The Medici Wedding of 1589: Florentine Festival as Theatrum Mundi 9780300064476

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
Acknowledgments (page ix)
Introduction (page 1)
1 SEPTEMBER & OCTOBER 1588 The Creative, Management, and Public Relations Staffs (page 21)
2 NOVEMBER & DECEMBER 1588 Casting, Costumes, and Rehersals (page 49)
3 JANUARY & FEBRUARY, 1589 The Theater, the Scenery, the Artists (page 75)
4 MARCH 1589 Artisans, Stagehands, Technical Rehearsals; Christine's Outbound Journey (page 101)
5 APRIL 1589 Dress Rehearsals; Christine's Inbound Journey and Entry (page 121)
6 MAY 1589 The Wedding As/In Performance (page 148)
7 JUNE 1589 AND BEYOND Aftermath and Later Influence (page 174)
CATALOGUE (page 189)
APPENDIX Genealogical Tables, Valois-Habsburg, Medici (page 263)
Notes (page 267)
Bibliography (page 309)
Sources of Illustrations (page 315)
Index (page 317)

Citation preview

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| Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from | the Millard Meiss Publication Fund of the College Art

, FRONTISPIECE Association.. Ferdinando I crowns Christine of Lorraine, Porta al Prato,

Florence. Jacques Callot. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. Copyright © 1996 by Yale University.

57.650.364(14). All rights reserved.

, This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying

| permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Designed by Richard Hendel Set in Janson Text type by

The Composing Room of Michigan, Inc. Printed in The United States of America by BookCrafters, Inc., Chelsea, Michigan.

| Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Saslow, James M.

The Medici wedding of 1589 : Florentine festival as Theatrum Mundi / James M. Saslow.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN O-300-06447-0 (cloth : alk. paper)

1. Ferdinando I, Grand-Duke of Tuscany, 1549-1609 —

Marriage. 2. Christine, of Lorraine, Grand Duchess, consort of Ferdinand I, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 15651636 — Marriage. 3. Marriage customs and rites — Italy — Florence — History — 16th century. 4. Pageants — Italy — Florence — History — 16th century. 5. Florence

(Italy) — History — 1421-1737. I. Title. DG738.21.837 1996

945'.5107'092 —dcz0 95-32245 CIP A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

10 9 8 7 6 5 43 2 1

TO MY MOTHER Terpsichore of South Orange

BLANK PAGE

Contents

Acknowledgments, ix

Introduction, 1 I SEPTEMBER 2 OCTOBER 1588 The Creative, Management, and Public Relations Staffs, 21 2 NOVEMBER @ DECEMBER 1588 Casting, Costumes, and Rehearsals, 49 3 JANUARY @ FEBRUARY 1589

The Theater, the Scenery, the Artists, 75

4 MARCH 1589 Artisans, Stagehands, Technical Rehearsals; Christine’s Outbound Journey, 101

5 APRIL 1589 Dress Rehearsals; Christine’s Inbound fourney and Entry, 121

6 MAY 1589 The Wedding As/In Performance, 148

7 JUNE 1589 AND BEYOND Aftermath and Later Influence, 174 CATALOGUE, 189

APPENDIX Genealogical Tables, Valois-Habsburg, Medici, 263

Notes, 267 Bibliography, 309

Sources of Illustrations, 315 Index, 317

BLANK PAGE

Acknowledgments

Much of the archival research for this book was supported by two grants from the City University of New York PSC-CUNY Research Award Program in 1992 and 1993. The bulk of the writing was completed during my term as a J. Clawson Mills Fellow at the Metropolitan Museum of Art during 1993-94. In addition to my gratitude to the Museum for its financial support, I wish to thank the staff of the Department of Prints and Drawings for their helpful involvement in this project, especially Colta Ives, Catherine Bindman, and Suzanne Boorsch. | also profited during my year at the Museum from the advice of conservator Mindy Dubansky and of fellows Armin Kunz and Sarah McPhee. Many friends and colleagues have read parts of this book in manuscript and have offered useful suggestions and welcome encouragement. William Wallace was, as always, a trusted and constructive critic, as well as a gracious host during my time in Florence. Wiley Hitchcock generously offered his expertise

in music and theater history — and, with Janet Cox-Rearick, an enchanted dinner overlooking the Medici villa at Artimino. Victor Bumbalo’s enthusiasm, as a theater professional, writer, and friend, buoyed my spirits at a crucial time. Members of the seminar on early modern material culture held in 1994 at Columbia University’s Institute for Research on Women and Gender, particularly Jean Howard, Martha Howell, and Keith Moxey, were unstinting in their intellectual support. The Aston-Magna Academy, whose director Raymond Erickson invited me to speak about the Medici wedding in 1991, enabled me to appreciate the multimedia aspects of court ritual; among the many Academy participants who made that experience both delightful and educational I especially thank Ingrid Brainard, Barbara Russano Hanning, Robert Ketterer, Paula Elliot, Paul Ferrara, and Robert Rodini. Many other individuals are due a debt of gratitude for their ongoing discus-

sions about the project, suggestions for bibliography and research sources, and practical support. I especially thank Janet Cox-Rearick, David Rosand, Raymond Erickson, and Arthur Blumenthal, who was an inspiration both for his pioneering scholarship on Medici festivals and his unselfish enthusiasm for my incursions on his “turf”; also Pamela Askew, Konrad Eisenbichler, Mi-

chael Flack, James Middleton, Carolyn Valone, Elissa Weaver, and Susan Zimmerman. For facilitating my encounters with the original written and visual records, I thank the staffs of the Archivio di Stato Firenze, the Biblioteca

1X

x Acknowledgments

Nazionale Centrale Firenze, and the print and drawing departments of the Musée du Louvre, the Galleria degli Uffizi, and the Victoria and Albert Museum, Gino Corti graciously assisted with problems of paleography. As always, my work would not be what it is without the support and affection of my companion, Steve Goldstein. I don’t know which was harder to put up with: my prolonged absences for research, or my prolonged presence as a distracted writer. He comforts and heals both at the office and in the home.

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uy.Raffi aello Gualterotti (see cat . 2), 3. Christine takes leave of her family.

Creation, Management, Public Relations 27

archical structure. The chain of command embraced all classes and functions.

At the apex of the pyramid was Ferdinando: though he is only recorded visiting the work site in person on a handful of occasions, he appears constantly in the records as the ultimate source of authority for various decisions large and small, a distant eminence referred to simply as “S.A.S.” — Sua Altezza Serenissima, His Serene Highness. Next came his close advisors, who, like Bardi and Cavalieri, were often aristocrats. Below this level were two branches: the artistic staff (other authors and composers, plus the performers), who reported to Bardi and to Cavalieri-qua-director; and the technical support staff, corresponding to middle management (in theatrical terms, production stage managers), major segments of which were coordinated by Girolamo

Seriacopi, the household’s provveditore (quartermaster), who reported to Buontalenti and to Cavalieri-qua-administrator. Below Seriacopi were lowerlevel foremen, who dealt directly with the myriad manual workers: craftsmen, tailors, stagecrew, and outside contractors. Relations among the three principal organizers and with the others were necessarily closely collaborative; in spite of the supposedly orderly hierarchy, however, these interactions were not devoid of friction and rivalry. The conflicts were in part the result of a conscious transition effected by Ferdinando during the first two years of his reign: aiming to change policies from his brother’s time, he gradually replaced key artistic personnel, often with friends or former employees imported from his long sojourn in Rome.

TEXTS AND AUTHORS

The numerous authors of the various theatrical texts, lyrics, and commemorative literature were coordinated by the theoretician and programmer Giovanni de’ Bardi, who had primary conceptual responsibility for the largest single event, the intermedi, and seems to have been consulted about the Pitti events as well. A number of these authors, as well as several composers, were

already linked to Bardi through his patronage and his central role in the musical society known as the Camerata fiorentina — though Cavalieri, as we shall see, was somewhat at odds with this group.

Giovanni de’ Bardi

Although Bardi (1534-1612) is remembered as both a learned humanist and musician, he alternated these activities with periods of military duty appropriate to his aristocratic background. A prominent member of the literary-philosophical Accademia della Crusca, he was elected the group’s archconsul from September 1588 through August 1589, while he was working

28 SEPTEMBER & OCTOBER 1588

on the intermedi. He had worked as author and composer with Buontalenti and the descrizione author Rossi on two previous Medici weddings, those of 1579 and 1586. But Ferdinando disliked Bardi and began to edge him out, in part because Bardi had approved and assisted Francesco’s second marriage in 1579 to the hated Bianca Cappello.!° From 1576 to 1582, Bardi had led the circle of musical reformers known as the Camerata fiorentina — or, during his patronage, as the Camerata Bardi. Its membership included the poet Giovanni Battista Strozzi, the amateur musician Piero Strozzi, and the composers and musical theorists Vincenzo Galilei (father of Galileo) and Giulio Caccini. Although not formally members, the

aristocratic poet Ottavio Rinuccini (1562-1621) and the composer-singer Jacopo Peri were apparently also sympathetic to the group. With the exception of Galilei, all of these figures contributed to the 1589 intermedi. Under Bardi’s aegis, they pioneered the viforma melodrammatica of music and theater,

part of a broader program for the revival of drama and music according to what could be reconstructed of the practices of classical antiquity.!! Although he himself composed one number (the madrigal sung to the shades in hell, “Miseri abitator,” for intermedio 4), Bardi was not given personal control over the musical form of the intermedi; the post of musical director fell to Cavalieri, who was brought in by the grand duke to dilute Bardi’s traditional authority. Nor did Bardi actually write the libretto, which was for the most part by Rinuccini, with additional verses by Giovanni Battista

Strozzi (who also specified the sculptural program for the auditorium) and Laura Guidiccioni Lucchesini. Nonetheless, it is clear from Rossi and Seriacopi that Bardi was intended from the outset as the “master of ceremonies”: he formulated the underlying conception, served as stage director, and coordinated all the intellectual and antiquarian aspects of the project, from the thematic structure and musical style to the classicizing details of the costumes. Bardi had to work out these concepts in tandem with Buontalenti, however, in order to assure both their feasibility and their accurate execution. As Rossi records, the two men, whom he jointly honors as pellegrini ingegni (rare and questing minds), “having received the assignment . . . and having discussed

and talked it over together ... and agreed, each one devoted himself to thinking about what pertained to his own position.” He goes on to tell us that

| Buontalenti, whom he calls L’Artefice (literally artificer, but figuratively author, implying visual creativity), “then received from the poet [his epithet for Bardi] specific and very detailed information.”!2 Bardi proved a watchful and imperious supervisor, visiting the theater and workshops and not hesitating to ask for corrections. He is first mentioned in Seriacopi’s logbook on October 5: “Signor Giovanni de’ Bardi orders that work should be started on making the

Creation, Management, Public Relations 29

costumes for the intermedi, and declares that if there are any problems he should be told now, and that if he isn’t, he doesn’t want to hear about them later,” !3

As a theatrical genre, the intermedio (or intermezzo; French intermede, English interlude or entr’acte) can be traced back to the late fifteenth-century verse play with music, L’Orfeo, by the Medici poet Angelo Poliziano. The name derives from the tradition of performing brief musical tableaux between

the acts of a prose comedy, but as the tradition developed in the sixteenth century the balance gradually shifted. In 1565 the intermedi were still performed within the same scenery used for the enveloping comedy, but by 1589 it had become axiomatic that each interlude would have its own spectacularly complex setting. Eventually the prose plays were so reduced in importance as

to inspire a complaint by the playwright I] Lasca (A. F Grazzini, 1503-84) that “the intermedi used to be made to serve the comedy, but nowadays comedies are made to serve the intermedi.” At first each intermedio stood

alone; although later authors sought to provide some unity of theme, this structural urge always had to be balanced against the desire for variety and surprise.!4 The theme for 1589 was the power of musical harmony, a loose umbrella that allowed for great diversity of individual scenes but nevertheless accommodated some overarching symbolic connections. Bastiano de’ Rossi

Before outlining this program, a short excursus into an important secondary source will clarify not only how we know so much about Bardi’s imagery and intentions, but how that secondary source was itself created. Bastiano de’ Rossi (fl. 1585-1605), author of the official descrizione for the intermedi and La pellegrina, fulfilled functions similar to Gualterotti’s for the entry: to explain the complex symbolism in detail, and to laud the technical and artistic sophistication of the creators and the magnificence of their patron. In addition to being another veteran of the 1586 wedding, he was a close friend and ally of Bardi’s at the Accademia della Crusca, of which Rossi was a cofounder and secretary. He evidently saw himself as a mouthpiece and propagandist for Bardi: the original edition of his Descrizione for 1589 was so pointedly slanted in favor of Bardi and against his rival, Cavalieri, that Ferdinando ordered it revised and reprinted.!5 Rossi’s timetable and working procedures, like those of Gualterotti, can be inferred from internal evidence. His text implies that he was privy to the early planning sessions between Bardi and Buontalenti: he tells us (p. 46) that Bardi specified that the costumes for intermedio 3 should be “tending to the Greek” style because the ancient sources specified that Apollo’s battle with the python

30 SEPTEMBER © OCTOBER 1588

took place on a Greek isle; he goes on to reveal what was clearly a private decision, that “the colors [of these costumes] were left up to the discretion of the Artificer [Buontalenti].” Rossi must also have been granted advance access to Buontalenti’s actual costume drawings, as his descriptions of many characters employ the same phrases to describe colors and materials as are written on the drawings themselves. For example, on the design for Arion in intermedio 5 (cat. 57; pl. 14), the fabric and color notes on the drawing are identical to the description in Rossi’s text; Rossi says that the Apollo of intermedio 3 (cat. 35; pl. 9) is dressed “d’un abito resplendente di tela d’oro [cloth of gold],” and the drawing is marked, “vestita di tela d’oro.”!6 As for the schedule on which Rossi worked, his dedication is dated May 14, two weeks after the premiere of La pellegrina, so he must have been preparing

his text for the printers for some months before the events. There are two significant discrepancies between his account and later sources, which may indicate that his text was past correcting by the time changes were made in the intended libretto. Arion’s aria in intermedio 4 is given in a version prepared by Bardi, though Malvezzi’s edition of the performance score indicates that Jacopo Peri, as Arion, sang a song of his own composition. Similarly, for the last

intermedio Rossi reprints an original text by Bardi, but that finale was replaced by music of Cavalieri’s and a new text. It is not known exactly at what point during rehearsals these substitutions were made, but apparently it was by then too late to change Rossi’s text. Alternatively (or jointly), he may have

resisted acknowledging these incursions on his friend Bardi’s artistic authority. !?

Plots and Characters of the Intermedi According to Rossi’s exposition, the six intermedi were unified by the theme of the power of music to influence both the human soul and the gods. The plots were derived from classical sources, especially Plato’s Republic, but also Plutarch, Ovid, Virgil, and numerous lesser writers and scholiasts, often modified or conflated. Three of the series, nos. 1, 4, and 5, illustrated aspects of musica mundana, that is, the celestial “music of the spheres,” while the other three represented musica humana, its more concrete influence in the affairs of gods and mortals. Interwoven with this philosophical conceit were symbolic

allusions to, as well as direct praise of, the beneficence, permanence, and legitimacy of Medici rule. In particular, the first and last intermedi bracketed the self-contained inner episodes with more explicitly nuptial and personal accolades, constituting an introduction and a finale. In this schema, the earthly microcosm — whether ancient Mediterranean lands.or modern Tuscany — reflected in miniature the all-embracing heavenly

Creation, Management, Public Relations 31

macrocosm. As Rossi explains, the fixed and harmonious concentric order of

the cosmos, which Plato and Pythagoras considered to be founded on the

mathematical ratios underlying musical sounds, was to be read as a parallel to the earthly rule of the ideal prince, who could bring order and stability to the terrestrial universe of which he was the hub. The political cosmos of individuals and social classes revolved about the monarch just as the heavenly bodies

revolved around the earth (or, metaphorically, the spindle of the goddess Necessity), each in a crystalline sphere propelled by the celestial Sirens who appear in the opening intermedio. The relevance of this generic model to the present occasion was rendered explicit by references to another staple princely topos: the return to Earth of the Golden Age, a mythical time of peace and plenty presided over by the goddess Astraea, whose restoration was prophesied by Virgil in his Eclogue 4. The Medici had been particularly attached to this symbol since Lorenzo the Magnificent adopted the motto, “Le temps revient.” The customary inter-

pretation — that the prince would restore a paradisal realm that had been established by his worthy ancestors but interrupted by discordant opposition — may have held an additional personal meaning for Ferdinando, who upon his accession set out forcefully to eradicate problems that were left from the reign of his brother Francesco, of whose occult interests, reclusive personality, and scandalous second wife Ferdinando had intensely disapproved. Inseparable from the continuity with a glorious past was the prophecy of an equally

glorious future, to be achieved by the “demigods,” the dynastic offspring fervently wished upon the newlyweds in several songs and the concluding epithalamium.!8 The following summary will serve as an outline for discussion of characters,

actions, and stage designs of the intermedi; for further details see the catalogue entries.!9 Intermedio 1. The Harmony of the Spheres (cat. 8-25). Above a perspective view of Rome, the heavenly messenger Harmony (figuring the Doric Mode of ancient music) descends to sing a prologue announcing blessings on the newly married royal couple. Rome then disappears, and the clouds open to reveal a starry firmament, in the center of which sits Necessity, who holds the diamond

spindle that forms the axis of the universe. She is surrounded by her three daughters, the Parcae (Fates), eight gods and goddesses (seven representing the planets, plus Astraea), and the choir of Sirens, each of whom controls a celestial sphere, all seated on movable clouds. These sing nuptial blessings in various combinations as they are lowered to the earth and raised again. Intermedio 2. The Contest of Muses and Pierides (cat. 26-32). In a lush grove, from beneath the ground slowly rises a mountain, on which are arrayed

32. SEPTEMBER & OCTOBER 1588

sixteen hamadryads (wood nymphs). They explain that they are to judge a contest: the nine Pierides, daughters of King Pierus, have challenged the nine immortal Muses to a test of musical skill. A pair of trellised garden bowers glide onstage and rotate to reveal the groups of competitors, each of whom sings a brief madrigal. The hamadryads declare the Muses victorious, whereupon the mortals are punished for their presumption by being transformed into magpies, who run chattering from the stage. Intermedio 3. Apollo and the Python (cat. 33-50). Ina forest clearing domi-

nated by a rocky cave whose entrance is surrounded by blasted vegetation, eighteen couples enter, representing the citizens of Delos; as they lament how their island has been devastated by a monstrous winged dragon, the creature (known classically as the Python, actually a serpent) pokes its head out of the cave and spews fire from its mouth. Apollo descends from the sky in answer to their prayer; performing a five-part military dance (recalling an early Greek program piece recorded by the Roman scholar Julius Pollux), he challenges the beast, slays it (spilling its black inky blood), and dances in triumph, after which the Delphians hymn the god’s praises. Intermedio 4. Prophecy of the Golden Age (cat. 51-53). A sorceress flies in above the scene of Pisa that remains from the previous act of La pellegrina. Riding a chariot drawn by dragons, she conjures the heroic spirits of the air

to foretell when the Golden Age will return. These spirits appear in a fiery cloud and announce that the present wedding of “two great souls” is the signal for such a revival of joy and goodness. As the spirits depart, Pisa is replaced by a stark rocky scene, representing Hell as described in canto 3 of Dante’s Inferno: the floor opens to reveal an icy lake, from which rises a giant figure of three-headed Lucifer, devouring souls. Amid smoke and flames, devils prod

the dead and taunt them that they will be alone for eternity, as the moral perfection of Ferdinando and Christine’s reign will deprive them of further sinful company.

Intermedio 5. Arion and the Dolphin (cat. 54-62). Rocky cliffs frame an undulating sea over which dolphins pull a shell that bears Amphitrite, queen of the ocean, accompanied by tritons and nereids; they pronounce a marital blessing and predict for the royal pair “such a brilliant progeny that it will adorn the Earth from pole to pole.” The sea creatures vanish as a giant galley approaches, bearing several dozen sailors and the poet-singer Arion, whose legendary musical prowess had been invoked earlier by the Pierides. The ship,

bobbing realistically, turns forward and strikes its sails in reverence to the grand duke. Arion, who has been threatened with death by the sailors, covetous of his treasure, sings a farewell lament, then escapes their drawn knives by jumping overboard. The crew, presuming him drowned, merrily divide up

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the spoils; but Arion, saved by a dolphin who admires his song, is borne safely to shore.

Intermedio 6. The Gods Send Rhythm and Harmony to Earth (cat. 63-66). The scene returns to the cloud-filled heaven of intermedio 1, now crowned with a golden sunburst, beneath which sit all the Olympian gods in council,

attended by the Graces and Muses. On the central cloud are Apollo and Bacchus, who descend to the stage to accompany Harmony and Rhythm in an enactment of a tale from Plato’s Laws, in which the two allegorical figures were sent to Earth to provide some relief from mortal troubles. Jupiter announces

his gift as golden rain falls and one by one the clouds lower to the ground, where the gods join a chorus of rejoicing nymphs and shepherds in a grand finale. Sung in alternation by the full cast and a trio of female singer-dancers, this lengthy epithalamium is again keyed to the returning Golden Age, in which “by Ferdinand shall be restored every virtue, every royal custom.” The prophecy of “semidivine” children to come from the union harks back to Virgil’s Eclogues and the epithalamia of Catullus.

The final element of the pageantry organized directly by the BardiBuontalenti-Cavalieri brigade was the tripartite evening at the Pitti Palace on May 11: chariot parade, joust, and naumachia. Here, Buontalenti was given a settled physical framework — the palace courtyard — into which he inserted

temporary lighting, machinery, and decorative backdrops. The evening’s themes were related in spirit to the intermedi, but more eclectic: classical gods

and creatures on chariots for the parade continued the mythological-heroic vein, whereas the armed knights’ foot tournament was a late example of the medieval chivalric tradition, with long roots in Florentine history and literature; the naumachia was a novelty, though with antique precedent. Bardi had somewhat less control here over iconographic details, because the participating nobility paid for their individual floats — an example of how Ferdinando cultivated involvement by the highest level of society in the socioeconomic arts network of his theatrum mundi. Although asked to harmonize with the overall theme, these patricians were apparently free to invent their own projects and to hire outside artists and programmers. Perhaps due in part to this diffusion, two of the official diarists to whom we owe descrizioni of the Pitti events, Giuseppe Pavoni and Simone Cavallino, are at times vague about the iconography of these floats, or their analyses don’t correspond exactly to the visual records (cat. 71-86).

[conographic Structures: Sacred Space, Sacred Time Although an iconographic analysis of all these state-sponsored events, from

entry to theater to tournament, is beyond my scope here, one organizing

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principle requires comment in a study whose focus is the unprecedented social and technical complexity of these physical productions. There is a striking — and to modern eyes ironic — disjunction between the symbolic discourse of much of the festival and the pragmatic realities that supported it, indeed that

made the regime itself possible. The wedding events were organized hierarchically into different levels of reality, graded from abstract, timeless allegory down through varying degrees of realism. The principal performances may be likened to the concentric universe they figured: the closer one approaches to the physical and symbolic center — the granducal theater, as the axis of sacred power expressed in purest fantasy — the less reference is made to

mundane realities. Where such acknowledgments do intrude, they are restricted to the margins of this solar system, defined either discursively, physically, or socially.

At the center of the political-cultural sphere, within the sacred space and time of the Uffizi intermedi, the metaphorical language is overwhelmingly mythical, allegorical, and historical, and virtually ignores the manifold conscious and energetic policies — technological, administrative, military, and the like — on which Medici power and wealth were actually based. ‘The texts of the

intermedi make no mention of current affairs, and images like Ferdinando’s fortification of Tuscany (fig. 1) are banished from the onstage picture; more typical is the first intermedio’s apotheosis of the bridal couple as a “new Minerva and mighty Hercules,” a paean framed in generic classical terms rather than concrete, individual qualities or deeds. Such preferences are hardly unusual; throughout Renaissance court literature as a whole, “the transfer of contemporary events into a classical setting and the celebration of the patron as a mythical hero were common strategies.” But the iconography of 1589, accentuating this cumulative process, made even fewer direct references to current practicalities than had its predecessors. Thus here, more acutely than ever before, the “transformation of historical events into poetic myth” points to a central problematic within courtly culture: “the conflict between poetry and history,” that is, between the reality of increasing technical-social control that characterized early modern political

economy and the fiction of a work-free, preindustrial Garden of the Hesperides as the ultimate source of spiritual and political legitimacy.?° That evolving contradiction marks a significant crossroads in European political ideology and symbolism. It was during Ferdinando’s reign that the theory of divine right entered Florentine discourse. Its objective was to create legitimacy by assimilating the ruler to a sacred realm of meaning and fixed authority outside earthly space and time. An important effect of this doctrine was a shift in rhetoric: power and authority were figured, not as a product of

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deliberate manipulation, but as godlike and effortless. The insistence that power is of a higher order than mere exercise of technical and political skill served to forestall dissent, by occluding the often Machiavellian basis of social and economic relations: “In any society the dominant groups are the ones with the most to hide about the way society works.”?! In semiotic terms, the overriding theme of the wedding, and especially the intermedi, is thus return, to an earlier Golden Age. This heroic, ideal past is figured partly through inherited medieval tropes of chivalry — the deeds of early Christian and Crusader ancestors — but most often through the Greco-

Roman heritage whose revival led the period to consider itself a “rebirth.” That this metaphor is both sung and embodied by heavenly powers who preside at the center of a concentrically rotating cosmos superimposes a second, complementary structure on the figure of return — of actual turning. In this discursive universe, all space is focused around a single fixed point (for 158g, the granducal palace complex, including the theater), and time is not linear and progressive but cyclical. Human history, in princely iconography, is a series of oscillations toward and away from that venerable fixed center, with the present always declared to be the perigee, or closest point. Christine’s entry sought to extend a similar iconography over the public cityscape, but there the aspiration of divine monarchy toward cyclical, timeless order conflicted with the earthly experience of time and space as linear: an

entry is a parade, a line moving through social space. Notwithstanding the entry’s inevitable accommodation to the physical and social setting, and indeed its exploitation of that setting to create processional drama, the imagery of the arches makes even less overt reference to that mundane terrestrial -

reality than had the earlier Medici weddings. The program of the official spectacle thus bears complex witness to a central metaphorical and epistemological characteristic of Renaissance court culture. In that culture’s commitment to the humanist ideals of cyclicality and reverence for the past, it is profoundly retrospective: it seeks to exalt the present by establishing its pedigree as a continuation of an ideal and unchanging past. Discursively, therefore, it was all but prevented from consciously “seeing” or expressly celebrating the revolutionary actualities of its own time.?2 Other events, while still under court aegis, were more open to contemporary reference as they moved farther from such quasi-sacred functions. For all

its grandeur, the subsequent spectacle at the Pitti Palace took place in a domestic, not a public, space (the family home), whose location on the far bank of the Arno established the tone of an exceptionally splendid suburban garden party. Thus, although the parade and joust were still rooted in chivalric romance, the naval battle was staged between contemporary Christians and

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Turks — at that time the great military adversaries of western Europeans in the Mediterranean — and the décor, including small porcelain admission tickets, was in part an advertisement for the Tuscan ceramics industry (see cat. 87).

Rossi’s published commentary on the intermedi, located at the margin of ritual performance by its posthumous and textual nature, is also permitted greater reference to “lower” realities: with propagandistic pride in Tuscan resources and technology, he records that Ferdinando aimed to produce a festival that, in its richness and variety as well as its “quantity of ingenious and

imposing machines, would be inferior to none” (p. 5). And the sports and other secular entertainments in the Piazza Santa Croce, loosely under court auspices but held in a public space with broad participation and a mass audience, could descend to animal-baiting and other popular spectacles. The Prose Comedies One final element of the overall “script” of the wedding events, the series of three prose plays presented along with the intermedi, was located even farther

toward the social margins of court culture, and was thus free to represent contemporary reality at the most earthy, even crass level of realistic comedy. The actors, lower-class intruders into the sacred space of the court theater, were framed by a genre that permitted the aristocratic audience to appreciate the bourgeois characters’ squabbles over money, status, and social convention as comic relief, the implications of which were carefully walled off from the intermedi’s idealized presentation of the higher orders and their contented mortal subjects. Although the acting companies were not under direct state control, sets and some costumes were supervised by Cavalieri and Buonta-

lent. Many commentators have concurred with Lasca’s judgment that the comedies performed on these occasions were increasingly a mere pretext, with little organic relation to the wider symbolism of their festivals. At least in the case of the first play, La pellegrina, however, Karen Newman has shown that this text was no more accidental than the rest of the carefully calculated celebration: its situation, characters, and narrative details were subtly revised to highlight the play’s intrinsic relevance as a compliment to the bride. Ferdinando had commissioned La pellegrina from the Sienese academician Girolamo Bargagli in

1564, but it had never been performed. Bargagli having died in 1586, the comedy was adapted by his brother Scipione, who added touches of new symbolism fitted to the occasion. The basic plot, a convoluted set of romantic dilemmas typical of the genre, remained unchanged: Drusilla, the eponymous heroine, arrives in Pisa on a religious pilgrimage whose true purpose is to seek Lucrezio, who had married

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her but then failed to return from a trip back to his native city. The frustrations

and misunderstandings are resolved by the virtuous pilgrim, who can then reclaim the husband who mistakenly thought her dead. Besides the specific similarities between Drusilla and Christine — both were devoutly religious

travelers passing into Italy from a foreign land — the heroine’s nearmiraculous qualities were precisely those that were idealized for women in general — piety, wisdom, and conscientious harmonizing of discord. Drusilla was originally Spanish, but in light of the pro-Valois shift, she was made a Frenchwoman; further highlighting the parallel with the bride, her sea voyage began, as Christine’s had just done, in Marseilles. In deference to Ferdinando’s

ecclesiastical background, some of the humorous anticlerical remarks were expunged, and the pilgrim’s destination changed from Loreto to Rome.?3 The other two plays that were performed with the intermedi were popular pieces presented by an independent professional troupe, the Compagnia dei Gelosi. Here there was much less textual control than with the Bargagli; although Ferdinando naturally would have been concerned that the works suited the decorum of the occasion, the company was selected mainly for its celebrity and for the renown (and amusing rivalry) of its two leading actresses. La zingara (the gypsy woman), presented on May 5/6 with Vittoria Piissimi in the title role, and La pazzia (madness), starring its author Isabella Andreini the following week, were part of the flexible genre of the commedia dell’arte, performances semi-improvised on stock situations and characters by the developing profession of traveling players. For this occasion Andreini made a small but effective thematic gesture toward the bride. The tour de force of her Pazzia was the heroine’s mad scene, in which she gibbered incoherently in a

mix of languages; Andreini ended the soliloquy in a torrent of fractured French, which, Pavoni observed, gave Christine “so much delight that she could not express it.”24

Emilio de’ Cavalieri: Music and Administration The second member of the organizing triumvirate, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, served the wedding festival in two different professional capacities. As a musician, he composed part of the intermedi music and acted as the production’s musical director and choreographer, complementing Bardi’s role as stage director — a forced collaboration rife with potential for conflict. At the same time, as a high-ranking government official, the superintendent of fine arts, he acted in a capacity close to that of the modern producer, keeping the books and serving as a mediator between the worlds of the backers (the court, at the Pitti Palace) and the creative team and labor force located at the Uffizi. Cavalieri (1545/53-1602) was a descendant of one of the oldest and most

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culturally prestigious Roman families: his father Tommaso, once the younger beloved of Michelangelo, had been instrumental as a city official in bringing to completion the architect’s project for the Capitoline Hill civic complex after his death in 1564. Emilio had become close to Ferdinando during the latter’s decades in the papal city, and the grand duke brought him to Florence almost immediately upon his accession (by January 1588) to develop the state arts program, as well as to travel on diplomatic missions. Cavalieri was granted a stipend of 25 ducats per month plus a horse and, unique among the wedding’s

senior staff, an apartment in the Pitti Palace. This physical proximity to Ferdinando signified his status and influence, which consisted in access to the

“head of the pyramid.” But he was no servile courtier; something of his proudly independent spirit, which contributed to prickly relations with Bardi, Rossi, and other staff members, is suggested by an early report of his tenure by the Venetian ambassador, who wrote that “he does not as attend as regularly upon the [grand duke’s] person as others, since he loves his freedom; but he is in great favor with S.A. [His Highness].”2° Cavalieri composed only two or three numbers for the intermedi, but his ability to set aside the completed work of Bardi for the finale indicates his ultimate authority, as Ferdinando’s chosen musical director, over the team of composers. Broadly, Cavalieri’s advent signaled the influx of a whole new influence in Florentine culture, drawn from composers and performers whom Ferdinando imported from Rome, and who gradually supplanted the court

artists he had inherited from his father and brother, though not without struggle and infighting. As we have seen, the music for the intermedi was inspired, and for the most part executed, by the circle associated with Bardi’s Camerata, who conducted research into the meager evidence about ancient musical principles. They sought a revival of music a/l’antica or alla greca, particularly the style of vocal music that they called recitar cantando: a form of monody, in which only one melody would be sung at one time, in polemic contrast to the prevailing polyphony of the madrigal. The text was to be paramount, the music subservient to its clarity and appropriate emotional expression; and melody and rhythm should follow the tones and accents of the spoken word. This theoretical program was not, however, fully realized in the intermedi compositions, many of which are written as traditional polyphony, with the solo voice taking one vocal line and the others assigned to instruments.” The bulk of the music was by two established musicians who were also actively involved in musical preparations at the Uffizi. The prominent madrigalist and organist Luca Marenzio (1553-99) arrived in Florence by February 1588 among many musicians whom Ferdinando brought with him from

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Rome, not only in anticipation of his wedding production but as part of an attempt to rival the famous musical establishment at the neighboring Este court of Ferrara. Cristofano Malvezzi (1547-99), a Florentine, was maestro di cappella of the cathedral; his edition of the text and music, printed at the grand

duke’s request in 1591, though not quite complete, is the basis for D. P. Walker’s modern critical edition.27

In addition to Cavalieri’s pieces and Bardi’s chorus for intermedio 4, three other composers, all with strong Roman connections, contributed one number apiece, and several of them also performed. Jacopo Peri (1561-1633), known as Zazzerino for his curly hair, was born in Rome of Florentine parents; later a pupil of Malvezzi, he performed as Arion, singing an aria of his own invention to replace Bardi’s. Giulio Caccini (1545-1618), a Florentine singer who had studied in Rome (he is often identified in the documents as “Giulio romano”), is frequently credited with inventing the stile recitativo, or speechlike musical declamation. He was the husband of Lucia Caccini, one of the principal female singers, and probably the brother of the sculptor Giovanni Caccini, who participated in the wedding decorations. And Antonio Archilei (ca. 1550-1612), husband of another soprano, Vittoria, may have written her opening solo as Harmony in intermedio 1; Cavalieri brought the couple from Rome, where they had been in the service of Ferdinando in the early 1580s.28

Rossi’s description of intermedio 6, as noted earlier, differs from the printed score, indicating a change that occurred too late in the creative process to be incorporated, most likely within the month preceding the premiere. Ferdinando rejected the finale by Bardi and Rinuccini — a massive chorus accompanying the descent of Rhythm and Harmony — and had Cavalieri substitute new music, to which Laura Guidiccioni Lucchesini, an aristocratic

poet from Lucca, crafted suitable words. In place of the more abstractly allegorical ending originally planned, Guidiccioni’s dialogue between throngs of pastoral mortals and three celestial ladies is more explicitly focused on the

bridal couple themselves, ending with the couplet, “Joyfully we sing in praise / Of Christine and Ferdinand.” The bass line and harmonies of this piece, so intimately associated with the city and its ruling house, remained popular for more than a century as a standard base for improvisation, under the titles “Aria di Firenze” or “Ballo del Granduca.”?? The haste with which this alteration was made, and the blatant reversal in its process of the humanist principle of musical subservience to text, raise the question of why change was deemed necessary at such a late date. Ferdinando’s intervention seems calculated to increase the overtly ideological content of the evening, consistent with his assertion of divine right. If Bardi was

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being edged out, it was partly because, like his patron Francesco I, he was primarily an esoteric antiquarian, and he was insufficiently propagandistic for the new regime’s intensified agenda. The shift is manifest in Ferdinando’s forced revision of Rossi’s text, in which the fulsome praise of Bardi and Buon-

talenti is shortened in order to allow space for this statement: “The grand duke, having at present in his service the Roman gentleman Emilio de’ Cavalieri, in whose abilities he had great confidence, put him in charge, together with the aforementioned Giovanni Bardi, of the present comedy, with complete authority.” Similarly, Caccini’s aria for intermedio 4, “Io che dal ciel,” was omitted from Malvezzi’s printed score, possibly because of his intimacy with Bardi.3° Considerable instrumental music was also written for the intermedi, most of it accompanying such special scenic effects as the rising of the mountain in

intermedio 2 or, like the lost sinfonia of intermedio 3, underscoring the dances. Cavalieri, who had a reputation as an excellent dancer, apparently worked out some of the choreography himself, at least (according to the printed score) for the concluding ballo that he composed. Some of the floor patterns for the choreography are reproduced in Malvezzi’s edition of the music (see fig. 11, Chapter 6), and Rossi describes the five-part Pythian dance of Apollo from intermedio 3 in general outline but with no specifics about steps or movements.3! Otherwise, unfortunately, little information survives about the form of these dances. Cavalieri also played a second role for the wedding, as chief administrator and financial officer for the Uffizi-Pitti events. On September 3, 1588, he was appointed superintendent of the fine arts (éntendente generale delle belle arti), a post that encompassed visual arts, crafts, and music.32 Cavalieri’s active role in labor management is in evidence beginning with the earliest entries in Seriacopi’s logbook: on September 7, Cavalieri sent an order to the provveditore to bargain with the painter Giovanni di Pagolo on a price for the figures that he was then painting in the Uffizi theater. This rationalization and centralization of management is merely one ele-

| ment in the broad process of systematizing and bureaucratizing all state functions. In a significant coincidence, during the same month that Cavalieri was appointed to his new post, the grand duke outlawed all private weapons in Tuscany, even down to potentially dangerous farming tools — a complementary attempt to extend the state’s regulatory power over individual lives. The number of public officials increased markedly during this period; though still

small by modern standards, it had reached about one thousand in the late sixteenth century. If the court staff was an instrument of control over the citizenry and resources, Ferdinando also sought to institute tight controls

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over the controllers: he set stringent rules for his staff, including precise work hours, fines for absence, and measures to prevent collusion or embezzlement. No one was immune from accountability: Cavalieri’s own books for the wedding were audited in 1593 by an outside committee.33 Cavalieri set up his Libro di conti, or account book, soon after his appointment; its dated entries begin in the first week of November 1588, referring to

materials received that must have been ordered during October. As later bound, it is in three parts. The first section, titled “Il taglio” (cuttings, or lengths of material), consists of 29 pairs of facing pages containing doubleentry accounts for the fabrics, trimmings, shoes, and such props and equipment as instruments and garlands, ordered for the costumes for the intermedi and the comedies. This type of account book, called a doppio (double), was an example of the sophisticated advances in bookkeeping that had been introduced in Florence in the late thirteenth century.3+ The entries are grouped by individual material; quantities of a particular item received by the workshop are on the left pages, corresponding amounts sent out for use are opposite them on the right. Entries continue until some leftover amounts were reconsigned to the granducal Guardaroba (storehouse) in September 1589. The second and third parts of the Libro, titled the “Quadernaccio” (scrapbook) and “Notizie e lettere,” are not arranged by material, but in several precisely interlocked accounting systems that permit continuous tracking of locations, utilization, and costs. One unit lists all materials received, from any source, in chronological order, with cross-references to corresponding entries in the “Taglio”; another arranges the materials by individual costume, referenced to the performer’s name and to identifying numbers on Buontalenti’s

sketches. Other units are concerned with tracking expenses: the tailors’ weekly timesheets and payment records, extending into September 1589; total money amounts for each individual intermedio; totals spent on each material, across all six intermedi. As its name implies, the latter part of the third section comprises bound-in letters and other notes pertaining to supply and payment.?5 Besides these rich specifics about costumes, materials, and casts, some general observations can be drawn from the Libro di conti about the economic scope and functions of the granducal administration. Geographically, entries refer to Tuscan agents and purchases in various towns of the grand duchy, in such nearby cities as Bologna, and as far afield as Naples, Venice, Rome, and Bavaria; this activity parallels the economic reach of the Tuscan economy as a whole, which during these years was attracting apprentice labor from Genoa, Bologna, and Mantua.3¢ Also evident, however, is the clumsiness of doing business across the borders of so many small and independent states: lengths

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and prices of fabric frequently need to be converted from the vendors’ units to the local Florentine system — even from Lucca, within the Tuscan economy,

, but whose unit of length differs by a small fraction (LC 113). Another complication regarding currency is that bookkeeping generally used “money of account” (lire, soldi, denari) whose units were not identical with the everyday denominations and actual coins used for cash payments (primarily scudt).

Bernardo Buontalenti and the Visual Arts Staff More than any other single figure involved in 1589, Bernardo Buontalenti (1531?—-1608) exemplified the artistic and technological ambitions of the Medici. Just as Cavalieri’s appointment as superintendent was a step toward unified administration, Buontalenti’s unprecedented degree of control over the visual and technical aspects of the wedding festival represented an increase in centralized creative direction. Although the 1589 events are often cited as a milestone for having one person in charge of all visual presentation, in fact Buontalenti’s mentor and predecessor as chief court architect, Vasari, had had almost as much to do with the wedding of 1565; but the trend toward unification was nevertheless clear.” Vasari’s own design for the Uffizi was still incomplete at his death, so the granducal workshops and agencies had not yet been concentrated there during his lifetime as they were in 1589. And Buontalenti’s overall scope of operations was wider: he had more technological skills than Vasari, who was primarily a visual artist and theoretician, and he took on far more tasks, of a more diverse nature, than Vasari had. Unlike Bardi and Cavalieri, Buontalenti was not an aristocrat, but a member of the artisan class. His father, Francesco, was also an artist, whose death in 1543/47 left Bernardo an orphan. The talented teenager came to the attention of Duke Cosimo, who made him a ward of the court and apprenticed him to its workshop, where his teachers were Vasari and, probably, the painters

Salviati and Bronzino and the miniaturist Giulio Clovio. He was greatly appreciated by the Medici family, especially as a companion and tutor of then Prince Francesco, some ten years his junior; Buontalenti accompanied him on a trip to Spain in 1562-63, but traveled little otherwise. Devoting his entire professional life to court service, he took on a role of “artistic family retainer” somewhat like Mantegna’s in Quattrocento Mantua, helping to theatricalize

every dynastic occasion from baptism to funeral. At the same time, his respected position and his own efforts indicate the rise in status of his professions, both visual and technical, that was taking place at this time. Buontalenti was a creative polymath, alternately (and sometimes simultaneously) scientific and whimsical, able to paint, to sculpt, and to design and build anything physical or mechanical, from fortresses to fountains to fire-

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works; his nickname, “Bernardo delle Girandole,” refers to a type of rotating firecracker, the catherine-wheel (givandola), that he developed. After the death in 1574 of his predecessor and mentor, Vasari, he held what amounted to a bureaucratic management post as chief architect and engineer for the court. His major official duties had a double aspect. The first was large-scale and practical, as supervisor of military and civil building projects: as an engineer,

he devoted much of his career to public works, ranging over all facets of technology and construction, from fortifications, port facilities, and city plan-

ning (Pistoia, Livorno) to roads, hydraulics, and bridges. But it has been suggested that, competent as he was in this arena, his true enthusiasm was reserved for smaller and more decorative projects that allowed greater scope for his distinctive creative fantasy, notably his theatrical work and his encour-

agement of the luxury craft industries, such as hardstone-carving, goldsmithing, porcelain and crystal, for which Florence is still renowned.38 As an architect, his extensive oeuvre is characterized by a structural sim-

plicity and planarity harking back to local Quattrocento tradition, but en-riched and varied by whimsical late mannerist details similar to the motifs of his decorative and theatrical work. He had commissions for all the principal building types of the period, mainly from the Medici but occasionally from independent institutions. He designed the facade and choir platform for the church of Santa Trinita, and he built or remodeled numerous Medici country villas, such as Castello, Magia, and Pratolino, where he installed gardens, waterworks, and automata. In Florence, behind the Pitti Palace, he completed his imitation grotto at the Boboli gardens in late 1588, using the same hydraulic skills he then applied to flooding the Pitti courtyard for the naumachia. He completed the Uffizi, and his expansion of the Palazzo Vecchio was going on simultaneously with the wedding. His last work, the enormous Cappella dei Principi at the church of San Lorenzo, a mausoleum for the granducal family, was begun in 1602. The nexus between architectural design and social control is most dramatically demonstrated in his systematization in 1571 of the Florentine ghetto, or Jewish quarter.?? Besides representing the centralization by the grand dukes of artistic control in a high-level civil servant, Buontalenti also typifies the emergence of several modern occupational roles. All the professions that overlapped in Buontalenti were undergoing a process of specialization and rising status at this time. The very term ingegnere (engineer), for example, was coming into common use and emerging as a respected profession with its own “college” (as distinct from a craft guild) — and increasing in status as its technical lore became more sophisticated, powerful, and essential to economic life. One requisite for elevation from craft to liberal art was to establish a corpus of

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canonical texts, both ancient and modern, a process in which Buontalenti actively participated: he acquired a translation of the Pneumatics by Hero of Alexandria, one of the few surviving antique treatises on mechanics, and himself wrote on sculpture and engineering.*° Architects were similarly attempting to differentiate themselves from masons on one hand and paintersculptors on the other; it was precisely those new areas of architectural knowl-

edge involving sophisticated theory and technology, like fortifications and waterworks, that justified raising them above traditional builders.*! In addition, Buontalenti contributed to the agenda of increasing visual artists’ level of training: he kept an informal academy at his home, attended by such artists as his protégé and successor Giulio Parigi, Ludovico Cigoli, and Gherardo Silvani, to whom we owe a biography of his teacher.*4 One index of prestige is, of course, salary, and on this scale he remained merely respectable: whereas Cavalieri received 25 scudi a month and free rent, Buontalenti got only ro scudi a month in 1588 on top of a permanent grant of income from state property adjacent to the city walls.43 Another such index is theoretical and definitional, which raises the complex issue of mannerist esthetics and artistic theory. On this scale Buontalenti was widely praised for possessing the quality most prized in sixteenth-century artists after Michelangelo: a unique and quasi-divine creative power that embraced invention, fantasy, and artistic license. Rossi lauds his “superhuman mind,” and Vasari had earlier adjudged him “universally abundant in clever caprices.”4+ His “capricious” creativity was, of course, perfectly suited to the demands of theater and spectacle. Buontalenti cut his artistic teeth on festivals at the 1565 wedding play and intermedi, where he was already devising cloud machines and trapdoors. He was subsequently involved with every major dynastic festival, from Francesco’s wedding in 1579, to 1586 when he designed the

Uffizi theater, and down to the wedding of Francesco’s daughter Maria to Henri IV of France in 1600.45 For the 1589 festival, he began during the summer of 1588 by reconstructing the Uffizi theater (Rossi, Descrizione dell’apparato, 6); architectural work could presumably begin even before a clearly defined playscript or libretto. His main decisions were to construct a proscenium, which had been lacking in the original décor, and behind this facade to enhance the superstructure for flying machines and special effects; the first item in Seriacopi’s log, on August 31, is a request from a carpenter for wooden planks “to make the waves of the sea” for intermedio 4 (MR 1r). For the plays and intermedi to be performed in the theater on this occasion, Buontalenti designed the stage sets, costumes, lighting, and special effects. We can reconstruct some of his schedule and working methods from Rossi, who reveals that from the outset he was an intimate observer of the collabora-

Creation, Management, Public Relations 45

tive process between Buontalenti and Bardi. As we have seen, Buontalenti received detailed instructions about the form, iconography, and historical

precedents of the costumes and sets from Bardi. He seems to have been allowed occasional creative leeway, for some of the costumes, such as those for the 20 pastoral couples in the finale of intermedio 6, “were left by the poet to

the discretion of the Architect” (62) — though the fact that Rossi finds this worth reporting suggests how exceptional it was. For both men, technical limitations necessitated trial-and-error and compromise: describing the plan-

etary gods on the clouds of intermedio 1, Rossi tells us that Buontalenti “would have liked each planet to appear on a [real] chariot,” but when this proved impractical, “he decided that he would put them on painted seats” instead (see cat. 23, 24; pls. 2, 3). Buontalenti supervised a staff of several hundred craftworkers, scene painters, and stagehands. In 1565, Vasari had toured the city on horseback to inspect the scattered workshops under his command; Buontalenti had the advantage that much artistic production had since then been centralized in the Uffizi, where the staff seems to have relied on his regular input, including rough sketches made in Seriacopi’s logbook. He probably came in every day except when ill; early in the construction phase Cavalieri tells a painter to stop working on the auditorium candelabra until Buontalenti “is recovered” and returns to the shop (MR 2r, Sept. 7). A few experienced artists who were closest to him executed reproductive and detail drawings that fleshed out his conceptual modelli or sketches; Andrea Boscoli and Ludovico Cigoli were among the most important. Buontalenti also supervised design work for the Pitti events of May 11, but this was less demanding and could begin later. Because the building already existed, the work was limited to construction of temporary decoration and lighting, costumes (some reused from the intermedi), and the mechanism for flooding the courtyard for the naval battle. Moreover, for the chariot parade patrician families like the Guicciardini paid for their individual floats and were apparently free to choose their own subjects and designers (who remain unknown). The only chariot for which we have an original drawing by Buontalenti and Boscoli is represented in cat. 73 (pl. 16), which carried Ferdinando’s brother Don Pietro and his nephew Vincenzo Gonzaga; as highranking members of the ruling family, they could apparently commandeer the services of the official designer. Girolamo Seriacopi: The “House Staff” Girolamo Seriacopi, identified in the sources as provveditore del castello, was not one of the creative triumvirate, but the head of the next level down in the

46 SEPTEMBER @ OCTOBER 1588

hierarchy, a business manager who executed requests from all three of the creative principals. His work, which like theirs began in the summer of 1588, was an essential part of setting up the administrative apparatus for the wed-

. ding; indeed, Seriacopi and his assistant Francesco Gorini are included with the triumvirate in the final audit of 1593 as the full team responsible for the

, event. His surviving record book provides a crucial element of the overall backstage documentation for the event. Seriacopi’s title, which translates as purveyor or quartermaster, comes from the building trades and refers to his permanent job in the Medici establishment as chief supply officer and engineer of fortresses. His functions included general administrative tasks related to military and technical construction, such as shipments of materials, foundry work, and labor supervision; from time to time, these duties would expand to cover the technical aspects of temporary commissions like the intermedi, comedy, and naumachia. In this theatrical role, his function combines aspects of today’s production stage manager and assistant producer. Thanks to Borghini’s correspondence, we know a lot about Seriacopi’s predecessor, Giovanni Caccini, the provveditore for 1565, who was hired to “solicit, oversee, and check work, putting it into order and taking delivery, as well as keep order in the records and payments by type of work and have them at hand every day, even every hour.” Seriacopi fulfilled all these tasks in regard to reconstruction of the theater, the construction of sets and costumes for the intermedi and La pellegrina, the Pitti events, and the banquet at the Palazzo Vecchio after the premiere of the intermedi. Though he generally served as the intermediary between ideators and executants, he also wrote to “S.A.S.” directly on occasions of special urgency.*6 Seriacopi’s logbook, the Memoriale e ricordi, was set up on August 31, 1588,

to fulfill precisely the functions outlined by Borghini. Entries touch on all practical aspects of design, construction, labor relations, supplies of equipment and personnel, rehearsals, even janitorial services; its final entries from June 1589 concern postperformance cleanup and dismantling and storage of the theatrical equipment. Some entries are meant as binding records of settlements of disputes, others are complaints or threats to workers; in addition, it contains numerous small working sketches, made on the spot by Buontalenti, of decorative details and practical devices. At first entries were made only every few days, but as the pace of work quickened — noticeably in November, after the marriage contract had been finalized — the problems noted and dealt with eventually required several pages a day. The logbook was physically kept in or near the workshops and construction site at the Medici Theater itself: it refers to “going to the Pitti,” and assumes

that “here” is the Uffizi. It must have been open and accessible to various

Creation, Management, Public Relations 47

assistants and overseers, as it contains entries in many hands, often in question-and-answer or order-and-report format. Many of these are written by or addressed to Seriacopi’s factotum, Gorini, who is identified as provveditore alla commedia. ‘Vhe subordinate position on the hierarchical chain of command occupied by Gorini, a combination of paymaster and labor foreman, is evident from the audit: “payments were made from orders and lists by

Francesco Gorini ... and endorsed by the abovementioned” major staff. When orders came from Cavalieri, Seriacopi wrote them in the Memoriale for Gorini to see to (or, if dictated by Cavalieri through Gorini, Seriacopi added a note such as “Accommodate him”); and when individual craftsmen or con-

tractors had requests, it was Gorini who conveyed them to Seriacopi and Cavalieri via a note in the log. Like Cavalieri’s Libro di conti, the Memoriale e ricordi contrasts with the official focus of the descrizioni, allowing us a backstage view of day-to-day

procedures and some sense of the larger economic world supporting and implied by the performances. Its geographic references extend to the entire grand duchy and beyond: houses were rented throughout Florence for the imported performers, agents were dispatched to outlying towns to procure lumber and old boats for the naumachia, and special materials were requested

from Venice. The Memoriale also reveals the complexity of the granducal

household in notes about transferring or borrowing materials from the Guardaroba (stores of goods) at the Pitti and elsewhere. One recurring theme is parsimony, manifested in frequent requests for economy and for competitive bidding that pitted artisans against one another.*’ As expected for someone of less elevated social stature than Cavalieri or Bardi, we know little about Seriacopi’s biography.*® Although he is visible in the logbook only as a functionary, hints of his personality surface in a few surviving letters. He wrote to Ferdinando regarding a fire carelessly set by two stagehands, probably because he had received some criticism for incarcerating both men; although he apologizes if his response was too forceful, both that action and his defense, citing “the concerns of my position,” suggest a streak of self-importance and authoritarian severity. (No doubt these were useful qualities in a labor supervisor, though they are no match for the suspicious malice of Vincenzo Borghini, who wrote to warn Seriacopi’s counterpart in 1565 against greedy painters, whom he calls “certain ugly animals.”) A series of testy exchanges extending from February through April 1589 records a continuing dispute between Seriacopi and Buontalenti over responsibilities for tardy work, during which Seriacopi again had recourse to Ferdinando to defend his veracity. The onus for this hostility may not rest entirely on Seriacopi, for Buontalenti was also squabbling with Cavalieri at the same time; in

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any case, the quartermaster’s protestation that “if anything I’ve said is ever found to be other than the truth, may Your Lordship have me doubly and rigorously punished” accepts the same strain of strict accountability that he was willing to inflict on others.*9

By the end of October, then, when the contract for Ferdinando and Christine’s marriage was signed in France, the preparations for her reception

in Florence were well under way. The administrative apparatus had been established, and the major creative teams, already at work for at least three and probably five months or more, had completed the program and at least some

rough theatrical designs. Supplies had been ordered and architectural remodeling had begun. Tensions were evident between the old guard from the reigns of Cosimo and Franceso and the new blood being brought in by Ferdinando. As yet, however, they were all still only at the beginning of a long process.

CHAPTER TWO

November & December 1588 CASTING, COSTUMES, AND REHEARSALS

Members of the staff, having determined the literary programs, set up their administrative apparatus, and made broad design decisions over the

preceding several months, could now devote themselves in earnest to the various phases of execution. During the months of November and December,

they began work on several interrelated tasks simultaneously: casting the performers, including singers, dancers, and musicians; fitting and sewing the costumes; and continuing to construct the sets and machinery in which these figures were to move. Cavalieri, Seriacopi, and their staffs coordinated supply and labor conditions between manufacturers, merchants, craftworkers, and subcontractors; entries in other account books indicate that the Medici household staff was beginning to plan for the lodging of hundreds of anticipated guests. The numbers of people involved would have made the wedding, at least temporarily, among the largest economic enterprises of the city. Rossi marvels continually at the large forces, the splendor of the costumes, and the sonorous sound of the music, some of which he probably saw and heard in the early onstage rehearsals, which began in December. In his descrizione of the 1586 theatricals, he had recorded that more than 400 people worked to realize that event; his prologue for 1589 is less numerically specific, but he refers rhetorically to the city expending “all its resources” (pp. 2—4) and compares the event

to an earlier festival organized by Lorenzo de’ Medici, the Magnificent, “which kept the entire city busy working on it for several months.” His earlier

estimate is certainly inadequate for 1589, especially if we count the many related events at the Pitti Palace and Santa Croce. At the Uffizi alone we have

the names of, or references to, some 100 theater performers, 150 soldiers and sailors for the naumachia, 50 tailors, and dozens of painters with their work-

shops, not to mention the hundred or so members of the stage crew that moved scenery, pulled winches, and lit lamps. The Introduction focused on the royal and aristocratic class of patrons, and 49

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Chapter 1 on the largely patrician or upper-level artist class responsible for the ideation of the entire festival. In practical terms, these relatively exclusive groups were far outnumbered by their employees and suppliers, who came from the artisan and laboring classes: actors and actresses, musicians, and dancers, as well as craftworkers, from carpenters, painters, and tailors to other skilled specialists in dyeing, hairdressing, and wigmaking. Although they were all at work at the same time, for clarity the following discussion will break these activities down into separate components: the present chapter focuses primarily on casting and costumes, Chapter 3 on scenic construction and stage equipment. In general outline, a sequence can be inferred for the activities of the stage and costume workers. Buontalenti probably did the rough conceptual drawings for the stage sets for each of the six intermedi first, as the costumes shown in them are still vague and generic; in fact, as we have seen, the construction of stage pieces began well before the costumes. Next, he prepared the costume sketches that survive, which depict the basic concept of each outfit but are still far from detailed enough to serve as tailor’s patterns; these were finished by October, when materials were ordered. Only after these costume designs were well under way were the roles they illustrated assigned to specific cast members: the cast names were written on the drawings for reference and measure-

ments after the initial design, and these names are often crossed out or exchanged.

PERFORMERS

The performers in the wedding events, who totaled in the hundreds, can be

differentiated into three categories. First there were the actors who performed the prose plays, who were grouped into independent acting companies. Second, the intermedi performers were not actors, but vocalists, instrumental musicians, and dancers; some were hired and supervised by Cavalieri’s administration for this occasion only, while others were permanent employees of the granducal payroll or of the city’s major churches. For the third type of wedding event — the outdoor public pageantry of the entry, the joust, the animal baiting, and the Pitti chariot parade, as well as the ecclesiastical rites — the “actors” were performing ex officio in their roles as aristocrats, public officials, and clerics, with their trains of attendants and pages. Cast and Musicians The two troupes of actors that performed the comedies had little in common: one was made up of aristocratic amateurs, the other of professionals in

Casting, Costumes, Rehearsals 51

the still relatively new popular and commercial theater, which was not altogether socially respectable. Little is known about the cast members of Siena’s Accademia degli Intronati who acted in La pellegrina except that they were members of a company of young Sienese patricians who staged plays, in the manner of the other learned academies of the time.! The Compagnia dei Gelosi, as an independent troupe, also has left no production documents, though the company’s married leaders, Francesco (1548-1624) and Isabella Andreini (1562-1604), published some of their scenarios. About their 1589 production we have only the somewhat contradictory commentaries of the diarists. Pavoni, the source for Christine’s delight in Isabella’s French, also recounts with relish the rivalry between the two principal actresses, Andreini and Vittoria Piissimi, who fought over which was to perform first; Piissimi won out, starring in La zingara while Andreini had to wait to perform her own vehicle, La pazzia, a week later.? The enormous cast of the intermedi, which were staged directly by the court, posed a logistical problem. Close to home, Ferdinando could draw on his own permanent musical establishment, the granducal chapel, as well as hire or borrow staff from religious institutions closely allied to the family (San Lorenzo) or the state (the cathedral); these employees worked on the intermedi either full-time, or part-time in addition to duties elsewhere. When

these resources proved inadequate, they were supplemented by actors, singers, dancers, and instrumentalists — who often doubled in more than one of these capacities — from a wide range of locales and secular institutions, including individual freelancers who served for varying lengths of time. Ber-

nardo Franciosino, nicknamed “della cornetta,” was entered first on the granducal payroll (ruolo) in September 1588; a cornetto virtuoso who also operated a music school in the city, he provided numerous instrumentalists and other performers, probably his pupils, who are identified in the records as “del franciosino.” Almost ten percent of the cast were ecclesiastics, ranging from one “priest Riccio” to seven frati (brothers) from the local churches of Santa Croce and the Santissima Annunziata, and even from Loreto and Venice — all presumably veteran sacred choristers or instrumentalists. Only two performers are explicitly identified as dancers, “Agostino ballerino” and Cecchino. In addition to Loreto and Venice, singers were imported from Siena, Lucca, and Rome; a few independent artists identified as “da Roma” had probably already been brought in by Ferdinando and Cavalieri when they moved to Florence. A few names hint at non-Italian origins, such as one “Lorenzino tedescho” (German) and a page called “Francesco spagniuolo” (Spaniard), but they might have immigrated from their eponymous homelands at some earlier

52 NOVEMBER & DECEMBER 1588

time. In any case, this converging Babel of international newcomers seems to have bred some confusion on the staff’s part: in the most comprehensive cast list, which gives 82 names, the wardrobe master Benedetto Tornaquinci lists Antonio Archilei just after another Antonio, surnamed Naldi, whom Tornaquinci mistakenly identifies in Archilei’s stead as “the husband of Sra. Vittoria [Archilei].”3

| In spite of numerous changes of assigned roles during the rehearsal period, it is possible to assemble virtually complete cast lists for intermedi 1, 3, and 5.4 We have already met several of the intermedi composers, who also performed onstage roles: Cristofano Malvezzi, Luca Marenzio, Jacopo Peri, Giulio Cac-

cini, and Antonio Archilei. Malvezzi’s brother Alberigo, the organist at the Medici’s historic parish of San Lorenzo, also took part. Because each intermedio was self-contained, most performers took different roles in more than one of the tableaux. Peri, for example, sang his own piece as Arion in intermedio 5, as well as a siren in intermedio 1; in intermedio 3, after first being assigned to play a bearded Delphian man (cat. 37; pl. 12), he ultimately played a Delphian woman (cat. 48). Archilei, as noted, composed part of Doric Harmony’s aria for his wife Vittoria, the prima donna of the occasion; primarily a lutenist and basso, he also appeared as a sea nymph in intermedio 5 (cat. 56; pl. 13). Vittoria, née Concar-

ini (1550—ca. 1629), was a dancer and instrumentalist as well a celebrated vocalist, lauded by Peri as “the Euterpe of our time.” Among the first women to achieve an independent performing career, she took the virtuoso roles of Harmony and of Amphitrite, queen of the sea, in intermedio 5. She probably studied under her husband, whom she married in 1578; the couple were protégés of Cavalieri’s in Rome, entering Ferdinando’s service there and moving to Florence with the change of regime as permanent court employees.® Vittoria was one of three principal women in the cast. The next member of this trio was Lucia Caccini, Giulio’s pupil and first wife. As seconda donna of the production, she sang a siren in intermedio 1 and the sorceress in intermedio 4,

whose aria her husband composed. The third, a younger singer named Margherita who lived with the Archileis, was most likely their pupil and perhaps also their adopted daughter; she is listed as Antonio’s putta (young girl). Margherita sang one of the sea nymphs in intermedio 5 (cat. 56) and a Delphian woman in intermedio 3; she may be identical with the Margherita who later became the second wife of Giulio Caccini.’

Male performers varied widely in age and voice. Onofrio Gualfreducci from Pistoia was one of several castrati, identified as such in the payment lists. Young boys were recruited to play the souls devoured in the mouth of Lucifer in intermedio 4, and the magpies into which the presumptuous Pierides are

Casting, Costumes, Rehearsals 53

transformed in 2. Their principal qualifications were being small, agile, and energetic; these parts needed no vocal skills, as the characters made only squawking or moaning noises.® Unfortunately, as is typical of Renaissance musical practice, we lack precise information about the total forces and distribution of the orchestral instrumentalists. Like many temporary orchestras today, this one dressed up a core of available local personnel with a few celebrities of prestigious reputation. In addition to the various players hired from Franciosino’s academy or from Siena and other Tuscan cities, several well-known figures of the day can be identified, among them Antonio Naldi (also known as Bardella) and Giovanni Battista Jacomelli, nicknamed “il violino,” who was among the earliest virtuoso performers on the violin. The versatile Giulio Caccini played the harp, and also sang a siren in intermedio 1. Also recorded are Alessandro Striggio father and son; the elder was a virtuoso instrumentalist and composer and the younger, who played the viol, later penned the libretto for Monteverdi's earliest opera, L’Orfeo (1607). Something of the relative social status and lifestyles of these performers can be gleaned from their salaries, partially listed in the household payroll drawn up on September 1, 1588 — at the same time that Cavalieri was setting up the accounts for arts administration. Cavalieri, it will be recalled, received 25 ducats per month plus lodging and horse; the compensation for his employees ranges downward from his by a third or more. The maximum fee of 20 ducats

per month for Franciosino probably included amounts to be paid to the students he provided, seven of whom are listed for intermedio 5 and four for intermedio 3. The other high salaries were 15 ducats for Marenzio, who of course also served as a composer; 16 for the violinist Jacomelli; 18 for Antonio

Archilei, which included expenses for his girl Margherita, her nurse, and house rent; and a separate 10 for his wife Vittoria, indicating that she was employed independently of her husband. Others earned from g down to 4 ducats per month, but often had other duties or forms of income. According to the records, a basso, Don Giovanni, “still serve[d] at the duomo,” and Antonio

Naldi received only 6 ducats but was further named as “guardaroba della musica” (duties unspecified), with a note that he also received meals (smangia in tinello).?

Gender, Transvestism, and Homosexuality The casting practices for the intermedi and comedies provide a case study of the conventions attached to gender in the Renaissance theater, revealing a transitional landmark in the increasing role of women. Up to this time, as one manifestation of long historical restrictions on public speaking and public

54 NOVEMBER @ DECEMBER 1588 | appearance, women had been rare as either authors or performers. This situation was just beginning to change: we have already met Laura Guidiccione,

the only female author invited to contribute verses to the intermedi. The commedia dell’arte, first documented about 1545, included women as cast members by about 1560 and had reached the point where Isabella Andreini wrote her own vehicles. At this juncture women were still seen as a theatrical novelty, and support of them as proof of cultural sophistication: the duke of Ferrara had recently established a three-member concerto di donne, and the three main women singers who were brought in for 1589 may have represented Ferdinando’s bid to rival his Este relations, who were considered a

} model of aristocratic patronage. In addition to that trio, two girls and their brother were reportedly added to the cast of intermedio 2 at a late point and given the madrigal “Bella ne fe’ natura,” which, because it declares their role as judges, more logically belongs to the chorus of hamadryad nymphs (all played by men).!° In spite of this increase in opportunity, exclusion persisted even on the naturalistic stage. Iwo concurrent examples exemplify the transitional situation at this time and the factors of class and economics that were at work.

Although the play La pellegrina has many female characters, including the eponymous heroine, its cast must have been all men, as the Intronati was restricted to aristocratic male amateurs. By contrast, although the tradition of

female impersonation survived from the founding phase of commedia dell’arte, in the public theater women could now play women and men generally played men, and professional companies like that of Piissimi and Andreini

offered the first opportunities for women on the commercial stage. The intense jockeying for precedence between the Gelosi’s two prima donnas amused the court, but it should also be viewed, in context, as a necessary part of their larger battle for professional advancement in a competitive industry only recently, and still incompletely, opened to them.!! Progress duly noted, nevertheless virtually all the female roles in the intermedi were taken by men, and this established custom was still institutionalized

through long-standing practices and conventions that provided modes of substituting for the absent female. Here, as in the all-male Pellegrina, two methods helped to overcome some of the gender disparity between the character and the physiognomy and voice of the actor. One traditional expedient was the castrato; the other, less drastic and more temporary, was transvestism (which castrati also practiced). The emasculation of young boys to preserve their prepubertal treble voices owed its origins to the Catholic Church’s prohibition on women singing in church. The resultant soprano (or alto) register, combined with the physical __

Casting, Costumes, Rehearsals 55

capacity of a grown male chest, combined the ethereal and the stentorian to

captivate audiences and create early modern celebrities. Onofrio Gualfreducci, the most important castrato of 1589, was near the top of the salary range at 15 ducats per month. Along with him, the cast also included “Pierino castrato, . . . Niccolo Bartolini da Pistoia eunuco,” and the more ambiguously identified “Tommaso contralto” (which could also mean a falsettist). Like the rest of the male cast, including the frati, these singers might play roles of either gender: Gualfreducci sang the goddess Necessity in intermedio 1, then Jupiter in 6. Bartolini’s known parts are all female (a siren in 1, a Delphian woman in 3, and a marine nymph in 5), but Pierino played a male sailor in the latter. !2 The vast majority of male vocalists, however, impersonated females simply by cross-dressing, without benefit of hormonal modification; many are identified as bass voices, which must have produced a more earthbound tessitura than ideally appropriate to, for example, the chorus of heavenly sirens in intermedio 1. Earlier scholars, well aware of the visual and auditory disjunction between female role and male performer, tended to approach the costuming from a common-sense assumption that the designers did all they could to disguise it. As the sketches and materials orders make clear, many of the

female costumes were fitted with cardboard (or perhaps papier-maché) “chests with breasts,” which Nagler sees as intended “to rid the singers of their

masculine appearance.” This traditional interpretation views such artificial body parts and masks as an expedient, their goal to make male performers look

physically more “realistic.”!3 And of course, as Rossi’s comments testify, Buontalenti was much occupied with maximizing verisimilitude, an essential element in creating and maintaining any theatrical fantasy. Mere cardboard, however, can hardly have overcome the visible facts very convincingly. As an example, the female role of siren 9 in the first intermedio was taken by one “Ceserone basso”; as the suffix to his name suggests, Ceserone was a large man, and even attached breasts would not make his frame seem feminine. Moreover, although all of the characters wore masks, these

covered only part of the face and would not have concealed the full beards worn by almost all men in the late sixteenth century (except, in most cases, castrati). What the costumes lacked in illusionistic power they made up for in symbolic power, which was of much greater concern to designers and audience

alike than the “problem” of verisimilitude that so puzzles many modern scholars. Cardboard breasts and masks were, after all, also attached to the costumes of female characters played by female performers, who presumably did not need them: no distinction is made, for example, between the design for

the siren played by Lucia Caccini and those of her eleven male cohorts.

56 NOVEMBER @ DECEMBER 1588

, Exaggerated in form and decoration, applied to performers of both genders, artificial breasts were not so much trompe-/’oeil expedients as symbolic breastplates, functioning more as semiotic signifiers for “woman” than as cosmetic appendages. Onstage no less than off, male and female identities were clearly defined, and clothing, as an essential social vehicle for enforcing and communicating those constructs, was invested with a degree of absolute reality far beyond its status in a later world more conscious of fashion as artifice. The Cinquecento

audience was more willing to accept signs as transparent, to believe that clothes make the man (or woman). Sumptuary laws literally embodied a minute code of social rank, and at a time when most ordinary people owned only one suit of clothes, a change of identity was hard to practice or suspect.!+'Thus

disguise and mistaken identity are a stock element of period comedy and literature: Drusilla, the heroine of La pellegrina, meets frequently with her lost husband Lucrezio, but because she is “disguised” as a pilgrim, he never recognizes her until she reveals herself. Parallel to this convention is the expectation that, because the man playing Drusilla is officially disguised as a woman, the audience will primarily register the external signs of “her” identity, disregarding any dissonance with the figure beneath.!5 The sexual ambiguity of onstage cross-dressers intersected with the symbolism of the androgyne, and more specifically the hermaphrodite, an image principally derived from Plato that was current throughout Renaissance cul-

ture in the occult sciences, visual arts, and even statecraft. On the highest plane, this ideal fusion of qualities normally split between two contrasting genders symbolized the positive combination in “the body politic” of the ruler of all desirable virtues, as in the elaborately propagandistic self-portrayals of

England’s androgynous Virgin Queen, Elizabeth I, and the image of Christine’s great-grandfather, Francois I of France, dressed simultaneously as Minerva and Mars, War and Civilization (fig. 4).

At the same time, this inherently unstable and multivalent symbol was beginning to be associated more literally with less elevated or socially acceptable sexual ambiguities: Francois’s grandson Henri III, an effeminate homo-

sexual who was notorious for his male favorites and for appearing at court functions in women’s garb, was caricatured in printed satire as the leader of an “Isle of Hermaphrodites.” And although Isabella Andreini’s exact dialogue in 1589 is not recorded, in a variant script of similar title that has survived, the mad scene, protected from /ése-majesté by the character's insanity, made crude jokes about the rumored physical abnormalities of Queen Elizabeth, whose failure to marry was suspected in contemporary anti- Tudor sentiment to be due to “monstrous” hermaphroditism. !°¢

— ees , . ; om . — + ec. ee ee . eS ASS . . RS RES GRC aS ; . ae. SSS . etSee oN - ?

Far more significant, both numerically and socially, were the cloth purchases made from the numerous wealthy families who still maintained their traditional activities in the fabric industry. The list of patrician suppliers, each due between 250 and 750 ducats for the year 1589, is a veritable who’s who of patrician names: Strozzi, Guicciardini, Salviati, Rinuccini, and many more.°*?

These commercial dealings illuminate the full range of motivations behind such acts of wedding patronage as the float for the Pitti parade provided by the Guicciardini (cat. 76) or the endowment by the Medici’s cousins the Salviati

family of the new mortuary chapel for Saint Antoninus, which Christine visited at San Marco. In part, these ritual exchanges still functioned in what anthropologists term a “gift economy,” a reciprocal web of obligations expres-

sing support for the Medici as their feudal superiors. At the same time, the strong economic links between the elite families constituted the emerging “market economy,” in which such gestures also served to cement good relations with a cash customer.

STAGE SETS AND REHEARSALS

While all this activity relating to costumes and livery was getting under way, other aspects of the wedding preparations continued, and formal structures were set up to oversee the projected activities for the remaining six months. The stage designs and equipment plans had already been set for several months, and construction at the Uffizi theater, both of the auditorium itself and the sets and props, proceeded at an increasing pace, followed after November 22 by work at the Pitti, also supervised by Seriacopi (see Chapters 3, 4). Plans were roughed out for a temporary bridge to connect the theater with the Palazzo Vecchio for the banquet following the premier, and for decorations in the great Salone dei Cinquecento of the palazzo, which was being remodeled and extended throughout 1588-89. And some time in December, Ferdinando appointed a committee to oversee all wedding prepara-

Casting, Costumes, Rehearsals 73

tions and hospitality for foreign guests, including his treasurer Cambi, Vaini, Orazio Rucellai (his maggiordomo maggiore), the Marchese di Cetona, and about ten other gentlemen.*+ Seriacopi’s notes for November and December deal primarily with procurement of supplies and skilled labor. On November 12 the painters ordered materials; on the 22nd, orders were placed for fabric and lumber for the Pitti naumachia and joust; in December, Seriacopi outlined staffing plans for the artists who were soon to work on the arches for Christine’s entry, contracted for Pitti carpenters, and listed provisional crews of stagehands. On December 11 the principal scene painter, Francesco Rosselli, ordered a scaffolding to be erected on the Uffizi stage so he could work on “the garden,” probably some element of the wooded grotto for intermedio 2. A few weeks later, the cast was sufficiently fixed to permit initial rehearsals; the stage must have been a beehive of overlapping activities by Christmas day, when mounting time pressure resulted in Cavalieri’s ordering the carpenters and scene painters to vacate the theater during his rehearsals — they shifted to the Palazzo Vecchio — then return to work late at night by candlelight. Bardi, as usual, exercised tight

control, ordering on December ro that “no intermedi should ever be rehearsed unless His Lordship [Bardi] is there, and unless he orders it himself, since he wants everything to be up to his standards [ passino per suo segno].”5> Apparently the stepped-up pace and overtime were beginning to wear on the workers. On December 21, a fire broke out in the theater — a constant fear, against which Buontalenti had earlier ordered buckets of water kept onstage — and the matter was serious enough that the next day Seriacopi wrote directly to the grand duke to report what had happened and to justify his own rather severe reprisals. His letter says he narrowly averted a conflagration after two workers had carelessly left a candle on some wood (doubtless during one of the night sessions decreed by Cavalieri), and it had burned down and begun to set fire to the planks. Seriacopi sent both of them to the Bargello (police headquarters), not only because of their dangerous negligence but also to set an example to others and encourage greater watchfulness. If he was wrong to lock them up, he writes, “I ask forgiveness,” but he insists rather sententiously that he did so to impress upon them “the gravity of their acts and the interests of my position; and that if such dangers are anticipated, no one gets punished; and that there’s no cure once an accident has happened.”>¢ Even as the theatrical preparations in the center of Florence were reaching this already advanced phase, other components of the total festival welcome, spread over the whole Tuscan landscape, were beginning to intensify. On December 22, nuns were sewing shirts at San Clemente; on the 23rd, eight embroidered wool shirts were delivered to Franciosino’s musicians. During

74 NOVEMBER & DECEMBER 1588

the fire and rehearsals of Christmas week, Seriacopi had to write to Ferdinando because the grand duke was in Pisa, where the court traditionally spent the holiday. Four days after the Uffizi fire, on Christmas day, a letter was written from Livorno by one Alfonso to Fedini, listing supplies required to staff and decorate the galleys of the granducal fleet that would be departing from the giant Tuscan port in late winter to meet Christine in Marseilles. The request for furnishings and linens, as well as for gold and damask cloth to be draped over the stern of the newly built flagship, referred to as La Capitana, indicates that artistic and practical planning for this triumphal journey was already advanced.>’ The day following Christmas, St. Stephen’s Day, Ferdinando ceremonially

took the habit of the seafaring knights of Santo Stefano, of which as grand duke he was now patron; on the same day, in Florence, the Guardaroba responded to one of Alfonso’s requests by consigning 367 braccia of rose-pink damask to Alessandro Chelini to be sewn into pennants, door curtains, and

swaggings for the Capitana. On November 30, Ferdinando had performed the public ritual of officially laying aside his cardinal’s robes, and buckling on a temporal sword; this phallic regalia nicely symbolized his release from clerical

celibacy, more specifically his availability for the impending marriage. December’s Santo Stefano ceremony again declared through a new costume his change of status, from prince of the church to prince of a well-coordinated economic and technical realm, with a naval force prepared to assert its interests throughout the Mediterranean — whether by repelling infidel pirates or escorting homeward a new grand duchess. The broader stage for the wedding was set, and Ferdinando was already acting out the prologue of his theatrum mundi.>®

CHAPTER THREE

January & February 1589 THE THEATER, THE SCENERY, THE ARTISTS Throughout the course of an unusually long and harsh winter — from the busy Christmas week until early March of 1589 — preparations for the wedding, now steadily under way, continued to expand in scope and intensity. At the Uffizi, the daily number of pages in Seriacopi’s logbook increased from early February onward; beyond this epicenter of costume, set, and rehearsal work, activity extended outward in concentric rings. Throughout the city and its satellite towns, agents were searching for lumber, ships, and other materials. Farther out in the countryside, the family villas were being decorated to receive the bride and accommodate wedding guests. And at the gateway to the Tuscan region, the port at Livorno, provisioning and decorating the fleet went on steadily from December on; many of the furnishings were made in Florence, then transported to the coastal city, where naval overseers installed them. At its outermost edges, this sociocultural sphere increasingly intersected with the neighboring cultural orbit of Christine’s homeland. Curiously, Seriacopi’s logbook is blank for the entire month of January, though it is clear when his notes resume on February 4 that work had been progressing during that time. This dated entry uniquely specifies “in Firenze,” implying that the quartermaster had been out of town; perhaps his attention was partially commandeered for several weeks by an unforeseen development in France that momentarily interfered with the wedding plans. On January 5, the 70-yearold Catherine de’ Medici died, and news of her passing reached her native city on the 17th. Preparation for her obsequies, which took place in the family church of San Lorenzo on February 6, must have demanded a considerable diversion of artists and resources. Following established tradition, such a state funeral required on short notice scores of livery and mourning costumes, elaborate temporary decorations at the family palace and the church, and a canopied catafalque.! Once the initial mourning period ended and the proxy wedding could take place on February 20, the bride began her journey south 75

76 JANUARY @ FEBRUARY 1589

to meet Ferdinando’s fleet at Marseilles, each leg of the journey propelling her

farther toward the periphery of her French birthplace and simultaneously drawing her closer to the focal center of her future domain. Ceremonially and administratively, that center was the interconnected aggregation of buildings that stretched like an irregular dumbbell through the center of Florence: from the family residence, the Pitti Palace, across the Arno River via the elevated and enclosed corridor built by Vasari, to the Uffizi and the Palazzo Vecchio (fig. 5). Begun long before the wedding preparations but rushed to completion along with them, this developing megastructure was enlarged or rebuilt in overlapping campaigns aimed at increasing security, efficiency, and royal mystique. At the Pitti, Buontalenti was still overseeing installation of the grotto, waterworks, and garden statuary. At the Uffizi, in addition to remodeling the theater, work was progressing on the gallery, the semipublic display space for Medici artistic treasures, including Buontalenti’s octagonal ‘Tribune. Major additions and renovations at the Palazzo Vecchio occupied the whole of 1588 and 1589, during which Buontalenti doubled the size of the ancient town hall to improve facilities for the granducal government. In order to permit guests at the intermedi premiere in the Uffizi to pass directly to the ensuing banquet in the palazzo’s great hall, an aerial bridge was thrown over the street separating the two buildings; this structure forged the final link in a continuous chain of interior spaces first conceived by Duke Cosimo as a unified setting for the state apparatus.” As Richard Goldthwaite has observed, the Medici’s manifold building projects did not produce the kind of wholesale urban alteration carried out more ruthlessly by other princes of the time (the Savoy rulers in Turin, Sixtus V in

Rome). Nevertheless, their works not only embellished many streets and squares with a new scale of enterprise, they also stamped upon the city’s face a physical reminder of the dynasty’s authority: “Architecture became a means of

communicating the new [power] arrangements to the city.” The temporary street architecture of the entry, which served a parallel purpose, compensated for its impermanence by the greater decorative complexity affordable in ephemeral plaster and paint. A similar urge for controlled display motivated the integration into the palace complex of two buildings less directly related to government function: a church and a theater. The Baldracca Theater, situated directly behind the Uffizi to the east, was active from 1576. Extensively restructured by Buontalenti in 1588, it was designed to be Italy’s first public — that is, commercial — theater; commedia dell’arte troupes such as the Andreini’s usually performed

here. It was less ornate than the court theater next door, as befitted its lower social status; its entrance street was a somewhat risqué milieu of inns and

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78 JANUARY & FEBRUARY 1589

brothels, popularly associated with theater professionals. The building was owned by the customs authorities, and it has been suggested that the theater was located there, and linked to the Uffizi, to preserve public control over its activities. The grand duke had Buontalenti install a private balcony, concealed by a grille, which could be reached by another bridge from the Uffizi. Like a similar balcony opening from Vasari’s corridor onto the Pitti parish church of Santa Felicita, this space allowed the rulers to attend a public event while retaining, for reasons of both security and protocol, the distance from their

| subjects necessary to preserve a sacral aura of aloof mystery.* ACTIVITIES IN THE THEATER As we have seen, already in November and December activities at the Uffizi theater related to architecture, stage construction, sets, and technical equip-

ment (machinery and lighting) had been proceeding simultaneously with costume work, casting, and the first rehearsals. Indeed, the large-scale reconceptualization of the theater interior was the prerequisite for any further work on the intermedi and La pellegrina innovations; this reconstruction was well along by August 31, 1588, when the opening page of Seriacopi’s logbook records Buontalenti’s instructions for installing completed statues in niches along the theater walls.‘

The Auditorium The interior of the Uffizi theater was of a different formal type from that of the Baldracca. Specifically theatrical settings and structures began to be constructed only in the late fifteenth century and underwent a variety of experiments at the hands of such influential designers as Serlio, Peruzzi, and Vasari. At first, most were temporary additions or modifications to existing buildings, like banqueting or meeting halls or outdoor loggias; the occasional custombuilt interiors were subsequently destroyed. By the 1580s, a clear typology of

three modes of fixed theater had emerged: court (the Uffizi), publiccommercial (the Baldracca), and academic. Palladio’s Teatro Olimpico, com-

pleted in 1584 in Vicenza, was the closest example of the private and antiquarian academic setting; it differed from the Uffizi in recreating a Roman amphitheater, with a fixed backdrop behind a playing area extending into the auditorium, where no wings or flies were possible.® An imposing ceremonial space was planned and set aside within the Uffizi

by Vasari as early as 1572, with a monumental access stair (still used for museum entry); although not perhaps intended at the outset as a theater, the space was roughly equal to that of the enormous Salone dei Cinquecento in

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 79

the Palazzo Vecchio, where Vasari had staged the theatricals for Francesco I’s

wedding in 1565. In any case, Francesco soon did develop this space as a dedicated theater to provide his court with a fixed ritual setting. Buontalenti finally fitted it out for the wedding of Virginia de’ Medici in 1586, as a kind of “interior garden” with no proscenium; he then remodeled his own design in 1589 into a more revolutionary prototype, the first permanent indoor theater with a proscenium arch.’

The long-disused theater served as the seat of the national senate during Florence’s brief term as the nineteenth-century capital of united Italy but was subsequently dismantled and subdivided, leaving only faint traces of its original form or decoration.’ There are some guides to its appearance, however: breathlessly detailed descriptions from Rossi and other chroniclers for both 1586 and 1589; a Callot engraving from a later performance of 1617, showing

some changes from 1589 (fig. 6); and the precise if fragmentary notes in Seriacopi’s log.? On the basis of these sources, numerous attempts have been made to reconstruct the theater and stage in conjectural, but probably reasonably approximate, drawings and models.!° Rossi gives the dimensions of the theater as length 95 braccia, width 35, height 24, or roughly 180 by 65 by 45 feet (55 by 20 by 14 meters). He also tells us that the floor slopes downward toward the stage, to allow better vision from the rear, a total drop of 2% braccia (about 4 feet; the stage also sloped toward the audience). His dimensions apparently included both the floor area of the auditorium (piatea) and the backstage area (palcoscenico). Uhe latter took up 25 braccia (48 feet or 15 meters) of the overall length of the space, leaving an auditorium length of about 70 braccia (130 feet).!! In its 1589 incarnation, the auditorium had two long side walls, each com-

posed of nine bays articulated by Corinthian pilasters; these framed four windows on the house left and, mirroring these on the right, interior openings leading to the upper, or gallery, level. The architectural elements were richly | decorated, some gilded, others imitating stone (lapis lazuli, jasper); the walls

were painted in perspective wherever they were not covered with carved figures, cartouches, and masks. The ten bays without windowed openings held statues in niches, on a program by Giovanni Battista Strozzi, representing various aspects of comedy and poetry; one by Giambologna survives in a fragmented state. The vast carved wooden ceiling, coordinated with the wall bays, was nine panels long and five wide. Each painted soffit was decorated with a large gilded rosette, and from 16 of the 45 panels hung large chandeliers, each with six sculpted figures representing the coat of arms of the bride and groom and surmounted by a crown.!4 Seating comprised three distinct areas, differentiated by gender and rank.

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The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 81

Women sat on the gradi, tiered benchlike platforms arranged around three sides of the perimeter in an elongated, squared-off U shape (figs. 5, 6); men sat on chairs in the center of the floor. The granducal party occupied a slightly

raised platform in the middle of that floor; here, in contrast to their condescendingly secluded position at the Baldracca, the Medici were the unabashed centerpiece of their own social and cultural circle. This general disposition set

the standard for later court theaters from the Farnese at Parma (1618) to others in Venice, Rome, and Paris. The five tiers of seats were reached by narrow scroll-like stairs set into the front and side facings of their raised area, which were also painted in chiaroscuro. The gradi stayed level despite the sloping floor, starting from the rear at a height of six braccia (11 feet). A list of materials for the theater made up on November 25 includes “6o gradi for the salone” to be procured from Vieri de’ Medici, “who has them in the Palazzo Medici”; these may have been prefabricated modular elements developed by

Buontalenti for the first use of the hall in 1586 and then put into storage, following the precedent of Vasari’s dismountable seating for 1565.!3 At the front of the house was the most innovative and influential feature, the framed proscenium; given the consistency of architectural articulation, its opening was probably three bays wide, or 21 braccia (39 feet). Flanking the

opening were two bays, each about 7 braccia (13 feet) wide, with niches containing statues of the Arno and Moselle rivers, symbolizing Tuscany and Lorraine; these bearded men, who spouted perfumed water from their hair and from the artificial shells and sponges surrounding them, must have resem-

bled the familiar giant river-god fountain recently constructed by Giambologna at the Medici villa of Pratolino (1580-82). These side elements served to visually define the stage area and mask the complex machinery and movements of performers and crew. The stage floor was raised some 4 braccia (7 feet) above the auditorium, and the gap was bridged by a stair with a central landing. !4

Perspective Scenery

The view from the audience into this proscenium revealed two distinct types of stage set, each representing a milestone in its tradition: the static architectural scene of La pellegrina and the variable, fantastic locales of the intermedi. The technical author Nicola Sabbattini codified the difference by dividing his theatrical treatise on set design and construction (1638) into two

books, on fixed comedy and movable intermedi. The modes shared some goals — verisimilitude and perspective — but only the intermedi exploited technology for astounding supernatural effects. The shared contribution of both types to illusionistic perspective — what

82 JANUARY @ FEBRUARY 1589

Rossi calls the “sweet deception” (dolce inganno, 33) — marked the culmination of a long, slow evolution that began with the single backdrop at Ferrara for an Ariosto play in 1508. The basic components were exterior scenes, composed

symmetrically about a central axis, with depth created by a series of planar scenic units that extended back from the proscenium. The convergence of all lines of sight on a single vanishing point was derived and extended from painting, and indeed the proscenium was conceived as a picture frame, the space within which replicated in three dimensions the mathematical schema of perspectival pictorial recession codified by Alberti. The epistemological — link between such a system of universally extensive and monocularly determined spatial arrangement and the political ideal of a single all-powerful sovereign was manifested architecturally by the location of the vanishing point on the same privileged central axis as the seat of the ruler, who alone could appreciate it fully.!5 Of the three theatrical modes codified by Serlio, following Vitruvius — tragic, comic, satyric — two are represented here. The set used for La pellegrina and the other plays (cat. 68) — the fixed urban locale prescribed for comedy — constructed its perspective grid by canvas units that simulated architectural elements, plus various painted backdrops, further diminishing in scale, to extend the cityscape’s fictive depth.!© In the intermedi, whose pastoral settings (if not their ethical tone) drew on the satyric-woodland tradition, the parallel and receding lines were approximated by the less mathematical contours of natural forms — trees, rocks, or heavenly clouds — which also converged and diminished in scale toward the rear (fig. 7).

| Although the specific play depicted in cat. 68 is unclear, the print gives a general idea of the scenery used for all three comedies. In the foreground area series of building facades in a mix of classical orders, beginning at a height of 20 braccia (38 feet) near the proscenium, then diminishing as they recede at oblique angles toward a central point. For La pellegrina, the principal buildings

in the foreground represented Violante’s inn (where Drusilla, the female pilgrim, lodged) and the home of Cassandro, father of the distressed Lepida.

Not unlike the more archeological setting at Palladio’s Olimpico theater, three narrow streets radiate away from the central playing area, their linear perspectives simulated on a painted backcloth. Opinions differ about the design and construction of the cityscape, principally over the question of how it was physically alternated with the intermedi. Broadly, two methods of set change were current at this time: rotating prisms, and sliding shutters in grooves. Periaktoi, a Greek term usually rendered in Italian as te/ari, were triangular or quadrilateral vertical shafts, their faces each

painted with a different scene, that could be pivoted on a central axis to

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 83

present successive faces to the audience, one of which could have represented Pisa.1” On balance, their use here seems unlikely: Seriacopi’s log often refers to the “houses” (case) of the set, implying immobile objects, and Rossi writes almost exclusively that the Pellegrina sets “were changed” (si mutavano, 34, 49) or its “houses were covered up” (ricoperte, 35, 37, §1, 55); Pavoni follows his language. None of Seriacopi’s notes mentions periaktoi, but his log frequently refers to grooves (canali) in the floor, implying sliding flat panels, probably parallel to the proscenium and pushed in from the sidestage areas to overlap and conceal the fixed Pellegrina architecture. Such a system would require gaps between the “houses,” and in fact cat. 68 shows light falling through cracks

|| a||

between what could be several rows of separated buildings, each an open L-shape with a deep return to block oblique views backstage (fig. 7).18

||| House’ cen" To || Entry

CC Nt Renee | 159 = sse_eitel | nen Ship Groove | Winch Balcony Above Winch Balcony Above |

| i, Sliding Shutters and Backdrops P; \ ) |—— Dragon Shutter 9 ———————- — — — Woods |

-—— Sr oo Ooo--- — — — Heaven ,

| =A = = = Beam Above, Holding Heaven |

| rn aOverhead Cloud 1 {| — Track — -—— inion oo

|

|===l |cloud) | loa || Cloud? | Cloud 3 == —— [_trpand | Shutters _—_f __, | Cloud House| Cloud ——4 r— — 54

|,| —Eeel House | el neater ——— Shutters | = ———4 Mnitn. Platforms ———] ———— _|

| | Cloud 6 J | Cloud 7 | Shutters |

Uys

——— _—_——— ——

7. Uffizi theater, schematic stage plan.

84 JANUARY & FEBRUARY 1589

Stage Space and Machinery Backstage, sophisticated machinery and technical devices permitted the scene to alternate repeatedly and smoothly between the comedy buildings and a half-dozen diverse other settings, as well as facilitating the numerous special effects, from a fire-breathing dragon to a flying Apollo. Rossi places repeated emphasis on the rapidity of the scene changes, which occurred “like lightning” and left the spectators feeling “as if they were dreaming,” and he remarks on their delight at seeing “lifelike” motion and actions from mechanical contrivances that “seemed to exceed human powers” (34).

Notwithstanding the ambitiousness and achievement of the occasion, much theatrical practice remained in an early, experimental phase. There were still no terms for upstage, downstage, stage right, or stage left, for example. For the hanging platform farthest downstage right, Seriacopi uses the rather clumsy (and localized) locution “the first cloud toward the rooms of the zanni and comedians”; zanni refers to commedia dell’arte players at the Baldracca, which was next door to the east. For the corresponding stage left platform he says “toward the corridor” — the hallway running along the court side of the Uffizi.!9 Though the stage and its equipment are long lost, references in Seriacopi, stagecraft manuals, and the surviving court theater at Parma (modeled after the Uffizi theater some two decades later) permit a hypothetical reconstruction (fig. 7). The basic repertory of mechanical equipment included, above the stage, a flyloft, or grid of beams from which clouds and other aerial platforms as well as painted figures could hang or descend on ropes; on the stage floor, grooves and other devices for sliding or moving both scenic backdrops and side shutters, plus mobile set pieces; and underneath, a trapdoor in the stage floor with platforms that could rise from the ground.?° Prototypes for the overhead apparatus had been developed in the earlier Renaissance, both in church pageants (Brunelleschi’s angels on wires) and in temporary aerial riggings at previous intermedi. Buontalenti’s permanent overhead grid of wooden trusses and beams, with catwalks atop them for crew access, supported a series of winches and pulleys; their magnitude can be glimpsed in an order for the rigging placed in late October, which requisitioned 1,000 braccia of heavy ropes and 1,600 braccia of lighter ones. This apparatus accommodated fixed units in the upper zone of the stage, as well as seven rising and falling platforms disguised as clouds, and the sorceress’s chariot (which traveled from side to side in the air). The front curtain was also suspended from the flyloft, though unlike modern practice it was lowered at the beginning of the performance, possibly into a trench in the floor; according to Pavoni, other curtains, really scene drops, were raised into the flyloft.

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 85

The complex potentials of the aerial grid were realized most fully in the heavenly apparitions of the first and last intermedi, in which the suspended upper backdrop of fixed clouds behind the seven movable ones split open to reveal massed heavenly choirs (probably painted) and a radiant sunburst, and later descended into twinkling starlit night.?! The exact placement of this elaborate machinery cannot be determined, but its general structure and the number of stagehands needed to operate it are clear from two lists of the crews for each mechanical unit; drawn up in December and again in March, they differ in details but agree on the overall system of machines and their relative sizes. Approximately a hundred names are listed, with many individuals assigned to a different crew for each successive intermedio.?? Each of the two clouds farthest downstage (fig. 7, nos. 6, 7) required

its own crew of ten to twelve men, two of whom let out the coiled ropes (anguille, “eels”), another single winch or capstan (argano) with five more men

was jointly connected to both clouds. The next pair (nos. 4, 5), apparently smaller, were manipulated by a single common windlass (verricello) needing eleven men; each had two additional men to “fold them up” (ripiegarsi), suggesting that they expanded in some way. The three central clouds farthest upstage were for the most important gods and allegories, all of which “came out of the heavens” of the upper background. Of these, the two flanking clouds (nos. 2, 3) did not descend to earth and seem to have required only six men between them, while the central cloud (no. 1), for Doric Harmony and others, required twelve men plus a “windlass in the sky” — set above the grid — with six staff. Perhaps this mechanism also permitted the central cloud, when used for the sorceress of intermedio 4, to travel from side to side; that motion

required four men.*3 The heavenly backdrop also opened, by means of a rising dropcloth (tenda), to reveal the uppermost choir of intermedio tr. On the stage floor, each intermedio’s setting was established at the sides by

pairs of wood-framed canvas flats or shutters sliding in grooves, each side requiring two stagehands as “guides for the canvases.” The various scene changes would have required a minimum of four pairs of shutters in front of each Pisa house: the Roman amphitheater for the prologue to intermedio 1, clouds (1 and 6), rocks (4 and 5), and trees (2 and 3). Six related backcloths were needed, all movable except for the one farthest to the rear (logically the Pellegrina view of Pisa, which could then stay in place throughout). As with the side wings, some scenes could reuse the same backdrop; views included Rome

(prologue), clouds (1 and 6), trees (2 and 3), a burning city in hell (4), and a seascape (5).24

Trapdoors had been used earlier, but Buontalenti’s underfloor winches and nesting platforms allowed illusions of unprecedented size to rise from the

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earth. The trap required six to eight men to open it, and below were several machines to lift the hamadryads’ mountain of intermedio 2 and the grotesque giant Lucifer of 4, shown in Cigoli’s drawing issuing from a hole in the floor (cat. 52-53). [he understage being only 9g feet (5 braccia) high, the mountain had to rise in telescoping stages: a main section raised by an eight-man winch, then a nested upper section raised by two more at a smaller windlass. Two additional men were assigned understage to insert wooden struts (puntellt) under the raised sections “for security,” indicating Buontalenti’s doubts about his machinery’s reliability.> Other floor equipment included a wave machine for intermedio 5, a standard feature of nautical scenes, set on the floor and simulating the rhythmic rocking of the sea.” In addition, several intermedi made use of “practical” — free-moving — set pieces, like the two woodsy grottoes of intermedio 2 (referred to as “gardens” or “houses”), which required a crew to slide or (more probably) wheel them into place and rotate them on cue; the mobile dragon of 3 (cat. 50); and in 5, the shell of Amphitrite, the sympathetic dolphin, and Arion’s great ship, all gliding between the wave segments. The constricted stage space forced certain limitations on the placement of all this machinery. Taking the opening of the proscenium at some 39 feet, the width of the backstage space was only 13 feet on each side. Such a narrow clearance, which would hardly allow for one hundred stagehands and another hundred cast members and musicians to maneuver simultaneously on stage level, must have necessitated some complex multitiered arrangement. As noted, at least one of the winches is “in the heavens”; possibly others were positioned on balconies along the side walls (as at the Farnese Theater), and/or in the understage area, with ropes passing through slots in the floor. While the total depth of the stage area was about 47 feet, the actual playing area would have been much shallower to leave space upstage for the numerous shutters and drops, for crew behind to push them, and for a passageway across the rear of the stage for entrances and exits and hidden crossings (the only known door to the stage area was in the back wall).27 Lighting and Ventilation As important as the sets and machinery was the technical and logistic feat of illuminating both the large enclosed space of the audience and the stage itself with its special effects. Although the available technology was limited to open flames in a variety of containers, theatrical lighting had grown increasingly sophisticated and lavish in tandem with the elaboration of theatrical spaces, including outdoor nocturnal settings like the Pitti courtyard. The same architects were responsible: where Vasari, in 1565, had developed colored spot-

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lights by shining torches through glass jars filled with tinted water, Buontalenti far surpassed his master in technical experimentation, inventing such mechanical marvels as lamps that lit without visible touch. This occasion was distinguished as well by sheer quantity: the total number of lights referred to for the Uffizi and Pitti events reaches into the thousands, and they were “mass-produced” by metalsmiths and carpenters following a few basic models. Not surprisingly, given the magnitude of production, construction was under way from late August 1588, when Buontalenti ordered a latheworker (torniaio) to finish the spindles for the large standing candelabra by the following Saturday.?8

Principal illumination of the Uffizi theater’s audience area included 18 standing torchéres on the front parapets of the gradi (one per architectural bay) and 16 chandeliers hanging from the ceiling, with 18 lights each. The former were composed of elaborate triangular pedestals on lion’s paws supporting imposing freestanding sculptures, each consisting of a columnar stand

topped by numerous candle holders and ornamented with carved garlands, masks, artificial fruit, and pedestaled vases. These components were ready to attach to the lathed posts by October 4; later, swags of cloth of gold were attached, and the whole assembly was painted in imitation of gold, enamel, and stone. The ceiling lamps were equally complex, each comprising the coats of arms of the newlyweds above six scrolled metal brackets, on which sat putti and heraldic birds that supported the armorial balls (pale) of the Medici; in the center was a jeweled and gilded crown. In mid-February, additional lamps were hung along the walls, between the windows.??

Within the stage area, hundreds of more utilitarian lamps, each holding two or four lights, were positioned at the sides and front of the stage platform for general lighting, and more were concealed behind the scenery and in the flyloft to simulate heavenly radiance.3° Footlights were hidden behind the balusters of the stair landing, midway between stage and house floor. Another

set of lights was attached to the rear of the houses of La pellegrina, each lighting the architectural unit next upstage; these could be swiveled to cast light on the sliding flats of the intermedi as those were pushed farther onstage. Rossi particularly praises the profusion of lamps shining through holes in the painted sky (which could be opened and closed by movable shutters) to sug-

gest the starry firmament of intermedi 1 and 6, producing throughout the stage area “such a unified light, that it seemed like that of the sun at midday.”?!

Although most of the lamps are described as candlesticks (candelliere), others are called torch holders (torciere) or “little ovens” (fornoli, enclosed tin lanterns). Plain candles were supplemented by more powerful oil lamps and chemical torches (more suitable for outdoor use at the Pitti), and some at the

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Uffizi were surrounded by metal boxes or cylinders to permit adjustable light levels. The list of supplies drawn up for the Pitti on November 22 includes 30 barrels of oil “for the joust and for the comedy,” and large quantities of cotton

wool for wicks. For the candelabra, the list specifies about 1,100 pounds (1,400 Florentine /ibbra) of ordinary candles and 400 pounds of spiral ones (candele di seno) for each performance of the intermedi and comedy. Seriacopi,

immediately aware of the enormity of this order, wrote to the grand duke’s treasurer, Napoleone Cambi, on November 26 to suggest that the candles be manufactured in Arezzo to specifications by Buontalenti. ‘Two days later, in a characteristic attempt at thrift, Seriacopi noted that “some old lamps from the previous comedy” (perhaps 1586) were being refurbished “to be put in the corners of the courtyard” of the Pitti.34 Rossi notes the manifold problems associated with candles and torchlight for which Buontalenti had to find solutions: smell, smoke, heat, and ventilation (and, as seen earlier, fire). These problems were compounded by the device of making the chimneys of the Pisa set seem to puff realistically, using incense that perfumed the auditorium “like Arabia itself.” To enhance ventilation of the hall, holes were carved in the ceiling, concealed by bosses (rosonz) suspended below them, and provision was made to leave the windows open during performance, camouflaged by trellises of artificial foliage to block intruding light from outside. Backstage, the “starlight” perforations in the heaven dropcloths served the second purpose of releasing accumulated smoke from the stage below.33 ARTISTS AND CRAFTWORKERS

All of this elaborate equipment required a large complement of both designers and executants; hundreds of artists and craftworkers were deployed in a hierarchy with overlapping assignments. There was only minor duplication between the entry staff and the theatrical équipe, but the crews for the Pitti Palace were substantially the same as those for the Uffizi, assigned alternately under the same administrative apparatus. There was also much shuttling back and forth to the opposite ends of the corridor by Buontalenti, Cavalieri, and

their factotums; on one occasion, Seriacopi wrote to Ferdinando that he needed to resolve some matters regarding the Pitti tournament with Cavalieri, “with whom I’ll be tomorrow.”3+ For the Uffizi and Pitti, as well as at the Palazzo Vecchio, Buontalenti was the overall supervisor of both architectural design and applied décors. Creative authority then descended to his principal associates, who fleshed out his conceptions in more detailed drawings to be realized by the numerous profes-

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 89

sional painters and sculptors. Straddling the border between artists and craftsmen, a lower level of what we might call today “scenic artists” may have had some discretion for elements of this work but were basically carrying out the conceptions of these superiors; the two mentioned most often are Francesco Rosselli and Lorenzo Francini (Rossi, 8). Below those of artist status were the craft employees: the masons, carpenters, metalworkers, and lampmakers who built the machinery, lights, and set pieces. Drawn from the same class were the stage crew, supervised by Alfonso Parigi, and various workers involved in the maintenance of the physical plant, who reported to Seriacopi. All of these groups worked together and simultaneously, though their economic and social organization varied considerably across a complex spectrum from independent contractors to state employees, with varying combinations of salaries, hourly wages, and reimbursement for materials. This section will concentrate on the artists; the activities and conditions of the craftworkers are treated more fully in Chapter 4.

Three generations of Florentine painters and sculptors intersected here, encompassing those whose stylistic roots were in high and late Mannerism as well as the first stirrings of the more naturalistic reform movement of the Cinquecento’s closing decades. Most of the first generation of Mannerist court artists (born ca. 1500-10), who had developed and codified the Medici court style under Cosimo and Francesco — Bronzino, Vasari, Cellini — had died in the previous decade. One “old-timer” still active in 1589 seems to have

enjoyed the status of a senior advisor: the sculptor-architect Bartolommeo Ammannati (1511-92), who had added the wings that defined the great courtyard of the Pitti Palace where the naumachia was to take place, was still on the

grand duke’s household payroll in September 1588, and he was consulted, along with Valerio Cioli and Giambologna, to estimate the value of sculptural work completed at the Medici Theater in December.35 The second generation, those born ca. 1525-35, were the dominant figures in prestige, if no longer in numbers. Many of them, like Buontalenti himself, had trained under Vasari and Bronzino, playing important roles in the earlier wedding of 1565. Others included the two sculptors chosen along with Ammannati to evaluate finished work: Valerio Cioli (1529-99), whose marbles

adorn the Boboli Gardens (for his entry work, see cat. 6), and Giovanni Bologna (15292-1608), whose colossal statue for the interior of the theater survives, though not his figures for the second entry arch (cat. 2). Like many of the wedding artists, Giambologna — who had recently adorned the Medici villa at Pratolino with a colossal fountain sculpture fitted with grotto machinery by Buontalenti — was simultaneously active at other sites, both those peripherally related to the festival and additional public and ecclesiastical

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projects, including the Palazzo Vecchio and the equestrian monument to Cosimo I for the adjacent Piazza della Signoria.3¢ The principal painters of this second generation included Alessandro Allori (1535-1607) and Santi di Tito (1536-1603). Allori, the pupil and adopted son of Bronzino, cut his festival teeth on the funeral of Michelangelo in 1564 and the wedding of Francesco the following year. With the deaths of Bronzino (1572) and Vasari (1574), he became the senior painter in the city. Although his direct contribution to the 1589 wedding was limited to the design for the

entry arch at Porta al Prato (cat. 1), his larger role was administrative. As overseer for the granducal workshops at the Uffizi gallery, he was charged with evaluating commissioned work, such as Cigoli’s painting for the Prato arch.3” His contemporary and fellow Bronzino student Santi also worked only

, on the entry (cat. 3), but both artists indirectly shaped the entire event as the teachers of many third-generation painters, among them Cigoli, Boscoli, Ciampelli, and Pagani.3® Alfonso Parigi the Elder (ca. 1535-90) was less a designer than a technician and foreman of architectural projects. First referred to as a mason (muratore), later as a “practical architect” (pratico architetto), he rose through experience from craft employee to administrator. After the death of Vasari, he managed

the construction site (fabbrica) at the Uffizi from 1575-80; during the wedding preparations he held several important jobs concurrently as Buontalenti’s technical assistant. He oversaw the construction and decoration at the Palazzo

Vecchio; in the theater log Seriacopi refers to him as one of the “principal officers [caporali] in charge of everything,” mainly recruiting and supervising the stagehands and backstage staff; and he helped with the Pitti tournament. Typical of Florentine artisans, his skills were a family tradition: Ammannati was his maternal uncle, and his son Giulio Parigi (1571-1635), who in 1589 worked for him as a young apprentice, became an architect and Buontalenti’s eventual successor.>?

The largest cohort of wedding artists was from a third generation, most born between 1550 and 1560; many were touched at some point in their careers by the anti-Mannerist, naturalistic and classicizing impulses of the late century, particularly through the example of Santi. Though the majority —

including Cavalori, Poppi, and the sculptor Giovanni Bandini — were involved solely with the entry arches (see Introduction and cat. 1-7), a few also played a wider role: Jacopo Ligozzi (1547-1627), for example, also received a

permanent salary as superintendent of the Uffizi gallery and its associated painting workshop, as well as for designing for luxury crafts such as decorative

stone inlay-work (pietra dura), tapestry, and glass.40 | Among members of this generation who figure prominently in the theatri-

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 91

cal documents, Andrea Boscoli (ca. 1560-1607) was Buontalenti’s main artistic assistant (cat. 9, 32, 51, 54, 73) and also worked on the entry (cat. 3). A pupil of Santi, he collaborated on the cupola frescoes of the Florence Duomo, but is best known as a draftsman; many of his works were engraved, and he served as the intermediary between Buontalenti’s original designs and the engravers of the commemorative books.*! Ludovico Cardi, known as Cigoli (1559-1613), was also an important figure on Buontalenti’s team and contributed as well to other projects related to the wedding, from the duomo to frescoes at the Villa Petraia. His skills straddled genres: he first studied painting with Allori and Santi, becoming one of the leading naturalists, and was subsequently trained as an architect by Buontalenti, for whom he conceived, in Baldinucci’s account, “an extraordinary friendship” (he was also a close friend of Galileo). Although he operated in part independently, he had a special niche in Buontalenti’s shop because he was a painter, whereas most of that staff specialized in

scenography or architectural decoration. His extremely emotional, sometimes gruesome style made him a suitable choice to detail the grotesque Lucifer of intermedio 4; as noted, he also painted on the arch at Porta al Prato (cat. 1, 53).74 The overlapping of three generations of men connected by ties of family as

well as by continuous local tradition ensured a considerable consistency of style, technique, and iconography. Scholarship has tended to dismiss these later sixteenth-century Florentines as derivative, dry, and formulaic; these charges are not without validity, though hard to assess fairly for the wedding itself, for which almost the only visual evidence is the often crude engravings.

In their defense, it should be noted that the reliance by these artists upon standardization and canonical poses was a necessary practical virtue in the milieu of state production. As seen with the interruption due to Catherine’s funeral, their most prominent and steady patron, the court, required frequent

projects of vast scope, often on short notice, with a consistent program of conventionalized iconography that was enthusiastically (even pedantically) supervised by professional academicians like Borghini, Bardi, and Gaddi. Their reliance on revered models and convention also had a theoretical

basis: the codification of art-historical precedents was part of the attempt to elevate the professional status of artists. Previously ranked as members of a mechanical craft, they now aspired to the category of liberal arts, the criteria for which demanded intellectual content — recall Rossi’s praise of Buontalenti as a “questing mind” (pellegrino ingegno) — that could be transmitted as a coherent body of learned and venerable rules. With its emphasis on organized teaching and literary content, the Florentine Academy of Design, founded by Vasari and others in 1563, constituted a polemical alternative to artists’ tradi-

Q2 JANUARY @ FEBRUARY 1589

tional corporate structure, the craft guild. Many wedding artists were members of this academy, among them Cigoli, Boscoli, Ligozzi, and Cosci; Niccolo Gaddi was an officer, by virtue of his excellence in the higher-ranked verbal skills (knowledge of Latin, symbolism, history) needed to invent the literary program for the entry.* This period was also witnessing a parallel transition in the socioeconomic organization of artistic production. In earlier times, production was based on the craft model: the independent, often family-based workshop (bottega) performed all work on commission for an agreed total price, sometimes including payment for special materials. State production was more centralized, specialized, and bureaucratized, with the principal artists and artisans paid fixed monthly wages — under varying conditions, but usually with the understanding that the Fabbrica provided the materials, the employee only his or her labor and tools. In practice it is hard to draw a precise line between the two overlapping systems: although some artists were salaried and others still supervised their own workshops, most of the wedding artists did both, in varying proportions and degrees of independence.## Allori provides a typical example: he received a salary as supervisor of the Uffizi workshops but by February 1589 was also receiving a separate state payment of 35 ducats per week. This amount, six to ten times the average individual wage, indicates that he was simultaneously a subcontractor, responsible for his private crew of employees (a similar mixed mode characterized the tailors). ‘The 35 ducats are expressly intended for various members of his own workshop (including his associate Butteri and his son, Cristofano Allori), who are named in the account books for such work as the galley decorations, and are also “lent” to the Pitti to gild the grand duke’s furniture. Allori’s situation was a delicate one, for as supervisor at the Uffizi he was himself responsible for fixing the price that Benedetto Fedini was to pay to Allori’s own partner Butteri.*° Giambologna presents an even more complicated case of interlocking patronage. As we have seen, he was salaried for his state work, but at the same time, he maintained a workshop (apparently in the Palazzo Vecchio) to assist him on such large projects as the equestrian statue of Cosimo I — payment for which came through the Fabbrica, not the Seriacopi administration, and (as with Allori) included amounts designated for Giambologna to pay his own subordinates. As an independent entrepreneur, he was simultaneously putting the finishing touches on the Salviati Chapel in San Marco, constructed 157988 — the receptacle for the relics of Saint Antoninus that was to be ceremonially dedicated during the wedding celebrations on May g, in the presence of the new grand duchess, and which was paid for by the Medici cousins men-

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 93

tioned earlier as suppliers of cloth for the theatricals. In order to accept the Salviati commission, Giambologna had to be released part-time from his extensive duties for Grand Duke Francesco and his wife, “with Their Highnesses’ consent.”46

THE FEBRUARY © PUNCH LIST”

The construction of stage sets, props, and lighting for the Uffizi went on simultaneously with the Pitti and Santa Croce preparations, though each of these individual projects was subject to frequent technical delays and troublesome labor disputes. We can follow the progress of the whole series of endeavors by looking at the “punch list” prepared in the second half of February.

This “list of jobs that remain to be done for the carpenters’ job contract [cottzmo] for the comedy” was drawn up by Buontalenti at the request of Seriacopi.*” As a means of taking stock of progress and planning the next stage

of work, the Uffizi-Pitti administrators made up roughly one such list a month: Francesco Gorini had written an earlier one in December (MR 14v151), then another was dictated by Bardi on March 11, and a final one on April

g. Each provides a cross-section of the multiple activities under way at a specific moment, as well as useful clues to working methods, accounting

procedures, the organization and coordination of labor, and_labormanagement relations; they also expose an ongoing squabble between Buon-

talenti and Seriacopi that reveals much about each man’s personality and management style. The punch list, though dated February 13, is inserted in Seriacopi’s log at the date of March 2, with a note labeling it as a “copy of a list given to Messer Girolamo Provveditore by Messer Bernardo this day.” The February date indicates when Buontalenti began to compile the list, but according to Seriacopi, who had asked for it some days before then, Buontalenti was tardy and incomplete. Seriacopi’s nagging reminders, complaints, and rejection of an early draft led to such ill feeling between the two that on March 2, the same day he finally accepted the finished list, Seriacopi wrote to Ferdinando to justify his view of the dispute, which he feared might have been reported to Ferdinando one-sidedly. His letter explains that he had asked Buontalenti for the promised list three weeks earlier but that Buontalenti had barely begun compiling it, so Seriacopi had handed the paper back to him with a sharp reproof for its “not being even a quarter [of the necessary items] and not being done the right way.” Buontalenti was offended and had apparently said so on several occasions; fearing that “Bernardo may have brought this up with S.A.S., being something of a

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confidant of yours,” the quartermaster insists that “if anything I said is found

to be other than the truth, let me be doubly and severely punished.” His legalistic insistence on “justice” and threats of punishment shows that he is willing to bear himself the same kind of strict reprisal for wrongdoing that he

| had earlier meted out to the hapless carpenters who almost burned down the theater.

A final note on unrelated matters unwittingly reveals more of Seriacopi’s combativeness and stubborn pride, suggesting that Buontalenti, though far from blameless, was reacting to more than customary abuse: one Don Cesare had also disagreed with Seriacopi concerning some arrangements at one of the fortresses under his administration, and “I told him in return how things looked to me, so that at least he would realize he wasn’t dealing with ghosts [ombre|.” When Cesare attempted to justify his own position, “I demolished him with sharp thinking, in such a way that I don’t think he’ll speak so freely any more, having been beaten back by convincing arguments.”48 As finally compiled, the list reveals numerous instructive details about the auditorium, stage, sets, props, and rehearsals. In the house, the walls were | being covered with rose-pink hangings, which needed to be adjusted so that they could drop to reveal the wall décor behind and “be hidden under the gradi,” which must therefore have stood slightly forward of the actual walls. It was also time, Buontalenti notes, to begin constructing the raised platform in the center of the hall for the granducal family, to be surrounded by a balustrade; and he ordered “many benches with backs” for the men’s seating on the main floor. Several notices about the Pellegrina set, which was by this time basically in place, include requests to attach lamps to “the houses of the stage set” and to “make doors in the two first [downstage] houses so the actors can enter and exit” (MR 25v). Both specifications are consistent with flat, fixed sidewings and not with impermeable periaktoi. Some glimpses of the basic stage machinery and lighting are also given. Buontalenti commands, for example: “Make the slots [canali] on the stage where painted [dintornate] figures and the ship have to move” in intermedio 5. The large ship wheeled about in the foreground, but there must have been an upstage groove in the floor for sliding distant cardboard ships, which would increase perspective depth by their relatively tiny scale (MR 26r, Mar. 9;

| Warburg, 401). Further, he directs the crew to “make [holes in] the clouds of the heaven. . . to draw off the smoke” and to trim the edges of the openings. Such holes were also required for the hidden lights and the flyropes; Rossi’s claim that the movable cloud platforms rose and fell with no visible support (49-50, 62) is explained (with some allowance for enthusiasm) by Buontalenti’s note to “touch up the first two [downstage] clouds with cloth and felt

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 95

to cover the ropes.” He also calls for construction of “balusters and small

pilasters on the parapet [risa/to] of the stage, to put lights behind” for footlighting. As to the individual intermedi, there is no mention of number 2, apparently more or less finished by this time; and for the heaven set of intermedi 1 and 6, only such refinements were ordered as adding the stars in the sky and adjusting the size of the clouds. Intermedio 3, however, was late getting started: Buontalenti repeats an earlier call for construction of the wooden framework (ossatura) for the dragon, and of separate pieces made of papier-mAché for its head and claws (so they could be moved realistically, probably by a person

hidden inside), and notes that the wire for the flying Apollo has yet to be installed.49

Intermedio 4 was half complete: the giant figure of Lucifer still needed its head and wings, and it remained “to draw [dintornare] the figures of hell,” probably painted shapes of suffering souls that the devil is shown gobbling alive (cat. 53). But “the chariot of Donna Lucia,” the flying sorceress, still needed to be made, along with the dragons who carry it across the sky. By contrast, intermedio 5 seemed nearly finished: the wave machine had been among the first stage components worked on, and the huge ship needed only

to be fitted with its mast and some painted figures. Buontalenti asks for a dolphin four braccia (seven feet) long, to be made of papier-maché; the larger practical sea-transport, Amphitrite’s shell, is never mentioned, so it was presumably already completed. Above many items in the punch list, Seriacopi recorded the disposition of Buontalenti’s requests, which were parceled out to the Jower-ranking artists and craftsmen. Many carpentry items, like the skeleton for the serpent, were assigned to Orazio Graziadio, a principal carpenter, with a note that “Messer Bernardo will make a drawing of it,” necessarily something more detailed than the dragon sketch of cat. 50. Painting tasks were given to Francesco Rosselli, one of the two main scenic painters, and work on the lights and wall hangings

of the auditorium to Piero Pagolini, a jack-of-all-trades who was to find builders (guratori) and carpenters to help him. These and other craftworkers, their labor conditions and creative organization, will be examined in more detail in Chapter 4.

OTHER SITES

If much remained to be accomplished at the Uffizi and Pitti, the same was true at the other sites that claimed a share of the organizers’ overstretched attention. Besides coping with unforeseen delays and personality conflicts in

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the theater, Seriacopi continued to bear his general responsibilities for many other palaces and fortifications, and Buontalenti for construction and decoration elsewhere in the Uffizi, at the Palazzo Vecchio, and beyond. Developments at the Pitti Palace most closely paralleled those in the theater, because both sites were under the same direction. Beginning in late November and continuing through the first of January, the documents provide many details of design, construction, and technology not visible in Gualterotti’s engravings of the courtyard (cat. 71, 87). Work seems to have begun all at once on a wide variety of temporary construction (the painted castle backdrop, seating, waterworks), decoration and lighting, chariots for the procession, and livery and uniforms. A platform was built within the fountain grotto that tunneled into the hill on the court’s open side, to serve as a staging area for the ships and chariots; its entrances are visible as arches at left and right of the rear wall (cat. 87). The court was covered with a single huge awning in red cloth, suspended on ropes held with pulleys. As at the Uffizi theater, seating was tripartite: tiered risers (gradi) under the portico for the women, men on the balconies above, and a raised platform on the floor of the court for the granducal party, again covered with rose-pink cloth. The exteriors that faced the court were hung with window ornaments, chiaroscuro paintings over each pilaster, papier-maché cartouches, and draped swags of fabric, and the arch openings were filled with garlands made of straw, greenery, and tinsel. The whole arena was illuminated by hundreds of lamps and

| torches, both freestanding and fixed to the walls. Technologically, the most complex task was hydraulic: flooding the court while holding the water back from the seating under the arcade. The “ocean” was pumped in via the grotto piping, and two river gods were modeled in clay, each eight braccia high, with working spouts; painted fountains continued the motif. Barricades were erected within each of the 18 ground-floor arches, topped by balustrades refitted from “the old comedy” (probably the 1586 performance); built of a double wall of used planks, they were filled with fuller’s earth, an absorbent powder. About the planks Seriacopi notes pragmatically that, for such rough construction, “any kind will do.”5°

The logistical problems posed by the enormous quantities of materials required various agents to comb the city as well as the country towns for 10 to

20 miles outside both Florence and Siena. Some lumber was purchased in town, and some from the agent of a convent called “del paradiso.” It proved especially difficult to find sufficient planking longer than six braccia (11 feet) for the benches of the gradi; one Battista del Cascha made a scouting trip on which he arranged to purchase and dismantle six disused towers, from Ponte a Grieve and from a miller at Montelupo (possibly a windmill). The naumachia,

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 97

requiring 18 ships, each with a capacity of eight to ten men, was supplied by Francesco di Jacopo Rabattini, a ships’ caulker (ca/fatore) from Lastra a Signa, apparently the administration’s “boat consultant.” He estimated the price of building new boats at 93-99 lire each; Cavalieri, with the usual eye for savings, also ordered the purchase of used boats. Rabattini undertook the week before Christmas to contact and negotiate with shipwrights in Brucianese, Ponte a Signa, and La Pineta, reporting back by January 1 the availability and the asking prices of seven small boats (one new, several broken apart).>! The parallel work at the Palazzo Vecchio operated independently of the

theatrical team, for it was a larger architectural project not limited to the ephemeral wedding decorations and requiring the many trades of new construction and water supply. There was, however, considerable overlap of supervisory staff: the building was designed by Buontalenti; construction was managed by Alfonso Parigi, who also oversaw the Uffizi stage crew; and some of the decoration was painted by Francesco Rosselli, also from the Uffizi. The

workshop at the Palazzo Vecchio had its own paymaster, but he operated under the general authority of Seriacopi, who checked the weekly payroll and

expense settlements almost every Saturday from September 17 through at least March 18. Among artists here, those also active at other wedding sites include Jacopo Ligozzi and Giambologna; the latter was responsible for a fountain and possibly a new well, alongside ongoing work on the statue of Cosimo I.52

Throughout summer and fall of 1588, a large force of workers were in the | great hall of the palazzo, the Salone dei Cinquecento, constructing and decorating Ja testata del salone, probably the raised platform, with carved wooden _ capitals, for the bridal table. In October, Parigi assessed the value of work completed by some of the carpenters; on December 6, he and Buontalenti estimated materials needed for the overhead bridge to the Uffizi. From January to March the kitchens and pantry were expanded, initially to serve the

great banquet into which the opening-night guests at the intermedi would | arrive over that bridge; some of these rooms were reconstructed by February, when a crew of whitewashers began putting a final coat on them.>3 Work on the arches for Christine’s entry procession had been well under way by November, when Allori assessed Cigoli’s Prato arch painting (cat. 1); it

continued during the early months of the new year, though little is documented.5* As already observed, this work must have reached an irreversibly advanced stage by January 17, when news of Catherine de’ Medici’s death

arrived too late to permit alteration of scenes on the second arch (and in Gualterotti’s book). The costume work also continued: a meeting about liveries for the entry was convened on February 16 in Ferdinando’s Pitti cham-

98 JANUARY @& FEBRUARY 1589

bers between the grand duke; his brother Don Pietro, the fleet commander; Cavalieri; and Benedetto Fedini, who recorded the decisions and was responsible for carrying them out. Fedini’s notes include detailed lists of the names of pages, equestrian knights, and other attendants, and of the amounts of fabric and decorations, including outfits for the company that was to ride to Livorno in April to meet Christine and escort her back as far as Florence.°> Although that meeting touched on a few matters concerning the Livorno end of Christine’s journey, preparations for the fleet and its crew seem to have been well in hand by this point. In December orders had been sent to equip the fleet, especially the flagship (La Capitana), newly constructed at Pisa; costumes for eight musicians from Franciosino’s school, who were to sail with the fleet to entertain Christine, were first mentioned in December and January (though not fully ready until March 15, when the fleet was about to set sail). Much of the decorative work was done in Florence: during Christmas week, red damask for manufacturing pennants for the flagship was consigned to the haberdasher Chelini and the tailors; by January 7, Giovanmaria Butteri had begun painting these ship’s standards and other draped hangings. By January 24, embroidered sheets for the grand duchess’s bed were complete; other fabrics were delivered through late February. As these sumptuous fittings arrived one after another at the docks of the bustling port, the sense of anticipation must have mounted, especially after January 12, when four gal-

leys of the Knights of Malta sailed into the harbor to join forces in the northbound international flotilla that Ferdinando was assembling.*®

REHEARSALS

Rehearsals, first mentioned in late December, became more frequent in February, providing further details on the cast and their activities. Their dates,

and something of their specific activities, can be gleaned from preparatory orders and from notes written afterward by Buontalenti, Cavalieri, or Bardi, obviously derived from experiences at a rehearsal they had just attended. This record testifies to the incremental completion of sets and props, as well as to the continuing process of experimentation, problem solving, and empirical adjustment as individual units were put into practice. One ongoing problem indicates the difficulty of translating the perspective system developed for the relatively intimate, two-dimensional art of painting to three dimensions at a vast scale. In keeping with the construction of theatrical space to focus flatteringly on the centralized prince, Buontalenti’s original

sketches assume the ideal vanishing point, centrally located opposite the

ruler’s unique position in the raised center of the hall; but his olympian |

The Theater, The Scenery, The Artists 99

calculations could seriously misfire from the less exalted angles physically consigned to the lower orders in the audience. In the March punch list he asks, “Enlarge the cloud of the first intermedio so that it goes higher than Signora Vittoria, as ordered by Signor Emilio.” Evidently Archilei had been up on this machine already in rehearsal, and Cavalieri (seated in the house, as director) had noticed that, from the audience viewpoint largely underneath her, the cloud was too foreshortened to provide the seraphic surrounding halo effect contemplated in Buontalenti’s sketch (cat. 11). Such discrepancies surfaced in both directions: after a later rehearsal in March, Cavalieri complained that the foreground houses of the Pellegrina set were too high, and were blocking the view of the clouds during the intermedi (being far downstage, they loomed higher in the audience’s foreshortened view than would have been foreseen).>” On March 3, the day after Buontalenti submitted his long-contested punch list, he recorded via Francesco Gorini that “the intermedio of the ship having

been rehearsed, he didn’t see the novice gunners,” so the ship looked “as if there was no one there.” This lack of military splendor had distressed Ferdinando himself, for Buontalenti adds that he has ordered more sailors “so as not to disobey the commands of S.A.S.” As with his inflated signature on the punch list, this remark seems calculated to overawe the presumptuous Seriacopi, by insisting on Buontalenti’s own importance as an intermediary with the grand duke.*® Other practical matters relating to performance also arose at the same time.

Thinking ahead about how to light and extinguish the numerous chandeliers being installed in the auditorium, Buontalenti notes that he will need a crew of 32 apprentices (novizzi), adding (yet another dig at Seriacopi), “as he says he said to the provueditore some time ago.” Alluding, perhaps sarcastically, to Seriacopi’s punitive approach toward employees, the architect specially requests that those charged with the sensitive lamps directly over the heads of the granducal party “should be trusted and experienced people, lest, should any problems arise, the provveditore punish and reprimand them.”>? CHRISTINE IN FRANCE

On February 20, four days after the meeting in Ferdinando’s presence to

plan for her arrival, he and Christine were officially married. The proxy wedding took place in the royal chapel at Blois, in the presence of King Henri

III, Queen Louise, and the entire court. On the 27th, Christine left Blois to begin her three-week journey south to Marseilles, where she would be met by Don Pietro de’ Medici and the Tuscan fleet.©° Preparations for her escort and

reception had by now been proceeding for several months. The vaunted

I0OO JANUARY @ FEBRUARY 1589

organizational capabilities of the Medici were well on their way to producing a spectacle worthy of the grand duchy and its new royal mistress. Of course, the wheels of that great state machine did not turn without a few squeaks: Buon-

talenti and Seriacopi were in the midst of their three-week spat, and on February 25, conceding that his edict from the previous September disarming all ‘Tuscan citizens had had little effect in controlling outlaws, Ferdinando reaffirmed similar legislation.©!

But the petty squabbles and unrest in and around Florence were minor compared to the political and social discord rending France, which must have made Tuscany seem a distant Eden. Marseilles had briefly declared itself a republic, and the death of the queen mother had removed any lingering force,

however ineffectual, still working diplomatically to stem the internecine bloodshed that was typified by Henri III’s order to assassinate Christine’s cousin, the Duke of Guise, on December 23. When Christine departed his palace, with her personal attendants and an armed escort to ensure her safe conduct through rebellious territory, Henri’s parting words were, “Happy are you, my niece, for you will be in a peaceful land and will not see the ruin of my

poor kingdom.” Giovanni Cosci’s painting on the second entry arch (cat. 2; fig. 3), imagin-

ing this sad farewell between three generations headed by the benevolent queen-grandmother, became, with Catherine’s death, an ironic fiction. But its very status as an artificial construction underscores how acutely it maps the meanings and ritual caliber of a state festival: an homage to the familial links between the two realms expressed in terms of personal affections, coupled with pragmatic politics, and the whole acted out over vast distances as splendid theatrical ceremonial. Ferdinando’s gift of jewelry for the bride had been sent to France in December; now her enormous dowry, including clothes and

jewels, began to arrive in Florence, where Ferdinando’s tailors were also sewing her new garments in the local fashion and preparing her gaily decked transport home, including her first marriage bed. Like her new husband in his solemn December ceremonies of investiture, Christine was being costumed in symbolic garments and readied to assume her new role as Grand Duchess of Tuscany. As the bride moved closer, the groom’s cultural arms opened outward to embrace her. From late February through late April, when she would finally arrive in Tuscany, her progress through France and Italy would mesh ever more tightly with the progress in preparations for her arrival.

CHAPTER FOUR

March 1589 ARTISANS, STAGEHANDS, TECHNICAL REHEARSALS; CHRISTINE’ S$ OUTBOUND

JOURNEY In March and early April, the artistic, technical, and political spheres of Ferdinando’s theatrical universe began to converge, as preparations for the wedding festival built toward their dénouement and preliminary ceremonies took place along Christine’s route through France. This chapter and the two following narrow increasingly in their geographic scope as the bride approaches ever closer to her new home: the first deals with preparations in March, while Christine was still traveling through her home country; Chapter 5 with April, encompassing her sea voyage and her overland approach through Tuscany; and Chapter 6 with events within the city of Florence during May. On March 11, Giovanni de’ Bardi prepared a new theatrical “punch list” for the Uffizi that superseded the one Bernardo Buontalenti had finally submitted on March 2; this chapter focuses primarily on events between Bardi’s progress

report and the next and near-final lists drawn up on April 7-9, when dress rehearsals were scheduled. The records of the Uffizi-Pitti-Palazzo Vecchio workshops during this period reveal a phase of creative production which, at

the risk of anachronism, will be recognizable to scholars or enthusiasts of modern “show business” films. As the date of performance drew nearer, frenetic exasperation increased among the senior staff — but not, apparently, on the part of their individual subcontractors and craftworkers, about whose lateness and steep price demands they complained constantly, and whom they alternately threatened, cajoled, or dismissed. ‘The tension and delays also pitted the principal organizers against one another: the feud between Buontalenti and

Girolamo Seriacopi continued from mid-February into early March and erupted again later.! Meanwhile, along the Tyrrhenian riviera from Livorno to Genoa to MarIo!

102 MARCH 1589

seilles, and inland to Lyons, preparations were being finalized for Christine’s triumphal passage. As noted earlier, she left Blois on her southward journey on February 27, accompanied by an unusually large suite to protect against civil unrest. The ceremonial welcomes along her route were modeled on the tradition of the royal progress, like the heavily allegorized travels of Christine’s

older contemporary Elizabeth I. As Christine was nearing Marseilles on March 22, the Medici fleet under Ferdinando’s brother Don Pietro left Livorno to sail north toward that rendezvous point. At the same time, peripheral centers within the Tuscan domain were beginning their own plans to contribute to the bride’s imminent arrival. The officers of Siena’s municipal council, the Balia, wrote to the grand duke on March 18

to inquire whether they might be permitted to make some suitably noble representation of their “great devotion” before the new grand duchess. Just how spontaneously the subject cities of Ferdinando’s still recently consolidated realm offered these aesthetic protestations of loyalty is an open question. CONSTRUCTION AND REHEARSALS AT THE MEDICI THEATER To begin at the center of activity, the Uffizi theater in March was the site of more frequent and comprehensive rehearsals, now involving not only singers

and musicians but also the large stage crew for technical run-throughs; the schedule tightened as craftworkers and artists rushed the physical setting toward completion. Bardi, Cavalieri, and Buontalenti conferred frequently with one another and with Cristofano Malvezzi, who besides being the principal composer served as musical conductor. On March 18, Seriacopi instructed his subordinate Cialle Fabbri, the chief of physical plant, to find out daily from all four of these men “which intermedi are to be rehearsed, so that he’ll know in advance how many men he should call . . . to operate the machines.”? A useful index to the status of stage construction and rehearsals is provided

by Bardi’s March 11 punch list, which preceded the first complete runthrough, on Thursday, March 16.4+ With only six weeks left before the open-

ing performance, much of the basic stage machinery and many of the set pieces were operational, and Bardi’s attention could be devoted almost entirely to matters of smaller props and supplementary decoration. Intermedio 1, for example, lacked only such items as Necessity’s diamond spindle and the haloes (7mandorle) behind the eight planetary gods; the wind gods on the large cloud for intermedio 4 needed wings. A few of the larger mobile assemblies, however, still remained incomplete, including the rising Lucifer for the hell sequence and the python for Intermedio 3 (cat. 50, 53; pl. 11). Both of these

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complex constructions were chronically delayed: although the fire-breathing dragon had been ordered in early February, later that month Buontalenti was still calling for construction to begin, and Bardi’s mid-March notes indicate that little had yet been accomplished — a foretaste of continuing difficulties with this piece.° Much of Bardi’s attention throughout the month was taken up with “finish-

ing touches” to costumes, sets, and props, such as disguising the musical instruments with cardboard and fabric to suit the motif of each intermedio. On March 11, he asked for those in intermedio 1 to be covered with celestial rays, in 2 with “something woodsy” (qualche cosa boscareccia), and in 5 “so that

they look like sea shells”; the descending clouds of intermedio 6 were to be adorned with artificial flowers. (Buontalenti had already ordered “a large quantity” of paper flowers two days earlier; a week later, he ordered 100 more branches for intermedi 2 and 6 — perhaps from the nuns of Santa Caterina whose payment was noted earlier.) With characteristic concern for economical reuse, Bardi noted that the instruments on the heavenly cloud in intermedio 4 “can be decorated with the rays from the first intermedio.” In what was to become a leitmotif of frustration and increasing tension between supervisors and workers, Bardi had to repeat his instructions about the instruments more than two weeks later, at which time nothing yet seems to have been carried out, and Seriacopi’s marginal reply notes that a design for the instruments in the first intermedio is still needed from Buontalenti. By this time Bardi had developed his doubling plan in more detail, and spelled out that “the ones for the second can also serve for the third, and those for the first will serve for the fourth and sixth.”6

Some alterations or additions were deemed necessary, based on experience during rehearsals. We have already seen the first empirical adjustments to the perspective scenery; later changes were generally more subtle. For example, regarding the Delphic couples of intermedio 3, on March 11 Bardi requested, “add more decoration [riadornare] to the costumes for the dancers, which look skimpy [povere].” And apparently unsatisfied with the lighting effect for the

heavenly apparition of intermedio 6, but needing advice on what to do, he listed, “Think about the sunbursts [splendori].” Much of the inventorying of existing stocks and ordering additional décors was handled by Benedetto Tornaquinci, the property and wardrobe master. On March 18, responding to Bardi’s request of the previous week to enhance the marine motifs of the instruments, Seriacopi convened a brief meeting with Tornaquinci and Gorini. The quartermaster himself recorded in his log that the wardrobe master “has looked over the [artificial] coral branches we have,

and says they’re all satisfactory, but we need to have some more provided, as

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follows”; Gorini then took over as scribe for the details (30 small and 30 large branches, 200 buttons or beads).” As these various refinements were added to existing constructions already being used in rehearsal, unforeseen technical difficulties multiplied, necessitating frequent test runs. In regard to the traveling platform that carried the

sorceress’s airborne chariot, one note suggests, “move the cloud that goes across, in order to see if certain additions that have been made to it cause any trouble”; and similarly, “let down the cloud in the middle to see if the movable shutters [sporte//i] turn properly.” The complexity of the equipment also raised questions of safety and solidity: a note on March 18 asks the crew to “nail some planks under the stairway that leads to the heavens, for the satisfaction of the ladies who have to perform there”; another on March 28 commands, “Pull up the cloud that Vittoria goes on, and have someone go up on it to see if it shakes [scuote].”®

This caution about stability was presumably instigated, at least in part, by the performers’ unnerving experiences during rehearsals. The risks of riding unpredictable aerial apparatus are attested by the chronicler Baldinucci’s an-

ecdote about the singer-composer Giulio Caccini, whose nickname “Benedetto” was supposedly bestowed on him after a mishap during performance of a sacra rappresentazione at Santo Spirito. As part of a chorus of angelic singers on a movable cloud, he alone kept his head when the machine’s rapid descent

and expansion struck “so much fear in the hearts of the musicians . . . that suddenly they all lost their wits [and] fell dumb for some while.” By continually repeating the music’s refrain, “O benedetto giorno,” Caccini ostensibly managed to fill the awkward interval until his associates recovered. As there is no independent record of Caccini’s involvement in that performance, however, Baldinucci’s story is often assumed to be a conflated memory of some accident that actually occurred during intermedio 6, in which the similar lyric “O fortunato giorno” was sung while the clouds moved.?

WORKING METHODS

A question that arose earlier in this chronology, and which comes into sharper and more useful focus in the records for the spring of 1589, addresses

the organization of labor for the many practical tasks evident in these rehearsal preparations. The identities of the principal visual artists, and the varieties of their economic and social arrangements during a prolonged transition from independent workshops to permanent state employment, were discussed in Chapter 3. Here we can extend that analysis to their numerous

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co-workers — among them carpenters, metalsmiths, and scenery painters —

whose contribution to the physical production was considered more craft than art. Drawings and the Creative Hierarchy ‘Iwo distinct but mutually implicated aspects of artistic production have thus far been outlined: the creative system for disseminating images down the “assembly line” from Buontalenti to many artisans, and the socioeconomic

system of labor conditions, payments, and personal relations. For craftworkers as for artists, both of these structures shared three characteristics: the

separation of design from execution, now involving a hierarchical chain of intermediaries; the division of labor among both designers and artisans, with increasing specialization; and the resultant growing need for record keeping and coordination by an administrative bureaucracy.!° Turning first to the artistic processes: How were the conceptual requirements of Bardi, and their visual and technical specifications by Buontalenti, transmitted and enforced down a long chain of executants, often remote in physical or social location? The documents attest to a variety of overlapping methods; the visual included diagrams, sketches, and three-dimensional models, supplemented by written descriptions and on-site demonstrations. We have already seen how one of Buontalenti’s close associates, Andrea Boscoli, worked up more detailed variations on his original schematic drawings for the costumes and a similar process of elaboration for the stage sets; many other less elaborate sketches are mentioned for and/or by a variety of artisan occupations. When produced at the ideational summit of originality, such designs came to share in the increasing prestige assigned by Renaissance aesthetics to drawings as a form: Buontalenti’s will bequeathed some of the

sketches he had prepared for various productions to his Medici employer, suggesting that they were considered to have historical and/or practical value for the guidance of future production designers. !! At the secondary and tertiary tiers, however, except for a few drawings (cat. 32, 53; pl. 7) and occasional thumbnail sketches in Seriacopi’s and Cavalieri’s notebooks, virtually all traces of intermediate drawings, which were doubtless “used to death,” have vanished. But there must have been scores of them, as

the large crew and fragmentation of tasks required precise physical coordination as well as centralized stylistic and iconographic control: for example, Seriacopi’s note telling Gorini to discuss some features of the stage lights with a lanternmaker “according to the enclosed sheet” testifies to their circulation through the design workshops. These sketches, often termed modelli, could also be an integral part of contracts: artisans agreed to do certain jobs at fixed

106 MARCH 1589

prices based on written specifications that often alluded to an accompanying modello. '2

A variety of terms, principally modello and mostra, are used to refer to these visual guides. Although the words are ambiguous and overlapping, each sug-

gests a somewhat different role in the creative sequence, implying a staged series of refinements of initial concepts. The most generic term is modello,

which is less often the three-dimensional object implied in our English “model” than a two-dimensional sketch (alternatively called a disegno, or drawing) to serve as the original guide for construction of woodwork, set pieces, lamps, and other elements. One group of these survives: Buontalenti’s

rudimentary sketches in Seriacopi’s log, some hardly more than doodles, specifying the basic form and dimensions of pulleys, greenery swags, or the platform in the center of the theater. All others by him, prepared independently and more finished, are lost; at least one of the lost modelli — for the head of the dragon — was on canvas, suggesting a large, quickly brushed sketch, perhaps at actual size.!3 ‘These first-order conceptual drawings were then worked up into one of a variety of more detailed prototypes, most often called a mostra — a term that has dual meanings, both from the root “to show.” As a noun it usually means a physical model or sample, but in verb form it implies that Buontalenti will also make a “demonstration” in the performative sense: “as he will show [smostera] on the spot, and is seen in the drawing [disegno}.”!4

Intermediate modelli were also made by subsidiary designers and craftworkers. Some were functioning as independent consultants in their own specialties: when the stonecutter Niccolo di Michelangelo Boscoli was asked about the construction of the awning over the Pitti courtyard, he advised that it should be reinforced “as is shown in the drawing made and written by him.”

This design was then passed on to Giovanni di Lorenzo, a mattress maker (materassaio) who gave his opinion on the project “having received the drawing which remains in his hands.” More often, a lesser artist or artisan worked up Buontalenti’s sketches into a prototype which, once approved, could be copied

by others. His conceptual sketch for the Pitti garlands was drawn in Seriacopi’s log on March 13, and the first mostra, a full-scale sample for the guidance of bidders, was delegated to one of the principal scene painters, Lorenzo Francini (who was paid for this single unit, but lost the commission for the remaining replicas to another bidder).!5

Craft Contracts and Supervision As with the fine artists, the economic and social organization of the production crews encompassed a mosaic of different arrangements for labor and

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materials, most of which were coordinated by Seriacopi. We have already encountered several eruptions of his prickly temper and legalistic authoritarianism; subsequent events confirm and extend this impression of the quartermaster’s character. By late March, responding nervously to mounting time pressure and repeated failures to meet deadlines, he began to repeat the phrase

“as soon as possible” (quanto prima), and a week later he threatened the painters Bernardino Poccetti and Alessandro dal Impruneta: “If they haven’t gotten a start. . . by tomorrow morning, let me know. . . wherever I am, so I can do what their excessive lateness deserves.”!6

If Seriacopi’s fault was an excess of conscientiousness, the positive byproduct of his zeal was a well-organized and carefully documented administration. He kept numerous account books, each detailing a different aspect of the preparations; by mid-March, the sheer complexity of these diverse interlocked ledgers must have threatened to escape Seriacopi’s mental grasp, for he ordered Gorini to count up and list all the notebooks pertaining to the theater.

Scrupulous record keeping was a longstanding Medici practice: on several occasions when the quartermaster wished to compare current expenditures for the Pitti tournament with the one held there previously for Francesco’s wedding, he could take it for granted that these decade-old accounts were preserved and accessible.!”

These documents are replete with details of the modes of labormanagement relations customary on such projects: Seriacopi’s log records a variety of contracts and estimates, terms of employment, resolutions of disputes, warnings and threats to workers, as well as the familiar concern for cost

control. Contracts contained detailed lists of items to be made (capitol), which, as seen earlier, might also include visual specifications. In some cases,

Seriacopi insisted on face-to-face contact, perhaps for haste or to show a subcontractor the framework into which his smaller unit had to fit: on March 27 he notes, “Maestro Nellio has been ordered to come and get in person [in voce] the order for the eyes” of Lucifer. Usually, as was frequent practice for outside contractors in, for example, the construction industry, agreements reached verbally were transcribed in the log or separately and the parties asked to sign directly on the page. Labor arrangements at the Palazzo Vecchio and Uffizi gallery, which more closely approximated a traditional construction site, were equally detailed.!8 Among identifiable contracting artisans, two carpenters (/egnaioli) who

appear repeatedly will illustrate customary procedures. Orazio di Zanobi Graziadio and Domenico di Bartolo Atticiato were partners (compagni). The first worker named in Seriacopi’s log is Domenico: on Aug. 31 he had already

requested lumber to construct the wave machine for intermedio 5, and he

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helped build elements of the ship and clouds. Orazio was at work from mid-September on projects in the theater ranging from stairs for the tiered gradi to candelabra, pilasters flanking the proscenium, and the mechanism (perhaps like drapery rods) that would lower the fabric hangings to reveal the wall décor, “according to what the architect [Buontalenti] says.” In March, both associates were working on the elements of hell visible through the trapdoor, and on April 7 the sorceress’s airborne chariot for that scene as well as the dragons that pulled it were still awaited from Orazio, who was

also busy at the Pitti. Finally, like many such craftsmen, both doubled as stagehands.!9

The contracts with these and other workers stipulate two methods of setting prices. One, @ stima — on estimate — relied on mutually acceptable experts (periti) in the appropriate crafts to assess fair amounts for work upon completion and to arbitrate unforeseen expenditures or alterations; such evaluations were carried out by the likes of the painter Allori and the sculptors Giambologna and Ammannati. In late December, for example, interior construction in the salone of the Palazzo Vecchio was given to Orazio and Domenico 4 stima, and the painting of their construction to Lorenzo Francini and his partner Francesco Rosselli on the same basis. Alternatively, many jobs were assigned @ cottimo — by the job contract — a system of written contracts with articles (capi or capitoli) that detailed each item and a preset total price. Such precise division of labor required careful coordination of the work se-

quence: whereas “the body and all the rest [of the dragon’s frame were] included in the carpenter’s cottimo,” its movable papier-maché head and claws were to be added by a sculptor.2° Both sides were meticulous about hewing to the terms of written contracts and ceremoniously referred to the documents when necessary. In September

the carpenters “of the cottimo” insisted that they were not responsible for nailing canvases onto the wooden frames they were making for the painters, who in turn appealed to Cavalieri that having to do such work violated the terms of their cottimo. To resolve the matter, “the capitoli were read to [the carpenters], which say that the Fabbrica is to give the painters all the canvases nailed to the frames and gessoed [interrettate]”; Cavalieri ordered the woodworkers to observe these terms, and Seriacopi added that “in many places of the [carpenters’] capitoli it says ‘nailed canvases’ . . . and in this matter it’s necessary to follow not the capitoli of the painters, but those of the carpenters.” Orazio and Domenico precipitated a similar dispute in March, prompting Seriacopi to instruct Gorini, “Call Orazio and Atticiato and read them all the tasks that were commissioned to Orazio on March 10 in Messer Bernardo

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Buontalenti’s presence.” For good measure, he threatens, “Admonish them to hurry, otherwise Ill get seriously angry with them.”2! The contracts also alternate two methods of calculating payment: with or without supplies, or what we would now call time and materials, versus a flatfee basis. Although arrangements were flexible, the two systems mark differing economic modes and roles: the independent contractor, who has his own access to resources of production, as against the salaried employee, who is only exchanging labor for wages. Those instances where the total price includes materials use variants of the phrase a tutte sue spese, “entirely at his expense.”*? Elsewhere, materials are supplied by the administration. Frequent lists beginning “Pietro Pagolini has asked for. . .” are resolved by notes to the Guardaroba or other supply depots; Pagolo Delli, for example, who

made the garlands for the Pitti, was supplied by the Guardaroba with branches, straw, twine, and vinegar (perhaps to preserve the greenery). Some arrangements were mixed: on March 16, the carpenter making covers for the smoke holes in the theater ceiling was given “only wood and nails” but had to cut his own canvas; two days before, a painting commission for La pellegrina had specified a tutte spese del pittore but then added that “for the pennants [banderuole} he’|I be given precut pieces of taffetta” to finish. When Domenico

the carpenter requested planks, he was told to go buy them himself and promised quick repayment.?3 In arriving at these contracts, the administration frequently sought to keep costs down, both by individual negotiations and by competitive bidding. Cav-

alieri instructed Seriacopi that he “should bargain” (pattuisca) with the painter-gilder Giovanni di Pagolo for finishing the sculptures in the theater “for the greatest advantage possible.”24 More often bids, usually three, were taken from artisans. Sometimes these were based on verbal descriptions, but on many occasions a physical sample was provided: when a number of lamps were to be made according to Buontalenti’s prototype, “Jacopo di Lessandro was sent to the workshops of the following [smiths] with the mostra to find out each one’s prices.” An ironworker who had been asked to make a sample torch bracket completed it to Buontalenti’s satisfaction in February, but because his cost estimate to continue the job “seems an exorbitant price” (parendo pregio di sorbitante), his completed mostra was shown to two other smiths, who offered

lower fees. Although the primary concern was economic, competition could also be a means of quality control, as when Seriacopi solicited samples of tournament swords from three cutlers, “so that once we’ve seen how they succeed, and whether they’re satisfactory, we can determine the price with whoever makes them best.”25

IIO0 MARCH 1589

The process of soliciting bids was usually straightforward but could also be used to play one artisan against another or otherwise minimize expenses. On

April 5 three bids were recorded from lathe workers (torniai) for wooden components of the theater candelabra. Although Piero di Pandolfo’s initial bids came in highest, he was vulnerable to further pressure, “seeing as he has

no work left,” and he agreed to match the lowest individual bid for each separate item, as well as absorb all expenses for the wood. On another occasion, Seriacopi rejected both bids for the dragon’s claws and head “because they seem too high,” and gave the job to Valerio Cioli. Although, as one of the senior sculptors on the site, Cioli would have commanded even higher rates, his regular monthly stipend from the Guardaroba presumably included such tasks, so Seriacopi was saving money by using “in-house” staff.° Finally, workers’ attendance on a fixed schedule was vigilantly enforced. On December 10 one Battista di Alessandro reported his fruitless efforts to track down the painter Stefano Pieri the previous day. When Pieri did not answer a summons to the work site, Battista “went to his house, but didn’t find him there, and his wife and his mother-in-law told [Battista] that [Pieri] was with the sheep, so he went there, but didn’t find him there [either].” What happened next remains unknown, but the ultimate penalty was dismissal, as decreed by an irritated Seriacopi on March 26: “Since Lessandro di Casentino has abandoned the sa/one, and I couldn’t get in the two or three times that I came back, have him dismissed, as we don’t need someone who’s absent so much.” He added, in typical self-righteous fashion, “If that displeases him, let

him consider that it displeased me much more not to be able to fulfill my responsibilities because of him.” Short of firing, an overdue worker might find

that Seriacopi had hired someone else to complete the assignment at the laggard’s expense.?’

In common with their fellow craftworkers, Orazio and Domenico were taken to task by Seriacopi for their slow pace. In their case he took the unusual step of appealing for enforcement to an unnamed authority (“honored chancellor”) to whom he wrote on December 10, perhaps driven by the specter of disorder raised by that day’s report on Pieri’s absence. His letter complained that the pair’s delay on numerous tasks was holding up the painters Rosselli and Francini, who had to decorate what they were making. Seriacopi asked

this official to order the carpenters to finish by Christmas and to further threaten that if they continued their “usual tardiness” for more than another week, other workers would be hired to finish the job at their expense, and that they might be assessed for additional damages or jailed if all was not com-

pleted by the end of the month (MR rov). ,

Christine's Outbound fourney 111

FRANCESCO ROSSELLI AND LORENZO FRANCINI, ARTISAN-PAINTERS

Like the carpenters whose work they decorated, the two principal technical

painters, Francesco di Stefano Rosselli and Lorenzo Francini, also offer a detailed glimpse of patterns of craft employment. In spite of the annoyance they chronically provoked in the administrators and even in Ferdinando, these contentious and dilatory partners assumed the bulk of responsibility for deco-

rative painting throughout the Medici complex. They created most of the Pitti décors and temporary embellishments to the salone in the Palazzo Vecchio, as well as working at the Uffizi on both the architectural chiaroscuro and on the stage sets and props, from the Muses’ grotto to the giant Lucifer. Their handiwork, which covered most of the visible surface of the theater and stage, was prominent enough to attract brief praise from Rossi, who opines that “the great hope” invested in them was rewarded with “great results.”28 Not otherwise known to art history as independent personalities, Rosselli and Francini occupied a professional rank midway between the artists aspiring to academic standing and artisans like the carpenters. Rossi’s remarks indicate that they enjoyed some leeway for designing their own “inventions,” a crucial

term in defining the high artist as a creative intellectual, but his flattering implication overstated their artistic freedom. For much of their work at the Pitti — backdrop paintings for the castle, costume decoration, garlands and hangings — Buontalenti provided the modelli. Francini’s role was that of a trusted but subordinate intermediary, as in the incident noted earlier where he assembled a mostra for the garlands from Buontalenti’s sketch but lost the bid for the balance of the job (March 13).29 Labor conditions for these men, generally similar to those of other craftworkers, can be examined in unique detail: for their Pitti work, specifications for a full cottimo survive, along with an agreement that resolves disputes over its interpretation. The administrators’ compulsion to specify everything, out

of their legitimate concern to obviate just such disputes as did arise, also affords a richer description of the courtyard décor than could be accommodated in the print of this area (cat. 87). On November 28 Buontalenti provided the list of work items (capi di lavori) for the court decoration, “so that they can be given out to be done a stima, or a

cottimo, depending on which is determined to provide better savings”; all of these items were to be made following his various samples. The list, which formed the basis of a cottimo with Rosselli and Francini, comprises three categories, by ascending architectural level of the courtyard: items to go

II2 MARCH 1589

around and under each large arch of the ground level (gradi for seating, painted fabric panels and swags, garlands, cartouches of painted cardboard);

second-story elements “on the large cornice between the arches and the windows” (more gilded swags, paintings, and garlands); and “on the large windows above, and at the top” (third floor), in addition to more of the same, painted coats of arms, torches, and candlesticks. In the court itself, he also asks for two clay river gods for ground level eight braccia (15 feet) high and the actual barrier for the joust, two braccia high and covered with narrative paintings “as is seen in the modello, and will be shown better in the esemplo and mostra

that are to be made.”30 Problems with Rosselli and Francini’s execution of this contract must have

begun almost immediately, because on December 16 Cavalieri dictated the terms that he was willing to accept “for final resolution” of their complaints regarding the scope of the original contract, costs of materials, and the relation of this contract to separate additional commissions. Applying pressure by indicating that the two artisans were already on shaky ground, Cavalieri begins tartly that Ferdinando “has been unsatisfied with the last cottimo given to them, as the painters and others have heard many times,” which had given rise to the “danger that the cottimo may not move forward.” He then makes an offer, sweetened by an inducement: “If they are content to do all the tasks that are in the modello, and in addition the lamps for the hall of the comedy, for 2,000 scudi,” they will also be awarded a stima “the painting work to be done in

the Salone [dei Cinquecento].” If they reject these terms, not only will they forfeit the salone job, but they will be removed from the Pitti work in progress and paid off proportionately for whatever they have already done. He stipulates that, should they agree to these terms and it later become necessary to substitute less costly tinsel or tinning (stagniuolt) for the specified gilding, their

fee will be reduced by an amount to be determined “by two expert and experienced people.” The partners counteroffered with two qualifications. They would acquiesce if, first, they could have @ stima not only the salone job but also those

elements of the expanding Pitti job that were not specified in the original modello. Second, they firmly insisted on additional payment for the lamps, for “at the time when the contract items were read, Messer Bernardo Buontalenti

added the narrative paintings in oil to go over the grotto, entirely at their expense, which up until then they had thought were to be in tempera.” Although they asked for 180 scudi extra, Seriacopi got them to settle for 73, with an additional proviso that, if the four paintings were changed back to tempera,

they would abide by another cost reduction by the two expert assessors. Perhaps because of the complexity of the negotiated settlement, Seriacopi

Christine's Outbound Journey 113

took the precaution of having both men sign the bottom of his lengthy mem-

orandum. Five days later, to verify their claims and keep an eye on their progress, he had Gorini inventory the items that the painters had already completed “before they were given the contract” and “up to now.”3! Such acrimonious haggling notwithstanding, both Rosselli and Francini

continued to work on various jobs right up until the wedding events took place. At the theater, Rosselli was assigned to paint the starry backdrop of intermedi 1 and 6 and part of the giant Lucifer, neither of which was completed by April 5. Trying a new management style, perhaps to defuse chronic tension, Seriacopi was uncharacteristically mollifying in his request that, if these weren’t finished soon, Gorini should notify him [Seriacopi] about it, “but let [Rosselli] be reminded kindly [amorevolmente}.” In this case, it should be noted, part of the delay was Bardi’s fault: the iconographer only provided the necessary description of Lucifer and other monsters on April 7. The Pitti work was also running behind by this time, and on the 8th a frustrated and again insistent Seriacopi, relapsing into his legalistic mode, forced Rosselli to sign a written pledge to finish all the jobs outstanding there by April 28. In a

now-familiar threat, Seriacopi added that “if he does not promise to have them finished entirely and well by that date, then we'll start to give his tasks to

others to do at his expense.” PIERO PAGOLINI, JACK-OF-ALL-TRADES Rosselli and Francini’s Uffizi activities are often cited in tandem with those

of Piero Pagolini, whose tasks intersect and complement theirs. Less than an artist but more versatile and trusted than an ordinary carpenter, he was a sort of universal craftsman or theater technician, whose multiple responsibilities

surfaced in the March 2 punch list. Pagolini built and installed sets and executed other general work on the stage carpentry, furniture, canvas, lighting, and costume storage facilities. In some of these capacities, such as when he was assigned to set torches in the auditorium windows and authorized to find masons and carpenters to assist, his work was quasi-supervisory; at other times he bid for work like any outside craftworker — his was one of the estimates rejected as “exorbitant” in the account above. Finally, like the carpenters and many other artisans, he doubled as a stagehand.3 During the month of March, Pagolini shouldered so many tasks that they progressively overwhelmed him. In addition to his work on the theater and equipment, he was simultaneously fashioning the Lucifer, the dolphin for intermedio 5 (plus three sea monster companions molded on the same frame), and “all the branches of [artificial] coral as well as the coral beads [paternostri]”

Ilg4 MARCH 1589

to decorate this and the other nautical-themed scenes.3+ The complex Lucifer unit (cat. 53) proved a chronic headache for all concerned. Construction of its main trunk was already advanced by the March 2 order for its movable head, horns, and wings, which were to be painted by Rosselli; it also needed hands, which fell to Pagolini. A month later, on April 5, Rosselli had not finished, and

one hand remained behind schedule: regarding Pagolini, Seriacopi told Gorini ominously to “remind him, and if by Thursday he hasn’t finished it, let me know, so that he won’t need to be reminded again.” The craftsmen were not the only staff falling seriously behind: their delay was extenuated by Bardi,

who, working between daily rehearsals, was late with a description of Lucifer.35

With so many tasks falling due at once, Pagolini was increasingly harried and irritable. The next day, Thursday, April 6, was particularly difficult. Ser-

iacopi was expecting all the coral pieces “by Saturday at the latest .. . by Sunday at the very latest.” Pagolini managed to hand in a first installment of 54 small branches but also reported a snag in putting up the stage canvases because Rosselli and his crew hadn’t finished painting them. When simultaneously reminded about the unfinished sea monsters, Piero finally snapped that “he’ll do everything as soon as he possibly can” (quanto prima potra).

Seriacopi learned of the coral delivery only on Friday, April 7; no doubt

relieved to find anything coming in near schedule, he promptly consigned | these to be added to the costume headdresses, then reminded Pagolini to |

finish all the stools for the theater by a week from Saturday.>® ! Amid all of these conflicting demands, it is hardly surprising that work on , the Lucifer continued down to the wire: only on April 25, a week before the | premiere, did Gorini finally order green taffeta “to make the wings of the | devil.” The giant’s hand was no further along on April 13 than on the 8th, and an impatient Seriacopi demanded that Pagolini be reminded “heatedly” (cal-

damente) to finish by Saturday or “I'll complain about him” to unnamed authorities. Nor by that same day had he finished the remaining coral still due, and Seriacopi, observing that that project was impeding more pressing items

still awaited from the obviously overburdened Pagolini, decided to cut his losses: he simply took the coral assignment away from the technician, noting with resigned annoyance that “we’ll find a way to do without them.”37 STAGE CREW

By March 18, the machinery and stage equipment were sufficiently operational that Seriacopi, anticipating frequent technical rehearsals, ordered the custodian Fabbri to ascertain daily which intermedi would be rehearsed and to

Christine's Outbound Fourney 115

notify the appropriate members of the sprawling crew. Over the past three days, Seriacopi had drawn up a complete personnel list of these stagehands, to be supervised by Alfonso Parigi as “foreman [caporale] over all those written

below.” State performances being widely intermittent, only Parigi was retained as a permanent expert on theatrical practice, and then only alongside his related technical responsibilities at the Palazzo Vecchio and the Pitti (where on March 14 he was consulting about tent ropes). In this embryonic stage of the theater, without the permanent industry to support specialized full-time workers, the rest of Parigi’s crew were hired temporarily, though often from the ranks of artisans and builders already familiar with the state workshops in their everyday capacities. The ultimate crew list names some 95 individual stagehands, plus another 50 assigned to kindle, extinguish, and adjust the lights. The most technically complex intermedi, 1 and 6, required 12 simultaneous teams, totaling 82 members, while intermedio 3, which involved no major set change, needed only seven men. The stagehands were organized into squads of varying size, each assigned to a fixed task or piece of equipment: the winches for major clouds and the hamadryads’ mountain required up to a dozen men, headed by their own foreman, whereas pairs of men were sufficient to insert struts under the mountain or rotate the mobile garden houses. Many of the stagehands doubled or tripled in different assignments for successive intermedi, but their task for each act was fixed, so that they could get accustomed to timings and teamwork; one rehearsal order makes sure to specify that the men called for a particular act “should be the same” (sieno medesimi) each time.3® Although systematic practice was necessary, the basic operations of this still

rudimentary technical apparatus required little specialized ability beyond physical strength. ‘The crew was thus recruited from various trades, supplemented by household staff from the Pitti and state buildings and from the church of Santa Croce. Among the numerous occupations noted, the largest group are masons or carpenters, including Orazio and his partner Domenico. Other occupations include smiths or ironworkers, lamp makers, a stonecutter, a cooper, and a ship’s caulker. The more specialized technician Piero Pagolini assisted with the sophisticated novelty of intermedio 3, assigned to the overhead catwalk “to make the Apollo fly.” At least some of these hands received overtime pay; such temporary supplementary income was doubtless as welcome to them as embroidering to nuns or second jobs to the tailors.39 Because so many of these stagehands were also employed at the Uffizi, Pitti, and Palazzo Vecchio workshops, the increasing time required of them onstage conflicted with looming craft deadlines to create staff shortages. Personnel allocation had to become more precise: on April 5, laying out staff

116 MARCH 1589

needs for the following day, Seriacopi told Gorini to determine which intermedi were to be rehearsed, and “summon only those [crew members] who are called for, without taking away more people than are needed, both so as to avoid any unnecessary costs, and not to decimate [sinistrare] the Fabbrica and other places” (MR 39v). LOGISTICS AND PHYSICAL PLANT

Cialle Fabbri, who called these crew members to daily rehearsals, fulfilled the responsibilities of a head custodian, supplying and maintaining everything concerned with physical needs: water, fire, dirt, food, shelter, and body func-

tions. Buontalenti had requested someone to sleep in the theater as a fire watch in November; apparently Fabbri filled this post, and was provided with at least some food or other necessities, for in April Cavalieri requested that Cialle’s room in the Uffizi be supplied with “ten or twelve flasks . . . of water

and wine.” Among his other duties laid out in March, Fabbri supervised weekly cleaning at the Uffizi and Palazzo Vecchio, taking care to swab the floors of the workshops to avoid raising dust on the painters’ work in progress. In an era before indoor plumbing, water supply required constant attention to large numbers of barrels and pails provided not only for washing but for safety, drinking, or toilet purposes. Fabbri reported that “it’s necessary to have all the water buckets emptied, because they stink, and have them refilled quickly with fresh water,” and Seriacopi ordered him to inspect and empty “the many tubs (bigonci| where people urinate since, being full, they’re rank and smelly [infettono e appuzzono].” In addition Fabbri, whose tall elegant handwriting appears increasingly in the log from March onward (a welcome relief from Gorini’s spidery, sometimes illegible script), acted as a clerk, transcribing Buontalenti’s punch list of February-March and various other lists and contracts.4° Beyond the theater, Fabbri also journeyed throughout Tuscany on various missions, such as reconnoitering outlying areas for housing and equipment. In Florence, where accommodations were needed for “the Sienese players and

Roman musicians who are to perform in the comedy,” he supervised the repairing, cleaning, and furnishing of two houses, one a former inn, borrowed from nearby residents in mid-March. For one house, supplies were shipped over from “the castle”; for the other quarters, on March 18 Fabbri copied out

Seriacopi’s agreement with one Vincenzo Bonmattei to deliver bedding, linens, and tableware over the ensuing ten days. Lodging and supplies must barely have been ready in time for the arriving players: the Intronati troupe were already at work in the theater by April 7, when “the Sienese gentlemen” ordered props, makeup, and set changes.*!

Christine’s Outbound Journey 117

DON PIETRO AND CHRISTINE

Meanwhile, preparations for the outbound voyage from Livorno to meet Christine had been proceeding for several months. Aboard the Capitana, already being richly caparisoned, various colors were consigned to “Bortolo, Venetian miniaturist,” to paint the interiors of individual rooms. In addition to artistic preparations, the four ships had to be outfitted with linens, tableware, and other household goods to accommodate the crew, aristocratic passengers, and Christine’s retinue. Benedetto Fedini, the granducal guardaroba, oversaw these arrangements, which he listed in chronological order for each stage of her projected itinerary: “coming by sea,” “once arrived in Livorno,” and so on. For the ships he ordered 140 tablecloths, 500 additional linens, and four dozen assorted basins, plus clothing, bedding, furniture, and carpets. Tailoring of liveries for the attendants, including eight musicians from Franciosino’s school and a gentlewoman, continued throughout March.* On March 8, a naval officer wrote to Ferdinando from the port, saying he would soon be submitting the ships to a final inspection and was awaiting the

order to set sail; he passed along the news, undoubtedly seaborne, that Christine had left Blois on February 27. Although much of the administrative correspondence throughout March pertaining to Livorno and the fleet concerns artistic matters, the logistical difficulties and risks of long-distance travel are a constant counterpoint. The same letters are full of reports from around the Mediterranean of ships kept in port by bad weather and of ambassadors and messengers delayed on land by weather or by civil unrest in France, an index of the limited ability of both political institutions and communications

and transport technology of the time to control either human or natural upheavals.43

On Sunday, March 19, Don Pietro de’ Medici arrived in Livorno, and the following Wednesday his fleet, staffed by Ferdinando’s Order of Santo Stefano, left the harbor carrying many nobles and patrician pages, all richly cos-

tumed. On board to attend the bride were Francesca Orsini, who was to administer Christine’s household; her husband Francesco; and two women of the Rucellai family, whose leader Orazio, Ferdinando’s ambassador, also traveled to facilitate the bridal journey. Ferdinando, his nephew Don Virginio Orsini, and assembled notables waved from the dock as the Florentine ships, plus the quartet contributed by the Knights of Malta, sailed for Genoa to join up with four galleys from that city and together await a final four dispatched by the Pope. On March 25 this fully assembled flotilla headed north from Genoa. Once Christine left Blois, she traveled south for two weeks to reach Lyons,

118 MARCH 1589

a hospitable city with strong financial ties to Medici bankers, in mid-March. Beyond that outpost her journey, including receptions in Avignon and Aix, was increasingly troubled by local political strife. About April 1 Don Pietro sailed into Marseilles, whence he sent a letter reporting that the city councilors were eager to have Christine embark there, and not elsewhere along the coast. Presumably some change of venue had been suggested due to the power struggles in the port city, and then rejected. The royal faction, accepting the _ risks of a public festival for the sake of a symbolic demonstration of political

supremacy, turned Marseilles into “a city everywhere filled with arches, statues, paintings, and lovely ornaments,” and welcomed their princess with fireworks, trumpet blasts, and balls that lasted several days. Don Pietro’s cannons joined in the tumultuous greeting on April 9, but this splendid bravado was counterbalanced by pragmatic caution: his ships remained offshore, and his letter had already observed that Christine’s departure must be carried out in secrecy and tight security, and had detailed his plans to set out several thousand troops around the harbor and the city.## On the morning of April 11, Christine stepped aboard the Capitana. An engraving from Gualterotti’s souvenir book, after Giovanni Cosci’s painting for the entry arch at the Ponte alla Carraia (cat. 2; fig. 8), imagines how she was welcomed by Don Pietro, who took her arm in a familial gesture. This crude image of an image unfortunately conveys little of the sumptuous decorative backdrops that set the proper tone of magnificence for this ceremonial pro-

~ logue to the theatricalization of Tuscan dominion over the bride and the world. The artists’ labors were discussed earlier; suffice it here to give two examples. ‘The haberdasher Alessandro Chelini provided a large awning (tendale) for the stern of the flagship, consisting of 20 braccia (38 feet) of cloth of gold lined with rose-pink damask and trimmed with 160 braccia (300 feet) of red silk fringes and ribbons. The “principal chamber” of the ship, Christine’s rear bedroom, was outfitted with ceiling curtains, wall-hangings, portiéres, and bedding all in cloth of gold and green silk; the records evocatively referto it as “the jewelbox” (scrignietto).*5

No doubt it was in this room that Christine, finally alone after the public welcome, soon composed her first known letter to Ferdinando. This soliloquy, the overture to their marital masque, is at once touchingly honest and formulaic (and orthographically inconsistent): I felt great joy and honor upon seeing my lord your brother and your galleys, which are very lovely, especially mine: when I entered it I thought I was entering paradise. I also thought that, it being so beautiful, the sea could do me no harm; however, I’m distressed to find

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mes Nobility of the highest rank, who were also the most closely related, were lodged in the city center in what were technically, despite their grandeur, private family quarters. Vincenzo and Eleonora stayed at the Pitti, as did Ferdinando’s sister Virginia and her husband, Cesare d’Este of Ferrara, who arrived on April 27. But the family palaces could hardly begin to accommodate

all the lordly attendees, let alone their enormous retinues. Quarters for less intimate guests, and for everyone’s subordinate staffs, had to be spread out __ across the entire city and well into the surrounding countryside, up to several hours’ distance. At least seven urban palaces were used, both Medici and private. Fedini conducted a survey of available rooms and supplies needed (linens, beds, tables, lamps, saddles); he found 67 beds available in the Palazzo Vecchio (including the family quarters), 53 rooms at the Pitti, and 74 rooms in the Palazzo Medici “to supply for foreigners” (but with only 45 beds). Less ample accommodations were also scouted in attics or upper rooms (soffitte), perhaps for accompanying servants; the Mantuan lord and lady stayed at the Pitti, but their suite was put up at the nearby palace of the Bardi (the programmer Giovanni’s family), one of several patrician clans who provided such “gift” services to the court.?® After exhausting these urban sites, Fedini turned to resources out of town, inventorying mattresses available elsewhere. The

Guardaroba then proceeded to decorate and furnish the villas, including Ambrogiana and Poggio, and to fill requests for beds, cooking equipment, and lamps for other “lodgings in the country,” naming towns as far away as Firenzuola, Scarperia, Poggibonsi, and San Casciano.37

In the midst of all this activity, on Friday, April 28, Christine arrived at Poggio a Caiano. Designed a century earlier for Lorenzo de’ Medici, decorated by Pontormo and later by Alessandro Allori, this jewel in the necklace of family villas was frequently used as a stopping place for high-ranking visitors. Typically, the villa, surrounded by Buontalenti’s defensive perimeter wall and

bastions, commanded the summit of an exposed promontory, its sweeping

138 APRIL 1589 views over the valleys below magnified by a high podium (fig. 10). Gualterotti rather hyperbolically labels it “one of the most delightful and splendid palaces in Europe,” attributing its status to the hilltop site, “from which it overlooks [scopre] the two lowlands of Florence and Pistoia.” His verb scoprire, literally

“to uncover,” emphasizes laying bare the surrounding territory to a gaze of visual and social surveillance: Ferdinando no doubt caught sight of his bride’s convoy long before its arrival and watched her progress up the slope before going out on the raised terrace to greet her, at last, in person.3® Christine rested at Poggio for two days, touring the grounds and receiving visits from her new relatives. She would also have been busy inspecting the clothes that Ferdinando had had the Guardaroba make for her and her suite

over the past several months: one payment in May to Maestro Gottardo the German, the grand duke’s personal tailor, was specifically for “outfits for the grand duchess” constructed by six of his staff and sent to Poggio. Farther

| down the social scale, Ulino Giovacchini, the head coachman who drove Christine through the countryside, and his assistants each received two outfits, carefully graded as to their rank and the formality of events: a country livery (ivrea da campagna) of plain red cloth with a velvet collar, then a /ivrea grande for the entry.?? On Saturday, April 29, while Christine was at last able to rest, the city was

still bustling with last-minute preparations for her reception. Gaddi and Buontalenti, possibly joined by Alessandro Allori, Santi di Tito, or Taddeo Landini as the principal entry designers, were most likely circumnavigating downtown Florence to inspect the next day’s arches, which would have been erected and touched up over the past few weeks. And in the Uffizi, notwithstanding the Palm Sunday holiday and festivities, Seriacopi, with two days to go, ordered his various crews to report for work on Sunday until midday (MR 52r). On Saturday evening, Ferdinando left his bride to return to the Pitti Palace, from which he was to ride forth the next morning in his role as official greeter.

THE ENTRY TO FLORENCE, SUNDAY, APRIL 30

On the morning of Palm Sunday, the entire city rose at dawn. Crowds of people from as far off as Genoa, Rome, Naples, and France began lining the streets: lesser folk on foot, the upper classes in decorated carriages or on horseback. ‘Two thousand members of the clergy, dressed in gold brocade, velvet, and damask, left the duomo baptistery about 6 a.m. in procession toward the Porta al Prato, where they were joined by massed troops. While this audience was assembling, Christine awoke early in order to dress and

Christine’s Inbound Journey and Entry 139

move on to breakfast at the Torre degli Agli, the Spini villa only a mile from the city walls. Ferdinando and other family members rode out to visit briefly there but soon returned to the city walls to await her formal arrival. Christine left the Torre about 9 in a carriage. As they had on her approach to Pisa, the military lined the streets, firing off their guns as she arrived at the western gate at 10, met by Ferdinando himself.40 The setting, imagery, and ritual that now confronted Christine established the capital city as a “landscape of control” even more intensive and densely

layered than those of town and country. The central Pitti- Uffizi-Vecchio complex, which had remapped the cityscape to reinforce and figure the power of the ruler, was but one of the period’s extensive reconstructions of European capitals into “a huge theatrical setting for the display of the court.” Reaching outward from that nucleus, the administration headquartered there had now

made over the entire city, at least for the time of the wedding, into a scenographically structured extension of that space for a quasi-sacred communal ceremony (map, fig. g).*1 The design and iconography of the seven entry arches — two-story constructions of wood, plaster, painted canvas, stucco decorations and sculptures — has been outlined above, as well as the social networks of their production. At this point in our examination of the wedding’s patrons, creators, and actors, it is also possible to glimpse the manifold personal meanings that such a

diverse mosaic of audiences would have read into the event — beyond, alongside, even instead of its official artistic and historical significance. The responses of spectators are an integral part of the wedding as of all images — a factor that Cinquecento aestheticians were the first to acknowledge implicitly,

by addressing their treatises to the viewer of art, not its maker. In more sociological terms, at the heart of the arts of theatrum mundi is a notion of performance as ritual, a group action whose intended result is “the small- or large-scale transformation of both the actor and the audience to the transaction.” We cannot, therefore, in Richard Trexler’s formulation, “analyze a festival or procession and ignore the audience.”4?

Porta al Prato The large assembly greeting Christine gathered in and around the spacious octagonal forecourt — Gualterotti terms it a theater — of the Porta al Prato, the triumphal arch at the city gate (cat. 1; frontispiece). In addition to musicians and singers, different groups of which performed at each successive arch, the “cast” included the royal family, other rulers, clerics, ambassadors, nobles, and household officials. Gualterotti lists 166 principal attendees, each with a liveried retinue that ranged in number from two or four men up to ten for the

IgO APRIL 1589

prominent Guicciardini, Francesco and Girolamo, who wore black and turquoise velvet, doubtless from the family mills that had sold velvet to the Medici for this same occasion. The grand duke’s escort was the largest at 110, while the Duke of Mantua had 4o, Don Pietro 30. Ferdinando and these close family members, also including Cesare d’Este and Virginio Orsini, were all attired in white and cloth of gold, embroidered with pearls and gems, and stood under an enormous white and gold canopy; Ferdinando’s pages wore peacock velvet embroidered in red, white, and gold, Vincenzo Gonzaga’s red velvet. Forty to fifty select young Florentine noblemen, including a junior Guicciardini, in splendid white liveries with gold and silver trim, supported the canopy under which Christine was to travel throughout the day.*3 Gualterotti tells us that Christine first “dismounted [from her carriage] and, while admiring the many lovely pictures, was entertained by two instrumental groups which were in the gallery over the gate.” To aid her in grasping the elaborate program, at this point Christine was probably given a copy of part 2 of Gualterotti’s book, the descriptive catalogue written in advance and in the present tense: his dedication to her offers it in the hope that “it may serve you in the capacity of both an interpreter of the new subjects, and a reminder of the stories of bygone times.”4 The opening rite was Christine’s coronation. Fifteen bishops blessed her richly worked crown; the Archbishop of Pisa, Carlo Antonio Puteo, handed it to Ferdinando, who placed it on the head of his kneeling bride. As a consort,

, Christine received her crown from her husband, not, as he had, from higher clerical and secular authority; her status and prerogatives were henceforth dependent on him. As had already become clear at Poggio, even her physical appearance was now to be largely managed by the state apparatus of her husband. Here that transfer of allegiance was made visually manifest: since leaving her home in mourning for her grandmother, Christine had worn only black, but on this day she at last exchanged that attire for one of the many new outfits made for her: a French-style gown in cloth of gold with multicolored accents in curled rows.*5 A note in Fedini’s planning book offers a suggestive detail of the one sphere

in which married women maintained some degree of economic autonomy. Francesca Orsini, who sailed on the Capitana as head of Christine’s household, had earlier advised him on “what should be put in order [in Florence] for

the arrival of Her Highness the bride,” specifying in addition to numerous items of clothing, hair garlands, and the like “a small empty room, made into a place to keep and protect the jewels to be worn daily.” Special attention is paid

to her jewels because, being a major component of her ample dowry — possessions she brought into the marriage — they were by tradition the one

Christine's Inbound fourney and Entry 141

form of property, along with clothes and intimate personal effects, that would remain inalienably hers. The display of these objects, then, both asserted her title to them and maintained some vestige of her former identity as she was progressively absorbed into her new position.*6

Ponte alla Carrata After the crowning ceremony, Ferdinando returned to the Pitti, and Christine, mounting a white horse covered in gold brocade, set off under the canopy attended by Pietro and Vincenzo; her aunt Brunswick followed with Cesare and Virginio. Their procession retraced nearly the same route as the

previous such entry in 1565. Heading inward to the Arno at Ponte Santa ‘Trinita, they then turned left to circle the streets preserving the limits of the Roman castrum, spiraling toward the state center, the Palazzo Vecchio. The mile-long entourage moved at a stately pace, due to its sheer size and the press of crowds filling the narrow streets. Accompanying the numerous noble and ecclesiastical marchers already observed — centered on Christine and the Archbishop of Pisa bearing a basin to hold her crown — were a gilded carriage, 17 principal gentlewomen on horseback, civic officials, various orders of knights, and some 500 cavalry. The lead company of household troops were attired in full armor over the grand duke’s livery colors of peacock velvet and red silk; their captain of arms, Gianvincenzo Vitelli, Marchese of Cetona, also sported an overvest of cloth of silver.4’ Starn and Partridge are certainly astute to observe that such a complex procession “defined and exposed social differences . . . [and] sharp distinctions in power and status were delineated by the color, cut, and cost of the costumes, by the order of march,” and so on. But it is not enough to discuss the intended meanings of the entry without reference to the audience; as Janet Wolff has phrased it, “a sociology of cultural production must be supple-

mented with, and integrated with, a sociology of cultural reception.” The multiplicity of the entry audience — its patchwork diversity of class, occupation, literacy, and gender — raises the question, How did these various component groups of participants and spectators perceive or “read” the event?#8 Any attempt to answer this question is necessarily speculative, given the lack of personal records. As an organizing principle, however, I would propose to locate varying responses along two intersecting axes, of depth and surface. These coordinates graph two distinct modes of impact: the intellectual and the pragmatic or, in parallel terms, the binaries of conceptual/perceptual or qualitative/ quantitative. Highest on the intellectual scale, the aristocratic audience would have taken some pride in catching whatever was familiar from

their store of classics, religion, and contemporary politics; but their own

I42 APRIL 1589 educations varied considerably, especially with respect to gender, and not even

, the most assiduous among them could possibly have appreciated, or cared about, the plethora of esoteric allusion. (Rossi, in his Descrizione, admits that he has gone into too much detail about a costume for Apollo and its literary

sources, so “I will keep silent.”) At the other end of the social order, the common people who formed the bulk of the street audience would not under-

stand the formal allegories, whether historical or mythical, or their Latin captions. Much of the effect of the procession and décors on the general public was therefore calculated along the perpendicular axis of spectacle, of a conspicuous display of the regime’s wealth, skills, and organizational capacity — in a word, by the surface impression of abundance and virtuosity, distinct from any depth of intellectualized content. To begin with Christine as principal spectator, the theme of the Carraia arch was the most directly relevant to her individually: previous Medici and Lorraine marriages, including highlights of her own marital odyssey (cat. 2). Here she passed under Cosci’s painting, discussed in Chapters 1 and 2, that

showed her taking leave of her grandmother Catherine de’ Medici. This image of an event that never happened could have been read in two ways. On one hand, Christine could not help but be informed by her personal experience: she must have winced at the irony of viewing such a patently fabricated

image of what she had lost, on the very day she laid aside her mourning clothes. On the other hand, as with the false breastplates for La pellegrina, in this elevated artistic discourse symbolic truth mattered more than underlying

fact: for Christine and all the noble women in the procession, the pride of place given (only on this arch) to a woman, in her influential matriarchal role as the “grandmother of Europe,” exemplified the highest status and achievement to which women of their class could aspire.

Other noble and patrician viewers may have been able to grasp a fair portion of this iconography, but their personal investment in it varied widely. Judging from his complacent assessment of the Tuscan body politic on this occasion, the Venetian ambassador Contarini, whose suite of 16 were attired in turquoise velvet lined with cloth of silver, appears to have accepted the regime's claims at face value. In contrast, Alfonso Piccolomini — who was to be arrested by Ferdinando the following year for armed brigandage — and his black-clad attendants must have taken a more knowing, even cynical view of the regime’s visual pretension to universal authority and its attempt to co-opt him into official circles. Even those aristocrats who, like the grand duke’s personal representative Orazio Rucellai, willingly reaped the honors of proximity to his person would also have been aware of the burdens such favor entailed. Not only did the great clans bear the costs of parade floats, lodging

Christine’s Inbound Fourney and Entry 143

guests, and draping their palace facades; after listing the young patricians who

carried the canopy, Pavoni notes that “all the abovementioned gentlemen went to a very great and previously unheard of expense for their outfits.”49 Among the creative team for the wedding, three organizers held sufficiently high rank to be present as actor-spectators in their own show: Niccold Gaddi (ten staff, in black velvet), Giovanni de’ Bardi (five, in red striped with gold velvet and fringed with turquoise and silver), and Emilio de’ Cavalieri (six, black velvet with silver trim). Gaddi, who was looking at the very arches

for which he had written the program, understood their symbolism better than anyone present; but all three men, with their inside knowledge of the day-to-day planning process, would also have seen the unfolding pageant from some self-conscious distance, as a deliberately constructed cultural artifact. Of the more logistical court functionaries, the majordomo Enea Vaini attended (five escorts, in black velvet), though Fedini did not. As both were in the managerial bureaucracy, we may suppose that Vaini looked on the day’s events with something of the same businesslike eye as his co-worker, whose — survey for guest housing had referred to Vincenzo Gonzaga’s suite as “700 mouths” — an impersonal phraseology indicating that, quite apart from their niceties of rank, all these visitors just looked to him like bodies to be fed.5° Most of the entry artists, like Allori and Santi, whose work was long since finished and installed, would have been free to join the crowds in the streets. Their grasp of the official iconography was fragmentary: artisans could not

read the Latin inscriptions, though they were told the narratives of single scenes assigned to them. They would have looked upon the arches primarily as objects they had made, tests of their carefully monitored handiwork, and as

public works providing a boon to family budgets. Whether a painter like Giovanni Cosci, who depicted Catherine’s nonexistent farewell, was troubled by its incongruity or thought of the canvas as simply another made-to-order product, we lack the testimony to say.>! Finally, the general public (according to Gualterotti) snatched glimpses of whatever they could from streets, windows, rooftops and bridges, even from

nearby hills overlooking the Arno. To them, limited in space to a distant panorama, or in time to what could be seen from a fixed vantage point, the complex sequential iconography can have registered as little more than a particularly grandiose example of the street decorations then common on religious and civic festivals — an occasion for joyous color and sound with little precise meaning. On many such occasions (though not recorded here), rulers

were at pains to reinforce the public’s sense of physical plenty, of virtually bathing in their lord’s largesse, by showering the throngs with less abstract gratifications like coins or fountains of wine.>?

144 APRIL 1589 We may, however, suppose (without too great a risk of anachronism) that at least one aspect of the visual display was scrutinized with knowing interest by a significant segment of the audience: Christine’s dress. Marriage, with its attendant ceremonies and decorations, was an experience shared by virtually all women of any class, outside the convents; and both hopeful girls and nostalgic matrons would see reflected and magnified in Christine’s costumed procession a focal point of their own lives. (Some, if they worked in weaving and embroidery, might also have seen their own handiwork.) But a characterization of the audience by gender must look at more than fashion: in particular, at

the restrictions on woman’s participation in public life, as both actor and observer. Among the 166 honored guests Gualterotti lists only one female, Virginia Fiesca, apparently ruler in her own right of Piombino. And because of their high rank, the bride and the Medici princesses rode in the procession, thus seeing it all in proper sequence — a privilege also extended to their 17 female attendants on horseback. For the most part, however, other aristocratic women, if they attended, did so only as spectators, with a stationary view from the newly fashionable enclosed carriages, considered necessary to maintain modesty while their husbands acted the family’s public role. Perhaps the festive mood and crowds loosened the customary constraints on females walking the streets unaccompanied, but it seems likely that most women below the aristocracy watched from windows or other enclosed spaces, where the view would be somewhat more limited than that from the pavement below. Duomo

The procession next turned northward to the Canto de’ Carnesecchi; the arch here glorified the bride’s house of Lorraine, with whose history she was presumably familiar (cat. 3). Her route then went east toward the duomo, whose exterior décor is the only one of which a few fragments survive (cat. 4).

| She was welcomed by Archbishop Alessandro de’ Medici, her new cousin, before a backdrop that chronicled the history of the Church in Florence — and disguised somewhat the rough facade, still unfinished after yet another incon-

clusive design competition. The building’s interior had been closed for a month for temporary construction; Fedini’s Guardaroba was responsible for building a high platform (residenzia) with cushioned seating in the nave. But

extensive permanent decoration had begun decades earlier; the crowning feature of the duomo, the vast fresco covering the ceiling of Brunelleschi’s historic dome, had been recently completed by Cigoli and other artists who were simultaneously employed on the theater and entry. The interior was lit by 38,000 candles (despite broad daylight), and the splendid music and singing were highlighted by a giant white aerial cloud full of performers dressed as

Christine’s Inbound Journey and Entry 145

angels. While the archbishop delivered an oration, this mechanism descended from the dome and landed in front of the bride’s seat, the singing so magnificent that “it seemed like Paradise itself.”>3

Although I know of no records of the churches’ preparations for the wedding events, it is possible at least to sketch the outlines of church patronage. On the day of the entry, Ferdinando made a gift of a new black silk hat to Puteo, the Archbishop of Pisa who carried Christine’s crown. This was but the latest in a series of pious donations connected to the wedding, which continued an elaborate network of gifts and favors between church and state that paralleled, and intersected with, the reciprocal patronage between state and patriciate. Although all classes craved the spiritual blessings of the church, royalty particularly sought to share in its aura of sacred legitimacy; in return,

these religious foundations, often headed by junior members of the great patrician families, were large institutions that depended on the goodwill of the wealthy and powerful.

Two other prominent examples of this triangulated exchange are the churches of the Santissima Annunziata and San Marco, both of which enshrined important relics of special interest to the pious Christine. On April 22, Ferdinando gave a pair of richly chased silver candlesticks — almost six feet high and valued at 5,000 scudi apiece — to the Annunziata, which was sched-

uled to reveal a relic for Christine in May. Additional endowments were provided by wealthy patricians who, like the grand duke, had blood ties to the church hierarchy: the prior at SS. Annunziata was Domenico Salviati, and it was two Salviati brothers who paid for the new chapel at San Marco, also to be a focus of elaborate ritual involving Christine. These patrons, Antonio and Averardo di Filippo Salviati, witnessed the entry with attendants dressed in black velvet, no doubt (as with the Guicciardini escort) from the family’s own cloth mills, which had also purveyed fabrics for the outfits of their customers and cousins, the Medici.5* Canto de’ Bischeri

After the duomo rituals, the procession headed east to the Canto de’ Bischeri, where the Habsburg dynasty was represented by the late Emperor

Charles V and his son Philip IT of Spain (cat. 5). The honor paid to the imperial family was much reduced here compared to the 1565 entry, because

political shifts had led to the selection of Christine, rather than another Austrian archduchess, as Ferdinando’s bride. Although he owed the Emperor Rudolf II feudal acknowledgment and needed to remain on civil terms with Philip as Spanish influence in Italian affairs grew, Ferdinando disliked and | distrusted them. So it seems hardly accidental that this is the least elaborate set

146 APRIL 1589 piece, and one of only two that do not form an actual vault; two panels merely frame the street, but lack the “overarching” upper element, passage beneath which would signify submission. All the same, familial alliances linked both bride and groom to the Empire and Spain, complicating the official line on their states’ relations (see Appendix, genealogical table). Through his deceased sister-in-law, Joanna of Aus-

tria, Ferdinando had been indirectly related to Philip, her first cousin. Christine’s Habsburg connections were closer: her maternal uncle Charles IX of France married Elizabeth, granddaughter of Charles V and sister of Rudolf, and her aunt Elisabeth (sister of Charles IX) had married Philip. No doubt she noticed, while inspecting the painting of Catherine’s family at the Carraia arch, that Philip had been pointedly omitted from the painted spouses of the queen’s children, a reminder that Christine’s new position would require some juggling of personal and political concerns. Canto deglt Antellesi The next to last arch, at the Canto degli Antellesi, continued the family theme — here the Medici, centered on Cosimo I and his forebears and deeds (cat. 6). Significantly, the main activity chosen was Cosimo’s fortification of ‘Tuscan cities, which Christine had just seen at Livorno. Given the slow pace of

her procession, at about this point the theater workers would have been leaving their hurried half-day of overtime, encouraged no doubt to attend

| what was left of the procession, which by then was close to their work site. We may imagine Pagolini and Rosselli, or the carpenters Domenico and Orazio,

passing through the remaining barricades around the Uffizi and jostling through the crowds to arrive at the Bischeri or Antellesi arches in time to catch

sight of Christine. Like the entry artists and the general populace, these artisans would have known little of interfamily tensions at the upper levels of European society or of distant urbanization. If they were impressed, it was more likely by the thought of the practical benefits this giant local project had brought to their friends, family, or professional associates. Palazzo Vecchio

Passing through the Antellesi arch, Christine’s cortege spilled out into the Piazza della Signoria, curving around the square in a long arc before arriving at the door of the Palazzo Vecchio, the ancient symbol of city power, adorned with a facade whose theme was the apotheosis of Tuscany (cat. 7). In the main scene, [uscany receives a crown and hands a scepter to Florence: both allegorical figures are female, and in their courtly robes and granducal coronets, must have resembled Christine herself at this moment. Life reflected art as Orazio

Christine’s Inbound Journey and Entry 147

Rucellai took the bride’s crown and carried it before her as she entered her new home. As she passed under this image, did she reflect on the disjunction between the ideal allegorical realm, where women reigned supreme, and the actual world she was entering, in which brides merely mediated relations between men and a wife’s powers extended only as far as the limits of her own body and dowry? Probably not: she had been schooled to this system since birth, and besides she must have been exhausted from her all-day ceremonial performance (Gualterotti never mentions lunch) and glad to escape from public scrutiny. But the inescapable gender divisions of society also met her inside the palazzo, where the principal ladies of her new family escorted her to her rooms, accompanied by her own female relatives and attendants. While the men of their families carried out duties assigned by the grand duke’s establishment, the Medici princesses and such ladies-in-waiting as Camilla Rucellai and Francesca Orsini were already establishing the rituals of Christine’s personal household, a court-within-a-court that offered (alongside the convents) one of the few spheres for female administration and artistic patronage.°* Christine relaxed in the women’s quarters for the late afternoon, then dined quietly, “and having finished supper with great satisfaction, went to rest from the labors of the day.” If she was tired, so were the many participants and

spectators, like the young noblemen who had carried her canopy all day through the crowded streets. (In compensation for the expense of their own outfits, they were given Christine’s horse and its gilded trappings, “as a token

of the honor [they had] received” — yet another instance of the complex exchange of gifts and favors.)°® At least their work was over, as was that of the musicians and soldiers; not so for the theater staff, who had worked half that

day, despite the holiday. Though no doubt glad for the afternoon diversion,

they, too, probably went to bed early, still tired from their overtime and needing to marshal strength for the following day’s final dress rehearsal and Tuesday’s premiere performance.

CHAPTER SIX

May 1589 THE WEDDING AS/IN PERFORMANCE Throughout the month of May, the multiple interlocking preparations we have been following over most of the past year at last culminated, “playing themselves out” in the actual theatrum mundi. As each spectacle in turn reached its opening day, the fundamental quality of theater as a space of controlled artifice spread across the time and space of the entire city. A sum-

mary calendar of these events was given in the Introduction; as the most extensive and best documented are those of May 2 (intermedi) and May 11 (Pitti), the following chronological account will focus on them while summarizing the remaining entertainments. (For additional details see relevant Catalogue entries.) During this period, as already at Christine’s entry, the term production shifted its principal referent from “making” to “acting,” and the most relevant analytical metaphors accordingly shift from those of rehearsal to performance

and spectatorship. The play was a performance in the narrowly theatrical sense, but the audiences for all of these events were also performing a largescale social ritual, costumed and staged throughout the capital city over several weeks: they were “cast” as actors themselves, as well as viewers. Moreover, this audience/cast kept shifting: a number of high-ranking guests arrived too late to participate in Christine’s entry and even subsequent events, then staggered their departures through May and June.! Accordingly, we must continue to consider the multiple audiences for the event, and what levels or modes of “reading” predominated along various fault

lines of class, sex, age, and occupation. In the analysis of such events as historical texts I seek to excavate how, and in what proportions, audience responses varied along the twin coordinates that were earlier termed depth and surface, ranging from conceptual meaning to perceptual abundance as well as economic and social implications. This attempt, like that of imagining audience interaction with Christine’s entry, is unavoidably speculative. Beyond the difficulties inherent in “psychoanalyzing the dead,” the available 148

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The Wedding As/In Performance 149

record is fragmentary and biased. Although some indirect access to the activities and thoughts of the theater workers is available through the backstage

accounts, all the other written reports are filtered through their authors’ identification with the urban elite. The month began with a typical example of this problem. On Monday, May 1, Christine and the court mainly rested from the rigors of the previous day’s entry. [he sole ceremonial was provided by the citizens of Peretola, a village then just beyond the city walls, who wheeled two decorated chariots through

the gates in tribute to the bridal couple: one bore a working fountain, the other a maypole. May Day, the primitive nature-feast of returning spring and eros, was an appropriate time to present such a ritual fertility charm. Unfortunately, however, about this civic arts project — one of the few contributions to the wedding apparently made and paid for entirely by ordinary citizens —

we have only the word of the diarist Giuseppe Pavoni, who remarks patronizingly that the richly garlanded and fruit-bedecked maypole cart “was considered, for something rustic, quite a marvelous invention.” We may never know for certain whether the Peretolan villagers deserved Pavoni’s sneering assumption that they did not understand maypole art with the learned depth of a Giovanni Bardi. And we are even further from intuiting how the “rustic” mode of production in a suburban town, based probably on a simpler but widely shared creative tradition rather than on the court’s division

between self-consciously innovative designer and subordinate executants, might have informed the intentions and perceptions of those anonymous artist-actors. Nor, for that matter, do we know much of Pavoni himself, other

than that he must have had some official cooperation in order to join Christine’s party at Genoa and follow her for several weeks to record the festivities for publication. As the following discussion will show, however, in their printed accounts Pavoni and the other chroniclers of these events — Simone Cavallino and, toa

lesser extent, Gualterotti and Rossi — unwittingly reveal much about the values and interests of the aristocratic class regarding artistic-political ritual and entertainment. Whether these authors were themselves members of that class or merely its hired scribes, their descriptions and commentaries assume that their readership shares with them three broad concerns of the wealthy elite, in which depth and surface interlock: social rank, titles, and protocol; magnificence of display, especially fabrics and jewelry (fully one quarter of Cavallino’s volume details the entry liveries), with an attendant curiosity about such quantitative measures as size and cost, some patently exaggerated; and

(largely for men) the physical prowess and competition of the militarychivalric tradition.

(150 MAY 1589 TUESDAY, MAY 2

There are no notes in Seriacopi’s logbook for the day of the premiere of La pellegrina and the intermedi — no doubt because the entire staff and crew were

at the Uffizi theater from early morning on and could communicate immediately in person regarding such last-minute preparations as filling lamps, touching up sets, and repairing costumes. The interior of the theater, whose _ gradual construction and decoration we have followed since the previous summer, was richly hung with rose-pink hangings over the walls and across the proscenium and set about with the great lamps, chiaroscuro paintings, and plaster sculptures and fountains. While certainly grandiose in scale and elaboration, the hall’s exact seating capacity is hard to determine. Contemporary estimates range from 3,800 to 5,000, both figures surely exaggerated; the floor area specified by Rossi more likely accommodated between 1,000 and 1,300 persons.* The invited audience began to arrive at the Uffizi late in the afternoon; as they mounted Vasari’s heroically scaled entry stair, the laborious climb would have created a figurative as well as architectural elevation, a feeling of heavenward ascent to a transfigured — in Rossi’s word, “superhuman” (sovrumano) — realm. After filing into the theater, women went up onto the tiered gradi, men

to their chairs on the floor. High clerical officials may have watched from above, through the west windows that overlooked the interior of the hall from

the gallery level (fig. 5). These openings were hung with red drapes by the grand duke’s personal order, and 24 stools were ordered by Cavalieri for “up in

the heavens in the rooms of the gallery”; such accommodations, somewhat like box seats in modern theaters, would have allowed the discreet distance from purely secular entertainments that decorum required of churchmen.° Ferdinando and Christine arrived last, probably via Vasari’s elevated passageway from the Pitti. (One “Zacharia, guard of the Corridor” received a new livery on this day.) They would thus have avoided any contact with the assembling crowd until the moment of their sudden, quasi-magical arrival into the expectant auditorium. Christine was all in white; whereas her entry gown had been tailored in the French style, Pavoni takes pains to note that she was now dressed in Florentine fashion, completing her transformation into a Tuscan. As the couple approached the foyer outside the theater, she would have seen carved into the landing doors the coats-of-arms of the Medici and Florence, including the lily that the family and city shared heraldically and historically with France. Perhaps she paused to contemplate in this armorial confluence a personal meaning: not only was she now and henceforth a Florentine, but in some dynastically inevitable sense, she had “always already” been one.°

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The bridal pair entered the room to a musical flourish and seated themselves with their family on the richly draped palco, which had been painted and upholstered with only days to spare. Unlike the rest of the hall, here men and women sat together: at this symbolic level, royal rank somewhat superseded gender divisions. As soon as they were seated, all 16 of the standing candelabra simultaneously burst into light from invisible wicks, while trellises

of espaliered greenery rose up to block the waning daylight yet permit air circulation. The audience was left for some minutes to take in the magically transformed atmosphere, an artificial twilight lit by hundreds of candles. A good portion of guests turned their gaze to the living, rather than the architectural, decorations; Rossi’s account is worth citing at length, not only because it captures the splendid ambience but because of its blithe assumption — later codified by Sabbattini in his treatise — that the viewers are male, the women around them merely part of the spectacle: “Once the lights were lit, and falling

on the ornaments and precious gems that the seated gentlewomen wore on their heads, hands, and clothing, all the gradi seemed loaded with shimmering stars, which drew to themselves the eyes of all those around them, who, with unbelieving pleasure, as if their eyes had never been struck by anything like it, could not get their fill of staring at the splendor of the jewels and the beauties of these young women.””

Intermedio 1 The men in the audience were only reluctantly interrupted by the ritual of starting the performance: Rossi goes on, “Nor would they ever have taken their eyes from this most lovely object, had not the Artificer received a sign from the Grand Duke” to begin the performance. In that gesture to Buontalenti, who was ensconced in his windowed control booth beneath the gradi, Ferdinando summoned up all the resources — political, artistic, technological, logistic — at his service, setting in motion the forces he had long been coordinating for the culminating artistic apotheosis of himself, his territory, and his bride. In an instant, the movable wall hangings dropped behind the gradi and the stage curtain fell, revealing both the auditorium decorations and the first stage set. This architectural colonnade, for which no visual record survives, was apparently planned as part of the view of Rome that Rossi describes at the beginning of intermedio 1 (cat. 8-25). Its Corinthian order exactly matched the wall articulation of the theater, forming a single composition uniting stage with auditorium. Before being removed to make way for subsequent actions,

this setting made manifest the subtext of the coming fantasy: that social life |

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and stage life were integral mirror images, that the world was a theater just as the theater was a world.® As the musicians located behind the drops and in the rear balcony struck up

| their first chords, Vittoria Archilei descended in her green velvet Harmony costume, singing the prologue “From the highest spheres.” Her cloud was presumably no longer shaking, as two crew members had been assigned to locations “behind Vittoria.”? The allegorical themes of the evening were here set out: harmony, both musical and social, descends from a celestial source; control over people, machines, and art were all united at this moment into what Rossi (15-19) called an anfiteatro perfetto, the last word carrying overtones of being both innately perfect and actively perfected. Archilei, joined by the sirens and gods on more clouds in the starry heaven, invoked the twin foci of the evening, addressing them as the “new Minerva, and mighty Hercules.” This retrospective, classicizing language was an inteeral part of Renaissance allegorical discourse. Within the controlling myth of the Golden Age, perfection meant return, the reestablishment of an ideal that once was. The intermedi thus make few overt references to mundane practicality; rather, all contemporary reality is understood to be present by analogy, in traditional tropes that the present aims to replicate. The resultant text

is thus overdetermined: multiple meanings could have been discovered, or read into it, by the spectators, probably without the modern historian’s frequent sense of the ironic distance between discursive image and earthly actuality. For example, in the chorus “To you, royal lovers,” the Fates and Sirens declare, “let us weave garlands for such great rulers,” occluding the fact that real people, not demigods, had been mobilized to fabricate the floral decorations onstage — a circumstance probably well known to the audience, whose sisters and daughters filled the convents that contracted so much of this work. Only one contemporary issue is addressed directly: the next chorus tells of

heaven “blazing with amorous zeal” for the newlyweds, making clear the sexual fertility that was Christine’s primary function in her new family and that

formed a recurrent leitmotif in the ceremonies. Two days before at the duomo, she had been blessed by her cousin the archbishop (now probably present, in the gallery) with a prayer that God “would soon grant her the bearing of children, for the peace and satisfaction of her people,” just as one of

the hymns by Palla Rucellai had wished her “glorious offspring” (gloriosa prole).1°

Prominently seated in the audience, no doubt — though probably not together — were Giovanni de’ Bardi and Emilio de’ Cavalieri; Giovanni Battista Strozzi, who invented the theater’s decorative program and some intermedi text, was also likely there, as well as Rossi, who had been collaborating

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with the others for many months. Like Niccolé Gaddi at the triumphal entry, these men had directly conceived the formal iconography of the event and would have understood more of its official significance than anyone present. At the same time, however, as rival leaders of old and new factions in the court artistic hierarchy, Bardi and Cavalieri were well aware of the contingent nature of their creation: they had been jockeying for precedence while forced to work together, and Bardi had seen his planned finale replaced by Cavalieri’s,

plus other changes made too late to incorporate into Rossi’s account. Although all of these creators must have felt considerable satisfaction as members of the intelligentsia with the power to shape culture, they knew that what was finally appearing onstage was no embodiment of transcendent, eternal truth but a hybrid product of conflict and compromise.

La Pellegrina At the conclusion of the opening intermedio, the heavenly scene rapidly disappeared to expose the fixed houses of Pisa with their smoking chimneys, an imperfect image of which can be gained from the problematic engraving (cat. 68). As we have seen, the play’s plot was a compliment to the bride: the dignified matron Drusilla — played by a young Sienese man — enters Pisa, just as Christine had done the week before, and the good citizens of the town are helped out of their overlapping confusions by this devout, wise, and generous

dea ex machina. The thematic interrelation of play and intermedi, recommended by such theoreticians as Leone de’ Sommi and Bernardo Pino, is clear: in the comedy, Juno-like, she brings order and harmony into the sphere of love and domestic relations, just as Ferdinando does, Jove-like, in the wider political realm figured by the interludes. ‘The well-tamed Pisan patricians in

the audience were no doubt gratified to see their hometown so flatteringly integrated into the wedding imagery, albeit as the butt of comedy. Though the characters are often foolish or knavish, the aristocratic viewers would have taken no personal offense, because the cast of “locals” is bourgeois and lowerclass; the spectators’ loyalties on this occasion lay more with the pan- Tuscan elite seated around them than with their local geographic community.!!

Intermedio 2 and Intermedio 3 At the conclusion of Act 1, the houses of Pisa were covered up by the woodsy springtime backdrop for intermedio 2, the contest of Muses and Pierides (cat. 26-32). By all accounts, the mountain rose from the floor without notable difficulty, and the little boys playing the magpies ran about with suitable comic energy. For the third tableau, the scene returned to the woods, perhaps using some of the same side panels, but now with a charred central

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area marking the cave of the firebreathing dragon — who must have been dreaded by the mythical Delphians no more than by the stage artisans, who had barely finished the giant, complex creature in time for this performance (cat. 33-50). The cardboard Apollo descended on a wire, to be replaced by a living dancer. The serpent, wheeled about by men hidden inside, bared its fangs and shook its head, spitting flames; once defeated, it died gushing a pool of inky blood. Apollo was meant to figure Ferdinando — a flattering parallel dating back to Cosimo I, who was fond of imaging himself as the sun god and as another dragonslayer, Perseus.!2

But what of the chief craftworker, Piero Pagolini, who was up on the catwalk to release the cardboard deity? Did he perhaps see this whole backstage world literally “from another angle” — from above the stage, looking down in a distanced, maplike view at his own handiwork? He had helped make the dragon and probably helped hang the wires for Apollo, and he had crafted some of the coral on the Delphian costumes (before the job was taken away for lateness). Although his position, as subject and spectator, moved from place to place, it was always at the margins, behind the scenes, where the principal focus is on making something physically happen, not on the higher levels of meaning that the frontal face of the illusion might present to the audience’s viewpoint. To see all of this apparatus smoothly operating below him may have given Pagolini some sense of professional satisfaction as a technician. How far such thoughts typified the other hundred stagehands, at whom Pagolini could look across the catwalks and below him — most of them craftworkers, with similar but less specialized tasks of making and moving — is unknown. The symbolic content of the six intermedi, however, must have seemed remote from such

| pragmatically focused part-time workers, the more so as it made little overt appeal to the working classes, who were not in the audience. Perhaps a generic

reference to rustic mortals might have been heard in the Delphians’ final chorus, addressing “O fortunate countryside, O fortunate hills,” which have been freed from fear by “the eternally glorious gods”; but common people are figured here, if at all, only as grateful supplicants to higher power. Not that Pagolini or the rest of the crew needed the allegorized landscape

of Delos to remind them of their dependency on Ferdinando. Many of the stagehands are identified in Seriacopi’s crew list as “our worker” (MR 311), that is, regularly employed by the palace workshops. No doubt most were grateful for the temporary second income, but Ferdinando was less an Apollo to them than a distant authority who owned this theater where they were

employed, dictated their working hours, and disciplined or fired them

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through bureaucratic intermediaries such as Alfonso Parigi and the dragonlike Seriacopi. It was at the conclusion of intermedio 3 during the earlier dress rehearsal that a refreshment break was inserted; no such intermission seems to have taken place at the premiere, however, as Rossi always says the sets changed instantaneously to the next, without interruption. Six intermedi and five play acts apparently totaled some seven hours; such a lengthy ritual was physically demanding for all involved, especially for the audience, who seem not to have gotten so much as a short respite to use the crew’s toilet buckets. Moreover, in spite of the open windows and the vent holes in the roof, heat and smoke accumulated. Rossi exults that the sweet odors in the theater, combining the gentlewomen’s perfumes, the naturalistic Pisa chimneys, and the aroma of the fountain waters, exceeded all but “Arabia itself”; but Cavalieri’s request during rehearsal to scent the chimney-smoke “so it doesn’t stink” alerts us that perfume in the theater, like that on bodies for whom daily washing was not common, was less a plus than a palliative, at best disguising what was still a pungent atmosphere. In a word, it was crowded, warm, and smelly, and the spectators had to fight off both drowsiness and discomfort. !3 Backstage, the hardworking personnel of whatever social class — all of whom were, as at rehearsals, provided full meals in shifts — were in this case better treated than the patrician audience. We can imagine typical stagehands such as the mason Francesco Zanobini and the carpenter Giovanni di Domenico — who, like most of the crew, had no assignment for the technically simple intermedio 3 — stopping off during that act to eat their bread and cheese in one of the backstage rooms. They needed the energy: Zanobini was a crew leader (caporale) for one of the heavenly clouds (1 and 6) and chief for all

of intermedio 4, while Giovanni operated one of the “eels” for cloud-ropes in

1, then moved the stage left houses for 2, and later the winch that raised Lucifer.14

Intermedio 4 Invisibly guided by Zanobini and his crew, the sorceress (Lucia Caccini) came across the sky before the Pisa set disappeared, intruding into realistic space and time with another epithalamic vision of the golden age. The limits to the audience’s grasp of this recondite iconography can be gauged by their confusion here: the spirits of the air conjured by her on the large central cloud

were meant as supernatural but quite “secular” demigods, but as Pavoni frankly recorded, “because they all had artificial wings of fiery red sarcenet [silk], many people took them for angels.”!5 The scene for intermedio 4 then

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changed to hell, whose giant Lucifer, like the dragon, had just barely been completed in time (cat. 51-53). Amid a Dantesque antimasque of tormented souls, the devils lamented that the new era of goodness on earth would deprive them of any future victims. Here Bardi could count on most people spotting

his references: Rossi (53-54) cites two iconographically relevant tercets of Dante’s Inferno which, although not in the sung text, were probably familiar to the literate audience. At the gruesome finale, all the monsters descended back into the trap amid understage smoke and flames that contributed, yet again, to the stuffy atmosphere.

Intermedio 5

Amphitrite, queen of the sea, issued from the wave machines to open intermedio 5, seated on her movable mother-of-pearl shell pulled by dolphins made by Pagolini, and wearing some of his coral pieces (cat. 54-62). The

goddess’s tribute to Christine, “I who rein in the waves with my power... come to bow to you,” resonated with Tuscan claims to maritime hegemony, enthusiastically proclaimed elsewhere in the Uffizi by the mother-of-pearl bands and shells with which Buontalenti was then decorating the vault of the Tribuna. But as Christine, Don Pietro, Orazio Rucellai, and the Orsini who had sailed with her all well knew, such docility was a far cry from Christine’s actual journey, when the forces of nature often did not cooperate. Amphitrite’s messsage is, once again, fertility: her nymphs and tritons foresee issuing from the royal couple “such a brilliant progeny that it will adorn

both poles” of the globe — an allusion to Ferdinando’s attempt at world economic and political reach. Beyond the general hope for dynastic continuity, this forecast hid more specific political symbolism: the prophesied demigod will “chase from the world the cruel and evil serpent whose desire to have more constantly increases” — generally understood to refer to Philip II of Spain, then encroaching greedily on Italian soil. If they understood this swipe, it must have been an uncomfortable moment for the Spanish ambassador and for Don Pietro de’ Medici, who when not piloting his brother’s fleet served Philip as a military commander.!6 For the second part of this tableau, Arion’s giant ship glided onstage, circled about, and dipped its sails to honor the bridal pair; in another late change in the text, Jacopo Peri as Arion sang his own song before jumping overboard. By this time a sense of relief must have been spreading among all backstage, that they had “pulled it off” with no major problems and only one act remaining. At the same time, energy was probably beginning to flag, and they may have

enjoyed the comic respite of the finale, as the sailors rejoiced in Arion’s

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supposed death and divided the spoils. This chorus was meant as a macabre burlesque, but the mariners’ attitude here was probably not too unlike the actual crews of the Order of Santo Stefano, many of whom were criminals at forced labor; the Order was seen by the Turks, at least, as little more than a pious front for piracy.!’ Intermedio 6 The culminating and most splendid of the intermedi, requiring 82 stagehands, filled the entire stage with all seven flower-covered clouds, with golden rays and gold “raining down” from heaven (cat. 63-66). Jupiter sat at the summit, in the open-shuttered heaven, in council with his major deities, while below them on the central cloud Apollo and Bacchus descended to earth with Rhythm and Harmony, Jupiter’s consoling gifts to a laboring humankind. Twenty rustic couples came onstage to marvel at the apparition and to receive it joyfully; the gods took these nymphs and shepherds by the hand, and all danced and sang together in the grand epithalamic finale that became known as the “Aria di Firenze.”!8 As before, the text continued to occlude mundane reality: “Let nymphs and shepherds weave a triumphal diadem of the loveliest flowers” again erases the

women who made this stage property. The chorus also prays, “May Clio weave the stories of such eternal glories,” but that cultural “fabric-ation” was

worked, not by the remote and timeless female Muse of history, but by a contemporary team of almost exclusively male propagandists — many of whom, being in the audience, were well aware of this disjunction.!? In addition to changes already noted, the new text for the finale had been fitted to Cavalieri’s music by Laura Guidiccioni Lucchesini; she, too, was probably in the house, but seated to one side on the gradi, and thus made aware of her marginalized status. As she heard her words sung by the trio of female performers (Archilei, Caccini, and Margherita) who also danced and accompanied themselves, perhaps she, and they, were quietly exulting in this break-

through, however limited and tenuous, in women’s access to the creative voice.

Rhythm and Harmony were the basis of the dance, and dance is a continual

thread throughout the intermedi; indeed, as implied in the martial ballet of Apollo/Ferdinando, it was the ultimate metaphor of princely authority. Although Rossi is silent on this point, the evening may have ended with a hallo alla francese in which Ferdinando and Christine took part.2° Whether they themselves danced, the scripted finale was already an apotheosis in which the heavenly chorus beckoned the onstage mortals to accept “the sweet sound of

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celestial harmony.” The reference, indirect as always, is to the bargain each Medici prince had struck with the populace, in effect: “Dance to my tune, and I'll provide order and prosperity.” And in fact the entire audience for this event was dancing an elaborate ritual pavane of grateful attendance upon their ruler. Such secular ritual, which already embodies a near-religious willingness of mortals to play their assigned roles in an eternally ordained world theater, dovetails with the parallel role of the dance as the ultimate metaphor and ideal spiritual form of the Neoplatonic cosmology. Both politicians and philosophers envisioned a hierarchical cosmos whose many individual figures and forms revolved around a single center in fixed paths accompanied by that divine “music of the spheres” engendered by the Sirens of the framing intermedi. Cavalieri’s choreography for the final ba/lo, which was printed with Malvezzi’s score (fig. 11), suggests by its concentric circular patterns this ideal of a harmonically, and harmoniously, stabilized social and physical universe.?! Alongside this philosophical conceit, the dance also retained its links to archaic fertility rituals. Guidiccioni’s text, invoking Hymen and Venus, declares that “the noble virgin burns with sacred fire and girds herself for the game of love,” from which “demigods will be born.” The proximate goal of all this sensuously pulsating movement was symbolic orgasm, with its ecstatic promise of renewal and continuity in the birth of an heir. For the space of a few enchanted hours, the cogs of the stage machinery, human as well as mechanical, had meshed as effortlessly and productively as the Sirens’ crystal spheres, as pleasurably as two bodies synchronized in lovemaking. The theatrum mundi was, for a brief moment, as near to actualization as it could ever come, while Ferdinando and Christine acted both the stars of the divine firmament and the stars of their own earthly show. Once the stage lights went dark and the music ceased, the hungry audience no doubt moved as fast as decorum permitted across the aerial bridge to the ensuing banquet in the Palazzo Vecchio. Over and above the triumphalist iconography of Vasari’s permanent décor for the Sala dei Cinquecento, tem-

porary additions included the raised platform for the bridal table with its sculptured backdrop, this and other ephemera designed and painted by Allori,

Buontalenti, and Rosselli. The food served on this occasion represents another intersection of practical production and artistic fantasy. The banquet far exceeded the meal just served backstage not only in quantity (the palazzo kitchens had recently been enlarged) but also in the amount of labor expended to exploit even basic bodily needs as a pretext for decorative artifice. The sole

record of artistic involvement in this occasion hints at the splendor of the

The Wedding As/In Performance 159

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[(sonexecsemenbanbanmieemenmenttnetmagenmmesrmpttiemess. ¢ Once inside, spectators were again assigned to sex-separated seating: women on gradi under the courtyard arcade, men on the two balconies above. The women’s seating rose above a continuous barricade nearly 6 feet high, covered with pitch, to hold in the water for the naumachia. The manifold components

of Buontalenti’s decorative apparatus, under construction since November 1588, have been discussed in earlier chapters — including the castle with its four barely finished backdrops, the giant pinkish-red awning overhead, lighting, costumes, and wall-coverings of swags, garlands, and painted and gilded papier-maché cartouches. Many of these constructions are illustrated in the two views of the court that bracket this group of prints: before the opening parade (cat. 71) and during the naumachia (cat. 87). No sooner had the audience seated themselves than the proceedings were unexpectedly delayed for an hour by a sudden torrential rainstorm which, despite the awning, flooded the sealed arena and drenched the exposed male onlookers. Seriacopi, explicitly foreseeing this threat, had required the awning to be reinforced with ropes “so that it can resist the sudden violence of the winds, which can do incredible damage.” Once again, however — as with

166 MAY 1589

Christine’s sea journey — the most careful human planning was limited in the face of what Seriacopi called nature’s furia impetuosa. The universal frustration

with a capricious cosmos comes through in Cavallino’s complaint that the weather “had no respect for either His Serene Highness or the most noble company. ”37

Although often discussed as if they were discrete events, the first two parts of the program were actually alternating components of an integrated first act; Ferdinando’s dislike of his late sister-in-law notwithstanding, both followed the format laid down in the previous such joust at the Pitti, for Francesco’s wedding to Bianca Cappello. The chariot parade was a series of some dozen triumphal entries by various individuals and groups of male combatants; each troupe descended from its allegorical vehicle to engage in a period of foot combat (called a sbarra from the barrier erected between sides, visible in cat. 71) before quitting the field to make way for the next group’s entry. Thanks to

the nearly complete sequence of engravings and the two detailed though sometimes conflicting written accounts, it is possible to reassemble much of the sequence and general iconography, though gaps and inconsistencies remain.3®

First, as prologue, came a bearded necromancer on a chariot drawn by bears (cat. 72), who magically “conjured” up all the following “inventions.” Each succeeding float drove into the arena preceded and followed by foot soldiers or other costumed attendants with torches and weapons; some cars were drawn by animals, others by men, at times hidden inside the float to simulate a magic effortlessness. Each suite circled the arena and stopped in front of Christine to pay respects, whereupon the riders dismounted and the chariot drove away, leaving its passengers to perform various feats of arms. The first of these fictive apparitions (cat. 73-74) bore the two presiding officials (santenitori) of the evening, Duke Vincenzo Gonzaga and Don Pietro de’ Medici. Because Ferdinando himself, as host, was already seated, the arrival of his brother and nephew was the closest to an actual monarchical entry in the procession; accordingly, as seen earlier, it was designed by Buontalenti himself and executed by Seriacopi’s staff. The four winged demons shown helping to draw the chariot may illustrate part of the suite of eight men in serpentlike green who were “to steer [governare] the chariot of S.A.S.” (presumably referring to the patron, not the riders) and whose costumes were also provided by the administration to Buontalenti’s design: each received “a headdress of a fury, six snakes, a mask, and two devil wings.” Some of these items were apparently borrowed from the Uffizi wardrobe: in his orders the

day before, Seriacopi had told Gorini to bring over “eight headdresses of infernal furies” (probably from the hell scene of intermedio 4), “eight fury

The Wedding As/In Performance 167

masks that were used for the comedy” and eight pairs of devil wings.3? Buontalenti had similarly specified that nine women’s outfits, most likely those for

the muses of intermedio 2, were to be reassigned to “the musicians to be seated on the chariot,” probably Don Virginio’s, and 16 costumes “from the ship” (of intermedio 5) would serve for parade attendants on foot, with new props such as torches and lances (visible in cat. 80, 83).4° This reappearance of the identical fantasy equipment across the spatial and temporal stage of the wedding suggests two inferences about its iconography

and audience responses. First, somewhat generic costumes and attributes were practicable because the repertory of themes and character types underlying all these chivalric entertainments descended from a few interrelated keystones of the Italian literary tradition: from Dante’s epic of Christian good and evil, through Petrarch’s descriptions of courtly love and allegorical triumphs, to the more recent epic poetry of Ariosto and ‘Tasso, whose medievalizing romances were set in a meravigha-filled world of supernatural enchantments, chivalric deeds, and natural wonders. (Cat. 81 recalls the animals transformed by Circe, the enchantress-queen of Ariosto’s Orlando furioso.) Second, although the elite audience at the Pitti would certainly have been weaned on these classics, most were not professional literati, and they varied greatly in their iconographic sophistication and interest. To judge from a close

reading of our two chroniclers, Pavoni and Cavallino, they (and/or their intended readers) were familiar with stock types and motifs but not sensitive to subtleties of detail. As seen earlier in Pavoni’s description of the intermedi, the audience was likely to confuse air-spirits and angels; similarly, although the learned Rossi had specifically noted that the rustic opening of intermedio 1

featured Doric Harmony descending into a Doric temple, Pavoni refers to Vittoria Archilei simply as “a lady” who hides behind “certain rocks.” Cavallino is even more vague and confused, getting the intermedi out of order and conflating several into one; for the joust and chariots, however, he is the more systematic and detailed guide, perhaps betraying a particular military bent or background.#! The conclusion suggested by these readings is that the audience was interested in these various familiar narratives less for their depth of exact meaning than as standardized pretexts for surface display, astonishment, humor, and the celebration of a generic valor. To be sure, there are nuances as to which aspects of such spectacle attract individual eyes: only Pavoni, more alert to mannerist artifice, describes the moving topiary of the finale, whereas Cavallino concentrates on swordplay. In both accounts, however, it is clear that the succession of complex retinues and actions moved too quickly to be analyzed at length. The disparities between the descriptions, the different details they

168 MAY 1589

select out of an overwhelming richness, suggest that it was simply impossible for even the best-intentioned observer to take it all in. Other floats included one sponsored by the prominent Guicciardini family (cat. 76), whom we met in Chapter 2 as suppliers of fabric to the court and in Chapter 5 with a large escort at Christine’s entry, where one young son of the

clan helped transport her canopy. Their knights rode a smoking volcano, drawn by more winged devils generically similar to those described for the Medici chariot. Further prints show floats of a ship, Death, an unidentified single knight, and various attendants on foot (cat. 77-80). Both Pavoni and Cavallino also mention one or two floats filled with nymphs in a green and pastoral spring setting, of which no visual record survives.*2 The grand finale comprised a series of interrelated floats organized by Don Virginio Orsini that transcended all others in scale and mechanical wonder-

ment (cat. 81-86). A magician rode in on one chariot filled with animal prisoners (cat. 81), followed by a giant fountain pulled by satyrs, which sprayed considerable water over the women in the lower seats (cat. 82). Then came Virginio himself dressed as Mars and accompanied by the eight female singers in borrowed costumes (cat. 83), who distributed flower-filled baskets (perhaps the nuns’ handiwork, borrowed from the theater) full of his own poetry to the ladies. Only the somewhat more literarily inclined Pavoni noted this homage to aristocratic creativity; in contrast, Cavallino singled out the marchers behind Virginio’s car, “eight soldiers dressed oafishly as women, quite ridiculous with their ugly faces.” It is not surprising that Cavallino, with his predilection for things military, finds these figures comic: once again, however, his lack of interest in their precise identity suggests that the audience appreciated the stock grotesque humor of antimasque types more than allegorical specifics. Virginio’s own chariot was followed by another bearing six armed noblemen (cat. 84). After he dismounted a boxlike garden float appeared (cat. 85), from which slowly unfolded a series of trellised fence units that encircled the entire courtyard, engulfing the sorcerer’s float, which had remained on the field (cat. 86). The final combat, featuring Virginio and his companions, took

place within this enchanted enclosure. Casting the grand duke’s popular young nephew as both a surrogate crown prince and a valiant hero in some episode from Orlando, the combat climaxed with a burst of fireworks from the central barrier.*3

While the audience went inside to dinner, the courtyard was flooded from the grotto piping for the naumachia that followed the intermission (cat. 87). The numerous boats scavenged from the countryside since December were

The Wedding As/In Performance 169

launched from within the grotto arches (visible in the background of the print). A costume sign-out sheet details the combatants: for the Christian forces, 120 assailants in 17 boats, outfitted with jackets, breastplates, and weapons, some in Ferdinando’s livery colors of pink and turquoise; and for the Turks, dressed in trousers alla greca, one flagship and 14 defenders “on land,”

that is, in the castle. Many of these men are identified by place of origin; besides the professional sailors from Pisa noted earlier and a contingent from the villa at Poggio a Caiano, listed locales are widely dispersed around the Mediterranean: Corfu, Genoa, Naples, Crete, Marseilles, and Cyprus. The

overlap between this list, the provenance of the vessels accompanying Christine, and her itinerary suggests that many participants were actual foreign seamen, hired briefly while on shore leave following their recent arrival in Livorno.*4 The prolonged, multistage attack on the fortress is described with tedious relish by both chroniclers: Cavallino, sounding increasingly like an experienced military man, takes even more boyish delight than Pavoni in the noise, smoke, and commotion. Fireworks and artillery bombardments resulted in much splashing about of wounded or panicked fighters in what must have been a very crowded courtyard; the defenders realistically cried out in Turkish, no doubt familiar to sailors. As always in this conventionalized combat, the Christian assailants were victorious, storming the citadel and raising their ensign: the ever-chivalric Cavallino observed that the soldiers then brought the enemy standard as a final tribute to Christine, and the evening ended about 2 a.m. in celebratory music and singing.*° The Pitti spectacular was the last large-scale, state-sponsored cultural debut; all that remained were several simpler productions and repeat performances. From May 11 on, as the festivities began to wind down, the names of various foreign guests appear in scattered documents as taking their leave. In Settimani’s survey of these records, the pace of departures increased through the end of the month, then continued at an ebbing pace into June.

SATURDAY—MONDAY, MAY 13-15

According to Pavoni, the third public performance of the intermedi — this time accompanied by the Compagnia dei Gelosi in their second comedy, La pazzia — took place in the Uffizi on Saturday, May 13. As with some of his

other dates, this one is problematic. Seriacopi’s log makes no mention of preparations for a spectacle on that day; rather, on Saturday Gorini was still replenishing the necessary consumable materials for a performance ordered

170 MAY 1589 , by Ferdinando for two days later. It would seem more likely, then, to reassign

this public evening to Monday, May 15. Given the fluidity of scheduling, however, it is also possible that the event was initially planned for the 15th but

suddenly moved up due to unknown circumstances, or that performances were staged on both days.*¢ Whichever the date, it was now Isabella Andreini’s turn in the spotlight, in a play of her own invention. Pavoni’s personal attitudes are again responsible for specific information about the event. As we have seen, he identified with the elite, going so far as to idealize the bejeweled noblewomen attending the Easter investiture as “goddesses, not women.” As his earlier condescending

comment on the rustic maypole demonstrated, however, he was not so respectful of social inferiors, and it is to him that we owe the gossipy report of the rival actresses’ backstage battle. Andreini’s script featured another convoluted plot of frustrated lovers and confusing disguises, centering on the eponymous Isabella, her znnamorato, and their respective servants, who are also in love and serve as conduits between

, master and mistress. When Isabella’s plan to elope with Fileno is derailed by a jealous rival, she goes insane from grief and rage; it was here that she trumped her predecessor Piissimi with the mad scene, chattering nonsensically in a mix of fractured Spanish, Greek, and other languages. She ended in French, even bursting into French song, from which Pavoni (always the courtier attentive to the moods of his superior) noticed that Christine derived “so much delight that she could not express it.” Whether out of tact or ignorance, he does not speculate whether the new bride, so recently separated from her childhood home and language, also felt homesick, or acutely aware that she was hence-

forth to live among foreigners who found her native tongue a source of laughter.*7

Pavoni tells us that he left Florence on May 15 for Bologna, rushing home

to put out his account of events up to that date. It seems likely, given the overlap between his detailed intermedi description and that of Rossi, that Pavoni took with him for reference a copy of Rossi’s descrizione, published (according to its dedication) the day before. Among the increasing departures was Michele Contarini’s on May 17; on the same day the luckless ambassador of the Duke of Savoy was just arriving, having missed almost all of the major events. With no further attendance anticipated at the Uffizi theater, the only note in Seriacopi'’s log for the week after this performance was a money-saving suggestion from the custodian Cialle Fabbri to raise the curtain separating backstage area from auditorium so the entire interior could be visually surveyed (7 scopri) by a single watchman rather than the two who were needed as long as the stage curtain hung fully in place.*8

The Wedding As/In Performance 171

MAY 23-28 The final event in the Piazza Santa Croce took place on May 23: another form of the joust, a corso al saracino, especially favored by the Duke of Mantua. The entire court attended, the combatants again in splendid costumes; on this

occasion, or perhaps at a second performance the next day, there were also allegorical marchers costumed as goddesses and times of day. In a repeat of the

bad luck of the Pitti evening, here exacerbated by the lack of covering, “the weather, with unexpected rain, ruined such a fine festival.”49 On Sunday, May 28, the last festival procession was staged by 24 young noblemen (giovani nobili) who paraded through the streets dressed as river gods, each with a liveried escort, accompanying the sea god Neptune on a whale-drawn chariot (cat. 88). The equestrian train stopped at various ladies’ houses to sing songs explaining their conceit: that the waters of the earth had come to Florence to pay tribute to the new grand duchess.°° This event was part of a gradual and deliberate absorption into the public ceremonial arena of the giovani, a specific legal category of men age 18 to 24. Traditionally distrusted in age-conscious Florentine society as potentially disruptive or rebellious, they were grudgingly allowed to participate in ritual life, usually under adult supervision, in an attempt to both co-opt and distract them. We have already encountered the young men on the calcio teams, who were captained by men who outranked them in age as well as class; Settimani’s comment that the young river gods’ procession “issued from the stables of the Grand Duke” reveals once again the presiding authority and resource behind the young nobles’ artistic display.>!

In fact, a considerable number of the events already discussed here were

largely entrusted to, or performed by, giovani: the Intronati were young Sienese of this age, as were the scores of canopy holders at Christine’s entry, and the finale to the Pitti parade was organized by Don Virginio Orsini, then

about age 17 and a favorite champion of the ladies. One further wedding pageant, whose precise date remains unknown, was an elaborate religious drama (sacra rappresentazione) performed by young members of the Compaenia di San Giovanni Evangelista: L’esaltazione della croce by Giovan Maria Cecchi (1511-87), along with intermedi, took place on a large outdoor stage erected in an open field.>2 On a symbolic level, the community looked to these splendidly dressed young bucks, then at the peak of their vigor and sexual energy, to embody and invoke sexual virility. In their close attendance on the physical membrane surrounding the bride as she penetrated the city walls and, in the climactic Oceanic procession, showering her with lifegiving liquid, we can espy a deco-

172 MAY 1589

rous displacement of the hoped-for potency of Ferdinando himself in the conception of a dynastic heir. This ritual function cast the giovani in a conflicted and potentially frustrating role: although they figured and fertilized a union, they were not themselves considered mature enough for marriage. Ironically, it was precisely this forced deferral of licit sexual satisfactions, an extended hiatus between adolescence and adult responsibility, that made their elders fear the unfocused high spirits of the young and bred concern over their spending time under the immoral influence of female prostitutes and/or the roving males who might solicit, or be solicited, among the city’s homosexual networks. Also ironically, and perhaps not without connection, one widely encouraged outlet for youthful energy was the theater: a world whose reliance on transvestism, with its fluid ambiguities of gender and sexual identity, made it a suspected hotbed of loose morals, especially sodomy (at least in the better_ documented English theater); further, the theatrical milieu intersected with such equally sexually suspect Italian institutions as music schools, like Bartolommeo Franciosino’s, which provided many freelance performers for the wedding festivities.>3

Although all of this evidence indicates that youth had their own social networks, cultural institutions, and spectator positions, we know little of their

reactions to the roles that society assigned them. The anonymous young Sienese gentleman who impersonated Drusilla, disguised under 44 yards of heavy fabric, was charged with embodying just the sort of “solid” matron he could not himself yet aspire to possess; unfortunately, what he made of this incongruity is lost to us. No doubt most upper-class men eventually made the transition to exclusively heterosexual patriarch, but they were first exposed to other, very different worlds, with consequences for their reading of cultural and especially theatrical texts that await further study. Among the working classes, officially denied any role in political life and ceremonial, young male participation in the wedding was largely subsumed under the workplace. Besides the youthful musicians and actors (a few of them female), young craftworkers participated in the construction and decorations, and some of the stagehands are explicitly called apprentices (garzonz) in the crew lists; of these, the most notable were Francesco Buontalenti and Giulio Parigi, both then young men training under their fathers Bernardo and Alfonso. One formalized conduit then available to commoners for artistic patronage and creativity is surprisingly absent from the wedding records: the companies of neighborhood revel-masters known as potenze, or “powers,” mock courts of working- and middle-class giovani who provided public entertainment — floats, armed combats, and street processions — for carnival and holidays. These clubs, supported by the earlier Medici to curry popularity

The Wedding As/In Performance 173

with working classes, were sufficiently influential by 1573 to mark their geographic boundaries on prominent buildings. It seems all but inconceivable that such populist institutions, then near their apogee, would not have contributed in some way to the festivities. If they did, then the silence of the elite chroniclers perhaps represents a hardening absolutism, less concerned than in

immediately postrepublic times to trumpet its support from common urbanites.°4 By the date of the concluding Neptune procession, its audience would have been principally local citizens: as May turned to June, many of the guests and reporters who had converged so brilliantly over a period of three to six weeks had already gone home. For the new grand duchess, it was time to develop the routines of a daily life; for her many subjects, employees, and other contributors to the wedding festivities, to settle slowly back to normal. Seriacopi made

only a few more entries in his log, and closed it on June 10, after a last performance of the intermedi on June 8. The final curtain had rung down on

the wedding; all that remained was to clean up, settle the accounts, and complete the propagandistic work of commemorative texts and images.

CHAPTER SEVEN

June 1589 and Beyond AFTERMATH AND LATER INFLUENCE The repeat performance in early June was the last event of the wedding, and the remaining guests continued to leave the city through the middle of the month. The many aristocrats, administrators, and artisans, their collective sigh of relief as the curtain closed on the hectic May season notwithstanding, must also have experienced the summer of 1589 as an extended anticlimax. But in its long twilight, stretching well into the next century, this brilliant festival cast an influential shadow over artistic, social, and economic terrain. The household documents continue for several years after the wedding itself, concerned with dismantling and storage of equipment, payment of outstanding bills, and final accounting. From other evidence, we can follow something of the protracted creation and dissemination of the commemorative prints and texts over the following three years; the subsequent reuse of machinery, settings, and props; and, finally, the later careers of at least those wedding protagonists from the aristocratic and upper-artisan classes. The concluding entries in Seriacopi’s log concern a final performance of the intermedi and an unspecified comedy, which took place on June 8. His

orders to Francesco Gorini and Cialle Fabbri say little about the usual technical-stagecraft matters, which must have become a smooth routine after a month of repetitions. Besides normal cleaning and touch-ups, the numerous buckets used as urinals were to be refilled and put back in their places, and the musicians were to be fed in shifts in the workroom where the headdresses had been made, now cleaned out. The evening before the show, Bernardo Buontalenti’s son Francesco went to receive detailed instructions from Seriacopi, suggesting that his otherwise obscure role in the production was somewhat more extensive than that of the average young apprentice. On the morning of the performance, Jacopi Peri came to the Uffizi theater

to help out, tailors once again made last-minute repairs, and four security officers (Lirri) were stationed at the door. Ever ready to threaten his apparently feckless workers, Seriacopi had informed the stage crew that this time 174

Aftermath and Later Influence 175

“anyone who Is missing will be dealt with by the police, and severely.” Regard-

ing the boys who played magpies and damned souls, he ordered cryptically, “Pay close attention” (s7 faccia diligentia) — had they, too, misbehaved earlier, as

oversupervised children might, taxing the patience of this strict disciplinarian?!

Once this show was finished, nothing remained but the dismantling and storage of sets, equipment, and costumes and the inventory and return of unused materials. Plans for cleaning, repair, and storage had been noted as early as May 1 (MR 52r), and on the day before the Thursday performance, Seriacopi ordered a cart to take supplies back to other buildings on Friday. On Saturday, June 10, Emilio de’ Cavalieri gave orders to take down and store

seats, curtains, and the granducal palco, and to put away the dragon from intermedio 3 “in the rooms of the Guardaroba” adjacent to the stage area. The

cloud machines were hoisted into the loft and lashed securely to prevent falling, and all the flyropes were labeled for ease of reinstallation with numbers or letters corresponding to their labeled locations on the grid, then stored in chests. Alfonso Parigi supervised these arrangements, which employed nine stagehands; typically distrustful, Seriacopi ordered these men to bring their lunch, as Gorini was to lock them in until the job was completed. Once shut down, the hall was to be cleaned once a month, with some thought given to exterminating the resident mice. Fabrics and other costume supplies were carefully inventoried: unused amounts reconsigned to the Guardaroba constitute the terminal entries on

the debit side of most double-entry pages in Cavalieri’s account book. Many | are dated September 1, apparently the point at which the theater accounts were closed out. Among the diverse items returned, several will be familiar: 67 braccia of the prestigious green velvet, out of a total of 233 ordered, and 4,081

braccia of the ethereal velo di bologna, representing the only significant overestimate by the costume staff.3 As physical materials returned from their temporary sojourn at the theater to their original homes, so did the remaining guests. On June 15 the last of the French delegation left, among them Christine’s aunt, the Duchess of Brunswick. A pious woman like her niece, she was accompanied by the majordomo Enea Vaini as far as Cortona, whence she was extending her journey into a pilgrimage to Loreto. Since her party had landed in Tuscany in late April and had been aboard Tuscan vessels since April 11 Ferdinando had extended fully two months’ hospitality to his in-laws.* On August 20 news reached Florence of the assassination of Christine’s uncle and brother-in-law, King Henri III, on August 1 — yet another in the

tragic series of family deaths since December 1588. This political stroke

176 JUNE 1589 AND BEYOND intensified the ongoing civil war, in which the Valois dynasty was ultimately supplanted by its distant Bourbon cousin, Henri IV. The outcome did not, however, undo Ferdinando’s attempt to ally himself with the French crown: the founder of the new line was married to Marguerite de Valois, sister of Henri [II and of Christine’s mother, so the king of France was once again the grand duchess’s uncle. In late September, Don Pietro de’ Medici sailed again from Livorno aboard

the Capitana, this time to return to Spain, where he had been before the wedding as an officer of King Philip’s Italian troops. The musicians, too, gradually dispersed or found other employment as court opportunities declined. The composer Luca Marenzio, who had come to Florence with Ferdinando in 1588, was let go from the granducal payroll on November 30, 1589, when he returned to Rome; earlier that month, Antonio Archilei’s salary was reduced from 18 to 11 scudi per month.°5

THE ECONOMIC AFTERMATH

Many bills remained outstanding at the time of performance, and it took most of the rest of the year to close them out. Once Seriacopi’s temporary administration for the theatricals had been disbanded, later dealings with tailors and suppliers were handled by the permanent Guardaroba and household staff: Cavalieri’s Libro di conti records transfers of various sums to Vaini, the guardaroba maggiore Orazio Rucellai, and the maestro di casa Giovanni del

Maestro, with which they were authorized to pay contractors.° The cumbersome procedures and delays of this fledgling bureaucracy must have been as frustrating to state employees as the proverbial “red tape” is to their modern descendants. A request for reimbursement came in on May 11, for example, from one Teofilo Rettori, who was temporarily transferred from the naval staff to the service of the comedy and had incurred expenses for various trips between Livorno, Siena, and Florence. On May 23 Cavalieri approved repayment but stipulated that Rettori “should submit a new invoice in proper form, since the other one was no good, lacking the date, name, and signature, and it should include details.”? The Guardaroba records of payments to Oreto Berardi and Niccolo Serlori, the principal tailors, reveal that after the weekly salaries of fall 1588 were discontinued in favor of block payment to the subcontracting master tailors, there seems to have been a consistent lag of nearly two months between work and payment. Although Oreto and Niccolo had received in advance roughly 130 scudi, a considerable amount of their total fee for the intermedi, their

Aftermath and Later Influence 177

outstanding bills were still being settled through summer 1589, and Oreto received the final 30 scudi due him only on September 16.8 Some estimates are available for the overall quantities and costs of principal

elements of the preparations. As to hospitality, the court footed the bill for 2,700 foreign “mouths,” as well as for various local pages and servants hired for the duration; the total expense of room and board from April 1 to June 30 amounted to 85,959 scudi, including 9,000 barrels of wine, 7,286 staia (about 4,800 bushels) of grain, and 16,500 staia of fodder. Additional amounts were disbursed for coaches (vetture, 1,884 scudi) and saddlery (vetture di sella, 2,160). In July, the state treasury reimbursed Orazio Rucellai for the balance of expenses incurred on his voyage to France “to conduct the bride”: the payment of 40,161 scudi indicates that the scale of outlay expected of high officials made court service a privilege affordable only by the very rich. Lastly,

Pavoni, always fond of numbers, reports that the total cost for the liveries of 180 nobles at the entry (not including the Medici family) came to more than 30,000 scudi.? A final accounting for the principal wedding theatricals was submitted by the Ufficiali di Monte, officers of the quasi-independent public bank, on May 26, 1593. [he auditors precisely calculated the total cost of the intermedi and

comedies at 30,255 scudi, 4 lire, 2 soldi, and 11 denari; the Pitti parade and joust cost an additional 14,457 scudi. Seriacopi’s continual insistence on inventory control and written procedures notwithstanding, the investigators noted self-protectively that because the materials he returned to the Guardaroba and the Fortezza da Basso were “a confusion of so many different things, it was not possible for us to review everything properly and exactly.” Their observation that the entertainments “seem to us to have been carried out with little concern for economy” (con poca diligentia di rispiarmo) is somewhat less

surprising, as the total expenditures for these events alone would equal, in modern terms, on the order of five to seven million dollars. All the same, in light of all we have witnessed of the harried quartermaster’s constant attention

to cost-cutting, jawboning prices, and reusing equipment, this judgment seems unduly harsh. !° As always, Florentine attitudes oscillated between pomp and parsimony. On one hand, as the chronicler Pavoni put it in his summation of the wedding

spectacles (Diario, 47), “the great expenditures, and the magnificence and splendor deployed by the Grand Duke in these nuptials of his . . . have certainly shown the world the power and grandeur of the House of Medici.” (Actually, of course, royal marriages were income-producers for the groom’s family: Christine brought a dowry of 600,000 scudi, although, with the known

178 JUNE 1589 AND BEYOND

expenses alone running to some 200,000 scudi, the net profit was considerably

reduced.) On the other hand, only a year later, in August 1590 — perhaps prodded by the birth of their first child, the future Cosimo IT — Ferdinando and Christine, after consultation with del Maestro and Vaini, saw fit to decree

a cutback of some ten percent in their ordinary household expenses, which over the past year had totaled 59,894 ducats.!! At a broader macroeconomic level, this prudent retrenchment may also have been motivated by the early signs of incipient economic shrinkage, from the exhaustion of mineral deposits at the renowned Pietrasanta quarry in late 1587 to the onset of decline in the wool industry about the same time. The full impact of ‘Tuscany’s gradual but inexorable economic and geopolitical marginalization was not to become widely apparent for another decade, but it may

have been felt enough by 1593 to render public officials more sensitive to extravagance than the court had been four years earlier — and even more so by 1596, when the English traveler Robert Dallington observed tartly that, for

the grand duke, “great sparing is a great revenue.”! COMMEMORATIVE PRINTS AND BOOKS

In the end, the Medici never tightened their belts enough and, like other smaller Italian courts, all but bankrupted themselves in continuing artistic assertions of a power no longer backed by dwindling resources. At the time of the wedding, however, they could also afford to create an unparalleled propaganda record of their magnificence, and they still played a large enough role

on the world stage that audiences outside their realm were eager for such accounts. It is in large part thanks to these detailed and widely disseminated texts and images that the 1589 production exercised so much influence over succeeding generations and is recoverable today. Unfortunately, however, the reliability of all of these documents is compromised to varying degrees: the pictures by their temporal distance from an ephemeral original, the texts by the pressures of timely publication and/or the second-hand reliance of more

remote writers on local authors or informants whom they sometimes misunderstood. The two major Florentine books are the earliest, most ample, and generally trustworthy; though not without errors themselves, they served as the parent texts for a complicated genealogy of subsequent publications. Raffaello Gualterotti’s descrizione of Christine’s entry is the only such souvenir that combines word and image. As we saw earlier, its long illustrated guidebook, dedicated to

Christine and probably in her hands during the April 30 procession, was prepared well in advance, with direct access to the arch designs; but its briefer

Aftermath and Later Influence 179

narrative part, hastily written after the fact, was dedicated to Ferdinando on June 4, barely a month later, and begs indulgence for the “many imperfections” in this section, “since it was necessary for me to set down and illustrate in a few days all this, which could well have taken many years.”!3 Bastiano de’ Rossi’s souvenir of the comedy and intermedi, released on May 14, was also

written largely ahead of time, in order to be available before the guests’ departure. As seen earlier, although his encyclopedic record of Bardi’s original programmatic intentions is invaluable, his early press deadline (to say nothing of personal rivalries) resulted in Rossi’s failure to include various late changes in text, music, cast, and perhaps scenography.

Before the end of the calendar year more than a dozen further accounts were issued throughout Italy and beyond. Both Giuseppe Pavoni and Simone Cavallino published their “diaries” in the neighboring Papal States — close to

Tuscany not only geographically but historically, from the Medici popes through Ferdinando’s long residence in Rome — where a considerable readership might be expected for the activities of a well-known neighbor. Probably for similar reasons, the only non-Italian souvenir account was published in Lyons, the French city with closest ties to Tuscan banking, a large Florentine community, and the publishing center for Christine’s former homeland. Pavoni’s publication was produced by June ro, less than a month after he

returned to Bologna, and haste partly explains his errors in dating various events (the Pitti evening is listed as both May 11 and 15, Diario, 4, 35). Though he clearly attended the major events in person, Pavoni must also have taken home with him copies of both Gualterotti and Rossi to supplement or refresh his own memories. He quotes from Gualterotti in some aspects of his entry description (p. 11, for example), and his account of the intermedi follows Rossi in compressed form. The Roman Cavallino seems to have been further removed from some events: although he describes the Pitti parade and naumachia in sharply observed detail, his account of the intermedi is so garbled that he probably relied on personal informants rather than Rossi’s authoritative text. His description of the entry depends heavily on Gualterotti, to the point of repeating the latter’s use of the present tense, uniquely intended for guiding Christine’s experience on the entry day but inappropriate to a chronicle. (Their livery lists, however, differ greatly.) Both Cavallino and Pavoni, being foreigners, are unfamiliar with the streets and public spaces of Florence

and hence confuse the sequence of arches and the route of the entry procession. A “third generation” is represented by the seven-page anonymous booklet titled Li sontuosissimi apparecchi . . ., published in both Florence and Ferrara, with summaries of the entry and intermedi. Although its entry account con-

180 JUNE 1589 AND BEYOND

tains some freshly observed details, the description of the ensuing banquet is compressed from Pavoni almost verbatim, and the few details given about the intermedi are often wrong. The author seems to have been Ferrarese, or at least to have been aiming at that readership: he devotes exceptional attention to participants from that state, always noting the presence, role, and costume

of Cesare d’Este and uniquely reporting an audience on May 3.at which the =

| Ferrarese ambassador presented Christine with a gift of jewelry from Duke Alfonso (p. 7). The auspices of this text are unknown, but it may have been instigated by the Florentines to impress their nearby cousins and friendly cultural rivals (Rossi’s opus is dedicated to Alfonso). Apart from the 65 plates in Gualterotti, known visual remains include a

total of 32 independent engravings or etchings, illustrating events from Christine’s entry through the final river god procession. A few prints are the work of Agostino Carracci and Cherubino Alberti, both well known as reproductive engravers; the bulk are by two other artists, Orazio Scarabelli and the monk Epifanio d’Alfiano, about whose activities beyond this occasion little is known. Various series of these prints continued to be issued as late as 1592, the

| date inscribed by d’Alfiano on cat. 27. The existence of three states of the print showing intermedio 5 (cat. 55), each with a different coat of arms on the cartouche held by Amphitrite, suggests that some editions were tailored for presentation to individual aristocratic recipients.!4 Although, as with the written commemoratives, details of the genealogy of these prints remain uncertain, at least two distinct series, in different sizes, were originally produced separately: a set of 12 small prints (approximately 5 by 8 inches) of the Pitti chariot parade, by Scarabelli and Alberti (cat. 72-73, 75-81, 83-85), and a more comprehensive group in a larger format (approximately 9 by 13 inches) engraved by Scarabelli, Carracci, and d’Alfiano, of which 31 images survive, illustrating as well the other Pitti events, intermedi, comedy, joust, and river god parade. In order to integrate the 12 smaller prints into this larger set, 11 of the former were at some point reprinted with the addition of a decorative border to bring them up to the size of the 20 larger ones, which might also have been printed previously as a separate group (or groups).!° The relation of these visual documents to the original events and images is also as clouded and intertwined as that of the written texts. Even the prints credited to Gualterotti, who had prior access to the ateliers of the entry artists, can be unreliable; the others were made at some distance in time from vanished originals, often via intermediary images, and are sometimes inconsistent with the written accounts or other visual evidence. Some Pitti elements men-

tioned by both diarists, for example — notably the float or floats containing

Aftermath and Later Influence 181

only women — are omitted from the surviving prints. In his series recording the arches for Christine’s entry, Scarabelli depended closely on the corresponding images in Gualterotti, incorporating into his detailed composite of each arch miniature copies of several reproductions that were printed separately by his predecessor: his view of the Carraia arch (cat. 2) reproduces, among other scenes, Christine taking leave of her family (fig. 3) and embarking at Marseilles (fig. 8), the latter accepting Gualterotti’s alteration of the original painting’s proportions. !6 In other cases the reproductive teams had to work from the original artists’ preliminary sketches or cartoons, some of which are still extant (see cat. 1-7), and perhaps from written descriptions. For the Uffizi and Pitti performances, the engravers had access to Buontalenti’s own designs, or at least to reductions of them made largely by Andrea Boscoli to match the chosen formats of the

two print series (cat. 9, 54, 74). As the scenery sketches were rough and conceptual, Boscoli amplified his intermediate versions with more precise details of dress which, though loosely consistent with the textual record, do not exactly match the known costume designs for these scenes. In at least two

cases the engravers must have had some additional guides, for their prints differ from the known scene designs, showing another moment in the action (cat. 27, 52): the Lucifer in d’Alfiano’s hell scene, for example, which is not in the surviving scenery sketch, could have been adapted from Cigoli’s detail

drawing of the monster (cat. 53) or from the actual construction by Piero Pagolini and Francesco Rosselli, still in storage backstage. Inevitably, the printmakers invented or embellished certain details. Boscoli and Carracci in particular exhibit a stylistic tendency to regularize what was in reality less geometrically smooth or complete. In Carracci’s print showing intermedio 1, engraved after Boscoli’s similar reduction drawing (cat. 9, 10), the precise semicircle of heavenly clouds with seated gods looks suspiciously like Raphael’s Vatican fresco of the Disputa, a canonical ideal for late Cinquecento neoclassicists. The actual stage clouds were, however, seven distinct units arranged in discontinuous receding planes, all necessarily parallel to the proscenium and to the grid of beams behind it (fig. 7) — a jagged disposition that comes through more clearly in the cruder, less idealizing print by d’Alfiano of the similar configuration for intermedio 6 (cat. 64).

LATER INFLUENCE IN ITALY

Besides the impact of written and visual records of their work, the creators of the 1589 theatricals themselves exerted a powerful influence on the development of musical theater in Florence, Italy, and beyond, in three ways. Most

182 JUNE 1589 AND BEYOND

directly, the individual authors, composers, performers, and scenic artists, whose careers extended into the seventeenth century, continued to refine and work variations on the same themes and images; later, as these pioneers began to retire from creative activity, they were gradually replaced by descendants and pupils who continued their ideas down to the 1650s. Second, the physical

pattern of the stage machinery that they had put in place for the theater's premiere created a limited repertory of stage components and actions within which all future performances had to operate. And finally, the actual set pieces and costumes that they had designed for 1589 were reused from one production to the next.

Nine years later, the intermedi veterans Jacopo Peri and Ottavio Rinuccini collaborated as composer and librettist on La Dafne, generally considered the first true opera, which was performed on several occasions. Rinuccini’s sce-

nario for 1598, which centered on the god Apollo and included the same combat with the Python as the third intermedio from 1589, adapted his own

, earlier text and its classical sources. ‘The lost stage sets were probably again designed by Buontalenti, who may have used some of the set pieces in storage since 1589, such as the movable fire-breathing dragon.!”

For subsequent Medici occasions, notably further dynastic weddings in 1600 and 1608, members of the same team also created a series of court entertainments that were heavily dependent on the themes, forms, and physical machinery that they had laid down in 1589. Buontalenti was again the chief designer in 1600 for the wedding of Maria de’ Medici, Ferdinando’s niece, to

Henri IV, a continuation of the French alliance. (Henri’s marriage to Christine’s aunt, Marguerite de Valois, had been annulled in 1599.) The major performance on this occasion was another early opera, The Abduction of Cephalus (Il rapimento di Cefalo), largely composed by the 1589 veteran Giulio Caccini, who took the post of court musical director after Cavalieri returned to Rome. Unfortunately, no visual records survive for this production, which was the climax of the aging Buontalenti’s theatrical career, and for which he utilized several assistants, notably Giulio Parigi and Alessandro Pieroni — who had served in 1589 as, respectively, an 18-year-old trainee and an architectural painter. The themes and locales here were so similar to 1589 that Roy Strong could understandably misidentify one scene design for the earlier event as belonging to 1600 (cat. 26). Although this drawing for the Apollonian contest of intermedio 2 is securely datable to 1589, it may in fact quite accurately represent the (re)appearance of Apollo’s mountain a decade later, for the inventory of Buontalenti’s possessions drawn up shortly before his death reveals that he kept many of his drawings, presumably for reference and adaptation. More-

Aftermath and Later Influence 183

over, the basic configuration of machines that he constructed in 1589 had fixed the repertory of possibilities for scenic pattern and movement: although they would be used in different combinations, these flies, traps, and shutters had established all the potentials that would be available throughout the life of the Uffizi Theater. !8

Buontalenti was still the inspiration behind the 1608 performance of The Judgment of Paris, a drama by Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger with intermedi by Giovanni de’ Bardi, Giovanni Battista Strozzi, and others, staged for the marriage of Cosimo de’ Medici, son of Ferdinando and Christine, to Maria Maddalena of Austria. But by this time he was old and frail; he died on June 6, some months before the event, bequeathing his modelli to the Medici archives. Giulio Parigi, who succeeded him as court architect-engineer, essentially continued his teacher’s traditions. In fact, the entire calendar of public ceremonies and entertainments was consciously conservative, reinforcing the official hunger for precedent and continuity stretching back to Buontalenti’s predecessors: the route of the bride’s entry (decorated by Cigoli, who temporarily returned from Rome for the commission) repeated that of Joanna of Austria and Christine, and Giulio’s costumes were partly inspired by those of Vasari for Joanna. Giulio’s stage designs also reveal the extent of his inevitable debt to the infrastructure provided by Buontalenti. His fourth intermedio, in which a ship bearing the Florentine explorer Amerigo Vespucci sailed over the Indian Ocean (fig. 12), combined several stock elements of the 1589 machinery previously used only independently: to the side shutters, ship, and wave machine from Buontalenti’s nautical intermedio 5, he added the rising central mountain (from the original intermedio 2) and the upper semicircular choir of seated deities (intermedi 1 and 6). Other artists remained constrained by prior performances in more mundane ways: a letter concerning Cigoli’s repeat assignment designing entry arches mentions that “there have remained some remnants of the décor of 1589,” pilasters and other architectural units, which it was proposed to refurbish for this occasion; and Ferdinando himself ordered Giulio to look at an existing chariot to see if it, too, could be reused. Among numerous later festivals designed by Giulio, the most significant was the 1617 Uffizi performance of La liberazione di Tirreno e Arnea, known from the engraving of the theater interior by his pupil Jacques Callot (fig. 6). Except that it takes place on land, the scene shown by Callot once again recombines the same stage elements as the 1608 ship scene: a central upper group in a heavenly “cloud hole,” plus a lower apsidal tier of cloudborne figures, then a rock below (probably ascended from the trap), and side shutters with trees.!9

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194. ENTRY TO FLORENCE, APRIL 30

°e

10g: St. Ambrose consecrates the basilica of [5]

San Lorenzo, Francesco Terzo. Fifth entry arch, Canto de’ Bischeri. Orazio 111: Pope Clement honoring the Guelphs, Scarabelli.

e ° e °. ea. *. eee ° e ° e a e e e . e Ld

Simone da Poggibonsi. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art

. e OE ee

ee e o e * . * * 6: San Zenobi by Pi , ioli i i

112: Pope Eugenius IV consecrating the (Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1931), no.

duomo in 1436, Stefano Pieri. 31.72.5(1).

Lower level, L—R: 24.2 X 34.5 cm (9'4 X 13% in.). Engraving. 114: San Miniato, statue by Battista Lorenzi. | Daddi Giovannozzi 1940, g8—100; Gaeta

116: San Zenobio, statue by Pietro Bertela and Petrioli Tofani 1969, 71; Zorzi

Francavilla. 1977, 103, 209—10nI25, fig. 65; s

e ° e °* e

118: Election of Pope Stephen IX in 1059, Blumenthal 1980, 5-7, no. 2; Borsi 1980,

Passignano. 352, no. 4.38; Blumenthal 1990, 99. *

120: San Giovanni Gualberto, statue by Gio- — Designed by Taddeo Landini; the street

vanni Caccini. shown is alternatively called Via del Pro-

122: San Poggio, statue by Francavilla. consolo, in which can be seen the Badia and 124: Council of Florence in 1439, Giovanbat- the Bargello (also confusing, Gualterotti in-

tista Paggi. cludes this arch in the same chapter de-

.aa.eA

126: San Andrea, bishop of Florence, anony- voted to cat. 4). The theme is the House of

mous statue. Habsburg; the honor paid to Tuscany’s o

Antoni hbishop of FI inal i ial

b)

128: Sant tonino, arcnbis op Oo orence, nominal imperia overlords 1S here much

statue by Battista Lorenzi. reduced in scale from the previous Medici

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tWarburg d h1 Pp V watercolor, penci 8 1: 26 4 1a e

alatina C.B vol. V isti iV 0.3.53, » 2,C. 32V. termedio I,2 eachCc of whom Nas a distinctive ‘ . 4 I78 in.),X croppe and most of (1 whom . , 41.2 28.8 cm )costume, ’ are 1denune e

e

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Op and fl g t. ren an TOWN INK, by a roman numer al abo € the head and

3 . eiow e€ re, an arapic number Each e

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47.4 X 37.5 cm (18% X 14% in.). Pen and four added Sirens (arabic numerals 13-16):

brown ink, watercolor, pencil. 12 p.mo Giulio romano / 13 s.do Uno contral-

Arabic numeral below figure, 10; upper right to / 14 t.z0 Batista S[er] Facopi / 15 q.to Dunumber, partially cropped, 6 [?]. Colors and r1z10 / 16 Zanobi Ciliani. However, LC captions: same as cat. 19. Cast note, lower Q291-96 assigns these same costumes and left, Raffaello Gucci (but see cat. 19 for his roles using different numbers. In a first change of role; the same cast and costume _—snote, Qz291, the arabic equivalent of the list, LC Q291, assigns the present costume costume’s proper roman numeral XII is fol-

to Giulio Caccini). lowed by the actual arabic number below

each costume, as follows: “12a Giulio Cac-

[21] cini (10), 12b Gio. ba. Seriacopi (11), 12¢

Costume design, Siren XII (Empyrean). Duritio (12), 12d Zanobi ciliani (13)”; later Assistant, after Bernardo Buontalenti. (Q296), however, the register refers to the Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, same group as “costumes 10-16,” adding as

Palatina C.B.3.53, vol. 2, c. 36v. the final no. 16 “un contralto che vien da

47.4 X 37.5 cm (18% X 14% in.). Pen and Roma.” Apparently the costumes were re-

brown ink, watercolor, pencil. peatedly reassigned as their total numbers

Nagler 1964, fig. 46. changed (no drawings with arabic 12 or 13 Arabic numeral below figure, 11. Colors and _ survive, as those costumes were simply copcaptions: same as cat. 19. Cast notes, lower _ied from the existing drawings). Moreover, left, indicate the performer of this role and _ the total of 16 such costume numbers (actu-

206 UFFIZI THEATER, MAY 2

ally 15, because Doric Harmony was num- upper right number 7. Although placed last

bered 1 in this series) would make 15 in the series in the costume portfolio, this Sirens, one more than the projected total of drawing, by Buontalenti himself, was the 14; perhaps one of these later cast members modello from which cat. 12-21 were cop-

was added for musical reasons but kept ied; it contains subtle patterns in brown somehow apart from the otherwise sym- wash on the skirt, a coral necklace, and

metrical stage picture. other details lacking in the copies. It was used for the construction of a sample cos-

[ 22 | (plate 1) tume for Siren VI, originally intended for Costume design, Siren VIIII (Eighth Sphere). Giovanni Lapi, but when this drawing was

Bernardo Buontalenti. reassigned to Siren VIIII the performer was Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, also changed (see Chap. 3 and cat. 16).

Palatina C.B.3.53, vol. 2, c. 3771. Headdress of a bear and stars. Pink shoes, 47.2 X 34.4 cm (18% X 13% in.), cropped white trim, pink headdress. Material note: left. Pen and brown ink, watercolor, pencil. come si vede di penne. Color notes: rosso, apWarburg 1895, 266-69, fig. 79; Borsi 1980, parire di colore turchino tutta. Cast note,

361-64, no. 5.14B. lower left: /Ce/serone Basso. For written noThe roman numeral was originally a VI, to tations on the verso of this sheet, see cat. 23. which three dissimilar strokes were added; [ 23 | (plate 2) Costume design, four planetary gods.

Lee EN Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale,

ee ; : | oe Palatina C.B.3.53, vol. 2, c. 28r.

pi) Bors 1980, 364-65, no. S.rge. Fie,” _ Upper right number, partly illegible (82).

LS SUSN A aye Lien Four of the gods enthroned on their cloud

"ikea number (loflowing consnuossy anes 9 i ie “oa SO | and the Sirens), an associated zodiac sign, } oe Au a _ ae and a descriptive label below the seat. L—R:

eee. 6h CCU | q.a a essere [d’a/rgento; Venus, B 18,

| i ey es bull/Taurus, segg. di ariento; Mars, C 19, bee are Scorpio, seggo doro, e di Rosso; Saturn, D 20, 7 ram/Aries, s. cémerognolo, Further written

EO SP oe captions referring to these four costumes mana ae ara are on the blank verso of cat. 22 (which

22 | | Os must therefore have preceded cat. 23 in the

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» Bemardo that aking this part should b

Costume desi

ie an } pollo in 7.30m (18% X 14% 1 n the th 2373 om .). an ion as in th snare the arburg 18 ond : zionale Central § aa, recorded th Palatina i eat ‘ioe A BecwwleeeC.B | 9). Rossi, 44, recorded that AA sn in), Pen and 2 was dressed “in th e

es

e

°

wn ink, watercol mintermedio”; se forth )com volon tone Dn rst

voy aby."pect 86s Bo outfits for the too,ar46a, n same god in cat *

tu termedio | classical Buontalenti pie ema

, number 1, beginni Upper right, numb m Coen ! , sequence beginning th form ical for th Toldes e

tal Sea e costume folder inCodesign, vane ae ae co) A ,for stume Delphi rm 50). Apollo in classi epmccouries

mor, holding bow and arrow; 2 Bib

© me with m gor alati |

mon“noneing tan and Flor ibli Nazi ve aim O bl >ence, Biblioteca

ste Whee and orcen on azionale Centrale

; ndla tandisopra buskins. Nare ; mig . *re: ine . gura Note below fig46 ee nminy ! | va doro vestitobrown di tel sei Hiri) ercolon sve, tar 1 tela ino e rosso il resto, | Warbur "Bo eaeRenan 8N resto, loosely corr | 80, colors. Following, 1 Bonino. ge cs¢.1, ng, “364, g to the paint figinoo Borst another hand: | U : | I e /a spallatura d’oro. Anoth he camber e Thes note and: in the same hand come echo palenura d : vita , number he fi; : a i . na : , at top: vestita come sketch * ples whe for:

spondin 7 ” .

| |anouples sheadinos oeindication tches fororus thewho c thtl f mam 7, Cc rat . of18 frigh cd

ghtened and then grateful resi-

Catalogue 37 217

Uigfatn (bne. Katinas mafilenn By 7 pink tunic, gold and violet robe, pink

oo oo buskins; note below, questo va vestito di sopra ot rosso / verde e azurro; notes above, 7.0 I

: . | [Ruberto, canceled] Onofrio chome la maschera qui sotto / n.o 3 franc.o di bruno vestito come , < | n.o 15 / ma variato di colore. Female figure,

oe is right: pink and blue bodice, beige and pink

. # a e tS 4 skirts with embroidery pattern, coral in

- . os Oe >, | f hair; note below, questa va vestita turchino il / ey ee) ee falde / incarnato / biancho; notes above, 1.0 2

on io Ne sen f | busto / le maniche rosse e p[er]el ch[e] va nelle

| 7, We ee yy 7 , oratio chome la maschera qui sotto / n.o 4 oratio

, \ Lf yee , : benvenuti vestito come / n.0 15 ma variato di

, \ ge AP [ 37 ] (plate 12)

: \ ‘oh : A Costume design, Delphic couple. Bernardo

7OE| fta | Be | Buontalenti. ‘a Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, een aang po. Cn Palatina C.B.3.53, vol. 2, c. 13r.

EIS 86 8X 3.7.3 cm (18% X 1454 in.). Pen and ge pee mntn Aine ie oe ccarieen st Cagle, Day brown ink, watercolor.

Warburg 1895, 288-89, fig. 84b; Borsi 1980,

, oo Pa ae 362-64, no. 5.14H.

35 a Upper right, number 3; see cat. 36. Male figure left: gold and pink tunic, pink spiral

dents of the island of Delos (cat. 36-48; the turban, pink and violet robe, pink buskins, surviving drawings, some intended for more holding a shell; notes below: questa va vestito than two costumes, lack one couple). Color disopra azurro / rosso / e verde; cast notes notes are written below most figures (not above: 7.0 5 [Gio. batista violino, canceled] always corresponding to the paint colors), Lapi / n.o 7 |m.o Jac.o zazzerino, canceled] and cast names (often changed) are written Cornetto dfe]l franzosino. Female figure right:

above them, each with an identifying cos- pink and beige bodice, blue and green tume number. Rossi, 46-48, describes the skirts, pink buskins, coral in hair; notes becostumes of cat. 36 and 37 in greater detail low: questa va disopra vestita di than is shown in the drawings, suggesting rosso / maniche gialle / biancho et mavi; cast that these two pairs were completed earlier notes above: .0 6 [Nicholo Castrato, canthan the rest of this series and seen by him celed] Alberigho / n.o 8 [Plauto, canceled; while he was writing. To suit the marine lo- Ant.o franc.o (?), canceled] Gio. batt.a del

cale, many costumes are decorated with franc.no. Rossi, 47, adds that the woman’s shells, coral, snails, and other sea motifs. skirt had stripes made of yellow and turSome features of the costumes are Turkish quoise ribbon; her girdle was cloth of gold, or Levantine (Rossi, “quasi alla greca”), an its clasp a lion’s head, the veils hanging anachronistic nod to the eastern Mediterra- from it silk and cloth of gold; and she wore

nean site of the island. Male figure, left: a pearl necklace.

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ostume desi e ic couple. Dernardo er right, number 7; see cat. 36. Male

uontalentt ure left, notes below: questa Va col ma[n/to *

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Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, ure left: pink robe with gold lining and

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> > bd 4 > +] bd

brown ink, watercolor. del franzosino. Female figure right: white ?

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figs. 25-26. note above: 7.0 20... . ch{e] suona

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costume |1S

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gure left: blue and mauve skirts, go again Syria (compare cat. 43, 48). .

* * « a igh Id ic, violet skirt, bl tl C design, Delphi le. B d *

mantle, pink and pray plumed hat; cast note e

7h Lucia

above: 7.0 27 Lucha lor ] Male gure [ 47 } rig t: go tunic, violet Skirt, Dilue Mantie, ostume esign, We pnic couple. ernardo *

{ . . | fC .

cast note above: n.0 28 lommaso. I he fe Buontalenti. »

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border). Cavallino, 42).

Fabbri 1975, 138, no. 9.27; Massar 1975, no. 7.

Small etching-engraving, also published with [79 | outer border (see cat. 72). This float repre- _ Allegorical chariot, single knight. Orazio

sented an elaborate oared ship with firing Scarabelli. cannons, on which rode musicians and New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art knights (Pavoni, 38; Cavallino, 42). (Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1931), no. 31.72.5(20). London, Victoria and Albert

[ 78 ] Museum, no. £.5226-1907 (without border).

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Allegorical chariot, Death. Orazio Scarabelli. | Fabbri 1975, 138, no. 9.29; Massar 1975, no.

New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 9.

(Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1931), no. Small engraving, also published with outer 31.72.5(22). London, Victoria and Albert border (see cat. 72). This float, not deMuseum, no. £.5228-1907 (without border). scribed by either Pavoni or Cavallino, carFabbri 1975, 138, no. 9.28; Massar 1975, ries a single armed knight on a high throne

no. 6. and several crouching satyrs and is drawn

Small etching-engraving, also published with by a swan. Attendants include satyrs hold-

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outer border (see cat. 72). This chariot ing flaming torches and playing panpipes, drawn by two skeletal horses represents the and a rider mounted on a rhinoceros. The triumph of death, a Petrarchan staple for text cited by Fabbri as pertaining to this carnival floats; on it ride two knights chariot more consistently describes cat. 82, dressed as dead men, a female figure hold- below.

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