The masons of Djenné 9780253220721, 9780253313683

The town of Djenné on the Bani River in Mali has been a thriving settlement for more than two millennia. Renowned for it

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Polecaj historie

The masons of Djenné
 9780253220721, 9780253313683

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Acknowledgments (page xi)
A Note on Language (page xv)
Introduction - The Field and the Work (page 1)
PART 1 - ELEMENTARY LESSONS IN THE ART OF BUILDING
1 - Back to Work (page 31)
2 - Staking a Claim (page 59)
3 - Magic and Mortar (page 83)
4 - Conflict and Resolution (page 117)
PART 2 - PORTRAITS OF LIFE AND WORK IN DJENNÉ
5 - Master and Apprentice (page 143)
6 - The Michelangelo of Djenné (page 167)
7 - Vulnerable Craftsmen (page 191)
8 - Cat Heads and Mud Miters (page 209)
9 - Yappi's Confession (page 229)
10 - Finishing Off (page 253)
Epilogue - Continuity and Change (page 277)
Glossary (page 297)
Notes (page 305)
Bibliography (page 333)
Index (page 343)

Citation preview

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| | Acknowledgments — xi A Note on Language xv

| Introduction - The Fieldandthe Work 1 PART 1 + ELEMENTARY LESSONS IN THE ART OF BUILDING

, 1+ BacktoWork 31 2 - StakingaClaim 59 3: Magicand Mortar 83 4 + Conflictand Resolution 117 PART 2 - PORTRAITS OF LIFE AND WORK IN DJENNE

5 - Masterand Apprentice 143 6 - The Michelangelo of Djenné 167 7 + Vulnerable Craftsmen 191

8 . Cat Heads and Mud Miters 209

| 9 + Yappi'ss Confession 229 | 10 + Finishing Off 253

| Epilogue - Continuity and Change 277 Glossary 297

Notes 305

, , Bibliography 333 ! Index 343

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A Note on Language

Throughout the book I introduce the masons’ local vocabulary to describe tools, building materials, architectural features, and other salient objects and concepts. Djenné represents a complex multilingual context where several languages are regularly employed in daily communication. Most prominent is the town’s lingua franca, Djenné-Chiini, which is a dialect of the Songhay languages spoken in Timbuktu and Gao. Bamanankan and French, Mali’s two official languages, are also widely spoken; and a host of other languages including Fulfuldé, various Dogon dialects, and Mossi are used on building sites between laborers who come from outlying regions and Burkina Faso. Arabic words and expressions pepper everyday speech, and point to the strong historic trade links between the Sahel and North Africa, and to the dominant Islamic identity of the town and the pervasiveness of Qur‘anic education. Notably, although the majority of masons are Bozo, few speak their ethnic language and, like most urbanized citizens of the town, Djenné-Chiini is their mother tongue. For the benefit of non-linguist and non-specialist readers, I have employed a simple form of transliteration whereby the spelling of non-English terms is restricted to roman letters and diacriticals to stress pronunciation. For example, Mandé scholars sometimes use the symbol y in spelling such words as yyama, but, like many other authors, I have chosen to use the close phonetic equivalent “ny.” Readers familiar with literature on the region will find that spellings for words from this West African region vary depending

xv

xvi +- A Note on Language

on the author and date of the text. Most local languages were not written and

still lack standard transliteration into the roman alphabet. I have tried to maintain the most conventional spellings taken from popular sources whenever possible in order to facilitate the reader’s recognition of terms, and I use Heath’s Dictionnaire Songhay-Anglais-Francais, volume 2, for the spelling of Djenné-Chiini terms. In the case of Arabic, which has its own alphabet, I have included the Arabic spelling for words in parentheses. This will be useful to those familiar with the language and those interested in the root source of many popular expressions and salutations used throughout West Africa. Definitions for non-English terms are provided in the text at first mention, and a glossary is included at the end of the book.

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Map of Mali

continued driving for several kilometers along a graded road raised above the parched and scrubby floodplain. A lone arch with a crowning comb of miters sat sentinel on the flat expanse, framing our first view of the island town silhouetted against a cloudless sky. The jeep crossed a tiny bridge into Djenné,

and we steered vigilantly over the bumps and ruts of a long snaking road squeezed between foreboding mud walls of two-storey houses before finally emerging at the edge of the bright and open marketplace. The perimeter of this vast irregular space was lined by handsome merchant houses fortified with slender buttresses that framed carved wooden doorways and tiny screened windows, and that terminated in orderly rows of pointed crenulations along the rooftops. On its western side, the marketplace was dominated by Djenné’s majestic mosque. A scattering of vendors, mainly women loosely draped in colorful wax-print cottons, were seated on the ground in full sunshine amid their groupings of tattered baskets. Pungent balls of soumbala;'

Introduction + 3

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Map of Mali’s Inland Niger Delta region

a small variety of shriveled smoked fish; spare quantities of papayas, tomatoes, squashes, and limes neatly stacked in tiny pyramids; and dried chili peppers and okra—little else comprised the market offerings. A series of droughts across the Sahel over the past two decades had been severe and the economy was in ruins. People and animals were underfed, disease was rife, and crops were meager. Compared to what I would witness twelve years later, the market was bare. Following our tour of the stalls and an exploration of the narrow streets in a neighborhood quarter, we entered the mosque. At that time the prayer hall

was open to non-Muslim visitors, and we climbed the minaret staircase that ascended from the dark cavernous interior to the roof that looked out over the

4 + The Masons of Djenné

View over Djenné’s roof terraces and towering sarafar miters

Introduction + §

The Djenné Mosque

market.” The immense surface of this fantastical roofscape was embossed with tiny mounds, evenly spaced and arranged in neat columns. Each mound was capped bya crudely made ceramic dish that, when removed, let a constellation of tiny daylight apertures pierce the darkness of the prayer hall below and permitted rising heat to escape. A high parapet wall enclosed the rectangular terrace, and smooth mud pinnacles soared loftily at the corners, balancing gleam-

ing white ostrich eggs on their pointed tips. The three colossal towers that projected outward from the facade rose like ziggurats, and their staggered tops also bore giant eggs gracefully poised at the apex. The mosque towers loomed high above all other buildings, orienting Djenné eastward toward Holy Mecca. We stayed among the softly sculpted formations for a long while, peering over the thick rounded parapet in all directions to drink in the market activity and contemplate the angular compositions of rooftop terraces encircling us. Unknown to usat the time, the old town and nearby archaeological site of DjennéDjeno had recently secured a prestigious place on UNESCO’s growing roster of World Heritage sites. I did not return to Djenné until many years later. After my second diploma in architecture I went to Nigeria supported by an award from the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). There I researched Hausa masons

and their baroquely decorated mud architecture in the northern Emirate of

6 + The Masons of Djenné

Zaria.” This was my first taste of fieldwork and, as the project progressed, Ifound myself turning increasingly to anthropology to frame emerging questions about

the daily lives and skilled expertise of these men who both design and build their works. The study led me to pursue a Ph.D. in anthropology, and I selected a new field site, this time working with masons in the south Arabian city of San‘a. For more than a year I labored alongside a team specialized in erecting towering mosque minarets of kiln-baked brick. The subject of inquiry that intrigued me above all others—including structural and aesthetic concerns, site politics, cultural and religious practices, and social organization—was the nature of training and the progression of young men who entered the trade. With so little offered by mentors in way of explanation, how do apprentices come to perform their tasks and eventually master their trade? And what personal characteristics and other types of knowledge, in addition to laying bricks and making solid structures, constitute a qualified and recognized mason? The hierarchy on the San‘ani building site was stark, and the training regime was regimented and at times severe. What I witnessed and experienced firsthand fueled my thesis that formal craft apprenticeship involves a great deal more than the transmission of trade skills and the conditioning of bodies. Central to the Yemeni mason’s development was a formation of person firmly grounded in proper Islamic comportment, professional demeanor, and social responsibility.* Morals, muscles, and mind were tightly integrated with one another in this context, and the competent craftsperson was conceived within the trade and by their public as an embodiment of all three. With much anticipation I returned to Mali in late 2000 to conduct postdoctoral fieldwork. My aim was to write an ethnography on the masons of Djenné by comparing building-craft knowledge and apprenticeship in West Africa to what I had learned from Arabia. Before taking up residence in the town, I traveled for several weeks to reacquaint myself with the country and to observe the momentous changes wrought by the overthrow of Traoré in 1991 and the democratic election of President Alpha Oumar Konaré the following year. I revisited the ever expanding capital Bamako, the bustling riverport city of Mopti, fabled Timbuktu, and several Dogon villages precariously perched along the high Bandiagara escarpment. One chilly winter evening in Dogon country, the rising full moon became slowly engulfed by what at first appeared to be the reddish haze of harmattan? dust blowing south from the Sahara. A clamor of children’s voices

and the rhythmic beating of drums escalated steadily through the village quarters of Sangha where I was staying, infusing the night air with a festive

Introduction + 7

defiance. The chanting grew bolder, uniting in frolicking processions that took to the narrow streets and alleyways. Back and forth, across and around the village, bands of young children numbering a hundred and more circulated excitedly, chastising the sinister forces that veiled their moonlight. “Sun, give us back the moon!” they cried loudly in the local Dogon dialect, all the while banging pots and tin cans with hands and sticks. Others demanded that the “cat” release her, believing the animal had sprung from the earth into the heavens and trapped the moon like a mouse. Waves of children washed by me in a swirl of Qur‘anic exhortations of “Id ilah illa Allah”® Wa Vi all y, invoking God’s mercy. Enormous stamina and persistent musical refrains summoning animist forces and the powers of Islam ultimately prevailed over the cosmic mischief, and after several long hours the eclipse surrendered to the pleas of joyous children and balance was restored. The renowned Scottish explorer Mungo Park remarked in the description

of his late-eighteenth-century travels into the heart of West Africa that “an eclipse, whether of the sun or moon, is supposed to be effected by witchcraft.”’

More than 1$0 years later, in the final decade of colonial rule, Ligers introduced his three-volume publication on the Bozo people of the Niger River with a detailed account of the prescriptions issued by elders to combat lunar eclipses. Among other rituals, this included pounding water in mortars scattered throughout the village quarters.* During my own fieldwork, many indi-

viduals of various ethnic and cultural backgrounds in Maliclaimedthat children are the prime agents in restoring order during an eclipse. As illustrated by the example from Sangha, young Dogon children up to the age of twelve are ushered over the threshold by their parents and older siblings to join the

boisterous and amusing processions. Although most adults were at least vaguely aware of a natural explanation for this planetary event through radio and television broadcasts, they nevertheless chose to stay safely indoors while the powers of childhood innocence routed the source of disequilibria. Fortuitously, witnessing the eclipse and ritualized prescriptions in Dogon country threw into relief the harmonious coexistence of seemingly divergent ways of knowing the world, namely, belief in the supernatural, devotion to a monotheistic creed, and a scientific understanding of cause and effect. Each system is structured by its own internal logic that is regularly harnessed and forcibly reproduced in political and ideological struggles the world over, In Mali, animism, organized religion, and science exist, to a significant degree, in a relation of mutual toleration allowing individuals to creatively negotiate understandings and explanations for events, good fortune, and life’s many hard-

8 +. The Masons of Djenné

ships. At the same time that supernatural forces animate the land and waterways, Islam connects the nation’s majority to a global community of shared faith; the natural sciences are a component in formal schooling, and Westernstyle reasoning about world happenings has become common parlance through modern media and communications. These occasionally competing, sometimes complementary, and often fused worldviews were also evident at the construction sites in Djenné where I worked as a laborer for the next two winter seasons, researching apprenticeship and traditional building-craft knowledge. In the everyday practices of Djenné’s masons, so-called traditional black-African knowledge (bey-bibi), Islamic knowledge (bey-koray), technical know-how,

and basic engineering principles are in constant dialogue with one another, configuring the craftsmen’s individual practice, identities, and professional status within the community, and dynamically redefining the social meaning of the architecture that they erect and modify over time. Through detailed ethnographic accounts of life and work among my fel-

low builders, this book illustrates the complex weave of different ways of knowing-in-practice. The book takes a broad and encompassing perspective on what constitutes knowledge, one that crucially moves beyond propositional forms of knowledge expressed in text and the spoken word to include, at the very least, the skill-based practices and performance enacted by the socialized and enculturated body of the craftsman.

Anthropologist as Apprentice Like earlier fieldwork in Yemen, I employed an apprentice-style method throughout my stay in Djenné.’ By laboring as a building-team member and assisting the masons with their chores, I gained invaluable firsthand experience of mud-brick construction, the sometimes treacherous site conditions, and the normally amicable social relations among the workers. Occasionally,

contending religious practices and spiritual convictions ruptured the harmony, providing important insights into the nuances of the workers’ Islamic identities and their beliefs in the supernatural. The constant rally of banter exposed divisions and alliances along ethnic lines and incited discourses of “blackness,” as competing masculinities measured and monitored gendered comportment. Through daily discussions and listening to talk between masons and clients, I learned about the wider political and economic factors that were propagating change in consumer tastes for new building materials and living spaces, and that subsequently shaped the discourses of masonry prac-

Introduction -« 9

tices within the professional community. Importantly, a direct and regular involvement in the work enabled me to establish a strong and lasting rapport with my fellow builders and to share in their daily lives. This exchange of toil for ethnographic knowledge was smoothly accom-

modated within the local system of learning. Apprentices of all Djenné trades— including tailoring, embroidery, leatherworking, potting, blacksmithing, goldsmithing, or masonry—are expected to pay for the technical knowledge, trade secrets, and personal formation they receive in an appropriate manner. Payment is routinely made with the free labor supplied by ap-

prentices throughout their training period, and in some instances this is supplemented with gifts of money, kola nuts, or foodstuff. I purchased hats for my colleagues to protect them against the intense sunshine, gave them articles of work clothing, and happily loaned out my shiny blue bicycle in return for the generous knowledge I reaped and the good friendships I enjoyed. Like my fellow common laborers, however, I was not privy to the masons’ secrets. I was nevertheless free to make notes while they mumbled hushed verses, and they entertained my questions about the purpose and effects of | their ritualized performances. Only apprentices who work closely with their masters, and over a period of many years, are taught the spells that guarantee protection and bring good fortune. A schedule of long working hours and participation in what were often monotonous manual tasks allowed for scrutiny of the building techniques, and careful and repeated observation of the professional conduct, social interactions, and on-site communications of my colleagues. Not surprisingly, much work-related communication between craftspeople is nonverbal, commonly relying on an intercourse of gesturing and deictic pointing, as well as other sources of visual, auditory, and somatic information exchanged between acting bodies.’° Daily immersion in this environment heightened my attentiveness to a multitude of stimuli that impact the making of both builders and buildings. An apprenticing role also made me acutely aware of the sensible and psychological phenomena that affect work performance, including the extreme climate and conditions of the Sahel; the sheer physical strain of labor; well-being and illness; hunger and appetence; the tedium of endless mechanical tasks; and the euphoria when a job is done. All these factors color the book’s portrayal of the construction of “traditional” masons. The use of the term traditional in describing Djenné’s masons implies neither stasis in their professional practice nor temporal displacement in some imagined

and romanticized past. Rather, traditional in this context qualifies their direct

10 + ‘The Masons of Djenné | and un-alienated mode of production." Building is normally realized without interference from architects or engineers, and all stages of construction, from foundations to finishes, are executed solely by masons. The only other trades with a hand in the making of houses are carpenters or metalworkers who manufacture doors and windows, and potters who throw the giant clay downspouts. Masons seldom use measured drawings, but recent commissions from foreign patrons and for government-sponsored restoration works have honed their abilities to work from plans. Even when basic drawings and specifications are furnished, the activities of design, problem solving, and construction unfold together, requiring an ongoing process of improvisation and subtle innovation. Space and form are conceptualized and realized through the mason’s total involvement in building a house with his tools and materials. In contrast to the growing numbers of contractors in Mali’s larger cities who build with concrete and steel, Djenné’s masons continue to use mainly local materials. Dwindling supplies of palm timbers for roofing, however, means that most are now trucked in from outlying regions. Further, the palette of finishes has expanded to include imported paints, cement rendering, and glazed ceramic tiles. Until the early decades of the twentieth century, the mason’s principal

tools were his long crowbar-type implement called a sasiré, the woodenhandled hoe (kumbu), and an adze for chopping palm wood. Mud mortars and plasters were transported in thickly woven baskets (segi) which laborers

carry on the top of their heads. Though the inventory of tools remains sparse, anumber of additions were made during the last century resulting in significant changes to local building practices and form. Recent importations include the wooden slip-mold for producing rectangular bricks, the plumb line (guuru karfoo),” spirit level, measuring tape (meétre),'? and the trowel. A small and fine French trowel (truelle francaise) is imported for executing delicate plasterwork and sculpting decorative elements such as the projecting roofline miters (sarafar). A second, more robust trowel called truelle kuuru-bibi (literally, “black-skin trowel”) is produced by local black-

smiths and used for spreading mortar and chopping bricks to size. The blacksmiths also manufacture heavy-weight hammers with a sharp axe-like blade on the opposite side (daasi). This multipurpose tool is used for breaking stones, chopping timbers to length, and driving pegs into the hard earth when setting out foundations. Both imported shovels (pelle)'* and hoes are employed to dig the shallow trench foundations for houses.” Heavy machinery and power tools have not yet found their way onto construction sites, but electricity has delivered a diversity of other technolo-

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gies to Djenné. In the years since I began fieldwork, the small number of land-line telephones in the town have been superseded by an inundation of mobile telephones and two Internet cafés. Communication technologies are not only altering social interaction and etiquette as elsewhere, but they are also plugging Djenné into events, products, ideas, and opinions that emanate from well beyond its familiar frontiers. The full impact of global communications and circulation of information on local masonry practices, consumer habits, lifestyles, and the built environment remains to be seen.

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Significantly, the masons’ traditional education remains entirely practicebased, and their transmission of knowledge relies on an apprenticeship system which they control and reproduce. Technologies and secrets are transferred and transformed in the confluence of generations. The introduction of structural or stylistic innovations to the existing repertoire is never an individual affair but

requires carefully negotiated acceptance by peers and public. Innovations, moreover, only become legitimate when they are accommodated within standard building practices. For this reason, approval of novel craftsmanship is granted almost exclusively to older “master” masons (barey amir)—and often posthumously—who have earned status and authority through experience, prestigious commissions, and the training of many disciples. Young masons who are overtly creative are chastised for their conceit, though occasionally they are successful at opening spaces for divergent practices. During my stay, this was illustrated by young masons who, much to the consternation of some older colleagues, clad exterior walls with “modern” tiles and adorned rooftops with Italianate balustrades. Internal debate breeds consensus and discord within the trade community, and ultimately serves to regulate change within a framework of continuity. By strategically assuming positions in the overlap between dis-

12 + ‘The Masons of Djenné

courses of modernity and tradition, masons can improvise and introduce innovation to decorative vocabularies, their use of materials, and structures while still asserting that their practices, technologies, and buildings uphold local tradition and reproduce Djenné’s special sense of place.’®

An Anthropology of Place-Making __ | Although this is a book about building, architecture is not its central focus. Architecture, instead, provides the backdrop to a detailed depiction of craftsman-

ship and the agents responsible for physically producing and reproducing Djenné's unique style-Soudanais houses and its grand mosque.’’ A handful of scholarly works including those by Prussin, Maas and Mommersteeg, Blier, and Bedaux et al. offer comprehensive analyses of the town’s architectural history, its built forms and spatial planning,’* but these are weighted in favor of the building as cultural object rather than the builder as social subject. This book addresses this imbalance and complements the existing corpus of work by positioning the masons and their laborers at centre stage. LaViolette, in her writings on Djenné potters, likewise emphasizes the social relations and cultural behavior of the women artisans, noting that most studies on the topic concentrate on “the minutiae of the production process to the virtual exclusion of the women at work, as if the pots make themselves.””’ Jansen, too, in his research with Mandé griots, makes the point that although the recital of a historic or genealogical text is the most tangible cultural artifact produced by these bards, vocalization of the “correct” text is a minor aspect in learning to speak properly. Aside from merely transcribing their stories and praises, Jansen’s ethnography grapples with the inculcation of broader and less tangible social skills that make a successful griot.*° My study of masons similarly centers not on analyses of the material artifact but on its producers and the processes of their production.” During fieldwork, I did not conduct surveys on the lives and training of all Djenné’s masons, nor did I carry out in-depth ethnographic research on

the town residents. The principal unit of my investigation remained the groups of builders with whom I formed intimate associations while churning mud plasters, hauling sun-dried bricks, and preparing tools. Alongside my thorough accounts of these builders’ training and trade knowledge, I have woven my own apprenticing experiences into the narrative. As a work team,

| our practices were formed and constantly transformed in relation to one another. Individual progress and group coordination evolved (or regressed) in correspondence with the tasks at hand and with the physical evolution of a

Introduction - 13

| building through its various stages of construction. Learning and knowledge were recognized to be situated within an ever changing context of social actors, tools, materials, and physical parameters.”” My anthropology of architecture may therefore be more accurately described as one about place-making, since it converges on the skilled interaction between sensing, learning bodies

and the dwellings that they make.’ In short, masons’ practices are not only responding to and creating a physical environment, but, more important, they are making their own spaces and places of learning. The next section explores the recent history of the masons’ unique professional association and its enduring hierarchy in order to describe the social, political, and economic parameters within which my fellow builders learned and operated.

The Masons’ Pecking Order In her study of Djenné’s craftspeople, LaViolette’s grading of builders correlates

closely with my own field observations.** The ranks, in ascending order, include, first, the apprentices (dyente idye), who are in long-term contractual arrangements with mentors; the officially validated masons (barey), who are entitled to accept commissions and build independently of their master(s); active senior masons with a secure clientele and with control over much of the town’s construction work; and master masons (barey amir), who have retired from active building but continue to be prominent decision makers in the community and whose expertise is highly regarded. This gerontocracy also corresponds to Monteil’s early colonial account which records that the corpus of masons was subdivided into age sets.”* From as early as the late nineteenth century—and long before that date according to local oral histories—Djenné’s professional community of masons have been organized as a guild-like association known as the barey ton.’® The Mandé term ton refers to an “association” whose membership is defined either by a professional or age-set grouping. A chief, the barey bumo (literally, “head mason”), presides over the barey ton. During my stay Sekou Traoré was the acting barey bumo, elected by the senior members of the association to succeed his father, Babér Traoré. The patronymic Traoré is Mandé in origin,”’ but the family claims a koyra-boro identity signaling their established residency in urban Djenné.”* Despite the strong ma-

jority of ethnic Bozo in the building trade, descendants of the Traoré family have long occupied the post of barey bumo. Indeed, the head mason who oversaw the reconstruction of the town’s great mosque in 1906-1907 was Ismaila

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