seem to denote entities of different orders, some included within others, without the relationships ever being defined. Thus Tenexcalco appears in the 1570—73 list eight times, Panoayan three, and Panoayan Tenexcalco once, from which I deduce that Panoayan was very likely a subdivision of Tenexcalco. The tlaxilacalli named ten times or more in the list are Quanallan, 22; Tzapotla, 20; Tlacpac, 19; Quetzalhuacan, 17; Tepetlapan, 16; Acxotlan, 14; and Tlalcohualco, 12. 79. ITCB, p. 90. It is possible, however, that for practical purposes the first ring of small altepetl around Tula had by this time been absorbed within the larger entity (seat of the alcalde mayor and a Spanish residential community) as barrios. 80. TCB, pp. 11, 17. Juan Damian’s exact office in the cofradia is not given; it is only said that he and Juan Garcia kept the entrance register from the beginning until May 1573. Thereafter, the newly elected diputados were to carry out that task with the help of the majordomo Juan Garcia. Since Juan Damian’s name precedes that of Juan Garcia, it seems likely that he was majordomo; if not, he must have been diputado. 81. TCB, pp. 66 (for don Andrés Luis de Tapia as governor, see MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 45, ff. 117v—118), 68, 70. 82. TCB, pp. 40, 53, 54 (for Juan de Contreras as sindico/fiscal, see MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 45, accounts for the years 1608—17; see also n. 27, above). 83. TCB, p. 66. Because the names of many members are given without their

542 Notes to Pages 225-29 unit affiliation and many names with affiliations repeat so often that one cannot be | sure which individual is involved in a given instance, I cannot document my strong presumption that officers were drawn from Tula proper, not the outlying altepetl. 84. ICB, pp. 68, 70, 76. 85. TCB, p. 17. 86. TCB, pp. 53-54. The governors and alcaldes of all the altepetl of the parish | were informed of the action, showing again the provincewide aspect of the Most Holy Sacrament. 87. TCB, p. 68. The central passages of the Nahuatl run: “cenca huel ytlacauhtica huel poliuhtica yn cofradia atle cera ayac quimocuitlahuia yhuan ayc omopatlac yn mayordomo yhuan diputados ypanpa yn can otlaxicauhque.”’ 88. For the 1683 office, see TCB, p. 86.

90. TCB, pp. 86-87. : O91. Seen. 76. oe

, 89. TCB, pp. 68, 70.

, 92. TCB, p. 54: “yuan oc no nahuintin yllamatque yn tehuipanazque cenca mavizcotiyez teoyutl ynic atle can [... ] ventzintli vel no yehuantin quiqualitazque yn tleyn monequi yvan tenonotzazque teyxtlamachtizque.” I suspect that the damaged portion contained something like “‘nenquicaz.” “Monequi” could be translated as “needed” rather than “used (spent).” The text continues “aco ittoz yntla aca motla- | pololtitinemi ynic quixtiloz amo oncan pouiz confradia,” “perhaps it will be seen if anyone Is living senselessly so that he should be ejected and not belong to the cofra-. dia.” It is not clear to me whether or not this specifically meant that the old women wete to involve themselves in such investigations and decisions. 93. TCB, p. 68: “yhuan nahuintin teoyotica tenantzitzinhuan ynic huel quimocuitlahuizque yn sta cofradia ynic huel mahuizyotiez yhuan ypan tlahtozque ynic ca_lacohuaz yn cofradia yn aquique ayamo oncan mopohua yhuan quinmocuitlahuizque yn cocoxcatzitzinti yn motenehua hermanos yhuan yn icnotlacatzitzinti ypan tlahtozque yn tlein ytech monequiz yn ipanpa yAnima yhuan yn itech pohui ytlalnacayo.” 94. TCB, pp. 86-87. It occurred to me that the diputados might be related to the diputadas in the ratio of four to one, and that some four-part sociopolitical division might still be at the root of the allocation, but 44 or 45 to 14 does not seem close

enough. , 95. ITCB, p. 91.

96. MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 129, ff. r—2. (On these records, see n. 70; , and Gibson 1964, p. 128.) The word that in context seems to mean “contribution(s), that which was solicited” is tlayebualli. One presumes that later in the colonial period, cacao bean offerings became less common. The phrase relating to burial is teanato, “they went to get someone.” The Cofradia de la Veracruz kept receipts and expenses in separate books; the Tula cofradia probably also kept such books, as implied in the 1604 inspection (TCB, p. 53). The extant Tula cofradia book is primarily a record of membership and elections, and the Xochimilco sodality likely had a similar one. 97. AGN, Tierras 1780, exp. 3, ff. 3v, 1, 5v—6 (Spanish translation); f. 1 contin-

ues f. 3v, but since the writer of the document probably patched it together from earlier materials, the church and the border parts may have been separate originally. | do not know whether Quatepec (Quauhtepec? Coatepec?) was an entirely indepen-

Notes to Page 230 543 dent altepetl or a constituent part of Sultepec. Don Pedro speaks of himself and his son as having been governors, but does not specify the entity. The suit containing the document was brought by officials of Sultepec, who had it in their possession. Since don Pedro mentions having been baptized (not a very newsworthy event for any time more than a generation or so after the conquest) and bears an indigenous surname, and since the exploits of two succeeding generations figure (however unclearly) in the narrative, I suspect that don Pedro was a quasi-legendary personage from the conquest period or not much later, and that he is here associated with actions, offices, and people of a later time by having the words put in his mouth. The date as given on f. 3 is “168 Anos”; f. 1 has “166 Afios.” The Spanish translator omitted these as meaningless, but since the associated f. 2v gives a standard 1660, I believe the intention of the other two was 1680 and 1660. The Nahuatl contains the Spanish loanword hasta and other indications that it was written no earlier than mid-

17th century.

98. See the discussion of the de la Cruz line in Chap. 4, section ““The Persistence of an Upper Group.” 99. CFP, f. 11: “Axca juebes a 21 de marco 1669 afios nica momachiotiz yn itoca jusepato otichuapanque nica yntic calli onohuapahua — axca omonamictique ytonca diego de s.tiago,” “Today, Thursday, March 21, 1669, it will be manifested here that the one named Little Josefa, whom we raised, who was raised here inside the house, and one called Diego de Santiago were married.” roo. Aside from those whose offices are given in Table 6.3, Matias de San Francisco, maestro, was a future governor (CFP, f. 11), and Gabriel de San Pedro a future

alcalde (f. 3). Pedro Joaquin, who was one of the cantors in 1657 (f. 2v; likely already | in 1647), was alguacil mayor in 1655 (f. 5v). Baltasar de Santiago was no doubt on the same level as Pedro Joaquin; given their low places on the list and their small contributions, we would not expect that they advanced much further. The two women

were probably widows of former governors, alcaldes, maestros, or the like. a ror. The “San Lucas people” (‘Sa lucas tlacatl”) must be the people of that constituent part as a unit. The tlapaliuhque (sometimes “‘tlapalique” in the text) were the equivalent of macehualtin, “commoners” (which occurs f. 17; 1683), but the term refers only to adult males (compare “‘tlapaliuhque yuan cinhuame,” “tlapaliuhque and women,” as witnesses in 1658; f. 17), especially in their capacity as cultivators of the soil (see also Chap. 4, section ‘““The Persistence of an Upper Group”). What unit the tlapaliuhque were from is not said, but J think probably from the four Tepemaxalco

districts clustered not far from the monastery (the ones listed in NMY, doc. 8, pp. 108-11; the fifth and last, Mexicapan, “where the Mexica are,” does not figure

in the de la Cruz book; otherwise the order in NMY is the standard one). | 102. CFP, f. 1v: “timochti tictlalia tofirma amo quemania quitozque Aco mochi ~ tlacatl oquicouhque organo ca ¢a quezqui tlacatl oquicouhque.” 103. CFP, f. 2 (1656): “tlapalique ca ¢a otlapalehuique yc mitzoma cuezcomatl ¢a quezqui tlacatl oquauhhuilaque.” Ibid., f. 3 (1655): “tlapaliuhque Acan amo quimopielia yotan: sa cemilhuitequitl sa yehuatl oquihuicaque huitzontli sa quezqui tlacatl otequipanoque.” An entry of 1658 for once does acknowledge that the tlapaliuhque of San Pablo Tepemaxalco (the cluster near the monastery church) and the people of San Lucas and Santa Maria de la Asuncion (outlying constituents) erected a

544 Notes to Pages 231-34 tequicalli, a tribute- or workhouse, for San Francisco (or for San Francisco Pochtlan?; see n. 109), in connection with the special field: ‘““omoquez tequicalli sa fran©° oqui-

quesque tlapalique sa pablo tepemaxalcon — ynhua sa lucas tlacatl otlapalehuique — ynhua sancta maria Asupcio tlacatl otlapalehuique”’ (f. 3). 104. CFP, f. 9v: “yhua calimaya tlacatl atley oquitemacaque tomi — san ixquich otetlaqualtique.” — 105. CFP, f. 2 (1647): “yn quemania amo acan quitos: Ago altepetl oquicouhque canmara”; “cuezcomatl amo quemania quitosque Aco altepetl oquichiuhque ca sa tehuati catores... oticchiuhque.” Altepetl, though grammatically singular here, takes plural verbs. The writer seems to be thinking of the general population of the entity, or of the members of its governmental hierarchy, rather than of the entity itself. Consider a passage of 1667 (f. 9v): “amo quemania quitozque altepehuaque ago comonidad oquiz tomi,” “the citizens of the altepetl [or town fathers] are not to say sometime that the money came from community funds.” 106. CFP, f. 17: “amo quemania tlen quitozque y macehualtin tehuantin ticmachiotia yni libro tialtepepixcatzintzinhuan yn tt© dioz.” 107. CFP, f. 3v: “Amo quemania quitosque ago mochi yaxca altepetl oniquitla-

tlanili amo yaxca oconaque jurameton.” , _ , :

108. CFP, f. r6v. In March 1683, don Francisco Nicolas, alcalde pasado, and his wife Teresa Francisca donated a lot to Guadalupe and Jess Nazareno on which to. grow maguey for them, but it does not necessarily follow that they did so because the

chapel had just been built. , ,

tog. San Francisco’s church and field are never specifically tied to Pochtlan in the

text, but I deduce the association from Pochtlan’s advocation, seen in the phrase “Santo San Fran©° puxtla” (CFP, f. 21v). 110. From 1652, don Pedro was deeply involved in working San Juan’s field, and he was majordomo in 1655 when a church (the first?) was built and consecrated (CFP, ff. 2, 5v). He became governor in 1657 (f. 6). See NMY, doc. 8, p. 109, for his affiliation. Paxiontitlan is based on Spanish pasion, ‘“‘next to the (image of) the Passion.” 111. See, for example, CFP, ff. 3v, 7. 112. CFP, f. 12. It is interesting that these district-specific chapels nevertheless drew some support from all over greater Tepemaxalco; see n. 103. 113. CFP, ff. 8, 8v, 10, 11, I1Vv.

114. CFP, f. 13, among others. ,

115. CFP, f. 24. 116. Anentry of 1653 says that the “teonpatlacatl” (the Tepemaxalco book never has tlacatl in the plural) had the organ painted (CFP, f. 5), and an entry of 1660 speaks of the “tenopatlacatl [sic] cuicanime,” “church people, singers,” making a contribution from the cantors’ maguey (f. 6v).

117. See CFP, ff. 1, 5, 6—6v, 7. The construction “ytequimil” (f. 1; see also _ Table 6.3), “their tribute field,” appears to have a singular possessor, but in the Tepemaxalco book i/y- and in/yn- are used indistinguishably; compare “‘ytlaor catores,”

“the maize of the cantors” (f. 7; 1661). ,

118. A passage of 1659 shows the governor holding the cantors’ money (“catonres ytomi nicpieya”; CFP, f. 6), but in 1666, when the governor and a, notary checked the fund, the wording suggests the cantors themselves were holding it (f. 9).

Notes to Pages 234-37 545 119. CFP, f. 2 (1656). 120. The group that took care of San Juan’s field from 1652 through 1654 consisted of cantors and former cantors (CFP, f. rv). 121. CFP, f. 2v (apparently 1657). The names of the cantors, without “don” and in all but one case without “de San” between the two elements, in conjunction with the absence of any figures who are known to have held higher office previously, imply that retiring maestros and other persons attaining prominence did not rejoin the group as full participating members.

122. CFP, ff. av, 6v. | 123. CFP, f. 6v. , : 124. CFP, ff. 1, 6v, 11. See Table 4.5 for their terms.

125. CFP, ff. 6, 6v, 7, 9. The exact forms of the names of the instruments are “tropeta” (and “tropeta mayor”), “sacabochi,” “bajo,” “quitaran,” and “raber.” 126. CFP, ff. 5v, 8v, 16v. Fiscal is twice written “‘fiscatl” because final [I] and [t']

merged in the speech of many people of this region (see Lockhart 1981 [N&S, item 8]). Compare the predominance of an official called maestro rather than fiscal in Yucatan (Farriss 1984, p. 233 and elsewhere, as listed in index). 127. CFP, ff. 2v, sv. Don Pedro specifically entitles himself “majordomo of the holy church.” 128. In 1665, Miguel Serrano was both fiscal of Santa Maria de la Asuncié6n and majordomo of the presumably unofficial cofradia of Santa Maria there (CFP, f. 8v), a

pattern we saw in Tula as well. , 129. CFP, ff. 13-13v. The passage is difficult paleographically and linguistically and doubtless would yield more useful information if fully deciphered. 130. TA, pp. 14, 40, 48, 50, 60 (items 36, 93, 112, 169). 131. See Lockhart 1982, pp. 378, 386—87, 391 (also N&S, item 3), and Chap. 9,

section “Titles.” ,

132. CH, 2: 41, 42. Tenochtitlan’s patron saint situation was peculiar; as far as I can ascertain, the altepetl as a whole had no specific advocation; one hears much more

of the saints of the four great parts. Though the indigenous chapel of San José preceded any other establishment and long remained the ceremonial center of the Mexica in matters of religion, it was obviously secondary to the much larger monastery church of Saint Francis to which the chapel was attached. Thus Saint Francis. was indirectly the patron of Tenochtitlan. I am not sure whether the first representation referred to

was a painting or a carving. Chimalpahin speaks of tlacuiloque, usually painters/ writers, but Molina defines guauhtlacuiloque, (lit., “wood-painters”) as woodcarvers. 133. I will give two examples, which could be readily multiplied; “yn ichantzinco

s. juo bapta,” “the home of San Juan Bautista” (BC, doc. 19, p. 112, Coyoacan, 1611); “ychantzinco Sancto Sa Juatzin,” “the home of the saint San Juan” (CFP, f. 125 Tepemaxalco, 1674). Not until too late did it occur to me that I should have carried out a systematic count in a larger sample, but J believe that churches are more often called the home of a saint than the home of God, even where only one church is likely to be meant and there is no need to be specific. 134. Admittedly, hard proof of these assertions is scarce. But for example, in 1691 in Tocuillan (Tetzcoco region), Antonio de la Cruz asked to be buried at the feet of “my precious father Saint Michael Archangel” (“y notlagotatzin San Miguel Arcan-

546 Notes to Pages 237—38 gel”), the town’s patron saint. In the same place, in 1583, a woman referred to town land as “the precious land of our precious father the saint San Miguel” (AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 1; Appendix A, Doc. 1; Chap. 2). 135. CA, p. 75: “a xxix mayo in lonestica nictlallan yn nocalton oncan onoc teisiptla.” 136. UCLA TC, folder 25, March 1, 1768 (Sacaquauhtla in the Tulancingo region). See also Chap. 3, section “Terminology and Constitution of the Household Complex.” 137. CH, 2: 48. The objects sold were “tlapopochhuilloni tlatemetzhuilli yn aco - sancto anoco sancta.” Clay candleholders in the form of angels (““coquicamdelero

angelesme’”’) were also made and also forbidden. , ,

138. Appendix A, Doc. 3. In BC, where this item was first published, we three editors as beginners did not realize that the reference was to images, even failing, alas, to recognize that “maje,” which appears twice, is imagen (i having been taken by the writer to be the Nahuatl article in and final n having been omitted as it is so often). 139. Asin TC, doc. 29, p. 94, “yn tt° hixiptlatzin ynmase” (Culhuacan, 1580).

140. As in the example in n. 138 (Coyoacan, 1621). | 141. For an example of a lienzo (canvas), see AGN, Criminal 234, f. 128 (San Pedro Atocpan, Milpa Alta district, ca. 1635). Physical attributes are more likely to be mentioned in accompanying Spanish notations than in Nahuatl wills. A testament of Soyatzingo, 1734, mentions only “yn Santos y Santas”; a Spanish inventory clarifies this as “cuatro santos de bulto y uno de lienzo de tres cuartas de alto” (AGN, Tierras 2555, exp. 14, ff. 2, 3). In the great majority of cases, Nahuatl texts do not specify _ the form of representation. 142. This is something we editors of BC obviously did not know in 1974 when we were doing the translations. I do not mean to say that the word “image” is never used in late colonial documents. See “yxiptlayotz[in] Dios” in a 1795 text from the Toluca Valley (BC, doc. 6, pp. 74-75), which even retains the Nahuatl ixiptlatl. By “image of God” is probably meant a Christ on the cross.

143. See below at n. 223.

144. See, for example TC, doc. 30, p. 98 (Culhuacan, 1580); and Appendix A, Docs. 3 (Coyoacan, 1621), 4 (Azcapotzalco region, 1695). 145. See Appendix A, Doc. 4; and NMY, doc. 3, p. 99 (Coyoacan region, 1608). Tequipanoa appears most frequently in the reverential form motequipanilhuia. 146. See Appendix A, Doc. 3 (Coyoacan, 1621); and AGN, Tierras 2552, exp. 3, , f. 3 (Soyatzingo, 1736); the phrase in the latter instance is “quinmotlachpanililis san-

toti santati.” See also Chap. 3 at n. 28. .

147. See Christian 1981, p. 157. The notion of images in the home was also familiar to Spaniards (ibid., p. 147), but I do not know how far the parallels extend. 148. NMY, doc. 3, p. 99 (Coyoacan region, 1608): “catelan xochitzintli copaltzintli.”” The use of the word copalli gives such statements a more indigenous flavor, though by this time the meaning had clearly been extended from indigenous copal to

any incense. |

149. In Tulancingo in 1656, a married couple sold a Spaniard a piece of land belonging simultaneously to themselves and to San Miguel, using the money not for their own personal needs but for cleaning (restoring) the saint: “yn yehuatzin tlacosanto san miguel yc omochipauhtzino” (UCLA TC, folder 14, July 11, 1656).

: Notes to Pages 239-41 | 547 150. Seen. 141 for an example in which the Nahuatl makes the gender distinction and a Spanish description of the same group of saints does not. See n. 146 for another example of gender distinction (here an indigenous plural ending is used). 151. Appendix A, Doc. 4. Angelina does bequeath another piece of land without reference to any saint. To the extent that transactions like the one described here were common, a special relationship may have existed between specific saints and specific household members, another reason to have several. (To anyone who should chance to see the version originally published in BC, let me repeat the apologies made in n. 138; the translation there has the whole process reversed, not speaking in terms of saints’ images at all.) 152. NAC, ms. 1477 B [1]. “Two little Christs” is ““ome christotzitzin”; the expression could be taken as reverential rather than diminutive. 153. NMY, doc. 3, p. 99. Barbara Agustina mentions only one saint; a conceiv-

able reason for the lack of more, although she was a reasonably well-off trading woman, was that she owned no land. She also had only one child. 154. AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, ff. 1-27.

155. In a document of 1716, he is once titled “don,” though his sons are not (ibid., f. 13). As we saw in Chap. 4, late-colonial Spanish documents often deny the “don” to people who bore it within the indigenous context.

156. Doncellas in the Spanish (ibid., f. 2v). 157. The term used is “altepetlatequitzintli,” which contains the stems of altepetl and tequitl, “duty, tax, etc.,” but has an intervening tla- that I have not seen elsewhere

and do not know how to interpret. ,

158. So I deduce. The dating is problematical. 159. Let us look briefly at some additional, less-extended examples of the intertwining of household and altepetl interest in saints and their land. In a case that came to a head in 1762—63, one Nicolasa Agustina, citizen of Coatlichan in the central Valley of Mexico and member of a gubernatorial family there, had once had a very old San Agustin, in pieces and leaning against a wall, and around 1724 one of her married grandchildren had it renovated. In gratitude, Nicolasa (probably in her will) gave the couple a piece of land to sow in order to take care of the saint, and also, in some versions, to have a mass of San Agustin said every year. The then governor of Coatlichan confirmed their possession, and they planted the land in magueys. By 1763, altepetl officials (despite the current holder’s demurral) considered the yearly mass obligatory and within community jurisdiction. In 1764, the town, with the permission of the Spanish alcalde mayor, harvested 12 magueys for the mass and féte of the saint. (AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 8, ff. 10, 18, 20, 21, 30.) In a document from Tulancingo, dated July 30, 1720, the altepetl officials confirm (or seek to confirm, for it remains highly ambiguous) the status of two pieces of land, ° planted in magueys, that belong to Santa Elena (“ytlatquitzin Sta Elena”). The land had been left to a Maria Agustina by her mother and before that by her grandfather, to serve the saint. The authorities in the end never do say that the land belongs to Maria Agustina even though they are confirming that it was left to her. The usual problems appear to be well on their way. (UCLA TC, folder 19; also N&S, item 6.) The very fact of the altepetl’s confirmation of such personal arrangements was the entering wedge of altepetl appropriation. In Santa Maria de la Concepcién (Calimaya jurisdiction, Toluca Valley), a saint-—

548 Notes to Pages 242-43 and-lands case developed across the 18th century, reaching its dénouement in the early r9th. In the usual fashion, a family claimed that lands supporting two images originally belonged to it and still did, while the altepetl claimed the holders were merely majordomos on community land belonging to the saints. The family, to establish its rights, apparently hired a transient rascal named Mateo, who had worked locally as

both notary and image restorer (still in the tradition of the old tlacuilo), to fake an antique document giving the family ownership (using lime water and smoke to achieve the aging); he then pretended he had found it inside one of the images in the course of restoration. The fraud, however, was discovered. (AGN, Tierras 2533, exp. 2, es-

pecially ff. 3, 34, 54, 55.) |

In another Toluca Valley case, from the same region and even from another Santa Maria, Santa Maria de la Asuncion, belonging to Tepemaxalco, we find one don Juan Alonso referring in his will of 1692 to “another Our Dear Mother, Our Lady of the

, Assumption, whom I serve, who is in the large church” (“‘oc se tutlazonatzin Nra Sra de la Assump©® nicnotequipanilhuia opa meztica huey teopan”’). He left her to his children, along with a large piece of land for her support, stoutly defending his personal property rights to both saint and land, though he foresaw that the altepetl might lay claim to them. The land had been given to him, he claimed, and as for the saint, “she is not the property of the altepetl; I bought her” (“amo yyaxca altepel Nehual onicnocohuili”). Nevertheless, in the late 18th century, the altepetl took the land away from don Juan Alonso’s heirs and gave it to someone else, whom they made responsible for the image, now considered to belong to the community. Whatever the merits of the case, with a patron saint kept in the general church, it is hard to imagine any other final result. (AGN, Tierras 2533, exp. 3, especially ff. r—1v, 22, 34.)

160. AGN, Tierras 1805, exp. 3, ff. 1, 21, 59, 104, 128, 130, 134. The elder nobles are called in Spanish “viejos principales,” and Lorenciana Angelina appears also as a “principal” (f. 1); (don) Miguel Francisco is once called a cacique (f. 21). 161. A document of Mexico City, 1579, mentions within a house complex a little house where an image is, calling it “a little church,” or teopantonco (AGN, Tierras 56, exp. 8, f. 3). A document from Tlamimilolpan in the Toluca Valley, 1695, uses the other word for a church or temple, teocalli, for a domestic saint-house (ibid. 2616, exp. 7, ff. 25-26). The document does not describe the structure, but | feel justified in presuming that it contained saints; the Spanish translator made the same presumption, speaking of the “oratorio de los santos.” 162. See above, at n. 135; and Appendix A, Doc. 1. It is not clear whether the reference in the second example is to the altar in the altepetl church or to a household altar. 163. Occasional passages do occur that are compatible with honoring the saints but are too ambiguous to permit a definite interpretation in that sense. For example, don Julian de la Rosa of Tlaxcala in his 1566 will (BC, doc. 1, pp. so—51) orders some of his accoutrements sold to buy candles to be used in the church of San Pedro, . the saint of his own home district and lordly house. The candles could have been specifically for the saint, but they could equally well have been for burials, processions, or any use to which candles were put. The Mexico City document of 1579 referred to in n. 161 does mention an image (tlaixiptlayotl) and a structure, but no saint’s name and no duties; possibly the image was a crucifix as in Culhuacan at around the same time.

Notes to Pages 243-44 549 164. TC, doc. 64, pp. 229-31. 165. TC, docs. 29, 30, pp. 94, 98. I take it that the “image of our lord” (“yn tt© hixiptlatzin ynmase”’) was to be housed within the household complex, but the language is not very specific. The quoted sentence shows the testator’s strong proprietary feeling about the image but at the same time can be read as implying fear of appro-

priation by the larger entity. It is by no means to be expected that saints will be mentioned in anything like a majority of testaments even where most householders can be presumed to have had them; even in later documents, they surface above all when they are divided among several heirs or where some complicated arrangement is required for their support. Yet not to find a single reference to saints (other than Christ on the cross) or to their service in such a large collection as the Culhuacan testaments must be viewed as significant. 166. See Christian 1981, pp. 186—96, for evidence of what he calls “the Christocentric nature of late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Spanish devotion” (p. 190).

167. CH, 2: 78. |

168. This is the burden of Christian 1981. 169. See Lafaye 1976, pp. 238—41; Ricard 1966, pp. 103, 189-90; Sahagtin

1975, pp. 704—5 (addition on superstitions to book 11). | 170. Nutini 1980—84, 1: chap. 10. This work and others by Nutini are of inestimable value as 2oth-century ethnography, again and again confirming patterns detected in records of the colonial period. The concern to develop a diachronic approach is also highly praiseworthy, and much intelligence is shown in the analysis. Nevertheless, the documentary basis, which is not fully specified by the historian’s standards, appears to be extraordinarily weak, and the grasp shown of the historical and historiographical context is rather inadequate. All of the historical matter in this volume

will need reinvestigation. |

A crucial piece of evidence is a document Nutini found in private hands (apparently it is no longer available) purporting to be a 1547 account of the apparition of the Virgin of Ocotlan. Nutini took his notes to Wigberto Jiménez Moreno, who recognized the document as some sort of forgery (which Nutini himself very honestly reports, although he continued to believe in its authenticity; pp. 448-49). The auspices under which it was found and its subject matter are entirely characteristic of posterior fabrications about saints. The original composition of the document might go back as far as the 17th century, when cross-regional saints began to come into their own, but that would still deprive the text of value for ascertaining the truth of events and policies of the 1540’s. The document could hardly date before 1649, when the classic version of the Guadalupe story, on which this account is based, began to circulate. The person to whom the Virgin is said to have appeared is “Juan Diego Bernardino,” not a credible name for an Indian of the colonial period. It is put together from Juan Diego, hero of the Guadalupe story, and his sick uncle Juan Bernardino (see Lasso de la Vega 1926, pp. 80—81). Some of Nutini’s documentation, found in local parishes of Tlaxcala, appears to be far more authentic and in fact of the highest interest, but he does not locate it very exactly and above all does not describe it textually in enough detail for one to be able to judge its value or message. Nutini makes no distinction between the original patron saints of local units and the later crossregional saints. Although Nutini read widely in the traditional sources for Mexican ecclesiastical

550 Notes to Pages 244-46 history, he remained quite naively Ricardian, readily believing in the near omniscience and omnipotence of the early friars. He also remained quite unaware of the civil organization of Indian towns (it is true that the Tlaxcala region presents special problems) and of the transitional contribution of cofradias to the practices seen in Mexican towns today. Despite his extensive archival and bibliographical work, for some reason he did not consult Gibson 1964, which could have done much to orient him on these

matters. a

Nutini does have valuable, suggestive evidence of syncretism in respect to saints

, (although little if any of it is from documentation of the colonial period). On pp. 293-94, he definitely establishes the perceived identity of San Bernardino of Contla with the preconquest god Camaxtli, who had a temple there, pointing to the fact , that both are depicted holding a solar disk and the fact that like Camaxtli before him,

| the San Bernardino of modern lore is reported to be the lover of the female spirit possessing the Malintzin mountain. Yet as Nutini rightly says, in this case the syncre-

tism can as reasonably be attributed to the Indians as to the friars. In a more recent publication (1988) Nutini has modified his position on guided syncretism, or at least allowed for unguided syncretism as well; see my review (1989).

171. Christian (1981) observes that today Spanish priests who look disapprovingly on the importance the populace gives to saints in general will still talk warmly of the saint of their own hometown. Another possible mechanism for acquiring saints would have been to pick the name-saint of the ecclesiastic presiding in that parish at that time. One wonders if this happened at Xochimilco, where the patron is the namesaint of fray Bernardino de Sahagiin, stationed there early in his career (see NMY,

doc. 2, p. 94). | 172. Christian 1981, p. 196. ,

173. CH, 2: 47. Those going to honor the Virgin were “in toquichtin yn cihua, yn caxtilteca, yn sefioratin.” For images to go to visit cathedrals or each other was already standard practice in Spain. See Christian 1981.

Mexico.” 176. CH, 2: 145. | : _

174. CH, 2: 50. , | 175. CH, 2: ror. The wording is “espanoles yhuan tehuantin timacehualti

177. CH, 2: 124-26. Chimalpahin calls the platform on which one of the crosses was raised a “momoztli,” the same word used for a preconquest altar or sacrificial platform.

178. CH, 2: 92. , |

179. Still, according to the Lasso de la Vega publication of 1649 on Guadalupe, the Virgin of Totoltepec was especially helpful to Spaniards (1926, pp. 84—85).

180. In a somewhat related matter, when thousands of flagellants came out to show penitence in 1603, Chimalpahin reports that there were more Spaniards than

indigenous people among them (CH, 2: 54). , 181. Ricard 1966, pp. 56, 188—91. 182. Christian 1981, pp. 65, 73, 91. 183. Sahagun 1975, pp..704—5 (addition on superstitions to book 11); see also

Ricard 1966, p. 191, and Lafaye 1976, pp. 211-12, 216. ,

184. The Cantares Mexicanos, the great postconquest Nahuatl song collection,

Notes to Pages 246-49 551 written down in Mexico City in the late 16th century, lacks any reference to Guadalupe despite its in places markedly devotional character (see Bierhorst 1985, especially pp. 61—62). The same is true of the early religious plays, some of which were probably

composed in the capital. | , 185. MNAH AH, GO 14, p. 1: “yn ipan xihuitl mill e quis 55 as yquac mo-

nextitziO in santa maria de guatalupe yn ompa tepeyacac.”

186. Ibid., p. 134.

187. BC, doc. 2, p. 54. A Spanish-language version of the 1563 will of don Francisco Quetzalmamaliztzin calls for masses at the shrine of Guadalupe. However, the will was presented (and the translation apparently made) in the 17th century, under somewhat suspicious circumstances having to do with the claims of distant heirs. The Nahuatl original is said to exist, but I have not been able to examine it yet. (Ixtlilxochitl 1975—77, 2: 281-86; Munch 1976, pp. 44-46.) 188. CH, 2: 16. 189. CH, 2: 23, 44, 127.

190. Lasso de la Vega 1926, pp. 84-87. The Nahuatl is “oc quezquican altepepan.”

191. The Virgin of Ocotlan not only is unmentioned in Lasso de la Vega, but appears to be little mentioned even in the late-17th- and 18th-century Nahuatl annals of the Puebla-Tlaxcala region, which do show a concern about Guadalupe. An excep-

tion is Zapata, based after all in Tlaxcala City almost in sight of the chapel, who makes frequent mention of the Virgin of Ocotlan and shows her taking over symbolic

functions; thus in 1675, her image was brought in in connection with the blessing of a new bridge into Tlaxcala City (ZM, f. 94), and in 1682, when an eclipse was predicted, she went to the Franciscan monastery to be present at special masses (f. 108). Zapata’s glossator, the Hispanizing priest Santos y Salazar, shares his interest in the Virgin of Ocotlan. On the other hand, Zapata is also aware of the Virgin of Guadalupe; he reports the building of a chapel for her in Tlaxcala in 1686 (f. 117V). I have not seen any reference in Nahuatl texts to the Sefior de Chalma, although it is true that any Christ or crucifix a person possessed could have had that association. Stephanie Wood reports references to the Lord of Chalma in Nahuatl documents from the Toluca Valley in the late colonial period. Some details about the early evolution of Sacromonte are given by Chimalpahin (CH, 2: 29; for further references and discussion, see Schroeder 1989, p. 25), but what he says seems to me to have the flavor of local boosterism. A large-scale sifting of all the sources relevant to these topics would lead to striking results (see Gibson’s remarks in 1964, p. 498, n. 140). 192. See CFP, ff. 16v, 24; NAC, ms. 1477 B [1] (Toluca); AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4 (Chalco 1723); and MNAH AH, GO 184, ff. 1, 9v, CAN 872, f. 8v (TlaxcalaPuebla annals). With this I merely document a few appearances in the broader region. The research has hardly begun; I am confident that scholars will find evidence of a massive growth of the cult in the whole Nahua world during the late 17th and early 18th centuries; perhaps even the sequence of expansion into different subregions of central Mexico can be worked out. Wood, “Adopted Saints” (n.d. [e]), has a massive tabulation of mentions of Guadalupe in Toluca Valley wills, primarily after the mid17th century. 193. See Lafaye 1976, pp. 235, 237, 242-53, and Brading 1991, pp. 343-48.

552 Notes to Pages 249-53

194. Taylor 1987. :

~ 195. Lasso de la Vega 1926, pp. 20-21: “ma oncan quittacan in macehualtzitzintin, ma intlatoltica quimatican in ixquich in impampa oticmochihuili motetlacdtlaliztzin, izgenca ic Opoliuhca in cahuitl in iuhcatiliz.” More literally, “Let the commoners [i.e., ‘Indians’] see there, let them know in their language all the love [or charity, charitable acts] you have performed on account of them, which had been very much erased by the nature of time.” 196. Ibid., pp. 58-77. The two neutral miracles are the creation of a spring next to the shrine and the cessation of an epidemic, which though it was requested by the Franciscans must have redounded to the benefit of the indigenous population. 197. Ibid., pp. 72-75. See Christian 1981 for the Spanish background. 198. See Lafaye 1976, pp. 219—21, 227. 199. The 1648 Spanish publication by Miguel Sanchez is discussed in Brading 1991, p. 345. Brading makes the connection between the two versions, points to their overwhelming similarity, and demonstrates that Lasso de la Vega knew Sanchez’s work and publicly praised it as a revelation.

200. Christian 1981, pp. 73—81, 121. ,

201. Lasso de la Vega 1926, p. 18. 202. Ibid., pp. 2o—21. Though any translation from older Nahuatl on close examination will prove to have some misconstructions, Primo Feliciano Velazquez’s 1926 translation of Lasso de la Vega is absolutely excellent, as good as any such work done to this day and far better than the efforts of his immediate successors.

point. ,

203. See, for example, BC, docs. 3, 4, pp. 58-59, 64-65. 204. The sets written by different notaries in TC are the fullest illustration of this

205. BC, doc. 3, pp. 58—59 (Coyoacan region, 1617). More rarely, extensive personal outbreaks against relatives to be disinherited can come in the opening sec-

tion, still without affecting the doctrinal language (as in TC, doc. 40, p. 132). : 206. For example, NMY, doc. 3, pp. 98—99 (Coyoacan region, 1608), there “my precious father” (“notlagotantzin dios”); or BC, doc. 3, pp. 58—59 (Coyoacan region,

1617), also “my precious father God” (probably a subregional formula). Though within the normal range of conventions, references to God as the father of humans are much rarer than the parallel phenomenon with Mary. 207. Sahagtin 1975, p. 705 (addition on superstitions to book 11). 208. For its use in wills, see BC, doc. 2, pp. §54—55 (Coyoacan, 1588), at present

my earliest attestation. On consideration, I tend to think that the function of tlacowith religious concepts is to put them in a specifically Christian context. For Chimalpahin’s use, see CH, 2: 16; and for Lasso de la Vega’s, 1926, pp. 16—17, and passim

in the appendix on miracles. The story proper seems to stick to “preamble terminology,” though I have not surveyed every single line with this in mind.

_ 209. That is, in Nahuatl testaments I have read to date. Exceptions do exist, in my experience very rare ones. A will done in Mexico City in 1587 has in the preamble totlagonantzin santa Maria yn mochipa ichpochtli, “our precious mother Saint Mary, eternal virgin,” combining both currents (AGN, Tierras 54, exp. 5, f. 4). 210. For example, BC, docs. 1, 4, pp. 44-45, 64—65.

Notes to Pages 253-54 553 211. NMY, doc. 3, pp. 98-101. | 212. Ricard 1966, p. 56.

213. I am concerned not to mix genres and zones at this point, but at the level of “primordial titles,” for some Nahuas at least, by the late colonial period, the generic term for a major protective supernatural being seems to have been santo. In a wonderful example found and discussed by Stephanie Wood (1984, p. 231), a version of the legend of Calpulhuac (Toluca Valley) recalls that in preconquest times the altepetl had “only a stone saint.” Here “saint” could be construed as meaning “image” rather than “supernatural being,” but for the Nahuas the two aspects were always tightly

integrated. |

214. Appendix A, Doc. 4; BC, doc. 6, pp. 74-75; NMY, doc. 10, pp. 118—109. The text of the 1695 example has “‘notlatoca Dios,” which at first sight looks like “my

ruler-God.” Here “God” would seem to be generic as well as a name. That does in fact frequently happen, as in “can uel ce nelli dios,” “just (but) really one true God” (BC, doc. 1, pp. 44-45; Tlaxcala, 1566). But I feel that in this case one of the frequent inadvertent omissions has occurred, the intention having been “notlatocatzin Dios,” so that the phrase would be as rendered in the body, “my god and ruler, God.” The 1795 example runs as expected, “noteotzin notlahtocatzin Dios.” 215. The earliest example of -yolia known to me (speaking of mundane Nahuatl texts) is in the 1549 will of don Pablo Cacancatl of Coyoacan (CDC, 2: 12). See also BC, docs. 3, 4, pp. 58—59 and 64—65. Scattered attestations are from much later; a document of 1763. contains the latest occurrence of -yolia I have seen (see n. 222 for the reference and the passage). A document of 1572 (NMY, doc. 2, pp. 94, 96) pairs -yollo rather than -yolia with -anima. -Yollo is “heart,” but is used in many words

and phrases having to do with volition, emotion, and mood, thus approaching “spirit.” The approximate equivalent -tonal (see Molina under “anima o alma’’), more literally “fate” (by way of “(birth)day” and before that “sun’’), is never used in this context in mundane Nahuatl documentation to my knowledge. Probably it was felt to be too closely associated with preconquest religion and particularly with

“sorcery.” ,

216. Evidence of the penetration of the word into everyday life at least at the high society level can be seen in a private letter of 1587 written in Mexico City (BC, doc. 32, pp. 198—99), whose greeting formula consists of the hope that the Holy Spirit

will dwell with the souls of the recipients (““amotlagoanimantzin’’). |

217. TC, doc. 41, p. 134. : , |

218. An early example of the correct use of personas is BC, doc. 1, pp. 44-45 (Tlaxcala, 1566); more are in TC. A will of ca. 1730 from Jocotitlan in the Tlalmanalco jurisdiction (AGN, Tierras 25 50, exp. 8, f. 6) and one of 1768 from the Tulancingo area (UCLA TC, folder 25, March 1, 1768) have exactly the same “yeintzitzin

teotlacatzitzintin,” “three god-persons.” A will of 1712 from Mexico City (AGN, Tierras 104, exp. 8, Nov. 1, 1712) has “yn yeintintzitzin teotlacatzitzintin personas,” almost the same but using the Spanish word as well; in a will of 1763 from Tlapitzahuayan near Chalco (AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 23), we find “imeixtintzin y teotlacatzitzinti yn personas,” the same except saying “all three of...” Many preambles name the constituents of the Trinity but simply omit specific reference to the three

554 Notes to Pages 254-55 persons. Spanish persona did not supplant or supplement Nahuatl ¢lacatl in any context other than testament preambles, and then only with reference to the members of

the Trinity. , ,

219. AGN, Tierras 1805, exp. 3 (1686): “in yeintintzitzin teteo auh ca ¢a cetzin yn teotl Dios.”

(Culhuacan, ca. 1580). ,

220. See NMY, doc. 2, pp. 94, 96 (Xochimilco, 1572); and TC, doc. 5, p. 24

221. AGN, Tierras 2550, exp. 8, f. 6v (Jocotitlan in the Tlalmanalco jurisdiction, ca. 1730). 222. At the moment I am aware of only one testament in which the testator seems to share the soul between God and the saints; in a 1763 will from Tlapitzahuayan near Chalco Atenco, the soul is left not only to God but also to Saint Mary and the | town saint, San Juan Bautista (AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 23). The passage runs: “icenmactzico yn totecullo Dios niccahua nolloliatzin in toanimantzin [sic] yhuantzi in cenquiscaychipuchitli $Xta maria yn totepachocatzin St $ Juan Bapta,” 223. An example is NMY, doc. 10, pp. 118, 120 (Centlalpan, Tlalmanalco area, 1736). Immediately after using the phrase, the testator goes on to say that his heirs are to serve San Diego there. See also Chap. 3, section “Terminology and Constitution of the Household Complex.” One will occasionally meet with God as the possessor of

land; a document from San Gerénimo Amanalco in the Toluca Valley, 1645, has “yaxca ytlalitzin [sic] dios Catepa nehual nitlatlacohuani,” “the property and the land of God, and after that of me a sinner” (AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 13, f. 11). A question that I have not yet resolved is the meaning of the frequent formula atle ma itla nicpialia in tt° Dios, “nothing whatever am I holding for our lord God (other than what I have declared in my testament)” (variants in TC, docs. 25, 29, 36, 39, pp. 78, 92, 116, 128, and elsewhere). Although the point is hard to demonstrate conclusively, I

, have the impression that this phrase refers primarily to cash, whether assets, credits, or debts. If so, it would appear that God owned money as well as households. I provisionally believe that God comes into this matter because of the general inculcated religious obligation to wipe the slate clean with the supreme deity at the time of death. The Spanish wills on which the Nahuatl ones were originally modeled carry a strong emphasis on the liquidation of debt for religious as well as economic reasons. The Spanish terminology concerning the relief of one’s conscience, however, seems to have

no counterpart in Nahuatl wills. , 224. A few statements by 16th-century Nahua cabildos have some direct doctrinal significance. Outstanding is a long tirade against the cochineal trade, entered into

the minutes of the cabildo of Tlaxcala in 1553 (TA, selection 8, pp. 79-86). It is highly unusual in demonstrating the effects of some of the Spanish ecclesiastics’ moral teachings, condemning not only drunkenness and fornication but pride and excessive

attachment to worldly wealth as detrimental to one’s spiritual welfare, with whole phrases taken straight from the friars’ sermons. This piety, however, is transparently motivated by the cabildo members’ concern to justify, especially in the eyes of Spanish officials, a policy working to the social and economic advantage of themselves and their peers. A long letter from the cabildo of Huexotzinco to the crown, dated 1560 (BC, doc. 29, pp. 176—91), in its plea for favors emphasizes among other things the altepetl’s allegedly immediate, total, and unanimous turning to Christianity (the usual

Notes to Pages 255-58 555 line among Indian towns), but has little doctrinal content (although it yields the phrase “yn icel teotl dios,” “the only god God”; pp. 188—89). A similar letter from

the cabildo of Tenochtitlan, dated 1554 (Zimmermann 1970, pp. 15-17), while showing a close alliance with the Franciscan friars, has even less of doctrinal interest. (It does contain the interesting formula of swearing “before God, Saint Mary, and all the saints’’.) 225. Nutini has shown that in a modern Tlaxcalan community, those not marrying find it hard to participate fully in the community’s ritual life (Nutini 1980-84, I: p. 74, 2: p. 479, n. 2). The unmarried then as now must have been mainly lowerranking members of the community in all respects. 226. The only ecclesiastic of the pre-1650 period whom | consider at all likely to have written the texts appearing under his name unaided is fray Alonso de Molina.

1991. | 227. As in Sahagin 1986, p. 75.

228. Burkhart 1989 has a multitude of examples. See also Klor de Alva 1988,

229. In the plays, one can find some occasional stumbling. In a drama of the

Magi, written in the circle of the Franciscan fray Juan Bautista and dedicated to him, thus composed presumably around the beginning of the 17th century, the Holy Trinity is twice referred to as the father of Jesus (TN, pp. 314-16). See also Chap. 9, section

“Theater.” | 230. Burkhart 1988. ,

231. Barry David Sell is now working on a doctoral dissertation which will systematically open up much of this literature. Burkhart 1989 is a major first step in the analysis of many facets of the corpus and contains a large number of brief excerpts in transcription and translation. 232. See ANS, pp. 35—36, for a list. Tlalticbaque, “possessor of the world,” may have been employed more widely. Sahagiin, the ANS texts, and the religious plays use these phrases heavily, as do some sermons; they are less prominent in the confessionals

and catechisms that I have seen. — ,

233. Recall the story of Santiago of Sula (above, at n. 131). 234. See Lockhart 1982, especially p. 382 (also N&S, item 3).

235. For examples of the Spanish reports, see Gibson 1964, pp. 101, 133-34. On the zoth-century evidence, see especially Taggart 1983; and Nutini 1988. 236. The Andrews and Hassig edition of Ruiz de Alarcon (RA) is a magnificent ~ contribution to Mexican ethnohistory in several ways, but above all in its transcription and translation of the Nahuatl incantations and its commentary on them. It will richly reward anyone who gives it close and repeated study. As much as the edition accomplishes, its contents provide the raw material for many additional insights.

237. RA, pp. 49, 68. a | ,

238. Nevertheless, the texts were being treated as canonical (a major mechanism in the creation of separate zones of belief and practice), and some were on their way to meaninglessness for the speakers. Ruiz de Alarcén complains (RA, p. 152) that fortunetellers, when asked the meaning of their words, pleaded ignorance, saying they simply repeated what they had learned from their predecessors. 239. RA, pp. 54, 59, 72. 240. Andrews and Hassig understand this very well; see RA, introduction, p. 23.

556 Notes to Pages 258—64 241. RA, p. 94: “yxpantzinco tlatlaz yn tty° Dios.” 242. RA, p. 59. The saint-house was a general locus for spiritual business. Dough images of preconquest gods were eaten there, and there hallucinatory visions took place (pp. 53, 60).

243. RA, pp. 66—67, 184-87. :

244. RA, pp. 189, 198, 199. 245. RA, pp. 146, 148, 149, 157. 246. The Ruiz de Alarc6n incantations in general are geared to the individual within a household context; the altepetl and tlaxilacalli appear to play no role whatsoever. Yet some flavor of the corporate is seen in Ruiz de Alarcén’s statement that one fortuneteller (and she was not the only one) claimed she could not get things right outside the limits of her own pueblo and never even tried unless importuned (RA,

p. 152). , :

The way the spheres mix or fail to is of great interest and should receive more attention. In the modern stories collected by James Taggart (1983), preconquest cosmology and exemplary tales have mingled with the Trinity and sermon language, as well as with Spanish folklore, but absolutely not with the world of the saints, the rites of passage, and the altepetl. In the modern Tlaxcala region, the preconquest-style ritual specialists are held carefully apart from the Christian specialists and rites, even though the two complement each other within an overall system (Nutini 1980-84, 1: pp. 137-38; Nutini 1988, p. 338; and passim in Nutini’s work). 247. Nutini 1980—84, 2: 371; 1988, p. 338.

248. As shown in Christian 1981. , Chapter 7

1. See Hill and Hill 1986 for the fullest study of modern Nahuatl and its relation to Spanish in a specific subregion. 2. For example, the Yaquis; see Spicer 1962, pp. 452—54. Nahuatl seems to have served as an intermediary in at least parts of the process; Yaqui uses -oa to borrow Spanish verbs. 3. A large sample is published in AZ, as well as an interesting excerpt in Carrasco 1972; S. L. Cline plans to publish another large portion. See the article by Hanns Prem in AZ, placing the documents late in the period 1535—45 on the basis of the chronology of epidemics and the demographic characteristics of the census population. I rather doubt that firm dating can be attained by such means when so little is known of the course of the epidemics, but I too would tend to date most of the corpus after 1540 rather than before. Quite a few Nahuatl documents have the reputation of having been composed in the 1520's, but without going into detail, I will say that it is my belief that all of these rest on later attributions made with the purpose of enhanc-

ing the document’s value in the eyes of the reader. |

4. In my discussion-of the three stages, I use some of the materials in Nahuatl in the Middle Years (NMY; Karttunen and Lockhart 1976), and I both follow and expand on the analysis included there. In this chapter I will make specific reference to that publication only when it contains significantly more detail on a given topic than

Notes to Pages 265—69 557 I include here or when I wish to qualify its findings. Little would be gained by close referencing because the work, having appeared in a linguistic monograph series, does not normally give the source of specific examples. Colleagues and J have plans for a new, much larger and reorganized list of loanwords, to be fully documented. See also Karttunen’s readable restatement of much of the core of the 1976 publication (Kart— tunen 1982). Pp. 4o—42 of NMY are devoted especially to Stage 1. 5. Acalli means literally “water house” and is one of many examples demonstrating the breadth of meaning of calli in preconquest times. 6. The intention of Molina’s Spanish-to-Nahuatl section, which in the first edition constituted the entire dictionary, was not, of course, to define Spanish words, but to inform a Spanish reader who already knew the meaning of those words how to say them in Nahuatl. Nevertheless, when Nahuatl lacked a ready equivalent of a Spanish word that Molina wanted to include, he and his aides often produced something akin to a definition (in Nahuatl) of the type normal in monolingual dictionaries. 7. Quaint as this description may seem, it states well the primary function of the artifact and coincides with the etymology of Spanish sombrero, based on sombra, _

8. CH, 2: 39. |

“shade.”

9. See the entries in Molina, f. 51v, beginning with malaca-. It seems likely that malacatl was originally not merely a chance, opaque designation of an artifact; the stem probably includes the element ilaca-, “to twist,’ and thus would inherently have

had to do with revolving. (The ma- cannot be “hand,” as one would half expect, because of a vowel-length discrepancy.) That the word became associated with flat round objects that did not revolve, such as a shield, must rest on the notion that the line defining the edge turns upon itself. Yet to my knowledge malacatl was never used

in its unmodified form to refer to the Old World wheel. It did become the standard | word for the mining whim, drawing on the similarity between the cable winding around the drum and yarn winding around a spindle. I presume, that is, that it was so

used in Nahuatl, originating early and surviving into the later stages, because the Spaniards themselves took malacate as the primary designation for the whim, and the only place they could have learned the word was from the mine workers, who in the first generation or two were overwhelmingly Nahuas (see Bakewell 1971, pp. 132, 134, 135). Because of its etymological affinities, it is entirely possible that malacatl in preconquest times had a broader meaning than spindle, referring to other revolving objects as well, so that its use with round things would not have to have involved a direct comparison with the spindle. Yet “spindle” is the only meaning in Molina, and

_ [have seen no other in texts. :

10. See Tezozomoc 1975, p. 416, among others. |

t1. See NMY, p. 58. Quaubtemalacatl was not entirely limited to “cartwheel” and “cart.” For “pulley,” Molina gives “quauhtemalacatlatlecauiloni,” “woodenwheel instrument for hoisting something” (Spanish, f. 24; Nahuatl, f. 87). 12. Molina gives both spellings (ff. 84, 86). An additional meaning, which Molina in fact presents first and which doubtless existed in the preconquest period, is “‘to wash one’s head.” Teca and its derivatives usually mean “pour” when the object is liquid, but for atequia (f. 7v) Molina’s gloss is “to wet someone, throwing water on him.” The intention of guatequia in reference to baptism may be “to sprinkle water

558 Notes to Pages 269-72 on someone’s head.” The expression may seem to go against the two-word tendency, since it contains qua-, “head,” a-, “water,” and tequia, “to pour or throw (liquid) on

someone,” but atequia was already an established unitary word in its own right. Moreover, the expression is compact and elegant.

13. See Molina, Spanish, f. 19. 14. CH, 2: 34. Molina (Spanish, f. 29) gives confirmacion as a loanword, which

it may have been in his circle; CA, p. 74, in an entry for 1563, has “omochiuh confirmacio,” ‘“‘confirmation was carried out,” and Chimalpahin too once uses this (CH, 2: 67), though he uses tzonilpia as well. But in the long run, the word did not take with the Nahuatl-speaking community in general; later loans having to do with confirming were in the legal, not the religious sense. The same phenomenon occurs with baptism. Despite recognizing guatequia, Molina uses bautismo as a loanword (Spanish, f. 44). Apparently it took some time for even the most popular indigenous neologisms to get established definitively; furthermore, some may have faced a challenge from a tentative loan in the great wave of borrowing early in Stage 2 before gaining definitive

acceptance (many, indeed, lost out). ,

15. An entry in Molina (f. 82) hints that magatl could easily serve as a generic term for large nonpredatory quadrupeds. “Ivory” is defined as the tusk of an elephant, conveyed by Spanish elefante plus an explanatory equation with macatl: “macatl elefante ycoatlan,” “the snake-tooth (tusk) of an elephant deer.”’ The aide who came up with this must have relied on a picture or on Molina’s description, for he surely never

saw an elephant. ,

16. All of the expressions in Molina equating “deer” and “horse” are complex; under simple “‘magatl”’ (f. 50), nothing is said about the horse (and ironically, there is no Spanish entry for horse at all, despite the frequent use of “cauallo” in the Nahuatl).

‘deer house.” 7

On the other hand, under “stable” (Spanish, f. 26) Molina gives only “macacalli,” 17. Tepoztli consists of te-, “rock,” and poz-, apparently the same root found in poztequi, “to break (in smaller pieces).” The original sense may have been “rock broken up in small pieces,” in reference to metallic ore ready for smelting. In fact, under metal (Spanish, f. 84v) Molina gives tepoztli (as well as tepoztialli, “tepoztli earth”). Spanish metal is somewhat ambiguous; today it means exclusively metal, but in the 16th century, it more often meant ore. See also Molina’s entry tepozpitza (f. 104), “to smelt metal,” here clearly ore. I speculate that the term at origin referred to any ore, was extended to the metal itself, and then for most purposes was restricted to the most prevalent utilitarian metal, copper (all this in preconquest times).

18. Molina, Spanish, ff. 18, 71. ,

19. I have seen little indication that macatl was ever modified. It easily could have been, by a word referring to the animal’s hornlessness, its use as a mount, its distant origin, or the like, but if so, the modification must have been abandoned almost immediately. I find no trace of such a thing in the dictionaries or in most Nahuatl histories and references. The one exception, which might or might not be meaningful, is in FC. Among the many passages in book 12 using the term, we find one where

horses are indeed referred to as ““mamaca in temamani,” “people-carrying deer” (book 12, p. 73; chap. 25). 20. The word’s probable origin in a generic term (see n. 17) goes far toward

Notes to Pages 273-75 559 explaining this fact. Another example of the generic propensity of tepoztli is Molina’s entry for the new metal brass, for which the Nahuatl equivalent given is coztic tepoz-

tli, “yellow tepoztli” (Spanish, f. 3v). I suspect that the expression was an ad hoc invention of a Molina aide, but if so, it illustrates the point equally well or better.

21. Consider tepozcuarto, a copper coin worth a fourth of a real (Molina, f. 104). Tepoztli, modified or unmodified, means “bell” in TCB, p. 9, CH, 2: 48, and Molina, Spanish, f. 23v, Nahuatl, f. ro4v. Not all the items in Table 7.5 were of iron,

at least not always, including pins, wire, and printer’s type. : 22. See Molina, Nahuatl, ff. 103—104Vv, for a large concentration of tepoz- con-

structions. Others will be found scattered through the book. | 23. Spanish did tend to call a pointed weapon or the iron cutting portion of a tool with a wooden handle a hierro, which in principle approximates some of the usage in Table 7.6 even when the specific examples fail to coincide, but to use the word in this way with a bell or a clock would have been foreign to Spanish idiom. 24. Codex Mendoza 1980, f. 8; Matricula de Tributos 1980, f. 4. 25. Molina, f. 104. For tlateconi, see TC, doc. 45, p. 158 (Culhuacan, 1581). Molina himself has the streamlined version as well (f. 134v). L. Reyes Garcia 1978, p. 140 (Cuauhtinchan, 1589), has tlateconi with tepoztli following it, “of metal,” but not incorporated into the noun. I deem it probable that tlateconi was already one of the terms for an axe or hatchet in the preconquest period.

26. Tepozcactli for “horseshoe,” however, is attested for the 2oth century (Brewer and Brewer 1971, p. 225). _ 27. Tlaltepoztli occurs frequently in TC (docs. 15, 24, 31, 39, 455 755 PP- 52; 74, 102, 128, 158, 260; Culhuacan, ca. 1580), and miccatepoztli in CH, 2: 48, 104. New uses of tepoztli in this sense may have continued to evolve. In present-day Nahuatl, tepoztli can mean firearm (Brewer and Brewer 1971, p. 225; Key and Key 1953, p- 221). 28. For more on naming patterns, see Chap. 4. An important exception to ecclesiastical determination, as seen there, was that when the person baptized had a Spanish lay sponsor, he normally took the latter’s name. The fact that in the early years, extending into Stage 2, certain names were especially popular in certain regions can be interpreted as reflecting the predilections of friars stationed there, but when we find siblings with the same name, it seems that the Nahuas must have had a hand in the _ choice, attaching at first a different value to the new names than in the Spanish system.

See AZ, 1: 2 (Juan Acolnahuacatl and Maria Teiuc have two Pedros), 9, 46 (two Magdalenas in each); AZ, 2: 5—6 (two Domingos), 36 (two Vicentes); and MNAH AH, CAN 549, f. rv (a pair with two Pedros and two Magdalenas). An example occurs in Culhuacan as late as 1585: TC, doc. 64, pp. 229, 230—31. In all cases, the siblings have different indigenous names. Before long, the Nahuas seem to have been primarily deciding their own names, retaining (and at the same time gradually expanding somewhat) the framework the ecclesiastics originally set. 29. In the Cantares Mexicanos, we find “tonan malintzin” (dona Marina, reverential; Bierhorst 1985, p. 318) attributed to speakers of the time; “‘Malintzin” occurs repeatedly in FC, book 12 (for example, p. 49, chap. 18; pp. 125-26, chap. 41) | but is never actually put in the mouths of contemporaries. 30. MNAH AH, CAN 549, ff. 1v, 12; 550, f. 53 551, f. 100.

560 Notes to Pages 275-77 31. Examples in ibid. 549, f. 6; 551, £. 82v; and too many to detail in 550. 32. Some Nahuatl writers preferred Castillan with an s (for an example see BC, doc. 34, p. 210); Molina himself used this form. In either case the pronunciation of the consonant in question was [§], which approximated the 16th-century Spanish retroflex s. Although the added final ” may be missing in a few examples (any ” was subject to optional omission), it is present in such a multitude, from so many authors, regions, and time periods, that there can be no doubt that the form with 2 was standard in Nahuatl. Even Molina, who rarely acknowledges Nahuatl adjustments in Spanish words, without exception includes this ”. Moreover, the 7 is necessary for the morphological interpretation the Nahuas gave to the word, as we will shortly see. 33. Despite its principal function as a modifier, Caxtillan is not an adjective, nor does the n have anything to do with the Spanish adjectival form castellano. The word has the ” even when used independently as a place-name. In Nahuatl grammar, one noun may modify another at need. Ordinary nouns are most often compounded with the noun they modify, as in the tepoz- expressions. Place-names also frequently modified nouns, in such phrases as Tenochtitlan tlatoani, “Tenochtitlan ruler, ruler of Tenochtitlan,” but they were not susceptible of being bound to other words. Nahuatl place-names were complex constructions consisting of a nominal stem plus a quasinominal, relational suffix-word indicating location, so that in themselves they were locative. The Nahuas construed Caxtillan to be a word of this kind, as they continued to do later with Spanish place-names even when they could not identify any locative element in them. Consider how Roma, “‘Rome,” and Caxtillan are treated identically

in Molina (Spanish, f. 105v, entry “romance’’); Latin is Roma tlatolli, “Rome speech,” and Spanish Caxtillan tlatolli, “Castile speech.” In both cases, as in the above example Tenochtitlan tlatoani, something of the locative sense remains: “speech in

Rome,” “speech in Castile,” “ruler in Tenochtitlan.” The effect is close to “of” in English: “speech of Rome,” etc. The equation of Roma and Caxtillan here suffices alone to demonstrate that Caxtillan cannot be considered an adjective. 34. Of all the metal introductions dealt with in Molina, I have found only one using Caxtillan in the description; for “axe that cuts in two directions,” Molina gives Caxtillan tlaximaloni necoc tene, “Castile instrument for carpentering with an edge on both sides.” Even here, one modifier is used instead of the other, not with it. Caxtillan seems to have been avoided also in expressions where macatl was the modifier; macatl and tepoztli, however, competed and overlapped to a certain extent (see the items having to do with horseshoes and branding in Tables 7.4 and 7.5). Nor in my experience does Caxtillan ever modify either magatl or tepoztit. 35. One phonological adjustment in Nahuatl Caxtillan is hidden by the spelling. Llin Spanish is pronounced [I], in r6th-century Spanish perhaps by some [l’]. Nahuatl had no [I] and standardly assimilated [y] to preceding [l], giving geminate [ll], which is what the // in Caxtillan represents. If one follows the morphological analysis through to the end in Nahuatl terms, one would expect that the mysterious stem caxtil- would be from a noun caxtilli, just as tlaxcal- in Tlaxcallan is from tlaxcalli. From Caxtillan itself there is no way of ascertaining what Nahuatl speakers imagined the root noun to have been, but the neologism caxtil, to be discussed just below, speaks in favor of that form over one with the absolutive -/i. See also n. 41. 36. Espanol was borrowed as early as 1547 in Tlaxcala (BC, doc. 22, p. 118) and continued to appear frequently in texts during the following decades and centuries.

Notes to Pages 277-79 561 37. Everything about the word leads me to believe that caxtiltecatl is a Stage x formation, even though the first attestation known to me is from 1570 (NMY, p. 82, specific source not indicated). For a few of many subsequent occurrences, see CH, 2: 47; UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22-23 (San Miguel Acatlan, Tulancingo area, 1659); and BC, doc. 17, p. 100 (Azcapotzalco, 1738). 38. Had Caxtillan not been considered a -/an word, the most likely indigenous term for the Spaniards would have been Caxtillan tlaca, “Castile people.” In fact, I have seen this term used (along with espafioles) in some documents from the Tulancingo region around 1570 (UCLA TC, folder 1, document dated Oct. 27, 1570; also petition against Martin Jacobo), and in texts from Mexico City (AGN, Tierras 55, exp. 5, f. 2, 1564; CA, p. 54). The relative frequency of the two expressions, however, speaks for itself. In any case, a -tlan/-lan word is not excluded in theory (and occasional practice) from the construction with ¢tlacatl.

39. BC, doc. 34, p. 210 (Tlaxcala, 1545). 40. Molina, f. 13 (several lines above this entry, there is another caxtil defined as “bowl”; this is a typographical error for caxitl). In present-day Zacapoaxtla, caxtil means “rooster” (Key and Key 1953, p. 145). 41. If in fact Nahuatl speakers had created a regularly inflected noun caxtilli as the supposed though un-understood root of Caxtillan, it could at least have been given the meaning “thing(s) characteristic of Spain.” Caxtil could then conceivably be an apocopated form naming a particular animal (apocopation was among the devices Nahuatl used in creating names and specifically animal names, as can be seen with quanaca in Table 7.8). Yet in the total absence of any attestation of caxtilli, | consider

it far more likely that caxtil is a direct back-formation from Caxtillan. 42. MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 129, entries for March, 1610. Since this writer frequently omits %, little or nothing can be deduced from its omission in “Caxtilla.” It did happen not infrequently, however, that Nahuatl speakers of later generations, more cognizant of Spanish pronunciation, took it upon themselves to revise an earlier loan, bringing it closer to the original. In Molina, “color” in general is already

tlapalli. |

43. It is true that the main evidence is posterior by decades, but the Cantares Mexicanos put the name in the mouth of participants in the conquest battles (Bierhorst 1985, pp. 318, 328) and include other names as well, among them the wellknown conqueror Castaneda (“Caxtaneta,” p. 322). Cortés is referred to (same page) as “Genelal Capitan,” which might be barely possible, but an indigenous woman is referred to as dofia Isabel (“toya Ixapeltzin”), though she would not have received that name until later. Other words used must be posterior, including the loan “‘ixpayolme” (espanoles, p. 320). Another conquest-related section has “‘Capitan,” “Malia,” and “caxtillan,” but also “Amen” (pp. 328, 330). Under these conditions, any attes-

tation can be no more than suggestive for times earlier than the date of the version preserved (well into Stage 2). Similarly, FC, book 12, has “Malintzin” (see n. 29) and “Castaneda xicotencatl” (p. 99, chap. 34); they are not spoken by contemporaries in the text, though with Castaneda at least such is strongly implied. 44. See NMY, p. 40. 45. The same is not true of the later stages and the borrowing of words of other parts of speech. We will see evidence that the Nahuas understood some Spanish verbs and found indigenous equivalents well before they took to borrowing them. Like-

562 Notes to Pages 279-83 wise, Spanish particles appeared in unanalyzed phrases used in Nahuatl before they were borrowed. In these cases, then, there was a significant lag between the time of comprehension (together with a demonstrated interest in the Spanish expressions)

and the time of borrowing, so that one can speak with certainty of resistance or unpreparedness. 46. I have not been able to establish anything definite about the origin of pitzotl, the alternate word for “pig” and the one that won out in the long run. Molina’s entry “pitziquiui,” “to eat a great deal,” suggests that the term might be descriptive of the animal’s eating habits, but it could equally well be the name of some animal the Na-

huas already knew.

47. Ichcatl was particularly apt for an extension to wool, and not only because of the whiteness wool shares with cotton. Ichtli means maguey fiber, the primary material from which clothing was made in central Mexico before cotton was imported from the south, and the compound ichcatl may be considered to have meant “highquality textile fiber” in preconquest times. Yet in mundane Nahuatl texts, along with many cases where ichcatl means sheep and quite a few where it means cotton, I have yet to see an instance in which it means wool. Molina (Spanish, f. 76; Nahuatl, f. 32) gives ichcatomitl and ichcatzomitl, “sheep down, fur, or hair,” for “wool,” although _ some of the ichca- compounds on f. 32, such as ichcatilmachiuhqui, imply the direct meaning wool for the word. However fleeting and ultimately secondary the wool meaning was, it was logically necessary in order to arrive at the meaning sheep. 48. Regional variation is especially noticeable with the names of the European animals, at all time periods, today as during the postconquest centuries, as can be seen in modern dictionaries and word lists. 49. Brewer and Brewer 1971, p. 17; Key and Key 1953, p. 21. In Zacapoaxtla, quaquauhe is still the word for cow and bull as well (Key and Key 1953, pp. 124, 127, 147). letelcingo is more in the mainstream, using Spanish loans in these two cases. For a bull to bellow, however, is guaquaubchoca even in Tetelcingo (Brewer

and Brewer 1971, pp. 98, 101, 122). | ,

50. See Stevenson 1968, pp. 41—53; and Bierhorst 1985, pp. 72—79. 51. Much of the evidence for the early times comes from that suspect source, the Franciscan extollers of their own efforts. But though we may reserve judgment about the quality of the performance and about the transcendental enthusiasm the Nahuas | are said to have shown, there is no question that within less than 20 years indigenous people in altepetl all over central Mexico were playing liturgical music on European instruments, not to speak of singing part songs. 52. Note that the huehuetl, not the teponaztli, the two-tongued log drum, was taken as representative of the type and bearer of the analogy. 53. In Tetelcingo, tzotzona is still to play musical instruments, though as expected pitza is used with the flute (and other winds). The Spanish loan tocaroa serves

only to translate the idiom /e toca, “it is his turn” or “it affects him” (Brewer and Brewer 1971, pp. 98, 198, 215, 234, 237). As to the bagpipe, another bellows-like instrument (see Table 7.9), the Nahuas would presumably have described playing it as pitza, since one does after all blow into the bag. Though the bagpipe was around in the early period, it was no everyday item, and I am not sure the expression in Molina is anything more than his assistants’ solution to a task assigned them.

Notes to Pages 283-89 563 54. Durand-Forest 1971, p. 123. , 55. In the modern Zacapoaxtla dictionary, the terms given for the main musical instruments have a Stage 1 ring: for guitar tlatzotzonaloni, “instrument to be beaten,” and for flute tlapitzaloni, “instrument to be blown” (Key and Key 1953, pp. 60, 65).

(“beating”’). |

56. Brewer and Brewer 1971, p. 67 (“blowing”); Key and Key 1953, p. 87

57. Spanish ecclesiastics did sometimes deplore the “corruption” of Nahuatl speech. Some of the mildest, and most insightful and least disapproving, comments on Spanish loanwords in Nahuatl are to be found in Molina’s introductory remarks to his dictionary (““Auiso nono,” in the prologue to the Nahuatl-to-Spanish section). , 58. 1 am not yet prepared to take a firm position on whether or not the Nahuas of the conquest era in fact called the Spaniards gods. See Chap. 10, n. 21. 59. So a cursory examination of the 1555 edition convinced me. Barry David ‘Sell has begun to do a systematic comparison of the two editions, and I expect the

results to be published in due course. ,

60. A few types, such as nouns for close blood relationships, were generally excluded until Stage 3. The realms of general thought processes, emotions, actions, and the universal natural elements of the visible world were also unaffected as in» Stage 1, but this seems more from lack of need than from any constraint or difficulty. 61. A few verbs appear in the sources, but in the infinitive, with the infinitive functioning as a noun and acting as the subject or more likely object of a verb (see below, at n. 91). More frequent are words that appear to be adjectives. In Spanish, adjectives not only have noun morphology, but can and do function as substantives; this accounts for many Spanish adjectives in Nahuatl. Others appear only attached to a Spanish noun, as in alguacil mayor, “chief constable,” a combination best seen as a unitary or unanalyzed noun or noun phrase. There remain a few cases of words with an apparently truly adjectival interpretation in Nahuatl (see NMY, pp. 26—29). At one time I was convinced that there was no such thing in Nahuatl as an adjective, that _ all seeming adjectives were substantives. So-called Nahuatl adjectives still appear to me generally more nominal than their counterparts in English, but many words in -tic do have much the same characteristics as English adjectives, and a word that is acting as an adjective often (not always) behaves differently from a normal noun in remaining in the singular even when it modifies a noun in the plural. 62. S. Cline 1986, p. 178, with references to TC.

63. Molina, Spanish, ff. 21, 33v, 91, 105v, 107. 7 |

64. An expanded, updated, and reorganized compilation is planned. 65. Iam reminded of how the results of a rough sampling of slave origins I did for early Peru (1968, p. 173) were later largely borne out by much more massive compilation.

66. S. Cline 1986, pp. 177-81. |

67. Let it be clear that not all the loans in the TC list are new compared with the NMY list, though several are. TC does, however, present us with a distinct sampling based on a relatively large and coherent corpus. 68. Today probably all the month and day loans could be attested, but some had _ not yet been found when the NMY compilation was made, although it was already © clear that they had all been borrowed early in Stage 2. Nor does Molina give them all.

564 Notes to Pages 290—95 These words are among the clearest examples of the distinction between loan time and first attestation. 69. Recall the case of the ne’er-do-well turkey thief Cristébal in Tulancingo in the 1580’s (Chap. 3, section “Terminology and Constitution of the Household Complex”; also Appendix A, Doc. 2). 70. TC, pp. 52, 104. The second example occurs another time, identical except for spelling: “siera quauhteconi.” Quauhbteconi in this phrase could be interpreted more adjectivally, giving a rendering “a saw for cutting wood,” but I tend to think that the structure is the same as in the first example, with two cross-referent equivalent substantives. 71. This is one of Chimalpahin’s favorite phrase types, as in “ycel yyoca nencatzitzinti mogestin,” “those who live alone and by themselves, monks” (CH, 2: 140), or “quauhteocalli munomento,” “wooden temple, the ‘monument’” (2: 17). The opposite order also occurs: “campana yn miccatepoztli,” “‘a bell, the dead-person iron” (2: 48). 72. CH, 2: 60. Chimalpahin’s discussion of a shipwreck on pp. 60 and 61 gives us a good example of wavering usage where the speaker is unfamiliar with a loan or thinks his audience may be. After introducing the topic with the full phrase given in the body, Chimalpahin twice reverts to using the simple Nahuatl identification acalli, as in the first generation. Then he uses both terms together again, “‘acalli yn nabio,” then just “‘acalli,” then just ‘“‘nabio.” 73. Two examples in NMY, doc. 9, p. 114; also, from the same document, “yn quitocayotia mal pays,” “what they call the Badlands” (MNAH AH, GO 184, f. 25v).

Zapata also uses the phrase, as in “yn castila textl quitocayotia Blanquilio,” “the Spanish flour that they call blanquillo” (ZM, f£. 98), and also in an alternate form with motenehua: “cabildo yaxca motenehua probiyos,” “the property of the cabildo, called propios” (f. 99Vv).

74. The loanword is already in Molina. Its nonstandard form xile (Spanish, f. 109), repeated in Arenas (see NMY, p. 89) and in later mundane texts, indicates a very early time of incorporation. 75. Chimalpahin’s -vinonamacayan or -huinonamacayan (CH, 2: 115—16) for someone’s tavern implies use of the agentive as well. As implied above, in specialist

circles virtually the entire complex would eventually go over to loanwords. 76. For a detailed enumeration of substitutions, see NMY, pp. 1—8. 77. See NMY, p. 6. For examples of guixtiano see n. 86; for coloz and the like, see ZM, ff. 103v (“‘colostitla,” cruztitlan, “next to the cross’’), 110v (“iteposcolutzin,” itepozcru(z)tzin, “her metal cross’’). 78. For some examples of animan, see NMY, pp. 98, 105; BC, docs. 2, 4, 5, 6,

32 (pp. 54, 64; 68, 74, 198); and TC, docs. 3, 9, 12A (pp. 20, 30, 38). See the discussion in NMY, pp. 8-14, especially p. 12. The final in animan is actually not a simple addition, but a replacement for another weak segment, the glottal stop. 79. It is true that one can take the position that even here a glide was present between the vowels. On the other hand, nothing prevented Nahuatl speakers from pronouncing ia in Spanish loans as tya, etc. 80. TC has the spelling “purcatori” (S. Cline 1986, p. 180). 81. BC, doc. 32, p. 198 (Mexico City, 1587). The énima was treated in the same manner as a body part and was never pluralized.

Notes to Pages 295-300 565 82. The most likely reason for the choice of a certain few words is that they were

mainly personal items and quasi-kinship terms that were nearly always in the possessed form, so that speakers were not reminded of the lack of an absolutive and reconstructed it for the minority of occasions when the word was not possessed. There

are some exceptions, however. See the discussion in NMY, pp. 21-22. Some modern loanwords retaining the ending are seen in Brewer and Brewer 1971 (camixabtli, p. 113; comarebtli and comparebtli, p. 116; pexobtli, p. 174). 83. See the discussion of the nominal plurals in NMY, pp. 23-24. I am no longer sure, however, of the temporal sequence of plural types there presented (except for the growing predominance of simple Spanish plurals in Stage 3). It may have been an illusion caused by the particular texts that chanced to be available at that time. 84. See Appendix A, doc. 3; Lockhart 1982, pp. 389-90 (also N&S, item 3);

and NMY, p. 26. ,

85. See NMY, pp. 42-43. Dinero was in fact not a word much used in 16thcentury Spanish; in any case, the Spanish word ultimately went back to a coin just

like Nahuatl tomin.

86. NMY, doc. 9, p. 114 (quixtiano, twice); MNAH AH, GO 184, ff. 21, 23, 28v (quixtiano), 28v (xinola); ZM, ff. ro9v, 112 (quixtiano), 85v, 118v (xinola);

CFP (Tepemaxalco, Toluca Valley, second half of 17th century), f. 1v (quixtiano). The

earliest example of guixtiano in this meaning that I have seen is in the anonymous annals of Tenochtitlan in the 1560’s, in an entry for 1564: “xicihut yntlac° nimitzonnamacaz Xpiano ychan,” “hurry up; if you don’t, I'll sell your services in a Spaniard’s house” (MNAH AH, GO 14, p. 55). 87. Lockhart 1982, pp. 389-90 (also N&S, item 3). 88. That Nahuatl speakers were immediately able to use / word-initially shows

that although / had evolved medially in Nahuatl over the centuries, there was no constraint on initial / when the occasion arose, as opposed to the true constraint that existed on long vowels before a glottal stop, for long vowels occurring in front of a glottal stop were actually shortened. There is thus a basic difference between the historically determined absence of something and a constraint or inability. 89. For a great deal of insight into this purism, see Hill and Hill 1986. Antecedents can be seen in such a r9th-century figure as Faustino Galicia Chimalpopoca, but the only hint of puristic sentiment I have seen in colonial-period Nahuatl texts produced by Nahuas is some possibly conscious conservatism in the work of the late17th-century Tlaxcalan annalist Zapata (see Chap. 9, section “Annals”).

90. Example in NMY, doc. 6, p. 105. See also the discussion in NMY, pp. 29-30. A much used alternative to firmayotia was the circumlocution, though | also a natural and succinct phrase, quitlalia ifirma, “to set down one’s signature” (as

in BC, doc. 3, p. 62, or NMY, doc. 2, p. 94). , 91. An example in TA, selection 11, p. 89 (Tlaxcala, 1553); see also NMY, pp. 31-32. The anonymous annalist of Tenochtitlan in the 1560’s made generous use of this convention: “desteral chihuililoc in gou°! atlacuihuayan,” “the governor of Tacubaya was exiled” (MNAH AH, GO 14, p. 48); “visitar quichiuh,” “he carried out an inspection” (p. 119); “comulgar mochiuh,” “communion was held” (p. 138); “notifical quinchihuilico,” “he came to notify them” (p. 158). Note the use of the appli-

cative form of chibua in two cases. , 92. Molina, Spanish, f. r1r2v.

566 Notes to Pages 300-301 93. NMY, doc. 1, p. 93. The same construction appears in another phrase in the same text: “‘oncate ymecapilhuan yn nonamicatca,” “my late husband had illegitimate children (who are still alive).”” Other examples of this phrase type may be seen in the almost contemporaneous will of don Pablo Cacancatl, referring to possessions as well as children (CDC, 2: 12). 94. Although the censuses do use the onca construction at times (e.g., AZ, 1:

50, 73), the main phrase type is a verbless equative statement, such as “ce ypilci” (MNAH AH, CAN 5,49, f. 13), “one his child,” i.e., “he has one child.” “He has no children” is “‘ayac ypilci,” “no one his child” (e.g., AZ, 1: 15, in this case “aocac ypilzi,” “no longer anyone his child”) or “amo pilhua,” “‘he is not a child-possessor” (AZ, 1: 15; usually said of a couple as here). A pair of passages from these records can illustrate the occasional use in them of pia. “yz ca quitlapialli [sic] / y tlatovani / quipia ycuezco / yva totome quipia,” “Here is the person who guards things for the tlatoani; he guards his granary and takes care of the birds” (MNAH AH, CAN 5,49, f. 12); “ca quixcaviya y xochipiya,” “all he does is take care of flowers” (CAN 550, f. 82). 95. NMY, doc. 2, p. 95. 96. TC, doc. 44, p. 154. In “nicpia centetl nocahuallo,” the sense is possession (the animal is not currently in the owner’s hands), but in “quipia ytoca min cano,” Martin Cano is only keeping it for the owner. It is of interest that the object of pia here again is a horse, and the person issuing the will is from Mexico City.

97. For the earlier phrase, TC, doc. 24, p. 74, “hatley y naxca y notlatqui.” Compare, in Appendix A, Doc. 4, “atle ma ytla nicnopielia” (Azcapotzalco, 1695; earlier examples could be found). 98. These and similar phrases are seen repeatedly in the Cuernavaca-region censuses (AZ).

99. CH, 2: 107. Chimalpahin had not gone over to the pia phrase exclusively. At other times he uses ... ye nemi tlalticpac, “‘(so many years) he already lives on earth” (2: 2, 3). Another example of the pia calque, dating from 1611, “8 xihuitl quipia,” “he is eight years old,” is found in a text from Jalostotitlan in the Guadalajara region, well outside the area under study in this book (BC, doc. 27, p. 168). Yet for all the social, economic, and cultural differences to be observed in the peripheral areas, many of them seem to have kept in step with the Nahuatl of the center when it came to Spanish-language contact phenomena. 100. TC, doc. 41, p. 136 (Culhuacan, 1581). The most relevant phrase reads “quipia tS (tomines) don a°l xv p%s,” “don Alonso has, keeps, owes 15 pesos of money.” A few lines below is seen ““ynn ompa mopia tS,” “the money owing there.” The entire extremely complex and somewhat obscure passage will reward study. See also NMY, doc. 3, pp. 98—99, a will of 1608 from the Coyoacan region, where in addition to an instance of pialia (“nomonatzin nicpiellia 9 to,” “I owe my mother-inlaw 9 tomines”), pia is used with a whole list of people who owe the testator money. The document is a most instructive illustration of pia meaning “have,” “keep,” and “owe” under different circumstances. See further BC, doc. 3, p. 61 (Coyoacan region, 1617).

rox. See preceding note; and BC, doc. 4, p. 66 (Coyoacan, 1622); TC, doc. 56, p. 202; and AGN, Tierras 54, exp. 5, f. 4 (Tlatelolco, 1587). 102. The earliest known attestation is in the 1611 Jalisco document cited in n. 99

| Notes to Pages 302-7 567 (BC, doc. 27). Although from outside central Mexico, I think, in line with what | asserted there, that the example reflects and runs parallel with central Mexican usage.

103. See Chap. 5 at nn. 156ff. 104. CH, 2: 132.

105. NMY, doc. 6,p. 105. 106. NMY, doc. 3, p.98.

107. See NMY, p. 44.

108. For example, “alahuertan” (BC, doc. 26, part 5, p. 160; Coyoacan, ca. 1550), “alahuerta” (BC, doc. 3, p. 60; Coyoacan region, 1617). Simple buerta can also be found (BC, doc. 2, p. 54, Coyoacan, 1588). NMY (p. 26) gives the impression that alahuerta disappeared in the later colonial period, but later examples have now been found. “Alahulta” occurs in a text of 1659 from San Miguel Acatlan in the Tulancingo region (UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22-23). Other common “a la” words were “Alachina,” “China, the Philippines,” and ‘“Alaflorida,” “Florida.” “Alaela,” era, “threshing floor,” occurs in a 1632 text from Huejotla (AGN, Tierras 1520, exp. 6, ff. 8—9v), and “alaguna” (with elision of one Ja), laguna, “lake,” in a 1645 text from San Geronimo Amanalco in the Toluca Valley (Tierras 2554, exp. 13, f. 11). See

also Chap. 5 at n. 225. | 109. As in the verbs for playing certain musical instruments: teponazoa, “to play a log drum,” from teponaztli, “log drum,” or quiquizoa, “to play a trumpet,” from quiquiztli (see also Table 7.9). , tro. NMY, p. 18. _ rz1. Loan verbs are still outweighed by loan nouns today, though they have become far more numerous and greatly extended their scope. See Brewer and Brewer 1971, passim. Among colonial-period loan verbs that I have seen but not specifically recorded is tocar, “‘to be someone’s turn.”

earlier noun-based firmatia. , | 112. Firmaroa, “to sign,” was practically identical in pragmatic meaning to the

113. Cruzaroa occurs in a text of 1717 from San Antonio la Isla near Calimaya (Toluca Valley): “canpa mocrusadohua otli yc quaxoxtenco,” “where the roads cross at the border” (AGN, Tierras 2539, exp. 4, f. 1). I have seen this expression three or four times in Toluca Valley texts. 114. For just a sample of the attestations, see CH, 2: 132; AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11, f. 3 (Calimaya 1750); and BC, p. 106 (Azcapotzalco, 1738). 115. AGN, Tierras 56, exp. 8, f. 2v. It is possible that “‘trassuntaroa” should be read “trasjuntaroa,” but this would change nothing of substance. The passage may mean “none of my titles is translated yet,” since in Nahuatl “all are not” frequently has the meaning “none is,” but there is not enough context to be sure this is the case. 116. NMY, doc. 7, p. 106. The form “quimocopirmalhui” is interesting: the use of the applicative of -oa, -huia, as a reverential implies that -oa was something well enough understood by the writer to be taken for granted and subjected to elaboration. It is true that the most common reverential for -oa verbs was to be the causative in -oltia; see, for example, BC, doc. 17, p. 106 (Azcapotzalco, 1738). But the -huia reverential continued to appear sporadically, as in the very same document from Azcapotzalco (“oquimofirmarhui,” “he signed,” p. 102). Another example (“camo oquimobalerhuique,” “they did not take advantage of it, accept it”) comes from Huejotla, the same place as the attestation of 1634; perhaps there was a local tradition (AGN,

Tierras 1520, exp. 6, f. 12, 1710). 117. The 1637 example in Table 7.18, espoliaroa (UCLA Research Library, Spe-

568 Notes to Pages 307-9 cial Collections, McAfee Collection), is from a still unidentified settlement apparently located toward the west, possibly outside central Mexico altogether. 118. CH, 2: 132, line 6. 119. Chimalpahin’s form is morphologically regular, containing the full infinitive as a stem and the usual -/tia causative of -oa. In the stem -passeal-, I for ris the normal substitution. The pronunciation of ss is hard to specify, but the spelling is sometimes found in Nahuatl texts where one would expect x. An example of a late attestation of pasearoa still with sound substitutions is “onicpaxaluchti,” “I conducted him, caused him to stroll” (AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11, f. 3, also in N&S, item 7, text 1).

120. MNAH AH, GO 184. The verbs labeled “ca. 1680-1700” in Table 7.18 are those from this set. Internal evidence indicates that the work was recopied with some new commentary after 1700, but the primary time of composition clearly falls in the 1680's. 121. Subjecting the same corpus of verbs to numerical analysis by their semantic categories, as I did above, is not the same thing as analyzing their regional origin, because semantically they make one unified group of reasonable size, regardless of where they came from, whereas a larger sample will be required to make more of the vagaries of regional origin than that -oa was widespread (itself a most meaningful finding). The greatest concentration, eight new loans plus the use of some previously attested, is in a set of annals from Puebla (see n. 120), but this is clearly chance. It might turn out that Puebla as a second metropolitan area shares the role of Mexico City, but that remains to be seen. There is also a surprising concentration in the Calimaya region of the Toluca Valley, surely because it happens to be well endowed with late colonial Nahuatl documents and I have studied a good many of them. Limited temporal analysis of the sample is also more suggestive than the regional, because here too the whole group organizes around a single criterion and makes a pattern. 122. NMY, p. 32, puts forth the hypothesis that the pidginlike Nahuatl spoken by some in the far south of Mexico may have retained the older convention of chibua plus infinitive rather than -oa; p. 74 gives some examples. For full texts, see L. Reyes ~ Garcia 1961. 123. BC, doc. 28, p. 174 (San Martin, Guadalajara area, 1653). The situation with conjunctions was not so extreme (see the discussion in NMY, pp. 36-39). Perhaps this was the very reason why the emphasis in loans for a long time was mainly on prepositions (though hasta is often seen as a clause-introductory word, including in its earliest attestation, also BC, doc. 28, p. 174). 124. The 1653 examples of basta and para (BC, doc. 28, p. 174) are from San Martin (Hidalgo), about 45 miles southwest of Guadalajara. The 1652 example of sin is from a place called Analcotitlan, and though it has not been firmly identified, internal evidence in the document points to the west. Despite these attestations, and the very early -oa verb attestation apparently from the west (see above, .n. 117), I remain to be convinced that the periphery played a strong innovative role in Stage 3 Nahuatl, though it surely was au courant; until compilation is further advanced, we must keep an open mind. The apparently earliest attested particle in central Mexico proper is from Sultepec, 1660 (AGN, Tierras 1780, exp. 3, ff. r—-2v). The page that repeatedly uses “asta” actually gives “166” as the date, but an accompanying page specifying

1660 seems to clear up the matter. ,

, Notes to Pages 310-11 569 125. Ni aun usually lost one of the vowels of its diphthong. The first attestation, in a document of 1737 from Tepetlixpan (Chalco region), has “nian” (AGN, Tierras 2549, exp. I, f. 1). An Amecameca document of 1746 has “nion,” “niun,” and “nihon” (Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, pp. 158, 172, 174). In the Amecameca cases, as often, the meaning is close to simple “nor,” but in the Tepetlixpan document, the term conveys the full original Spanish ‘“‘not even”: “amo quimacac aqui licencia nian se topile,” “No one gave him permission, not even a topile (minor official).” Por usually meant “‘as,” since Nahuatl already had ready equivalents of the word’s more basic senses in Spanish, especially “by (agency)” and “‘on behalf of.” The Tepetlixpan document again has a good example (f. 5): “niquinnocahuilintehua por testigos,” “I leave them behind as witnesses.” Occasionally por does have other senses, however, as seen in another passage of the same document (f. 1): “amo... aqui... oquimacac yhuelitis por ytech omayauh yn tle altepetlali,” “no one gave him his permission for having grabbed what is altepetl land.” 126. Particles do not get their due in the modern dictionaries. Still, see, for Tetelcingo, Brewer and Brewer 1971, p. 73 (gpara qué?: ¢para toni?). Neither Brewer and Brewer 1971 nor Key and Key 1953 mentions the pervasive hasta, although it is found in the common phrase hasta moztla, “till tomorrow (hasta manana),” and many others. Today several other particles have joined these two on the list of indispensable words, for example, pero, “but” (Brewer and Brewer 1971, pp. 76, 176). 127. See NMY, doc. 9, pp. 114, 115, for the temporal sense and the idiomatic “even”; and MNAH AH, GO 184, ff. 12, 14v, the complete original of the same text, for the spatial sense. NMY, p. 35, gives the full text and translation of three illustrative passages; pp. 38—39 discuss in some detail the indigenous equivalents of hasta and para. 128. AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11, f. 3; also text 1 in N&S, item 7. 129. The Nahuatl future tense used here has many affinities with the infinitive of European languages. 130. Para here replaces the indigenous -pa (or sometimes -pahuic or -huic), “toward”; the standard phrase in older Nahuatl was icalaquiampa tonatiuh. 131. NAC, ms. 1477 B [1]; Calimaya, 1738. Ic was used with positional phrases in a way quite similar but not identical to Spanish para. The speaker felt the necessity of both, continuing a long Nahuatl tradition of piling up particle-like words of related meaning. Standard spelling of the quoted passage would be para ic tlatzintlan.

132. AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, f. 1 (1764). A similar loan comes from the Tulancingo region: ‘“‘yhuan oc ome teztiguz yparte y tlalcoqui,” “and two more witnesses on the part of the land purchaser” (UCLA TC, folder 14, Nov. 3, 1687). 133. Inthe NMY survey, the first attestation of norte, “north,” was 1719 (p. 78), of poniente, “west,” and sur, “south” 1738 (p. 79). Oriente, “east,” is listed under ca. 1607—29 (p. 66); this attestation is from Chimalpahin. For a full sample of late colonial Hispanized directional vocabulary, see the 1738 Azcapotzalco document in BC, pp. roo—108. 134. For hermano, see Chap. 3 at nn. 94—95. The reference to oriente comes in a discussion of biblical history (Chimalpahin 1889, p. 31): “yn tonatiuh yquigayampa motenehua Oriente,” “toward where the sun rises, called East.”” Chimalpahin’s use of norte, though not in a passage referring specifically to Spaniards, does occur in a news

570 Notes to Pages 311-12 item of general interest, the 1607 appearance of a comet (CH, 2: 63). Chimalpahin covers all the bases, giving the general Nahuatl term, the Spanish term, and a localized direction, toward Azcapotzalco: “mictlampa y norte yhuicpa yn Azcapotzalcopa.”

135. See ANS, passim, a text originally set in 16th-century Tetzcoco, especially

the royal wedding negotiations and the speeches of the old lady. | 136. In L6pez y Magana 1980, doc. 2, dated 1587, norte is written on the accompanying pictorial but does not appear in the text proper. In doc. 4, dated 1596, norte

and sur are both in the text, explained by the traditional local “ihuicpa yn chiyauhtla,” “toward Chiauhtla [north]” and “chalcopahuic,” “toward Chalco [south].” Doc. 5, dated 1605, uses Spanish loans for all four directions, without indigenous equivalents. This appears to be a meaningful progression (since north and south were the least developed cardinal directions in Nahuatl, it would be natural for them to be borrowed first), but the effect could arise from chance in a small sample. Tetzcoco, for all its importance, does not seem blessed with as large a legacy of Nahuatl documents as Coyoacan or Tlaxcala. Doc. 4, 1596, is where we find don Miguel de Carvajal calling Pomar both “notiachcauh,” “my elder brother/cousin, and ‘“‘noprimo hermano,” “my first cousin.” The two phrases occur at some distance from each other, in the order just given. See also Chap. 3 at n. 94. 137. In one of the testaments of Culhuacan, inanimates with -ton take the -tin plural suffix: “yn ichinanyo etetototi chichicueematototin onicnamaquilti,” “I sold him the three little chinampas, eight brazas each, that go with it” (TC, doc. 74, p. 256, 1587; additional examples occur in TC). Note, however, that the verbal object prefix is singular nevertheless. Tepetl, “mountain,” was among the inanimates sometimes pluralized, for reasons not yet clear (possibly their reputation.as the home of spirits; see “tetepe” in CH, 2: 117). 138. A quasi-plural was sometimes attained by the use of the distributive (reduplication of the first syllable) without a plural suffix, as in huehuei incacal, “their houses (each of them) are large.” 139. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, pp. 160, 170, 174. The possessed plural was also used in this way: “icalhuan yn Geronimo Munos,” “Gerénimo Mufioz’s houses” (p. 170). Forms of these types are found all over central Mexico, for example “nocalhuan,” “my houses,” in the Tulancingo region (UCLA TC, folder 25, March 1, 1768). 140. In “niquipia nomehuan,” “J have magueys” (AGN, Tierras 2555, exp. 14, f. 3; Soyatzingo in the Chalco region, 1736), ‘“-qui-” is for -quin-, the plural verbal object prefix. In “yn omoteneuhque tlalti,” “the aforementioned lands” (ibid., also Soyatzingo, 1734), both principal words have plural suffixes. The latter phrase seems to be influenced by the Spanish habit of almost always speaking of land as tierras in

the plural. |

141. See the discussion in Karttunen 1978. In the body of the study, I have not broached the question of the exact timing of the spread of nominal plural marking because not until late in the project did it occur to me to examine sources systematically for inanimate plurals. Most of the examples I have at present are from the 1730's and 40’s, as in nn. 139 and 140. The Puebla annals in MNAH AH, GO 184, however, which I consider primarily written in the late 17th century, do attest the phenomenon with “imahuan,” “his hands,” and “ycxihuan,” “his feet”? (NMY, doc. 9, p. 115); body parts were not standardly pluralized in Stage 1 and 2 Nahuatl; GO 184, f. 25v,

Notes to Pages 313-14 571 shows an inanimate plural through the verb (“yey bobedas oquintzacuh,” “he closed three vaults”). Zapata, writing in the second half of the 17th century, has a great many inanimate plurals (for a few examples, f. 22v, “Buertatin,” “doors,” “pilaltin,” “pillars”; f. 28, “teocaltin,” “churches,” “caltin,” “houses”). I expect that with further

compilation examples will be attested yet closer to 1640—50. Also, though I am not , yet prepared to present evidence, I have recently begun to suspect that inanimate plural marking was more common in the eastern part of the Nahua world than in the Valley of Mexico from the very beginning. In some varieties of modern Nahuatl, s serves as a plural for certain indigenous words, especially preterit agentives, which may end in -ques; -que(h) is the indigenous plural of this word type, so that -ques is a partial double plural (for examples, see

Horcasitas 1974a, p. 22, and others). I have yet to see the phenomenon in older Nahuatl texts, but it does occur in the Spanish of the Nahuatl speaker Tezozomoc, _ who flourished in the late 16th and early 17th centuries (1975, pp. 424, 451, 666: “cuauhhuehuetques,” “tepixques,” “‘tezozonques”). It seems quite plausible to me that the -ques plural originated during the colonial period in Nahuatl-speaker Spanish

and then migrated back into Nahuatl. , 142. Calques did exist with nouns. Examples would be tlatecpanalli, “something

placed in order,” used by Chimalpahin for Spanish orden, “regular order of the church” (2: 88), and -tzonteconyocan, “head or skull place,” for Spanish cabecera, “capital, head town” (Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, pp. 159, 164). But to my knowl-

edge such nouns do not figure in the translation of idioms. . 143. By our own times, many basic and common Spanish verbs had been borrowed. See Brewer and Brewer 1971, passim. 144. Phrases illustrating these senses may be found in NMY, p. 45. The passages

dated 1746 are from the document partially published in Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, and the one dated 1738 is in BC, doc. 17, p. 102. The exact provenience of the others is no longer available. NMY, p. 137, n. 13, points to an isolated example of pia with a measurement as early as 1576. As we would expect in view of other anticipations, the attestation is from Mexico City. 145. Example in BC, doc. 17, p. 102, quoted in NMY, p. 45. This kind of use was apparently the entering wedge for tle(in) as a generalized subordinator on the Spanish model, something characteristic of modern Nahuatl but not yet attested for

the colonial period. a

146. The Arenas examples are mentioned in NMY, p. 88 (Arenas 1982, pp. 41, 93, 94). At this remove, we are not in much of a position to judge whether or not a publication produced by a Spaniard, and one clearly without the accomplishments of a Molina or a Carochi, truly reproduces Nahuatl usage of the time. In my opinion, Arenas used indigenous informants or aides and gives us an authentic Nahuatl, very down-to-earth and colloquial. Perhaps it is particularly the Nahuatl of the market and the workplace; perhaps it even has something of the flavor of a subvariety used for __ communication between Spaniards and Nahuas (though it is no pidgin, nor is it the barbaric “Spaniards’ Nahuatl” sometimes seen in proclamations prepared by Spanish officials, with -cl for -t] and the retention of the absolutive suffix on possessed nouns). All things considered, it is still possible that Arenas himself had something to do with the prominence of “pia” idioms in his text. In fact, Arenas can be used as an argument,

572 Notes to Page 314 though hardly an unambiguous one, that Spaniards speaking Nahuatl were an important factor in Hispanizing innovations. 147. Here, as often, we are handicapped by a very incomplete knowledge of Na-

huatl idiom. From “to ford” to “to pass” is an almost comically large leap, but I suspect that pano already had extended meanings closer to pasar. Consider the closely

related panahuia, deeply built into traditional Nahuatl usage in the meaning “to exceed,”

148. BC, doc. 17, p. 104 (Azcapotzalco, 1738). Also quoted in NMY, p. 46. A similar example is AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11, f. 3: “sa nima onipano yca nuRepp“,” “right away I went over there with my officials” (also in N&S, item 7, text I). 149. MNAH AH, GO 184, f. 23v (Puebla, late 17th century). Also quoted in NMY, p. 45. 150. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, pp. 159, 164 (Amecameca, 1746). 151. For a modern example of pano as a calque for pasar in the sense “to happen,” see Horcasitas 19744, p. 80. 152. For example, Nahuatl quica, “to emerge (and many other senses),”’ at times - seems to have taken on idiomatic meanings from Spanish salir, “to go out, leave, etc.” In the late-17th-century Puebla annals (MNAH AH, GO 184), quica is used in the sense “to turn out (as leader after a selection process),” in a section reporting Hispanic events and in which salir would no doubt originally have been used (“to turn out as” being a prominent meaning of the Spanish verb; see the passage and some discussion in NMY, doc. 9, pp. 113, 114). However, guiga has such a multitude of meanings and overlaps with such a large part of the semantic range of salir that 1 for one am not entirely sure that guica could not have been used in a similar way even before the conquest. If this is an equivalence, it differs from the fully established ones in that the two verbs are a good semantic match from the beginning, without major adjustment

in the Nahuatl term, although qui¢a is originally more “to come out (toward the speaker)” and salir more “to go out (away from the speaker).” To date there are few relevant attestations of guica/salir; for the equivalence of Nahuatl neci, “to appear,” and Spanish parecer, also “to appear,” many examples can be found in the meanings “‘to show up,” “‘to seem,” and even “to appear” from a

text in the legalistic sense, as in “yn quename nesi ytech yn nonetlaytlanis,” “‘as appears by my petition” (Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, p. 164; Amecameca 1746). Again the question is whether or not the Nahuatl verb already had these senses, that , is, whether or not it was a natural equivalent of parecer. Molina glosses neci only as “to show up” (f. 64v; see also “parecer lo que se perdi6” and “‘aparecer o manifestarse,” Spanish, ff. 92v, 11v). The indigenous idiomatic sense “for a contribution of some kind to be raised, produced” also had to do with something physically manifesting itself. If the physical sense was the only one, then we are dealing with a typical equivalence pair. Yet meci has to do with light (see “nextia, nitla” in Molina, f. 71v), a likely semantic foothold for a verb of seeming (consider German scheinen, both “‘to shine” and “‘to seem’). Again, I suspect that the preconquest verb already had virtually all the senses of parecer and was automatically used in the same contexts, though of course such a state of things would not prevent Nahuatl awareness of parecer from reinforcing the equivalence and affecting certain specific turns of phrase. It is hard to

Notes to Pages 314-15 573 believe that in the above-quoted legalistic phrase, where two of the other words are Spanish-influenced, ~eci does not stand for parecer. 153. [he same structure obtained in pia possession phrases in general, as in “‘niquipia nomehuan,” lit. “I have my magueys” (n. 140 above). 154. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, pp. 159, 164 (Amecameca, 1746). The verbal directional prefix -ual-, so often used with past temporal expressions, also appears here, although the Spanish phrase has no comparable element. Its exact thrust in such phrases is not fully established. I think it means the same thing as in English “back in..., back when...” (compare ANS, p. 148, “in iquac nihualn6dzcali’”’). 155. Huiquilia/deber, “to owe,” which had come into existence as we have seen by the early years of the 17th century, differs from the equivalence relationships being discussed here in two ways: first, the Nahuatl verb is a derived form and thus externally something of a neologism, whereas the other equivalences involve common verbs in externally unchanged form, and second, huiquilia as far as is presently known never extended to cover the many idiomatic uses of deber (such as to indicate probability),

but applied only to the economic sense. | 156. Quen and quenin remained the primary interrogative words for this sense, ,

as they always had been (quenami is a compound embodying quen). Their range is virtually identical to that of como, but this is the result of convergent evolution rather

than an equivalence.

157. NMY, doc. 9, p. 113, 114; Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, pp. 164, 170; AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11, f. 3 (also N&S, item 7, text 1). 158. I-ca is the third-person singular possessed form of the instrumental rela-

tional word -ca; I doubt that any other inflection of the word was identified with Spanish con. Some relational words, despite their apparently different structure, have much in common with particles. The particle ic, “because of which, for which, with which, etc.,” gives every sign of being a frozen form of a third-person singular relational word, possibly -ca itself, with which it shares several senses. I-huan, “in the company of, and,” at some unknown time (apparently after the 18th century) lost the i and became a particle “‘and,” at least for speakers in some regions. 159. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, pp. 159, 171-73 (Amecameca, 1746). 160. AGN, Tierras.2541, exp. 11, f. 3 (Calimaya, 1750; also N&S, item 7, text 1). One of the phrases runs “nehual.. . yca nu sf€S alcaldes,” “I... . with the lords my alcaldes,” and another “onipano yca nuRepp4,” “I went over with my officials.” In these phrases, ica appears to have displaced indigenous -buan, “together with, in the company of, and.” (In the first example, since those accompanying the speaker are plural, by strict grammar the form should be inca, which would have been written “ynca” here. That the plural is not indicated hints that ica has become an invariant particle. However, since 1 was so often omitted, we cannot be sure.) In another passage, ica appears at first to adhere more closely to its older meaning—‘“mocuaxuxhuia yca Calistro Joseph,” “(the land) borders on (with) (that of) Calisto Josef”’—since the sense appears somewhat connected with instrumentality. The usual indigenous phrase for bordering was structured quite differently, however, with the holders of the abutting entities as joint subjects of the verb. I believe that in the present case the entire Nahuatl phrase is a calque on'a Spanish utterance like “linda con tierras de Calisto Josef.” Here as so often, an aspect of traditional Nahuatl idiom is retained even in the

574 Notes to Pages 315-17 calque. In talking about borders, Nahuatl emphasized the holders, often not even mentioning the land itself, just as in this example. Although I do not specifically remember having seen ica/con in documents beyond

the two cited, I fear that without my realizing it the wider sense of -ca became so normal to me that it did not strike me as an innovation, as guenami/como always did.

Further work will surely uncover more attestations. : ~ Both guenami and ica differ from the verbs pia and pano in the manner of attaining the equivalence. With the verbs, an aspect of similarity of meaning provided the leverage for the extension, but there would have been few cases in which the Nahuatl

and the Spanish word would have actually coincided in usage, and then more by coincidence than by virtue of meaning exactly the same thing. The particle equivalents, on the other hand, did fully share one well-defined meaning with the Spanish word involved (manner in the case of guenami, instrumentality in the case of con) and proceeded from there to take over other senses of the Spanish term. In this they pos-

sibly somewhat resembled the verbs neci and guica (see n. 152). | 161. Modern Tetelcingo Nahuatl does have some r in indigenous vocabulary (see Brewer and Brewer 1971, p. 178, for an r in the equivalent of huilana). 162. For example, the copyist of the late-17th-century Puebla annals, who writes most loans as in standard Spanish, nevertheless. has ‘“‘quixtiano” from cristiano,

“Christian” (here meaning “Spaniard”), and ‘“xinola” from sefiora, “lady” (here “Spanish woman’’). (See n. 86.) 163. See the discussion in NMY, pp. 7—8; and Lockhart 1981 (also N&S, item 8). 164. See NMY, p. 8, for examples and more detailed discussion. It was Frances

Karttunen specifically who had the insights leading to this section. One of the examples given in NMY, “gedencia,” from a set of Tlaxcalan annals, ca. 1720 (MNAH AH, CAN 872, f. 15v), should not be counted. It is there presumed that the Nahuatl form was for Spanish gerencia, but on reflection I have come to the conclusion that it is most likely a garbled form of residencia, so that whatever truncations and substitutions have taken place, the d is standard. But another example of d/r merging is

attested for 1717 (see n. 113). ,

165. ANS; FC, book 6. On the first, see the discussion and excerpts in Chap. 3, pp. 87—89. The lack of such materials could itself be indicative of a lack of need for them, of course. 166. AGN, Clero Regular y Secular 204, exp. 5, f. 248. I owe the reference and a copy of the document to William Taylor. The Nahuatl of the quoted passage runs: “Ma sequiscayectenehualo in Santisimo Sacramento = Thotlasomahuisteopixcatatzinne St Cura. Ma huel yehuatzin in DS Espiritu Santo motlasomahuisnepantlantzinco mopacayetzinnotia [sic] Miec xihuitli. Totlasomahuisthatzinne. huel nepechtequilistica. ticontenamiqui in moteopixcamatzin tosepanniantzin [sic].tehuanti Alc$ timochintin tequihuaque yhuan mochinti Altepehuaque huehuetque nican San Aug” yacapitzactlan.”” Compare the preambles in BC, docs. 29, 30, 31, 32 (pp. 176, 190, 196, 198). Some of these formulas are Spanish or Spanish-influenced, but they belong to

an167. integrated Stage 2 high style. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, p. 164. | 168. AGN, Tierras 2541, exp. 11, f. 3 (N&S, item 7, text 1). ,

169. Hill and Hill 1986 quote substantial relics of this type of speech in the present-day Tlaxcalan region.

Notes to Pages 318-21 575

170. See Chap. 9 at notes 57-59. 171. See above at pp. 303-4. | | 172. In his guide for priests, Manuel Pérez reports Nahuatl speakers saying such things as “lo llamo mi hermano,” “I call my brother,” that is, omitting Spanish objectmarking a, essentially retaining the Nahuatl phrase structure (quoted in RA, p. 317, n. 32). A late-17th-century writer in the Tula cofradia book still had Stage 2 pronunciation (indicated by his writing diputado as “tiputado”’), even though he wrote in Spanish and, in the limited sample we have, handled it competently (TCB, pp. 86-87; 1683). 173. See Lockhart and Schwartz 1983, pp. 305—8, 318-19, 321, 331. No doubt governmental decrees promoting the active participation of Spaniards in indigenous corporate affairs and favoring records in Spanish over Nahuatl documents (see Haskett 1985, pp. 102—17, 188—94) help explain the increasing production of Spanish and decreasing production of Nahuatl texts during this period, but part of the reason that the laws were passed and to some extent obeyed was precisely that Spaniards were already flooding into the Indian world. Equally important is the fact that the Nahuas were now well prepared for this development by the previous centuries of contact and linguistic adaptation we have been discussing, aside from needing to com-

municate more directly with the Spaniards, who were beginning to look over their |

shoulders on every occasion. a ,

174. I cannot provide systematic proof but will give some illustrations. An example with the full “sin embargo” formula comes from Mexico City, 1697 (AGN, Tierras 165, exp. 4, f. 3); in this case, a whole group of Indians present are said to be fluent in Spanish. In the same year, the governor of Tenayuca used an interpreter despite knowing Spanish (AGN, Tierras 1805, exp. 3, f. 41), and in 1708, all the officials of Tenayuca spoke Spanish but were given a notification through an interpreter anyway (ibid., f. 127). In 1725, the town officials of Huejotla (Tetzcoco area) used an interpreter despite their fluency in Spanish, “which they speak and under-

stand” (AGN, Tierras 1520, exp. 6, Oct. 4). 175. Again some illustrations. In 1764, a group of four officials of Tlapitzahuayan (Chalco Atenco jurisdiction) needed no interpreter “because they are sufficiently fluent in Spanish [bastantemente ladinos]”; in the same time and place, an Antonio Fermin spoke Spanish and did the interpreting for his father (AGN, Tierras 2554, exp. 4, ff. 3,

28v). In the Tulancingo region in 1768, a don Marcelo Simén Rosales received a notification in Spanish, “which he understands very well” (UCLA TC, folder 25, March 1, 1768). The transition was gradual, and everything occurs: in 1762-64, seven past governors of Coatlichan and Quauhtlalpan (central Valley of Mexico) testified, one speaking in Spanish, five using an interpreter although they were said to speak Spanish, and two using the interpreter without any remark being made, hence possibly not able to speak Spanish (AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 8). ] do not mean to give

the impression that no Nahuas testified in Spanish before the 1760’s. Forty years , earlier, in Tezontla (Tetzcoco region) two former alcaldes, aged 31 and 50, gave their testimony in Spanish; another, aged 80, used an interpreter (AGN, Tierras 2338, exp. 6, May 23, 1720). Still earlier examples could be found. 176. For the most part, the following discussion briefly summarizes N&S, item 7, which contains more analytical detail and examples as well as complete illustrative texts.

576 Notes to Pages 321-28 177. Occasional letter substitutions in the texts do indicate the continuation of certain Nahuatl tendencies in pronunciation, such as the merging of 7 and unstressed

e. See N&S, item 7. ,

178. This and several other examples can be found in AGN, Tierras 2541, exp.

, 9, ff. 1-4 (Mexico City, 1782—83). 179. Ibid. 1501, exp. 3, f. 8v (Santa Maria de la Asuncién, Calimaya/Tepemaxalco district, 1772).

180. Ibid. 2541, exp. 11, f. 5 (Calimaya, 1783). ,

181. Ibid. 2533, exp. 2, ff. 21-22 (San Lucas Tepemaxalco, 1784). 182. For example, “esto a de ser fuerte mi palabra,” lit. “this my word is to be strong” (ibid. 2541, exp. 9, f. 8; San Lucas Tepemaxalco, 1779). 183. lam very grateful to Robert Haskett for supplying me with transcriptions of these documents, which he unearthed and recorded in his own research. All three texts are in AGN, Hospital de Jestis 9: 1 (Amacuitlapilco, 1795); 59: 13, f. 35 (Yacapixtla, 1766); 55: 16 (Xoxocotla, 1784). The first contains a hypercorrect a (“‘salio electo

: Goo! 4 DM Andres losiano’’), an excess el (“para que el conste”), and a missing de corresponding to Nahuatl structure. The second contains an attempt to translate a Nahuatl idiom (“‘se le muestra madre la santa eglesia”; I have not been able to ascertain the exact Nahuatl phrase at the root of this language, but the meaning is “to look after local ecclesiastical matters’). The third has some even more opaque wording doubtless attributable to the Nahuatl substratum. In all three, the proportion of letter substitutions is such as to imply a greater deviance from normal Spanish pronunciation than appears to be the case with the Toluca texts. 184. N&S, item 7.

Chapter 8 1. Detailed studies of the preconquest recordkeeper-painters are not available, and perhaps the materials for such studies do not exist, but in general the roles in the two societies seem to have been much the same: prestigious, associated with nobility, influence, and wisdom but not with the very highest rank. 2. Occasionally, Spanish /eer turns up, as it does (used as an infinitive-noun) in a Tlaxcalan will of 1566 (BC, doc. 1, p. 52). The indigenous terms tlacuilo or amatlacuilo to denote a trained writer can be found in some 16th-century texts (e.g., BC, docs. 12, 13, pp. 92, 94; Coyoacan, 1557, 1575), but Spanish escribano was far more common from the beginning (it occurs together with amatlacuilo in the examples just given), and the native words are hardly seen after 1600. 3. “To paint,” “to spread or spatter liquid (colored) material on the surface of something,” seems to be the basic meaning of the verb by the 16th century. Its etymology is not yet clear to me. 4. See UCLA TC, folder 1 (Tulancingo, 1570; also N&S, item 6, text 1), tlapallacuiloque, “color painters,” for painters of houses, walls, and the like. See also, on amatlacuilo, n. 2. 5. See Sahagiin 1905-7 for such god portraits; compare Nicholson 1971; and Galarza 1979. In most cases, I use the term ideogram rather than logogram (which

Notes to Pages 328—33 577 Bricker 1986 employs for something very similar in Yucatecan Maya writing) because although a given glyphic element can usually be equated with a specific Nahuatl word,

it strikes me that in the central Mexican system the reference is more to the idea behind the word, or at least to an abstract and general semantic root, than to the lexical word. Nahua pictographic transcriptions tend to ignore grammar, not only omitting affixes but making no distinction between nouns and verbs. (The scroll or speech sign can apparently mean either “speech,” ¢latolli, or “he speaks,” tlatoa, as in Quauhtlatoa, the Tlatelolcan ruler, represented by an eagle and the scroll; Codex Mendoza; Galarza 1979, plate 1.2, p. 17, items 11, 12.) 6. As I have insisted elsewhere, the names of the sociopolitical entities are far too often called “toponyms.” The term is not entirely incorrect, but these words in Nahuatl do not directly name physical features (such as mountains or deserts), or even in the first instance denote areas as such, though they do shade into that sense. 7. Seen. 15 below.

8. Berthold Riese (1986, part 2) has made a good beginning at defining the genres. I do have some reservations, though, about his too-confident use of terms such

communication.

as “book” and “chapter,” and his tendency to view the records as purely written

9. See also Peterson 1988, pp. 288—89. to. Such as the Codex Mendoza and Matricula de Tributos. The former seems to have been put on paper in the late 15 40’s; about the latter there are various opinions, and it does seem the earlier of the two. 11. I here rely on a survey of the material reproduced, and carefully and skilfully analyzed, in Galarza 1979. 12. See ibid., p. 59, and plates 2.7, 3.6, 3.10—3.11. Galarza has laid the whole process bare, and he understands that the transcriptions involve substitutions for sounds missing in Nahuatl, but he is not fully aware of the systematic nature of the substitutions. A particularly fine example is the rendering of Esteban as “ix-te-pan” (depiction and analysis of the examples discussed here will be found in Fig. 8.2). Here we find not only the normal x for s and p for b, but also the common pattern in which unstressed Spanish e becomes i while stressed e remains the same. Another suggestive case is “cal-a” for Clara. One Nahua strategy for handling initial consonant clusters was epenthesis between the consonants, using the vowel of the adjacent syllable; the actual pronunciation may have been “calala(h).”’ It is true, however, that simply omitting the / in the cluster, plus the normal substitution of / for r, would give exactly the result produced by the glyph, ‘“‘cala(h).” “Domingo” is also rendered with the expected substitutions, “‘to-mi-co,” with unvoiced t and c for voiced d and g, plus the frequent omission of syllable-final . Whereas the short form of Francisco omitted the first syllable, the abbreviated form of Domingo omits the last (Galarza 1979, plate 2.7, no. 12). In this case, we are probably not dealing with a speech phenomenon; possibly here -co was identified with the indigenous locative suffix of that shape, which was ignored in traditional glyphic transcription (even when other suffixes were

rendered, as in the Matricula de Tributos).

In the case of Francisco, | have taken it that the / of cilin is silent, as the final consonant for a syllable often was, but possibly the weak unvoiced final / could be taken as an equivalent of the Spanish retroflex s even though x was the normal substitute (the / here is part of the root, not of the absolutive suffix).

578 Notes to Page 333 13. See Galarza 1979, pp. 55, 59, among others. 14. Though Galarza’s interest is ultimately in the preconquest writing system, for this reason the great majority of his material is relatively late and shot through with European influence (as he fully realizes). 15. I do not mean to minimize the phonetic aspect in the tribute lists. The principle of phonetic transcription is definitely established in them, and a large number of glyphs are affected, but the elements used phonetically are few, and they are not used consistently (that is, for example, -tlan is represented only part of the time, often being ignored). While some suffixes are transcribed, equally important ones, especially the ubiquitous general locatives -c/-co, «can, and -yan, are not. The phonetic elements | have detected are the bottom half of a human, representing pictorially tzin(tlt) (bottom, anus) and phonetically the diminutive -tzin-; some teeth embedded in gums or in a mouth to represent tlan(tli), “tooth,” and hence the locative suffix -tlan; an open mouth with a speech scroll to represent nahua, “to talk, make sounds,” and hence -nahuac, “next to”; a stylized banner to represent pan(tli), “banner,” and hence -pan, “place of,” etc.; a foot or feet to represent o(Zli), “road,” and hence the element -o-/ -yo-, “covered with,” as in the altepetl name Itzteyocan; and it may be, though I am not yet entirely sure, that an arm representing ma(itl), ‘““hand/arm,” stands for pho— netically similar elements, as in the altepetl name Cacalomancan. See Matricula de Tributos 1980, ff. 3v, §v, 71, 9r, 10r, ILIV, 13V, 15v, 16v; and the same or related items in the cognate Codex Mendoza 1980, ff. 2v, 3v, 16, 23, 33, 39, 54:

No sign in the early map at the beginning of the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca (HTC) can be shown to signify anything other than the root it portrays (as far as ]am aware the same is true for the other, more Europeanizing, pictographs in this work).

Locative suffixes are ignored. See also Nicholson 1971. 7 Scharlau (1986) in her treatment of the Codex Xolotl, a document thought to have originated before 1542, referring to a preconquest historical-legendary episode and in no visible way connected with Spaniards, speaks of and gives several examples of the phonetic use of pictorial glyphs (pp. 68—77), but all are of the type that | consider to be simultaneously symbolic and phonetic, giving one after another pictures or ideograms corresponding to the constituent roots of a proper name, as in

, conventional depictions of an ant and a mound for Azcapotzalco (lit., “at the anthill’). It is true that some of the items depicted and words intended may not have been literally the same as the corresponding elements of the name, and indeed IJ think that

systematic work on the whole corpus would show this state of things to be quite common, but I attribute it, generally and here, to folk etymology rather than to conscious phoneticism. (The Codex Xolotl, like most of the oldest pictorial documents, usually ignores suffixes whether derivational or inflectional.) 16. It is true that in notarial script especially, Spanish writing had some unitary signs for syllables (as for ver/ber), but they were a minor undercurrent in the Spanish

Spanish. ,

system and much less used by alphabetic writers of Nahuatl than by writers of 17. In the Matricula de Tributos and Codex Mendoza, the tooth grapheme,

tlan(tli), represents -tla (-tlah) as well as -tlan. We find it in words like Coatlan primarily, but also in Ahuacatla and Xocotla (Matricula de Tributos 1980, ff. 3v, ror; Codex Mendoza 1980, ff. 3v, 39). The same principle continued to obtain later in the

Notes to Pages 333-35 579 century (see Galarza 1979, passim). Note that in the tribute lists the tooth grapheme can be used even when the locative morpheme -tlan through assimilation to the pre- | ceding syllable becomes -/an, as in Xallan or Quetzallan (Matricula, ff. gr, rov; Codex Mendoza, f. 6). 18. Postconquest phonetic transcription leaves vowel length and glottal stop entirely out of account, as did (as well as we can tell) preconquest practice before it. This continuity, however, is not a very strong indication, since any arrangement inspired by the Spaniards, whose language lacked both features, would doubtless have done

the same. | ,

19. It is most improbable that the Spaniards would have hit on the syllable as the primary unit. Consider how the Yucatecan ecclesiastic Landa took some elements of a Mayan syllabary to be an alphabet. See Landa 1973, pp. 105-6 (chap. 41). 20. See Scharlau 1986, pp. 107-11. 21. Galarza 1979, plate 2.1; MNAH AH, CAN 776. See also Glass 1975, pp. 289 (item 802) and 290 (item 813). 22. As in the religious calendar studied in Galarza 1979, pp. 23—49. 23. When Scharlau composed her in many ways excellent treatment of early postconquest writing (1986, pp. 113—41), she was unaware of the volume, timing, and nature of mundane alphabetic documents in Nahuatl, a fact that renders several of her general conclusions and analytical perspectives unacceptable, without in any way detracting from the value of her contributions to the understanding of the pictorial side of things. One technical error J must call attention to; she speaks correctly of the — growth of a mixed genre in which the pictorial and alphabetic exist side by side, but she at times gives as an illustration documents in which the pictorial component is accompanied by a text in Spanish written by Spaniards (being a translation of the document bearers’ oral statements; see, for example, pp. 128—29). These documents, common enough from the 15 40’s to the 1560’s, are not mixed but still entirely in the traditional pictorial-oral mode. At most one could say, given the amount of empty space one finds on the pages, that they show the composer’s awareness that a translation of the oral component would later be written down alphabetically by someone else.

24. Especially in the use of oa and hoa for [wa] and the undifferentiated use of 1 for both [i] and [y]. 25. Notably in the (laudable) use of // for unvoiced final [I]. Olmos was conceivably the originator of the convention of h for glottal stop, in which most later practitioners followed him fitfully if at all; but then he himself was far from consistent in using the notation, and he had little if any awareness of the distinction between / for glottal stop and / to indicate devoiced final consonants. See Olmos 1972, pp. 199—

201 (book 3, chap. 6). | -

26. See AZ, throughout. The orthography stopped short of consistently adding / to any voiced consonant in final position, though as mentioned in n. 25, Olmos wrote lh. Final m does not occur, becoming x, and final [n] was so weak that it often struck both Spaniards and Nahuas as absent rather than as devoiced. Final y coincided with x and was so written. The Spanish gestures toward recognizing syllable-final devoicing, though accurate and appropriate, hardly could be said to improve the usefulness of the orthography for Nahuatl speakers. The important thing from their point of

580 Notes to Pages 337-39 view was the identification of segments; once identified, they would automatically pronounce them correctly according to context. It is perhaps for this reason that some of the earliest Nahua writers of alphabetic texts were not faithful in writing the syllable-final form differently. Fabian Rodriguez, one of the first notaries of Tlaxcala, at times wrote [w] as fu regardless of context, as in “taltepehv” (TA, p. 118), and the writers of the early Cuernavaca-region censuses (AZ) repeatedly did the same. 27. In the texts of Sahagun and his circle, the circumflex accent sometimes indicates glottal stop, and later the Jesuit Carochi had a consistent system in which it is indicated by a grave accent; this convention is found not infrequently in ecclesiastical Nahuatl from the 1620’s or 1630's on. But in documents done by unsupervised Nahuas, 4 was essentially the only convention, with an occasional peripheral writer using c. See Chap. 9 at n. 143; Lockhart 1982, n. 5 (also N&S, item 3; both Chalco region, late period); AGN, Tierras 2533, exp. 2, f. 31v (Santa Maria de la Concepcion, Calimaya region of the Toluca Valley), ‘“‘notlactol” for standard notlatol, “my statement’’; UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22-23 (San Miguel Acatlan, Tulancingo region, 1659), “‘tetactzin” for standard tetatzin, “the father.” Only once have I seen a mundane text by a Nahuatl speaker with a diacritic for glottal stop (N&S, item 6, text 1; Tulancingo, 1570).

28. See ANS, pp. 64-67, 93-100. 29. Representations of vowel quantity outside the framework of Spanish super-

vision are negligible. An undercurrent of / for glottal stop is perhaps more pronounced in mundane texts by Nahuatl speakers than in texts done by Spaniards or for them. It is noteworthy that the / was not written uniformly for all glottal stops called for by grammars, but primarily for root-internal instances, sometimes for rootfinal instances, and very rarely word-finally. Thus for the plural of tlatoani, “ruler,” Chimalpahin often writes “tlahtoque,” never ‘“tlahtohqueh.” 30. The uniform nature of Spanish spelling should not be obscured by the fact that in early modern times alternate conventions existed and might be used by the

same writer; these orthographic variants (as in “iglesia, yglesia,” or “saber, sauer”) say nothing of the writer’s pronunciation. 31. See Karttunen and Lockhart 1976a. Although the segments of such phrases were bound together in speech and the whole must have had a unitary speech inflection, and hence the unit is truly phonological, it is also a unit in syntax, constituting a minimal potentially complete statement. 32. Ido not mean to say that native vocabulary was never treated on the invariant word principle at all. My impression is that many writers did have a stock of words, especially nouns, that they treated as units and always spelled the same, but this is very difficult to demonstrate, and it is still essentially the root or stem that is invariant. A few (and there are very, very few) common abbreviations of indigenous words, such as tlpc for tlalticpac, “the earth, on earth,” unequivocally betray the principle of freezing the spelling of a given term. Even here, however, the unit abbreviated and frozen is likely to be a phrase, as in #f, etc., for totecuiyo, “our Lord.” 33. Texts outside the mainstream, such as the Bancroft dialogues and the Cantares Mexicanos (Bierhorst 1985), with more uninhibited letter substitutions, show us

that despite the dominant spelling, these items must often have been pronounced ti(y)ox, xantoh, etc. See ANS, pp. 100-104.

Notes to Pages 341-48 581 34. So far as I know, the two abbreviations mentioned in n. 32, plus a superscribed -co to indicate -tzinco, the reverential ending of a relational word, and a@° for amo, “not,” are the only widespread conventions for abbreviating native vocabulary, although individual writers often had additional conventions of their own, and some

of these may have been traditional within specific altepetl. 35. Occasionally, hypercorrection appears in native vocabulary, as in “‘aldepetl”

for altepetl (BC, doc. 24, p. 130), or “abcolco” for apcolco (BC, doc. 25, part 4, p. 146).

36. See N&S, item 8. A good deal of the effect, it is true, can be seen as the spontaneous result of phonetic writing across a subregion with strong dialectal speech idiosyncrasies. Yet I feel that there was also movement of writers and sharing of writing lore. Mateo, the scoundrel who forged a document and put it inside a saint’s image (Chap. 6, n. 159) was not originally from the Toluca Valley town where he served as cabildo notary, Santa Maria de la Concepcion in the Calimaya region, but from Metepec, not far away but in an entirely separate altepetl complex (AGN, Tierras 2533, exp. 2, f. 52Vv).

37. As demonstrated for the Tlaxcala-Puebla region in the 17th and 18th centuries in Krug n.d., passim. 38. The best documented example at the moment is the Chalco region; see N&S,

item 3. ,

39. BC, docs. 2, 3, 4, pp. §4, 58, 64; NMY, doc. 3, p. 98. 40. N&S, item 7, texts 1, 4. 41. Leander 1967. The analyses of the editor, Birgitta Leander, have been very useful to me. She is correct in asserting that a Nahuatl alphabetic text placed together with the codex by its first editor, although somewhat related in date, place, and theme, is an entirely separate item, of different authorship. The writers of the alphabetic document appear to have been from outside Otlazpan, associated with larger centers. From the evidence of the pictographic document, totally innocent of alphabeticism, it would appear that alphabetic writing had not yet been introduced into Otlazpan in 1549-50. On the other hand, among the officials of the altepetl are depicted two persons, called notaries (escribanos) in the Spanish text, whose function is indicated by two unmistakably European-style books and stylized lines of cursive writing, in addition to a pen. 42. See Williams 1980. The document appears to have been maintained current for some time, rendering dating more difficult. 43. See the fully alphabetic letter of the cabildo, dated 1554, in Zimmermann 1970, pp. 15-17; and documents in AGN, Tierras, including Tierras 20, part 1, exp.

3, f. 260 (1551), 32, exp. 1, f. 10 (1555), and 20, part 2, exp 4, f. 5 (1558). , 44. HTC, intro., p. 15. This edition, in which credit for much of the essential and difficult work with the language and with the meaning of Nahuatl concepts must go to Luis Reyes Garcia, is one of the outstanding monuments of Nahuatl philology to date, and the work as presented deserves far more detailed and comprehensive study than it has received (few indeed are equipped to carry out such study).

45. The verb is mamali; although the relevant meaning is not given under the primary entry in Molina, see his entry “teocalmamali,” “to dedicate or inaugurate a church.”

582 Notes to Pages 350-55 46. For this reason, | think the editors of the HTC go much too far when they say (p. 9) that the glyphs are mere illustrations of the fundamental alphabetic text, although surely some of the pictorial material can be said to be primarily illustrative or even decorative.

47. The largest, richest, most varied corpus at the general level of the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca is the body of documents produced under the direction of fray Bernardino de Sahagitin, not only the Florentine Codex, but the earlier versions leading up to it. This material presents an enormous challenge, for several reasons: because of its mass and distinct subgenres, because it evolved over a long time, and because there is always the problem of just what stems from the Nahuas and what from Sahagin himself. At any rate, in the Sahaguntine corpus one will find portions in which the pictographic element is basic and the alphabetic text comments on it, others in which the pictographic is important but merely illustrative, and still others in which it is not important at all; there is also a frankly decorative purpose in some of the minor pictorials. Peterson 1988 represents an excellent beginning in analyzing the pictorial matter in the Sahaguntine corpus in relation to the text and from the perspective of the Nahua writers and painters. 48. I have used the Dibble edition (CA). An even fuller example of a two-channel document on the principle of obligatory pictographic plus alphabetic (= oral) components is the Cédice Sierra, written in 1550-64 (Le6n 1982), in which the pictographic portion is much fuller and more informative. It stands to the left, where it has more the aspect of being primary, with the alphabetic text a comment upon it. I have refrained from using it as my example because, although the text is in a Nahuatl not vastly different from that of central Mexico in general, it comes from slightly outside the Nahua culture area (the Mixteca). Nevertheless, I think there is little in it, aside from some archaisms and odd constructions in the language, that does not fit in per-

fectly with Nahua modes. ,

49. See CA, p. 13. : :

50. There is actually some question about which temporal expressions apply to the death and which to the arrival of the messengers, but that is irrelevant here.

51. Dibble noticed this; see CA, p. 12. |

52. Iam unsure at this point whether the Codex Osuna represents a preconquest genre, that is, whether or not there was an oral-pictographic convention for presenting

major complaints to authorities. oe

53. See documents in Lépez y Maganfia 1980. It is true that the maps sometimes have their own alphabetic notations giving the cardinal directions, landmarks, the

names of neighbors, and the like. 54. AGN, Tierras 1525, exp. 5, ff. 3, 6—6v. 55. See also S. Cline 1986, appendix 4, with transcription and translation of an extensive land document of Culhuacan dated 1581 (pp. 189-211), and a partial reproduction of the accompanying pictographic component (p. 128). In the pictorials, line maps and numerical symbols are in preconquest style, but soil types, locations, and ownership annotations are all alphabetic. 56. AGN, Tierras 1735, exp. 2, cuaderno 2, f. r08v. A reproduction, along with a transcription and Spanish translation of the associated alphabetic text, is in CDC,

2: 175-79.

Notes to Pages 355-66 583 57: AGN, Tierras 1735, exp. 2, cuaderno 2, f. 112. A reproduction, along with a transcription and Spanish translation of the associated alphabetic text, is in CDC, 2: 181—82. A transcription and English translation are in BC, doc. 10, pp. 90-91. 58. AGN, Tierras 1735, exp. 2, cuaderno 2, f. 108. A reproduction, along with a transcription and Spanish translation of the associated alphabetic text, is in CDC, 2: 174—75. A transcription and English translation are in BC, doc. 11, pp. 90-91. 59. A vestigial date-glyph or two is found in Chimalpahin. A few small drawings of year signs in the final part of ZM are at most an afterthought; they may well have been added long after the author’s death; see Krug n.d., chap. 2, sec. 6. In any case, the glossator Santos y Salazar is responsible for a couple of inserted pages with illus-

trations in the manner of a European book. ,

60. One Stage 3 document showing such a hint is a book of local tribute records from Tepemaxalco (Toluca Valley), thoroughly alphabetic except for a series of yellow circles showing the number of pesos paid in tax each year (MNAH AH, GO 185). 61. In the last portion of the manuscript, however, the quality is not maintained,

and the year signs become scrawls. :

62. See Lockhart 1982 (N&S, item 3) for some more detail on the titles of Soyatzingo and Atlauhtla (discussed below). 63. HTC, ms. 54-58, pp. 1-2, the oldest part of the manuscript, has something

similar in appearance, but there is no connotation of spitting. 64. The clearest example of following older pictures (16th-century Hispanizing _ portraits of indigenous persons, mainly) is the so-called Techialoyan tradition. See

Wood n.d. (a). 65. AGN, Tierras 1665, exp. 5, unnumbered leaf between f. 169 and f. 172. 66. Titles of Cuixingo; illustrated in Archivo General de la Nacién 1979, 5: 64. Stephanie Wood brought this item to my attention. 67. These two documents (Appendix A, Docs. 1, 2) are in lieu of, respectively, a Spanish-style municipal land grant and a written petition placed before a judge by the plaintiff’s lawyer. The Tocuillan text bears no resemblance whatever to the Spanish genre; at first glance, the same appears to be true of the Tulancingo document as well, but though it has its own very distinct flavor and vocabulary, it does begin with polite formula, proceed to tell the facts of the case, and go on to make demands and ask for an investigation. It was also put in writing by some representative of the plaintiff and presented to court in his name, so that possibly there was a serious and quite knowl-

edgeable attempt to duplicate a Spanish genre involved here. 68. TC, docs. 25, 29, pp. 78-79, 92—95. See also doc. 81, pp. 274-77, where a woman steps in to dispute the testator’s version of the circumstances surrounding a borrowed shirt; and S. Cline 1986, pp. 30—32. 69. Karttunen and Lockhart 1978, p. 168. 70. AGN, Vinculos 279, exp. 1, f. 126v (also N&S, item 5). 71. Direct quoting of dialogue was built into Nahuatl speech in general almost as a rule of syntax, and certainly as a pattern of rhetoric. In my experience, the overwhelming majority of Nahuatl passages in which someone reports what someone else — has said are put in the first person, with tense and all other speech variables expressed from the point of view of the original speaker at the time of the original statement. Although over the years I have seen what appear to be a few examples of indirect

584 Notes to Pages 366-68 quotes using third person and past tense, they are so few as to make me wonder if they were not Spanish influenced, or misunderstandings on my part. The archives contain a great deal of testimony given orally in Nahuatl by indigenous people, translated into Spanish orally by interpreters, and written down by Spanish clerks. Hardly any of this material has the usual characteristics of witnesses’ statements in Nahuatl; rather it tends to be indistinguishable in style from testimony by Spaniards. The interpreters or the clerks, or both, not only used Spanish instead of Nahua conceptual equipment, but apparently paraphrased, compressed, and otherwise transformed the original utterances to meet Spanish expectations for this type of statement. -

72. FC, book 6. 73. The best example preserved is the cabildo of Huexotzinco’s 1560 letter to the

crown, BC, doc. 29; some remarks on the style of the document will be found in Lockhart and Otte 1976, pp. 163—65. See also the 1554 letter of the cabildo of Tenochtitlan, in Zimmermann 1970, pp. 15—17. Some of the elements of the vocabulary having to do with rulership will be found analyzed in ANS, preliminary study, part 4. 74. A letter to the crown from the cabildo of Xochimilco, closely contemporaneous with the one from Huexotzinco (being dated 1563) but framed in Spanish by some lawyer or notary, is most instructive (Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Patronato

184, ramo 50). The concerns expressed are nearly the same, but hardly a hint of Nahua high rhetoric remains. The document is much more spare and to the point (though detailed in setting out pertinent facts), using familiar Spanish legal and governmental terminology instead of the indigenous equivalents. Though much meaning has been lost, this procedure was doubtless much more effective for the purpose. 75. See BC, doc. 31, pp. 196—99; the appendix there, pp. 221-24; and Karttunen 1982, pp. 415-16. A recent study of the genre of Nahuatl election reports shows them considerably affected by preconquest rhetorical devices and metaphorical gov-

ernmental vocabulary (Haskett 1985, pp. 64—125). ,

76. See BC, docs. 32, 33, pp. 198—209, for examples of private letters. ANS has examples of conversational style, together with extensive analysis. Of course, Nahuatl letters were not entirely unaffected by Spanish epistolary conventions, but these are essentially restricted to the date, the signature, and sometimes a heading centered at the top of the page. 77. See the passage from the cabildo of Yacapitzactlan’s letter (Tuxtla district, bishopric of Puebla) to the parish priest, dated 1740, in Chap. 7 at n. 166.

78. See the discussion of this and related questions in S. Cline 1986, chap. 3, especially pp. 16, 24—25.

79. TC, doc. 69, pp. 244-47. 80. There are some exceptions. In a will done in Mexico City in 1561, toward the beginning Marina Tiacapan says, ““My children, you who are here next to me, I order you, do not forget me, always pray to our Lord for my soul” (in nopilhuan in nican notlan anmoyetzticate namechnonabuatilia macamo annechmolcahuilizque ma mochipa ipampa anquimotlatlaubtilizque in totecuiyo in naniman; AGN, Tierras 2729, exp. 20, f. 3). 81. Examples in BC, doc. 17, p. 108 (Azcapotzalco, second half of the 17th century); TC, doc. 3, p. 254, and many others (Culhuacan, ca. 1580); and AGN, Bienes Nacionales 339, item 9 (Mexico City, 1639), where “ynin notlatol amo ytlacahuiz,”

Notes to Pages 368—69 585 “this my statement is not to be violated,” is repeated after each item. Itlacoa, the transitive counterpart of itlacahui, is often used instead, as in UCLA TC, folder 23, ff. 22—23 (San Miguel Acatlan, Tulancingo area, 1659), “acmo aquin quictlacoz ynin notlanahuatil,” “no one is to violate my command,” and NMY, doc. 3, p. 98 (Coyoacan region, 1608). 82. Examples of cuilia in BC, doc. 2, pp. 56—57 (Coyoacan, 1588); TC, docs. II, 19, 21, pp. 36-37, 60-61, 68—6g9 (in the last repeatedly, mechanically); ixtoquilia in TC, doc. 30, pp. 148—51 (repeated as a formula); elehuia in TC, doc. 4, pp. 20—21; chalanilia in TC, doc. 30, p. 96. TC, doc. 31, p. 102, has the phrase, not so often seen used in this context, “macayac inca mocacayahuaz,” “let no one trick them out of it.” 83. For some examples, see TC, doc. 36, pp. 118—21 (Culhuacan, ca. 1580); Appendix A, Doc. 4 (Azcapotzalco, 1695; constantly repeated as a formula); AGN, Tierras 104, exp. 8, no f. (Tlatelolco 1700, 1712); NAC ms. 1477 B [4] (Calimaya, 1751; repeated); and BC, doc. 6, pp. 72—75 (Metepec, 1795). I am not sure whether the positive admonitions increase in frequency with time or whether I have saved more late examples by chance. Positive exhortations are rare in TC, negative ones rife. 84. See nn. 81—82 for instances of repeating after each item. An early example of formulaic repetition (with ixtoquilia and occasionally cuilia) is the will of don Luis

Cortés, written in Coyoacan in 1556 (CDC, 2: 66—67). 85. TC has numerous examples of the notary speaking on behalf of the testator; in doc. 41, p. 140, a testator speaks: “ye ixquich y niquitohua notlatol,” “This is all of my statement that I utter,” and doc. 46, p. 162, is almost the same; other firstperson statements are in BC, docs. 2, pp. 56—57 (Coyoacan, 1588), 3, pp. 62-63 (Coyoacan region, 1617), 4, pp. 68—69 (Coyoacan, 1622), 5, pp. 72-73 (Azcapotzalco, 1695, also and preferably Appendix A, Doc. 4), and 6, pp. 76—77 (Metepec,

1795). See also NMY, docs. 2 and ro.

86. TC, doc. 17, pp. 58—59. , 87. A quick glance through TC with attention to the notaries and the formulas

will provide some confirmation of this assertion. 88. Another difference between Nahuatl and Spanish testaments is that though both are divided into items (usually consisting of separate bequests), Spanish items are

normally unnumbered, introduced only by the word item or a paragraph sign, | whereas Nahuatl items have a strong (though by no means exceptionless) tendency to | be numbered, an ordinal number being attached to tlamantli, “a separate thing,” by way of introducing the statement. It is true that the numbers often peter out before the items end. The Culhuacan testaments (TC) rarely get past “first”; doc. 24 (p. 74) has a “second” in addition. For some examples of greater consistency, see BC, docs. 2, 3 (Coyoacan, 1588, Coyoacan region, 1617), and Appendix A, Doc. 4 (Azcapotzalco, 1695). I believe that this idiosyncrasy does not have to do with the oral nature of Nahuatl antecedents, but rather is an example of the general strong Nahua interest in ordering and numbering series of comparable entities. My intuition is that the presumed preconquest “testamentary” speech was not rigorously divided into separate bequests but was more flowing, like the indigenous speech forms known to us. 89. The will of don Julian de la Rosa (BC, doc. 1; Tlaxcala, 1566) can be taken

asanexample. ,

586 Notes to Pages 369-71 go. The testament of Angelina in Appendix A, Doc. 4, could serve as an example. 91. Except for some early wills that list none at all; see, for example, BC, doc. 2, pp. 56-57 (Coyoacan, 1588). This could suggest that the group in attendance was

too large to name. |

92. The witnesses to the 1566 will of don Julian de la Rosa in Tlaxcala were an alcalde and three regidores of the Tlaxcalan cabildo (BC, doc. 1, pp. 52-53). The same could occur with humbler testators as well. In 1572 in Xochimilco, a municipal constable accompanied the notary to witness the testament of Constantino (de San) Felipe, a middling pochtecatl with whom the constable seems to have had no personal

connection (NMY, doc. 2, pp. 94-97). In San Francisco Centlalpan in the Chalco region in 1736, don Nicolas de Silva had six high officials and former officials witness his will in addition to five other witnesses (NMY, doc. 10, pp. 119, 121). 93. TC is full of examples of all these things. See the discussion in S. Cline 1986, pp. 28—32, and the references there given, which could be multiplied. For some ex-

amples from Mexico City, see AGN, Tierras 20, part 1, exp. 3, f. 260 (1551; many witnesses including women), 22, part 1, exp. 5, f. 123 (1564; 15 witnesses including women), 49, exp. 5, f. 122 (Tlatelolco, 1580; joint testimony of the elders of a district), and 70, exp. 4, f. 13 (1596; will in a woman’s house miec tlacatl ixpan, “before

many (unnamed) people’’).

94. Lockhart 1985, pp. 474-75. 95. See for one example the statement of Barbara Agustina (Coyoacan region, 1608) that a partly finished blouse she was weaving was to be sold for six reales (NMY, doc. 3, pp. 99—100). In TC, see especially docs. 24 and 74, pp. 74-75 and 256—57. In AGN, Tierras 59, exp. 3, f. 18 (Mexico City, 1595), a woman says onca nocue cuetlaxcueitl yancuic monamacaz ome pesos mocuiz, “I have a skirt, a new leather skirt; it is to be sold for two pesos.” 96. Compare S. Cline 1986, pp. 64-65, 72—73, with references to TC. Lest it appear that such statements were made only in Culhuacan and only by women, let me cite a will of 1587 done in Mexico City, in which Pedro Togan disinherits his no-good | daughter Francisca, complaining that she has not returned the many good deeds he has done her (AGN, Tierras 442, exp. 5, f. 7). 97. The indigenous characteristics of Nahuatl acts of possession are rather hard to detect and appreciate because the Spanish counterparts were themselves ongoing records of judicial rites rather than absolute statements on paper, and the Spanish proceedings also involved the interrogation of any and all interested parties. Although great value was always placed on a tangible written product, if possible original, as a source of validity, Spanish documentary genres varied greatly in the degree of primacy they gave to the written over the spoken word. Wills, sales, and most other notarial documents were written statements from the beginning, with at most flashes of the actual speech of the person issuing the document; petitions, appointments to office, and decrees of all kinds: were much the same. But legal testimony did, with certain formalization and compressing, closely follow the actual statements of witnesses,

and depended for its validity on the presumption that it was a faithful record of speech; yet judges never heard the spoken form, operating on the basis of the written testimony alone. Acts of possession went as far toward an open-ended reportage of words really spoken and actions really performed as Spanish documentation ever ap-

Notes to Pages 372—79 587 proached; even here, once the occasion was past, everything depended on the written . version. 98. The reader should consult Rebecca Horn’s detailed study of Nahuatl bills of sale as a genre in late-16th- and early-17th-century Coyoacan (Horn 1989, chap. 4). 99. Compare with the patterns in the evolution of orality in Spanish-genre documents discussed at nn. 89—90 above. The two trends show similarities in chronology and in other respects but are not quite identical. Here growing contact with Spaniards does come importantly into play.

Chapter 9 ,

1. FC, book 6. |

2. Karttunen 1982, pp. 413-15, shows a full awareness of this aspect of Nahuatl writing.

3. See N&S, items ro and 11.

4. In due course, someone could and should do a book updating and broadening the work of Garibay, Historia de la literatura nahuatl (Garibay 1971), which rather than “History of Nahuatl Literature” should perhaps be entitled “History of Nahuatl Writing.” 5. See Krug n.d., chap. 4. 6. I do not count the mestizo Spanish-language chroniclers Juan Bautista de Pomar of Tetzcoco and Diego Mufoz Camargo of Tlaxcala, or even don Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl of Tetzcoco, who though he functioned as an “Indian” was as much Spanish as indigenous by descent and also wrote in Spanish using Spanish genres. 7. The second term is deduced from Molina’s entry ‘“‘xiuhtlacuilo,” “chronicler”; the third appears in Molina with ce-, “one or each,” prefixed, as “cexiuh amatl,” glossed as “‘history from year to year.” Chimalpahin uses “xiuhpohualli” in reference to a history of Amaquemecan done before his time, but not preconquest, since it spoke of events of 1540; it may well have been alphabetic (CH, 2: 12). 8. Under “‘coronista,” Molina gives first “‘altepetlacuilo,” “altepetl writer,”’ second “‘xiuhtlacuilo,” “year writer,” and third “tenemilizicuiloani,” “writer of people’s lives,” which I take to be an explanatory circumlocution made up for the occasion.

9. CA, p. 73 (1560-entry). Chimalpahin seems not to have tlatocatlalia but uses the verb tlatocati, “to be tlatoani, to rule,” for judges and governors of Tenochtitlan as well as for viceroys of New Spain (CH, 2: 49, 79, and passim). 10. See, for example, CA, pp. 42—50, dealing with the 15th century and reporting, among other things, locusts, frost and famine, earthquakes, eclipses, breaking ground for a temple, the sighting of a specter, hail, and a flood. 11. MNAH AH, GO 184, f. 26: “hue[l] nohuiyan otlamahuisotehuac yn cuitlaxcoapan.” On the other hand, the Tlaxcalan Zapata, though he had many triumphs _ to recount, complained that in 1680 one viceroy spent a much shorter time in Tlaxcala than in Puebla: “nican hocatca .5. tonali yn izquilhuitl huel quimahuiztilique = auh yn St fran©O teopan yexpan hoyluti yn quitlapaluto yn teopixcatzintzintin yhuan yn inamictzin nima yc yaqui cuitlaxcohuapan huel opa ohuecauh yn quichiuh 15 tonal = ” (“He was here five days, and each day they greatly honored him; three times he

588 Notes to Pages 379-82 went back to the church of San Francisco with his wife to greet the friars. Thereupon

he went to Puebla and was there a really long time; two weeks he spent”; ZM, f. 104V.)

12. CA, pp. 75, 78, 88, 91, 92. 13. ZM, ff. 92v-93: Axcan Ypan ylhuitzin hualathui ylhuitzin St Juan Papa martil martes a 27 de maya ¢a ya nu ypan xihuitl de 1675 anos — yn u topan calaque yn ichteque = 6 tlacatl yn umetin ocalaque Betana achtopa ce ocalac yn utlayecan huel achtopa onechquizqui yn iquac ye nicxicohua ynic oquinuz yn icniuh ynic ye nechocahuiaya = auh ynic onicquiquizquili yn icochilio huel onechmamatec y nahuin nechcaltepia yespada [for “yca espada”?] ce argapus quihualhuica yn tomitzin matlacpuhuali pesos = auh yn totilmatzintzinhuan Amo quihuicaque macanel ce tzotzomatl amo quixtique [quiquixtique? | yhuan amo techcocotehuaque. The phrase “yn utlayecan” might refer to the leader, making the translation “the leader came in first.” Xicoa is “to deceive, trick,” but here it seems to mean “to evade” or possibly “to get the best of.” The verb “quihualhuica” would seem to refer to the musket (“they had or brought a musket”), but a verb is needed in relation to the money. Perhaps Zapata

was understandably a bit excited here. I have refrained from’ quoting in full Zapata’s next entry (f. 93), but I cannot refrain from summarizing it. Starting June 20, 1675, Zapata had Juan Gabriel, “an old man like me” (“nohuehueputzin”) build him an oven (to make wheat bread for sale, probably); on July 11, it was first fired for purposes of tempering, and a priest came to bless it; two days later, on the eve of the author’s saint’s day, the first bread

came out. ,

14. [ezozomoc 1949. 15. See the extensive treatment of these matters, with copious references, in

Schroeder 1984, pp. 2-11. ,

16. Krug n.d. has many detailed, enlightening examples’ from the TlaxcalaPuebla region. Anyone interested in Nahua annals, especially of the late period, should

read this basic work, which has been very useful to me. , 17. See the treatment of Chimalpahin’s sources in Schroeder 1984, pp. 1-18. 18. Krug n.d. has a myriad of excerpts in transcription and translation that il-

lustrate the point.

19. See Krug n.d., especially chap. 5, secs. 2 and 3. -

20. CH, 2: 18. Zapata’s researches may have included older documents beyond annals, especially the Tlaxcalan cabildo records, but the point is still in question. 21. See Dibble’s intro., CA, p. 13. The main evidence that the pages were laid out in advance is that in some cases much less than a page turned out to be necessary, and two or more years could have been put on a page, as in the first, derivative part of the work. 22. MNAH AH, GO 184, ff. 17-18: auh amo huel oquisustentaroque sann ica ome tonalli ynic omochiuh yn itec siudad ynin ome tonalli ye yc oapismicoaya ypan tonali lunes yc senpuali ose 21 tonali mani metztli septienbre huel ypan ylhuitzin san matheo lunes yhuan martes yn ohuapismicohuaya aocmo nesia ma pan ma tortillas yn tianquisco ma tienda auh yn aquin ychtaca oquimochihuili yn se mita caca[st?]li yn conaxitiaya yn tianquisco ma toltilla san ypan omomictiaya yn caxtilteca manel huel momahuis-

Notes to Pages 382—83 589 tilia aocan quipoaya masehualtzintli yn aquin achtoa [sic] sa yehuatl quihuicaya yn tlaxcalli sa choquistli omania auh niman onca omacomanque ynic muchi tlacatl yuhqui teopixque yuh caxtilteca yuhqui masehualtzintzintin ynic mochi tla-

catl ynpan omomanque ym masehualtzitzintin oquimacaque se amatl oquichiuhque masehualtzitzintin ymatica yn alcalde mayor yquac ye ontleco alcalde

mayor ypalasio niman muchin pipiltzitzintin yhuan sequintin huehuey tlaca - oquitzatzilique oquilhuique pan pan pa sefor capitan ye tapismiquisque ye tapismiquisque auh in iuh oquicac yn alcalde mayor yhuan oquipohuilique yn amatl yn iuhqui oquitotia ynic mochi polihuis yn itequipanolocatzin yn tohueytlatocatzin Rey yntla techcahualtisque yn toofisio yn tlaxcalchihualistli ma yehuantin yn caxtilteca quichihuacan yn quexquich tlatequipanolistli yhuan in tlacalaquili auh yn iuhqui oquicac yn alcalde mayor niman isiuhca otlanahuati mochihuas yn acto ynic niman omotlastihuetz pregon ynic quichihuasque yn masehualtzitzin yn pantzin auh yn caxtilteca otlatequiuhti quintzatzaquasque auh yn yehuantin ni-

man ocholoque yn caxtilteca yn omixquetzca , A somewhat similar selection from this set of annals can be found in NMY as doc. 9 (pp. 114-16). 23. MNAH AH, GO 14, a relatively recent, generally excellent but not errorfree copy; I have not seen and do not know the whereabouts of the original. The copy bears the Spanish title “Anales de Juan Bautista.” In my own far from exhaustive examination of this more than ordinarily difficult text, I have seen no evidence confirming that attribution and prefer to consider the work, for now, anonymous. The name Juan Bautista occurs once but with no indication it is that of the author, any more than a great number of other names.

24. Ibid., p. 13: “axcan domingo a 28 de mayo 64 as yquac ylhuitzin quiz trinidad. yquac yc tzatzihuac. ytlanahuatil in guardian frai melchior de venavente. etlamantli ypampa in ticayotl [sic, I read ‘ticgiyotl’]. yn ayac atlan teittaz. yniquetlamantli amo cenca huel niccac.”’ The quote from fray Melchor just below runs: “ohualmohuicac yn amotatzin frai a°l.” Instead of “I didn’t hear very well,” one could alternately translate, ‘I didn’t understand very well.” 25. Ibid., pp. 64—65 (note the repeated rhetorical use of the singular as a col-

lective): ,

Ca nican ticah yn timexicatl in titenochcatl. ca onpachihuito / yn mix yn moyollo. ca otoconyomahuito. yn otoconmocahuilito. yn motlacalaquiltzin. yn oticmatomilti yn cueytl in huipilli. yn imalacapatiyouh. yn can [can?] netlacuiltzintli oconchiuh yn temac onmotlalli. cuix nel tahuia. cuix tihuellamati. yn timerino yc cana otihualneauililoc cuix timilleque. cuix titlalleque ca can ivh ca ni[?] yn titlayhiyohuitoque. yn tihuehue in tixtlamati. can ca oticahuilquixti: yn altepetl ynic oti- _

quixnamic. yn ixco ycpac otehuac.

The work contains many speeches even more packed with phrases and devices of the old public rhetoric, but it would take prolonged and concentrated work on the text as a whole to decipher them exhaustively enough to be able to quote them, and the material here tends to be so sui generis that even then substantial gaps may be left. A full-scale edition of these annals, taking advantage of the most recent advances in

590 Notes to Pages 383—88 Nahuatl philology and linguistics and searching for parallel forms in the Florentine Codex, the song collections, the Bancroft Dialogues (ANS), and other likely sources, is an imperative for Nahuatl studies. Given the nature of the text and the additional problems posed by the necessity of working from a late copy, the task will not be easy. 26. NMY, doc. 9, pp. 114, 116. There are similar examples in CH, 2: 41, 99 (also the quotation in the text below).

27. MNAH AH, GO 184, ff. 30-30Vv: 7

Oacic yn chiucnahui hora niman OCentlayuhtimoman [sic] Oquinenehuili yn chicome hora yohuac auh huel ce quarta ora ynic huecahuac yn otlayohuatimania auh y tototzitzintin yn cacalome y tzotzopi[ ... ] niman muchin tlalpan huetzque Ca papatlacatinemia huel otlaocoltzatzique auh yn tetepeh yuhquin costic tlemiyahuatl ynpan motecaya yn popocatzin yuhqui yn tlepoctli yn ipan catca auh yn tlatlaca niman Can yuhqui yn omotlapoltique teopan Cequintin omotlaloque Cequintin omauhcahuehuetzque auh Can yey yn niman omomiquilique yn iquac Ca choquis [sic] omania aocmo omiximatia yn tlatlaca :.. auh yn Cemilhuitl yeyecapitzactli oquistoya ca huel cecec auh ypan yey ora asta ypan nahui ora teotlac oquiauhticaya temamauhti yn oquimochihuili yn tloque nahuaque totecuiyo Dioz

, ypan on teotlactli jueues ,

This is the only occurrence of tloqgue nabuaque (an epithet of God) that I have seen in a fully indigenous Stage 3 text. For a typical statement of unprecedented splendor, see

Zapata’s description of the Tlaxcalan altepetl festivity of 1675: “huel omohueycachiuh yn aic yuhqui mochihuani yn umochiuh yn ixquich ica yn uc ocatca totahuan tonahuan” (“it was done in a really grand fashion; the like of what was done had never been done ever since the time of our fathers and mothers”; ZM, f. 93v). 28. Eric Van Young made this comment at a conference in December 1986, speaking of a series of passages of an ecclesiastical nature that Susan Schroeder had

aptly translated and quoted. |

29. See Haskett 1985, pp. 168—71. For discussion of mestizos or alleged mesti-

zos who actually held high office, see pp. 388-90, 410-15. , 30. MNAH AH, GO 184, ff. 23-23v.

, 31. ZM, ff. 88, 115. 32. CFP, ff. 4—4v. -

33. Krug n.d. has many good examples of special tendencies among the _ Tlaxcala-Puebla annalists. 34. The so-called “Anales de Juan Bautista” discussed above at nn. 23-25 are

| -an exception. They entirely lack a preconquest section, although the author is very much in touch with preconquest vocabulary and rhetoric. 35. Krugn.d. presents much evidence on these points (chap. 5, sec. 2, and passim).

| 36. For those who know Nahuatl, the passages quoted in nn. 22 (Stage 3) and 25 (Stage 2) can give some sense of the difference in flavor. 37. For systematic discussions of what is known of Chimalpahin’s life and work, see CH, Zimmermann’s notes; and Schroeder 1984, pp. 2-11, 18-27.

38. The “Eighth Relaci6n” (CH, 1: 145—78), is a partial exception, being a unified political-genealogical history of Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco not specifically divided by years; it even uses the term Chronica toward the beginning (p. 146), although it is

Notes to Pages 388-91 , , 591 not divided into titled chapters. A foreword in Spanish shows that Chimalpahin had

an extensive vocabulary but was subject to slips in idiomatic usage. 39. This, the Zimmermann version, is the one I have used myself, with occa_ sional reference to photocopies of the original manuscripts. Despite some occasional very minor problems of word division and the like, the publication is a truly major

contribution to scholarship. Zimmermann’s too often neglected endnotes are also | most valuable. They do not, of course, replace the complete and up-to-date translation

we so badly need. Zimmermann, though he had planned to publish a translation (which never came to pass), maintained at times that one was not needed, that those. who knew Nahuatl could simply read the printed transcription. Actually, Chimalpahin uses too many rare words, idiosyncratic meanings, and unusual constructions for , anyone to be able to read the more difficult passages without intensive study of the whole corpus, and even that does not always bring results. No modern scholar yet

understands all of Chimalpahin, and some errors in Zimmermann’s notes and tran-

scriptions show that he did not either. — , 40. CH, 1: 157, described in Schroeder 1984, pp. 14, 17.

41. Schroeder (1984) has studied this aspect in detail.

104-8).

42. CH, 2: 99-100. Other especially vivid passages concern the arrival of some Japanese in Mexico City (2: 92) and the funeral parade for Archbishop Guerra (2: 43. Tezozomoc 1949, frontispiece; CH, 2: 49. By my orthographic principles I should write Tecocomoc, the form that appears in his Nahuatl annals and that he doubtless used generally, but the name is now too well established with z.

44. See Tezozomoc 1949, p. 47, for only one, the most unmistakable, of Chimalpahin’s comments; others are scattered throughout, sometimes identified by his name, other times by their content. Arthur Anderson is now working on a translation of a recently discovered manuscript of the “Chronica,” apparently anterior tothe copy. from which Le6n worked; when Anderson showed me a photocopy of some of it, it appeared to me to be in Chimalpahin’s handwriting. |

45. Tezozomoc 1949, pp. 11, 13.

sive literature). , a

46. See Barlow 1945; and Colston 1973, pp. 48—66 (which surveys the exten-

47. Some parts of Tezozomoc’s Nahuatl annals coincide quite closely with portions of his Spanish chronicle. Whether this material was generated by him and added __ to the chronicle, or lifted from the earlier Nahuatl history and put in the annals, is an interesting question I am not equipped to answer, though I incline toward the first possibility.

48. Tezozomoc 1975, pp. 227, 235. The speeches having to do with marriage , negotiations on pp. 234—35 are highly reminiscent of ones in ANS, pp. 118—23.

Other exact translations of Nahuatl phrases will be found on pp. 261, 273, 276, 288, 450, 457, 500, and many more. 49. Duran 1967. The disappearance of the original or set of originals on which these and other works were based is one of the greatest losses the Nahuatl-language

corpus has ever suffered. , ,

annals framework. , ,

50. HTC and the preconquest section of CA have portions in dialogue in an

592 _ Notes to Pages 391-92 51. It is possible that nonexpansive 16th-century annalists like the writer of CA were in a sense still in the first stage of alphabetic evolution (see Chap. 8)—that they were using the alphabetic component as little more than a translation of the pictorial component and were keeping a longer recital in their heads. 52. Although older Spanish usage demands “‘de” before the surname Zapata, the author in the many times he wrote and signed his name never seemed to use it, | and one must respect his preference. Zapata’s work is preserved as Mexican ms. 212, Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris. --§3. The late-17th-century Puebla annalist whose work has been mentioned and quoted several times, the author of MNAH AH, GO 184, or of an earlier document on which it was based, is fully the equal of Zapata, if not at times superior, in evoking scenes during his own time, but his information is much less full and systematic, and

when it comes to earlier times he falls far, far short of Zapata. : 54. ZM, f. ro8v. 55. 2M, f. 114Vv.

56. Prendaroa (“to hock’) is on f. 35 of ZM, presentaroa (“to present’) on f. 80, and there are other loan verbs; basta (“until”) is on f..92v. Zapata standardly

above, at n. 13. ,

| gives a person’s age by using the calque quipia ... xibuitl (“he has so-and-so many years”). Inanimate plurals will be found throughout the work; one is in the quote 57. In speaking of a procession in 1677, Zapata bends over backwards to find ways to avoid saying pasados. In rising order, we find “yn utequihuacatique Regidortin yhuan quimicahuique yn uhualcaldetique nima yn omochiuhque gubernadoreztin”’ (“the regidores who had held office, and behind them came those who had been alcalde, and then those who had been made governor”; ZM, f. 97). 58. A section on the repair of a bridge destroyed by flood uses primarily “puete” (ZM, ff. 9t1v—93); f. 113 has “quapatl” in the body of the text, “buete” in the margin; f. 22r has “campana” as well as the indigenous neologism “‘coyolcalli,” “bell house”

(bell tower). ,

59. | am not prepared at this time to make definitive comments on the potentially significant fact that the known Stage 3 annals are primarily from the TlaxcalaPuebla region. It is quite possible that greater corporate and historical consciousness survived in that area, which may have been somewhat less overrun with Spaniards than the orbit of Mexico City. Yet in view of wide-ranging simultaneities, I am inclined to doubt the existence of a substantial difference. Important later histories from the | western part of central Mexico may yet emerge, or they may have existed and be lost

forever. , :

To return to Zapata, the Nahua secular priest don Manuel de los Santos y Salazar is considered by some to have been joint author of Zapata’s annals, and with some reason, since on a title page he prepared he asserts that he finished the work. In fact, all Santos y Salazar did was to provide numerous marginal notes, mainly in Spanish. Most merely highlight the content, though he occasionally made an editorial comment or added a factual detail. He also added one or two pages in Spanish about the Virgin ~ of Ocotlan and filled in some spaces left blank by Zapata with miscellaneous Nahuatl entries, often out of chronological sequence with the surrounding material. Thus Santos y Salazar has nothing to do with the nature and merit of Zapata’s work. ,

Notes to Pages 393-95 593 He is, of course, a most interesting and significant figure in a different way. He © was as great a Tlaxcalan patriot as Zapata, but he seems to have made the step over into the intellectual world of the Spaniards. He was more at home writing Spanish than Nahuatl, and his prose is indistinguishable in style and content from what a rural Spanish priest might write. He collected Tlaxcalan annals (see Krug n.d., chap. 2, secs. 5—6) almost in the same antiquarian spirit, it appears, as Spanish historians such as Sigtienza y Géngora or Clavijero. If he truly wrote a Nahuatl religious play (see below at nn. 94-95, 134-36), that would be something different, but I suspect that here too he was mainly collector, perhaps editor and reviser as well. As a priest and as a Spanish-Nahuatl intellectual, Santos y Salazar is an extremely early precursor of what was to become a major movement, the shift of portions of the Nahua upper rank over to operation within a Spanish context and tradition, bringing a good deal of indigenous culture and sentiment with them. The topic demands its own book, one perhaps even harder to research and write than this one. 60. Sahagtin 1975, p. 214 (chap. 8 of the appendix to book 3).

collection. , ,

61. Bierhorst 1985 contains a complete and reliable transcription of the

62. See Karttunen and Lockhart 1980, pp. 34-35. 63. Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Library, University of Texas, Austin, ms. CDG-980 (G-59). Pomar himself did not necessarily write down the songs; indeed,

many consider it unlikely. ,

64. Sahagun 1975, p. 582 (book 10, chap. 27); Duran 1967, 1: 195: Ixtlilxochitl 1975-77, I: §25.

65. Compare Leén-Portilla 1983. ,

66. In this I coincide with Bierhorst 1985. Originally I did not question the — category poetry, as can be seen in Karttunen and Lockhart 1980; but by the time the

article appeared, I had decided in favor of “song.” 67. These points emerge from almost any ten pages of the Cantares Mexicanos. See also the discussions in Bierhorst 1985, pp. 17, 42, 70-82. 68. See the many entries beginning cuica- in Molina, f. 26v. 69. Leén-Portilla has recently (1983) shown himself inclined to use cuicatl as the basic category. A preconquest glyph, still known and used far into the 16th cen- _ tury, divided the conventional “speech scroll” into segments (often eight, possibly corresponding to the eight parts of many songs); see Peterson 1985, pp. 1o1—2. I take the thrust of this device to be “song” rather than ordinary speech, so that it would add nothing to the question of poetry versus song as categories. 70. “Tlatollaliliztli,” “tlatolchichiualiztli.” The glosses for “poet” are based on the same roots. (Molina, Spanish, f. 97.) The noun #latolli, in both constructions, can equally well be construed as “statement” rather than “word.” It is particularly interesting that tlatolli was chosen for use in the gloss because in a sense it was the opposite

of cuicatl, as Leon-Portilla has seen (1983).

71. The best-known and most assertive exponent of this school of thought was Angel Maria Garibay, who in his editions often omitted the word Dios from the tran-

scription, leaving it only in the margin (Garibay K. 1964—68). 7 72. For a fuller discussion of the structure of Nahuatl song, see Karttunen and Lockhart 1980.

594 Notes to Pages 395-98 : 73. See Karttunen and Lockhart 1980, pp. 18-21. , 74. Cantares Mexicanos, f. 26v. The Nahuatl is transcribed in Karttunen and Lockhart 1980, p. 44 (verses 7 and 8), and Bierhorst 1985, p. 218. The translation of the phrase “two springs” is especially speculative. Bierhorst (1985, p. 219) has “T’'ll pluck” instead of “Where will I get,” which is an entirely possible interpretation and

, would fit the context rather better.

1980, p. 38. -

75. There are some exceptions to this tendency. See Karttunen and Lockhart

76. Transcribed with marking of the structure, with considerable commentary, in Karttunen and Lockhart 1980, pp. 56—63. Also transcribed and translated in Bier. horst 1985, pp. 346—49. The “ghost-song” baggage and certain mannerisms aside, Bierhorst does offer some alternative translation possibilities that deserve the consideration of the reader who knows Nahuatl and cares to explore them. In the passage

in verse 7, the Nahuatl verbal form, “ahuiltillano,” perhaps consists of abuiltil-, -(t)lan(i), and a vocable o. In verse 8, though Bierhorst seems to think he has a solution to the queried phrase (“‘You will’’), the meaning of the verb remains mysterious, even though a variant in the Romances has an apparently better version (see Karttunen and

Lockhart 1980, p. 57). ,

77. Romances, ff. 11r—12r, transcribed and translated in Karttunen and Lockhart 1980, pp. 62—63. The structural comparison is represented graphically on p. 56. 78. See Bierhorst 1985, pp. 107-8. 79. See ibid., pp. 97—102, with copious specific examples. 80. I concur with Bierhorst in believing that the songs were primarily composed and set in a time subsequent to the lives of their protagonists. However, when they are made to speak, I take it that they are usually to be imagined as speaking in their _ own time perspective, whereas Bierhorst takes it that they are literally called back from the dead to do battle for the Mexica cause. The “ghost-song”’ interpretation, with which Bierhorst’s edition is shot through, to the great detriment of what is in

, many ways a splendid publication, has met with general skepticism on the part of | reviewers, but the unfortunate truth is that most of them do not know what they are talking about. The falsity of the interpretation as a blanket explanation of the Cantares hinges on matters of translation, and there are only five or six people in the world equipped to cope with the language of the songs, of whom only Le6on-Portilla (1986) and I have made resounding and thorough rebuttals. See my review of the

Bierhorst edition, N&S, item 9. |

81. For tecpana, see Bierhorst 1985, pp. 254, 258, 268. For tlalia, see ibid., pp. 262, 272, 276, 324. Curiously, tlalia is often used in testaments as a synonym of tecpana. Another attribution in the Cantares speaks in terms of performance, using

the verb tzotzona, “‘to beat (a drum)”; ibid., p. 152. ,

82. See my further related considerations in N&S, item 9. , 83. Bierhorst 1985, pp. 318—23, 419-25. , 84. The one unusual feature is that a large proportion of Spanish loans are

spelled with typical Nahuatl sound substitutions, such as Luix for Luis, Palacizco for Francisco, and coloz for cruz, “cross.” It is not that one would expect any different pronunciation from Nahuas at this time period, but that certain well-known words

Notes to Pages 398—401 595 and names, including those just mentioned, were practically always written with “correct” Spanish spellings no matter how they were pronounced. And surely the welleducated copyists knew the standard spellings. Whatever the reason for this phenome-

non, it distinguishes the songs (the Cantares, at least) from other known Nahuatl writing except the Bancroft Dialogues (see ANS, pp. 100—104) and later the archaizing “Techialoyan’” documents (see below; and also Wood 1984, 312—13, 318; Wood

n.d. b).

85. See Bierhorst 1985, pp. 33—34, for a listing of specifically Christian or ecclesiastical songs and passages. 86. References to the conquest, direct and indirect, abound in the Cantares, but see especially Bierhorst 1985, songs 64 and 68, pp. 319-23, 327—31.

87. MNAH AH, GO 14, pp. 7, 14, 25, 53, 98, 118, 132, 134-35, 139-40, 150 (1564-67). The occasions were mainly saints’ days, but included marriages of nobles, consecrations, and other celebrations. 88. CH, 2: 15, 41. The types mentioned are the michcuicatl, “fish song,” and

chalcacibuacuicatl, “Chalco woman’s song.” oo 89. Ibid; MNAH AH, GO 14, pp. 5, 14, 58, 100, 139, 140 (1564—66). In the second source (p. 5), the annalist notes that don Pedro Tlacahuepan Moteuccoma bought the pole on one occasion. On another, after the four official fliers, dressed in their bird, butterfly, and monkey suits, had performed, four volunteers in only their cloaks followed suit, for which they were jailed (p. 58; 1564). 90. ZM, f. 97. Zapata also uses the verb huehuecuicaque, lit., “they old-sang,

they elder-sang.” 7 :

above. , 91. Bierhorst 1985, p. 90; also see his remarks in n. 23, p. §31.

92. An example is printed in ibid., p. go.

93. Dela Cruz 1975, p. 212.

94. See the discussion of Santos y Salazar in connection with annals in n. 59

95. TN, p. 534. Others, all of one stanza, are on pp. 520, 522, and 526. ,

96. For examples, see Hernandez Hernandez 1986; Ramirez 1986; Xokoyotsi 1986; and Reyes Garcia and Christensen 1976. See also Bierhorst 1985, p. 91. 97. See TN, passim. This basic work by Fernando Horcasitas, a vast contribution to Nahuatl philology, brings together a substantial amount of the existing theatrical corpus in transcription and Spanish translation, some of it published in the late t9th and early 2zoth centuries by Paso y Troncoso, and some of it discovered and published for the first time. In the library of Tulane University are many of the materials Horcasitas was amassing toward a second volume, which illness and premature death prevented him from completing. As Horcasitas realized, TN is far from definitive. The transcriptions mainly modernize the orthography, with consequent loss of distinctions, although some idiosyncrasies of the originals are retained; division into

words is often highly inconsistent, punctuation is arbitrary, and typographical errors and misreadings are rife. Horcasitas’ texts are sufficient for many purposes, and for the most part I have used them without further recourse to the originals (which are themselves nearly all posterior copies, some of them unreliable modern transcriptions). The translations improve on their predecessors and give a generally adequate

596 Notes to Pages 401-6 notion of the content, but errors abound, and much improvement is needed. In due course an updated, more complete, and much more critical edition of the corpus will

be required. ] .

98. A few examples from TN are “somprero” (sombrero), p. 258; “linpo” (limbo), p. 358; “prigonero” (pregonero), p. 368; “‘josticia” (justicia), p. 370; and “iburmasion” (informacion), “lasbenas” (blasfemias), both p. 394. 99. TN, p. 282. The play is reproduced on pp. 290-327. 100. IN, p. 314. tor. TN, p. 316, in the speech of “Capitan Reyes.” 102. The manuscript is now at Princeton’s Firestone Library and as I understand it, not available for consultation at this writing, but I read portions of it when I evalu, ated and described the Nahuatl text for Philadelphia Rare Books and Manuscripts, from whom Princeton made the acquisition. The Nahuatl runs over 18 pages, from f. 207 to f. 215v. 103. I was unable to determine whether the heading of this manuscript (hereafter referred to as Firestone ms.) was done by the Nahua amanuensis, my first impression, or by the friar writing more carefully than usual. 104. Firestone ms., f. 208v. F. 209 has ““Herudes” for Herodes, Herod, f. 210v “peccato” for pecado, “sin,” and “pe” for fe, “faith,” f. 212v “jodio” for judio, Jew, and ff. 214v—215 “‘beticio” and “‘bedicio” for bendicién, “blessing.” Many other Spanish loans are written in the usual Spanish fashion. 105. Ibid., ff. 209—209Vv.

106. Horcasitas (TN, p. 237) mentions that a piece now lost, attributed to fray Luis de Fuensalida, one of the first 12 Franciscans in Mexico, is said to have had an

angel presenting letters from inhabitants of limbo to Mary. |

107. Firestone ms., f. 211Vv.

108. Ibid. 109. I have noted references to preconquest times only in the “Comedia de los Reyes” (TN, pp. 290-327; see Horcasitas’ remarks on the question on p. 283) and in the late play on Santa Elena and the cross, copied, arranged, or written by the antiquarian Santos y Salazar (TN, pp. 520-54). 110. Horcasitas has brought together, quoted, and discussed much of this mate-

rial in TN, pp. 36—46. , 111. Notably, Garibay and Le6n-Portilla; see TN, p. 45.

112. IN, p. 292. |

113. Examples in TN, pp. 292 (in addition to the one quoted just above), 294, 296, 298, 300, 304, 308, 310, 312, 320, 322, 324. Of these, pairs on pp. 298 and 312, both involving the speeches of two Jews, are nearly as strong as the one quoted. 114. The huehuetlatolli may not have been so set a genre as previous scholars have imagined, and indeed the term may not have been so current among the Nahuas as has been thought, but the word does designate a pronounced characteristic of Nahuatl formal speech. 115. TN, p. 212. 1 have skipped past a puzzling word or two (probably related to transcription difficulties at some point in the transmission process), since they do not affect the passage for present purposes. The original contains several standard metaphors that do not translate well and are ignored here but can be seen in the Nahuatl

Notes to Pages 406—9 597 transcription in TN and to some extent in Horcasitas’ translation. See ANS for close

parallels of all these expressions. See also the speeches of two noblemen, TN, pp. 214-15, making much of the child Isaac in a way highly characteristic of Nahuatl polite speech. This too is found in ANS (pp. 138—45). 116. TN, p. 260. For parallels, see ANS, pp. 23-27; also Chap. 3 at nn. 107-13. 117. TN, pp. 214, 216. For the terms, see Chap. 4.

118. IN, p. 314. ,

119. IN, p. 272. See ANS, pp. 140-41; in places the passages run parallel word for word. 120. “Souls and Testamentary Executors” (“In animaztin ihuan albaceas”) and “The Merchant” (“Neyxcuintilli yntechpa tlantohua yn pochtecatl”’). The first is mentioned in Chap. 6 at n. 36, the second in Chap. 5 at n. 166. Both are in the Library of Congress, box “Aztec Dramas,” MMC 2771. Only two such pieces seem to be preserved, but they imply a subgenre. 121. Horcasitas raises this point (TN, p. 135); see Motolinia 1971, p. 92. 122. See Motolinia 1971, pp. 106—14 (from Historia de los indios de la Nueva Espana, trat. 1, ch. 15), for a pageant of the late 1530's in several ways calculated to magnify the altepetl of Tlaxcala. 123. This is the impression that the reader of the plays receives, but Barry David Sell has done systematic research confirming the impression. He has compiled a list of all loans in the plays in TN and established that none are unambiguously of the type characteristic of Stage 3. Through a frequency count he has shown that some widespread early loans account for a huge percentage of all occurrences. He compares the loans in the plays with those in Molina’s Confessionario mayor (1569, originally done - some years earlier) and finds a close congruence. Sell’s research will doubtless be pub-

lished in due course. | 126. TN, p. 228. , , 124. See IN, pp. 222, 314, 322, 390. 125. See Motolinia 1971, pp. 101, 104—14 (from Historia de los indios de la Nueva Espana, trat. 1, ch. 15).

127. This is also Horcasitas’ conclusion. See TN, pp. 281-83. 128. For one small example, in the play about the sacrifice of Isaac, the word “eye” (ixtelolotli) is pluralized, which would be extremely rare in 16th-century Nahuatl; though perhaps barely possible in certain usage, it would definitely not be con-

cordant with the high style of the play’s speech in general. 129. Horcasitas (TN, p. 422) reports the existence of 18th-century play scripts, not identical in every respect but closely parallel over long sections, from the neighboring towns of Tepalcingo and Axochiapan in Morelos. 130. In TN, pp. 344-419. See Horcasitas’ enlightening discussion of the Tepalcingo background and his convincing conclusions on the origin of this version of the

play, p. 133. |

131. The full demonstration of these assertions would require a long, detailed study, in fact an edition of this play and its relative from Axochiapan, which would

be a most worthwhile enterprise.

132. For example, in one episode (TN, pp. 356—61) Mary in motherly concern attempts to dissuade Jesus from his sacrifice, as in the Holy Wednesday playlet men-

598 Notes to Pages 409-12 tioned above; the prophets in limbo are mentioned as there (though without letters and angels), and some of the same arguments are ventured on both sides. 133. TN, pp. 344, 390. P. 390 also has the ubiquitous tepozmacquahuitl for

“sword.” , , 134. In TN, pp. 514-51. 135. IN, p. 516. 7 :

136. Horcasitas has noticed these features; see TN, p. 516. The tocotines are

discussed above at nn. 91-93. ,

137. Gibson 1964, pp. 271, 287-88; Gibson 1975, pp. 320-21. See also the substantial and acute work of Robertson (1959, 1975), though it largely concerns the peripheries of this genre and is done in the spirit of technical art history.

138. I here desist from putting “‘titles” in quotes, it being understood that the term is not to be taken literally and, appropriate or not, must be used because of its

currency and for lack of an alternative. , 139. I will primarily follow Lockhart 1982 (also N&S, item 3), which analyzes some Chalco titles and generalizes on that basis, adding some points from Wood ~ 1984, chap. 8; Wood 1987; Wood n.d. (a)—(d); and Haskett n.d. Wood has made a large contribution to this field. My remarks here far from exhaust the potential of

these publications, which will reward those who consult them. | , 140. Wood 1984, pp. 112—21, shows that the Indian towns of the Toluca Valley did not respond very enthusiastically to Spanish official offers of title adjustment for a fee (composicién) in the early 17th century (compare Chap. 5, at n. 93).

141. AGN, Tierras 1665, exp. 5, f. 168: ~ Yoyahue tt°Y€ Diosce ca odicmahuicoque y metztli y citlali yn iaxcantzin y cem-

anahua tladohuani Dios auh notlacopilhuane ma xicancicamadica ca oncquihualmohuiquili y cordes y don luys de pelazcon marquez ynic titlaneldoncazque macanyac choloz ynic ticmochidic d°pan maxiticquiuh yn oquihualmohuiquili y tlaneltoquiliztli yn itlasomahuiznacayotzin tt jesoh pxoto yni tictochihuacque tichricticanoti yni monequi ticchihuazque yn ichatzinco Dios yn ocan micssan tiquitazque yhuan i ticmatisque y nauhtlamatli yn iximacholucatzin y tt° jeso xopto y totlatoli ynic onca titoyolcuiticque yn oca tocecahuazque y tictocenlilizque yn itlasomahuiznacanyotzin tt© dios ynic oca toquactequizque auh y tomicquilizque oca titococque auh ca yuhqui otechmonahuatili y curtez D° luys de pelazco marquez yn ac ye Sando ticdotequipanilhuizque.ma ximotemolican

notlasonpilhuane , ,

Although J have put only one phrase of my translation in parentheses as particularly dubious, the text contains many uncertainties. I will not enter into them here except —_to say that although imbqui most often refers backward, it is conceivable that the . intention of the last part is “Cortés don Luis de Velasco Marqués told us, ‘My dear children, ask yourselves what saint we shall serve,’ even though this too contains anomalies. The court translator at the time also had his problems, omitting some portions and making deductions about some of the rest that ] am fairly sure are erroneous; his translation will be found at f. 184. 142. In the Spanish version, the court translator rationalized the string of names, . recognizing that he was dealing with two people of different times, but this is unten-

Notes to Pages 413-15 ~—§99 able, for in the Nahuatl the entire string is treated grammatically as a singular subject. Moreover, Velasco is inserted between Cortés and the title he was mainly known by.

Velasco was also a marqués, and though this fact was not very widely known, it doubtless contributed to the confusion; elsewhere in this set of documents, Velasco is called Marqués del Valle, the specific title of Cortés (ibid., f. 177A). 143. I have found deviant orthography the norm in titles of the Chalco region, and so has Wood for the Valley of Toluca (1984, p. 341), but Haskett has discovered some standard spelling in titles in the Cuernavaca jurisdiction (1990).

144. See Lockhart 1982, p. 392 (N&S, item 3). | ,

145. The word is as close to a Nahuatl name for the titles genre as anything | have seen. This is one of the Spanish words beginning in- in which that element was taken to be the Nahuatl article and omitted. For further discussion and documentation of the sharing of elements of titles among altepetl, see Lockhart 1982, p. 392 (N&S,

item 3). , | | - 146. Wood, on whom I rely: 1984, pp. 301-22; n.d. (a), (b).

147. Here is another piece of indirect evidence of a partial awareness on the part of Nahuatl speakers of the historical process of the linguistic stages of adaptation to

Spanish (see Chap. 7, pp. 283—84). |

, 148. MNAH AH, CAN 4. 273, no. 2, p. 995. ,

149. Ibid., pp. 1007—1008. The document I used is a copy by the mid-1g9thcentury philologist, interpreter, and antiquarian Licenciado Faustino Galicia Chimalpopoca. I believe that Galicia Chimalpopoca reveled in letter substitutions and replacement vocabulary for loans, and though he produced many relatively faithful copies of Nahuatl texts, I rather suspected him of having done some embellishing here (although I do not believe that he ever altered the basic character of any document he copied). As this book was in press, Stephanie Wood brought to my attention an original in the Bancroft Library (Cédice Nahuatl — A; M-M 468) that agrees in most details with Chimalpopoca’s version, vindicating him of have changed anything other than very minor aspects of the orthography. Whoever created documents like this one had a good knowledge of actual colonial-period documentary practice and termi- nology, and deliberately translated term for term into an idiom reminiscent of Stage r. It is quite possible that authentic documents of the 16th century were at times used as the pattern for this kind of doctored version. I had suspected that the original was more like a Techialoyan than is apparent in the copy; Wood informs me that it has indeed been listed among Techialoyans, but not being well illustrated, it lacks many

of the normal characteristics. :

150. Or firmatia. If we enter into technical details, the situation is a bit more

complex than straightforward replacement. The statement in the titles document as it

_ stands is redundant, even incorrect. If name and rubric are specified as here, the proper verb is tlalia, “to set down.” The reflexive firmayotia (“to sign’) and the replacement verb as used here are self-contained and not compatible with additional objects in the absence of an additional object prefix. Nothing should surprise the reader of titles, but this has the feel of a very late, unidiomatic improvisation. Never-

Techialoyan vocabulary. , |

theless, Wood has shown (1984, p. 311) that tlilmachiotia is characteristic in the 151. See Wood 1984, pp. 304-22.

600 Notes to Pages 415-23 1§2. See Lockhart 1982, pp. 385—86 (also N&S, item 3). See also Chap. 5. : 153. See Lamphere 1983, especially pp. 745, 752, 759, 763; and Heizer and El-

, Sasser 1980, p. 204. |

154. The titles of Capulhuac in the Toluca Valley, discovered and discussed by Wood, are in rambling testamentary form (see 1984, p. 325 and surrounding pages). A late-17th-century set of titles from the Sultepec region, though not formally in the shape of a will, bears a great resemblance to one (AGN, Tierras 1780, exp. 3, ff. 2-5). 155. Wood has taken the lead in ferreting out authentic facts in titles (for example, 1984, pp. 332-40). See also Lockhart 1982, pp. 387—88 (also N&S, item 3). 156. Asin the examples of Sula and Soyatzingo/Cihuatzinco in Lockhart 1982,

pp. 376—80 (N&S, item 3). os 157. This is roughly the situation Wood (1984, pp. 329, 335, 338—39) discovered in relation to the titles of Capulhuac.

158. See Chap. 4 for the same point having to do with the teccalli/tecpan and calpolli, Chap. 5 in matters of land tenure, and Chap. 6 in religion: 159. The titles of Sula in the Chalco region come the closest of all the examples I have seen to illustrating the whole gamut of the standard themes of the genre. See

Lockhart 1982 (N&S, item 3).

| 160. Molina glosses “quauhtlacuilo” (lit. “wood painter”) as “wood carver,” and under “esculpidor,” “one who sculptures,” there is also “tetlacuilo,” (lit. “stone painter”). See also the other entries related to esculpir. 161. The complex has been described in Kubler 1948, pp. 314-41, and later, in much greater detail, in McAndrew 1964, especially in chap. 6. It is understood that not literally every foundation answered to the description in every respect. The term posa for the corner chapels is most likely posterior; indeed, no contemporary techni-

cal term for the “open chapel” itself has been established. 162. See Kubler 1948, p. 422; and McAndrew 1964, pp. 237—40. 163. For a sense of the preconquest situation, see Broda 1987.

164. Kubler 1948, p. 422. , 165. See McAndrew 1964, p. 209. Direct evidence on the timing of the transition is extremely sparse. 166. On the need for new rites, see Kubler 1948, pp. 420-21. 167. On this point, see McAndrew 1964, p. 196. 168. Ibid., p. 199.

169. The cookie-cutter term is McAndrew’s (ibid., p. 200). Weismann 1950, p. 63, prefers “cutouts.” For McAndrew, flatness is one of the defining characteristics of “tequitqui” (pp. 200—201), and Weismann stresses it too (pp. 46—47, 63).

| 170. As McAndrew 1964, p. 200, notes. ,

171. Compare Weismann 1950, pp. 7-13, especially p. 11. See also the remarks and illustrations in McAndrew 1964, pp. 247—54. McAndrew sees the preconquest associations but also suggests (p. 250) that an anthropomorphic cross may have Span-

ish precedent. ,

172. On central Mexico, see Motolinia 1971, pp. 42, 84—85, 167; and McAndrew 1964, pp. 247—48. On Yucatan, see Farriss 1984, pp. 303, 315—16; and Bricker 1981, pp. 103-14, 1§ §—GI.

Notes to Pages 423-25 601 173. See Weismann 1950, p. 2. Donald Robertson has analyzed indigenous graphic style as emphasizing conventional forms that he calls “unitary,” composed of separable parts, as opposed to the “unified” forms of European style. This is neither more nor less than yet another of the many manifestations of cellular-modular organization. (For a brief statement, see Robertson 1972, pp. 256—57.) It is often extremely difficult, however, to tell whether a part of an image is best imagined as separable or not; European images too seem to contain many elements which are at least potentially separable. To my eye, indigenous graphic images do partake of the general | _ organizational tendency, but it is a tendency only, not to all appearances so full a manifestation as song structure or the organization of the altepetl and architectural ornament. Nevertheless, perhaps further research can put the tendency on a more systematic basis and identify traces of it in Stage 2 paintings done by Nahuas. 174.- Reasons for fuller adjustment in painting are yet to be fully explored. One of the most likely, though it would not explain everything, would seem to be the use of prints and other graphics as models for both genres and the ease of copying effects from one flat surface to another, as opposed to trying to translate them into the round.

See Weismann’s discussion of a portal at Huaquechula (1950, p. 47). 175. The best-known exceptions are the frescoes of Xocoteco and the open chapel at Actopan; see Artigas 1979. But further detailed and subtle research may yet reveal an indigenous substratum in many other cases, as well. 176. Peterson 1985. The core chapters, and the ones on which the following discussion is based, are chaps. 3—6. This portion of the work should be read by all who are deeply interested in central Mexican ethnohistory. 177. Peterson also finds some indigenous materials being used (1985, p. 95), and doubtless they were prepared in traditional ways, but these things are not apparent to the eye. 478. Peterson (1985, pp. 107—13) shows many stylistic connections between the Malinalco muralists and the book illustrators of Sahagin’s Florentine Codex; some of the latter may in turn have participated in copying the alphabetic text of the work. Here we see again how close writing and painting were, in every respect. 179. See Kubler 1948, pp. 425—26, on these points. It was a major intellectual accomplishment on Kubler’s part that despite his immersion in Ricard, he saw that the rate of learning of the indigenous population determined the tempo. (Though he did not include the Spanish population as an element in the equation, it was logically implicated.) 180. Art historical research on the later period is not as distinguished, intensive, or oriented to ferreting out the specifically indigenous as the principal works on the 16th century. Much more in the way of indigenous survivals and substratum may yet be found. Such finds, however, could hardly alter the picture of a strong general His-.

panizing trend after the 16th century.

181. Compare Weismann 1950, p. 125. 182. MNAH AH, Fondo Franciscano 45, f. 79v. He received 14 pesos. The “don” tells us of the artist’s social standing and hints at the quite frequent phenomenon of a person of high rank being an artist or artisan, possibly in line with preconquest

precedent. ,

602 , Notes to Pages 426—40 , 183.. MNAH AH, GO 184, f. 26. New personnel did the building; whether they

were indigenous or not is unclear. |

| | Chapter ro |

1. See Lockhart 1972b, p. ro.

2. Gibson 1964, chap. 9. 3. The grants went far beyond the central Mexico of the Nahuas, of course. See

, Himmerich 1984. |

4. See Tutino 1976, pp. 190-91.

5. RA; Nutini 1980—84, 1988. See also Chap. 6. , 6. As established by Woodrow Borah and his colleagues in a series of publications; see, among others, Cook and Borah 1960 and 1971-79.

7. Chap. 7, footnote to p. 284. ,

8. Consider especially Docs. 1 and 2 in Appendix A; the originals of the dialogues of ANS must also date to around this time, and so does the extraordinary conversational testimony of don Juan de Guzman excerpted in Chap. 8. 9. See Tuttle 1976 for a list that extends far beyond Spanish but still illustrates the point very well. What complicated the situation in Mexico was the store of borrowed words the Spaniards had already built up during their generation in the Caribbean. They usually retained the Arawak word for a New World phenomenon ra-

, ther than adopting the Nahuatl equivalent, as with cacique instead of tlatoani, and

nous dancing. __ ,

maiz instead of tlaolli and centli. There were exceptions, however; mitote, from Na-

- huatl, for example, gradually replaced areito, the word from Arawak for indige10. I give these examples as ones I have seen in late-colonial texts, but since I was not specifically doing research on this topic, I have had to pick them from memory

and cannot provide exact dates or references. | 11. Not the only reason, as already indicated. The measure went directly back to the numbers at the root of contact rather than to contact itself; more Spaniards and _ fewer Indians added up to the necessity of dividing up the Indians among a larger number of employers in smaller parties for shorter lengths of time. 12. See Carrasco 1976a, b; and AZ, 1: xvii.

13. See Munoz Camargo 1984, pp. 163, 168—69, 172. ,

14. See Horn 1989, chap. 3. | , 15. William Bright (1990) calls the phonological/syntactic phrase a “line” and

finds that in an example of Nahuatl oratory he has analyzed, it is systematically paired, pairs often being nested in larger pairs. See also, on graphic images in the two cultures, the analysis of Donald Robertson (1959, 1972, 1975), discussed briefly in

Chap. 9, n. 173. | , |

16. I refer here to eclecticism in principles, not the actual conflicts and opposing tendencies growing out of the consistent application of a single mode—of this, also, — much has already been seen in the body of the book. 17. See L. Reyes Garcia 1977, p. 88; and the discussion in Chap, 2, section “Basic Principles of Altepet! Organization.”

Notes to Pages 441-44 603 18. I do not go so far as to say that the tension between a rigid polarity and other Nahua organizational modes was prominent among the reasons for the decay of the distinction. We have seen that it was part and parcel of the radical weakening of a

complex older Nahuatl rhetoric across a broad spectrum. , |

A related area of interest, on which I am not prepared to make definitive statements, is the status of male-female polarity in Nahua culture. Very separate role defi-

nitions existed, both as social reality or unconscious ideology and as rationale or explicit ideology. Hints of the creation of two blocks exist, as with the separate cihuatepixque, female officers to keep order among women, or the separate listing of male and female witnesses to documents. Cibuapilli, “noblewoman,” and pilli, “nobleman,” were equivalent but mutually exclusive. Kinship terminology widely distin-

guished the gender of the reference point, far more than in English or Spanish. We , have seen the special terms cifuacalli, ‘““woman-house,” and cibuatlalli, “woman-

land” (though their exact meanings are not very well understood). , On the other hand, Nahuatl has no grammatical gender. One cannot tell whether

the practitioners of a given market activity were women or men, and rarely is the , gender made explicit. The general term ¢lacatl, “human being, person of either sex,” was generously used in older Nahuatl. Both men and women were referred to as one’s -tecuiyo, “lordship.” In the household, the members of both sexes had similar if not totally equal rights and functioned primarily as individuals. If Nahuatl was strong on gender distinctions among kin by reference point, it was weak on such distinctions by referent, for they were not made with relatives younger than the reference point. The most common way of speaking of parenthood in 16th-century Nahuatl was to use the doublet “motherhood, fatherhood,” which is found applied to a parent of either sex.

Here we have duality rather than polarity. Oe The evidence thus points in both directions, and it will apparently not be easy to approach closer to the question (I by no means assert that it will be impossible). Meanwhile, my own impression is that on balance, there was less explicit male-female polarity in older Nahua culture than in Spanish culture. At any rate, a spectrogram of the phenomenon for one culture would look quite different from that for the other. 19. Originated by Ricard, this approach was developed further by anthropologists, including Foster (1960); for the north of Mexico, Spicer (1962); and looking

back from the perspective of the 2oth century, Nutini in his various works. , , 20. See my discussion in Chap. 7 of the applicability (and the lack thereof) of the notion of resistance to linguistic phenomena. 21. Much remains to be said on this topic, which I hope to take up systematically _ in a broader context in the future (Gillespie 1989 is an important recent contribution). © For now, I will briefly point out some aspects that may help define the questions we need to answer. All of the texts saying that the Nahuas called the Spaniards gods were written at least 20 years after the fact, and most later than that; many are patently _ legendary or apologetic in nature, or both. With those in Spanish especially, one may reasonably suspect that the Spaniards themselves were fomenting a myth flattering to them. Yet a considerable number of Nahua texts, written under quite different auspices, do repeat the usage (that is, as something characteristic of the first years after

contact). It is hard to doubt that the word did in fact circulate in the first generation in reference to Spaniards, though we may never know the contextual details and precise connotations.

604 Notes to Pages 444-48 Indeed, another major uncertainty concerns the range of meaning of the Nahuatl

word teotl. It surely was the primary term for a pantheon of divinities whom one immediately recognizes as parallel to Old World gods, and it also served after the conquest as a generic description of the Christian God. It may be, however, that among the Nahuas the human and the divine interpenetrated even more than with, for example, the Greeks. Many if not most of their altepetl gods were also ancestors and former leaders of the group. Priests impersonated gods and took their names as titles, and ritual god impersonators, dressed in all the god’s accoutrements, were first feted and then sacrificed. Furthermore, according to FC, book 10, p. 169 (chap. 29), in ancient Tula men (prominent men?) addressed each other as “teotl.” 22. At the level of high culture, John Elliott (1970) has recognized the long-lasting initial lack of interest that Europeans showed in America. 23. The Nahuas took the same generic view of Spaniards; any European was a Spaniard. See Chimalpahin’s “espanol ... portugues” (CH, 2: 126). But then, the Spaniards themselves had a tendency to include non-Spanish Europeans among their number at a discount, i.e., to use the term espanol generically. 24. FC, book 12, pp. 31, 45. In ibid., p. rox (chap. 34), during the siege of Tenochtitlan, one of the Mexica leaders called out, “aquique inin Tenime,” “Who are these barbarians?” Also, in an early Spanish account based on indigenous sources (fragment appended to the Codex Ramirez 1975, p. 137), the mother of a ruler is said to have chidden her son for accepting the barbarians’ religion so quickly. 25. Lockhart 1985, p. 477. _ 26. Among the important historical studies are Farriss 1984; Thompson 1978; and Hunt 1974, 1976. Some monuments of the Mayan philological literature are Roys 1933, 1939; Barrera Vasquez 1965; Edmonson 1982, 1986; and Bricker 1981. Karttunen 1985 contains pioneering work on Maya linguistic adaptations to Spanish.

27. See Karttunen 1985, pp. 59, 61, 65, 96, 103, 124. : 28. See Hunt 1974, pp. 163-73, 367, 585—89; Farriss 1984, pp. 47, 58; Cook and Borah 1971-79, 2: chap. 1, especially pp. 96-120. 29. See Roys 1933; Edmonson 1982, 1986; and Barrera Vasquez 1965. 30. See Bricker 1981, pp. 185-218. 31. See Roys 1939. It may well be that the comparatively greater emphasis on named lineages in Yucatan impeded the widespread adoption of Spanish surnames (though some, belonging to the same types as among the Nahuas, are seen).

32. Hunt 1974, pp. 585-89; Farriss 1984, pp. 63-66. ,

33. A perusal of Lockhart and Schwartz 1983 will give some sense of this rela-

tionship; see also Stern 1982; and Bakewell 1984. 34. See Spalding 1984 and especially 1967. ,

35. Photocopies are in the possession of George Urioste. The archival provenience

of the documents is not clear, but there can be no doubt of their authenticity. They consist of a complaint against a priest and an accounting of church and cofradia expenses, very similar to things often seen in Mexico. As this book was in press, |

learned that Bruce Mannheim has also made some interesting finds. 36. Guaman Poma 1980; Urioste 1983. The Quechua in Huaman Poma consists

only of fragments, but they are highly suggestive.

Notes to Pages 448—50 605 37. A special issue in the matter of convergences has to do with the grammars of languages. It is surely conceivable that two given unrelated languages might have more similar verb morphology than another two, and that verb borrowing could thus occur

more quickly and easily in the first set than in the second, or that a given language might have very simple verb morphology, with the result of easier borrowing. This could lead to very different characteristics of the stages in different situations. Yet the , case of Yucatecan Maya does not lead one to imagine morphology as the crucial variable. While Mayan verbs are no more similar than those of Nahuatl to Spanish verbs, they overlap more with nouns and are considerably less complex morphologically; their roots are more distinct and accessible. Nevertheless, verb borrowing comes late in the game with Yucatecan Maya, at approximately the same point in the overall process as with Nahuatl (and in terms of actual time elapsed, much later). Both Nahuatl and Maya eventually fastened on the nounlike infinitive of the Spanish verb as a base, adding indigenous verbalizing elements. Quechua bypassed the infinitive, simply using the Spanish root (third-person singular form) as a Quechua verb. The simplicity of this mechanism perhaps facilitated verb borrowing. I do not know enough about Quechua at this point to understand where such a convention fits in the broader picture of Quechua grammar. 38. Mary Doyle (1988) is able to do this in her study of Andean religious survivals in the 17th century; some of the key terms are malqui (divine founding ancestor in mummified form), machay (ceremonial burial place of an ayllu), and pacarina (an

ethnic group’s mythical point of origin). |

39. Yucatecan Maya sources such as the Titles of Ebtun (Roys 1939) and the books of Chilam Balam (Roys 1933; Edmonson 1982, 1986) make it abundantly clear that, though the term has received virtually no analysis, the equivalent of the altepetl

is the constantly mentioned cab. Its constituent parts do not emerge clearly from the documentation so far seen, however. The matter of the cah’s internal organization

would seem to be the most urgent issue facing Yucatecan historiography. , In the Andes, it is the calpolli-like ayllu that leaps at us in the Spanish documentation, tending to obscure the larger altepetl-like units to which they belonged, but Andeanists are now beginning to make substantial progress toward identifying the larger units, There is every reason to think that cellular-modular organization was as well developed in central Andean sociopolitical entities as among the Nahuas, in a scarcely distinguishable form (and even with emphasis on the numbers 2 and 4, despite the decimal orientation of the Incas). 40. Much the same thing happened with the last major survey of central Mexican _ ethnohistory, Gibson 1964. The administrative records that were at the core of Gibson’s sources also pick up markedly with the onset of Stage 2, so that here, too, the conquest period did not get as full a treatment as the rest. Once written about far more than any succeeding time period, the first generation is now well behind the later years, and serious, up-to-date research on it is called for to redress the balance. 41. This is in fact one of my current projects, and John Kicza is doing important relevant research.

42. BC, doc. 6. ,

43. I do believe, however, from the nature of the known late examples, which are

606 : - Notes to Pages 450-51 still polished and mature representatives of their genres, that the production of mundane Nahuatl texts continued for quite some time at a higher rate than the extent of their archival preservation might suggest.

44. See Lockhart and Schwartz 1983, pp. 306-8. ,

and Peru. |

45. William Taylor’s project on rural parishes and their priests in the 18th century will no doubt make a large contribution in this direction. 46. Rolena Adorno has spoken of a project of this kind embracing both Mexico 47. Such study must go beyond demography and statistics to full-fledged research on large numbers of named individuals, seeking to establish career patterns, social

networks, and cultural content. _

48. Nutini’s studies of 2oth-century Tlaxcalan Spanish speakers are highly relevant here. The next step would be to go back over the same ground, carefully recording the elaborate speech acts that still accompany most socioreligious ritual and analyzing them for echoes of older concepts and rhetoric. —

Glossary

Albacea (S). Executor of a testament -

council (cabildo) ,

Alcalde (S). A first-instance judge who is at the same time member of a municipal Alcalde mayor (S). Chief magistrate in a given area, appointed from outside; in this _ book, generally the chief Spanish judicial and administrative official in a jurisdiction embracing several altepetl; often used interchangeably with corregidor

Almud (S). Unit of dry measure, one twelfth of a fanega , Altepetl (N). Any sovereign state; in central Mexico, generally the local ethnic states the Spaniards were to call pueblos. They became municipalities after the conquest

- and are sometimes called towns in this book. , : :

Altepetlalli (N). “Altepetl land’; any land over which the altepetl has jurisdiction, in

calpollalli | , |

_ practice usually empty land that the corporation may redistribute, the same as Audiencia (Royal Audienca) (S). High court, here the one residing in Mexico City and

with jurisdiction for all New Spain _

Barrio (S). Subdistrict of a municipality; here subdistrict of an altepetl, equivalent to tlaxilacalli or calpolli Braza (S). Among Spaniards, a unit of measure equal to a fathom; also used for the © larger, regionally variable unit predominant among the indigenous population Caballeria (S). A land grant of moderate size intended for intensive agricultural use

Cabildo (S). Municipal council in the Spanish style | ,

nent Indian

Cacicazgo (S, based on “‘cacique”). An indigenous rulership or the title and establishment going with it; a neologism on the model of “mayorazgo” Cacique (S, from Arawak). Indian ruler, tlatoani; in late colonial Spanish, any promi— Callalli (N). “House-land”; a household’s central agricultural plot, associated with its residence Calpollalli (N). “Calpolli land”; land subject to redistribution by the calpolli Calpolli (N). Constituent part, subdistrict of an altepetl Calque. Translation of a foreign idiom by using equivalent native vocabulary for its constituent parts even though they would not have originally yielded that overall

low water , ,

meaning in the native language , ,

Chinampa (S, from N). Artificial raised plot for intensive agriculture built up in shal-

608 _ Glossary Cihuapilli (N). Noblewoman, lady Cihuatepixqui (N). ““Woman-people-guard”; a lower-level official, herself female, in charge of keeping order among the women of a certain group

Cihuatlalli (N). ““Woman-land”; land held by a woman in her own right, often brought with her into a marriage as her inheritance; perhaps in some cases the equivalent of dowry land Coatequitl (N). Rotary draft labor for the altepetl Cofradia (S). Sodality, lay religious brotherhood Comadre (S). Female ritual coparent; refers to the relationship between the true parent

, and the godparent ,

Compadre (S). Male ritual coparent; refers to the relationship between the true parent and the godparent Congregacion (S). Resettlement (here of indigenous people) to achieve greater nucleation Corregidor (S). Chief Spanish judicial and administrative officer of a given district, appointed from the outside; in this book, generally the officer presiding in a jurisdiction encompassing several altepetl, or sometimes one large one; at times used interchangeably with alcalde mayor Corregimiento (S). The jurisdiction or office of a corregidor Diputado (S). Deputy, person delegated; name of various secondary offices Don, dofia (S). High title attached to the first name; like “Sir” and “Lady” in English Encomendero (S). Holder of an encomienda grant Encomienda (S). Grant (nearly always to a Spaniard) of the right to receive tribute and originally labor from an altepetl through its existing mechanisms Equivalence relationship. A relationship in which a Nahuatl word comes to be taken as the equivalent of a Spanish word and can automatically be used to represent it in any of its idiomatic meanings Escribano (S). Notary, clerk Fanega (S). Unit of dry measure; often considered equivalent to one and a half bushels Fiscal (S). Here, church steward, the highest indigenous ecclesiastical official in a district Ganan (S). Paid, resident, permanent employee, primarily among Spaniards, but in time also used in Nahuatl for the employees of high-ranking indigenous figures Gobernador (S). Governor; here, an indigenous person filling the highest office of the altepetl, exercising many of the powers of the preconquest ruler (tlatoani) Governor. Here, a gobernador

Huehuetlalli (N). “Old land”; patrimonial or inherited land , Huehuetlatolli (N). “Old words, elder words”; orations delivered by the older generation to the younger, full of cultural lore, advice on proper behavior, and elegant turns of speech Huehuetque (N). “Old men”; elders, often referring to the authorities of a sociopolitical unit at any level; also often referring to ancestors, people of past generations Huiquilia (N). “To carry for someone,” later “to owe money to someone” Huitzoctli (N). A heavy digging stick to break the ground by prying loose the sod Indio (S). “Indian”; the cover term used constantly by Spaniards for all indigenous people, but little used by the people themselves Macehualli, pl. macehualtin (N). Indigenous commoner

Glossary 609 Macehualtocaitl (N). “Commoner name,” “ordinary person name”; a designation for

indigenous names as opposed to those given in baptism ,

Maestro de capilla (S). Choirmaster Maguey (S, from Arawak). Agave; source of the drink pulque and of fibers for various uses

Matl (N). “Arm, hand”; one of the terms for the principal indigenous unit for measuring land; sometimes apparently equal to a quahuitl, sometimes a fraction of it Maye, pl. mayeque (N). “One with hands”; a word little used in Nahuatl texts for a

fieldworker dependent on a noble , |

Mayorazgo (S). Entail

Merced (S). (Land) grant (the document or act of giving it) , Merino (S). Name sometimes given to minor supervisory officials of an altepetl, at the

calpolli or subcalpolli level; often synonymous with the more frequently seen

tepixqul , ,

Mesoamerica. Term used mainly among anthropologists for the area from central Mexico south to Guatemala containing “high” cultures with a great many common elements; used primarily of the preconquest period Mestizo (S). Person of mixed Spanish and indigenous ancestry

Naboria (S, from Arawak). Permanent dependent of a noble or ruler, outside the framework of community rights and obligations; used by the Spaniards primarily for their own employees —

New Spain. The large jurisdiction centered on Mexico City and embracing much of present-day Mexico; more broadly, the whole general Mexican region Obraje (S). Any factory-like shop or works; here specifically an establishment for

manufacturing textiles , oe

woody vine ,

Ololiuhqui (N). Ritual and hallucinogenic substance made from the seeds of a certain Oztomecatl, pl. oztomeca (N). Indigenous merchant or trader; distinction from poch-

tecatl not clear ,

Paraje (S). Site, usually inhabited and with cultivated land, defined and separated from

other sites by some natural feature

Parcialidad (S). Spanish term for each of the larger subdivisions of a complex altepetl Peso (S). The primary unit in larger monetary transactions, consisting of eight reales or tomines Pia (N). “To keep, guard, have custody of,” a verb that gradually took over the mean-

ings of Spanish tener, “to have” oO

Pialia (N). “To keep something for someone,” a form of the Nahuatl verb “pia” that , was used to mean to owe money until it was replaced in the 17th century by

“huiquilia”’ , Pilcalli (N). “Nobleman-house”; the establishment of a noble who has set up indepen-

dently but is not a teuctli or lord , Pillalli (N). ““Nobleman-land”; land held under special conditions by a nobleman : Pilli, pl. pipiltin (N). Nobleman Pochtecatl, pl. pochteca (N). Professional indigenous merchant active in interregional trade

Posesién (S). Proceedings giving someone formal possession of land ,

610 , Glossary Principal (S). Spanish term for a prominent indigenous person; often equivalent to Nahuatl pilli

Prioste (S). Secondary official in a cofradia Oo

Pueblo (S). Spanish term for an altepetl; also applied to any identifiable indigenous

settlement

Quachtli (N). A length of cotton cloth used for tribute payment and also functioning as a standard of value or currency; quickly replaced by the peso after the conquest , Quahuitl (N). “Stick”; standard unit for measuring land, often in the range of seven

to ten feet

Quauhpilli (N). “Eagle-noble”; nobleman by reason of war deeds or other personal

merit rather than by inheritance : !

~Quauhtlatoani (N). “Eagle-ruler”; interim ruler of an altepetl Quetzal (N). A tropical bird with long, spectacular blue-green tailfeathers Real (S). A silver coin worth one-eighth of a peso Regidor (S). Councilman, one of the members of a cabildo Stage 1. The time from 1519 to 1540—50 when Nahuatl did not yet borrow Spanish

words other than names, and structures in general were little changed Stage 2. The time from 1540—50 to about 1640—50 when Nahuatl borrowed Spanish nouns and the indigenous corporation underwent large adjustments

Stage 3. The time from about 1640-50 when Nahuatl began to borrow verbs and particles as well as nouns from Spanish and to be more deeply affected in idiom and grammar as bilingualism grew and the indigenous and Spanish populations were in greater daily contact

“Stage 4.” Refers to an aspect of the time after about 1770 when some Nahuas began to write and even communicate with each other in a Spanish strongly affected by

Nahuatl syntax and idiom |

Teccalli (N). Lordly house, establishment, with a lord, related nobles, dependents, and

lands; contains “teuctli” and “calli,” “house” -Tech pouhqui (N). “One who belongs to someone”: a person dependent on another rather than performing obligations directly for the altepetl Tecomate (S from N). Deep cup of various materials for beverages Tecpan (N). “Where the lord is”: palace, establishment of a ruler or lord; contains

“teucthi”

Teixhuiuh (N). “Someone’s grandchild”; a dependent inside a teccalli who though not

a noble may in some cases have had some kinship ties with the lord , Temilti (N). “One who prepares someone’s fields”; a dependent fieldworker — Teocalli (N). “God house”; a preconquest temple or a Christian.church or chapel

Teopantlaca (N). “Church people’’; the cantors and other church staff Tepixqui, pl. tepixque (N). “Guarder or keeper of people”; name given to minor altepetl officials at the calpolli or subcalpolli level; often synonymous with “merino”;

_ became a Spanish word, usually “tepisque”

Tequinanamiqui (N). “Tribute helper”; one who receives land from another and helps him with altepetl contributions rather than participating directly Tequitlalli, tequitcatlalli (N). “Tribute land”; land subject to tribute and/or the per-

formance of public duties , _ Terrazguero (S). Word for serf or dependent tenant used by the Spaniards to designate

the various kinds of indigenous dependents |

Glossary , 611

followers | :

Teuctli, pl. teteuctin (N). Lord, titled head of a lordly house (teccalli) with lands and

Tilmatli (N). Man’s cloak; cloth in general , | _ “Titles.” Documents purporting to establish an altepetl’s right to its lands in Spanish times, usually done in Stage 3, containing in addition to accounts of a border survey , various historical material, much of it legendary

Tlacotli (N). Slave , , Tlacuilo (N). Painter or writer; sometimes synonym of “escribano”

Tlalcohualli (N). “Land purchase”; purchased land |

Tlalli (N). Land

a distribution , ,

Tlalmaitl (N). “Land hand”; fieldworker dependent on someone else, usually a noble -Tlalnemac (N). “Land given to one”; one’s land inheritance or land allotment within

Tlalquahuitl (N). “Land stick”; same as the quahuitl , , | -Tlan nenqui (N). “One who lives with someone”; a lower-level household dependent Tlapaliuhqui, pl. tlapaliuhque (N). “Vigorous person”; an adult male of marriageable

age and fit for all work, generally applied to an ordinary person, commoner

-Tlatoani, pl. tlatoque (N). Dynastic ruler of an altepetl :

territorial unit a , ,

Tlaxilacaleque (N). Citizens of a tlaxilacalli; also its authorities Tlaxilacalli (N). Altepetl constituent; more common than “calpolli,” especially as a

Tlayacatl (N). In this context, a sub-altepetl with its own tlatoani inside a complex . altepetl that usually lacks a single dominant ruler Tomin (S). A coin or value worth one-eighth of a peso; in Nahuatl, a term for coin, cash, or money generally

supervisory posts , ,

Topile (N). “One with a staff”; constable, official in any of various medium-level Visita (S). Inspection tour, visit; by extension, a district church visited periodically by

a priest from the main parish church Vocales (S$). The body of electors in an altepetl in postconquest times ~ Yaotequihuacacalli (N). “War leader—house”; an independent establishment set up by a person who has received recognition for achievement in war but is not a teuctli or lord

»

~ Bibliography

In all likelihood, well over half of all the older Nahuatl documents in existence are _ held by the Archivo General de la Nacién in Mexico City (AGN). This repository is surely the first place to look for mundane Nahuatl records of all kinds, and it has been my mainstay. Among its holdings, the section Tierras stands out as the overwhelmingly predominant source, although a significant amount of material was found in Hospital de Jestis, Bienes Nacionales, and Vinculos as well. The documents tend to be wills and yet more wills, with a good sprinkling of land sales and transfers, petitions and other correspondence, lists of people or assets, local court proceedings, and records of cabildo actions. But if the AGN has provided the basic archival landscape, other repositories have _revealed salient features necessary to define it. With a few exceptions such as the great cache of documents concerning Coyoacan in Tierras 1735, or the collection of petitions and other papers from the Marquesado in Hospital de Jestis 210, the AGN seems

at some past time to have been ransacked of spectacular materials in Nahuatl (or perhaps they were held back from the beginning and never entered the central governmental archives). The greatest single holder of such documents is the Archivo Histérico of the Museo Nacional de Antropologia e Historia in Mexico City (MNAH AH). It contains, in its Coleccién Antigua and the Gdmez de Orozco Collection, items as important for the present study as the early Cuernavaca-region censuses, the Tlaxcalan cabildo minutes, annals of Puebla and Tlaxcala, the sixteenth-century annals of Tenochtitlan associated (probably wrongly) with the name of Juan Bautista, and the de la Cruz family papers from Tepemaxalco (CFP). In the Archivo Histérico one will also find photocopies and microfilm of many Nahuatl documents whose originals are elsewhere, some of them now inaccessible or lost. The Biblioteca Nacional in Mexico City holds the original of the Cantares Mexicanos, which I consulted (although I mainly used facsimiles and published transcriptions). The Biblioteca’s holdings include a good share of mundane documentation, which I confess to not having explored systematically, since my allotted archival time was already being devoted to investigating virtually identical material in the AGN. Repositories in the United States have been important for my project. At the top of the list are holdings of the Special Collections section of the UCLA Research Library, among which the Tulancingo collection (UCLA TC) was especially. significant. The Nahuatl material is not very bulky (the whole collection is only a fraction of a

614 Bibliography , much larger Tulancingo corpus thought to exist elsewhere), but it represents a typical range of mundane documentation spread across a wide time period and originating at the northeastern extreme of the Nahua world; thus it was invaluable for purposes of estimating the geographical and temporal scope of various phenomena. Also very useful at UCLA was the McAfee Collection, containing a concentration of mundane documents from Coyoacan, Azcapotzalco, and the far west (a good deal of this material entered into Anderson et al. 1976 [BC]). The Bancroft Library at the University of California, Berkeley, holds the Tetzcoco dialogues, which were the basis of Karttunen and Lockhart 1987 (ANS) and thus added a dimension to the present study. After I had halted archival work, the Bancroft acquired a major collection of Nahuatl bills of sale from the Coyoacan region; although I did not use them directly, I profited from the study of them carried out by Rebecca Horn (1989). The Newberry Library’s Ayer Collection contains older Nahuatl material both spectacular and mundane; most useful to me were some mundane records from the Toluca Valley in the late period. The Lilly Library at Indiana University holds the Tula cofradia book (TCB), and the Holy Wednesday playlet, so crucial to pinning down the original circumstances of theatrical production in Nahuatl, is now in Princeton’s Firestone Library. In the Library of Congress I found some essential plays not included in the published collection of Fernando Horcasitas (TN). Many of the repositories just named have other related materials that I had no occasion to use, and they continue to make meaningful acquisitions of older Nahuatl documents. Abroad, the Bibliothéque Nationale of Paris holds a well-known series of major

Nahuatl writings. In the case of the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, I have used the excellent color facsimile published by Kirchhoff, Giiemes, and Reyes Garcia (HTC); with the writings of Chimalpahin, the Zimmermann edition (CH); and with the Tepetlaoztoc land documents, the writings of Williams and Harvey. Equally important, however, were the Bibliothéque’s Zapata annals (ZM), of which to date no transcription or translation, and very little comment, has been published. The Codex Aubin is held by the British Museum; I used the Dibble edition (CA), which is satisfactory for many purposes. Late in the game, however, I became aware that the facsimile in the Dibble publication is a redrawing, not always accurate in every detail and by no means giving the esthetic impression of the original. A new facsimile publication would be _ very much called for, as well as a facsimile edition of Zapata’s annals (a team presently plans to publish a transcription and translation) and of Chimalpahin’s work. _ Historical investigations based on Nahuatl texts continue to face major challenges at the level of locating the appropriate sources and preparing them for analysis, tasks which are far less at the forefront in research involving Spanish documentation. Texts are relatively numerous, but they are extremely dispersed, usually only one or two in a dossier with little outer indication of containing indigenous-language material (see also Chap. 1, pp. 8—9). When I first began working on the present project in the AGN, I would alert all the other scholars in attendance to inform me of the whereabouts of any document in Nahuatl, of whatever description, that they might chance upon. Today such primitive measures would hardly be necessary; a catalog of Nahuatl materials in the AGN (C. Reyes Garcia et al., 1982) has been published, and various monographs and dissertations using Nahuatl texts provide excellent archival leads; yet these represent only a fraction of the AGN’s Nahuatl holdings. Work at cataloging

Bibliography 615 continues, but it is doubtful that the Nahuatl material can ever be as well indexed as the Spanish. Informal networking is still crucial to undertakings of this kind, and ]

have profited greatly from it. ,

Even when located, Nahuatl sources require special treatment. Spanish documen-

tation is so relatively uniform that skeletal notes are normally adequate. Nahuatl documents vary a great deal more, and much of the message, particularly for the more cultural and intellectual analysis that now tends to absorb us, is precisely in the detail of the variation. With many texts, there is little alternative to a full transcription, in the original orthography. Adequate analysis of most topics of a sociocultural nature is hardly to be expected in advance of reviewing a substantial number of relevant transcriptions. In my case, I spent a prolonged period in philological endeavors, often together with others, in order to bring such a relevant corpus into existence. My own

unpublished archival notes are also centered on full transcriptions, and students, friends, and colleagues have shared many similar ones of their own with me (for the names of these generous colleagues see Chap. 1, pp. 12—13).

, Transcriptions being so crucial, studies based on older Nahuatl texts, whether historical, anthropological, linguistic, or literary, could profit greatly from the wide circulation among interested scholars of some of the relatively polished transcriptions

being made in the course of research. Publication of texts has achieved much and in , the future will doubtless achieve much more, but it is likely that many more texts are worthy of transcription and close analysis than will ever be formally published. Although informal networking, as in my own case, can help immensely, it has obvious limitations. Some sort of warehousing of transcribed texts in easily reproducible form is much to be desired, and indeed, some projects of the kind have been initiated. To be useful, such transcriptions would have to respect the original orthography meticulously and in general be done with mueh care; if possible, they should be accompanied by a photocopy of the original. Research practices of many scholars in the field in fact make the fulfillment of these requirements quite realistic. The problem is how to protect the interests of the transcriber. A large amount of talent and skill is required to transcribe a Nahuatl document. Once an excellent transcription has been achieved, persons of very modest accomplishments can often translate and even interpret the text quite adequately; indeed, a good transcription contains very substantial elements of interpretation within itself, and rarely will the transcriber have completed the task without simultaneously having formed definite notions about the significance and context of the document. Thus it is unlikely that scholars will let their transcrip-_ tions roam free until they have made the fullest intellectual use of them. After that, however, perhaps such texts can contribute to easily accessible banks, greatly facili-

tating research of many kinds in the field. |

The following list of relevant publications is perhaps not as extensive as one might expect in view of the scope of the present work. The reason is simple—Nahuatl studies and the writing of history have converged only very recently, and the corpus of directly relevant published items is relatively small. As made clear earlier (see Chap. 1, p. 13), I have relied above all on a small body of quite recently published philology, containing primarily precisely such transcriptions as those just discussed. Here I list in addition other items of interest for central Mexican ethnohistory, whether or not they feature indigenous-language materials, even when I have not directly referred to

616 Bibliography them in the body of the work. I have not, however, included other works important for the general history of central Mexico in the early period, although they have

helped form my horizons and thus in some sense influenced the book, nor have J mentioned the standard documentary collections in Spanish.

Some of the items most cited in this book are dissertations based on Nahuatl materials; revised versions of two of them, Schroeder 1984 and Haskett 1985, have now been published as books (Schroeder 1991 and Haskett 1991), and although the page references will not match, the reader may find it useful to consult the published , form of these works, which will be far more accessible than the original dissertations. The same is likely to happen in several additional cases. It is well to be aware, how| ever, that the dissertations often contain precious transcriptions and extensive documentary quotes that do not find their way into the published books. Altman, Ida, and James Lockhart, eds. 1976. Provinces of Early Mexico: Variants of Spanish American Regional Evolution. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center. Anderson, Arthur J. O., Frances Berdan, and James Lockhart. 1976. Beyond the Codices (BC). Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Andrews, J. Richard. 1975. Introduction to Classical Nahuatl. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Anguiano, Marina, and Matilde Chapa. 1976. “Estratificacién social en Tlaxcala durante el siglo XVI.” In Carrasco and Broda, listed below, pp. 118—56. Archivo General de la Nacion. 1979. Catalogo de ilustraciones. México: Centro de Informacion Grafica del Archivo General de la Nacién. Arenas, Pedro de. 1982. Vocabulario manual de las lenguas castellana y mexicana. Facsimile of 1611 edition, with introduction by Ascensién H. de Leén-Portilla. México: Instituto de Investigaciones Filolégicas, Instituto de Investigaciones Historicas, Universidad Nacional Aut6énoma de México. Artigas H., Juan B. 1979. La piel de la arquitectura: Murales de Santa Maria Xoxo_ teco. México: Escuela Nacional de Arquitectura, Universidad Nacional Aut6noma

de México. , 7

Bakewell, Peter J. 1971. Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico: Zacatecas,

1546—1700. New York: Cambridge University Press.

——. 1984. Miners of the Red Mountain. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico _ Press. Barlow, R. H. 1945. “La crénica ‘X’: Versiones coloniales de la historia de los Mexica Tenochca,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropol6gicos, 7: 65-81. Barrera Vasquez, Alfredo. 1965. El libro de los cantares de Dzitbalchi. México: Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. — Bautista, fray Juan. 1988. Huehuetlabtolli. Facsimile of 1600 edition, with introduction by Miguel Leon-Portilla and transcription and translation by Librado Silva Galeana. México: Comisi6n Nacional Conmemorativa del V Centenario del Encuentro de Dos Mundos. Berdan, Frances. 1982. The Aztecs of Central Mexico: An Imperial Society. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. ————. 1986. “Enterprise and Empire in Aztec and Early Colonial Mexico.” In Barry

Bibliography 617 Isaac, ed., Research in Economic Anthropology (A Research Annual), Supplement 2: Economic Aspects of Prehispanic Highland Mexico, pp. 281-302. Greenwich, Conn.: Jai Press, Inc. Bierhorst, John. 1985. Cantares Mexicanos: Songs of the Aztecs. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Borah, Woodrow. 1983. Justice by Insurance: The General Indian Court of Colonial Mexico. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Brading, D. A. 1978. Haciendas and Ranchos in the Mexican Bajio: Leon, 1700-1860. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

——.. 1991. The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the

Liberal State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ee Brewer, Forrest, and Jean G. Brewer. 1971. Vocabulario mexicano de Tetelcingo, Morelos. 2d ed. México: Instituto Lingtifstico de Verano. Bricker, Victoria R. 1981. The Indian Christ, the Indian King: The Historical Sub-— strate of Maya Myth and Ritual. Austin: University of Texas Press.

——. 1986. A Grammar of Mayan Hieroglyphs. Middle American Research Institute publication 56. New Orleans: Tulane University. Bright, William. 1990. “‘With One Lip, With Two Lips’: Parallelism in Nahuatl,”

Language, 66: 437-52. ,

Broda, Johanna. 1976. “Los estamentos en el ceremonial mexica.” In Carrasco and Broda, listed below, pp. 37—66. ——. 1987. “Templo Mayor as Ritual Space.” In Johanna Broda, David Carrasco, and Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, The Great Temple of Tenochtitlan: Center and Periphery in the Aztec World, pp. 61-123. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University

of California Press. |

Burkhart, Louise M. 1988. “The Solar Christ in Nahuatl Doctrinal Texts of Early

Colonial Mexico,” Ethnohistory, 35: 234-56.

——. 1989. The Slippery Earth: Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in SixteenthCentury Mexico. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

Calnek, Edward E. 1974. “Conjunto urbano y model residencial en Tenochtitlan.”

In Edward E. Calnek et al., Ensayos sobre el desarrollo urbano de México, pp. 11-65. Campbell, R. Joe. 1985. A Morphological Dictionary of Classical Nahuatl: A Morpheme Index to the ‘Vocabulario en lengua mexicana y castellana’ of fray Alonso

de Molina. Madison, Wis.: The Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies. Campbell, R. Joe, and Mary L. Clayton. 1988. “Bernardino de Sahagtin’s Contributions to the Lexicon of Classical Nahuatl.” In Klor de Alva, Nicholson, and Qui-

nones Keber, listed below, pp. 295-314. :

Carochi, Horacio. 1983. Arte de la lengua mexicana con la declaracion de los adverbios della. Facsimile of 1645 edition, with introduction by Miguel Leén-Portilla. México: Instituto de Investigaciones Filolégicas, Instituto de Investigaciones Historicas, Universidad Nacional Aut6énoma de México. Carrasco, Pedro. 1963. “Los caciques chichimecas de Tulancingo,” Estudios de Cultura Nahuatl, 4: 85—91. ———-. 1964. “Family Structure of Sixteenth-Century Tepoztlan.” In Robert A. Man-

618 Bibliography , | ners, ed., Process and Pattern in Culture: Essays in Honor of Julian H. Steward,

pp. 185-210. Chicago: Aldine. ,

| —_—., 1966. “Sobre algunos términos de parentesco en el nahuatl clasico,” Estudios

de Cultura Nahuatl, 6: 149-66. ———, 1971. “Social Organization of Ancient Mexico.” In Gordon F. Ekholm and Ignacio Bernal, eds., Handbook of Middle American Indians, 10: 349-75. Austin:

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———. 1972. “La casa y hacienda de un sefor tlalhuica,” Estudios de Cultura Na-

_——. 1976a. “Los linajes nobles del México antiguo.” In Carrasco and Broda,

listed below, pp. 19-36. |

—_——. 1976b. “Estratificacion social indigena en Morelos durante el siglo XVI.” In

Carrasco and Broda, listed below, pp. 102—17. a ——. 1976c. “The Joint Family in Ancient Mexico: The Case of Molotla.” In Hugo G. Nutini, Pedro Carrasco, and James M. Taggart, eds., Essays on Mexican Kin- — ship, pp. 45—64. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. ———-. 1984. “Royal Marriages in Ancient Mexico.” In Harvey and Prem, listed

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Carrasco, Pedro, and Johanna Broda, eds. 1976. Estratificacién social en la Mesoamerica prebispanica. México: Centro de Investigaciones Superiores, Instituto Na-

cional de Antropologia e Historia. |

Carrasco, Pedro, and Jestis Monjards-Ruiz, eds. 1976-78. Coleccién de documentos sobre Coyoacaén (CDC). 2 vols. México: Centro de Investigaciones Superiores,

Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. — , |

Carrillo y Gariel, Abelardo. 1959. El traje en la Nueva Espana. México: Instituto

huatl, 10: 195-223. ,

Castillo F., Victor M. 1972. “Unidades nahuas de medida,” Estudios de Cultura Na-

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Celestino Solis, Eustaquio, Armando Valencia R., and Constantino Medina Lima, eds. 1985. Actas de cabildo de Tlaxcala, 1547-1567. México: Archivo General de la Chance, John K., and William B. Taylor. 1985. “Cofradias and Cargos: An Historical

, Perspective on the Mesoamerican Civil-Religious Hierarchy,” American Ethnolo-

gist, 12: 1-26. ,

Chimalpahin Quauhtlehuanitzin, don Domingo Francisco de San Anté6n Mufin. 1889. Annales. Sixiéme et septiéme relations (1258—1612). Tr. and ed. by Rémi Simedn. Bibliothéque linguistique américaine, 12. Paris: Maisonneuve et Ch. —

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——-. 1963-65. Die Relationen Chimalpahin’s zur Geschichte Mexico’s (CH). Ed.

by Giinter Zimmermann. 2 vols. Hamburg: Cram, De Gruyter. , ———. 1983. Octava relacion: obra histérica de Domingo Francisco de San Anton Munon Chimalpabin Cuaubtlehuanitzin. Tr. and ed. by José Rubén Romero Galvan. Instituto de Investigaciones Histéricas, Universidad Nacional Auténoma de México. Christian, William A., Jr. 1981. Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain. Princeton,

N.J.: Princeton University Press. |

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4 vols. México: Porrtia, 1958. - ,

Cline, Howard F. 1973. “Selected Nineteenth-Century Mexican Writers on Ethnohistory.” In Robert Wauchope, gen. ed., Handbook of Middle American Indians, 13 (Guide to Ethnohistorical Sources, part 2): 370—427. Cline, S. L. 1984. “Land Tenure and Land Inheritance in Late Sixteenth-Century Cul-

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Codex Mendoza. 1980. Coleccién de Mendoza o Codice Mendocino. Facsimile by Francisco del Paso y Troncoso, commentary by Jestis Galindo y Villa. (Reprint of edition of 1925.) México: Editorial Innovacion. Codex Osuna. 1947. Cédice Osuna: Reproduccion facsimilar de la obra del mismo titulo, editada en Madrid, 1878. Acompanada de 158 paginas inéditas en el Archivo General de la Nacién (México) por el Prof. Luis Chévez Orozco. México:

Ediciones del Instituto Indigenista Interamericano. a Codex Ramirez. 1975. Relacion del origen de los indios que habitan esta Nueva Espatia segtin sus historias (together with Tezozomoc’s Crénica mexicana, both introduced by Manuel Orozco y Berra). 2d ed. México: Porrta. Collier, George A., Renato I. Rosaldo, and John D. Wirth, eds. 1982. The Inca and Aztec States, 1400-1800: Anthropology and History. New York: Academic Press. Colston, Stephen A. 1973. “Fray Diego Duran’s Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espana e Islas de la Tierra Firme: A Historiographical Analysis.” Ph.D. disserta-

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Cook, Sherburne F., and Woodrow Borah. 1960. The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531-1610. Ibero-Americana, 44. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University

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Corona Sanchez, Eduardo. 1976. “La estratificaci6n social en el Acolhuacan.” In

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De la Cruz, sor Juana Inés. 1975. Obras completas. Ed. by Francisco Monterde. Dibble, Charles E., ed. 1963. Historia de la naci6n mexicana (Codex Aubin). México:

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Doyle, Mary E. 1988. “The Ancestor Cult in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century | ~ Central Peru.” Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA. — Duran, fray Diego. 1967. Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espana e Islas de la Tierra Firme. Ed. by Angel Maria Garibay K. 2 vols. México: Porrta. Durand-Forest, Jacqueline de. 1971. ‘““Cambios econdémicas y moneda entre los azte-

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——. 1986. Heaven Born Merida and Its Destiny: The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. Austin: University of Texas Press. Elliott, J. H. 1970. The Old World and the New, 1492-1650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Garcia Martinez, Bernardo. 1987. Los pueblos de la Sierra: El poder y el espacio entre los indios del norte de Puebla hasta 1700. México: El Colegio de México. Gardner, Brant. 1982. “A Structural and Semantic Analysis of Classical Nahuatl Kin-

ship Terminology,” Estudios de Cultura Nahuatl, 15: 89-124. Garibay K., Angel Maria. 1970. Llave del nahuatl. 3d ed. México: Porrta. — .. 1971. Historia de la literatura nabuatl. 2 vols. 2d. ed. México: Porrta. ——— , ed. 1958. Veinte himnos sacros de los nahuas. México: Instituto de Historia, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de México. ——. 1964-68. Poesia nabuatl. 3 vols. México: Instituto de Investigaciones Historicas, Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de México. Gerhard, Peter. 1972. A Guide to the Historical Geography of New Spain. Cam-

bridge: Cambridge University Press.

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——. 1975. Cronica mexicana (together with Cddice Ramirez, both introduced by Manuel Orozco y Berra). 2d ed. México: Porrtia. Thompson, Philip C. 1978. ““Tekanto in the Eighteenth Century.” Ph.D. dissertation,

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Toussaint, Manuel. 1967. Colonial Art in Mexico. Tr. and ed. by Elizabeth Wilder _ Weismann. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Torquemada, fray Juan de. 1969. Monarquia Indiana. Facsimile of 1723 edition. Introduction by Miguel Leon-Portilla. 3 vols. México: Porrtia. Tutino, John M. 1976. “Provincial Spaniards, Indian Towns, and Haciendas: Interre- _ lated Agrarian Sectors in the Valleys of Mexico and Toluca, 1750-1810.” In Ida Altman and James Lockhart, eds., Provinces of Early Mexico, pp. 177—94. Los

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Index

Many of the entries in this index are far from exhaustive. With frequently mentioned places and important themes, only the most salient page references have been included. For the places especially, much potentially useful additional information can be found in the notes.

Abbreviations, 339—41, 413, 414, 580-81 Altepetl: main treatment, 14—58; and sub-

Abraham, 405-7 units, 1o4n, 105—8, 114; and land, Acaxochitlan, 57 commerce, 176, 188—94 passim,

‘Acatlan, 133, 515n185 142-49, 154, 156—62, 175; and

Acculturation, the concept, 443, 446n 197—98; and religious jurisdictions,

Acohuic, moiety of Coyoacan, 26 203-10; and church staff, 215, Acolhua region, see Tetzcoco 230-35; and saints, 236—37, 240—

Actual, for current officeholder, 49, 51 48, §47-48n159; and mundane

Adjectives as loans, 563 n61 documents, 342, 370; and titles, |

Adorno, Rolena, 606n46 363, 410, 413-17 passim; and an-

Africans, 4, 191, 431; terms for, 508 n8o0, nals, 376—78; and songs, 394—97;

jogng7, s1on106 and plays, 407, 409; and art, 419; Afterlife, 255,424 — and labor recruitment, 430—31; and

Age distinctions: in kinship terms, 74-75, household, 436; and cellular organi-

78, 85; in life and conversation, 86, zation, 436—38; and shamanism,

88—90, 138—39, 227 556n246

Agustina, Barbara, small trader of the Altepetlalli, altepetl land, 142, 161 Coyoacan region: main treatment, Alvarado, Pedro de, 123 195; commercial activity, 184, Amantecatl, featherworker or craftsman,

530n203, §86ng5; religious aspects, 192, 221 , .

239, 253, 528nIg90 Amaquemecan: sociopolitical organiza-

A la nouns, 303, 567n108 tion, 20, 24, 33, 47N, §7, 104, 110; Albacea, 218, 471. See also Executors land in, 171—72; ecclesiastical as-

Alcalde mayor, 381 — pects, 207—8, 211, 216; writing in, Alcaldes: main treatment, 35—40; and 343, 365. See also Itztlacogauhcan,

church positions, 214—15, 221, 224, Tequanipan, Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco 22.9, 234; annalist as, 391 Amatlacuilo, writer, 40-41, 576n2

Aldea, 15, 479n6 — Amecameca, see Amaquemecan Alguaciles, 42—43, 190; in church, 217, Amiztlato, title, 487n109

| 538n58 Ana of Tocuillan, story of, 85-87, 168,

Alguacil mayor, 50 45§—§9; aspects, 122, 364, §83n67 Almud, unit of land measurement, 166 Ancestors, words for, 499n72

632 Index , Andean region: specific comparisons with, Axes, 92, 274. See also Tlateconi

152, 207, 326, O4nII, 605N39; Ayllu, Andean equivalent of calpolli,

general research perspectives on, 605139

448—49 Azadon, hoe, 200, 531—32. See also

Anderson, Arthur J. O., 6, 591n44 Tlaltepocztli

Andrews, J. Richard, and Ross Hassig, Azcapotzalco, 26—27

5550236, §555n240 Aztec, the term, 1

Angelina of Azcapotzalco, testament, “Aztec empire,” 1, 16, 20, 27, 31. See

463—67; land and saints, 239, also Triple Alliance

. 547n151; other aspects, 122, 125, Ayapanco Tecpan, Tlaxcalan lordly house,

586n90 104, 107, fo6n5o0

Angels, 403, 596n106

Anima, soul, 253—54, 295, 564n78, Baptism: names given at, 119—20, 124,

564n81 | 275, 5§9n28; Spaniards and, 123,

Animals, names for, 279—81 129; of the prominent, 126, 229;

Annals: main treatment, 376—92; com- generally, 205, 255; representations

mon style, 342; pictorial aspects, of, 269, 345, 558n14

348—52, 357; and songs, 393, 398; Barrios, 25, 158; use of the term, 53,

and titles, 412, 416, 418 55-57, 489n162

Antilles, 28, 113, 602n9g Bautista, Baltasar, Mexico City baker, Apologies, in conversation, 88, 406. See 66—67, 199, §O2NI25

also Polite conversation Bautista, fray Juan, 402, 408 Aposento, room or building, 60—61, 69, Bells, 233, 245, 392 ,

491ni3 Bierhorst, John, 593n66, 594n76, 594n80

Archaizing: in writing, 362, 409-10, Bilingualism, 260, 450; and Stage 2, 302,

414; in song and costume, 399, 311—12; and Stage 3, 318, 434; and

530N205 “Stage 4,” 319-23; and documents,

Archbishops, 246—47, 389, 417 373

Arenas, Pedro de, author of conversation Bills of sale, 165, 174; main treatment,

manual, 287-88, 313-14, 571-72 371-72; examples, 170, 185,

Arrendamientos, leases, 180 §21N95, §22NI1§ Atenantitlan land investigation, 147—48, Bishops, 357, 378, 392

150 Borrowing, 182-85

Atlauhtla(n), 26, 361, 363-64 | Boundaries of genres and the like: in testa-

Atocpan, 212-213, 529n196 ments, 252—53; with shamanism,

Audience: of religious writing, 205, 256, 259-60, §55n238; with titles, 342, 409; of testaments, 367—71; of 413; with annals, 380; with domains

other genres, 394, 412 in general, 441-42

Audiencia: term for judges of, 39; official Braza, brazada, Span. unit of measure,

actions, 172, 195; ceremonial as- 145, 166

pects, 236, 246 Bricker, Victoria, 577n5

| Augustinians, 2, 206—8, 307 Bullfighting, 232, 389 Authentication: through the audience, Burkhart, Louise, 555231 } 367-71; in titles, 411, 415; testa-

, ments as, 521n96 Cabecera, 20, 46—47, 56, 58; as underAuthorship: of annals, 376; of songs, stood by the Nahuas, 52-53,

397-98; of plays, 401-3, 410, 488n130, 489n149

59359 Cabildo: main treatment, 30, 35—43; and

-Axca, property, 153, 162, 300; in ecclesi- church matters, 211, 218, 225, 2303

astical matters, 229, 548n159 various aspects of, 48, 54, 370, 431,

-Axcahua, property owner, 149, 153 486n105

| Index 633 Cacao, 141, 190, 193; as currency, 177— 35 passim, §44n117, §4§N121;

78, 184, 228—29, 345 elsewhere, 241, 53647, 538n52. Cacica, 133 See also Teopantlaca

Cacicazgo, rulership, 133-36, 139, 175. Capitan, as minor calpolli official, 43; as

See also Tlatoani, Tlatocayotl informal labor boss, 431

Cacique, 28, 31, 114, 131, 133-35. See Cardinal directions: with altepetl, 16, 18,

_ also Tlatoani 25; with household, 62; in acts of

Cah, Maya equivalent of altepetl, 60539 possession, 169; loan and use of

Cale, householder, 149 : terms, 311, 569—70; general Nahua

Calendar: effect on names, 118, 511n120; conception of, 311n, 440 in pictorial writing, 328; in annals, Career-pattern approach, 7, 48

357, 377, 381; in titles, 416 © Cargo system, 217n

Calimaya: and dual organization, 26, 29, Carmelites, 208 231, 235, 482n45; officials of, 50; Carochi, Horacio, 11, 304n, 580nz7 | style of documents from, 167, 169, Carrasco, Pedro, 102, 506n46

342 Carta de venta, 170, 522n115. See also

Callalli, house-land, 71, 161—63; main Bilfs of sale

treatment, 150—51; and house com- Castaneda, Rodrigo de, 56143

plex, 68—69, 49339 Caxtillan, Spain or Castile, 276—79,

Calli, house, 60-62, 99, 265, 4903, 560-61 ,

491n16 Caxtiltecatl, Spaniard, 277-78, 278n,

Calligraphy, 342—44, 402 509n9g7, 561n37. See also Espanol - Calnepanolli, two-story house, 67, . Cellular organization: in altepetl, 8, 15—

493n29 : 19, 27, 48, 108—9; with household

Calpixqui, steward, 43 and kinship, 61, 73, 93; with land,

Calpoleque, calpolli officials, 143 142, I5O—5§2, 162; in market, 188; Calpollalli, calpolli land, 142, 156—63 in forms of expression, 377, 395—

passim, 171, 174 97, 422, 601Nn173; in general, 436—

Calpolli: in altepetl organization, 16—19, 41; in Andes, 605 n39. See also

24, 28; calpolli heads, 36, 38, 103, Scattering 105, 1§3; internal governance, 43— Cennequetzalpan, unit of measure, 145 44; in Stage 3, 45, 54; and teccalli Censos, mortgages, 180

or tecpan, 98, 105—8; and trades, Centlalpan, 84, 514n185 IOI, 192, §527n178; and land, 108, Ceverino de Arellano, Mateo, notary of

142—49, I§1, 1§6—62, 170-75; Xochimilco, 472 , ,

and dependents, 112; and secondary Chalco, 248, 351, 413; organization of,

churches, 206, 212; and songs, 395. 20—24 passim, 30, 46

See also Tlaxilacalli Chalco Atenco, 47n

Calques: in certain authors, 250, 59256, Chalma, Lord of, 551n191 566ng99; with verbs, 300—301, © -Chan, home, 60, 490—91, 502n112 312—13; in Spanish, 323; otherex- = — Chests, 70

amples, 522n109, 573 n160; with Chiauhtla, 27 -

nouns, 57InN142 Chichimeca, 16, 23, 362

49Ini6 Chickens, 201

Caltepitzin, caltepiton, small building, 67, Chichimecateuctli, title, 109, 480n25

Caltzintli, reverential or diminutive form Chicohuictli, type of digging stick,

for house, 491—92n16 531n218

Calzones, trousers, 199—200 Children: in social intercourse, 79, 87— Cantares Mexicanos, 393—99, 550— 89, 229, 597n115; and inheritance,

51n1r84, 580n33_ 90—93; as dependents, 99; in a cofra-

Cantors: in Tepemaxalco, 216—17, 230— dia, 221-22, 226—27

634 Index Chimalpahin Quauhtlehuanitzin, don Do- Coatequitl, draft rotary labor, 96, 107,

mingo de San Antén Munon: on so- 132, 345, 431 ciopolitical organization, 24, 26, 39, Coatlichan, 27, 165, 547N159

40, 44, 46, 82, 480n24, 488n1I30; Cochineal, 178 on kin terms, 81, 83, 500n94; on Cocina, kitchen, 66, 71 social vocabulary, 96, 104, 109-10, Codex Aubin, 3 50—52, 379, 381 III, 115—18, 506, 509—10; on Codex Mendoza, 333, §577n1I0, 578

economic matters, 159, 195-96, Codex Osuna, 342, 346, 348, 582n52 528n188, 529n192, §35N205; on Codex Vergara, 346-47 church and religious matters, 207— Codex Xolotl, 578n15

8, 216, 219—20, 243-46, 253, Cédice Sierra, 58248 ,

534n26, 53538, 536n48, s51nI191, Cofradias: main treatment, 218—29;

558n14; on linguistic phenomena, in Yucatan, 539n64; unofficial,

267, 269, 292, 293, 301-4, 307, 539n66, §45n128 , 319, §64N72, §66n99, 568nII19, Cohua, to buy, 153, 181-82, 518n55,

569-—70N134, 580n29, 587N9; as 524N149 an annalist, 357, 379—80, 383-89, Colbuateuctli, title, 109 391, 583N59, 590-91; ON songs, Coloquios of Sahagin, 205—6

399 Colors, 374

Chinamitl, sociopolitical unit, 479n11 Commoners: main treatment, 96—102; as Chinampas, 61; and land categorization, fundamental category, 94; less dis68, 150, 158, 164; distribution and tinguished from other groups, 111—

use, 165, 173, 181, 193, 201 14; and land, 142—43, 164; com- Chiubque, makers, 189—90 mercial participation, 177—78. See

Chocolate (word for), 529n192 also Macebualtin

Choirboys, 217 Communalism, the concept, 142, 146, Cholula, 31 153, 417 Chronicles: deficiencies of Spanish, 150, Companias, partnerships, 194 15§—56, 181; and annals, 377, Compartmentalization, see Boundaries

389-91, 590n38 , Complexes around linguistic innovations:

Churches: as unifiers of entities, 55, 206, in Stage 1, 267—69, 271, 273; in 363, 412, 415, 417; craftsmen and, Stage 2, 292—94; in Stage 3, 301; in

- 197-98, 529n200; lesser churches, general, 323

209, 232—33, 235, 248; as pertain- Conciertos, agreements, 194 ing to God or a saint, 236-37, 242, Confirmation, religious, words for, 269—

545133; the monastery church 70, 392, 5§58ni4

complex, 419—21. See also Iglesia, Congregation: main treatment, 44—46; in

Teocalli, Teopan titles, 415-16, 418

Cihuacalli, “woman-house,” 66, 139, Conjunctions, see Particles

603 n18 Consciousness: of change, 283-84, 443,

Cibuacoatl, title, 482n43 599n147; corporate, 417-18, 441, Cibuapilli, noblewoman, 86, 102, 117, 444-45 , 252n, 603n18 Consensus: in choosing officials, 32, 220; Cihuatepixqui, female official, 44, 139, with land matters, 148—49, 163—

226, 603n18 64, 166, 371

Cibuatlalli, “woman-land,” 159~60, 163, Constables, see Alguaciles

— §20n85, §20n86, 603n718 _ Contact, Nahua-Spanish: generally, 4—5,

Cibuatlatquitl, woman’s things, 70 323-24, 429, 435, 441; and frag-

Ciudad, 15, 478n6 mentation, 55; in economic sphere,

Clavijero, Francisco Javier, 399, 5310218 197, 202, 431; and saints, 244, 248;

Cline, S. L., 289-90 and language change, 261—63, 312,

Index 635 319—20, §75n173; and forms of ex- in, 114, 134-35, 508n94; and Guapression, 373, 418, 425; and demog- dalupe, 248; and Historia Tolteca-

raphy, 433, 450; comparative as- Chichimeca, 348

pects, 448 : Cuernavaca region: organization, 46—47;

Contingency of kin relationships, 73-76, lords and dependents in, 97-99,

82, 84 105, 107; names from, 120; persis-

Contreras, Juan de, fiscal of Tula, 224, tence of upper group, 131, 163;

534027, §35N40, 541n82 slaves, 177; baptism, 205; language,

Convergences: of house types, 64; in so- 262N, 323, §576n183 cial patterns, 92-94, 139, 605 N37; Cuernavaca-region censuses: marriage

in economic patterns, 170, 180; in and kin terms in, 81, 497n68; genreligion and art, 243, 260, 421, 424; eral assessment, 110; and names,

generally, 434, 436, 445-46 118, 275; and land, 142-43, 147, Conversion, the concept, 202 150; as documents, 143, 264, 335,

Copper, 270, 272-74 580n26; and baptism, 205, 269, Cornyn, J. H., 7 275 Corporate/individual relations, see Public/ Cuezcomatl, grainbin, 69, 71

private Cuicatl, song, 282n, 394, 593 nn6é9—70

Corral, pen, enclosure, 68, 71 Cuitlahuac, 29, 414

Corregidores, 30, 33, 46—47, 378 ~ Culhuacan: well documented, 10; political

Corregimiento, 4, 46-47 ! and official aspects of, 27, 42, 104—

Cortés, Hernando: names of, 123, 275, 5, 486n105; and chinampas, 150, 561n43; as a symbol, 154, 412—13 201; economic activity in, 178, Cotton, 141, 177, 197. See also Quachtli, 193—94, 198; church and religion

Tilmatli in, 211, 217—18, 243, 549Nn165;

Cousins, 74-75, 82—84, 310 language phenomena in, 289—90,

Coyoacan: well documented, 10; dual or- 300, 485n94; aspects of the testaganization in, 26, 31; municipal gov- ments of, 364—65, 367—68, §34ernment, 35—36, 37-42 passim, 47, 35n32, 535n34. See also Chinam-

497n109; and church, 73, 211-12, pas, Martin Jacobo de Maldonado, 216, 237, 247, 462; and land, 89— don Juan Téllez, Luis Tlauhpotonqui 90, 142—48 passim, 154, 160, Currencies, 154, 177—80 537n52; language in, 96, 262, 300,

302; dependents in, 97; style of Dance, 374, 393, 399 documents, 167, 342, 353—55; and Deber, to owe, 301-3, 573 N155 commerce, 178, 181, 186—90. See Debt, 171, 182—85; examples, 193, 195 also Barbara Agustina, Juan Fabian, Decentralization of Nahua world, 57—58 don Juan de Guzman, dona Catalina Decline, the concept, 57

de Sena De la Cruz family of Tepemaxalco, 128,

Crafts, 374, 529; place in society, r00o— 131, §32n221; as a dynasty, 136—

102, 133—34; and markets, 189— 38; and the church, 230-35 __ |

go; terms for, 192, 529n192; and De la Cruz family of Tlapitzahuayan, 51,

the church, 233, 421-26 passim 151, §14N179; in a saint-and-land ,

Cristobal, turkey thief, see Simon case, 240-41

Cross, holy, 235-36, 243-45; pronuncia- De la Cruz family papers (CFP), 136, 230,

tion of the word, 295; in a play, 400, 251, 385 a :

-409—10; in church patios, 420, 423 De la Cruz, Josef, fiscal of Atocpan,

Cuartilla, unit of land measurement, 166 212-13 Cuauhtinchan: well documented, 10; De la Cruz, sor Juana Inés, 399—400 overall organization of, 20, 24, 27; Demographic aspects: and sociopolitical

dependents in, 98, 101, 106; lords organization, 45, 82, 112—13; and

636 Index land matters, 163—64, 411; and the Earthquakes, 378, 388-89 stages, 433—34. See also Epidemic Eclipses, 378, 383, 551n1rgt

disease Elders, 37, 415. See also Huehuetque

Dependents, 97—101, 106; and other Elections, 32, 130, 225, §84n75 commoners, 107, 111—14; and land Electors, 32, 37, 41-42, 124

tenure, 152; an example, 385 Elliott, John, 604n22 Dialogue: in mundane documents, 85 — Enclosure around house complex, 63, 68.

87, 168—69, 365, 367; in writings See also Tepancalli under religious auspices, 87—89, Encomenderos, 12.4, 207, 297, 345, 430

205; in annals, 350, 390-91, Encomiendas: in general, 4, 5, 14; in po59150; in songs and plays, 400, litical evolution, 28—29, 54; effect 405-6; direct quotation in Nahuatl on larger trends, 263, 430-32; in writing, 583—84n71. See also Nar- specific situations, 223, 483n56 rative, Oratory, Polite conversation Epidemic disease: effects of, 32, 113, 420,

Dibble, Charles E., 6, 327n : 53534; action against, 552n196.

Dios, God, 253, 259, 339, 394, 469. See See also Demographic aspects

also God, the Christian Equivalence relationships, 312—15

Diputadas, cotradia officials, 227—28 Escribano, notary, 40, 217; use of term,

Diputados, deputies: in market, 190; in 414, §38n60, 576n2

cofradias, 220, 223-26 Espanol, Spaniard, 276—78, 278n, Dismantling of buildings, 63 509n97, 560Nn36, 561n38. See also Doctrinal writings in Nahuatl, 255—56 Caxtiltecatl

Doctrinas, 28 Estancias, outlying settlements, 53

Dominicans, 2, 206—8, 220, §21n95 Ethnicity: and sociopolitical organization,

Don: main treatment, 125-27; and cer- 16—17, 20, 27, 48, 208; in trades tain offices, 39, 42, 222; ethnic as- organization, Io1, 192; new ethnic pects of use, 129—30, 513; in Stage terms, 114—16; and religion, 221, I, 275; outstanding examples, 225n, 2.36, 244, 248, 250; in titles, 417 387, 601n182. See also Dona Executors of wills, 212, 214, 218, 471 Dona, 125-26; in a cofradia, 222, 227N; Extension, of kinship terminology, 75, 89,

in Stage 1, 275; use by Spaniards, 1§4, 227 513n156. See also Don

Double Mistaken Identity, 445 Fabian, Juan, of Coyoacan region, trader Double phrases: in everyday life, 59, 439, in fruit: main treatment, 194-95;

504n16, §22N109, 536N46; in special aspects, 125, 184-85, 212,

elevated speech, 394, 400, 404, 528n189

603 nr8 , Factionalism, 47, 164, 417; in religious

Dreams, 236, 259 life, 204-5, 207-8, 210, 231 Drinking, 112 Family, 59, 85, 118, 490n4

Dual organization: in sociopolitical life, Fanega, unit of land measurement, 166,

16, 23—29 passim, 58, 104; in Co- 180, 240 yoacan market, 188; in Calimaya/ Farriss, Nancy, 539n64 Tepemaxalco, 231, 235, 48245; Feast with land transactions: as general

395-96 149, 154, 168-69

in titles, 236, 363, 417; in songs, practice, 170, 172; examples, 86,

Duran, fray Diego, 390 Firestone ms., 402—3, 596

Dynasties: and intermarriage, 21, 27, 103, Fiscal, church steward: as part of overall

138, 389-90; preconquest, 32, 82, governing body, 40, 49, §1, 221, 118, 484n72; postconquest, 125, 224, 229; as witness, 171, 370; 127, 134—36, 138; examples, 136— main treatment, 210—15; and prop38, 230-35, 514—15n185, §33nI7 erty manipulation, 218; examples, 234, 387. See also Teopantlaca

Index 637 Florentine Codex: on commerce, 186, Generational equation in kin terminology,

I9I—92, 195, 50534, 528NI9T; 75, 81, 89

contact phenomena in, 267, 283— Genre: importance in variation, 176, 327,

84, 445; and pictorial aspects, 330, 353; comparative aspects, 374, 419; 494n53, 601n178; hymns in, 393; and compartmentalization, 441-42 general problematics of, 58247. Geronimo, Miguel, of Metepec, 125, 450 See also fray Bernardino de Sahagtin Gibson, Charles: correcting Ricard, 3,

Formal speech, see Oratory, Polite con- , 488n123, 538—39n63; research

versation methodology, 6, 449, 478n5, §38—

Fragmentation of altepetl: main treatment, 39n63, 60540; on some substan52—58; as inherent possibility, 27, tive topics, 204, 432, 483n72, 48, 438; and religion, 209—10, 248; 533n18; on postconquest continu-

and titles, 418 ities, 485n91, 519n63, 520n89

Franciscans: public stance of, 2, ro6n, Glottal stop: in speech, 297n, 498n70; 112, 198; as philologists in general, in alphabetic writing, 337, 413, 5—6; in originating Nahua orthogra- 479nI0, §80n27, 580n29; In picto-

phy, 41, 330, 334, 3353 in parish rial writing, 579n18 creation and administration, 45, Glyphs: preconquest-style use, 327-29;

206—8, 215, 220, 425; and docu- postconquest phonetic, 331-34, mentary genres, 205, 372, 398, 577-78; in Codex Vergara, 346; in 401-2, 408, 468—74; Nahua affini- annals, 348—50, 351-52, 3575 3773 ties in Tenochtitlan, 382, 555n224; in titles, 363; and painting, 419, other, 195, §52n196. See also fray 424; specific glyphs, 150, 593n69. Alonso de Molina, fray Andrés de See also Pictorial records, Symbols _ Olmos, fray Bernardino de Sahagin Gobernador, 30. See also Governors Frequency counts of words, 262n, 289, God, the Christian: as possessor, 60, 238,

$97 0123 5450133, 554223; justice of, 245;

Frescoes, 423—25 in testament preambles, 251-54; in Fuente, Agustin de la, 402, 408 incantations and songs, 258—59, Funeral rites, and land sale, 172—74; and 397; in plays, 402, 407; in titles, church staff, 212—15, 217; and co- 412. See also Totlacotatzin fradia, 228; importance of, 235, 255 Gods, preconquest: and land, 156-57;

Furniture, Spanish, 70, 72n, 494n49 ethnic, 202—3, 236, 257; and tem-

. ples, 236; and saints, 243-46 pas-

Galarza, Joaquin, 577n12 Sim, 252, 332; other survivals, 256, Galicia Chimalpopoca, Faustino, 258—59, 423; names of female,

514Nn163, §65N89, 599NI49 §511n121; Spaniards called, 603—

Gante, fray Pedro de, 538n52 4n21. See also Teotl ,

Gandn, permanent employee, 114, 232, Golden age of Nahuatl writing, 70, 85,

508—9n95 434, 602n8

Garibay, Angel Maria, 7, 593n71 Gomez de Cervantes, Gonzalo, writer and Gender: in kin terms, 74—79 passim, official, 199, §530n207 83-85, 497-98 n69, 499N74; in so- Governors: main treatment, 30—3 5; in

cial intercourse, 86—87, 499n74; later period, 48, 54, 56, 58; dynasin inheritance, 90-—92, 201; in tic, 136—38; and church organizanames and social terminology, 119, tions, 215—16, 220-24 passim, 122, 126, 139, 492N20, 499N74, 229, 233; and preconquest rulership, 513n152; in language, 195, 321; in 351, 355, 483n62; and annals, 377, religious life, 226—27, 228, 238-39, 384, 391; in charge of repartimiento,

246, 252; male-female polarity, 431

603n18. See also Women Grants of land, 167, 175, 412—13

638 Index , Greetings, 86, 88, 406 Huamantla, 209

Guzman, don Esteban de, de facto gover- § -Huanyolque, relatives, 72, 49556,

nor of Tenochtitlan, 34 495n58 ,

Guzman, don Juan de, member of Coyoa- Huecamecatl, title, 487n109

can royal line, 73, 365, 535038 Hueca milli, distant field, 150, 493n39 Guzman, don Juan de, tlatoani and gover- Hueca tlalli, distant land, 161 nor of Coyoacan: name and style, Huehuemilli, “old field,” see Huehuetlalli

31, 89, 512n138; and dependents, Huebuetlalli, “old land,” 158-59, 161—

113, 518n45; and lands, 150, 153, 63,174, §23n12§

156, 507—8n45, 518n51; as official, Huebhbuetlatolli, speeches of advice, 406,

, 216, 483 n62 412, 415, §96n114 Guzman Itztlolinqui, don Juan de, see don Huehuetque, elders, 44, 138, 154,

Juan de Guzman, tlatoani and gover- 487n122. See also Elders, Electors

nor of Coyoacan Hueiteuctli, title, 487n109 Huerta, orchard, 69, 303

Haciendas, 135, 175, 156, §23n128 Huexotla,27

Hanke, Lewis, 6 Huexotzinco: political organization, 40,

Haskett, Robert, 535-36n43, 538n56, 481n38, 485 n90; social groups and

539n63, 616 terminology in, 98—100, 107, 110, Hidalgo, gentry, 506n41 204, §54—55N224 Headflying, 399, 595 n89 112, 192, 504n19; and religion,

Hill, Jane and Kenneth, 556n1, 565n89 - Huictli, digging stick, 200 Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca: marriage Huipil (buipilli), woman’s upper garment,

terms in, 80—81; glyphs and pictures 200 in, 333, 362, §78n15; analysis of a Huiquilia, to owe, 183-84, 301-3,

passage, 348—51; model of early 525 N60, §73NI55 Stage 2 annals, 386; edition, 581n44 Huitzilopochco, 14, 29, 39, 189, 194

Historiography: introductory, 2—5; about Huitzilopochtli, 25, 203 land categories, 15 5—56; about fri- Huitzoctli, heavy digging stick, 201 ars’ pronouncements, 204n; about Hypercorrection (in writing), 341, 401,

ethnohistory, 427n; about cultural 413

contact, 443—44; about research |

possibilities, 446—51; about ethnog- Ichcatl, sheep, 562n47

raphy, 549—50n170 Ichpochcalli, young woman’s house, History, see Annals, Titles , 492N20 Hiving off, 20, 24, 26, 103, 436-38 | Icuiloa, to write or paint, 326, 5763

Hocking, 181 , Identification: as language contact stratHoes, 92. See also Azadon, Tlaltepoztli egy, 264-65; qualified identifica-

Holy Wednesday playlet, 402-3, 409 tion, 265, 267, 273-74, 276-78; Horcasitas, Fernando, 7, 595 —-96n97 identifications and qualified identifi-

Horn, Rebecca, 11, 53963, 614 cations with animals, 270, 279-80;

Horses: in regional trade, 193—97, 201; same with musical instruments, 281; examples, 213, 232—33; words for, transitional use in Stage 2, 292 270—71, 280, 283—84, 292-93, Iglesia, church, 535

300. See also Macatl Imagen, image, 237—38, 549N165

House complex, 150, 3§3—57; main Incantations, 257—60

treatment, 59-72 Indian, the term, see Indio

Household: main treatment, 59—93; and Indio, Indian, 8, 115-16, 122, 5o9n99,

land, 149-52, 158—63; headed by a 5IINIIO widow, 195; and gods, 204; and Infinitive of verbs, 299, 305, 563 n61,

saints, 237—42; comparative aspect, 565ngI

436, 438 Inheritance: in household, 90-93, 103,

Index 639 136; and land, 146, 152, 155; and Lazaro, José, of Amaquemecan, land pur-

land categories, 158—62; and sale, chaser, 171-72 173, 174, 213; by pochteca, 193; by Leander, Birgitta, 581n41

women, 535n32 Leases, 180—82, 242

Inic occan ttlal, non-callalli, 150, 161 Legends of origin, 24-25

Ink, 326 Lending, 182—85, 193, 195 Instruction, religious, 203, 206 Leén-Portilla, Miguel, 7, 593n69 Interrogatorio, papers proving title, 297, Letters (correspondence): as oratory, 39,

298, 413, 599NI47 366; without pictorials, 353; in sO2NnII2, §14n183 584nn73—74; private, 584n76. See

Inversions of kin terms, 89,390, plays, 403, 596n106; corporate,

Iron, 272-75 , also Oratory, Polite conversation

Isaac, 405-7 Lineages: teccalli as, 23, 102—3; and of-

Itlacoa, to spoil, violate, 368, 472, §84— ficeholding, 33, 37, 132, 235; and

85n81 naming, 59, 82, 129, 604n31; and

Itztlacogauhcan, tlayacatl of Amaqueme- landholding, 108; in annals, 379-

can, §7 80; -chan as, 491n8

Ixiptlatl, image, 237, 548n163, 549n165 Loanwords, Nahuatl in Spanish, 96, 435 Ixtlilxochitl, don Fernando de Alva: writ- Loanwords, Spanish in Nahuatl: main

ings of, 25, 506n56, 519N65; social treatment, 284—318; marital, 82; identity of, 513n162; not a Nahua economic, 178—81, 508—9ng5; for

writer, 587n6 | items of dress, 199; religious, 216, Iztapalapa, 189 , 233, 237-38, 253—$4, 259; orthog-

, raphy of, 316, 339—42; in various

Jesus Christ: like the saints, 235, 239, genres of writing, 250, 398, 401, 2.43, 423; doctrinal aspects, 254, 408, 56143; legal, 370; ethnic, 2.56, 402; in plays, 402—3, 407, 509n9g97, s09ngg. See also Nouns,

597—98n132; in titles, 412 Particles, Pronunciation, Verbs

Jestis, dona Felipa de, of Soyatzingo, 69, - Loni instrumental constructions, 265—67

7I—72, 200, 513 Ni§56 Lépez, Diego, woodcarver of Tlatelolco,

Jiménez Moreno, Wigberto, 549n170 220 ,

Juez de residencia, 34 L6épez, Maria, chocolate drink seller,

Juez gobernador, 35 19§—96

Lordly titles: and the altepetl, 18, 24, 38—

Karttunen, Frances, 557n4, 587n2, 39; and the teccalli, 103, 107, 109;

604n26 like names, 118; evolution, 130-31; |

Kicza, John, 605n41 examples, 485n94. See also Teucto-

Krug, Frances M., 588n16 caitl and individual titles Kubler, George, 601n179 Lords: and cabildo, 40, 114; and depen, dents, 99, 101; pay tribute, 106-7;

Land: main treatment, 142—76, 200— landholding, 150—52; in Cuernavaca 201; and teccalli, 102, 106; wealth region, 507n64. See also Teuctli

distinctions, 131—32; and religion, |

216, 230, 232—34, 239—42, 254, Macatl, deer, for horse, 270-72, 278n,

537052, §547—48n1 59; land pictori- 283-84, 5§8n15, 558nI9 als, 353-57; witnesses to land trans- Macebualli, commoner, the term: dis-

actions, 371; and titles, 410-12, cussed, 95-96, 5032, 5035; polar

415; comparative aspects, 438—39. opposite of pilli, 102; as equivalent

See also Scattering of indio, 114-16, 120, 129, 131,

Lasso de la Vega, bachiller Luis, 246-47, - 381, 509-10, 511n126; late attesta-

249-50, 253, SFINI9I tion in the sense of rank, 543 n101, Latin, 307, 336, 404, 410 543n103. See also Macehualtin

640 | Index Macehualtin, commoners: in Tlaxcala, 95, Maxixcatzin, Tlaxcalan dynastic name,

106; as dependents, 97, 100; over- 31, 118—19, 127 lapping with tradespeople and no- Maxixcatzin, don Pedro de Santiago of

bles, 101, 504n19; in postconquest Coatepec, 51, 229, §42—43n97

times, 112-13 , Maya (language), 446, 60537

, Macuiltecpanpixqui, ward head, 43 Mayan writing, 327

234-35 : 503—4n9g

Maestro de capilla, choirmaster, 217, 229, Mayeque, dependents, 97, 112, 114,

Magi, the: source of names, 123; in plays, Mayordomos, see Majordomos

402, 405—8 Mecatl, unit of measure, 145

Magical substances, 237, 258, 259 Medio, coin, 178-79

Maguey, 201, 217; grown for saints, Mendicants, 3 232-33, §44n108, 547n159 Mendoza, don Antonio de, viceroy, 31,

Maize: stored, 69; and land, 155, 180, 123, 512N135

201; and markets, 186, 381; and the Merced, grant, 412—13. See also Grants

church, 212, 232—33, §44n117 Merchant, The, a play, 185, 525—

Majordomos: of cabildo, 42; of cofradias, 26n166, 597N120 220, 223—26, 228; mixed of small Merino, 43, 49, 136, 487n109 churches and unofficial cofradias, Mesoamerica, probable generality in of

233-35, 240, §39n66, 545n128 Nahua phenomena: role of rotations

Malacatl, spindle, 557n9 and cardinal directions, 25, 169,

Maldonado, Martin Jacobo de, notary of 440; kinship and names, 81, 334,

Culhuacan, 218, 538n6o0 496n6; polite speech, 87; religion,

— Malinalco, 423-25 . 203; writing conventions, 338; Malinche, see Marina Spanish-indigenous convergences, Mandon, official, 487n116, 534n26 436; stages and research possiMaps, 348, 363, 415, 578n15; to delin- bilities, 446-47; house complex,

eate properties, 582n53, 582n55 492N27 ,

Maria, vendor of bitter atole, 195—96, Mesoneros, 42

245 Mestizos: prominent examples, 34—35,

Marina (dona), interpreter, 275, 278, 319, 311; naming of, 130, 513n162; in

559n29 market, 191; in writings, 384-85,

Markets: main treatment, 185—91; and 417; the term, 509n97 .

the altepetl, 18, 54; women and, 87, Metal, 272-75 195—96, 198; and crafts, 101, 237; Metates (metlatl), grinding stones, 70, 92

| currency in, 178, 184—85; and the Metepec, 212 vocabulary of Arenas, 314 Methodology: with Stage 1 language pheMarriage: beginning of Christian, 80; and nomena, 264; with loanwords, 284— property, 91—93, 160; in Tula cofra- 89, §68n121; with speech perfor-

dia, 222, 226; importance of rites, mance and practice, 294n, 316, 320;

255 with titles, 410—11; with art history,

Martin, don Juan, mestizo career gover- 419; with quotidian economic life,

nor, 34-35, §13n162 523n129. See also Frequency counts

Masses for the soul: and land sale, 172- Mexica: preconquest, 1, 24; rivalry with 74; and church staff, 212—14; in — Tlatelolco, 220; in Tezozomoc, 379, testaments, 254, 470; importance of, 389; tribute of, 382; role in creating

255; and women, §34-35n32 governorship, 484n74. See also — Mateo, transient notary and faker of To- Mexico City, Tenochtitlan

luca Valley, 548n159, 581n36 Mexicalzingo, 46 !

Mati, measurement, 61, 144 Mexicapan, moiety of Azcapotzalco, 26 Matricula de Tributos, 333, 577n10, Mexico City: vicinity of, as place of origin

579—80nI7 of language innovations, I1, 262,

Index , 641 308, 311, 522N109, §71n144; out- Motolinia, fray Toribio de, 330, 407, 408 side governors in, 35; commerce, Mules, see Horses 186—88, 189; cofradias and cults, Munoz Camargo, Diego, 587n6 219-20, 246—47, 250; “Stage 4” Music: and organists, 136-37, 230—31,

texts from, 321, 323; in origin of 2.33, 533n17; instruments of, 212, Nahuatl script and genres, 330, 372; 234, 281—83; and church staff, 213, as home of writers and philologists, 216-17, §38n54; in war, 2670; 379, 388, 390, 402. See also Mex- song, 393; instruction by friars in,

ica, San Juan Moyotlan, San Pablo 537—-38n52 Teopan, San Sebastian Atzaqualco, Myth, 416

Santa Maria Cuepopan, Tenochtitlan ,

Mexico City annals of 1560’s (MNAH Naborias, 113-14

AH, GO 14), 382—83; and songs, Nacianceno, don Gregorio, governor of

399, §38n5§2; infinitive verb loans Tlaxcala, 123 in, §65n91; philology of, 589— Nahua aides of Spanish clerics: and saints,

90; lack of a preconquest section, 243—44; and doctrinal writings,

590n34 2.50, 256; and Sahaguin, 256, 402,

Miccatepoztli, bell, 221, §540n73, §59n27 A472—73; early instruction of, 263, Migration: and dependents, 53, 99, 113; 330; and Molina, 264, 394, 472—-

and land, 143, 147-48, 152; and 74; with songs and plays, 398, 401—traders, 194—95; and Guadalupe, 3, 408; and language veil, 421 248, 250; of certain individuals, Nahuas, use of term, I

387, §81n36 Nahuatl-language scholarship, 6—9 , Miracles, 244-45, 249 from language, 263 Mixcoatlailotlac, title, 39 Namaca, to sell, 153, 518n55, §24n149 Mixquic, 29 -Namacaque, sellers, 189—90, 293 Milchimalli, military land, 156 Nahuatl writing: purposive, 176; distinct

Mixteca, 116, 220, 582n48 Names: main treatment, 117—30; and Modular organization, see Cellular or- landholding, 165; and Stage 1,275-

ganization 79; preconquest, 511; and baptism,

Moieties, see Dual organization 559n28. See also Surnames

Molina, fray Alonso de: basic to Francis- -Namic, spouse, 76, 78, 80—81, 270n,

can philology, 5—6; problematic 500n88 |

points in, 182n, 394, 496n64; as Narrative, 366, 390—91, 395, 398. See , a source for language contact, 264, also Dialogue 284—88, §63n57; and Nahuatl Naturalization: of language contact phescript, 335; model testament of, 372, nomena, 298—99, 314-15, 318; of 468—74; reputation in Mexica com- plays, 401—3, 407; of painting, 425 munity, 382; competence, 555n226;_ Necahualcoyotl, tlatoani of Tetzcoco, 153

as a glossator, 557n6 Neci, to appear, 572n152 ,

Molotecatl teuctli, title, 105, 107 Necuiloque, dealers, 189—90

Money: main treatment, 177-85; Na- Negro, black, the term, 509n97 huatl ancillary vocabulary with, Nehuitzan, unit of measure, 145 154; examples, 216, 345; linguistic Netlacuilli, debt, 183

treatment, 297-98 New Philology, 7, 375

Most Holy Sacrament, cofradia of Tula, Nican tlaca, term for indigenous people,

| Moteuccoma, 221—28 dynastic II§—16, sognio2, 51rn126 name, 127 Niza, Tadeo de, 386 , ,

Moteuccoma, don Pedro Enrique de, Nobles: main treatment, 102—10; and of-

496n64, 497n69 _ficeholding, 40—42; in congregations,

Moteuccoma Tlacahuepantzin, don Pedro 4§—46; aspects of status, 94, 96;

de, 48243, 595 n89Q postconquest trends, 112—13, I17,

642 Index 125, 130; and land, 142—43, 156, Oratory: as testamentary speech, 167-68;

174—75; economic activity, 196—- not a written tradition, 330; in an97; and church, 206; in plays, 407; nals, 382—83, 390; compared to broad definition of role, 486n106. songs, 394; in plays and titles, 405,

See also Pipiltin 412, 415—16. See also Huehuetla-

Noblewomen, 122. See also Cibuapilli, tolli, Polite conversation

, Women Orchards, 69, 181, 194; general stateNonsedentary peoples, 4, 111 | ments, 201, 494n40

Notaries: main treatment, 40—41; types, Origins of language contact phenomena,

49, 172, 217-18, 220, 538n60; 302-4. See also Mexico City,

holding other offices, 136, 224, Bilingualism : 486n105; repertory, 167—70, 251— Orthography: conventions in this volume,

52, 254, 472-733 practices, 180— 11—12; general principles of Na81, 185, 215, 538n62; easy intro- huatl, 316, 335—43; ina play, 402; duction of, 326, 330—31, 581n4I; final consonants, 579—80n26; items

annalists as, 382, 391 on Spanish principles, 594-95 n84;

Nouns, as loans, 284—99, 303, 305, examples, 596n104, 599N143

310-11 | Otlazpan Codex, 344-46, 581n4I

Nucleation, 15, 18—20; trends, 46, 58; Otomis, 26, 27 , _ and Nahua structure, 68, 152 Otumba, 30, 46

: Numerical symmetry: in sociopolitical or- Oxen, 131, 137, 167, 201, §32n221 ganization, 15-19, 21, 37; with Oztomeca, merchants, 1ro1n, 186, 191,

land, 152; in a cofradia, 227; in 192; the term, 527n177. See also

various forms of expression, 377, Pochteca

395-97, 400, 404, 422; variations Oztoticpac, 98 in, 436, 440; and language, 439

606n48 , 135-36

Nutini, Hugo, 549—50n170, 603 n19, Pacheco-Aguilar family of Tepetlixpan, Pachuca, 200

Oaxaca, 200, 219 Paez de Mendoza, surname of AmaqueObrajes, textile works, 198 | mecan tlatoque, 124, 125 Occupation in social differentiation, Pageant, 394, 404, 407, §97N122

139—40 Pago, natural tract, 151

Ocotelolco, 21, 31, 33, 107, 118 Pairs: in song, 395—97; ina play, 405 Offner, Jerome, 490n1, 495n60, 496n64 Painters, 198, 326, 399, §76n4

Oficiales de republica, 48 Painting, 326, 419, 423-26 Olmos, fray Andrés de, 5, 330, 335, -Pal nemi, dependent, 99

579N25, §79Nn26 Palpan (San Agustin), 147—48

Ololinuhqui, morning-glory seeds, 259 Pano, to pass, 314, 572

Open chapel, 420 Pantli, stories of a building, 67

Oquichpan, men’s building, 66, 139 Paper, 278, 326 Oquichtlatquitl, man’s things, 70 | Paraje, natural tract, 151, 152, 165; Orality: in preconquest communication equated with -tocayocan, 517n41 system, 327; in alphabetic writing, Parcialidad, 21 335, 338-39, 345; in annals, 3 50— Parecer, to appear, 572n152 51, 381-83, §92n97; in mundane Parishes, 28—30, 206—9, 222—23 documents, 364—71; with songs, _ Parte, 21 398—99; in titles, 412; in Molina’s Particles: as loans, 308—10; through

model, 472—73; examples in testa- equivalence relationships, 315; ments, 584—85; in Spanish docu- trend, 318; in annals and titles, 392, - ‘ments, 586n97. See also Two-track 418; examples and discussion, 568—

communication - | 69, 573-74

Index 643 Pasado, past officeholder, 49, 51-52, Pipiltin, nobles, 42, 95, 143, so4n1g. See

370, 392 , also Nobles

Pasar, to pass, 314, 572 Pinome, 24

Pasear, to stroll, 307, 318 Place-names, 277, 415, 560N33, §77N6 Paso y Troncoso, Francisco del, 7 Plurals, 295-97, 312, 392, 56583,

-Patiuh, price, 153 570-71 Patrimonial property, 153, 156; and hue- Pochteca, merchants: main treatment, huetlalli, 158—59, 162, 174 191—97; social context, Ioo—I01, Patrimonio, patrimony, 174, 523n125. 505n33; moneylending, 184-85, See also Patrimonial property _ §2§n164; items in stock, 200, 300; Patronymics, 124-25, 127-28, 130 | the term, 527n177, 528n188; orgaPay: in installments, 172; for temporary nization of, 527n178; an example, labor, 431—32; word for paying, 528n184. See also The Merchant,

525n161 : , Oztomeca

Paz, Pedro de, regidor of Coyoacan, 148 Poetry, 393—94, 395, 401 Persona, person of the Trinity, 554— Pohua, to read, 326—27

55n218 , | Polarities: general lack of, 440-41; male-

Perspective, in diagramming, 357n female, 603n18. See also Public/

Peso, money, 178—80 private.

Peterson, Jeanette Favrot, 58247, Polite conversation, 86—89, 316—17; in

601N176 —_ legal testimony, 365; reflected in let-

Peyote, 259 , ters, songs, and plays, 366—67, 394,

Phonetic writing: alphabetic, 316; precon- 403, 405. See also Dialogue, —

quest glyphic, 328, 337; postcon- Oratory

quest glyphic, 332-34, 346, 351, Polygamy, 110, 205

577-79 Pomar, Juan Bautista de, mestizo chroni580nn31—32 , huatl song, 393, 593n63; not a Na-

Phonological phrase, 338—40, 439, cler, 83, 311-12, 497n69; and Na- ©

Pia, to keep, to have: in economic termi- hua writer, 587n6

nology, 183; evolution across the — Popular culture, 413, 417, 425 language stages, 299—303, 312—14, Possession, acts of: main treatment, 169—

566; in Arenas, 571146; vestiges of 70; examples, 149, 167, 215; Span-

earlier phrases with, 573n153 ish aspects, 175, 586n109; In anPialia, to owe: economic aspects, 183— nals and titles, 351, 415; term for,

84; linguistic aspects, 301-3, 522Nn10g

§24N1§3, §66NI00. Preconquest situation: in political life, Pictorial records: land registers, 143, 150, 15—28; with house complex, 70—

163—64; preconquest system and 71; with social differentiation, 98, use in postconquest, 327—34; com- 100, 112—13, 118—19; reflected in bined pictorial/alphabetic records, postconquest documents in general, 344—64; pictorial influence on al- - 110—11; with land tenure, 141-63; phabetic writing, 364, 386, 391, in religion, 203—4, 256, 536—373

415; ideogram or logogram, 576— with metal nomenclature, 272, 775; a pictorial vestige, 583 n6o. 275§n; in writing, 327—30; with anSee also Two-track communication , nals, 377—78, 390—91; with songs,

Pilcalli, nobleman-house, 103 393-94, 397—98; with theater,

163, 175 420-21

Pillalli, noble’s land, 156, 161; trends, 404; with temple complexes,

Pilli, noble, the term: 49, 102, 117, —in postconquest consciousness: in an-

, , 596n109 ,

507n64; late equivalent terms, 129, nals, 348, 386—87, 390; in songs, 131, 133—34. See also Pipiltin | 394, 397; in titles, 418; in a play,

644 Index —surviving substantially in postconquest Quauhtlalpan, 217 period: with government, 38—40; Ouauhtlatoani, interim ruler, 33, 483n72,

with house complex, 70-71; with 483n74; and quauhpilli, 109 social differentiation, 110—11; with Quechua, 448—49, 605037 land tenure, 163; with ritual, 258— Quiahuatl ithualli, “exit and patio,”

60; in writing, 353, 364, 367-69; household, 59—60, 71, 86, 255, with marriage patterns, 388—89. See 490n4

also Warfare , Quiahuiztlan, 21, 207, 480n18

Prenda, pledge, hocked item, 181 Ouica, to emerge, 572n152

Prepositions, see Particles Ouixtiano, Christian, 565 n86 Prescott, William, 2, 6

Priests, preconquest, 204, 205, 211, Ranchos, 134, 165, 175, 242

533N17 | Real, coin, 178-80, 298

Principales: on cabildos, 37—38, 40; the Reciprocity: in affinal kin terms, 76—78,

term, 133; examples, 134, 240, 80; In economic terms, 153, 518n55

548n160 Reconstructing traditions: in titles, 362—

Processions, 192, 210, 220, 247, 420 63, 411, 414; in Stage 3 annals, Pronunciation of loans: Stage 2, 294—95, 386; in songs, 399 303; Stage 3, 315—16; orthography Reference point of kin terms, see

and, 338—42, §76n177, 580n33. Contingency See also Substitutions Regidores: main treatment, 3 5—40;

Property, see -Axca trends, 49-51; examples, 486n96, Public/private dichotomy: lack of, with 487n122

land, 156, 160—62; with church, Regidor mayor, 50 213, 229-35, 53422; with saints Relational words, 309, 315, §73-74 and land, 240—42; with annals, Renting of land, 181 379-80; with titles, 417; as part of Repartimiento, draft labor system: in

larger lack of polarities, 440—41 fragmentation process, 54—55; in la- | Puebla, 70, 191, 248; as possible second bor evolution, 132, 430—32; related center of innovation, 568n121. See to contact, 435

also Puebla annals Repartimiento, tierras de, calpullalli, 158

Puebla annals, anonymous late-seven- Representation of subunits: by altepetl ofteenth-century set (MNAH AH, GO ficials, 37-39, 41—42; with cofra-

184): use of language, 116, 310, dias, 218—19,228

5IINIIO, §68nI120; assessment, Resistance: in religion, 202; with borrow307—8; pictures in, 358; episodes, ing nouns, 279, 284; with words as

378, 381-84, 425-26 Spanish, 298—99; with verbs, 313,

Pueblo, 15, 28, 55-57, 489n156 561—62n45;3 in Zapata, 392; gener-

Puerta, door, 69 ally, 443

, Puga, Dr. Vasco de, 106n Reyes Garcia, Luis, 581n44 Pulque, 12, 186; in land feasts, 154, 168, Ricard, Robert: general position, 2-6

172 passim; on church organization,

Purgatory, 254, 295, 471 206—8, 212, §33n18, 534n26, Purism, cultural and linguistic, 298—99, 538n63; on language, 304n; on Na318, 392, 565n89 hua lifestyle, 488n123; influence on

| Kubler, 601179; originator of

Ouachtli, lengths of cloth, 154, 177—78 selective acculturation notions,

Ouabuitl, basic unit of measure, 144-45, 603n19

166, 345 Riese, Berthold, 577n8

Ouatequia, to baptize, 557—58n12 Rites of passage, 255 Ouauhpilli, noble by merit, ro9—11 Robertson, Donald, 598n137, 601n173

Index 645 Rodriguez, Fabian, Tlaxcalan notary, San Antonio Abad, church of, 245, 387 |

580n26 San Felipe, Constantino de, trader of

Rojas family of Cuauhtinchan, 134-35 Xochimilco, 125, 472, §86n92; Romances de los sefores de la Nueva Es- main treatment, 193

pana, 393 San Juan Moyotlan: corporate phenom-

Rosa, don Julian de la, Tlaxcalan teuctli: ena, 25, 37, 210, 220; individuals in,

teccalli and saint, 107, 548n163; de- 195, 350

pendents, 113, 504n16; naming, San Pablo Teopan, 25, 210, 48243,

119, §13N1§2; costume, 198—99; 537n48

lineage and inheritance, 490-91 n8, San Pedro, Juan de, possessor of exem-

497n69, 506n50; holdings, 508n77, plary house complex, 64-65, 91 51739; testament of, 585 n89, San Sebastian Atzaqualco, 25, 133, 208,

586n92 48243

Rotation of individuals in office: at ca- Santa Maria, don Luis de, governor of

bildo level, 32, 36-37, 489n144; In Tenochtitlan, 118, 478n1

cofradia, 225—26 Santa Maria de la Asuncion, Tepemax-

Rotational order: in preconquest altepetl, alco, §2, 239n, 548n159 17-19, 21, 25, 480n18; in post- Santa Maria de la Concepcion, Calimaya conquest political arrangements, 28, district, 547—48n159 33, 37, 41, 45, 543101; in other Santa Maria la Redonda Cuepopan, 25,

_ realms, 311M, 377, 396, 436 65,173 : Ruler, see Tlatoani holder, 151, 239

Ruiz de Alarcén, Hernando, 257—60 Santiago, Félix de, of Calimaya, landSantocalli, saint-house, 66, 237, 242,

Sacaquauhtla, 56—57 548n161; activities in, 259,

Sacrifice, 258, 407, 443 556n242

Sacromonte, 551 n1g91 Santos, dofia Maria de los, example of Sahagun, fray Bernardino de: basic to late-period house complex, 71

Franciscan philology, 6; characteris- Santos y Salazar, don Manuel de, 376,

tics of his corpus, 153, 205, 330, 380, 384, 400—401, §5INI9I, 374, §82N47; an opinion on reli- 583n59; main treatment, 592-93. gious terminology, 252; and aides, See also Zapata y Mendoza 256, 402, 472—73; biographical as- Scattering of landholdings: of kings and

pects, 335, 473, SSONI71 lords, 109, 175, 507-877; as a |

Saints: main treatment, 235—51; at general phenomenon, 150—51, 163.

household level, 66—67, 71-72, See also Land 119, 122, 123, 135, 168—69, Scharlau, Birgit, 578n15, 579n23 : 547n151, §88n13; and corpo- Schroeder, Susan, 616

rate organizations, 192, 215, 220, Sculpture, 419, 422—23 | 229, 230-35, §30N205, §39Nn66, Secular clergy, 209, 244 547n1§1; doctrinal aspects, 254— Sedentary peoples: and Spanish occupa56, §§3N213, §45N133, 54701503. tion, 4—5, 111, 447; Nahuas as, 68,

in forms of expression, 259, 332, 87,94, 152

, 407—8, 417, §45N1I32, §FONI7O. Sell, Barry David, 597n123 See also Jesus Christ, Santocalli, and Semantic divergence of loans, 297—98

several forms of the Virgin Sena, dona Catalina de, of Coyoacan, 63,

Sale: of houses, 65; of land, 153-55, 67, 123, 247

170—75, 213-15, §21ng5; and Senor, lord, 31, 133. See also Cacique other types of transactions, 181-82 Shamanism, 258—60, 432

Salir, to go out, leave, 572n152 Sibling and cousin terminology, changes

San Agustin (Palpan), 147-48, 518n51 in, 82-84, 310-12

646 Index Silvestre, don Toribio, fiscal of Coyoacan, 420; language in, 263—84; writing

211 in, 330, 334, 408—9; in broader

Simon and Cristébal of Tulancingo, story context, 428—33 of, 70, 122, 199, §64n69; whole Stage 2: government in, 28—47; house document, 460—62; nature of docu- complex in, 59—70; kinship in, 72,

ment, 364, 583n67 84—85; household interaction in, Slaves, see Tlatlacotin 117; names in, 121—27; Molina as

Six-hundred vara provision, 56 85—90; use of noble terminology in, Solar, house lot, 68-69, 71, 493nn38—- source for, 264; language in, 284—

39 304; correspondence in, 367; wit-

Songs, 282n, 404—5, 408, 424; main nesses in, 370; annals in, 385—87;

treatment, 392-410 songs in, 393—99, 401; art in, 420—

Soto, Diego de, Tlaxcalan notary, 41 2.5; in broader context, 428—33

Sotomayor, don Pedro de, Xochimilco Stage 3: government in, 48—52; fragmen-

tlatoani, 365 tation in, 52—58; house complex in, Soul, the, 253-55 71—72; kin terms in, 84; social terSouls and Executors, a play, 214, 53536, minology in, 117; names in, 127—

597N120 30; language in, 304—18; witnesses

Soyatzingo, 360, 362—63 in, 370; annals in, 385-87, 592n59;

Spaniards: as employers, 113, 431; as songs in, 399—401; with plays, 408— baptismal sponsors, 123—24; and 9; with titles, 411, 418; art in, 425— land, 164, 167, 170, 181—82, 242; 26; in broader context, 428—33 and commerce, 185, 191, 194-95, Substitutions: of sounds, 294-96, 303,

197, 381-82; as clergy, 209—10, 307, 315-16, 332-33, 339-41; of 219, 221, 225, 256, 343; and the letters, 341, 401, 414, 508—9ng5, Christian cult, 243-51, 258; and 576N177, 580n33, 594-95 84, language change, 263, 318, 571— 596n98, 596n 104. See also Orthog72n146; and forms of expression, : raphy, Pronunciation 387, 398—99, 421—22, 426; called Succession, 31-33, 103

gods, 444, 603—4n21. See also Sub-altepetl, see Tlayacatl

Contact Sujeto, subject entity, 20, 46, 53, 56,

Spanish models: in sociopolitical life, 15, 499NI30

30, 33; 36, 41-42, 438, 484n81; at Sula, 26, 2.36 household level, 64, 438—39; with Surnames, 39, 42, 120, 129-30; of cer-

social titles, 125-26; with the Vir- tain individuals, 135, 222, 227n, gin of Guadalupe, 249; in document 387. See also Names | production, 368—73, 468—74, Sweeping, as ritual act, 217-18, 238, 462

- §86n97 Syllable in writing, 337—38, 346

Spanish-Nahua distinction ignored: in Symbols, 96, 412, 415; temples and writing, 257, 331; in language, 299, churches as, 204, 257, 421; saints

314—15, 318 as, 236—38, 248—50; in pictorial

Spanish speaking by Nahuas, 319-20, writing and art, 345-46, 348—50,

575N172 418-19, 422. See also Glyphs 384, 391, 576n183, 593n59; main ,

Spanish writing by Nahuas, 137—38, 226, Synecdoche, 270, 279

treatment, 319—23 Taggart, James, 556n246

Spending (money), word for, 525 n161 Tapia family of Tula, 224-25, 228,

Stage 1: government in, 28—30; social dif- 53540, 541n81 ferentiation in, 10o—111; names in, Taxation, see Tribute 119—20; religion in, 204—8, 211, Taylor, William, 249, 552n194, 606n45

, Index 647 Tecali, 106, 504n15, 507N76 Teoyotica, legitimate, churchly, 81 Teccalli, 24, 98, 114, 126, 129; main treat- Tepalcingo, 409-10 ment, 102—9; and land, 151, 156, Tepancalli, “wall-house,” enclosure, 68,

162; the term, 506n53, 506n6o. See 493n32. See also Enclosure

also Tecpan , Tepanecapan, moiety of Azcapotzalco, 26

Techialoyan codices, 414-15, 59584, Tepanecateuctli, title, 109 599nn149—50. See also “Titles” Tepemaxalco, 26, 29, 50, 52, 482n45,

-Tech poubque, dependents, 97 _ 543 nn1o1—3, 583 n6o. See also De Tecomates (tecomatl), jars, 70, 193, 194 la Cruz family of Tepemaxalco

Tecpan, 18, 42, 104-5, 109, 156, Tepeticpac, 21 , 506n60, 507n62. See also Teccalli Tepetlaoztoc land surveys, 143, 346—47

Tecpancalli, 104, 506n60 Tepetlixpan, 52 , Tecpanecatl teuctli, title, 107, 134, 135 Tepixqui, calpolli official, 43 ,

Tecpanpoubque, dependents, 504n19 Tepozhuictli, metal-bladed digging stick,

Tecpantlalli, palace land, 156, 174 200—201, §31—32 Tecpillalli, noble’s land, 156 Tepoztlan, 47n, 274, 507n76

Teixhuiuh, dependent, 97, 101 Tepoztli, copper and iron, 272—76, 278n,

Téllez, don Juan, fiscal of Culhuacan, 211, 558-59

534n22 Tequanipan, tlayacatl of Amaquemecan,

Telpochcalli, young man’s house, 49220 132-33, §34n23 Temascal (temazcalli), 69—70 Tequimilli, tribute field, see Tequitcatlalli

Temilti, dependent, 95, 97 Tequinanamiqui, tribute-helper, 99

Temples, preconquest, 18, 156—57, 204, Tequio, owing tribute, see Tequitcatlalli 206, 216, 236; terms for, 536—37 Tequipanoa, to serve, 238 Temporary labor recruitment, 54, 430-32 Tequitcamilli, tribute field, see

Tenayuca, 50, 165, 241—42 Tequitcatlalli

Tener, to have, 299—303, 312—14 Tequitcatlalli, tribute land, 157, 161; in

Tenientes, 42 | postconquest times, 163, 171, 174—

Tenochtitlan: preconquest, 1, 20, 22—27 75; attestation of terms, 519n68,

passim, 68; postconquest, 34, 37, 519N69, 544N11I7 39—40, 192, 236, 351, §45N132; Tequiti, to work or pay tribute, see

with forms of expression, 346, 350, Tequitcatlalli 380, 382, 397, 398, 555224. See Tequitlalli, tribute land, see Tequitcatlalli also Mexica, Mexico City, San Juan Tequitl (subunits of Tlaxcala), 23 Moyotlan, San Pablo Teopan, San Tequitlato, tribute boss, 44, 487n116 Sebastian Atzaqualco, Santa Maria Tequixquinahuac, 56

Cuepopan Terrazgueros, dependents, 114

Teocalli, 236, §36—37, §48n161 Testaments: and land, 165, 172—73; asa

Teohua teuctli, title, 480 | source, 176, 196, 198; and church

Teopan, church, 216, 536-37, §48n161 and land, 211-15, 218; and titles, Teopantlaca, church staff, 215-17, 471, 229, 257, 416; as a genre, 251—§4,

§44n116; the term, 233, 487n109, 353, 367-73, 468-74, 584-85 536-37, 53748, 538n5§2. See also ‘Testerian manuscripts, 334

_ Cantors, Fiscal Tetzcoco, 20, 25, 27, 30, 97, 205; in-

Teopantlalli, temple land, 156—57 volved in language innovations, _

Teotihuacan, 30, 46, 507n62 , 311—12; and forms of expression, Teotl, god, 253, 258—59, 283-84, 3535 357s 397s 57ONI36 -§§4N219, 604n21; in compounds, Teuctlalli, lord’s land, 156, 157

537n48. See also Gods Teuctli, lord, 42, 100-107 passim, Teotlalli, land of the gods, 156 506n53; changes in use of, 48—49,

648 Index , 116—17, 126, 129; and land, 150, Tlalmaitl, dependent, 95,97, 112 156—57. See also Lordly titles, Tlalmanalco, 26, 47n, 135, 365 Lords, Teuctlatoani, Teuctocaitl Tlalnahuac, moiety of Coyoacan, 26 Teuctlatoani, calpolli ruler, etc., 16, 18, -Tlalnemac, inherited land, 159, 520n83 2.6, 36, 104—5, 479N13; equated Tlalquabuitl, unit of measure, 144-45,

with alcalde, 38—39 166; see also Quabuitl

Teuctocaitl, 16 , Tlaltepoztli, hoe, 200, §31, 55927

Teucyotl, lordship, 156. See also Teuctli Tlalticpaque, epithet for God, 555n232

Teyacanqui, calpolli official, 44 Tlanehua, to borrow, 182-83

Tezcatlipoca, 256 Tlaneubhtia, to lend, 182—83, 524n153 Tezontla, 56, 214-15 -Tlan nenqui, dependent, 99, 407 Tezozomoc, don Hernando de Alvarado: Tlapachoani, official, 486n108 main treatment, 389—91; on tradi- Tlapaliuhque, ordinary men, 131, 231,

tional organization, 24—25, I11, §43nnIloi—3 , 117; as an author, 319, 376, 379, Tlapancalli, wpper story, 67—68

386 Tlateconi, cutting instrument, 274, 531—

Theater, 394, 419—20, §51n184; main ~ 32, §§9N25

treatment, 401—10. See also The Tlatelolco, 20, 220, 307, 380; pochteca

Merchant, Souls and Executors in, 192, 505n33

Tidnguiz (tianquiztli), market, 191 Tlatilanalli, political dependency, 56 Tianquizhuaque, market officials, 190 Tlatlacotin, slaves, 99—100, ILIO—11,

Ticatla, 21 50530; term used for blacks,

Tilmatli, cloth, cloak, 193, 194, 199— 508n80 --- 200, 300, §30N213 Tlatoani: in the preconquest altepetl, 15, “Titles”: main treatment, 410-18; and 18, 21, 23—26; in postconquest govreligion, 229, 257; pictorial elements ernment, 28—33, 37, 45, 54, 132—

IN, 357, 360-64 345 211, 355, 377 431, 481; social Tlacaellel, 482n43 10, 112, 117, 123—24, 126; and

Tizayuca, 29 aspects, 95, 98, 103—4, 106, Iog— - Tlacamecabuan, lineal kin, 72, 490n1, land, 150—51, 156; and trades-

495n58 people, 185, 197; in writings, 377,

Tlacamecayotl, kinship ties, 59, 495n60 407. See also Cacique, Cacicazgo,

Tlacateccatl, title, 39, 48594, 487n109 Tlatocatlalli, Tlatocayotl -Tlacayohuan, relatives, 72, 495n Tlatocan, moiety of Tulancingo, 26 -Tlaco, honorific additive, 5 52n208 Tlatocatlalli, land of the tlatoani, 156,

Tlacochcalca, 26 157, 174 Tlacochcalcatl, title, 48243, 48594, Tlatocayotl, rulership, 18, 33, 103, 156;

487n109 , evolution of, 32, 132—33, 136, 138.

Tlacocohualoni, medium of exchange, See also Cacicazgo, Tlatoani

179, §23—-24n138 Tlauhpotonqui, Luis, pochtecatl of Cul-

Tlacotli, see Tlatlacotin huacan, 193, 196, 497n69

Tlacoton, unit of land measurement, 166 Tlaxcala: well documented, 10; precon-

Tlacuia, to borrow, 182—83 quest, 14, 20—23; postconquest

Tlacuilo, writer or painter, 326, 382, 414, government, 29—30, 31, 355 37—

548n159, 576n2 | 39, 41-42, 45, 47, 51, 483056,

Tlailotlac, title, 485n94 489n144, 597Nn120; social aspects,

Tlaixpan, moiety of Tulancingo, 26, 40, 95,97, IOI—2, 106, 107, I10, 124,

42, 50 125, 481, 507N69, 530Nn205; eco-

Tlalcohualli, purchased land, 153, 161— nomic aspects, 153, 177, 178, 186—

63, 170, 174 88, 190, 192, 197—98; and religion,

Tlalhuehuetque, land officials, 144 204, 207, 209, 211, 236, 247, 248,

Index 649 260; meaning of the word, 277; and Trinity, the Holy: in will preambles, 254,

Writing, 330, 353, 359; 380, 386, 553—54n218; in plays, 402, 408 391—92, 398. See also Ocotelolco, Triple Alliance, 20, 27, 54, 436. See also

Quiahuiztlan, Virgin of Ocotlan, Za- “Aztec empire”

pata y Mendoza Tula, 211, 215; cofradia of, 221-28,

Tlaxilacallalli, tlaxilacalli land, 142, 163. 540—42

See also Calpollalli — Tula Cofradia Book, 10, 221, 540n7o0 Tlaxilacalli: the term, 16, 46, §7, 479NIO, Tulancingo, 50, 198, 216, 355—57,

490n162; in evolving altepetl orga- 5470159; dual organization in, nization, 24—25, 52, 5§—§6, 105; 25-26, 47, 481n38 and land, 158, 171; and religion, Turkey-theft story, see Simoén 220, 243; of Tula, 223, 541n78. See Two-track communication, 327, 335;

also Calpolli _ 346—52 passim, 357, 364. See also

Tlaxilacaleque, calpolli officials, 44, Pictorial records

149; the term, 487, 490n162, Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco, tlayacatl of Ama-

516nn27—28 quemecan, 26, 379, 387-88,

Tlayacanqui, calpolli official, 43-44 48on18 Tlayacatl (sub-altepetl): preconquest, 21,

24-25, 28—29, 31, 106, 48138, Uncles as custodians, 90, 173-74, 355 507N62; postconquest, 33, 36—37, Unity of Nahua culture area, 261-62 57, 190, 207—8; the term, 480n24. Uto-Aztecan languages, 1, 496n6,

See also Tzaqualtitlan Tenanco 498n70 Tlecopatl, storage place, 63

Tlequiquiztli, firearm, 267 Valencia, fray Martin de, 12.4 Tloque nabuaque, epithet of God, 590n27 Valeriano, Antonio, 351

Tocotin, a dance type, 399, 410 Vara, Spanish yard, 56, 166 Tocuillan, 56, 539n66. See also Ana of Velasco, don Luis de, 412-13

Tocuillan , Velasquez, don Juan Miguel, fiscal of TeToltecatl, craftsman, 192 - zontla, 214—15

Toluca Valley, 46-47, 551nn191—92, Velazquez, Primo Feliciano, 552n202 598n140; documents of, 10, 321, Verbs in the contact situation: meaning

342 extension of, 299—303, 312-14;

Tomin, coin and term for money: main borrowed, 305—8, 318, 392, 418, treatment, 178—79; linguistic as- 567—68. See also Infinitive, Neci,

pects, 297 Pano, Pia, Pialia

_ Topile, official, 43, 190; in church, 217— Viceroys, 31, 123, 245, 380; as admir-

18, 234, 538n58 ing visitors, 236, 247, 378, 391,

Totlaconantzin, Our Precious Mother, 587n11; In titles, 415, 417

Virgin Mary 166, 193 . 252-53, 259, §48n159. See also _ Vigesimal numbering, 142—43, 145-46,

Totlacotatzin, Our Precious Father, 252 Villa, 15, 478n6

Trading of land, 154 Village, 15

Translators, 302 Virgin Mary, 239-41, 247, 249, 259,

Tribute: liability to, 17, 95-96, 100, Io5— 334; main treatment, 251—54; in

7, 109, 112, 114, 132, 50527, plays, 403, 407-8, §597—98n132. 507n69, 536n44; and land, 153, See also Totlaconantzin and the 1§7—§9, 161, 171,174; and com- | other forms of the Virgin mercial life, 177, 180, 190, 198; and Virgin of Guadalupe: main treatment,

church, 206, 215; in writings, 345, 246—51; in Calimaya/Tepemaxalco, 357, 381—83, 583 n6o; and enco- 232-33, 235, 239, 544n108; and

mienda, 431 Virgin of Ocotlan, 549n170; and

650 Index various writings, 550—51n184, Barbara Agustina, Gender

551n187, 55inig91 Wood, Stephanie, 534-3532, 539n63,

Virgin of Los Remedios, 244, 245 551n191; on titles, §53n213,

Virgin of Ocotlan, 247, 549n170, 598n139, 600n155 55INI9I, 592N59 Visitas, 206, 208, 210, 22.3; evolution of Xilotzinco, 29

term, 532—33n5 ! Xipacoyan, 223

Visuality, in early language contact phe- Xochimilco, 29, 35, 47, 481n38, 550n171;

nomena, 263, 267, 269-70 documents of, 143, 353, 365, 472—

Viuda, viudo, widow and widower, 82, 73; cofradia of, 228—29

soong2 Xolloco, district of Moyotlan, 159, 245

, Vocables, 395-97, 399, 404-5

Vocales, 131; see also Electors Yaotequibuacacalli, house of leader in war, [10

Warfare: preconquest, 54, 99, 109, III, Yaqui, 5 56n2 147, 1573 conquest, 263, 267n; in Yecapixtla, 196, 507n76 retrospect, 113, 164, 199, 362-63, -Yolia, spirit, soul, 253, §53nn215—16

398, 418 Yucatan, 423, 539N64, 545n126,

Wards, 17, 43-44, 105, 370, 480nI6 604nN31, 60539; research perspec-

Weaving, 70, 198, 586n95 tives, 446—47 Wheat, 180, 188, 191, 381 Widowers, 82, 222 Zaguan, built-over driveway, 72

Widows: words for, 82, 500ng3; in Zapata y Mendoza, don Juan Buenaven-

church life, 222, 543 n100; inheri- tura: main treatment, 391-92; |

tance by, 355 characteristics of work, 357, 376,

Williams, Barbara, 614 509n9g99, 565n89, 583n59, 588n20, Witnesses, legal: officials as, §1, 171, 211, 592—93; biographical details, 379,

214, §35n38; and gender, 139, 530n205, 588n13; and Santos y 543 Nio1; in general, 370-71; in Salazar, 380, 592—93; on specific Molina’s model, 471—72; examples, topics, 399, §§1n191, 587nI1,

586 590n27. See also Santos y Salazar

Women, 44, 70, 511n121; and commerce Zaragielles, trousers, 199

and crafts, 178, 193-96, 528n191, Zinacantepec, 123 529n202, 530n203; and clothing, Zarate, fray Gerénimo de, 53538 200; and religion, 220, 226—28, 244, Zorita, Dr. Alonso de, chronicler: on pre-

259, 402—3, §35N32, §43 nn100— conquest phenomena, 97, 106n, LOI; in documents, 355, 364—65, III, 506N56; on postconquest, 112,

370, 415, 472. See also Ana of To- 508

cuillan, Angelina of Azcapotzalco, |

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lockhart, James. The Nahuas after the conquest : a social and cultural history of the Indians of central Mexico, sixteenth through eighteenth centuries / James Lockhart.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-8047-1927-6 (cloth): ISBN 0-8047-2317-6 (pb) 1. Nahuas—History. 2. Nahuas—Social life and customs. 3. Mexico—History—Spanish colony, 1519-1810. I. Title. FI221.N3L63 1992

972'.02—dc20 91-29972 CIP

This book is printed on acid-free paper.