The Manuscript Tradition of the Islamic West: Maghribi Round Scripts and Andalusi Identity 9781474499606

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The Manuscript Tradition of the Islamic West: Maghribi Round Scripts and Andalusi Identity
 9781474499606

Table of contents :
Contents
List of Figures
Acknowledgements
Note on Transliteration and Translation
Abbreviations
Series Editor’s Foreword
INTRODUCTION. A Book about Books
CHAPTER ONE Maghribi Round Scripts: A New Definition
CHAPTER TWO MaghribÈ Round Scripts in the Third/Ninth and Fourth/Tenth Centuries
CHAPTER THREE MaghribÈ Round Scripts in the Fifth/Eleventh Century
CHAPTER FOUR MaghribÈ Round Scripts in the Sixth/Twelfth Century
CHAPTER FIVE Beyond Books: Quranic Manuscripts and Chancery Documents
CONCLUSION Inscribed Identities
APPENDICES
Glossary
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

THE MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Edinburgh Studies in Islamic Art Series Editor: Professor Robert Hillenbrand Advisory Editors: Bernard O’Kane and Scott Redford Series titles include: Isfahan and its Palaces: Statecraft, Shi‘ism and the Architecture of Conviviality in Early Modern Iran Sussan Babaie The Making of the Artist in Late Timurid Painting Lamia Balafrej Text and Image in Medieval Persian Art Sheila S. Blair The Minaret Jonathan M. Bloom The Manuscript Tradition of the Islamic West: MaghribÈ Round Scripts and the AndalusÈ Identity Umberto Bongianino Reframing the Alhambra: Architecture, Poetry, Textiles and Court Ceremonial Olga Bush The Seljuqs and their Successors: Art, Culture and History Edited by Sheila R. Canby, Deniz Beyazit and Martina Rugiadi The Wonders of Creation and the Singularities of Painting: A Study of the Ilkhanid London QazvÈnÈ Stefano Carboni The Making of Islamic Art: Studies in Honour of Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom Edited by Robert Hillenbrand Islamic Manuscripts of Late Medieval Rum, 1270–1370: Production, Patronage and the Arts of the Book Cailah Jackson Islamic Chinoiserie: The Art of Mongol Iran Yuka Kadoi Rum Seljuq Architecture, 1170–1220: The Patronage of Sultans Richard P. McClary Medieval Monuments of Central Asia: Qarakhanid Architecture of the 11th and 12th Centuries Richard P. McClary The Dome of the Rock and its Mosaic Inscriptions Marcus Milwright Meaning in Islamic Art: Studies in Honour of Bernard O'Kane Heba Mostafa The Shrines of the ‘Alids in Medieval Syria: Sunnis, Shi‘is and the Architecture of Coexistence Stephennie Mulder Rumi – A Life in Pictures John Renard China’s Early Mosques Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt edinburghuniversitypress.com/series/esii

THE MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST MAGHRIBĪ ROUND SCRIPTS AND THE ANDALUSĪ IDENTITY Umberto Bongianino

Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance. For more information visit our website: edinburghuniversitypress.com © Umberto Bongianino, 2022 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road 12 (2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ Typeset in Trump Medieval by Cheshire Typesetting Ltd, Cuddington, Cheshire and printed and bound in Great Britain A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 4744 9958 3 (hardback) ISBN 978 1 4744 9960 6 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 1 4744 9961 3 (epub) The right of Umberto Bongianino to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498).

Contents

List of Figures viii Acknowledgements xviii Note on Transliteration and Translation xx Abbreviations xxii Series Editor’s Forewordxxiv INTRODUCTION A Book about Books

1

CHAPTER ONE MaghribÈ Round Scripts: A New Definition

13

Geography and chronology Nature and fortune of a regional script The long course of scholarship General features of MaghribÈ scripts IfrÈqÈ scripts and the Maghrib

13 21 26 35 46

CHAPTER TWO MaghribÈ Round Scripts in the Third/Ninth and Fourth/Tenth Centuries

72

Book culture and production in Umayyad Iberia Libraries and penmanship Learning circles and endowment practices Parchment and paper production The earliest evidence of round scripts in al-Andalus Where were the manuscripts copied? Codicological remarks AndalusÈ bookhands and casual scripts The ‘Mozarab’ connection The ‘Sigüenza Bifolio’ The evidence of Arabic glosses

72 73 77 78 79 83 93 98 105 108 110

vi

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

CHAPTER THREE MaghribÈ Round Scripts in the Fifth/Eleventh Century 

125

Book culture and production in the †åifa kingdoms The resilience of Cordova Seville, Badajoz, Toledo Almería, Granada, Murcia Travelling scholars and the influence of the Mashriq Two unhelpful sources Parchment, paper and illumination The evidence of dated manuscripts Codicological remarks The evolution of AndalusÈ bookhands

125 128 130 131 135 139 140 144 153 156

CHAPTER FOUR MaghribÈ Round Scripts in the Sixth/Twelfth Century

171

Book culture and production in Almoravid and Almohad Iberia171 Cordova, Seville and Western Iberia 172 Valencia and Eastern Iberia 179 A closer look at textual sources 187 The golden age of AndalusÈ paper 191 The introduction of AndalusÈ scripts to Northwest Africa 194 Before the Almoravids194 The Almoravid enterprise 195 Marrakesh: the seat of the Almohad caliphate 198 Fes, Ceuta, Sijilmasa, Bougie 200 Almohad patronage of the arts of the book 205 Christian manuscripts from Northwest Africa 211 The evidence of dated manuscripts 212 The evolution of MaghribÈ bookhands 237 Traditional genres, innovative scripts 238 Aesthetic maturity and trans-regional reach 239 The rise of MaghribÈ thuluth249 Final remarks 255 CHAPTER FIVE Beyond Books: Quranic Manuscripts and Chancery Documents

277

MaghribÈ Round Scripts and the Qurån277 The Kufic Quråns of the Islamic West 277 The earliest Quråns in MaghribÈ round scripts 282 MaghribÈ Quråns of the sixth/twelfth century 295  Calligraphers and illuminators: the ‘school’ of   Ibn Gha††Ës 301 Patronage and functions of the Mußḥaf 306 Textual features and notation marks 310

vii

contents

Illumination and chrysography The aesthetics of Quranic calligraphy Documentary hands and chancery scripts Two sale contracts Calligraphy in the chanceries of the Maghrib

314 317 327 327 330

CONCLUSION Inscribed Identities

357

APPENDICES I List of Dated Manuscripts II Titles and Genres of Dated Manuscripts III Copyists of Dated Manuscripts IV Places of Copying V Remarkable Colophons and Notes

368 378 385 393 395

Glossary Bibliography Index

439 448 496

Figures

I.1 I.2 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6

1.7 1.8 1.9

Fahrasa of Abd al-Óaqq Ibn A†iyya, dated 533/1139 2 Fahrasa of Abd al-Óaqq Ibn A†iyya, final colophon and reading certificate written by Mu˙ammad Ibn Êufayl9 The MaghribÈ alphabet illustrated in an Ottoman manuscript of the Shawq al-mustahåm copied in 1165/175114 Map of the Far and Central Maghrib from the earliest surviving manuscript of al-IdrÈsÈ’s Book of Roger, copied in the seventh/thirteenth century 16 Map of al-Andalus from the earliest surviving ­manuscript of al-IdrÈsÈ’s Book of Roger, copied in the seventh/thirteenth century 18 Main centres of manuscript production in al-Andalus and the Maghrib between the third/ninth and the sixth/twelfth centuries 22 Autograph of the fourth volume of Ibn ArabÈ’s alDÈwån al-kabÈr, written in Damascus before 634/123723 Arabic alphabetic table published in Pedro de Alcalá’s Arte para ligeramente saber la lengua árabe (Granada, 1505) showing distinct MaghribÈ features27 Sample sentence printed with MaghribÈ letter types in Raphelengius’s Specimen characterum Arabicorum (Antwerp, 1595) 28 Alphabetic table of MaghribÈ scripts from LouisJacques Bresnier’s Cours pratique et théorique de langue arabe (Algiers, 1855)29 Palaeographic tables of modern MaghribÈ letter forms, from Van den Boogert 1989 31

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figures

1.10 1.11 1.12 1.13 1.14 1.15 1.16 1.17

1.18 1.19

1.20 1.21 1.22

1.23

1.24

‘Genealogical’ table of MaghribÈ scripts, from Afa¯ & al-Maghra¯wi¯ 201333 The ‘five styles’ of MaghribÈ scripts according to al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991 34 Traditional Moroccan reed pens and writing implements, from Afa¯ 201339 Bovine scapula with incised Arabic alphabet, third/ninth or fourth/tenth century, found in Valencia 44 Portion of the Majålis of the Egyptian jurist Ibn AbÈ al-Ghumr (d. 234/848), copied in Kairouan before 272/88647 The angular script of a copy of Sa˙nun’s Mudawwana, written in Kairouan before 337/948–9, the date mentioned in a reading certificate on f. 14a 48 Fragment of Målik’s Muwa††a, late second/eighth or early third/ninth century 49 Page of the ‘Nurse’s Qurån’, copied and illuminated by AlÈ b. A˙mad al-Warråq and endowed to the Great Mosque of Kairouan by Få†ima, nursemaid of the Zirid emir BådÈs, in 410/1020 50 Portion of Sa˙nËn’s Mukhtali†a (Kitåb al-ghaßb and Kitåb al-kharåj), copied in Kairouan in 405–6/1015 by al-Óårith b. Marwån51 Portion of Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana (Kitåb al-Èlå wa-l-li ån), copied by AbË l-Qåsim Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Tammåm in the first half of the fourth/tenth century, then endowed to the Great Mosque of Kairouan by the Zirid emir al-Muizz b. BådÈs in 424/1032–3 52 Portion of Ibn al-Qåsim al-UtaqÈ’s Kitåb al-samå (Kitåb al-nudhËr), copied in 394/1003 and endowed in Kairouan 53 Portion of Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana (Kitåb al-nikå˙), dated 381/991, probably copied in Kairouan 54 Portion of the MålikÈ commentary al-Nawådir wa-l-ziyådåt (Kitåb al-mukåtab) by Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ, copied for (and probably by) IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad b. Óasån55 Fourth volume of a copy of the Kitåb SÈbawayh, ­possibly copied in Kairouan in the early fifth/eleventh century, for (and probably by) AbË al-Óasan A˙mad b. Naßr56 Al-Milal wa-l-duwal, by AbË Mashar al-BalkhÈ. Copied by Qays b. Qåsim al-TujÈbÈ in 353/964, in Bagai58

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab, copied by Óusayn b. YËsuf in 359/970, for the Umayyad Caliph al-Óakam II 59 1.26 Title page and beginning of the Kitåb al-†ahåra, from al-Nawådir wa-l-ziyådåt. Copied in the first half of the fifth/eleventh century in either IfrÈqiya, al-Andalus or Fes 60 1.27 First and last page of the Kitåb al-qasam, from al-Nawådir wa-l-ziyådåt. Copied in 472/1080, probably in al-Andalus, by A˙mad b. Abd Allåh al-FarråwÈ, for AbË Is˙aq Ibrå˙Èm b. A˙mad al-GhassånÈ61 1.28 Title and final page of the Kitåb al-˙ajj al-awwal, from Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana. Copied in the early fifth/eleventh century, in either IfrÈqiya, al-Andalus or Fes 62 1.29 Title of the Kitåb al-takhyÈr wa-l-tamlÈk, from a copy of Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana made in 500/1107 in Pechina 63 2.1 AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-FazårÈ, Al-Siyar, part 2. Copied in 270/883, probably in Cordova 81 2.2 AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-FazårÈ, Al-Siyar, end of part 2 with dated colophon  82 2.3 Is˙åq b. Sulaymån al-IsråÈlÈ, Marifat al-bawl wa-aqsåmi-hi, table of contents and beginning of chapter 1. Copied in 346/957 83 2.4 Mamar b. Råshid al-YamanÈ, Al-Jåmi fÈ al-˙adÈth, title page and beginning of part 4. Copied in 364/974 in Toledo, by KathÈr b. Khalaf b. Sad al-MurådÈ84 2.5 Ibn Mufarrij al-FuntawrÈ, Qaßaß al-Qurån wa-tafsÈri-hi, part 1, commentary to Qurån 2:197. Copied in 364/975 86 2.6 Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ, Al-Dhabb an madhhab Målik, colophon of part 1. Copied in 371/982 in Kairouan, by Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf al-AndalusÈ88 2.7 AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-FazårÈ, Al-Siyar, part 4, title page. Copied in 379/990, probably in Cordova, probably by Abbås b. al-Aßbagh b. Abd alAzÈz al-HamdånÈ89 2.8 Ibn al-SarÈ al-Zajjåj, Mukhtaßar iråb al-Qurån wa-maåni-hi, part 2, commentary to Qurån 2: 14. Copied in 382/993 90 2.9 Ya˙yå b. Sallåm, TafsÈr al-Qurån, part 17, commentary to Qurån 27: 1–17. Copied in 383/99391 1.25

figures

2.10 AbË Jafar al-ÊabarÈ, Jami al-bayån an tawÈl åy al-Qurån, end of part 31 with dated colophon. Copied in 391/1000 by Abd al-Ra˙mån b. HårËn, possibly in Cordova 92 2.11 Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a, part 12. Copied in 391/1001 by Ubayd Allåh b. SaÈd al-Warråq93 2.12 AbË Óåtim al-SijistånÈ, Kitåb al-nakhl. Copied in 394/1004 by Mu˙ammad b. Óakam b. SaÈd, possibly in Cordova 94 2.13 AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ, Mukhtaßar Kitåb al-ayn. Copied in 399/1008 95 2.14 A sample of MaghribÈ round scripts from the fourth/tenth century 99 2.15 The ‘Sigüenza bifolio’, containing parts of Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians. Al-Andalus, first half of the fourth/tenth century 109 2.16 Comparison between the serrated base ligatures of the Latin and Arabic scripts of the Sigüenza bifolio and those found in the MaghribÈ round scripts of the fourth/tenth century 111 2.17 Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia ecclesiastica, Arabic gloss in MaghribÈ casual script. Al-Andalus, end of the third/ninth century 112 2.18 Evantius of Toledo, De scripturis divinis edita contra eos qui putant inmundum esse sanguinem, Arabic gloss in MaghribÈ round script. Al-Andalus, end of the third/ninth or beginning of the fourth/tenth century 113 2.19 Epistle of Beatus of Liébana and Etherius of Osma to Elipandus of Toledo, Arabic glosses in MaghribÈ round script. Possibly Cordova, fourth/ tenth century 114 2.20 Gregory the Great, Moralia in Iob, Arabic glosses in MaghribÈ round script. Al-Andalus, second half of the fourth/tenth century 115 3.1 Hippocrates, Al-Asåbi. Copied in 471/1079 for (and probably by) Ubayd Allåh b. Abd al-Malik al-MaåfirÈ126 3.2 Claudius Ptolemy, Al-Majis†È. Copied in 478/1085, probably in Valencia 127 3.3 AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ, Mukhtaßar Kitåb al-ayn, part 2. Copied in 435/1043 128 3.4 Ibn Åßim, Al-Anwå wa-l-azmina. Copied in 497/1104 for (and probably by) Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad b. Sulaymån al-TujibÈ, possibly in Murcia or Orihuela129

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3.5 Al-BåqillånÈ, Al-TamhÈd fÈ al-radd alå al-mul˙ida. Copied in 472/1080 for the library of the emir of Badajoz al-Mutawakkil, by A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh132 3.6 Sa˙nËn, Al-Mudawwana, beginning of the Kitåb al-jihåd. Copied in 500/1107 in Pechina by IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad Ibn ÓadhÈr Allåh134 3.7 Al-Mubarrad, Al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha, title page of part 1. Copied in 468/1076 for (and probably by) IbråhÈm b. A˙mad b. IbråhÈm b. UbaydËn al-IyyådÈ136 3.8 Al-Mubarrad, Al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha, beginning of part 1  138 3.9 Ibn JinnÈ al-MawßilÈ, Al-Murib fÈ tafsÈr QawåfÈ al-Akhfash. Copied in 406/1016 141 3.10 Al-BukhårÈ, Al-TårÈkh al-kabÈr, part 4. Copied in 415/1024142 3.11 Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a’. Copied in 490/1096–7 by Abd Allåh b. A˙mad143 3.12 MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib, Al-Hidåya ilå bulËgh al-nihåya, end of part 3 and colophon. Copied and illuminated in 485/1092 145 3.13 Åmir b. al-Êufayl, DÈwån al-shir, final poem and dated colophon. Copied in 430/1039 150 3.14 Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a, beginning of part 3. Copied in 438/1047 151 3.15 AbË al-Qåsim al-MaghribÈ, Al-Munakhkhal. Copied in 486/1093 152 3.16 AbË Ubayd al-Qåsim b. Sallåm, Al-GharÈb almußannaf, end of the work with colophon. Copied in 489/1096 153 3.17 Al-QawånÈn al-muqaddasa, book 4. Copied in 1049 ce by the priest Vincentius 155 3.18 A sample of MaghribÈ round scripts from the fifth/eleventh century 156 3.19 The two distinct hands of item 22 159 3.20 MaghribÈ round scripts traced with a qalam nibbed according to the MashriqÈ tradition 160 3.21 Al-KhushånÈ, Akhbår al-fuqahåʾ wa-l-mu˙addithÈn. Copied in 483/1190 163 4.1 Ibn Bashkuwål, Al-Íila. Copied in 560/1156 in Cordova, by A˙mad b. AlÈ173 4.2 Muslim b. al-Óajjåj, Al-Musnad al-ßa˙È˙. Copied in 573/1178, possiby in Cordova, by AbË al-Qåsim Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Abd Allåh Ibn Ufayr al-UmawÈ al-LablÈ, then corrected and collated by Ibn Khayr al-IshbÈlÈ175 4.3 Ibn Óazm, Jamharat ansåb al-Arab. Copied in 567/1171 by Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad

figures

b. Abd al-Malik b. Abd al-AzÈz al-LakhmÈ, possibly in Seville 176 4.4 Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a. Copied in 542/1148 in the Great Mosque of Granada, by Hishåm b. Sad b. Khalaf al-GhassånÈ180 4.5 Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ, Al-Iqti∂åb fÈ shar˙ Adab al-kuttåb. Copied in 515/1121, possibly in Valencia183 4.6 AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ, Mukhtaßar Kitåb al-ayn, beginning of the letter shÈn. Copied and illuminated in 518/1124, probably in Valencia 184 4.7 Sa˙nËn, Al-Mudawwana. Copied in 524/1129–30 in Valencia, by Abd al-JalÈl b. A˙mad b. Abd Allåh b. Sallåm al-AnßårÈ185 4.8 Al-Qu∂åÈ, Al-Shihåb. Copied and illuminated in 568/1172, in Valencia 186 4.9 Al-BukhårÈ, Al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙, part 4. Original leather binding made in 576/1180 191 4.10 SÈbawayh, Al-Kitåb fÈ al-na˙w, a backlit folio showing zigzag marks. Copied in 588/1192 by Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Mu˙åmmad b. IbråhÈm al-KhazrajÈ193 4.11 Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a, part 11, title page with dedication to the Almoravid emir AlÈ b. YËsuf b. TåshifÈn. Copied in 502/1109, in Marrakesh, by the Abbadid prince Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad al-LakhmÈ197 4.12 Ibn TËmart, Aazz må yu†lab, frontispiece and beginning of the work. Copied and illuminated in 579/1183 199 4.13 Al-BukhårÈ, Al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙. Copied and illuminated in 591/1195, possibly in Marrakesh 201 4.14 Al-Qå∂È Iyå∂, Ikmål al-Mulim. Copied in 598/ 1202 in Ceuta by Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad al-BakrÈ, for the library of the Almohad prince AbË IbråhÈm Is˙åq al-Êåhir204 4.15 Ibn TËmart, Al-Muwa††a li-l-imåm al-mahdÈ, end of the text and colophon. Copied in 590/1193–4 by Sad b. YËsuf b. SurlÈs, probably in Marrakesh, for the library of the Almohad caliph AbË YËsuf YaqËb al-ManßËr207 4.16 Muslim b. al-Óajjåj, Al-Musnad al-ßa˙È˙, title page of part 1. Copied in 573/1178 in Murcia by A˙mad b. YËsuf b. Abd al-AzÈz al-QaysÈ, for the library of the Almohad prince AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån208 4.17 Muslim b. al-Óajjåj, Al-Musnad al-ßa˙È˙, beginning of the Kitåb al-†ahåra209

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4.18 Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ, Al-TamhÈd, part 7. Title page penned by A˙mad b. YËsuf al-QaysÈ, with the partly effaced ex-libris of the Almohad prince AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån210 4.19 Al-InjÈl, beginning of the Gospel of Luke. Probably copied in 1137 ce, in Fes 212 4.20 Al-Mubarrad, Al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha, part 1. Copied in 527/1133 218 4.21 Ibn al-Qˆiyya, Al-Afål al-thulåthiyya wa-lrubåiyya. Copied in 534/1139 220 4.22 AbË al-Abbås al-MahdawÈ, Shar˙ al-Hidåya. Copied in 535/1140 222 4.23 Alqama, DÈwån al-shir, beginning of the first poem. Copied in 571/1176 by Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf b. IbråhÈm b. Qu˙†aba al-KhazrajÈ225 4.24 Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-RåzÈ, Kitåb al-†ibb alManßËrÈ. Copied in 575/1180 227 4.25 Ibn Qutayba, Adab al-kuttåb. Copied in 582/1187 by Ya˙yå b. YËsuf b. Mu˙ammad b. Óajjåj al-LakhmÈ229 4.26 Anonymous, Al-Madd wa-l-jazr. Copied in 588/1192 231 4.27 Al-TirmidhÈ, Al-Jåmi al-kabÈr li-l-sunan, part 1. Copied in 540/1145 by Mu˙ammad b. Makhlad b.Abd Allåh b. Makhlad b. Ïså al-TamÈmÈ, in Baghdad240 4.28 A sample of MaghribÈ round scripts from the sixth/twelfth century 242 4.29 AbË Tammåm, Al-Óamåsa, final index with verse counts in RËmÈ numerals. Copied in 599/1203 by A˙mad b. Abd Allåh b. Sulaymån248 4.30 Al-Qu∂åÈ, Al-Shihåb. Copied and illuminated in 598/1202250 4.31 Ibn TËmart, Al-Muwa††a li-l-imåm al-mahdÈ, colophon of Kitåb al-˙udËd in Kufic script. Copied and illuminated in the second half of the sixth/twelfth century for a son of the Almohad caliph AbË YaqËb YËsuf251 4.32 Ibn TËmart, Al-Muwa††a li-l-imåm al-mahdÈ, beginning of the work in MaghribÈ thuluth  254 4.33 Eastern-inspired MaghribÈ scripts from the sixth/ twelfth century 256 4.34 Al-Fat˙ Ibn Khåqån, Qalåid al-iqyån, end of the work and dated colophon. Copied in 591/1195 by AlÈ b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. alKhi∂r al-KhazrajÈ258 5.1 Folio from a MaghribÈ Kufic Qurån. Al-Andalus, fourth/tenth century 278

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figures

5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11 5.12 5.13 5.14 5.15 5.16

5.17 5.18

5.19

5.20

5.21

Page spread from a MaghribÈ Kufic Qurån. Al-Andalus, fifth/eleventh century 281 End of sËrat al-Jåthiya (corresponding to the end of the 25th juz) and dated colophon (398/1008)283 End of the Qurån and dated colophon (432/1040) 284 Folio from a Qurån in MaghribÈ round script. Al-Andalus, fifth/eleventh century 285 Folio from a Qurån in MaghribÈ round script. Al-Andalus, fifth/eleventh century 287 Page spread with beginning of sËrat al-Thaghåbun. Copied and illuminated in 483/1090288 Final colophon in round chrysography 290 A sample of MaghribÈ basmalåt from the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries 292 Frontispiece inscribed with Qurån 56: 76–80 294 Marginal devices indicating the a˙zåb Rama∂ån295 Double frontispiece, illuminated in 586/1190 296 End of the Qurån with sËråt al-KåfirÈn, al-Naßr, al-Masad, al-Íamad, al-Falaq, al-Nås296 Colophon in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography 297 Original binding, made in 538/1143–4 in Cordova 299 Umm al-kitåb and beginning of sËrat al-Baqara. Copied in 557/1161–2 in Valencia by Abd Allåh Ibn Gha††Ës, for the vizier AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Abd Allåh al-Madh˙ijÈ al-LawshÈ303 Fåti˙at al-kitåb and beginning of sËrat al-Baqara. Copied in 578/1182–3 in Valencia, by Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës304 Double finispiece with dedication in MaghribÈ thuluth. Inscribed and illuminated in 599/1203 in Marrakesh by Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ and his son-in-law YËsuf, for the newborn son of the Almohad caliph al-Nåßir308 Colophon in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography. Inscribed and illuminated in 557/1161–2 in Valencia by Abd Allåh Ibn Gha††Ës, for the vizier AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Abd Allåh al-Madh˙ijÈ al-LawshÈ310 Colophon in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography. Inscribed and illuminated in 596/1199–1200 in Valencia, by YËsuf b. Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Wå˙id b. YËsuf Ibn KhaldËn311 Double finispieces and birth record of AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad

xvi

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

5.22 5.23 5.24 5.25 5.26

5.27 5.28 5.29 5.30

5.31 5.32

5.33 5.34 5.35 5.36 5.37 5.38

b. Ya˙yå al-GhåfiqÈ al-ShårrÈ. Inscribed and illuminated in 538/1143–4, in Cordova 312 Double finispiece with verse, word and letter counts in MaghribÈ thuluth. Inscribed and illuminated in 598/1202 314 Page spread with beginning of sËrat al-Niså. Copied and illuminated in 580/1184 by Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. AlÈ al-MurrÈ316 Frontispiece illuminated in 578/1182–3 in Valencia, in the workshop of Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës317 Finispiece illuminated in 587/1191, in Ceuta 318 End of the Qurån with sËråt Quraysh, al-DÈn, al-Kawthar, al-KåfirÈn, al-Naßr, al-Masad, al-Íamad, al-Falaq, al-Nås and colophon in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography319 Palaeographic table of letter shapes in Q10, from Shari¯fi¯ 1982320 Synoptic table of dated MaghribÈ Quråns from the sixth/twelfth centuries 321 Disbound bifolio with beginning of sËrat Sub˙ån; marginal device indicating one ˙izb. Copied in 534/1139 in Almería, by A˙mad b. Ghalinduh 322 Page spread with beginning of sËrat al-Zukhruf; marginal devices indicating groups of ten verses, one ˙izb and one tajziat Rama∂ån. Copied in 533/1138–9, illuminated and bound by Zakariyyå b. Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-QurashÈ, possibly in Cordova323 Fåti˙at al-kitåb and beginning of sËrat al-Baqara. Copied in 587/1191 in Ceuta, by Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Shuayb al-AnßårÈ325 Fåti˙at al-kitåb and beginning of sËrat al-Baqara. Copied and illuminated in 599/1203 in Marrakesh by Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ and his son-in-law YËsuf, for the newborn son of the Almohad caliph al-Nåßir326 Sale contract written in 475/1083 in Toledo 329 Peace treaty written in 577/1181 in Majorca, in the chancery of the BanË Ghåniya333 Peace treaty written in 582/1186, probably in Marrakesh, in the Almohad caliphal chancery 334 Peace treaty written in 584/1188 in Majorca, in the chancery of the BanË Ghåniya335 Diplomatic letter written in 580/1184 in Majorca, in the chancery of the BanË Ghåniya336 Diplomatic letter written in 597/1201 in Tunis, in the chancery of the Almohad governor AbË Zayd Abd al-Ra˙mån337

figures

Verso of the letter with the alåma of AbË Zayd Abd al-Ra˙mån338 5.40 Diplomatic letter written in 600/1204 in Mahdia, in the chancery of AlÈ b. GhåzÈ b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Ghåniya339 5.41 Almohad alåmåt in MaghribÈ thuluth347 5.42 Ex libris of the Almohad prince AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. al-ManßËr on the title page of item 32 348 C.1 Page from a Qurån in MaghribÈ mabßËt script, beginning of sËrat Íåd. Copied in 632/1235, in Seville359 C.2 AbË Tammåm, Al-Óamåsa, final colophon and transmission note. Copied in 556/1161 by AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. Ïså al-QaysÈ366 5.39

xvii

Acknowledgements

The research that shaped this book would not have been possible without the support, advice and encouragement of many scholars to whom I owe an infinite debt of gratitude, both intellectual and personal. My doctorate at the University of Oxford (2013–17) was marked by the exemplary guidance of Jeremy Johns, my academic supervisor at the Khalili Research Centre, and by the insightful comments and constructive criticism of my examiners François Déroche, Maribel Fierro, Tim Stanley, Emilie Savage-Smith and Alasdair Watson. However, this book is also the result of the fruitful conversations I have had the privilege to entertain, either remotely or in person, with countless colleagues from all over the world, and especially with Cyrille Aillet, Juan Pablo Arias Torres, María Luisa Ávila, Arafat Aydın, Nourane Ben Azzouna, Pascal Burési, Claudia Colini, Arianna D’Ottone, Abdelaziz Essaouri, Jean-Louis Estève, Alain George, Konrad Hirschler, Nadia Jamil, Mustapha Jaouhari, Alya Karame, Myklós Murányi, Péter Tamás Nagy, Judith OlszowySchlanger and Marina Rustow. Finally, my profound appreciation goes to the directors, curators and staff of more than sixty libraries and museums, without whose help I could never have examined the manuscripts here discussed nor obtained the images that illustrate this book. Among them are Yasemen Akcay (ÒÜK), Colin Baker (BL), Nouzha Bensaadoune (BNRM), Ahmed-Chaouqi Binebine (Rabat, Royal Library), Abdelfattah Boukchouf (Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library), Esra Müyessero©lu (Istanbul, Topkapı Palace library), Nahla Nassar (The Khalili Collections), Maria José Rucio Zamorano (BNE), Juán Sánchez Ocaña (Granada, Sacromonte Library), Marc Pelletreau (Doha, Islamic Art Museum), Sidi Slimane (Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya), Rachida Smine (BNT), José Luis del Valle Merino (RBE), Elaine Wright (CBL) and Sabahattin Yargul (Ankara University Library).

acknowledgements

To the people mentioned above and many others who have assisted my research over the past eight years I offer this book as a modest token of my gratitude, hoping that they may recognise in it the fruits of the seeds they sowed and forgive the inevitable errors and omissions for which only I am to blame. I dedicate anything useful or interesting that may be found in the following pages to my students, and to all curious and patient readers, few as they may be.

xix

Note on Transliteration and Translation

The transliteration system for Arabic followed in this book is that of the International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies (IJMES), with its mixed use of digrams and diacritics. Case endings and suffixed short vowels are not expressed in transliteration, except for poetry and the indefinite accusative; in these cases, they are indicated with superscript letters (e.g. taslÈman). The final short vowels of demonstratives, prepositions and certain fixed expressions are also omitted (e.g. dhålik, hådhih, ta˙t, Allåhumm). The alif of the definite article al- is usually not omitted, except when prefixed with a conjunction or preposition (e.g. wa-l-kitåb, bi-llåh), as well as in poetry, where it is replaced by an apostrophe. In transliterations from manuscripts, ‹å› indicates scriptio defectiva in words that are also found written in scriptio plena (e.g. thal‹å›th, Sha b‹å›n, ‹å›lamÈn, H‹å›rËn); if a word is never found written in scriptio plena then ‹å› is not used (e.g. ra˙mån, hådhå, dhålik, Allåh). Accusative and possessive suffixes are separated from the stem words by hyphens, except for the first-person singular È (e.g. kitåbu-hu, but kitåbÈ). Arabic names of persons, deities, tribes, dynasties, months, days of the week, cities, regions, institutions and book titles title are always capitalised in transliteration. When anglicised, Arabic names of dynasties are not provided with diacritics (e.g. Nasrids, not Naßrids), and hamza, ayn and long vowels are not marked (e.g. Abbadids, not Abbådids). The same applies to the adjectives derived from these names, and to other anglicised adjectives such as Quranic and Kufic, which have entered the common usage. Arabic princely and religious titles (sultan, emir, vizier, imam, etc.) are also given according to their anglicised form, when available. Names of cities are given according to their English exonym, when available (e.g. Cordova, not Córdoba or Qur†uba; Kairouan, not al-Qayrawån). In the transliteration of Arabic names within the English text, the words ibn (‘son of’) and bint (‘daughter

note on transliteration

of’) are abbreviated as ‘b.’ and ‘bt.’ when used literally (e.g. AlÈ b. YËsuf b. TåshifÈn), but left as ‘Ibn’ and ‘Bint’ when part of a family name referring to a remote ancestor (e.g. Abd al-Ra˙mån Ibn KhaldËn). All translations are the author’s unless otherwise noted.

xxi

Abbreviations

AHN BA

Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid Biblioteca de al-Andalus, ed. by J. Lirola Delgado and J. M. Puerta, Vílchez, Almería 2004–12 BAV Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City BL British Library, London BNE Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid BNF Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris BNRM Bibliothèque Nationale du Royaume du Maroc, Rabat BNT Bibliothèque nationale de Tunisie, Tunis BULAC Bibliothèque universitaire des langues et civilisations, Paris CBL Chester Beatty Library, Dublin DKW Dår al-Kutub al-Wa†aniyya, Cairo EI2 Encyclopaedia of Islam (second online edition), ed. by P. Bearman, T. Bianquis, C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W. P. Heinrichs EI3 Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE (online edition), ed. by K. Fleet, G. Krämer, D. Matringe, J. Nawas and E. Rowson FiMMOD Fichier des manuscrits moyen-orientaux dates, ed. by F. Déroche, Paris 1991– ÒÜK Òstanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi JE The Jewish Encyclopedia, ed. by I. Singer and C. Adler, New York 1901–6 LNSRM Laboratoire National pour la Sauvegarde et la Restauration des Manuscrits, Raqqada PUA Prosopografía de los Ulemas de al-Andalus (online database), ed. by M. L. Ávila Navarro RAH Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid RBE Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de El Escorial, San Lorenzo de El Escorial

abbreviations

c. circa d. died ed. edited f. folio (plural: ff.) ms. manuscript (plural: mss) n. note (plural: nn.) No. number (plural: Nos) p. page (plural: pp.) pl. plate (plural: pls) r. reigned

xxiii

Series Editor’s Foreword

‘Edinburgh Studies in Islamic Art’ is a venture that offers readers easy access to the most up-to-date research across the whole range of Islamic art. Building on the long and distinguished tradition of Edinburgh University Press in publishing books on the Islamic world, it is a forum for studies that, while closely focused, also opens wide horizons. Books in the series, for example, concentrate in an accessible way and in accessible, clear, plain English, on the art of a single century, dynasty or geographical area; on the meaning of works of art; on a given medium in a restricted time frame; or on analysis of key works in their wider contexts. A balance is maintained as far as possible between successive titles so that various parts of the Islamic world and various media and approaches are represented. Books in the series are academic monographs of intellectual distinction that mark a significant advance in the field. While they are naturally aimed at an advanced and graduate academic audience, a complementary target readership is the worldwide community of specialists in Islamic art – professionals who work in universities, research institutes, auction houses and museums – as well as that elusive character, the interested general reader. Professor Robert Hillenbrand

INTRODUCTION

A Book about Books

The date was Sunday, the 9th of Rajab 533, corresponding to 12 March 1139.1 Spring was about to begin in Almería, a thriving mercantile seaport and manufacturing city in what was then Almoravid Iberia. Those were the years of Almería’s economic and cultural apogee, abruptly ended in 542/1147 with the sack and occupation of the city at the hands of Alfonso VII of León. The last chief judge of Almoravid Almería, Abd al-Óaqq Ibn A†iyya (481/1088–541/1147), had been appointed to this prestigious position a few years before, on account of his immaculate reputation: a learned and highly esteemed notable from nearby Granada, Ibn A†iyya was a distinguished scholar of Quranic exegesis, but also a grammarian and a poet.2 During his tenure, he promoted the heightening of the minaret attached to the congregational mosque of Almería, as well as the erection of a fountain for ritual ablutions: these works are attested by two commemorative inscriptions on white marble that have survived the destruction of the buildings they once adorned.3 On the 9th of Rajab 533 a handsome manuscript was finally completed, containing a text that held great personal and sentimental value for Ibn A†iyya: his Fahrasa (‘Index’), a detailed record of his thirty teachers – starting from his own father – and of the religious and secular texts he had received and transmitted from them.4 In the medieval Islamic West it was not unusual for famed scholars who had reached a certain age to compile such bio-bibliographical works, which represented in many ways a summation of their knowledge and a testament to their scholarly achievements.5 What is extraordinary about Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa, however, is that its original manuscript (Figure I.1) has miraculously survived in the Royal Library of San Lorenzo de El Escorial and can reveal so much more about the milieu in which it was written than any later copy.6 Very much like Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa, this is a book about books; and yet, the following pages will not be concerned with the lives

2

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Figure I.1  Fahrasa of Abd al-Óaqq Ibn A†iyya, dated 533/1139. Parchment, 24 × 17 cm. RBE, ms. árabe 1733, ff. 1b–2a (item 104). © Patrimonio Nacional

and works of medieval Arabic authors and literati. What will be discussed instead is the activity of copyists and calligraphers – the individuals who physically transcribed the manuscripts owned and read by scholars such as Ibn A†iyya – through a comprehensive survey of what survives of their work. This paradigm shift from intellectual history and textual philology to the study of handwritten artefacts and their material histories has been motivated by the inadequacy of modern scholarship on MaghribÈ manuscripts. When not completely ignored as historical evidence or disregarded as artistically inferior to their eastern counterparts, MaghribÈ manuscripts continue to be worryingly misdated, misrepresented and misunderstood. The codex of Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa is a case in point: despite the prevalent belief, a close examination reveals it to be anything but an autograph. There is nothing in it that would suggest the judge’s active involvement in its production: not a signature, nor the usual self-deprecating formulae used by medieval Arabic copyists when referring to themselves in the first person. Instead, the text presents Ibn A†iyya in rather sycophantic terms, with repeated use of honorifics and laudatory expressions. On the very first page one can even notice a scribal omission and correction in the transcription of the author’s own lineage, a mistake that Ibn A†iyya could hardly have

introduction

made. In a nutshell, it is the aim of this book to shift the focus away from Ibn A†iyya, his teachers and his impressive curriculum, to the anonymous scribe who put Ibn A†iyya’s draft into a fair copy: his profession, his status and the aesthetic qualities of his work are equally worthy of consideration. The manuscript of Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa was copied on thick and smooth parchment of a very high quality, carefully stretched and polished. Nowhere in the Islamic world could this type of support have been found, at that time, except for al-Andalus.7 Elsewhere, Muslim scribes had turned to paper centuries earlier, and even in the Maghrib, by the sixth/twelfth century, parchment was only used for transcribing the Qurån and very prestigious copies of a few other works. We do not know how much Ibn A†iyya paid for the twenty-nine parchment sheets (folded into fifty-eight folios) that make up the exemplar of his Fahrasa. What we do know, however, is that the choice of this support over paper was not accidental, and that the copyist carefully arranged the parchment bifolios into ternions, making sure that the flesh side of each leaf always faced the flesh side of the following, in keeping with a centuries-old tradition of bookmaking. As an added nicety, he preferred not to score the left and right margins of each folio in dry pen as was customary, using instead a ruling tool (a rectangular frame, perhaps) which did not leave any mark on the pages. What was the meaning of these choices? From the quality of the calligraphy, it appears that whoever copied this manuscript was a very skilled penman and probably a professional scribe (which does not exclude the possibility that he was also a scholar in his own right). He was, in the terminology of medieval Arabic sources, a warråq through and through, and may well have been employed by the chief judge as a personal secretary (kåtib). His script is ample and elegant, of two dimensions: larger for the names of Ibn A†iyya, his teachers and the titles of the works they transmitted, and slightly smaller for the rest of the text, a choice that required switching frequently between two reed pens of different size. His vocalisation is impeccable. His use of punctuation (despite the common view that no such thing existed in pre-modern Arabic texts) is surprisingly exact: triangles of three dots appear at the end of each sentence, while circles with a central dot are found at the end of every paragraph.8 Where, how and from whom did our anonymous calligrapher learn his craft? And what do we know about the scribal tradition he belonged to? By their very nature, medieval Arabic manuscripts were extremely mobile artefacts: before ending up in the Escorial Library, Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa passed through Morocco, where it belonged to the library of the Saadian sultan Mawlåy Zaydån (r. 1012/1603–1037/1627).9 This was a relatively short journey when compared with the vicissitudes of other AndalusÈ manuscripts that travelled thousands of miles on their way to Turkey, Syria, Iraq and even further east. But however far

3

4

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

these books may have voyaged, their origin would have been known even to readers unfamiliar with their authors or contents because of an immediately recognisable feature they all shared: their script. Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa is written in what is commonly known as ‘MaghribÈ script’, a highly distinctive style of Arabic writing that, in 533/1139, would only have been used by copyists trained in Muslim Iberia and some cities of Northwest Africa. As we shall see in the following pages, thanks to the unique features of MaghribÈ scripts and the array of scribal conventions they carried with them, most Arabic readers from the rest of the Islamic world would have been able to relate certain books to the scholarly tradition of the Muslim West before even starting to read them. This was one of the ways in which the cultural identity of al-Andalus spread across the Mediterranean and further east: a subtle yet powerful mode of visual expression, widely acknowledged and in many ways deliberate, whose formative process and full aesthetic range have so far been poorly understood. As the common denominator of virtually all the Arabic manuscripts produced in the Islamic West, MaghribÈ scripts are the real protagonists of this book. In order to reconstruct the activity of MaghribÈ calligraphers, copyists, notaries and secretaries, and to follow the development of their practices, the present work lists and discusses the earliest dated material written in MaghribÈ scripts, in chronological order: 215 non-Quranic manuscripts, twenty-seven Quranic codices and fragments, eight chancery documents and two private contracts, all of which were produced between 270/883 and 600/1204. The palaeographic analysis of the scripts represented in the corpus allows us to distinguish among different MaghribÈ sub-styles and calligraphic modes, some of which are here identified and detailed for the first time. Careful consideration is given to the geo-political context in which these scripts developed – Umayyad and post-Umayyad alAndalus – and to the cultural and even ideological implications of their diffusion throughout Northwest Africa under the Almoravids and Almohads. Codicological and material aspects are also taken into account, such as the quality of scribal supports, the composition of quires and gatherings, the methods of ruling the pages, the choice of inks and pigments of different types, the styles and techniques of illumination and the types of binding. Where possible, the autoptic study of the material is combined with the information offered by primary sources of various kinds (historiography, biographical dictionaries, handbooks for notaries, chancery manuals) in order to present a comprehensive picture of MaghribÈ manuscript culture, from the earliest surviving evidence until the heyday of the Almohad caliphate. Chapter One will serve as a broad introductory discussion of the subject from the point of view of chronology, geography, methodology and the contributions of previous scholarship. In this chapter

introduction

I shall also propose and explain the new definition of ‘MaghribÈ round scripts’ and briefly examine the scribal milieu of medieval Kairouan (in present-day Tunisia) where these scripts did not originate, despite the commonly held belief. In Chapter Two I shall discuss the earliest evidence for the appearance of MaghribÈ round scripts in al-Andalus, between the late third/ninth and the late fourth/tenth century (items 1–12). Despite the paucity of securely dated manuscripts from Umayyad Iberia, I shall argue for the emergence of two distinct scribal modes – half-bookhands and full bookhands – already in this early period, presenting some hypotheses on their respective functions and connotations. A discussion of contemporary Christian scribal practices and the possible influence of Latin Visigothic scripts on AndalusÈ bookhands will also be included in this chapter. In Chapter Three I shall concentrate on the evolution of MaghribÈ round scripts during the fifth/eleventh century, a period of political turmoil but intense cultural ferment (items 13–54). As time went by, these ordinary bookhands began not only to diversify into distinct sub-regional styles, but also to develop a wide variety of mannered features that transformed them into enhanced bookhands and calligraphic scripts, used especially, but not exclusively, for transcribing the Qurån. New characteristic ligatures, notation and punctuation marks, colour schemes, etc. were gradually introduced, the derivation of which will also be examined. During the sixth/twelfth century the stylistic expansion of the family of AndalusÈ bookhands was matched by a geographical one, into Northwest Africa: cities such as Marrakesh, Fes, Sijilmasa, Ceuta, Tlemcen and Bougie assimilated fully the scribal practices of al-Andalus and became thriving centres for the production of books in MaghribÈ round scripts, as discussed in Chapter Four (items 55–215). From the sixth/twelfth century also dates the appearance in both manuscripts and epigraphy of a special calligraphic style known today as MaghribÈ thuluth, which became particularly popular under the Almohads. With this sole exception, the scripts employed by AndalusÈ and MaghribÈ copyists, calligraphers and secretaries until the end of the sixth/twelfth century remained specific to the written page and were not exported to other media. Finally, Chapter Five will deal with handwritten artifacts of a special kind: Quranic manuscripts penned in MaghribÈ round scripts (Q1–27), representing the definitive break with the Kufic tradition, two private sale contracts (D1–2) and eight diplomatic documents (D3–10), bearing the earliest surviving evidence of MaghribÈ chancery scripts. In many ways, Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa epitomises much of the material presented in this book. First and foremost, it is not a royal manuscript, in the sense that it was not commissioned by a Muslim ruler (though it did belong to one, at one point). While some royal books will be discussed in the following pages, the vast majority of the extant manuscripts were copied by, and even for, individuals who

5

6

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

yielded limited political agency. In this regard, Ibn A†iyya sat at the top of a social hierarchy whose lower levels were occupied by itinerant scholars of rather modest means and status, who transcribed or purchased manuscripts for themselves, their pupils and their children. This partly explains why their books circulated widely and freely and were in many ways more influential within the literate society than the prized and inaccessible holdings of royal and aristocratic libraries. Despite being a high-quality product, Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa is not illuminated with gold or expensive pigments, nor is it decorated in any way (though its original binding, which has not survived, might have been). The smoothness of the scribal support and the elegance and accuracy of the script are its only ornaments: a sober charm shared by numerous manuscripts in the corpus, which will perhaps disappoint art historians and yet speaks volumes for the bibliophilic culture of the period. As an art historian myself I had originally considered engaging only with illuminated codices (mostly Quråns) and their contexts of production, but I soon realised that such an approach would have hindered a much-needed discussion of MaghribÈ manuscript culture as a whole. Hence, I ended up venturing far beyond the traditional boundaries of the field of the Islamic ‘arts of the book’, exploring the ordinary aspects of manuscript production as a means to better understand the extraordinary instances within this tradition. At the other end of the academic spectrum, I suspect intellectual historians and scholars of Islam may disapprove of the simplified way in which this book treats the textual content of manuscripts. Also, certain important works and genres of MaghribÈ literature will be dealt with in much less detail than others, if at all, for the simple reason that no dated copies of these works have survived from the period in question. Some may legitimately doubt the representativity of the corpus here discussed, or the suitability of my ‘materialist’ approach to draw conclusions not only on MaghribÈ book culture but also on the identitarian and ideological discourses underpinning it. Survival patterns, however, are rarely casual, and once problematised and contextualised, they can hold the clue to their own causes: if absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, I for one believe it must be evidence of something. Why is it that some renowned ‘classics’ of AndalusÈ and MaghribÈ literature have not survived in manuscripts from before the seventh/thirteenth century? Again, Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa may be used as a key to understand the nature of the extant corpus, as well as the aims of this study. In his seminal book Identité andalouse (1997) the French historian Gabriel Martinez-Gros discussed at length the ideological power of literary discourses in AndalusÈ textual sources. That of al-Andalus, Martinez-Gros argued, was essentially an ‘identity of paper’, established on a literary production steeped in Umayyad propaganda, aimed at legitimising the caliphate of Cordova and, to a certain

introduction

extent, its successor states.10 Martinez-Gros based his arguments on the close analysis of several AndalusÈ works of historiography and belles-lettres, such as the Muqtabas (‘Compilation’) by Ibn Óayyån (377/987–469/1075), the Êawq al-˙amåma (‘Dove’s Collar’) by Ibn Óazm (384/994–456/1064) and the anonymous history of al-Andalus known as Akhbår majmËa (‘Collected Accounts’, composed in the early fifth/eleventh century). A comparable approach is found in Isabelle Toral-Niehoff’s political reading of al-Iqd al-farÈd (‘Unique Necklace’), the celebrated literary anthology by the Umayyad protégé Ibn Abd Rabbih (246/860–328/940).11 Perhaps surprisingly, none of these titles feature in Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa. One is thus left with the impression that, in the world view of the chief judge of Almoravid Almería, these books did not really play a significant role. Moreover, as shown in the following pages, no manuscripts of these works seem to exist from the fifth/eleventh or sixth/twelfth centuries. This may well be a problem of survival, since non-religious texts were much less likely to be included in a scholar’s curriculum, endowed to mosques and learning institutions and therefore preserved for posterity. The Fahrasa, however, does include other titles of secular works that Ibn A†iyya cared to study and record: the AmålÈ (‘Dictations’) of AbË AlÈ al-QålÈ (288/901–356/967), the commentary on Ibn Qutayba’s Adab al-kuttåb (‘Etiquette of Secretaries’) by Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ (444/1052–521/1127) and the anthology of poems by AbË Tammåm (third/ninth century) stand out amid treatises of early Islamic history, IråqÈ lexicography and biographies of AndalusÈ scientists and literati. Interestingly, these are precisely the secular works transmitted by the extant manuscripts from the period, scattered in an ocean of religious literature on Quranic exegesis, ˙adÈth and MålikÈ jurisprudence that form the backbone of Ibn A†iyya’s curriculum. This can hardly be a coincidence: Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa simply holds a mirror to the traditionalist literary culture of its time, based on time-honoured works of Islamic sciences and Arabic literature that constitute the bulk of the surviving manuscripts from the medieval Maghrib. For the same reason, the Fahrasa is also the perfect expression of an ideal, shared by the scholarly community of the period, of what works should constitute the foundations of a cultural identity different from that discussed by Martinez-Gros and other intellectual historians. In my personal quest for the AndalusÈ identity – which was indeed, in many ways, ‘une identité de papier’ – I have concentrated on a very different kind of material, working quite literally on the paper (and parchment) that has physically survived. This more prosaic approach to cultural history, it seems to me, has the advantage of engaging with human artefacts that speak to us with a special immediacy and even poignancy. Concerning my methodology, the corpus here presented has been compiled after a systematic consultation of the available catalogues

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of private and public libraries and collections, in search of dated manuscripts copied in MaghribÈ scripts. A number of uncatalogued items have come to my notice thanks to secondary literature and the introductions of edited sources, while others have been brought to my attention by colleagues working in related fields. The manuscripts have then been checked, either in person or, in a minority of cases, remotely (i.e. through printed or digital images), to ensure their colophons are genuine and their scripts and features relevant to the present discussion. Due to problems of accessibility, a very few of them have yet to be checked but have been included in the corpus because they are described in catalogues that I deem generally reliable.12 However, I have not taken these items into consideration for my arguments and observations on the manuscript culture of the period. In terms of comprehensiveness, the corpus contains works from a wide variety of religious and secular genres, without significant lacunae. As for its representativity, that can only be inferred from comparisons with coeval bibliographical compilations such as the Fahrasa of Ibn A†iyya. On balance, it may be argued that the study of all the works attested in the corpus would have earned anyone a reputation as an accomplished polymath, as well as a strong chance of being appointed chief judge of any major MaghribÈ city. Among the many pupils that Ibn A†iyya had in Almería was Mu˙ammad Ibn Êufayl, a promising young aristocrat who would later make a brilliant career as a philosopher and physician of the Almohad caliph AbË YaqËb YËsuf (r. 558/1163–580/1184).13 Ibn Êufayl was among the first students to have the privilege of holding in their hands their teacher’s Fahrasa, in order to study and transcribe it. This can be deduced from a note left by him immediately below the manuscript’s colophon, in the flowing calligraphy of a refined gentleman (Figure I.2). After reading his own copy of the Fahrasa back to its author, wrote Ibn Êufayl, he received the official permission (ijåza) of transmitting its text, sanctioned by a note left by Ibn A†iyya on the first page of the pupil’s manuscript. In exchange, Ibn Êufayl left his own note and signature on his teacher’s original. This scribal transaction perfectly exemplifies the system of textual transmission typical of medieval Islam: a practice formally based on orality, but in which the copy and collation of manuscripts, and the collection of written ijåzåt, played an irreplaceable role. In this context, it comes as no surprise that notions such as that of autography (kha†† ­bi-yadi-hi), master copy (aßl), precision in vocalisation (itqån al-naq†), soundness of the original (ßi˙˙at al-umm) and beauty of the script (˙usn al-kha††) all acquired substantial significance. It is precisely on these notions that the colophons of the surviving manuscripts and the biographies of AndalusÈ transmitters insist, over and over again, revealing the values and concerns of contemporary readers. In the seven years following the completion of Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa, at least three other students transcribed its text and read

introduction

Figure I.2  Fahrasa of Abd al-Óaqq Ibn A†iyya, final colophon and reading certificate written by Mu˙ammad Ibn Êufayl. RBE, ms. árabe 1733, f. 56b, detail (item 104). © Patrimonio Nacional

it to the author, as shown by a series of notes they left on the original codex, which must have always been present during their scholarly gatherings. We can only imagine what emotions they felt when they were finally allowed to leave their signatures on their teacher’s personal copy. To be sure, they all seem to have mustered their best calligraphic skills for the occasion. More importantly, these notes demonstrate the reach and relevance of certain scribal practices well beyond the moment of a manuscript’s completion.

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They provide precious evidence for the use and circulation of books as culturally and ideologically charged artefacts, a theme that will also be explored in this book, from the still uncharted perspective of medieval al-Andalus and the Maghrib. The scholars’ preoccupation with acquiring, copying and collating manuscripts – a real fetish, to judge from the content of certain colophons – did not prevent the same books from being coveted also by a larger public of nonspecialists, due to their aesthetic appeal. One did (and does) not have to be a philologist, a traditionist or an expert of Quranic readings to appreciate the beauty of certain MaghribÈ manuscripts, which is why they became such a status symbol within the society that produced them. It is worth remembering here a well-known incident occurred in the streets of Umayyad Cordova: Al-Óa∂ramÈ recounted: ‘I once resided in Cordova, where I would pay frequent visits to the book market in the hope of finding certain books that I was anxiously seeking. One such book [eventually] appeared, written in a handsome script and beautifully bound. I rejoiced with the greatest possible joy, and I made increasing offers [to buy it], but every time the auctioneer came back to me with a higher offer, until [the price] exceeded the value [of the book]. So, I told him: “You! Show me who is outbidding me for such a disproportionate price”, and he showed me a man dressed as a notable, whom I approached and addressed thus: “May God exalt our master the scholar! If you are after this book, I will let you have it, for our mutual bidding has pushed its price beyond its value”. The man replied: “I am not a scholar, and I have no idea of what is in the book. However, I do have a library that I gathered in order to impress the city’s elites, and there is a vacant space in it that will [perfectly] accommodate this book. It pleased me when I saw its calligraphy and beautiful binding, and I do not care how high I bid to obtain it, since, thanks to God’s favour, I possess ample means”. That infuriated me, and prompted me to respond: “Indeed, means are never ample [for anyone] except for people like you: he gets the walnut who has no teeth! I know what is in that book and I could profit from it, but I am of modest means, and that prevents me from acquiring it”.’14 This passage is often quoted to evoke the bibliophilic society of alAndalus but, more importantly to us, it also represents manuscripts as polysemic artefacts that could be appreciated on multiple levels and that different groups of people endowed with a wide variety of functions and meanings: owning certain books could be a route to social advancement for a parvenu, a lucrative business for a merchant, an ideological statement for a ruler, an outright necessity for a jurist, notary or secretary, and the achievement of a lifetime for a scholar.

introduction

The arguments of Martinez-Gros’s Identité andalouse, as is known, were aimed at countering the strictly anthropological and sociological approach of earlier historians – such as Pierre Guichard – who had also addressed the problem of the AndalusÈ identity, debating what aspects of it were indigenous and what were imported, what were ‘Hispanic’ and what were Arab or Berber, what were ‘Oriental’ (MashriqÈ) and what were ‘Occidental’ (MaghribÈ).15 As we shall see, MaghribÈ manuscripts carried with them numerous features that set them apart from the writerly culture of the rest of the Islamic world. And yet, virtually all the manuscripts discussed here are engaged in some form of conversation with the literary tradition of the Islamic East. In fact, the majority of them transmit works that were authored between Kairouan and Baghdad, just like most of the books recorded in Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa. The fascinating contradiction of a western Islamic world largely reliant on cultural and literary models coming from the East, and yet able to successfully develop and export calligraphic styles and scribal practices that were completely original, lies at the heart of this book, and resonates with the kind of questions that historians of Muslim Iberia have been trying to answer for the past 150 years. To look at the origin and development of MaghribÈ round scripts, I believe, can be a way of reconciling the antithetical approaches of Guichard and Martinez-Gros into one that investigates material practices and social structures, but also considers the intellectual aspirations and concerns of the scholars and artists who copied, illuminated, owned, annotated and endowed the earliest Arabic manuscripts of the Islamic West. As this book hopes to demonstrate, the distinctive scripts used by AndalusÈ and MaghribÈ scholars were at the same time a vehicle to transmit their cultural identity and a fundamental constituent of it.

Notes 1. From now on dates will be expressed according to the format 533/1139, with the first date referring to the Islamic calendar and the second to the Julian-Gregorian one. 2. PUA id. 4197. 3. Ocaña 1964, 75–77, No. 79, pl. XXXIII, and 97–98, No. 100, pl. XLIII a–b. See also Lirola 2001, 127–129. 4. On Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa and the works he transmitted, see Fórneas 1971 and Rachid el-Hour’s article ‘Ibn A†Èya al-Mu˙åribÈ’ in BA, II, 409–414. By ‘secular texts’ or ‘secular genres’, here and elsewhere in the book, I intend non-religious works of Arabic grammar, linguistics, lexicography, historiography, biographical dictionaries, literary prose (adab) and poetry, as well as works on the natural sciences. On the distinction between the religious (dÈnÈ) and the secular (dunyawÈ) in the pre-modern Islamic world, see Abbasi 2020. 5. On the Fahrasa genre in the Maghrib, see al-Targhi¯ 1999. On bibliographical practices in Islam, see Ansari & Schmidke 2016.

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6. RBE, ms. árabe 1733. See also Chapter Four, item 104. 7. On the adoption of paper in the Islamic world and its cultural and economic implications, see Rustow 2020, 113–137; Bloom 2001. 8. On punctuation marks in medieval Arabic manuscripts, see Jaouhari 2009. 9. On the library of Mawlåy Zaydån and its transfer to San Lorenzo de El Escorial, see Hershenzon 2014. 10. Martínez-Groz 1997, 77–85; 154–166. 11. See especially Toral-Niehoff 2018. 12. The manuscripts that remain to be checked are items 65, 150, 154, 179, Q3 and Q12. 13. PUA id. 9786. 14. Al-Maqqari¯ 1968, I, 463. 15. Guichard 1977. On Guichard’s and Martinez-Gros’s opposing views on the AndalusÈ identity and the scholarly contention between them, see Guichard 1999 and Martinez-Gros 2000.

CHAPTER ONE

Maghribı¯ Round Scripts: a New Definition

Geography and chronology Among the few key tenets of the still emergent field of Arabic palaeography lies the distinction between western (or MaghribÈ) scripts and eastern (or MashriqÈ) scripts.1 This dichotomy between writing styles and practices at the two poles of the Islamic Mediterranean – the Maghrib and the Mashriq – is historically rooted in the traditional division of the Arab world into two main macro-regions, differing from one another in numerous respects: religious doctrine and practices, ethnic composition, vernacular languages and, of course, visual and material culture. As far as scripts are concerned, the distinction between MaghribÈ and MashriqÈ is attested in Arabic literary sources from an early date. The medieval treatise Shawq al-mustahåm fÈ marifat rumËz al-aqlåm (‘Yearning of the Besotted in the Knowledge of Written Symbols’), a work on cryptic alphabets and their talismanic properties, begins by introducing the reader to three basic alphabets known as ‘KËfÈ’, ‘MaghribÈ’ and ‘HindÈ’.2 The first is described as the primeval Arabic script; the second is the Arabic alphabet employed in the Muslim West, and more specifically in al-Andalus (‘al-qalam al-MaghribÈ wa-huwa al-AndalusÈ’); the third is the abjad or alphanumeric system, where each Arabic letter corresponds to an Indian numeral. The earliest surviving manuscript of this work was copied in 1165/1751 from an exemplar dated 413/1022 that, in turn, reproduced an autograph allegedly from the year 241/856. Despite the alterations that may have occurred during the two subsequent transcriptions, the chart presenting each MaghribÈ letter captioned by its MashriqÈ equivalent (Figure 1.1) is a precious indicator of the differences arisen between the two writing systems already in the Abbasid period.3 The distinct aspect and special nature of MaghribÈ scripts was well known to medieval Arabic authors in the Mashriq, who occasionally

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Figure 1.1  The MaghribÈ alphabet illustrated in an Ottoman manuscript of the Shawq al-mustahåm copied in 1165/1751. Paper, 16 × 9.5 cm. BNF, ms. arabe 6805, f. 5a–b. © Bibliothèque nationale de France

even showed a certain appreciation for them. The Ayyubid historian and administrator Jamål al-DÈn al-Qif†È (568/1172–646/1248), for instance, in his biographical dictionary and anthology of poets named Mu˙ammad, includes the Malagan Mu˙ammad Ibn al-Fakhkhår (d. 539/1145) and describes him as having ‘a beautiful handwriting, of the kind used by the people of al-Andalus [la-hu kha†† ˙asan min khu†Ë† ahl al-Andalus]’. Al-Qif†È claims to have personally seen a book copied by Ibn al-Fakhkhår and confirms that his calligraphy was indeed ‘exceedingly handsome and precise’.4 In the work of early Arabic geographers such as al-MuqaddasÈ (d. 380/990), the Maghrib is identified with the Muslim territories lying to the west of Egypt.5 These lands are historically divided into several regions: the district of Barqa (Cyrenaica); IfrÈqiya or al-Maghrib

chapter one: a new definition

al-Adnå (meaning ‘Near West’), comprising today’s Tripolitania, Tunisia and the eastern third of Algeria (the Constantine province) as well as the islands of Sicily and Malta; al-Maghrib al-Awsa† (‘Central West’), roughly corresponding to the remaining part of modern Algeria; al-Maghrib al-Aqßå (‘Far West’), encompassing modern Morocco; and finally, al-Andalus, embracing Muslim Iberia and the Balearic Islands, often considered as a separate geographical entity.6 The earliest MaghribÈ geographical manuscript to have survived with its set of original maps – a seventh/thirteenth-century copy of al-IdrÈsÈ’s Book of Roger (548/1154) – employs five drawings to illustrate the whole region, split by the author between the third and fourth climes (Figures 1.2–3).7 Despite this wide geographical span, I shall argue that the expression ‘MaghribÈ scripts’ should only be used to designate the writing styles originally employed in alAndalus and in the tract of North Africa that roughly stretched from Marrakesh to Bougie, to the west of IfrÈqiya. This is because until the late sixth/twelfth century, before becoming ‘Maghribised’ under the Almohads, IfrÈqiya had remained politically orientated towards Egypt and the Mashriq and culturally distinct from al-Andalus and the rest of the Maghrib. In this regard, a passage from Ibn KhaldËn’s Muqaddima (‘Introduction’) to his universal history, completed in 779/1377, includes precious references to the old Arabic scripts once employed in his native region of IfrÈqiya. Being himself a trained calligrapher and an expert of different scribal traditions, Ibn KhaldËn’s remarks seem particularly trustworthy: The IfrÈqÈ script [al-kha†† al-IfrÈqÈ], the old form of which is still known today, was close to the forms of the eastern script [al-kha†† al-MashriqÈ]. With the Umayyads, al-Andalus became a separate political entity, and [the Andalusis] developed distinctive conditions as to sedentary culture, the crafts, and writing styles. As a result, their AndalusÈ script also became special, in the form which is known today. […] With the downfall of the Arab rulers [i.e. the Umayyads] and their Berber successors, the people of al-Andalus became divided into separate regions, and the Christian nations overcame them. Thus, they dispersed over the coast of the Maghrib and IfrÈqiya, from the time of the Almoravids to the present day. Through their crafts, they associated themselves with the civilised people, and attached themselves to the ruling dynasty. Hence their script prevailed over the IfrÈqÈ script and wiped it out. The script of Kairouan and Mahdia was forgotten together with their customs and crafts. All the scripts of the inhabitants of IfrÈqiya were assimilated to the AndalusÈ style used in Tunis and the neighbouring regions, since there were so many Andalusis there after their emigration from the East of al-Andalus. A trace [of the IfrÈqÈ script] has survived in the JarÈd region, where the people did not mingle

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Figure 1.2  Map of the Far and Central Maghrib (al-Maghrib al-Aqßå and al-Maghrib al-Awsa†) from the earliest surviving manuscript of al-IdrÈsÈ’s Book of Roger, copied in the seventh/thirteenth century. As is customary in medieval Arabic cartography, the map is south-up. The easten limit of the Central Maghrib is the Gulf of Bougie. BNF, ms. arabe 2221, ff. 89b–90a. © Bibliothèque nationale de France

chapter one: a new definition

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Figure 1.3  Map of al-Andalus from the earliest surviving manuscript of al-IdrÈsÈ’s Book of Roger, copied in the seventh/thirteenth century. The region is sub-divided into Eastern and Western al-Andalus (Sharq al-Andalus and Gharb al-Andalus). BNF, ms. arabe 2221, ff. 184b–185a. © Bibliothèque nationale de France

chapter one: a new definition

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with AndalusÈ scribes, nor did they work in their proximity. [The Andalusis] only reached the seat of power in Tunis, so the script of the inhabitants of IfrÈqiya became one of the finest types of AndalusÈ script [min a˙san khu†Ë† ahl al-Andalus].8 A reconsideration of this passage is worthwhile for two reasons: firstly, it clearly sets early IfrÈqÈ scripts apart from the writing styles employed further west, stressing instead their proximity to MashriqÈ scripts. As discussed at the end of this chapter, Ibn KhaldËn’s statement is supported by a substantial body of material evidence, represented by manuscripts written in Kairouan between the third/ninth and the fifth/eleventh centuries, in local variants of eastern Abbasid bookhands. Secondly, Ibn KhaldËn insists on the crucial role played by the people of al-Andalus in the ‘Maghribisation’ of his home town Tunis and its surrounding region, where they were welcomed by the Hafsid sultans and appointed to key administrative and judicial posts.9 This reinforces one of the main arguments of this book, suggesting a close connection between Umayyad Iberia and the origin of MaghribÈ scripts, and between the AndalusÈ diaspora and the spread of MaghribÈ scripts through North Africa and beyond, as vehicles of a specific cultural identity. Although IfrÈqiya did eventually become an important centre of production of manuscripts in MaghribÈ scripts, when precisely this happened is far from clear. A diplomatic letter addressed to the archbishop of Pisa, issued by the chancery of the Khurasanid emir of Tunis in 552/1157, was penned in a MashriqÈ style visibly influenced by eastern, and more precisely Fatimid, models.10 In the surviving correspondence between the Almohad governors and notables of Tunis and the Pisan maritime republic, dated between 596/1200 and 624/1227, MaghribÈ scripts make their earliest, timid appearance (see Chapter Five, D8) along with MashriqÈ and hybrid hands.11 However, three important IfrÈqÈ documents of the seventh/thirteenth century were not penned in MaghribÈ, but in MashriqÈ scripts: a property sale contract drafted in Kairouan in 632/1234;12 the original Arabic version of the 669/1270 peace treaty between the Hafsid caliph AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad I al-Mustanßir and King Philip III of France;13 and the inventory of the library of the Great Mosque of Kairouan, dated 693/1294.14 To my knowledge, the earliest dated document written in MaghribÈ script to have survived from the Hafsid chancery of Tunis is a peace treaty between the caliph AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad II and King James II of Aragon, dated 701/1301.15 The earliest dated codices in MaghribÈ scripts undoubtedly produced in Hafsid IfrÈqiya are a paper manuscript containing poems in praise of the caliph al-Mustanßir, copied in Annaba in 698/1298,16 and an illuminated parchment Qurån copied in Tunis in 706/1306.17 By the mid-eighth/fourteenth century MaghribÈ scripts had become the norm throughout IfrÈqiya and even further east, as suggested by a passage in the chancery

chapter one: a new definition

manual of the Nasrid secretary and court poet Ibn Simåk al-ÅmilÈ (d. after 820/1417): ‘The script of the people of the West [kha†† alMaghåriba] is the one which is employed nowadays from the Far Maghrib and al-Andalus to Alexandria, and it has been in use for more than five hundred years.’18 Nature and fortune of a regional script The vast majority of the manuscripts discussed in the present work were copied to the west of Bougie, in present-day Algeria, a town that Ibn KhaldËn (among others) considered the easternmost limit of the Central Maghrib (Figure 1.4).19 This is essentially a matter of chronology, since this book deals exclusively with handwritten material produced before the year 600/1203–4, a date roughly coinciding with the heyday of the Almohad caliphate. Besides the obvious numerical convenience, two main reasons lie behind this choice. The first is historical, as the Almohads were the last Muslim dynasty to rule over the entire Maghrib and al-Andalus in a situation of (relative) cultural and aesthetic homogeneity, and as Ibn KhaldËn writes, when ‘the shadow of the Almohad dynasty receded [...] writing also suffered a setback, and its forms deteriorated’.20 While the Tunisian historian clearly framed the phenomenon of MaghribÈ scripts within his narrative of the ebb and flow of dynasties, peoples and crafts, it is indeed true that, from the seventh/thirteenth century onwards, the aesthetics of MaghribÈ calligraphy splintered off in directions that could have been perceived as corruptions of the classical canon. This brings me to the second reason for not venturing beyond 600/1203–4, which is purely palaeographic: while MaghribÈ scripts have never ceased to develop new traits and forms throughout their long history, the key features of their three main variants – bookhands, Quranic calligraphy and chancery scripts – appear to have emerged and become fully established between the third/ninth and the sixth/ twelfth centuries. It would therefore exceed the scope of this book to include a survey of the manuscript production of the late Almohad period, let alone of Nasrid Granada, Marinid Morocco, Zayyanid Tlemcen or Hafsid Tunisia. In spite of this geographical focus on al-Andalus and the western Maghrib, a few manuscripts penned in IfrÈqiya, Egypt, Mecca, Damascus and Baghdad will also be discussed, as they represent the work of travellers and expatriate copyists who clung to the writing style of their homeland (items 5, 24, 95, 118, 124, 127, 156, 160, 194). Thanks to Dominique and Janine Sourdel’s edition of 147 original pilgrimage certificates dating from the Ayyubid period, we now have evidence of scribes who employed MaghribÈ scripts in Mecca from as early as 596/1200, providing further insight into the activity of MaghribÈ immigrants in the Mashriq.21 Important Ayyubid cities such as Alexandria, Cairo, Jerusalem and, especially, Damascus were home

21

Figure 1.4  Main centres of manuscript production in al-Andalus and the Maghrib between the third/ninth and sixth/twelfth centuries. © Umberto Bongianino

chapter one: a new definition

23

to significant MaghribÈ communities whose members, though occasionally marginalised, made important contributions to the local intellectual debates and the written transmission of knowledge.22 Already in the sixth/twelfth century, the use of MaghribÈ scripts had become a significant aspect of the activity and output of expatriate scholars from al-Andalus, who were perceived as a ­cohesive group in their adoptive countries also due to the distinctive appearance of the manuscripts they produced.23 It must be noted, however, that the presence of AndalusÈ and MaghribÈ intellectuals in the Middle East became truly substantial only from the seventh/thirteenth century onwards: the most famous case is perhaps that of the Murcian mystic and philosopher Ibn ArabÈ (d. 638/1240), whose autograph manuscripts, although dating from his years in Damascus, are written in a neat MaghribÈ script, with the addition of a few MashriqÈ features (Figure 1.5).24 Perhaps the best way to appreciate the nature of MaghribÈ scripts and the reason for their long-term success is to take a second look at the Shawq al-mustahåm manuscript (Figure 1.1). Interestingly, all the twenty-nine letters of the ‘qalam MaghribÈ’ were penned in a deliberately plain script. Although we cannot know how closely

Figure 1.5  Autograph of the fourth volume of Ibn ArabÈ’s al-DÈwån al-kabÈr, written in Damascus before 634/1237. Note the MaghribÈ script, although få and qåf are dotted according to the eastern system. Paper, 25 × 17.5 cm. London and Geneva, Khalili Collection, mss.225, ff. 50b–51a. © The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art

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these letters reproduce those of the lost original, it is clear that they were never meant to include any mannered features, in sharp contrast with the manuscript’s rendition of the Kufic script, with its serifs and flourishes.25 While the latter style appears intrinsically calligraphic, the MaghribÈ script is simply presented as a regional variant of what the author arguably considered the Arabic script par excellence, namely standard MashriqÈ bookhands. In the most recent literature on Arabic palaeography, the English term ‘bookhand’ has gained currency as the equivalent of the French expression écriture livresque, to indicate a standardised, non-calligraphic script that abides by the rules of orthography and has the ultimate purpose of being easily read.26 In Modern Standard Arabic, the term generally employed to describe bookhands is naskh (or naskhÈ), from the verbal noun meaning ‘the copying of a text by hand’. This label, however, is curiously only applied to MashriqÈ scripts, as if their MaghribÈ equivalents did not function in the exact same way. The reason behind this discrimination is that naskh and naskhÈ are neologisms derived from the pre-modern expression qalam al-naskh, which did indeed designate a specific eastern script, though a calligraphic one.27 The use of calligraphic terminology to describe bookhands is best avoided, in spite of the often overwhelming temptation: after all, this is the only existing original terminology that we have.28 An arguably more correct way of defining bookhands, already attested in the fourth/tenth century, is by the expression khu†Ë† al-warråqÈn or khu†Ë† al-nussåkh, meaning ‘the scripts used by scribes’, as opposed to khu†Ë† al-maßå˙if (‘Quranic scripts’) and khu†Ë† al-kuttåb (the ‘secretarial hands’ employed in chanceries).29 Since the earliest documented stages of Arabic book production, the common feature of bookhands consisted in the gradual adoption and normalisation of different forms of cursiveness. This process, however, seems to have unfolded with a certain delay when compared to documentary and administrative hands. As recently demonstrated by Marina Rustow in her book on Fatimid chancery documents and their Abbasid antecedents, cursiveness is a stylistic device that can be traced back to the documentary scripts used in Abbasid Khurasan already in the second/eighth century, developed as the result of a ‘Pahlavi substrate’.30 Cursiveness allowed copyists not only to minimise the lifting of the pen from the page, but also to increase the speed of their work, turning angles into curves.31 As pointed out by François Déroche, one must be aware of the problems that can arise when extending the notion of cursiveness to the analysis of Arabic scripts, where ligatures between the different letters are key elements of the orthography itself (unlike Greek, Latin or Hebrew scripts, where they are purely stylistic features).32 For this reason, the term cursif has now been rejected altogether by the French school of Arabic palaeography and replaced with other adjectives such as courant and chirodictique.33 In spite of that, I have decided to uphold and employ

chapter one: a new definition

the terms ‘cursive’ and ‘cursiveness’, which, I believe, remain valid and useful for describing Arabic scripts, provided of course they are correctly understood according to their etymology (cursivus = written with a running hand; curre˘ re = to run).34 The evidence presented in the following pages indicates that the MaghribÈ scripts of the fourth/tenth century – the ancestors of the scripts still used today by the traditional calligraphers of Northwest Africa – were devised as bookhands, with the aim of creating and systematising an improved form of cursiveness and overcoming the awkward and outdated angularity of earlier bookhands, IfrÈqÈ scripts in particular. This extremely important event in the history of Arabic writing finds a close parallel in the transition from angular Abbasid bookhands to fully curvilinear scripts that occurred in the Mashriq during the second half of the fourth/tenth century – a phenomenon linked to the so-called ‘reforms’ of Ibn Muqla and Ibn al-Bawwåb – but it has received very little attention in comparison.35 This neglect is even more perplexing if we consider that the ‘MaghribÈ bookhand reform’ was not only as successful and consequential as the MashriqÈ one, but also seems to have slightly predated it, and to have developed independently from it. The objective, however, was likely the same: to copy books more quickly, efficiently and ergonomically, and to smooth the process of reading. The subject of this book being a regional script, a particularly thorny issue has been that of choosing the most suitable geographic designation for it. From a purely chronological standpoint, I should arguably be talking of ‘AndalusÈ scripts’, since Muslim Iberia is where they originated and developed. However, while al-Andalus ceased to exist as a geo-political entity in 897/1492, these scripts continued to evolve and be employed in Northwest Africa for the following five centuries, until today. Besides being historically reductive and somewhat dismissive of the rich cultural heritage of modern North African countries, the label ‘AndalusÈ’ risks to create a polarity between ‘AndalusÈ scripts’ and ‘MaghribÈ scripts’ which is essentially untrue: as specified in the Shawq al-mustahåm, these two expressions were originally perceived as interchangeable (‘al-qalam al-MaghribÈ wa-huwa al-AndalusÈ’). This is why I have decided to uphold the more expansive definition of ‘MaghribÈ scripts’ even for the early period when their use was virtually limited to the Iberian Peninsula. Al-Andalus, after all, was part and parcel of the medieval Maghrib, and its leading role within the region until the sixth/twelfth century, at least with regard to scribal practices and the arts of the book, will be anything but downplayed here.36 My choice is likely to raise many eyebrows among Spanish scholars, some of whom seem to be increasingly tempted to narrow the focus of manuscript studies towards a ‘protected designation of origin’ of AndalusÈ manuscripts, isolating them from the broader Mediterranean horizon to which they belonged.37 Be that as it may, I hope this book will demonstrate

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that al-Andalus was but the cradle of a tremendously rich and successful scribal tradition, which soon invested the entire Maghrib and forever changed the way its inhabitants viewed, read and transmitted all kinds of written texts. Failing to see this, I believe, would do more harm than good to the field of manuscript studies. The long course of scholarship Already in the sixteenth century European scholars of Arabic were acquainted with the specificity of MaghribÈ scripts. The Italian humanist Teseo Ambrogio degli Albonesi, for instance, devoted a paragraph of his Introductio in Chaldaicam linguam (Pavia, 1539) to the vocalisation of Arabic among ‘the Arabs and the Punics’, in which he acknowledged the existence of different scripts used by Muslims to write one same alphabet: ‘Punicorum, Arabum, Turcharum, Persarum, Tartarorum et totius fere Maumethanae sectae literae’.38 Albonesi and his contemporaries used the demonym ‘Punics’ to designate the inhabitants of Northwest Africa (i.e. ancient Carthage), and to refer to the Berbers as ethnically distinct from the Arabs, the Turks and the Persians. The land of the Punics was called Berbery (Barbaria) and its inhabitants were not Arabs, but Barbareschi, Mauritanici or Mauri (whence the English ‘Moors’). In a letter to the French orientalist Guillaume Postel, dated 1538, Albonesi even mentioned ‘types of Punic letter shapes [typos formasque Punicarum literarum]’ that the Venetian publisher Paganino Paganini (c. 1450–1538) had allegedly produced in order to print an Arabic edition of the Qurån.39 Postel himself, in 1537, wrote about ‘a beautiful Qurån […] penned in MaghribÈ script [Mauro charactere], donated to me by Cardinal du Bellay [the bishop of Paris], which had been looted from the people of Tunis’.40 In his Grammatica Arabica (Paris, 1538) Postel was the first European scholar to remark on the peculiar system of dotting få and qåf used by the ‘Africani’.41 In 1505 the Spanish printer Juan Varela published the first Arabic alphabetic table showing unmistakeably MaghribÈ features, as part of Pedro de Alcalá’s textbook Arte para ligeramente saber la lengua árabe (Figure 1.6).42 This was probably unintentional: both the author and the printer must have considered the script used by the Moriscos of Spain as the only form of written Arabic. The same can be said of the MaghribÈ alphabetic table published by the Italian calligrapher Giovambattista Palatino in his Libro nuovo d’imparare a scrivere tutte sorte lettere (Rome, 1540). Five years later, Palatino’s letters were copied by the Florentine friar Domenico De Fossi in his monumental handwritten album of more than seventy different alphabets, which also included a second ‘Arabice’ visibly based on another MaghribÈ prototype.43 More importantly, the printer Giambattista Raimondi is recorded to have specifically commissioned types of ‘lettere Africane’ for his Tipografia Medicea Orientale, established in

chapter one: a new definition

Figure 1.6  Arabic alphabetic table published in Pedro de Alcalá’s Arte para ligeramente saber la lengua árabe (Granada, 1505, f. 3b) showing distinct MaghribÈ features. © Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development

Rome in 1584. These special types were made in two different sizes, to complement the other Arabic characters of Raimondi’s printing press, but they were seemingly never used.44 At around the same time in the Netherlands, Franciscus Raphelengius also produced MaghribÈ letter types for the Plantinian Press of Antwerp, modelled on a Quranic manuscript in the Leiden University Library.45 In Raphelengius’s pamphlet titled Specimen characterum Arabicorum (1595) the MaghribÈ letters appear next to the MashriqÈ ones in the initial alphabetic table, as well as on the last page, where a whole sample sentence was printed in MaghribÈ script: ‘Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth’ (Figure 1.7).46 Probably because of their lesser quality, these types were never used again, and all attempts to print Arabic texts in MaghribÈ script were abandoned throughout Europe during the following centuries. The early modern scholars who compiled the first catalogues of the Arabic manuscripts kept in the great European libraries were generally able to distinguish between books copied in eastern and

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Figure 1.7  Sample sentence printed with MaghribÈ letter types in Raphelengius’s Specimen characterum Arabicorum (Antwerp, 1595, p. 8). © Bayerische Staatsbibliothek

western hands. This reflects the extreme ease with which MaghribÈ scripts could be identified, even before the birth of Arabic palaeography as a field of study. For example, an anonymous handlist of the Arabic codices in the Vatican Library drafted at the beginning of the seventeenth century singles out six books written in ‘caractere Africano’.47 In the same vein, the inventory compiled by the Lebanese cleric Abramo Ecchellense (IbråhÈm al-ÓåqilånÈ) between 1653 and 1658 refers to five ‘Alcorani characteribus Africani’ in the Papal collection.48 However, other Arabists such as Miguel Casiri (MÈkhåil al-GhazÈrÈ), also a Lebanese Maronite, confused MaghribÈ scripts with Kufic, probably because of the angularity typical of some calligraphic MaghribÈ hands. In his monumental catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts in the Escorial Library (1760), Casiri mislabelled the script of hundreds of AndalusÈ and North African manuscripts as ‘litterae Cuphicae’.49 At the University of Oxford, John Uri (1787) opted to describe the MaghribÈ manuscripts of the Bodleian Library with the Latin expressions ‘litera Africana’ and ‘scriptura Mauritanica’,50 a terminology maintained in the catalogue by Alexander Nicoll (1821)51 and in the work of William Cureton and Charles Rieu (1846) on the Arabic manuscripts of the British Museum (‘character Occidentalis sive Africanus’).52 In the same decades, Arabic grammar books such as that of Johann Kosegarten (Leipzig, 1838) started devoting entire paragraphs to MaghribÈ scripts and their features, associating it with al-Andalus as well as Northwest Africa, and describing it as ‘almost halfway between Kufic and naskhÈ’.53 Between 1850 and 1878, at the National Library of France, a group of eminent Arabists, among whom Michele Amari, Hartwig Derenbourg and William McGuckin De Slane, tentatively begun to develop new palaeographic criteria

chapter one: a new definition

and classifications – ‘écriture barbaresque’, ‘écriture maghrébine’, ‘écriture maure-espagnole’ – to better label the writing styles of the manuscripts held in the Parisian library.54 Other French orientalists such as Louis-Jacques Bresnier and Antoine-Paulin Pihan started to include in their manuals a series of drawings and tables illustrating the handwriting of the people of the Maghrib, so as to acquaint their students with the eccentric manuscript tradition of France’s overseas colonies (Figure 1.8).55 Only in 1886, however, did the category of MaghribÈ scripts receive appropriate attention in an article by the French orientalist Octave Houdas (1840–1916), who spent most of his life between Algeria and Tunisia.56 Houdas understood that the primary difference between eastern and western bookhands rested not only in the letter shapes and other graphic elements but also in the nature of the writing implement and the thickness of the strokes. He systematically listed and discussed most of the calligraphic features and scribal conventions peculiar to the Maghrib, formulating sensible hypotheses on

Figure 1.8  Alphabetic table of MaghribÈ scripts from Louis-Jacques Bresnier’s Cours pratique et théorique de langue arabe (Algiers, 1855). © Bodleian Libraries

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their origin and approaching from a sound palaeographic perspective issues that had never been properly raised. At the same time, Houdas was largely dismissive of the aesthetic qualities of MaghribÈ scripts, especially in comparison with the calligraphic tradition of the Muslim East. Moreover, he based his article on a historical misconstruction still upheld today by many Tunisian and Moroccan scholars, namely that MaghribÈ cursive scripts originated in Kairouan before spreading westwards, questioning the veracity of Ibn KhaldËn’s account without providing reliable evidence to support his own theory. Also, Houdas’s classification of MaghribÈ scripts into four categories – qaïrouany, andalousy, fasy, soudany – appears arbitrary and misleading, based as it is on modern regional labels rather than on the analysis of the earliest manuscript material and its context of production. Unfortunately, this obsolete and insubstantial taxonomy, embraced by Nabia Abbott in her seminal work on Quranic scripts (1939), is still very influential today, and contributed to preventing further studies from being conducted in the first three quarters of the twentieth century, as well as to the general dismissal of the MaghribÈ calligraphic tradition as a second-rate subject.57 In 1977 the long silence on the matter was broken by Pieter Sjoerd van Koningsveld, in his doctoral thesis on the Latin-Arabic glossary of the Leiden University Library, the product of a bilingual scribe active in Toledo in the late sixth/twelfth century.58 While analysing the script of the Leiden glossary, the Dutch philologist lamented the underdeveloped state of scholarship on the palaeography of western Arabic scripts, epitomised by the vague terminology and laconic descriptions employed in the library catalogues and facsimile albums compiled by Arab and French academics, including those by Edgard Blochet (1925) and Georges Vajda (1958) from the BNF.59 Despite the by-then general use of such expressions as ‘kha†† AndalusÈ qadÈm’, ‘qalam MaghribÈ’, ‘naskhÈ AndalusÈ’ and ‘naskhÈ TËnisÈ’, based on the (scant) geographical indications contained in the colophons, Van Koningsveld admitted very honestly that, from a purely palaeographic perspective, no differences between MaghribÈ and AndalusÈ scripts had yet been determined. Nevertheless, he undertook a comparative study of a dozen manuscripts unquestionably copied in al-Andalus between the fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuries, and was able to identify two different groups of scripts, the first characterised by a cursive and plain ductus, and the second by a more mannered one, with inclusions of angular shapes and archaising features. Because of the small size of the sample, however, Van Koningsveld oversimplified this dichotomy into two distinct chronological phases: the first he related to the †åifa kingdoms of the fifth/eleventh century and the second to the Almoravid and Almohad rule in the sixth/twelfth century, ignoring the numerous instances of overlap between the two styles. In 1989, Nico van den Boogert published a short article featuring charts and descriptions of the letter forms and ligatures peculiar to

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chapter one: a new definition

the western Arabic scripts of the thirteenth/nineteenth and fourteenth/twentieth centuries (Figure 1.9) as ‘a concise manual for the reading of MaghribÈ manuscript material, which often poses problems, even for native speakers of Arabic’.60 He also distinguished for the first time between what he called the ‘Maghribi script proper’ and ‘thuluth Maghribi’, a calligraphic (and epigraphic) rendition of the thuluth script employed in the Mashriq, ‘whence it was imported into the Maghrib, probably around the thirteenth century ad or later’.61 Although limited in its scope, Van den Boogert’s work provided an excellent methodological model, as well as an ideal basis for a thorough work of analysis and dating of more ancient material based on the earliest appearance of particular letter forms and l­ igatures, which, alas, was never undertaken. The two important ¯ L/DHA¯ L DA fin. ¯ ’/Z. A¯ ’ (18) T. A in.

sep.

med. -d-’ -d-r -d-y

fin. ‘AYN/GHAYAN in.

sep.

med.

fin.

sep.

Figure 1.9  Palaeographic tables of modern MaghribÈ letter forms, from Van den Boogert 1989

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studies on West African and SËdånÈ scripts carried out by Adrian Bivar (1968) and Adrian Brockett (1987) are based on Quranic manuscripts copied no earlier than the eleventh/seventeenth century, and avoid venturing into the field of medieval MaghribÈ bookhands, from which most Saharo-Sahelian scripts derive, at least partly.62 This evident impasse could only be broken by a palaeographer with a wide-ranging expertise in all the Arabic scripts employed during the first centuries of Islam, such as François Déroche. His 1999 article on the different scribal traditions attested in the Maghrib between the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries was decisive not only because it provided a preliminary list of the oldest dated manuscripts copied in MaghribÈ bookhands, but also because it set the origin of these scripts in the right context – namely, Umayyad Iberia – considering also their relation to coeval Abbasid bookhands (‘écritures livresques abbasides’), Kufic calligraphy (‘écritures abbasides anciennes’) and eastern proportioned scripts.63 In particular, Déroche insisted on the independence of MaghribÈ cursive hands from the earlier scripts used in this region: ‘The MaghribÈ tradition could well reflect an evolutionary process in which Abbasid bookhands represented a competitor, and not a precursor, of MaghribÈ scripts’.64 Here and in his following publications, however, the French scholar developed a questionable theory on the derivation of MaghribÈ cursive scripts from the scripts used in early Egyptian papyri, which, as we shall see, has very little historical and palaeographic foundation.65 After Déroche’s important contribution to the debate, the Iberian origin of the family of MaghribÈ scripts has increasingly become accepted by European scholars (although somewhat implicitly), and more western Arabic manuscripts dating from the high medieval period have been published and studied, with varying degrees of accuracy and a special focus on Quranic calligraphy and illumination.66 However, no progress has since been made in understanding the development and mutual relations of even the most basic MaghribÈ sub-styles, generally identified in library catalogues and museum inventories on the basis of their dimensions: small, medium and large/monumental. The 1990s also witnessed the formation of a group of Moroccan scholars who began working on the material aspects of the manuscripts kept in the country’s libraries, in the wake of Mu˙ammad al-ManËnÈ’s pioneering research on the Moroccan arts of the book.67 Their contributions, mostly published in Arabic, have provided precious insights into sources which had so far escaped the attention of European scholars, such as sections of biographical dictionaries dedicated to Moroccan and AndalusÈ calligraphers and their activity, editions of MaghribÈ chancery manuals and poems on penmanship, or anecdotes on writing practices and tools taken from lesser-known works of adab and history.68 On the more empirical level of palaeography, however, Moroccan scholars tend to operate without a clear set of scientific parameters (chronology, comparative analysis,

CHAPTER ONE: A NEW DEFINITION

distinction between manuscript genres …), and to perpetuate extravagant schemes of development (Figure 1.10), which are evidently too theoretical and not sufficiently based on the evaluation of material data.69 Even the distinction between later calligraphic styles such as the ‘kha†† mabsˆ’, the ‘kha†† mujawhar’, and the ‘thuluth MaghribÈ’ or ‘mutamaghrab’ (Figure 1.11), although meaningful and apparently valid, has never been properly backed by literary evidence or palaeographic studies. Mubårak BË Aßab has recently published an important study of the chancery scripts employed under the Alawite dynasty (r. 1040/1631 to present day), but the palaeographic analysis presented, though extremely detailed, does not take into account the medieval origin of the stylistic elements discussed.70 The latest publications by the Moroccan calligrapher Mu˙ammad Abd al-ÓafÈΩ

Figure 1.10 ‘Genealogical’ table of MaghribÈ scripts from afaˉ & al-magHraˉ wiˉ 2013

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Figure 1.11  The ‘five styles’ of MaghribÈ scripts according to al-Manuˉ niˉ 1991

chapter one: a new definition

Khib†a al-ÓasanÈ should also be mentioned as a stimulating source of visual inspiration more than as works of scholarship.71 In 1994 Van Koningsveld returned to the subject of ChristianArabic manuscripts from the Iberian Peninsula. Based on previous work by Malachi Beit-Arié and Adriaan Keller, he posited the direct derivation of some of these manuscripts’ codicological features from the Latin-Visigothic tradition (use of quaternions; observance of Gregory’s rule; combination of parchment and paper in the same quires, also found in Hebrew manuscripts from seventh/thirteenthcentury Toledo).72 As far as scripts are concerned, however, Van Koningsveld’s superficial analysis remained anchored to his 1976 views. In particular, the inadequacy of his palaeographic model is evident from his misattribution of all the Arabic glosses contained in about thirty Latin-Visigothic manuscripts exclusively to scribes working in Toledo between the late sixth/twelfth and the early seventh/thirteenth century. Some of these annotations, however, must date from a much earlier period, as convincingly argued by Cyrille Aillet in his recent book on the Mozarabs (2010).73 Our still embarrassingly shallow knowledge of the palaeographic and aesthetic aspects of the MaghribÈ manuscript tradition is epitomised by the meagre entries in Adam Gacek’s Arabic Manuscripts: a Vademecum for Readers (2009), under the headings ‘MaghribÈ script’ and ‘AndalusÈ script’.74 In the past decade, however, two independent series of conferences have gradually paved the way for new research in the field. The first one was organised between 2008 and 2015 in Casablanca and Cordova by Mostafa Ammadi, María Jesús Viguera and Francisco Vidal, under the title Primavera del Manuscrito Andalusí. The papers given by the international scholars who attended these meetings focused on the manuscript tradition of al-Andalus and covered a wide variety of subjects: from textual transmission, to paper manufacture, to book conservation. Among the palaeographic studies, several are dedicated to Nasrid chancery scripts and aljamiado texts.75 The second series of conferences concentrated exclusively on the ‘écritures des manuscrits de l’Occident musulman’ and was convened between 2012 and 2015 at the Centre Jacques Berque (Rabat) by Mustapha Jaouhari. During the inaugural meeting, Arianna D’Ottone presented a groundbreaking paper on the possible influences exerted on MaghribÈ scripts by the writing tools and modes of Christian AndalusÈ copyists, trained in the Latin tradition of Visigothic scripts.76 At last, it seems that the attention of scholars is now rightly shifting towards a serious investigation of the handwritten material dating from the formative period of MaghribÈ scripts. General features of Maghribı¯ scripts If one were to trace the distinctive features of MaghribÈ scripts back to a single stylistic principle, it would surely be that of roundness.

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Already in their earliest surviving manuscripts, AndalusÈ copyists showed a consistent tendency to accentuate the curves of most letters, to the point of making them look almost circular or semicircular. This practice was not only in contrast with the partially angular ductus of eastern Abbasid bookhands and IfrÈqÈ scripts, but also with the new ‘proportioned’ scripts (al-khu†Ë† al-mansËba) developed in the Mashriq since the fourth/tenth century, whose curvilinear strokes were generally flattened and kept within stricter bounds.77 This overall characteristic of MaghribÈ hands was first noted by al-MuqaddasÈ in his geographical treatise: ‘The people of al-Andalus are the most skilled [a˙dhaq al-nås] in the craft of bookmaking [wiråqa], and their scripts are rounded [mudawwara]’.78 For these reasons, I would like to propose here the expression ‘MaghribÈ round scripts’ as a suitable definition for this entire family of scripts. Since its first appearance and throughout the centuries, the rounded (mudawwar) aspect of MaghribÈ bookhands rested on the distinctive shape of certain letters, here illustrated by the contemporary Algerian calligrapher Marwån Ibn AbÈ Åmir. ●







Bå, tå, thå and få in isolated position with their concave form and in final position with their closing denticle in the shape of an inverted comma:

Dål and dhål in isolated position, with their concave downstroke and final downward spur (dål kåfiyya), resembling ‘pursed lips seen from the side’:79

Dål and dhål in final position with a marked semicircular descender, resembling the letters rå and zå:80

SÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, qåf and nËn in isolated and final position, with their exaggerated semi-circular descenders often described as ‘swooping’ or ‘plunging’, developing below the following word:81

chapter one: a new definition











Íåd and ∂åd with their oval or semi-circular body and lack of denticle, also found in the letters †å and Ωå:82

Ayn and ghayn in initial position with their oversized curl:83

Initial and medial kåf often drawn as a semicircle which may or may not be topped by a diagonal stroke:84

Final and isolated mÈm with its long, curved tail in two variants (concave or convex):

Hå and tå marbˆa in isolated position, drawn in the shape of a ‘6’, sometimes inverted:

An important characteristic of the ductus of MaghribÈ round scripts is the generally uniform thickness of the strokes, in contrast with the swelling and contracting, widening and tapering lines of eastern Arabic scripts (also known as ‘shading’). While hairlines and serifs are a common feature of MaghribÈ calligraphic scripts, they visibly result from changes in the pressure applied by the reed pen (qalam) against

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the scribal support, and not from variations in the writing angle, or from rotations of the pen itself. Historically, this phenomenon has been explained as the result of a difference in the nature and preparation of the qalam employed by western scribes. According to Octave Houdas, MaghribÈ calligraphers used to cut their pens from a particular species of cane (Arundo donax) not found in the Mashriq: In the Maghrib the material difficulty of easily obtaining the bamboos which are essential for elegantly tracing the neskhy characters did not have any effect […] on the adoption of the ­ MaghribÈ script. In fact, it simply accentuated the difference between the neskhy and the Kufic. The reeds (Arundo donax) used in the Maghrib cannot be cut in the same way as the bamboos. The thin film which covers these reeds on the outside does not closely adhere to the inner core, and one cannot give these nibs the right consistency to resist the pressure of the hand without keeping a fairly thick portion of the reeds’ core attached to them. Hence the nibs remain blunt, and they cannot be given the neat and resistant rectilinear section which is essential for obtaining traits with regular contours, able to shrink into fine hairlines or swell into full-bodied strokes.85 Unfortunately, this explanation is not entirely convincing. Firstly, Arundo donax is a widespread species of cane found across the entire Mediterranean Basin, as well as Arabia and Mesopotamia.86 Secondly, Arabic sources are generally very vague about the specific types of reed (qaßab) employed for crafting pens in different regions, and they can only be of minimal help in the absence of archaeological finds. In his Arabische Paläographie Adolf Grohmann outlined a tripartite map of the early Islamic world based on the type of qalam employed: in Egypt, both archaeological and textual evidence suggests that reed pens made of Juncus arabicus maritimus, Phragmites communis and Saccharum biflorum (wild sugarcane, qaßab al-sukkar in Arabic) were used for writing on papyrus; in Iraq, where archaeological evidence is lacking, the sources mention ‘Persian’ and ‘Nabataean reeds’, as well as the celebrated brown reeds growing in the swamps of Wasit; as for Northwest Africa, Grohmann only touches upon ‘pens made of red reeds from Knidos’, and others cut from unspecified white-yellow reeds.87 Houdas’s reference to bamboos is obviously a lapse, since these plants are not native to West Asia or Africa. It is only thanks to the ethnographic study of modern practices, especially among the traditional scribes of Fes and the Atlas region, that the distinctiveness of MaghribÈ reed pens can be properly understood and possibly related to medieval prototypes.88 A standard Moroccan qalam (Figure 1.12) is generally cut from a reed of relatively large diameter (around 2.5 cm). The resulting stem segment is

CHAPTER ONE: A NEW DEFINITION

Figure 1.12 Traditional Moroccan reed pens and writing implements, from afaˉ 2013

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then split in half along its length, as opposed to the slender, whole reeds employed in the East.89 The upper extremity of the half-reed is trimmed into a sharp point, which is then cut very close to the apex: this results in a pencil-like nib that gives a uniform outline to the letters, very different from the broadly cut nibs in the form of a chisel employed in the Mashriq, which can produce lines of varying thickness.90 Because the internal duct of the reed can no longer be used as an ink reservoir, an open diamond-shaped hollow is carved under the nib for this purpose.91 Reference to the typically pointed nib of the MaghribÈ qalam – compared to the head of a sharp spear (‘ka-l-rum˙’) – is included in a poem on penmanship composed by the Moroccan calligrapher A˙mad al-RifåÈ al-ÓasanÈ al-Ribå†È in 1224/1809, entitled NaΩm laålÈal-sam† fÈ ˙usn taqwÈm badÈ al-kha†† (‘Necklace of Pearls in the Superior Creation of Marvellous Calligraphy’).92 However, the trope of the spear-like qalam is much older, and was already used by the Valencian poet Ibn Ghålib alRußåfÈ (d. 572/1177) in his ode to the reed pen: ‘It is but a short shaft and yet / it is more acute than the longest lance’.93 If we accept that the surviving Moroccan reed pens from the past two centuries are cut more or less in the same way as their medieval ancestors, as the script they produce seems to suggest, how can we explain in historical terms their difference from MashriqÈ implements? According to Houdas, the Islamic West had stuck to the traditional manner of cutting the qalam with a pointed tip, while Ibn Muqla’s reform in the East had sanctioned the use of reed pens with a flat and bevelled cut nib.94 More recently, as already mentioned, Déroche observed that the MaghribÈ qalam, with its pointed yet soft nib, presents some analogies with the utensils employed by Egyptian copyists who wrote on papyrus, implying a possible east-to-west transmission of scribal practices along the North African coast at a very early stage of Islamic history.95 This hypothesis seems supported by Grohmann’s remarks on the similarities between certain scripts used in the Egyptian literary papyri of the second/eighth and third/ninth centuries and MaghribÈ round scripts, such as the ample initial ayn, final alif ending with a spur below the baseline, and the right-leaning stem of †å and Ωå.96 For these Egyptian scripts, the German scholar coined the term ‘Protomag˙rabÈ’.97 While it is hardly surprising that the scripts employed in early Egyptian papyri share a stylistic substrate with MaghribÈ hands (and indeed with other coeval bookhands such the IfrÈqÈ scripts discussed at the end of this chapter), this does not necessarily imply a derivation of the latter from the former. Moreover, the main feature of MaghribÈ scripts – their roundness – does not find the slightest correspondence in the Egyptian manuscript tradition. The transition to fully cursive scripts in Egyptian administrative documents occurred during the third/ninth century, under the direct influence of eastern scribal practices introduced from Khurasan, while Egyptian

chapter one: a new definition

bookhands seem to have remained largely angular into the fourth/ tenth century, when papyrus was definitely abandoned in favour of paper.98 However, there is currently no evidence that would allow us to project the impact of this transition further west, be that in IfrÈqiya or al-Andalus. As for the qalam connection, it seems equally problematic to argue that writing implements designed for a support so peculiar to the Egyptian tradition could have been adopted in Muslim Iberia, where papyrus was never produced nor employed. As observed by Geoffrey Khan: The ‘eastern’ innovation in Arabic script which had a radical impact on the documentary hand in Egypt did not have such a thorough-going influence on the Arabic script used in the Maghrib in the far West of the Islamic world, which retained many of the features of the early script down to modern times.99 In fact, parallel to the distinctly semi-circular shapes developed for certain letters, MaghribÈ round scripts also preserved a number of vestigial features derived from earlier angular scripts. These archaising elements were mainly employed as calligraphic devices by medieval copyists, and they are still part of the repertoire of contemporary calligraphers such as Marwån Ibn AbÈ Åmir, as shown below. A complete list includes: ●







Alif in final position drawn from top to bottom, often forming a spur or denticle below the baseline:100

Bå, tå, thå and få in final and isolated position, in their alternative ‘open’ and stretched form lacking the closing denticle (known as bå, tå, thå and få mawqËfa):

Íåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå in their alternative angular form, resembling an elongated rectangle or trapezium:101

Êå and Ωå with their diagonally drawn stem, normally traced before the loop:102

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Kåf in final and isolated position with its tall vertical stem curving at the bottom, sometimes easily mistaken for dål (kåf dåliyya).103 As for initial and medial kåf, they often show a marked angularity in their parallel, often elongated horizontal lines, linked by a diagonal stroke:

The persistence of these ‘fossilised’ features and letter variants has led some scholars to hypothesise the ‘direct derivation’ of MaghribÈ scripts from Kufic, following Octave Houdas’s observations.104 As a matter of fact, this assumption is imprecise and misleading: as clarified by Déroche, Houdas used the term coufique in a very loose sense to mean any ancient angular script employed in the Muslim West, with no distinction between calligraphic Quranic styles and plain bookhands.105 Given their nature and function, however, MaghribÈ round scripts are much more likely to have developed from the latter than the former. As already discussed, the situation in al-Andalus does not seem to have been any different from the Mashriq, where modern curvilinear naskh gradually evolved from local (Abbasid) bookhands, and not from Quranic scripts. Hence, there is no reason to believe that MaghribÈ scripts ‘retained more of the Kufic elements than the cursive scripts of the East’ because ‘the West considered the Kufic as the Arabic script and kept closer to it than did the East’.106 In opposition to this theory, Déroche argued that MaghribÈ round scripts may have developed from an early chancery hand (‘une écriture documentaire, utilisée par example par les chancelleries ou pour les actes juridiques’) derived from the scripts used in Egyptian papyri, and only secondarily influenced by Abbasid bookhands.107 These conjectures are evidently destined to remain such, given the complete lack of evidence for MaghribÈ chancery scripts before the sixth/twelfth century. There is however one feature, especially found in calligraphic MaghribÈ hands, which suggests that western Arabic scribes did remain faithful to an aesthetic principle typical of early Quranic scripts, namely the abundance of horizontal elongations in letters and ligatures. This aspect, combined with the frequent use of the angular letter variants just discussed, results in noticeable variations in the size, stretch and shape of most homographs depending on the word they appear in, or on the position of such word in the line or page: for instance, initial kåf, medial †å or final bå can appear in two consecutive words according to their elongated, compact, round or angular variants. The lack of interest shown by MaghribÈ calligraphers in the uniformity of letter forms, which was (and still is) instead a key principle of MashriqÈ curvilinear scripts, has been explained as resulting from the different training received by scribes at the two poles of the medieval Islamic world.108 In the words of Ibn KhaldËn:

chapter one: a new definition

We are told about present-day Cairo that there are teachers there who specialise in teaching calligraphy. They impose on the pupil norms and laws about drawing each letter [wa∂ kull ˙arf], and they insist that he practices according to these instructions. Thus, his degree of knowledge and grasp of the instructions increases, and his proficiency develops to the most perfect level. This [system] only comes as a result of the excellence and abundance of crafts in a prosperous civilisation where there is plenty of activity. In al-Andalus and the Maghrib, teaching calligraphy is a different matter. The letters are not learnt individually [taallum kull ˙arf bi-infrådi-hi] according to norms that the teacher imposes on the pupil. Rather, the latter imitates [the teacher’s] calligraphy by writing complete words [kitåbat al-kalimåt jumlatan]. While the pupil writes the teacher oversees him, until he excels at it and proficiency is at his fingertips. Then, he is called a good [calligrapher].109 This freer and more flexible approach of MaghribÈ scribes to their craft, focused on the visual balance between full words rather than on the shape and dimension of individual letters, is particularly visible in later Quranic calligraphy, but as we shall see, its roots can be found already in the finest AndalusÈ bookhands of the fourth/ tenth century. One last element that cannot be omitted from this discussion of the general features of MaghribÈ round scripts is the typically western way of distinguishing between the letters få and qåf through a single diacritic dot placed below the former and above the latter.110 This practice, attested in virtually all the manuscripts copied in the Muslim West until the thirteenth/nineteenth century, originated in the early Islamic period along with other concurrent diacritic systems. In fact, it can be observed in numerous ÓijåzÈ and early Kufic Quråns copied outside the Maghrib.111 At the end of this initial phase, probably during the third/ninth century, placing one dot on the få and two dots on the qåf became the norm in the Mashriq, while western scribes conformed to a different (and apparently earlier) method.112 The earliest Arabic source discussing the distinctively MaghribÈ way of dotting få and qåf is the treatise al-Mu˙kam fÈ naq† al-maßå˙if (‘The Precise on the Vocalisation of Quråns’) compiled by the AndalusÈ scholar AbË Amr Uthmån al-DånÈ (371/982–444/ 1053). Al-DånÈ observed that ‘the people of the Mashriq mark få with one dot above it, and qåf with two above, while the people of the Maghrib mark få with one dot below it, and qåf with one above; thus they all distinguish between the two letters’.113 As one may expect from the title of his work, al-DånÈ’s remarks exclusively concern the dotting of Quranic manuscripts, which in the Maghrib were still largely copied in angular Kufic scripts well into the fifth/eleventh

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Figure 1.13  Bovine scapula with incised Arabic alphabet, end of the third/ninth or fourth/tenth century, found in Valencia. Note the characteristic dotting of få and qåf. Valencia, Museum of the History of Valencia, inv. No. 1/446. © Museu d’Història de València

century.114 However, the manuscript material discussed in the following pages confirms that this alternative diacritic system was already employed in MaghribÈ bookhands at least 100 years before the Mu˙kam was written. Parallel evidence also comes from the numerous animal bones incised with the Arabic alphabet that have been unearthed at various sites in the Iberian Peninsula, some of which date from as early as the third/ninth century (Figure 1.13).115 It can be argued that readers from the Mashriq always had difficulties deciphering MaghribÈ scripts and that the different system of dotting få and qåf was among the main sources of confusion and misunderstanding. In his autobiography, Ibn Khaldun records that, while in Egypt, he received in a missive a poem addressed by his friend, the Nasrid vizier Ibn Zamrak, to the Mamluk sultan BarqËq (r. 784/1382–801/1399), which he had to transcribe ‘in MashriqÈ script, so as to facilitate its reading’.116 Two centuries earlier, AbË al-Hajjåj Ibn al-Shaykh al-BalawÈ (527/1132–604/1208), a scholar from Malaga who travelled to Alexandria in order to study with the

chapter one: a new definition

local traditionist AbË Êåhir al-SilafÈ, recounts the following autobiographical anecdote: I was in Alexandria, reading before the ˙åfiΩ al-SilafÈ (may God have mercy upon him) a passage of his own work, when I got to a ˙adÈth transmitted by his teachers on the authority of al-ShåfiÈ (may Allåh be pleased with them). The ˙adÈth read: ‘Broad beans [fËl] strengthen the brain, and a bigger brain increases the intelligence’. However, the people of those lands mark the letter få with one dot above it, and qāf with two dots also above it, and because of a distraction, I mistook the få for a qåf and read instead: ‘Speech [qawl] strengthens the brain’. The ˙åfiΩ burst into laughter (he was an amiable, witty person, may God have mercy upon him) and declared: ‘Speech exhausts the brain!’ or something to that effect. I replied that the word ‘speech’ was in my book, but he corrected me: ‘It’s broad beans!’, informing me about their way of dotting the letters. Then I asked him: ‘How can beans strengthen the brain? In my country we say the exact contrary!’. He laughed and replied: ‘I posed the very same question to my teacher so-and-so’ (I have forgotten his name). I asked him: ‘How can Êabaristån be the greatest producer of broad beans in the whole world, while its inhabitants are the most empty-headed?’. He replied: ‘Were it not for their beans, they would all be flying!’.117 Because diacritics are not simply stylistic elements, but form part of the orthography of the Arabic language, it is not surprising to find få and qåf dotted according to this alternative system in manuscripts from the Muslim West which were not written in MaghribÈ round scripts: a case in point is the Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab of the QarawiyyÈn Library, a compendium of MålikÈ jurisprudence produced in 359/970 for the Umayyad caliph of Cordova al-Óakam II (r. 350/961–366/976), discussed at the end of this chapter (Figure 1.25). Most of the legal works penned in IfrÈqÈ scripts and endowed to the Great Mosque of Kairouan between the fourth/tenth and the mid-fifth/eleventh century also followed this diacritic convention, as shown below. The same can be said about the colophons and endowment certificates of perhaps the most famous manuscript produced in Kairouan, the ‘Nurse’s Qurån’ (Figure 1.17), though they were written in a proficient chancery script akin to the style of coeval Fatimid decrees from Egypt.118 This list can also include a Greek-Arabic Gospel Book produced in a Sicilian or southern Italian scriptorium in 1043, penned in an angular bookhand reminiscent of Quranic ‘New Style’, but with få and qåf dotted in the MaghribÈ way.119 As for sixth/twelfth-century Sicily, this diacritical system seems to predominate in private Arabic documents and contracts, while among the official charters of the Norman dÈwån – modelled on Fatimid chancery practices but penned by scribes who may have

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been of insular or IfrÈqÈ origin – some consistently use the eastern system, while others do so only sporadically.120 Ifrı¯ qı¯ scripts and the Maghrib Culturally speaking, Kairouan and its scholarly milieu played a crucial role in the history of the early Islamic Maghrib, especially with regard to the elaboration and transmission of seminal works of MålikÈ jurisprudence (fiqh). As is known, the Aghlabid capital of IfrÈqiya is where some of the most influential followers of Målik b. Anas (d. 179/795 in Medina) wrote and taught: among them were Asad b. al-Furåt (d. 213/828) and Sa˙nËn al-TanËkhÈ (d. 240/854), the compiler of the great legal compendium titled al-Mudawwana (‘Body of Laws’). Moreover, the mosques and libraries of Kairouan were also important venues for the study and circulation of works of ˙adÈth, Quranic exegesis, asceticism and even historiography.121 This demands a brief discussion of the IfrÈqÈ bookhands employed in the region before MaghribÈ cursive scripts were introduced from further west, and an evaluation of the mutual interactions between the AndalusÈ and the IfrÈqÈ scribal traditions during the fourth/tenth and the first half of the fifth/eleventh century. In the past decades, considerable effort has been devoted to the identification of the approximately ninety early works of fiqh, Quranic exegesis (tafsÈr) and ˙adÈth preserved in the ancient library of the Great Mosque of Kairouan – today in the Laboratoire National pour la Sauvegarde et la Restauration des Manuscrits of Raqqada – by eminent philologists such as Joseph Schacht, Miklós Murányi and Jonathan Brockopp.122 Little has been done, however, to understand this material from a palaeographic perspective: its disarray and inaccessibility have so far prevented a global study of the corpus, and its codicological (rather than textual) significance has been generally overlooked.123 These manuscripts largely consist of narrow unbound booklets (dafåtir, sing. daftar) made from parchment of varying quality – from fine to scrap – dated or datable from between the mid-third/ninth century and 451/1060.124 However, some of them also include folios made of coarse paper, arguably locally produced, used as an auxiliary scribal support from as early as the end of the third/ninth century.125 Quires contain a highly variable number of folios (from six to sixteen and more), but tend to show the same sewing structure on six or four stations rather than just two. That would have increased the sturdiness and durability of these unbound booklets as they passed from hand to hand within the city’s learned circles. The Kairouan manuscripts were penned in a wide variety of scripts, which are not immediately identifiable as a coherent group or family. Some of the earliest material features rather casual, shorthand scripts, but QayrawånÈ scholars also employed a distinctive

chapter one: a new definition

type of formal bookhands that remained in use until the mid-fifth/ eleventh century, characterised by a marked angularity and scant use of diacritics (Figures 1.14–15). In all likelihood, this starkness is one of the key features of what Ibn KhaldËn recognised as the ‘old IfrÈqÈ script’, in opposition to the roundness and flourishes of ‘the scripts of the people of ­al-Andalus’.126 As Ibn KhaldËn understood well, what binds all these scripts together is their derivation from norms and models established further east, with two main stylistic influences at play. On the one hand, IfrÈqÈ scripts are closely related to early Abbasid bookhands and, in particular, to the characteristic handwriting of Egyptian literary papyri from the third/ninth century, with their broken ductus, triangular and trapezoid letter shapes, crammed layout, occasional elongations and paucity of diacritical marks.127 Interestingly, one of these papyri contains an early recension of Målik’s Muwa††a (‘Well-trodden Path’), providing compelling evidence for doctrinal – as well as scribal – affinities between the early MålikÈ circles of Fustat and Kairouan (Figure 1.16).128 On the other hand, QayrawånÈ copyists occasionally sought to embellish their handwriting by accentuating its geometric qualities and

Figure 1.14  Portion of the Majålis of the Egyptian jurist Ibn AbÈ al-Ghumr (d. 234/848), copied in Kairouan before 272/886, the date mentioned in a reading note after its colophon. Parchment, 30.5 x 18 cm. LNSRM, ms. rutbÈ 3/84, ff. 1b–2a. © Mourad Rammah

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Figure 1.15  The angular script of a copy of Sa˙nun’s Mudawwana, written in Kairouan before 337/948–9, the date mentioned in a reading certificate on f. 14a. Parchment, 28 × 19 cm. BULAC, ms. arabe 402g, today missing from the library. Image from Houdas 1886

enhancing the length and width of their strokes. In doing so, they drew inspiration from the ‘New Abbasid Style’ of Quranic calligraphy developed in the Mashriq during the fourth/tenth century, equally attested in this period in both IfrÈqiya and Sicily.129 Several Quranic manuscripts in the Raqqada collection bear witness to the local tradition of ‘New Style’ scripts, which culminated around 410/1020 with the spectacular achievement of the ‘Nurse’s Qurån’ (Figure 1.17), the masterpiece of the calligrapher and illuminator AlÈ b. A˙mad al-Warråq.130 As opposed to the texts they contain, the Raqqada manuscripts remain largely unpublished and poorly documented, and the situation is unlikely to change in the absence of a comprehensive project of restoration and cataloguing of the collection’s holdings. However, the numerous QayrawånÈ fragments that made their way to other parts of the Islamic world, as well as to many European libraries and private collections, confirm the palaeographic principles just outlined.131 Let us consider, for instance, the stark conservatism that characterises the work of al-Óårith b. Marwån, a scholar-copyist active between 405/1015 and 408/1018 (Figure 1.18). In the booklets he transcribed – some of which consist of mixed quires of parchment

chapter one: a new definition

Figure 1.16  Portion of the Majålis of the Egyptian jurist Ibn AbÈ al-Ghumr (d. 234/848), copied in Kairouan before 272/886, the date mentioned in a reading note after its colophon. Parchment, 30.5 x 18 cm. LNSRM, ms. rutbÈ 3/84, ff. 1b–2a. © Mourad Rammah

and paper – ­al-Óårith deliberately sought to imitate the archaic style of the originals he used as models, likely copied by jurists who had studied with Sa˙nËn and transmitted directly from him.132 As shown by his title pages, however, al-Óårith was not much of a calligrapher: his qalam was not properly nibbed, his hand was hesitant and his letter shapes not very harmonious. Other QayrawånÈ copyists were much more capable of channelling the crispness and proportions of ‘New Style’ scripts (perhaps because they were also Quranic calligraphers), and even added playful innovations to the bold lettering of the titles of the works they transcribed. This can be seen, for instance, in the work of AbË al-Qåsim Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Tammåm, a scholar active in the first half of the fourth/tenth century who transcribed, among other MålikÈ texts, a multi-volume Mudawwana of which a few fragments have survived in Raqqada (Figure 1.19).133 The gulf that separates this script from that of al-Óårith b. Marwån is immediately apparent from the elegant and neatly traced letter shapes and the careful widening and tapering of the strokes. The aesthetic

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Figure 1.17  Page of the ‘Nurse’s Qurån’, copied and illuminated by AlÈ b. A˙mad al-Warråq and endowed to the Great Mosque of Kairouan by Få†ima, nursemaid of the Zirid emir BådÈs, in 410/1020. Parchment, 44.5 × 30 cm. LNSRM, unknown shelf mark. © Mourad Rammah

appeal of AbË l-Qåsim’s work seems to have earned this copy of the Mudawwana a certain prestige, since in the following century it belonged to the Zirid emir al-Muizz b. BådÈs (r. 406/1016–454/1062), who endowed it to the Great Mosque of Kairouan in 424/1032–3.134 Another remarkable example of the influence of ‘New Style’ on IfrÈqÈ bookhands is a unique fragment of the Kitåb al-nudhËr (‘Book of Vows’) from the Samåʿ (‘Audiences’) of the early MålikÈ jurist Ibn al-Qåsim al-UtaqÈ (d. 191/806), copied in 394/1003 by an anonymous yet gifted penman (Figure 1.20).135 The title and chapter headings of this parchment booklet in the British Library are among the finest calligraphic achievements of the scholarly community of Kairouan: the letters have tall and sinuous shafts, the contrast between bold strokes and hairlines is particularly sharp, and the kåf of the word ‘kitåb’ on f. 1a is even graced with a delicate, stylised palmette. Despite its stark angularity and scant use of diacritics, this is a perfectly accomplished, mannered script that was meant to convey the importance and authoritativeness of the work of al-UtaqÈ, one of Målik’s closest companions.

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Figure 1.18  Portion of Sa˙nËn’s Mukhtali†a (Kitåb al-ghaßb and Kitåb al-kharåj), copied in Kairouan in 405–6/1015 by al-Óårith b. Marwån. Parchment, 24 × 17.5 cm. London and Geneva, Khalili Collection, mss.303, f. 1a–b. © The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art

All the manuscripts mentioned so far, and indeed the vast majority of the known examples of IfrÈqÈ scripts, represent the westward reach of scribal practices rooted in the Mashriq, including the system of marking få with one dot below it and qåf with one above it, which is equally found in some early literary papyri from Egypt.136 From the late fourth/tenth century, however, a few QayrawånÈ copyists started to introduce in their handwriting elements derived from AndalusÈ bookhands, most likely owing to the cultural contacts between IfrÈqiya and al-Andalus during this period. Already, before the MålikÈ school became the official legal framework of the Umayyad caliphate (established in 316/929), al-Andalus was home to a considerable number of influential MålikÈ scholars, well versed in the legal practices and commentaries on the fundamental texts elaborated in Kairouan.137 At the same time, numerous IfrÈqÈ jurists taught and preached in the mosques of the Iberian Peninsula. AndalusÈ students also travelled to Kairouan and spent time there, entering the circles of local scholars and copying their works from the originals.138 The presence of fiqh compilations authored by the Cordovans Ibn ÓabÈb (d. 238/852) and al-UtbÈ (d. 254/868) among

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Figure 1.19  Portion of Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana (Kitåb al-Èlå wa-l-liån), copied by AbË l-Qåsim Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Tammåm in the first half of the fourth/tenth century, then endowed to the Great Mosque of Kairouan by the Zirid emir al-Muizz b. BådÈs in 424/1032–3. Parchment, 23 × 16.5 cm. LNSRM, ms. rutbÈ 424/2, ff. 1a, 2b. Image from Murányi 2015

the most ancient manuscripts in Raqqada is itself an indicator of the openness of the QayrawånÈ school to the legal interpretations developed in the other MålikÈ regions further west.139 Concrete evidence for the mobility of scholars and manuscripts between IfrÈqiya and al-Andalus is provided by a section of a multi-volume copy of Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana, also in the Raqqada collection, bearing an audition certificate written in 413/1022–3 in the Great Mosque of Toledo.140 Even more significant is a manuscript now in the Chester Beatty Library (see Chapter Two, item 5), containing part of alDhabb an madhhab Målik (‘Apologia for the School of Målik’), copied in Kairouan in 371/982 by a visiting AndalusÈ – a certain Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad al-AndalusÈ – and collated with the autograph of Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ (d. 386/996), the author of the work and one of the leading IfrÈqÈ jurists of the time.141 Unsurprisingly, this paper codex is written in MaghribÈ round script, already widespread in al-Andalus by the period in question. Given these interactions, it comes as no surprise to see the later manuscript production of Kairouan moderately influenced by AndalusÈ bookhands: for instance, a portion of the Mudawwana today in the British Library (Figure 1.21), dated 381/991 and indisputably

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Figure 1.20  Portion of Ibn al-Qåsim al- UtaqÈ’s Kitåb al-samå (Kitåb al-nudhËr), copied in 394/1003 and endowed in Kairouan. Parchment, 32 × 19.5 cm. BL, ms. Or. 9810 E, f. 1a–b. © The British Library Board

attributed to the QayrawånÈ milieu by Miklós Murányi, presents an accentuated roundness of the tails of final ßåd, ∂åd, qåf and mÈm (both concave and convex), and a tendency to render the body of ßåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå as flattened ovals.142 A fragment of similar date, written in a casual round hand, was collected in Kairouan and published in 1886 by Houdas, who interpreted it as evidence of the development of local round scripts in IfrÈqiya before al-Andalus.143 Chronologically and morphologically speaking, however, the ‘semiMaghribÈ’ character of these scripts – a minority within the full range of IfrÈqÈ hands – can no longer be considered an intermediate stage in the development of MaghribÈ round scripts proper, as mistakenly claimed by Houdas. Instead, these manuscripts merely demonstrate that certain QayrawånÈ copyists were acquainted with the distinctive bookhands employed by their colleagues further west and occasionally borrowed some of their features to achieve cursiveness in their own handwriting, especially when transcribing exemplars that had been copied in al-Andalus, in MaghribÈ round scripts. It is therefore crucial, when studying MaghribÈ manuscripts from this early period,

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Figure 1.21  Portion of Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana (Kitåb al-nikå˙), dated 381/991, probably copied in Kairouan. Parchment, 27.5 × 18 cm. BL, ms. Or. 9810 C, ff. 7b–8a. © The British Library Board

to distinguish between ‘semi-MaghribÈ scripts’ – the definition I propose to designate these hybrid IfrÈqÈ hands – and ‘proto-MaghribÈ scripts’, instances of which will be discussed in Chapter Two (items 1 and 8), within the context of Umayyad Iberia.144 Because the cultural exchanges between early Islamic IfrÈqiya and Iberia were reciprocal, it is also possible to identify typically QayrawånÈ features in manuscripts produced further west, especially when they contain works of MålikÈ fiqh. Two aspects in the layout of IfrÈqÈ manuscripts are particularly relevant in this regard. Firstly, it was the custom for QayrawånÈ copyists such as al-Óårith b. Marwån to organise the title page of every part (juz) of a given work into two units of text – one for the title, the other for the owner’s name or the copyist’s signature – written in bold angular scripts (Figure 1.18). These two units are typically separated by one or more lines in a smaller script containing the chain of transmission of the work (riwåya) or the second part of the title itself. A QayrawånÈ manuscript in the Schøyen Collection offers

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Figure 1.22  Portion of the MålikÈ commentary al-Nawådir wa-l-ziyådåt (Kitåb al-mukåtab) by Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ, copied for (and probably by) IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad b. Óasån. Parchment, 22 × 15 cm. Oslo and London, Schøyen Collection, ms. 5319, f. 1a. © The Schøyen Collection

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an excellent example of this practice (Figure 1.22): it contains the Kitåb al-mukåtab (‘Book on the Manumission of Slaves’) from Ibn AbÈ Zayd’s vast commentary on Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana, titled alNawådir wa-l-ziyådåt (‘Uncommon Words and Additions’). This section of the Nawådir was owned, and probably transcribed, by a certain IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad b. Óasån.145 Another comparable title page is found in an undated portion of the Kitåb SÈbawayh – one of the foundational works of Arabic grammar – in the Ambrosiana Library of Milan, which can also be attributed to Zirid IfrÈqiya on the basis of its semi-MaghribÈ script (Figure 1.23).146 In this case, the manuscript was copied for, and probably by, someone called AbË al-Óasan A˙mad b. Naßr. In other QayrawånÈ manuscripts, the bold calligraphic title is split into two adjacent lines and the riwåya is written underneath it as a compact paragraph in a smaller script: two good examples are the already mentioned Mudawwana endowed by al-Muizz b. BådÈs (Figure 1.19) and the Kitåb al-nudhËr of the British Library (Figure 1.20). Numerous QayrawånÈ manuscripts in Raqqåda and the BNF also show this characteristic layout

Figure 1.23  Fourth volume of a copy of the Kitåb SÈbawayh, possibly copied in Kairouan in the early fifth/eleventh century, for (and probably by) AbË al-Óasan A˙mad b. Naßr. Parchment, 29 × 19 cm. Milan, Ambrosiana Library, ms. X 56 sup., ff. 1a, 11a. © Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana

chapter one: a new definition

in their title pages, as do several related fragments sold at auction in the 1990s and early 2000s.147 The second diagnostic feature of IfrÈqÈ manuscripts is the way in which the text of some (if not most) of their pages is divided into two paragraphs of roughly the same size by a blank line or half line, irrespective of the logical partition of the content.148 A possible explanation for this peculiarity could be that the copyists were trying to make full-text pages look less densely written. Alternatively, it may reflect scribal or dictation practices which we are no longer able to reconstruct. Be that as it may, these breaks in the text are found in all the examples mentioned above, and in other IfrÈqÈ manuscripts that have nothing to do with MålikÈ fiqh. A case in point is the earliest known copy of al-Milal wa-l-duwal (‘On Religions and Dynasties’), a work of astrology by AbË Mashar al-BalkhÈ (d. 271/886), transcribed in 353/964 in Båghåya (ancient Bagai, in eastern Algeria) by a certain Qays b. Qåsim al-TujÈbÈ (Figure 1.24) in a particularly angular, archaising script.149 The two features just mentioned are significant indicators, since they appear in several manuscripts also written in IfrÈqÈ scripts but that were almost certainly produced in al-Andalus. One of them is the already mentioned Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab of the QarawiyyÈn Library, the only known book to have escaped the destruction of the immense library of al-Óakam II (on which see Chapter Two). This compendium of MålikÈ fiqh was copied in 359/970 by Óusayn b. YËsuf, ‘servant’ (abd) of the Umayyad caliph, arguably in Cordova or al-Zahrå (Figure 1.25).150 With its mannered angular script reminiscent of ‘New Style’ calligraphy, this paper codex shows that IfrÈqÈ scripts were indeed known and employed in Iberia, concurrently with MaghribÈ round script, at least until the second half of the fourth/tenth century.151 Moreover, its first folio presents a title written in a bold style with long, wavy letter stems, which bears a striking resemblance to its QayrawånÈ equivalents: split into two contiguous lines, it is followed by a line of smaller script indicating the riwåya of the work. Perhaps Óusayn b. YËsuf was a QayrawånÈ scholar employed in the Umayyad caliphal library of Cordova? The use of the word abd in the colophon suggests that he was quite literally at al-Óakam’s service, and although impossible to rule out conclusively, the hypothesis that the Mukhtaßar was not copied in al-Andalus seems rather farfetched. What I would argue, instead, is that Óusayn’s work attests to the existence of a cultural network linking IfrÈqiya and al-Andalus through the circulation of MålikÈ fiqh manuscripts reflecting the same scribal conventions. It is well known that al-Óakam II gathered in his library intellectuals, scribes and bookbinders from outside alAndalus, and some of them – such as the Sicilian AbË al-Fa∂l Abbås b. Amr (d. 379/989) – had been previously active in Kairouan.152 A later source even records that the caliph had commissioned from the

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Figure 1.24  Al-Milal wa-l-duwal by AbË Mashar al-BalkhÈ. Copied by Qays b. Qåsim al-TujÈbÈ in 353/964, in Bagai. Parchment, 22 × 17 cm. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Cârullah Efendi 1559, ff. 37b–38a. © Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Ba∞kanlı©ı

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Figure 1.25  Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab, copied by Óusayn b. YËsuf in 359/970 for the Umayyad Caliph al-Óakam II. Paper, 25 × 16 cm. Fez, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 874, ff. 1a, 18b. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

IråqÈ jurist AbË Bakr al-AbharÈ (d. 375/985) a copy of his commentary on the work of the early MålikÈ scholar Ibn Abd al-Óakam, which was paid handsomely and shipped to Cordova.153 Hence, it is perfectly reasonable to believe that al-Óakam ordered his personal copy of such an important work as the Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab – ‘the earliest systematic exposition of the MålikÈ doctrine’154 – to be written in an impeccably QayrawånÈ style, although on AndalusÈ paper. Another important manuscript in the QarawiyyÈn Library holds further clues to the circulation – and indeed, production – of juridical texts written in IfrÈqÈ scripts in fifth/eleventh-century al-Andalus. It is a voluminous parchment copy of al-Nawådir wa-l-ziyådåt, the extensive commentary on Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana authored by Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ.155 The work is divided into many sections, copied at different times by different scribes. The most ancient ones are datable to the end of the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries, and are written in semi-MaghribÈ hands closely related to some of the IfrÈqÈ scripts just discussed. They include a fragment containing the first juz of the Kitåb al-iqrår (‘Book of Confession’), bearing a collation certificate dated 383/993; a portion of the Kitåb

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al-†ahåra (‘Book of Ritual Purity’), with its monumental title penned in a typically QayrawånÈ elongated and wavy style (Figure 1.26); and a fragment of the Kitåb al-qasam (‘Book of Oath’), dated Shabån 472/1080, copied by a certain A˙mad b. Abd Allåh al-FarråwÈ (Figure 1.27).156 The latter’s awkward script, in particular, clumsily imitates the ductus of AndalusÈ round bookhands, revealing at the same time the scribe’s unfamiliarity with coeval AndalusÈ practices. This seems to point to a scribe trained in Kairouan, but given the severe decline of the city after its destruction in 449/1058 it is difficult to believe that this Kitåb al-†ahåra could have been transcribed there.157 Moreover, the colophon mentions the manuscript’s patron, an AndalusÈ vizier and jurist from Almería named AbË Is˙åq Ibrå˙Èm b. A˙mad al-GhassånÈ (d. 494/1100).158 Therefore, it is very likely that this portion of the Nawådir was copied in Muslim Iberia, by an IfrÈqÈ expatriate, from an older volume that had travelled westwards with the QayrawånÈ diaspora. Numerous IfrÈqÈ scholars are known to have left their home towns and sought refuge further west after the Hilalian invasions, bringing with them their scribal tradition as well as physical manuscripts.159 The most ancient parts of the Nawådir in the QarawiyyÈn Library,

Figure 1.26  Title page and beginning of the Kitåb al-†ahåra, from al-Nawådir wa-lziyådåt. Copied in the first half of the fifth/eleventh century, in either IfrÈqiya, al-Andalus or Fes. Parchment, 30 × 20 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 793/1/1, f. 1a–b. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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Figure 1.27  First and last page of the Kitåb al-qasam, from al-Nawådir wa-l-ziyådåt. Copied in 472/1080, probably in al-Andalus, by A˙mad b. ‘Abd Allåh al-FarråwÈ, for AbË Is˙aq Ibrå˙Èm b. A˙mad al-GhassånÈ. Parchment, 25 × 19 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 793/2/5, ff. 1b, 25a. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

for instance, were copied and collated in Kairouan while their author was still living, before being taken to al-Andalus and finally endowed in Fes. In the same library, the Kitåb al-˙ajj al-awwal (‘First Book of Pilgrimage’) from an undated, multi-volume copy of Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana bears an audition certificate written in Kairouan in 428/1037 (Figure 1.28).160 This annotation was left in an angular IfrÈqÈ script by a certain Abd al-AzÈz b. Åmir al-AsadÈ, whose name also appears under the title as the first owner of the book, written in the copyist’s hand, in MaghribÈ round script. The roundness of the copyist’s handwriting, along with other features unattested in QayrawånÈ manuscripts – such as the use of large double circles to separate textual units – may indicate an AndalusÈ context of production. Soon after being used in Kairouan in 428/1037, this manuscript made its way (back?) to al-Andalus or the Far Maghrib where, according to a second ex libris on the title page, it belonged to YËsuf b. Ïså al-AzdÈ al-FåsÈ (d. 492/1098), chief judge of Marrakesh and partaker in the Almoravid conquest of Iberia.161 Another travelling fragment from the QayrawånÈ diaspora is now in the BNRM and consists of twenty-four parchment folios from an unidentified work of MålikÈ

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Figure 1.28  Title and final page of the Kitåb al-˙ajj al-awwal, from Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana. Copied in the early fifth/eleventh century, in either IfrÈqiya, al-Andalus, or Fes. In the right margin of the title page is an audition certificate written in Kairouan in 428/1037. Also note the ownership mark of YËsuf b. Ïså b. AlÈ al-AzdÈ al-FåsÈ. Parchment, 27 × 20 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 796/5/43–4, ff. 1a, 29a. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

fiqh, penned in an undotted IfrÈqÈ script in the year 384/994.162 The already mentioned Kitåb SÈbawayh of the Ambrosiana, most probably produced in Zirid IfrÈqiya, was collated and annotated in MaghribÈ round script in 517/1123, a date by which the codex must have been brought further west.163 Other QayrawånÈ scholars and intellectuals, however, remained in IfrÈqiya after 449/1058 and relocated to safer coastal cities such as Zirid Mahdia or Khurasanid Tunis.164 Therefore, some later manuscripts featuring IfrÈqÈ bookhands may have conceivably been copied there, especially if their ownership history makes it impossible to establish links with al-Andalus or the Far Maghrib.165 In conclusion, the evidence suggests that IfrÈqÈ and semi-MaghribÈ scripts continued to be used in al-Andalus into the fifth/eleventh century, for copying certain manuscripts of MålikÈ fiqh, possibly within the circles of itinerant or expatriate QayrawånÈ jurists. Furthermore, even after the triumph of MaghribÈ round scripts, the vestiges of QayrawånÈ scribal practices lingered for decades in some parchment copies of the Mudawwana transcribed in al-Andalus, most likely from IfrÈqÈ originals. This can be seen, for instance, in

chapter one: a new definition

Figure 1.29  Title of the Kitåb al-takhyÈr wa-l-tamlÈk, from a copy of Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana made in 500/1107 in Pechina. Note the dedication to the Murcian scholar MËså b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Saåda. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 796/2/18, f. 1a, detail (item 54). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

the lavish manuscript penned by a certain IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad b. IbråhÈm b. ÓadhÈr Allåh in Pechina (near Almería) in 500/1107 (see Chapter Three, item 54). Its calligraphic title pages display meticulously traced lines of script in different sizes, arranged according to the QayrawånÈ tradition: large lettering for the title, smaller for the riwåya, and large again for the name of the owner and dedicatee, creating compositions of striking visual balance (Figure 1.29).166 The script, however, is no longer IfrÈqÈ but flowing round MaghribÈ. Likewise, the typically QayrawånÈ manner of dividing full-text pages with a central blank line was maintained in several AndalusÈ manuscripts of fiqh and ˙adÈth in the corpus.167 Among them is a multi-volume Mudawwana (see Chapter Four, item 61) copied between 506/1113 and 510/1116 in Qalat Rabå˙ (Calatrava la Vieja), a town then located on the frontier between Almoravid Iberia and the kingdom of Castille, 800 miles away from IfrÈqiya and the city of Sa˙nËn.

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Notes 1. As explained in Gacek 2009, 241: ‘A “script” is the model that the scribe has in his mind’s eye when he writes, whereas a “hand” is what he actually puts down on the page.’ Since this book is not concerned with abstract models but only with their physical manifestations, the words ‘script’ and ‘hand’ are here used interchangeably, to mean both specific hands and families of scripts sharing similar features. Strictly speaking, it may be argued that there are as many scripts as there are scribes, hence my preference for using the word ‘script’ in the plural (e.g. ‘MaghribÈ round scripts’), except when discussing the hand of a particular copyist or the style of a particular manuscript. 2. The Shawq al-mustahåm is traditionally attributed to AbË Bakr A˙mad Ibn Wa˙shiyya al-KasdånÈ al-ÍËfÈ (d. 318/930–1), but the work is probably pseudonymous and contains later additions: see Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila’s article ‘Ibn Wa˙shiyya’ in EI3. For the latest Arabic edition of the work, see Ibn Wah. shiyya 2008. 3. BNF, ms. arabe 6805, f. 5a-b. See also Ibn Wah. shiyya 2008, 21. 4. Al-Qift.iˉ 1970, 295, no. 258. On Ibn al-Fakhkhår, see PUA id. 8629. 5. Al-Muqaddasiˉ 1950, 2–5. 6. See Calasso 2021 and Georges Yver’s article ‘al-Maghrib’ in EI2. Among modern MaghribÈ historians the tendency is to apply the term Maghrib exclusively to Northwest Africa and to use the expression al-Gharb al-IslåmÈ (‘the Islamic West’) when considering al-Andalus as well. 7. BNF, ms. arabe 2221, ff. 89b–90a, 107b–108a, 117b–118a, 184b–185a, 203b–204a: see Ahmad 1987. Note that my dating of this manuscript differs from Ahmad’s, but agrees with that of Georges Vajda. 8. Ibn Khalduˉn 1999, II, 750–751. 9. On the role of AndalusÈ intellectuals in shaping the Hafsid state and its ideology, see Rouighi 2011. 10. Pisa, Archivio di Stato, Prima Serie I: see Amari 1863, 395. Amari described the script of this document as ‘grande, franca, e bella scrittura neskhi, della maniera che chiamano thulthi’. 11. Pisa, Archivio di Stato, Prima Serie VI–IX, XI–XIII, XXI, XXVI, XXVIII: see Amari 1863, 400–407. 12. LNSRM, unknown shelf mark: see Dridi 2017. 13. Paris, Musée des Archives Nationales, AE/III/4: see Ouerfelli 2018; Garrigou-Grandchamp 1912. 14. LNSRM, unknown shelf mark: see Chabbouh 1956; Schwartz 1986; Voguet 2003; Déroche 2010. Published images are in Chabbouh 1956, 339–372; al-Nayya¯ l 1963, 13. 15. Barcelona, Archivo General de la Corona de Aragón, Cartas árabes, No. 116: see Alarcón & García 1940, 247–253. 16. RBE, ms. árabe 454; Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 299, No. 454. 17. BL, ms. Add. 11638: see Cureton & Rieu 1846–1871, 59, No. LII; Lings & Safadi 1976, 40, No. 49. Another square parchment Qurån copied in Tunis in 712/1312–3 is today in the BAV, ms. Vat. Arab. 215: see Anzuini 2001, 60–62. 18. Ibn Sima¯k 2004, 48. This passage is also quoted in Jaouhari 2015, 44, and Binshariˉfa 1994, 83. 19. See Georges Yver’s article ‘al-Maghrib’ in EI2. On Bougie and its disputed belonging to the central Maghrib, see Rouighi 2012, 5.

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20. Ibn Khaldu¯ n 1999, II, 751. See also Déroche 2004, 90–91. 21. Sourdel & Sourdel-Thomine 2006, 22, n. 16, pls V–VI. An interesting biography in this regard is that of the AndalusÈ imam and preacher Ibn MasadÈ al-Gharnå†È (PUA id. 10808, 599/1203–673/1275), who travelled to Egypt and Syria before settling down in Mecca. According to the biographical dictionary of TaqÈ al-DÈn al-FåsÈ (d. 831/1428), he ‘had a beautiful and fast handwriting, and could write in both MaghribÈ and MashriqÈ scripts’: see al- Fa¯ si¯ 1958–1969, II, 403–410, No. 493. This passage is mentioned in Juvin 2013, 155. 22. On AndalusÈ immigrants in Greater Syria, see Ah. mad 1989; on Damascus in particular, see Pouzet 1975; on Baghdad, see Fierro 2009, 75–90; on Egypt, see Óanafi¯ 2006; on Alexandria in particular, see Geoffroy 2002. 23. Bongianino 2021. 24. See, for instance, Khalili Collection, mss.225, discussed in Hirtenstein 2006. The earliest dated manuscript of a work by Ibn ArabÈ was copied by one of his pupils in Malatya (Anatolia) in 602/1205, in MaghribÈ script: see Christie’s 1/5/2001, lot 57. For more seventh/thirteenthcentury manuscripts in MaghribÈ scripts copied in the Mashriq, see Bongianino 2021. 25. BNF, ms. arabe 6805, f. 4a–b. 26. Gacek 2009, 36 (‘Bookhands’); Bauden & Franssen 2020, 11–14; Rustow 2020, 91–91; Déroche 1998. 27. Gacek 2009, 162–165 (‘Naskh script’). 28. Bauden & Franssen 2020, 14. 29. Gacek 2009, 36 (‘Bookhands’), 56 (‘Chancery hands’), and 241–243 (‘Scripts and hands’). On the qalam al-nussåkh see Abbott 1939, 37–38. 30. Rustow 2020, 160–172. 31. Two other key aspects of cursive Arabic scripts have been identified by Geoffrey Khan in his work on early Arabic papyri, namely the transformation of curves into straight strokes (that is, a general flattening of letter shapes) and the reduction of the distance covered by the pen: see Khan 1992, 40. 32. See Déroche 2005, 214; Déroche 2003. On the concept of cursiveness in Arabic scripts, see also Grob 2010, 161 ff. 33. Déroche defines composés (‘composed’) those formal scripts that mask all traces of the movement of the hand from one letter to the other, while chirodictiques (‘chirodictic’) are the scripts that leave such traces apparent (namely, cursive scripts): see Déroche 2005, 215; Déroche 1998, 376–378. 34. It must also be noted that some Arabic scripts (such as chancery scripts) impose illicit additional ligatures (sometimes called ‘abusive’) for calligraphic purposes. In these cases, the adjective ‘cursive’ is doubly appropriate. On the other hand, slow-paced and mannered (‘composed’) calligraphic script are never cursive, even when they are curvilinear. 35. On this important phase in the development of eastern Arabic scripts, see George 2010, 126 ff.; Blair 2006, 160 ff.; Abbott 1939, 33 ff. On Abbasid bookhands see Déroche 2005, 217; Déroche 1987–1989, 352 ff. 36. Perhaps a more correct alternative to ‘MaghribÈ scripts’ would be ‘AndalusÈ-MaghribÈ scripts’, although its length would make it hardly practicable, especially if combined with other adjectives (e.g. ‘AndalusÈ-MaghribÈ round scripts’).

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37. Thus the title of Espejo & Arias 2008: ‘El manuscrito andalusí: hacia una denominación de origen’. 38. Nuovo 1987, 241. 39. Piemontese 1996, 258. 40. The reference is to Charles V’s sack of Tunis in 1535. Postel’s letter was addressed to Jean Morel de Loches: see Secret 1962, 23. 41. Postel 1538, f. 4: ‘Africani phe & caph diverse ab Asiaticis pingunt, nam phe subscripto uno puncto, caph, uno suprascriptum faciunt sic’. 42. Viguera 2016, 83–84. This grammar book was designed to be used by Spanish clerics, who learnt Arabic with the ultimate purpose of evangelising the Moriscos. 43. Piemontese 1987–1988, 646–648. 44. Tinto 1987, 32, 48, 55, 95. 45. Leiden University Library, Cod. Or. 251: see Voorhoeve 1980, 278; Braches 1975, 240 ff. 46. Raphelengius 1595, 8. Braches 1975, 240, argues that ‘the Maghribi type already existed when the Naschi was designed, and […] for some reason it was considered inferior, but […] Raphelengius nonetheless judged it important enough not to leave it out’. 47. Levi della Vida 1939, 269 ff. 48. Levi della Vida 1939, 383. 49. Casiri 1760–1770. 50. Uri 1787. 51. Nicoll 1821. 52. Cureton & Rieu 1846–1871. 53. Kosegarten 1838, 27–28: ‘inter Kûficam ac neschicam quasi media est’. 54. De Slane 1883–1895. 55. Pihan 1856, 22–26; Bresnier 1855, 80, 131–132, and pls I–II, IV–VII, XXX–XXXIX. 56. Houdas 1886. 57. Abbott 1939, 41–44 and pl. VII. See also Abbott 1938. 58. Leiden University Library, Cod. Or. 221: see Van Koningsveld 1977, 25–31. 59. Blochet 1925; Vajda 1958. See also al-Munajjid 1960, Nos 23, 31, 35, 38, 44, 45, 56, 60. 60. Van den Boogert 1989, 30. 61. Van den Boogert 1989, 32. This statement needs of course to be reconsidered, both because this style appears in manuscripts already in the sixth/twelfth century (items 138, 146, 184, 191, 207; Q6, Q7, Q9–11, Q13, Q15–18, Q23–27), and because it was much more than a simple imitation of eastern calligraphy: see Chapter Four, 251–255. 62. Bivar 1968; Brockett 1987. The same can be said for Blair 2008. Over the past decade, the study of West African scripts has been given new impetus by scholars such as Mauro Nobili, Andrea Brigaglia and Dmitry Bondarev. 63. Déroche 1999. Eight years earlier, Déroche had already published two early Quranic fragments in MaghribÈ cursive scripts: Déroche 1991. 64. Déroche 1999, 243. ‘La tradition maghrébine pourrait bien être le reflet d’une évolution au cours de laquelle l’écriture livresque abbaside aurait représenté un courant parallèle et concurrent du maghribi, non pas un précurseur.’ 65. See especially Déroche 2004, 75.

chapter one: a new definition

66. See, for instance, Khemir 1992; James 1992; Stanley 1995, 20 ff.; Barrucand 2005; Déroche 2001; Blair 2006, 221–228. 67. Al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1969, al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1989b, al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999. 68. See especially al-Bandu¯ ri¯ 2016; Íabri¯ 2013; Wu¯ rqiyya 2009; Binshari¯fa 1994; al-Amjad 1994. Two important books on the history of Moroccan libraries were also published in the 1990s: BenjellounLaroui 1990 and Binebine 1992. 69. This approach is epitomised by Afa¯ & al-Maghra¯ wi¯ 2013. 70. Bu¯ Aßab 2014. 71. Al-Óasani¯ 2013; al-Óasani¯ 2014. 72. Van Koningsveld 1994; see also his previous article: Van Koningsveld 1992, and the supplement: Van Koningsveld 1991. Van Koningsveld’s codicological arguments are based on Keller 1989, and on Beit-Arié 1981, 37–39, 48–49. 73. Aillet 2010, 19–20, 153 ff. See also Aillet 2008. 74. Gacek 2009, 8–9, 147–149. 75. Primavera 2009–2014. Also edited by María Jesús Viguera is Manuscritos Árabes 2006. 76. D’Ottone 2013a. 77. For the most recent discussion of proportioned scripts, see Rustow 2020, 173 ff. 78. Al-Muqaddasi¯ 1950, 48–49. 79. Thus Blair 2006, 223. 80. Van den Boogert 1989, 36. 81. Houdas 1886, 106–107; Abbott 1939, 42; Blair 2006, 222; Gacek 2009, 149. 82. Houdas 1886, 106; Abbott 1939, 42; Van den Boogert 1989, 37; Gacek 2009, 149. 83. Gacek 2009, 149; Van den Boogert 1989, 38. 84. Blair 2006, 222. 85. Houdas 1886, 97–98. 86. Mariani et al. 2010. 87. Grohmann 1967, I, 118–119. 88. It is important to note, however, that reed pens of the eastern type were sometimes used by copyists writing in MaghribÈ scripts. See, for instance, items 32, 63, 71, 103, 151, 158, 189, and Christie’s 8/10/1991, lot 108. The only early source from the Muslim West discussing ‘the different kinds of reed pens most suitable for writing on parchment, papyrus and paper’ is Ibn Abd Rabbih’s anthology al-Iqd al-farÈd, written in the early fourth/tenth century, mentioned in Pedersen 1984, 62. However, Ibn Abd Rabbih’s work is entirely dependent on eastern traditions, anecdotes and poetry from Iraq, including his chapter on writing tools, so that it can be hardly used as evidence for AndalusÈ writing practices: see Ibn Abd Rabbih 1983, IV, 273–287. 89. Afa¯ 2013, 71–73. 90. Houdas 1886, 97–98; Van den Boogert 1989, 30; Déroche 2005, 104–106; Blair 2006, 222 n. 65. See also Gacek 2009, 40–42 (‘Calamus’). 91. Déroche 2005, 104. 92. Íabri¯ 2013, 81–85: ‘Ka-l-rum˙i fÈ ’l-taqwÈmi ˙åddi ’l-rasi / salÈlu ßadrin må tarå min basÈ’. An important source on the MaghribÈ qalam is also al-RifåÈ’s commentary on his own poem, preserved in an unedited manuscript: Rabat, BNRM, ms. 254 D.

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93. PUA id. 10227; De la Granja 1962: ‘QaßÈru ’l-anåbÈbi låkinna-hË / ya†Ëlu ma∂åan †iwåla ’l-rimå˙È’. Ibn Ghålib’s Maqåma fÈ waßf al-qalam draws upon the Risåla fÈ al-ßayf wa-l-qalam of the Cordovan poet A˙mad Ibn Burd al-Aßghar (d. 445/1054), where the reed pen is likened both to a spear and to a deadly arrow: see De la Granja 1960, 396. 94. Houdas 1886, 96; Déroche 2005, 106. 95. Déroche 2004, 75. 96. Grohmann 1966, 94; Orsatti 1990, 300. Already in 1939 Jean DavidWeill, examining a papyrus codex found at Tell Edfu and copied around the year 276/889, had defined its script as ‘écriture maghrébine ancienne’ because of some similarities with later MaghribÈ bookhands: see David-Weill 1939, I, p. iv. Given the subject of this manuscript – the Jåmi of Ibn Wahb, i.e. a ˙adÈth compendium with strong MålikÈ leanings – I believe that its script should rather be related to contemporary IfrÈqÈ hands from Kairouan. It is worth noting that a copy of the same work is preserved among the oldest manuscripts of the Great Mosque of Kairouan: see Brockopp 2017, 207, No. 22; Schacht 1967, 231, No. 5. 97. Grohmann 1962, 244. See also Déroche 1987–1989, 364. 98. Khan 2008, 896–868. On the bookhands of early Egyptian literary papyri, see Abbott 1957 and Abbott 1967. 99. Khan 2008, 897–898. 100. Van den Boogert 1989, 30; Déroche 2004, 81; Blair 2006, 222; Gacek 2009, 149. 101. Houdas 1886, 107–108. 102. Houdas 1886, 106; Van den Boogert 1989, 30; Déroche 2004, 81; Gacek 2009, 149. 103. Houdas 1886, 107–108; Van den Boogert 1989, 30. 104. Houdas 1886, 98, 108; Abbott 1939, 41–42; Van Koningsveld 1977, 26; Lings 1976, 203; Welch 1979, 70; Bahnassi 1995, 141; Lings 2005, 51; Baker 2007, 29. 105. Déroche 1994, 76–77: ‘En reduisant son argumentation à l’affirmation de la filiation entre coufique et écriture maghrébine, ceux qui ont suivi O. Houdas ont gauchi sa thèse en tenant insuffisamment en compte l’ambivalence du mot coufique’. 106. Thus Abbott 1939, 41–42. 107. Déroche 1999, 243–244; Déroche 2004, 75. Déroche’s hypothesis is uncritically accepted by Gacek 2009, 148. 108. Houdas 1886, 100–101, 107–108; Welch 1979, 70; Gacek 2009, 148. 109. Ibn Khaldu¯ n 1999, II, 744–745. 110. Déroche 2005, 220–221; Gacek 2009, 145. 111. Other early diacritic systems employed a single dot (or stroke) above the få and below the qåf (i.e. the exact opposite of the MaghribÈ system). The practice of only dotting the få and leaving the qåf unmarked is also attested: see Déroche 2005, 220–221, nn. 67–69. In early literary papyri få and qåf are punctuated according to different systems, including the MaghribÈ one: see Grohmann 1966, 95. 112. There were, however, exceptions: a paper Qurån in the Bodleian Library, ms. Arab. e. 179, copied in Iraq or Persia as late as the fourth/ tenth century, still shows qåf marked with a single dot below and få with one dot above: see Small 2015, 42–43. 113. Al-Da¯ ni¯ 1960, 37.

chapter one: a new definition

114. For a survey of some MaghribÈ Kufic Quråns from the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries, identified thanks to their distinctive system of vocalisation, see George 2015. 115. Doménech & López 2008; Carmona & Martínez 2010. 116. Ibn Khaldu¯ n 1951, 271. 117. Ibn al-Shaykh, 1870, I, 159–160. This passage is also mentioned in Binshari¯fa 1994, 75–76. 118. On the ‘Nurse’s Qurån’ in general, see Déroche 2017; De Carthage à Kairouan 1982, 272–273. For two of its colophons and one of its endowment certificates (currently on display at the Musée National d’Art Islamique of Raqqada), see Roy & Poinssot 1950–8, I, 28–34, figs 7–8. 119. BNF, ms. supplément grec 911, on which see Géhin 1997. 120. Johns 2002, 276. 121. Fierro 2017. 122. See especially Schacht 1967; Murányi 1997; Brockopp 2017, 165 ff. 123. For some palaeographic notes on the ancient manuscripts of Kairouan, see Déroche 1987–1989, Nos 18, 19, 24, 25, 30, 33, 37; Stanley 1999, 32–34; Bongianino 2015. 124. For a historical discussion of this corpus, see Schwartz 1986; Murányi 2015; Voguet 2003. An updated list of the twenty-three Kairouan manuscripts from before 293/906 is provided in Brockopp 2017, 200–209. 125. Brockopp 2017, 166, n. 2, 203, No. 11, and 206, No. 18; Schacht 1967, 235–236, No. 9. 126. Ibn Khaldu¯ n 1999, II, 750; see here, 15. 127. See Abbott 1957; Abbott 1967; David-Weill 1939. 128. Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, A. P. 236 (formerly PERF 731): see Abbott 1967, 114–128. For a reconsideration of this fragment, see Brockopp 2017, 105–109. 129. On the ‘New Abbasid Style’, see Déroche 1992, 132 ff; George 2010, 115–125. On the Palermo Qurån (dated 372/982–3), see Johns 2017. 130. Rammah 2009, 46, 48–49; De Carthage à Kairouan 1982, 272–275. On the ‘Nurse’s Qurån’, see here, 45, n. 118. 131. On the QayrawånÈ fragments discovered in the Great Mosque of Damascus, now in the Turkish and Islamic Art Museum in Istanbul, see Sourdel & Sourdel-Thomine 1964; Sourdel-Thomine & Sourdel 1965, Nos 18 and 26. Equally relevant is a small corpus of parchment folios containing texts of MålikÈ jurisprudence, originally copied in Kairouan between the fourth/tenth century and the early fifth/eleventh century, and then recycled in seventh/thirteenth-century Damascus as binding material for locally produced paper books. These are today in Damascus, Al-Assad National Library, mss 3829, 3841, 3847, 3850. I am indebted to Konrad Hirschler for sharing with me his images of these manuscripts. 132. Among the manuscripts copied by al-Óårith b. Marwån are: two sections of Sa˙nËn’s Mukhtali†a in the Khalili Collection, mss.303, dated 405–6/1015, on which see Stanley 1999; a section from the Mukhtaßar al-Mudawwana wa-l-Mukhtali†a by Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ dated 408/1018, auctioned in 2010, on which see Sotheby’s 5/10/2010, lot 15; and other fragments of MålikÈ fiqh dating from the same years and written on both parchment and paper, kept in the LNSRM: see Chabbouh 1956, 362–363; Schacht 1967, 235–236, 251–252.

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133. LNSRM, ms. rutbÈ 424: see Abd al-Wahha¯b 1955, 85; al-Nayya¯l 1963, 14, No. 6; Murányi 2015, figs 1–2. My attribution of this manuscript to Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Tammåm is based on close palaeographic similarities with two other manuscripts signed by him: a portion of al-MåjishËn’s Kitåb al-˙ajj (‘Book of Pilgrimage’, LNSRM, ms. rutbÈ 1628) on which see Murányi 1985b, 8–9 and plates, and a volume of the Kitåb al-samå (‘Audiences’) by Ibn ÓabÈb (LNSRM, ms. rutbÈ 272). I thank Miklós Murányi for sharing with me some images of these and other manuscripts in Raqqada. 134. Schwartz 1986, 33. 135. BL, ms. Or. 9810 E: see Murányi 2003. 136. Grohmann 1966, 95; Abbott 1967, 129, 158 (Nos 3 and 5). 137. Fierro 2005. 138. Montel 2017; Marín 1985, 50. 139. Voguet 2003, 537–538. 140. Murányi 1997, 44–46. 141. CBL, ms. Ar 4475: see Arberry 1955–1966, V, 156. 142. BL, ms. Or. 9810 C: see Murányi 2003, 330. 143. BULAC, Ms. Ara. 403g: see Houdas 1886, 93–94, pl. 2. In Houdas’s words, this fragment bears ‘la marque non équivoque de la transformation directe du caractère coufique en caractères maghrebins.’ 144. The expression ‘semi-MaghribÈ’ seems to have first been employed in Löfgren & Traini 1975, 134. I have so far been unable to think of a more suitable definition for those North African scripts of the fourth/ tenth and fifth/eleventh century partly influenced by AndalusÈ round bookhands, except perhaps that of ‘pseudo-MaghribÈ’. 145. Schøyen Collection, ms. 5319. 146. Milan, Ambrosiana Library, ms. X 56 sup.: see Löfgren & Traini 1975, No. CCLIII, 134. See also Bongianino 2015; Humbert 1995, 170–186, 199–203, pl. I; al-Munajjid 1960, pl. 17. A second portion of this manuscript is today in Kazan: see Druel 2018. 147. See, for instance, BNF, ms. arabe 6151, containing a portion of al-UtbÈ’s Asmaa (‘Audiences’); Sotheby’s 28/4/1993, lot 160; Sotheby’s 3/5/2001, lot 25; Bonham’s 17/10/2002, lot 9; and Sotheby’s 5/10/2010, lot 14 (previously in the Khalili Collection). 148. As first noted in Schacht 1967, 225. 149. This manuscript is today in Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Cârullah Efendi 1559. Eight folios from the same manuscript (including the dated colophon) were sold at auction in 2000 and are now in London, Arcadian Library, ms. L:04. 150. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 874: see al-Fasi 1979–1989, II, 538–539. See also Levi-Provençal 1934; Schacht 1965; Valls i Subira 1978, 92–94. The colophon on f. 174a reads: ‘Wa-kataba Óusayn ibn YËsuf abd al-imåm al-Óakam al-Mustanßir bi-llåh amÈr al-muminÈn, a†åla Allåh baqåa-hu wa-adåma khilåfata-hu, fÈ Shabån min sanat tis wa-khamsÈn wa-thalath (sic) mia’. 151. The script of this codex was first noticed and analysed in Van Koningsveld 1977, 26–27. However, Van Koningsveld mistook its angularity a sign that cursive round scripts had not yet developed in al-Andalus by that time. 152. PUA id. 4127; Puerta 2007, 146–148. Also, the copyist and protegé of al-Óakam II Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf al-TårÈkhÈ al-Warråq (d. 350/961, PUA id. 10783), born in Guadalajara, had resided and studied for a

chapter one: a new definition

long time in Kairouan: see Puerta 2007, 149. Other immigrants from IrÈqiya who worked in the library of al-Óakam II were IbråhÈm b. Sålim al-Warråq (PUA id 102) and the prolific author Mu˙ammad b. Óårith al-KhushanÈ (PUA id. 8774). See also Abd al-Wahha¯b 1956, 41–42; al-Abba¯dÈ 2005, 36–37. 153. Al-Maqqariˉ 1968, I, 386. 154. Thus Schacht 1962, 274. 155. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 793: see al-Fa¯ si¯ 1979–1989, II, 432–436. 156. Al-Fa¯ si¯ 1979–1989, II, 435. See also Jaouhari 2013, 20 (group 1, type A). 157. No Arabic manuscripts copied after 448/1057 survive in the Raqqada collection, most likely due to the severe decline of Kairouan as a centre for learning after the Hilalian invasion and the devastation of the city in 449/1058. Thus Murányi 1997, passim, and in particular 270: ‘Ein Hörerzertifikat von Mu˙arram 455/Januar 1063 auf dem Endblatt eines Fragmentes aus dem TafsÈr al-Muwa††a [...] ist das einzige Dokument, das auf eine gewisse Lehrtätigkeit nach der HilålInvasion schließen läßt.’ 158. PUA id. 26. 159. See, for instance, PUA id. 4170, 7782, 9024, 9799. 160. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 796/5/43–4: see al-Fa¯ si¯ 1979–1989, II, 455. The Second Book of Pilgrimage from the same copy of the Mudawwana also survives in the QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 574/1/8: see al-Fa¯ si¯ 1979–1989, II, 99; see also Murányi 1999, 45–47. A similar audition certificate, also dated 428/1037, is found in a Kitåb al-ruhËn (‘Book of Pledges’) from Sa˙nËn’s Mukhtali†a in the QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 796/6/50–3: see al-Fa¯ si¯ 1979–1989, II, 458. 161. PUA id. 11897; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, V (VIII), 347–349, No. 226. 162. BNRM, ms. 2673 K. The script is extremely similar to that employed in a portion of Ibn AbÈ Zayd’s Mukhtaßar al-Mudawwana, copied in 371/981, nineteen folios of which were auctioned in 2001: see Bonham’s 2/05/2001, lot 15. 163. Bongianino 2015. 164. Idris 1962, II, 796 ff. 165. See, for instance, BNF, ms. arabe 6095: Blochet 1925, 186; Vajda 1958, pl. 51; Déroche 1999, 240. This Nawådir fragment dated 472/1079, written in a script that Blochet called ‘neskhy tunisien’, was given new title pages in the eighth/fourteenth century, invoking God’s help on the Tunisian judge AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. Khalaf Allåh al-AzdÈ (d. 770/1368–9). 166. Several portions of this manuscript were copied for MËså b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Saåda (PUA id. 11136), a scholar from an influential Murcian family, while the fragment in Cairo bears a dedication to Abd al-Malik b. Salama b. MasËd (PUA id. 5757). 167. Items 1, 4, 47, 58, 61, 62, 84.

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CHAPTER TWO

Maghribı¯ Round Scripts in the Third/Ninth and Fourth/Tenth Centuries

Book culture and production in Umayyad Iberia It has long since become commonplace to acknowledge that, already in the fourth/tenth century, al-Andalus had equalled, and perhaps even surpassed, Iraq as a flourishing centre of Arabic written culture, a land of passionate bibliophiles and great libraries, a paramount hub for the making and marketing of books. Ibn KhaldËn was among the first historians to draw this comparison, in the chapter of his Muqaddima dedicated to the craft of wiråqa, a blanket term referring to all phases of book production, from the nibbing of the pen to the binding of a codex.1 ‘In earlier times,’ remarked Ibn KhaldËn, ‘great consideration was given to scholarly writings and official records, and to the way they were copied, bound, and corrected through [a sound] transmission technique and accuracy. […] In the Islamic world, this phenomenon reached tremendous proportions in Iraq and al-Andalus.’2 Four centuries before Ibn KhaldËn, as we have seen, the geographer al-MuqaddasÈ already praised the unmatched skills of the Andalusis in the field of wiråqa.3 Though he never visited Iberia, al-MuqaddasÈ must have had access to AndalusÈ manuscripts, and his remark seems particularly trustworthy in view of his first-hand knowledge of the binder’s craft, an activity that he exercised occasionally to raise money for his travels.4 However, if one excludes this important testimony from the Muslim East, contemporary sources are generally silent on the activity of the AndalusÈ copyists and bookbinders who lived under the Umayyads of Cordova. To shed some light on the matter, modern scholars have relied mostly on the work of later historiographers: authors such as Ibn Óazm (384/994–456/1064), Ibn Óayyån (377/987–469/1076), Abd al-Wå˙id al-MarråkushÈ (581/1185–625/1228), Ibn IdhårÈ (d. after 712/1312) and al-MaqqarÈ (d. 1041/1632), who based extensive parts of his compilation on the works of Ibn Ghålib al-Gharnå†È (sixth/twelfth century) and Ibn SaÈd al-MaghribÈ (seventh/­thirteenth century).

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

Libraries and penmanship In the wake of Julián Ribera’s seminal article Bibliófilos y bibliotecas en la España musulmana (1896), a remarkable number of studies have been published in the past fifty years on the book culture of Umayyad Iberia, and yet none of them has managed to add substantial new elements to our knowledge of the subject.5 Centred as it is almost exclusively on the hyperbolic accounts of the library of al-Óakam II (r. 350/961–366/976) and its collection of more than 400,000 books, our understanding of where, how and by whom religious and secular manuscripts were copied is still extremely limited for fourth/tenth-century Cordova, and virtually non-existent for the other cities of al-Andalus in the same period. The little we know needs therefore to be expanded through the information contained in biographical dictionaries, such as those compiled by Ibn al-Fara∂È (351/962–403/1013) – TarÈkh ulamå al-Andalus, ‘History of AndalusÈ Scholars’; Ibn Bashkuwål (494/1101–578/1183) –  al-ÍÈla, ‘Continuation [of Ibn al-Fara∂È’s work]’; Ibn al-Abbår (595/1199–658/1260) – al-Takmila li-Kitåb al-ßÈla, ‘Supplement to the Continuation’; and Ibn Abd al-Malik al-MarråkushÈ (634/1237– 703/1303) – al-Dhayl wa-l-takmila, ‘Addenda and Supplement [to the works of Ibn Bashkuwål and Ibn al-Abbår]’. This information, however, is of little use unless backed by the study of practices related to the transmission of particularly widespread works (religious, legal, grammatical and lexicographic in particular), and of course by the analysis of the extant manuscript material. The immense palatine library of al-Óakam II (al-khizåna al-ilmiyya) was first and foremost an active centre for the copying and collation of written texts from all over the Islamic world and beyond, and consequently depended on the work of local and foreign scholars, scribes and bookbinders. The caliph’s vast collection comprised the books of at least three earlier libraries: that of the emir Mu˙ammad I (r. 238/852–273/886), that of al-Óakam’s father and predecessor Abd al-Ra˙mån III (emir from 300/912 to 316/929 and caliph from 316/929 to 350/961) and that of al-Óakam’s deceased brother Mu˙ammad (or Abd Allåh, according to other sources).6 It is therefore possible that this institution also inherited the organisation of labour and the scribal practices of earlier palatine scriptoria, of which we know nothing. Even before his accession to the throne, however, we are told that al-Óakam had gathered in his service ‘the most skilful experts in the art of copying [ßinåat al-naskh], and the most famous specialists in vocalisation [al-∂ab†] and accomplished bookbinding [al-ijåda fÈ al-tajlÈd]’.7 In the caliphal library, under the supervision of the eunuch and chief librarian (ßå˙ib al-khizåna al-ilmiyya) TalÈd al-KhaßÈ, worked numerous Andalusis whose excellent handwriting and bookmaking skills are sometimes recorded in biographical dictionaries.8

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The most important among them were Mu˙ammad b. al-Óusayn al-FihrÈ, copyist of the work of the BaghdådÈ lexicographer and expatriate AbË AlÈ al-QålÈ (d. 356/967 in Cordova);9 Mu˙ammad b. Mamar al-JayyånÈ (from Jaén), his collaborator;10 the female scholar Lubnå al-kåtiba (‘the secretary’, d. 374/984 or 394/1004), grammarian, poetess, and expert calligrapher;11 and Få†ima bt. Zakariyyå, daughter of the influential courtier AbË Ya˙yå al-ShabulårÈ, another highly educated kåtiba with an elegant and accurate handwriting.12 Furthermore, we know that at least four Cordovan scholars were specifically employed by al-Óakam II as manuscript collationers (‘muqåbilËn’).13 The purge and partial destruction of al-Óakam’s library after his death, ordered by the new caliph’s ˙åjib (‘chamberlain’) and de facto ruler Abu Åmir Mu˙ammad al-ManßËr (r. 366/976–392/1002), was a purely symbolic move that by no means marked the end of the employment at court of renowned copyists and bookbinders, at least until the first sack of Cordova in 399/1009 and the outbreak of the civil war that led to the abolishment of the caliphate in 421/1031.14 We know that al-ManßËr had a vast private library and a personal librarian: Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Mu˙ammad (or Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Ra˙mån) b. Mamar al-LughawÈ (d. 423/1032), grammarian and historian of the Amirid dynasty, who also worked for al-ManßËr’s son Abd al-Malik al-MuΩaffar (r. 392/1002–409/1008), but then took shelter in the Balearic Islands after his patron’s death.15 Another Cordovan grammarian known as Ibn al-ArÈf (d. 390/1000) was hired by al-ManßËr as a tutor for his children and must have had easy access to the books of the Amirid library.16 This is confirmed by a long note at the end of item 126 (see Chapter Four and Conclusions) mentioning certain valuable books transcribed by al-QålÈ that belonged to the khizåna of al-ManßËr, which Ibn al-ArÈf took from his master’s library and presented to the scholar Ibn al-IflÈlÈ (d. 441/1050) for consultation.17 It has been suggested that the feverish scribal activities in the caliphal library of Cordova during the fourth/tenth century may have contributed to the origin of MaghribÈ round scripts and their diffusion throughout al-Andalus.18 However, one must bear in mind that the only surviving manuscript associated with the library of al-Óakam II – the already mentioned Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab of the QarawiyyÈn Library (Figure 1.25) – was penned not in a MaghribÈ round bookhand but in an angular IfrÈqÈ script.19 This seems to substantiate the picture painted by the sources of a cosmopolitan institution characterised by a variety of stylistic influences, and not a milieu where a single, local script was ever elevated to an ‘official’ status.20 Al-Óakam’s library was also, and perhaps especially, a repository of books written in the Mashriq that the caliph had purchased through his agents, sparing no expense. We know, for instance, that he went to extraordinary lengths to acquire a copy of al-IßfahånÈ’s

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Kitåb al-aghånÈ (‘Book of Songs’) and of al-AbharÈ’s commentary on Ibn Abd al-Óakam’s al-Mukhtaßar al-kabÈr (a major compendium of MålikÈ fiqh), both of which were shipped to Cordova from Iraq.21 The reputation of the second Umayyad caliph as a collector of eastern manuscripts endured for centuries, and is attested in colophons such as that of item 182 (see Chapter Four): this copy of AbË DåwËd’s ˙adÈth compilation, dated 589/1183, was collated with a manuscript stemming from ‘two ancient copies [nuskhatayn atÈqatayn] sent to the commander of the faithful, al-Óakam al-Mustanßir bi-llåh, by AbË Bakr Ibn Dåsa’, a Basran traditionist whom the caliph had evidently contacted for this purpose. It goes without saying that none of these imported manuscripts could have been written in MaghribÈ round scripts. Nor should we imagine that the scholars and copyists at work in the caliphal library were all Andalusis. Apart from the already mentioned QayrawånÈ and Sicilian immigrants,22 the contribution of eastern scribes and calligraphers to the growth of al-Óakam’s collection was also considerable: suffice it to mention here Ûafar ­al-BaghdådÈ (d. 350/961), who ‘established himself in Cordova and was one of the chief copyists [ruaså al-warråqÈn] famous for their precise vocalisation and beautiful handwriting, […] and al-Óakam took him in his service as a copyist [istakhdama-hu al-Óakam ­al-Mustanßir bi-llåh fÈ al-wiråqa]’.23 Moreover, as correctly pointed out by Konrad Hirschler, only a very restricted audience could access al-Óakam’s library and its treasured manuscripts.24 This raises serious doubts about the impact that such an exclusive milieu could have exerted outside the walls of the Umayyad palace – doubts that are reinforced by the manuscripts presented in this chapter, none of which bear the slightest sign of direct caliphal patronage. It can therefore be argued that, whilst al-Óakam’s library certainly played a significant role in shaping the ideology of the Umayyad caliphate, ‘its importance for cultural practices, even for those of the scholarly group, was rather restricted’.25 The appreciation by the AndalusÈ elites of IråqÈ treatises on penmanship and chancery practices such as Ibn Qutayba’s Adab al-kuttåb (‘Etiquette of Secretaries’), and their admiration for the work of Abbasid calligraphers like Ibn Muqla and Ibn al-Bawwåb, suggest a marked discrepancy between the eastern models of high culture sponsored by the Umayyad establishment and the actual practices of local copyists.26 In spite of the all-pervading influence of the Mashriq and its manuscript tradition, the Andalusis managed to develop parallel strands of scholarship and literature in most fields and genres and to devise a completely new and distinctive script that, in Déroche’s words, represented a definitive ‘graphic secession’ from the rest of the Islamic world.27 Hence, the attention of those wanting to shed light on the origins of MaghribÈ round scripts should perhaps shift to the other libraries of fourth/tenth-century Cordova,

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expressions of a less cosmopolitan culture, and to the activity of the copyists there employed.28 The largest and most famous of these private institutions was no doubt the library of the affluent scholar Ibn Fu†ays (d. 402/1012), where six scribes were regularly employed to increase their master’s collection of books. These professional copyists were hired at a fixed salary rather than at piece rates, lest they be tempted to rush their handwriting.29 A second important library belonged to an earlier intellectual and traditionist, Qåsim b. Sadån al-RayyÈ (d. 347/958), himself a prolific copyist, who bequeathed all his books as a pious endowment (˙abs) before his death. His library, moved to the house of a fellow traditionist, became a renowned establishment attended by many Cordovan scholars.30 Ibn al-Fara∂È also reports that Ya˙yå Ibn Åidh (d. 375/985), a jurist from Tortosa who taught in the great mosque of the capital, gradually had to sell most of his vast library to meet his living expenses.31 An even greater contribution to the emergence of MaghribÈ round bookhands was probably made by the ‘freelance’ scribes who practiced the craft of wiråqa in their own workshops in the markets of Umayyad Cordova. The biographical dictionaries label these individuals with the generic term warråqËn (sing. warråq), which could designate a copyist, a parchment or paper maker, a calligrapher, an illuminator, a bookbinder, a stationer, a bookseller, or any combination of such professions.32 Among the most prominent AndalusÈ warråqËn of the fourth/tenth century were Ibn al-Óannån (d. 362/972) from Écija, the Cordovan grammarian YËsuf al-BallË†È (d. 334/945), whom Ibn al-Fara∂È calls ‘imam in the art of calligraphy and vocalisation’, and the historian Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf al-TårÈkhÈ (d. after 362/972), from Guadalajara.33 During the heyday of the Umayyad caliphate even lesser personalities such as schoolteachers, female scholars and merchants were eager book collectors and prolific copyists.34 To cater for this enormous demand of books, more than 60,000 manuscripts were being copied in Cordova every year, at least according to Ribera’s calculations.35 It comes as no surprise, then, that the biographical dictionaries abound with references to warråqËn renowned for their calligraphic skills (‘kåna ˙asan al-kha††’ is by far the commonest expression), unfortunately without going into much detail about their scribal activities or income.36 Penmanship was evidently a desirable and prized talent, but not worthy of more than a passing mention in the biography of a scribe or scholar. An interesting exception is found in al-ÎabbÈ’s portrayal of the poetess and gifted calligrapher Íafiyya bt. Abd Allåh al-RayyÈ (d. 1027/417), which includes three verses written by her in response to another female scholar who had disparaged her penmanship: She demeaned my handwriting, and I said to her: ‘Desist, and I will show you the pearls in the stringing of my lines’. 

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I called upon my hand to be generous and bestow its art, and drew nigh my reed-pens, my parchment, and my inkwell.  Then [my hand] penned three verses, which I arranged so that my calligraphy would show in them, and I said to her: ‘Behold!’.37 If one considers the extant manuscripts copied in MaghribÈ round scripts during the fourth/tenth century – to be discussed shortly – at least one name of an unidentified (Cordovan?) warråq can be added to the picture: Ubayd Allåh b. SaÈd, who copied item 10 and declared his profession as part of his signature. In the same period, five more individuals signed the colophons of their manuscripts (items 3, 5, 6, 9, 11) and, even if they did not refer to themselves as warråqËn, their evident ability to produce fine books for personal or collective use reveals them to be more than mere intellectuals. It is probably thanks to these scholar-copyists from the intermediate levels of society, and not to the master calligraphers employed in the caliphal library, that MaghribÈ round scripts were codified, spread across Muslim Iberia and soon became the sole vehicle for the written culture of al-Andalus. Learning circles and endowment practices With regard to the religious works of Quranic sciences, ˙adÈth and fiqh, which form the vast majority of the surviving AndalusÈ manuscripts not only from this early period but also from the later centuries, a parallel line of enquiry can be followed to better understand their context of production, involving the study of learning practices among religious scholars (ulamå, sing. ålim). This field of research was also inaugurated by Ribera at the end of the nineteenth century, but it has only recently begun to yield data on the actual modes of instruction of the ulamå and on the places where the written sources of their knowledge were copied and kept.38 Given the absence of institutions comparable to later colleges (madåris, sing. madrasa) in Umayyad al-Andalus, it appears that the typical setting for teaching sessions, involving a lecturer and a group of students, consisted of relatively informal gatherings held in mosques: large congregational mosques, but also small neighbourhood mosques, some of which were privately owned by local notables and attended mainly by their family members.39 The learning circles (˙alqa and majlis are the two terms most commonly used in the sources) convened in these mosques were duly authorised by rulings and legal opinions that assured the faithful of the acceptability – and indeed merit – of such practices.40 In these contexts, collections of books on various subjects were available to both teachers and pupils in the mosques’ khazåin (sing. khizåna), a term indicating cupboards or cabinets provided with bookshelves, which could be found in prayer halls,

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annexes or under the arcades of a mosque’s courtyard. Manuscripts were copied (sometimes from dictation) and collated multiple times, read back to the author or transmitter of a given work, brought home by their owners and circulated among their family members, entrusted to professional warråqËn when the need for a particularly fine copy arose, and eventually endowed to the libraries of other mosques, either public or private.41 The practice of pious endowment (˙abs, ta˙bÈs), in particular, is well attested in Umayyad al-Andalus with regard to books of religious sciences as well as Quranic manuscripts.42 The work al-Wathåiq wa-l-sijillåt (‘On Documents and Records’) by the Cordovan jurist Ibn al-A††år (d. 399/1009) is a handbook for notaries containing templates of different legal acts such as marriage and sales certificates, wills and pious endowments to religious institutions, including book donations for educational purposes.43 The two categories taken into account are ‘books of [Islamic] sciences [dawåwÈn ilm]’, donated in favour of ‘trustworthy students’ so that they could borrow them ‘in order to copy, collate, or study them’, and copies of the Qurån (maßå˙if), endowed in favour of those who wished to read them. In the latter case, a thorough description of their binding (tajlÈd), cover (ghilåfa) and Kufic script (kha†† KËfÈ) was required.44 We are less informed about the context in which secular manuscripts of medicine, astronomy and natural sciences were copied and studied. However, from the references included in slightly later colophons (for example item 35, discussed in Chapter Three) it seems that they were kept in their owners’ private libraries and were not endowed to mosques, unlike religious books or works of grammar and lexicography, which would be considered propaedeutic to religious studies. While lectures on works of adab and poetry were occasionally held in mosques, those interested in secular sciences would preferably gather and transcribe manuscripts in private homes.45 Parchment and paper production Another important aspect of AndalusÈ book culture was the local tradition of parchment- and papermaking, since these two activities were intrinsically associated with the craft of wiråqa. The production of fine parchment (raqq) employed as a scribal support in Umayyad Cordova is well documented: an entire suburb of the city was named Raba∂ al-raqqåqÈn (‘District of the Parchment Makers’), located outside the western walls and near the Seville Gate or Båb al-a††årin (‘Gate of the Perfumers’), where dyes and inks were also produced and sold.46 Based on the biographies of a few parchment makers from IfrÈqiya who established themselves in Cordova in the fourth/tenth century, some scholars have suggested that this craft was in fact introduced in al-Andalus from Kairouan.47 However, the

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local Christian-Visigothic tradition of parchment codices must have been an equally important source of technical know-how. At the end of the fourth/tenth century al-MuqaddasÈ, used as he was to the paper commonly employed by then in the Mashriq, remarked that ‘all the Quranic manuscripts and the books in alAndalus are written on parchment leaves [ruqËq]’.48 The predilection for parchment shown by AndalusÈ and MaghribÈ scribes, perceived in the Islamic East as an old-fashioned oddity, was a cultural trait that persisted well beyond the Umayyad period, and scholars have tried to explain it in a variety of ways.49 It can be inferred from the sources that, during the fourth/tenth century, parchment was perceived by the Andalusis as the standard local support, while paper (kåghid) was the hallmark of manuscripts copied in the Mashriq. Thus, when the Cordovan AbË Abd Allåh Ibn Mufarrij wanted to raise doubts about the credibility of Ibn al-Qallås (d. 337/948) as a fiqh transmitter, he reported to Ibn al-Fara∂È: We wished to read with him the works of AbË Ubayd, which he was supposed to have received from AlÈ b. Abd al-AzÈz. When he showed us books that he had copied in al-Andalus, on parchment, we asked him about the originals on paper [ußËl al-kåghidh] on which he had studied, but he alleged that they had been reached by sea water and damaged, and that he had transcribed and collated them.50 Paper, however, was already well known in Umayyad Iberia, thanks to literary works such as Ibn Abd Rabbih’s al-Iqd al-farÈd,51 and to the import of eastern paper books, from which AndalusÈ scholars transcribed their own copies on parchment. By the middle of the fourth/tenth century substantial quantities of paper must have been available in Cordova, despite the complete lack of reference to paper production in the western Arabic sources of this early period. Some of the water mills on the Guadalquivir mentioned by the Umayyad chronicler A˙mad al-RåzÈ (d. 343/955) could have been paper mills.52 Be that as it may, four paper manuscripts have survived from Umayyad al-Andalus – the Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab copied for al-Óakam II (Figure 1.25) and three others (items 4, 6, 12) discussed below – and there is no reason to believe that their support was imported from the Mashriq rather than produced locally.53 Similarly, the paper employed in item 5 attests to the availability of this commodity in Kairouan during the second half of the fourth/tenth century. The earliest evidence of round scripts in al-Andalus Fortunately, what the sources omit to tell us about book production and writing practices in Umayyad Iberia can be partly reconstructed from the evidence furnished by a corpus of twelve dated manuscripts

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copied between the years 270/883 and 399/1008 (Figures 2.1–13).54 These are not only the most ancient Arabic manuscripts in our possession to have been produced to the west of IfrÈqiya, but also the earliest witnesses to the establishment of MaghribÈ round bookhands as the canonical script of al-Andalus. Among them, item 5 represents a false exception: though copied in Kairouan, it cannot be considered indicative of IfrÈqÈ scribal practices as it was copied by an AndalusÈ visiting scholar. Although fragmentary, badly preserved and, in most cases, extremely difficult to access, these manuscripts necessarily constitute the basis upon which any sound study of MaghribÈ scripts should be grounded. The dispersal of these codices, now kept in ten different libraries in Europe, North Africa and the Middle East, is indicative of their troubled history, and they can certainly be considered as fortunate survivors among the hundreds of thousands of books that were lost with the downfall of the Umayyad caliphate. A great deal of care is therefore required when trying to draw conclusions from their palaeographic and codicological analysis, as issues of survival may undermine our interpretation of the evidence, and certain features might not be as representative as we would like them to be. What follows is a list of these twelve manuscripts, in chronological order. Together with the date and place of copying, title and current location of each manuscript, I have specified the author and genre of each work, indicating when it was composed in IfrÈqiya or al-Andalus.  1. 270/883 [RabÈ II]: Al-Siyar, part 2 [‘On Warfare’], a work of Islamic jurisprudence by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad alFazårÈ [d. after 185/802]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1968/2 (Figures 2.1–2.2);55  2. 346/957 [RabÈ II]: Marifat al-bawl wa-aqsa¯mi-hi [‘Knowledge of Urine and its Constituents’], an IfrÈqÈ work of medicine by Is˙åq b. Sulaymån al-IsråÈlÈ al-MißrÈ al-QayrawånÈ [d. 320/932]. Vatican City, BAV, ms. Vat. Arab. 310 (Figure 2.3);56  3. 364/974 [Íafar–RabÈ I, copied in Toledo]: Al-Ja¯mi fıˉ al-h ∙ adıˉth, parts 2–10 [‘Collection of Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by Mamar b. Råshid al-YamanÈ [d. 153/770]. Ankara University, Library of the Faculty of Language, History and Geography, ms. Òsmail Saip Sencer 2164 (Figure 2.4);57  4. 364/975 [Jumådå II]: Qas∙as∙ al-Qura¯n wa-tafsıˉri-hi, part 1 [‘Exposition and Interpretation of the Qurån’], an AndalusÈ work of Quranic exegesis by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad Ibn Mufarrij al-FuntawrÈ [315/927–380/990]. Istanbul, Turkish and Islamic Art Museum, inv. No. 1588 (Figure 2.5);58  5. 371/982 [Shabån, copied in Kairouan]: Al-Dhabb an madhhab Ma¯lik [‘Apologia for the School of Målik’], an IfrÈqÈ work of

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Figure 2.1  AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-FazårÈ, Al-Siyar, part 2. Copied in 270/883, probably in Cordova. Parchment, 25.5 × 17 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1968/2, ff. 5b–6a, today missing from the library (item 1). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

MålikÈ jurisprudence by Abd Allåh Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ (d. 386/996). Dublin, CBL, ms. Ar 4475 (Figure 2.6);59  6. 379/990 [Shawwål]: Al-Siyar, parts 1, 3–5 [‘On Warfare’], a work of Islamic jurisprudence by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad al-FazårÈ [d. after 185/802]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1968/1, 3–5 (Figure 2.7);60  7. 382/993 [DhË al-Qada–DhË al-Óijja]: Mukhtas∙ar ira¯b al-Qura¯n wa-maa¯ni-hi [‘Compendium on the Vocalisation of the Qurån and its Meanings’], a work of Quranic sciences by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. al-SarÈ al-Zajjåj [d. 311/923]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 333 Q (Figure 2.8);61  8. 383/993 [Mu˙arram]: Tafsıˉr al-Qura¯n, parts 13–19 [‘Interpretation of the Qurån’], an IfrÈqÈ work of Quranic exegesis by Ya˙yå b. Sallåm al-TaymÈ al-BaßrÈ al-QayrawånÈ [d. 200/815]. Tunis, BNT, ms. 7447 (Figure 2.9);62  9. 391/1000 [Mu˙arram]: Ja¯mi al-baya¯n an tawıˉl a¯y al-Qura¯n, part 31 [‘Interpretation of the Verses of the Qurån’], a work of Quranic exegesis by AbË Jafar Mu˙ammad b. JarÈr al-ÊabarÈ [d. 310/923]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 791/7 (Figure 2.10);63

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Figure 2.2  AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-FazårÈ, Al-Siyar, end of part 2 with dated colophon. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1968/2, f. 17b, detail, today missing from the library (item 1). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

10. 391/1001 [Rajab]: Al-Muwat ta, part 12 [‘The Well-trodden Path’], the foundational work˙ ˙ of the MålikÈ school of jurisprudence by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/195]. Riyadh, King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, unknown shelf mark (Figure 2.11);64 11. 394/1004 [Jumåda II]: Kita¯b al-nakhl [‘Book of Palm Trees’], a work of adab and botany by AbË Óåtim Sahl b. Mu˙ammad al-SijistånÈ [d. 255/869]. Palermo, Central Regional Library of Sicily, ms. III. D. 10 (Figure 2.12);65 12. 399/1008 [RabÈ I]: Mukhtas∙ar Kita¯b al-ayn [‘Abridgement of the Kitåb al-ayn’], an AndalusÈ dictionary by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan al-ZubaydÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 379/989], being an abridgement of al-FaråhidÈ’s Book of Ayn. Granada, Library of the Sacromonte Abbey, ms. árabe 2 (Figure 2.13).66 Several other AndalusÈ manuscripts, although undated, can be attributed to the fourth/tenth century with varying degrees of confidence.67 While their discussion would exceed the scope of this book, one particular case deserves to be mentioned here: a fragment of an important work of MålikÈ jurisprudence – Ibn Abd al-Óakam’s Mukhtaßar kabÈr (‘Major Compendium’) – kept in the QarawiyyÈn Library.68 At the bottom of f. 24a, a note states that the collation

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Figure 2.3  Is˙åq b. Sulaymån al-IsråÈlÈ, Marifat al-bawl wa-aqsåmi-hi, table of contents and beginning of chapter 1. Copied in 346/957. Parchment, 21.6 × 14.5 cm. BAV, ms. Vat. Arab. 310, ff. 1b–2a (item 2). © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

of this manuscript was completed under the supervision of the Cordovan scholar AbË Umar A˙mad b. IbråhÈm al-KalåÈ, known as Ibn al-Îu˙å (d. 391/1001).69 This reference to the context in which the manuscript was read is not only a precious terminus ante quem for its production but also a clue to its likely Cordovan origin, in accord with the majority of the items discussed in this chapter. Interestingly, the note also mentions where the collation took place: an otherwise unknown mosque named al-masjid al-abya∂ (‘the white mosque’). This was probably one of the numerous neighbourhood mosques of the Umayyad capital, where Ibn al-Îu˙å held his teaching sessions. Where were the manuscripts copied? Although the codices just listed belong to different genres and were copied by different scribes, their scripts bear a close affinity in terms of ductus and letter forms, suggesting that already in the fourth/ tenth century a fully codified writing model had become the norm

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Figure 2.4  Mamar b. Råshid al-YamanÈ, Al-Jåmi fÈ al-˙adÈth, title page and beginning of part 4. Copied in 364/974 in Toledo, by KathÈr b. Khalaf b. Sad al-MurådÈ. Parchment, 29 × 24 cm. Ankara University, Library of the Faculty of Language, History and Geography, ms. Òsmail Saip Sencer 2164, f. 10a–b (item 3). © Ankara Üniversitesi

among AndalusÈ scholars for copying both secular and religious texts. However, the full geographic reach of MaghribÈ round scripts in such an early period is difficult to determine, as it can only be inferred from the origin of the manuscripts themselves, which is very rarely specified in MaghribÈ colophons before the sixth/twelfth century. Only in items 3 and 5 did the scribes declare where the books were copied, namely Toledo and Kairouan respectively. Yet, the origin of many other items in the list can be deduced from the names of the copyists and/or the dedicatees, as well as from the ownership marks, reading and audition certificates and collation notes inscribed in their margins:  1. 270/883: Al-Siyar, part 2. Its title page (f. 1a) is inscribed with an ownership note of the jurist Abbås b. al-Aßbagh b. Abd al-AzÈz al-HamdånÈ (306/918–386/996), who taught in Cordova his entire life.70 According to Miklós Murányi, this manuscript was copied within the Cordovan scholarly circle of Mu˙ammad b. Wa∂∂å˙ al-Qur†ubÈ (199/815–287/900), whose

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 2.

 3.  4.

 5.

 6.

 9.

10. 11.

name is also included in the title page as the final transmitter of the text.71 346/957: Marifat al-bawl. It is certainly an AndalusÈ manuscript, but its origin is unknown. An ownership note in Hebrew script (f. 1b) attests that this book was in the possession of Shimπn ben Moshe Mπ†π†, identified by Giorgio Levi della Vida with a Sephardi mathematician who lived in northern Italy in the second half of the fifteenth century.72 However, the Hebrew script of this ex libris seems roughly contemporary with the main text and palaeographically ascribable to the fourth/tenth century (Figure 2.3).73 364/974: Ja¯mi Mamar b. Ra¯shid. It was copied in Toledo (‘bimadÈnat Êulay†ula’) by a certain KathÈr (or Kuthayr) b. Khalaf b. Sad al-MurådÈ, who remains unidentified.74 364/975: Qas∙as∙ al-Qura¯n. It was copied during its author’s lifetime, at a date when he was chief judge of Rayya (Malaga).75 However, Ibn Mufarrij al-FuntawrÈ was also an adviser to alÓakam II and spent considerable time between al-Zahrå and Cordova, where he died and was buried in 380/990.76 It is therefore likely that this manuscript was copied either in Malaga or in the Umayyad capital. 371/982: Al-Dhabb an madhhab Ma¯lik. It was copied in Kairouan (‘bi-madÈnat al-Qayrawån’) by Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad, an unidentified scholar from Muslim Iberia who signed the colophon with the geographical nisba ‘al-AndalusÈ’ (Figure 2.6). The manuscript was collated with the author’s autograph. 379/990: Al-Siyar, parts 1, 3–5. Its colophons are not signed but, according to the title pages of all three parts (Figure 2.7), these were copied for, and most likely by, Abbås b. al-Aßbagh b. Abd al-AzÈz al-HamdånÈ, the same Cordovan jurist who was also in possession of item 1. The manuscript also bears several reading and audition certificates registered during al-HamdånÈ’s teaching sessions, mentioning the names of his Cordovan students; the last one is dated 385/995.77 391/1000: Ja¯mi al-baya¯n. It was copied by Abd al-Ra˙mån b. HårËn, possibly identifiable with the Cordovan scholar Abd al-Ra˙mån b. HårËn (or Marwån) al-AnßårÈ al-QanåziÈ (341/952–414/1022).78 391/1001: Al-Muwatta. It was copied by a certain Ubayd Allåh ˙ ˙ remains unidentified. b. SaÈd al-Warråq, who 394/1004: Kita¯b al-nakhl. The copyist, Mu˙ammad b. Óakam b. SaÈd, can be plausibly identified with the Cordovan scholar Mu˙ammad b. Óakam b. SaÈd al-Khål (d. 397/1006).79 Ibn alAbbår tells us that he ‘personally transcribed many books of science [funËn al-ilm]’, that he was ‘a gifted bookmaker [anÈq al-wiråqa]’ and that ‘people used to vie for his work, until the

85

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Figure 2.5 Ibn Mufarrij al-FuntawrÈ, Qaßaß al-Qurån wa-tafsÈri-hi, part 1, commentary to Qurån 2:197. Copied in 364/975. Paper, 27.5 × 19 cm. Istanbul, Turkish and Islamic Art Museum, inv. No. 1588, ff. 99b–100a (item 4). © Türk ve Òslâm Eserleri Müze Müdürlü©ü

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87

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Figure 2.6  Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ, Al-Dhabb an madhhab Målik, colophon of part 1. Copied in 371/982 in Kairouan by Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf al-AndalusÈ. Paper, 18.3 × 12 cm. CBL, ms. Ar. 4475, f. 49b, detail (item 5). © The Trustees of the Chester Beatty Library

present day’, that is, until the early seventh/thirteenth century.80 A later ownership note on f. 1b mentions the Cordovan poet and litterateur Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad al-AnßarÈ al-AwsÈ, known as Ibn al-ArkushÈ (507/1113–586/1190).81 A Cordovan origin of this manuscript is therefore possible, if not probable. 12. 399/1008: Mukhtas∙ar al-Ayn. This copy was produced less than twenty years after the death of the author, the famous Cordovan grammarian AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ, courtier and confidant to al-Óakam II. The lost original of the Mukhtaßar, completed in 362/973, was kept in the caliphal library of Cordova, and this may well be a copy of it. Despite the inevitably small size of the sample, these data allow us to appreciate the importance, if not the primacy, of the Cordovan milieu for the production of manuscripts in this early period, confirming the picture offered by literary accounts. The political

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

Figure 2.7  AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-FazårÈ, Al-Siyar, part 4, title page. Copied in 379/990, probably in Cordova, probably by Abbås b. al-Aßbagh b. Abd al-AzÈz al-HamdånÈ. Paper, 29 × 18 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1968/4, f. 1a (item 6). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

and cultural capital of the Umayyad caliphate certainly played an essential role in the codification of MaghribÈ round scripts, as well as in their transmission to provincial centres such as Toledo. In the second half of the fourth/tenth century the Toledan milieu was utterly dependent on the theological views and juridical practices elaborated in Cordova, to the point that most local scholars would have first studied for several years with Cordovan teachers before returning to their home town to exercise their profession of judges, notaries, imams and preachers.82 It is therefore tempting to see in the handwriting of KathÈr b. Khalaf al-MurådÈ – the copyist of item 3 – a reflection of Cordovan scribal practices, exported to the other cities of al-Andalus along with the official doctrine of the Umayyad state (Figure 2.4).

89

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Figure 2.8  Ibn al-SarÈ al-Zajjåj, Mukhtaßar iråb al-Qurån wa-maåni-hi, part 2, commentary to Qurån 2:14. Copied in 382/993. Parchment, 24 × 18.5. BNRM, ms. 333 Q, p. 42 (item 7). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère de la culture

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

Figure 2.9  Ya˙yå b. Sallåm, TafsÈr al-Qurån, part 17, commentary to Qurån 27:1–17. Copied in 383/993. Parchment, 22.5 × 16.5 cm. BNT, ms. 7447, f. 66b (item 8). © République tunisienne, Ministère des affaires culturelles

91

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Figure 2.10  AbË Jafar al-ÊabarÈ, Jåmi al-bayån an tawÈl åy al-Qurån, end of part 31 with dated colophon. Copied in 391/1000 by Abd al-Ra˙mån b. HårËn, possibly in Cordova. Parchment, 26 × 20 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 791/7, ff. 34b–36a (item 9). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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Figure 2.11  Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a, part 12. Copied in 391/1001 by Ubayd Allåh b. Sa Èd al-Warråq. Parchment, 28 × 22 cm. Riyadh, King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, unknown shelf mark (item 10). Image from Unity of Islamic Art 1985

Codicological remarks Before proceeding to the palaeographic analysis of the scripts employed in these twelve manuscripts, it seems worth dwelling on their codicological features, which are equally important to understand their context of production.

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Figure 2.12  AbË Óåtim al-SijistånÈ, Kitåb al-nakhl. Copied in 394/1004 by Mu˙ammad b. Óakam b. Sa Èd, possibly in Cordova. Parchment, 19.4 × 13.8 cm. Palermo, Regional Library of Sicily, ms. III. D. 10, ff. 14b–15a (item 11). © Regione Siciliana

 1. 270/883: Al-Siyar, part 2. The manuscript is complete and made up of eighteen parchment folios (25.5 × 17 cm), one of which (f. 3) lacks the bottom outer corner; the outer margin of the text was modified to tally with this pre-existing flaw in the parchment. Despite its poor state of preservation, it is still possible to reconstruct the original composition of quires, which consist of two quaternions, plus two single folios.83 The arrangement of the folios follows Gregory’s rule: the two facing folios of each page spread always display the same surface, hair or flesh. The written surface of each page (or text box) measures about 22 × 14 cm and features thirty to thirty-six lines per page.  2. 346/957: Marifat al-bawl. The manuscript is complete and made up of fifty-one small parchment folios (21.5 × 14.5 cm). Its gatherings consist of ternions, arranged according to Gregory’s rule. The text box of each page measures about 18 × 11 cm and is ruled in dry point in the left and right margins. The lines of text per page range between twenty-two and twenty-four.  3. 364/974: Ja¯mi Mamar b. Ra¯shid. The manuscript is acephalous and lacks numerous folios: it starts with the end of part 2 and continues with parts 4–10. What survives is a jumble of seventy-nine parchment folios (24 × 19 cm), several of which lack the bottom outer corner (here too, the outer margin of the

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Figure 2.13  AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ, Mukhtaßar Kitåb al-ayn. Copied in 399/1008. Paper, 20 × 16.5 cm. Granada, Library of the Sacromonte Abbey, ms. árabe 2, ff. 165b–166a (item 12). © Archidiócesis de Granada

text follows the defective profile of the pages). Due to its bad state of preservation the original composition of the gatherings cannot be reconstructed; however, Gregory’s rule does not seem to have been observed. The text box of each page measures about 22 × 15 cm and is ruled in dry point in the left and right margins. The lines of text per page range between twenty-nine and thirty-two.  4. 364/975: Qas∙as∙ al-Qura¯n, part 1. The manuscript is the first volume of a multi-volume work. It is complete and made up of 183 paper folios (27.5 × 19 cm), biscuit-coloured and lightly burnished, mostly arranged into quinions. The text box of each page measures about 20 × 13 cm and is ruled in dry point in the left and right margins, and occasionally at the top and bottom margins. It features seventeen to eighteen lines to the page.  5. 371/982: Al-Dhabb an madhhab Ma¯lik. The manuscript is acephalous and made up of 153 small paper folios measuring 18 × 12 cm. It is likely that the scribe used paper sheets locally produced in Kairouan. The folios were rebound in disorder and the original composition of the quires cannot be reconstructed. The text box of each page measures about 15 × 9 cm and is ruled in dry point in the left and right margins. The lines of text per page range between twenty and twenty-two.

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

 6. 379/990: Al-Siyar, parts 1, 3–5. The manuscript is complete and made up of fifty-nine biscuit-coloured paper folios (25.5 × 17 cm). All folios were covered with an adhesive plastic layer, which has considerably and irreversibly damaged the paper and the ink. Due to its poor state of preservation the original composition of the gatherings cannot be reconstructed. The lines of text per page range between thirty-five and thirty-nine.  7. 382/993: Mukhtas∙ar ira¯b al-Qura¯n. The manuscript is acephalous, and comprises parts 1–4 of a multi-volume work. It is made up of ninety-four fine parchment folios (24 × 18.5 cm).84 Gatherings mainly consist of senions; Gregory’s rule was not observed. The text box of each page measures about 17.5 × 14 cm and is ruled in dry point in all four margins. The lines of text per page range between sixteen and eighteen.  8. 383/993: Tafsıˉr Ibn Salla¯m. The manuscript is the only extant portion (parts 13–19) of a multi-volume work. It is made up of ninety-nine fine parchment folios (22.5 × 16.5), arranged in gatherings of different types (including quaternions and ternions), always according to Gregory’s rule. The text box of each page measures about 19 × 12.5 cm, with the left and right margins ruled in dry point. It features thirty-two to thirty-three lines to the page.  9. 391/1000: Ja¯mi al-baya¯n. The manuscript is the oldest section (part 31) of a multi-volume work copied at different times. It is made up of thirty-six fine parchment folios (26 × 20 cm) featuring text boxes of 20 × 14 cm and fifteen lines of text per page. Its uneven gatherings (ternions and quinions) are arranged according to Gregory’s rule. 10. 391/1001: Al-Muwat t a. The manuscript is the only extant section (parts 18–19)˙ ˙of a larger, possibly multi-volume codex. It is made up of seventy-eight fine parchment folios (27.5 × 22 cm). It features seventeen lines of text per page. 11. 394/1004: Kita¯b al-nakhl. The manuscript is complete and made up of twenty-seven small parchment folios (19.5 × 14 cm). The gatherings consist mostly of ternions, arranged according to Gregory’s rule. The text box is ruled in dry point in all four margins. The lines of text per page range between eleven and eighteen. 12. 399/1008: Mukhtas∙ar al-Ayn. The manuscript lacks a few folios at the beginning; the rest of it is complete and made up of 181 small paper folios (20 × 16 cm), cream-coloured and lightly burnished. The text box measures about 16 × 13 cm, but no signs of ruling could be observed. It appears to have been reassembled and rebound centuries after its production, therefore the original composition of the gatherings cannot be reconstructed. Each page features twenty-one to twenty-three lines of text.

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

The fact that eight of these twelve manuscripts were copied on parchment confirms the delayed and only gradual introduction of paper in the Islamic West, from around the mid-fourth/tenth century.85 That three were not, however, proves that paper was known, employed and most likely manufactured in Umayyad Iberia for both religious (items 4 and 6) and secular manuscripts (item 12). The paper folios of item 12 are the only ones to have been properly studied and have revealed the use of a vegetal laid mould which left no trace of chain lines.86 The space occupied by twenty laid lines measures 35 mm, and their curvature near the outer edges of the folios suggests that the mould was flexible, i.e. not secured to a rigid frame. The fibre employed was flax from macerated rags.87 The same features are observable in the IfrÈqÈ paper of item 5, although here the laid lines run vertical to the page and the folios have a darker hue and crisper feel to them. Whereas the quality of these early MaghribÈ papers is not as high as that of coeval MashriqÈ ones, the folios of most parchment manuscripts from this period (except for items 1 and 3) were manufactured with great skill from first-rate animal skins, obtaining excellent visual and tactile results. This is especially true of items 7–10, where the vellum is particularly smooth. Leafing through these high-quality copies of important religious texts, where the surface of every folio was carefully treated and polished so as to minimise the difference between flesh and hair sides, one is indeed reminded of alMuqaddasÈ’s remarks about the consummate skills of the Andalusis in the craft of wiråqa.88 From a close examination of these manuscripts it appears that the difference of scribal support entailed the use of two distinct recipes for black inks: to write on parchment, gallnut-based ink (˙ibr) was preferred, containing tannic vegetal extracts and sometimes metallic salts such as vitriol, while carbon-based ink (midåd) mostly made from soot was employed on paper.89 This was probably done so as not to corrode the more delicate surface of paper sheets with the acidity of gallnut-based inks, as observed by the seventh/thirteenth-century scholar Mu˙ammad b. MaymËn al-MarråkushÈ in his treatise on ink-making.90 The difference between the two recipes is visible from the colour and density of the inks: those of items 5, 6, 12 and the Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab of the QarawiyyÈn Library (Figure 1.25) are pitch-black and thick, while those of the remaining items have lost their blackness and appear today brown and evanescent owing to the deterioration of their components.91 As for the different types of gathering employed in these twelve manuscripts, they can be interpreted as the result of alAndalus being situated at the confluence of three distinct scribal traditions – the Islamic, Christian and Jewish ones – each with ­ their own established practices. Quaternions, in particular (items 1, 8), are generally associated with the products of Latin-Visigothic

97

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

scriptoria, also characterised by the observance of Gregory’s rule (items 1, 2, 8, 9, 11).92 The use of ternions (items 2, 8, 9, 11) likewise constitutes an Iberian idiosyncrasy, which would later become the norm in MaghribÈ Quranic manuscripts; however, it is also found in Hebrew codices from seventh/thirteenth-century Toledo.93 Other types of quires such as quinions (item 4) and senions (item 7) are more in line with coeval practices in IfrÈqiya, Egypt and the eastern Islamic world, where Gregory’s rule was never respected outside of Christian milieux.94 Also, the rather wide range of formats in such a small corpus speaks of a complex and multifaceted book culture, where either single-volume or multi-volume codices of different sizes were meant to serve different purposes in different contexts. A case-by-case evaluation of the scripts employed in these twelve manuscripts allows us to get a better sense of their nature and function. Andalusı¯ bookhands and casual scripts In palaeographic terms, the remarkable homogeneity of the sample demonstrates that the development of MaghribÈ round scripts – with their distinctive ductus, letter forms and ligatures – had already fully occurred by the mid-fourth/tenth century. Consequently, the stages of this process can only partially be inferred from the scripts employed in items 1 and 8, which can be classified as protoMaghribÈ due to the persistence of a few archaic traits that were later abandoned. In item 1, for instance, it is quite clear that the copyist was still adhering to the ‘broken’ way in which certain letters were traced in IfrÈqÈ scripts, especially final låm, nËn, sÈn and shÈn, with their sharply bent descenders and the awkwardly rendered final jÈm, ˙å and khå (Figures 2.1–2.2).95 In item 8 the script is much more cursive and harmonious, but the curvilinear strokes of final nËn, sÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, qåf and mÈm are somewhat restrained and do not show the roundness typical of coeval AndalusÈ scripts (Figure 2.9). While the proto-MaghribÈ features of item 1 are explicable in terms of its outstanding antiquity, item 8 seems to indicate the survival of eccentric and more conservative hands until the end of the fourth/ tenth century, perhaps related to secondary centres of production or intellectual contexts. These early manuscripts also prove that MaghribÈ round scripts (Figure 2.14) developed within the domain of ordinary bookhands: nine of them (items 1, 3, 4, 6–10, 12) were copied in standardised, uniform and highly legible scripts laid out in regular and evenly spaced lines. The remaining three items (2, 5 and 11) were penned in casual scripts, characterised by a freer ductus, slanted baselines of words and irregularly spaced lines. Nevertheless, they clearly show the use of more formal styles in their title pages and headings, comparable with the scripts employed in the other nine manuscripts.96 If we exclude the three examples of casual scripts and the two instances

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

Item 2 – Maghribıˉ casual script of the 4th/10th century.

Item 12 – Maghribıˉ half-bookhand of the 4th/10th century.

Item 7 – Maghribıˉ full bookhand of the 4th/10th century. Figure 2.14  A sample of MaghribÈ round scripts from the fourth/tenth century. © Umberto Bongianino

of proto-MaghribÈ bookhands, the scripts of the remaining seven items fall into two distinct sub-categories that can be labelled as ‘full bookhands’ (items 4, 7, 9, 10) and ‘half-bookhands’ (items 3, 6, 12). The difference between the two lies mainly in the spacing and size of the scripts, both in absolute terms and in relation to the fineness of the nib of the qalam. Full bookhands are traced commodiously, with a limited number of words per line and lines per page, allowing more space for the full rendering of their upstrokes and their rounded curls and tails. The writing tools employed are generally of a higher quality (with harder and finer nibs) and particularly sensitive to the pressure applied by the hand. The result is a neater ductus, featuring letters with head serifs and thin, hair-like extremities (also known as hairlines, tashÈråt in Arabic). Due perhaps to the low density of the script, full MaghribÈ bookhands often employ elongated, angular variants for the emphatic letters ßåd and ∂åd (and to a lesser extent †å and Ωå), a vestigial feature derived from earlier scripts that is not found in halfbookhands. Also, the pages of manuscripts copied in full bookhands were ruled more accurately and feature a consistent number of lines. Half-bookhands, on the contrary, are diminutive and compact scripts, densely arranged and noticeably restrained in their ascenders

99

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and descenders (letter tails, stems, etc.). The writing tools employed are of average to poor quality, with blunt or limp nibs producing occasional blurs. The varying and always very high number of lines per page suggests that the scribes employing these scripts were striving to minimise the expenditure of parchment (or paper). Despite these differences, full bookhands and half-bookhands have much in common from a palaeographic perspective, and there is no reason to believe that the scribes employing the latter could not also master the former, once given access to first-rate tools and generous supplies of writing material. Full bookhands appear to have been used especially in lavish, multi-volume manuscripts, probably commissioned from professional copyists who were paid for their work or at least provided with the necessary implements and materials by their clients. Because of their literacy and scholarly training, these warråqËn were valued craftsmen who occupied a respected position in society: in the colophon of item 10, the scribe Ubayd Allåh b. SaÈd added to his name the title al-warråq perhaps as a sign of pride, commitment to his profession and awareness of the status attached to it. In the same way as items 7 and 9, this multi-volume religious text, copied on fine parchment, was arguably destined to enter an important private library or to be endowed to a prominent mosque, where it would have served as a valued reference work for the local ulamå. On the other hand, half-bookhands seem to have been employed by scholars mostly to transcribe texts for themselves, their students and the members of their learning circles. The margins of items 3, 6 and 12 are densely inscribed with glosses, reading certificates, death records and other personal notes, suggesting that they were probably used as textbooks over a long series of lessons, and handed down from master to pupil. When portions of these works frayed irremediably, they would have been replaced with new ones transcribed by the current owner, as demonstrated by item 6, which was copied to restore the missing parts of item 1 more than 100 years later. Extensive use of diacritic dots, short vowel marks, case endings (iråb) and diacritic symbols for homographs (alåmåt al-ihmål) is already found in both full bookhands and half-bookhands in this early period, suggesting that a certain degree of accuracy was required in both. This may also be said of contemporary casual scripts, which, despite their very cursive and irregular ductus, were either partly (items 2 and 5) or fully (item 11) vocalised. The differences between formal MaghribÈ bookhands and these ordinary scripts are thus limited to the sketchy and variable letter forms found in the latter, as well as to their untidy page layout, mainly due to the poor ruling of the support. From the three manuscripts in our sample, two of which (items 2 and 11) deal with non-religious subjects, it can be argued that casual scripts were employed by learned individuals for transcribing small-size, personal drafts of a given work.97 Such drafts would then have been entrusted to a professional warråq who used

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them to produce a quality edition of the text. This might explain the profusion of iråb and diacritic marks in these otherwise workaday booklets, especially in item 11. Most of the marginalia appearing in items 3, 6 and 12 were also written in casual MaghribÈ scripts, as well as those found in the Mukhtaßar AbÈ Mußab copied for al-Óakam II. A number of distinctive palaeographic features characterise these early MaghribÈ scripts, setting them apart from the hands that would develop in the following century. They include: ●

Diacritic dots often arranged vertically in tå, thå, yå and tå marbˆa, and horizontally in shÈn. This feature appears in items 1, 2, 5–9, 11, 12, although less and less frequently as one approaches the end of the fourth/tenth century. The petering out of this AndalusÈ practice was probably due to scribal influences coming from the Mashriq. 1



6

7

7

8

Yå råjia (also known as yå mardËda, ‘yå bent backwards’) in final or isolated position. This feature appears consistently in all items, and also affects the form of the common grapheme fÈ. The alternative, more elaborate way of writing final yå (i.e. yå mu˙aqqaqa, with its fronted, curled tail) is only very sparingly used in items 3, 7, 9 and 10. 1



2

2

3

4

8

10

The use of a semi-circle indicating tashdÈd. This typically MaghribÈ way of marking doubled consonants is already mentioned by al-DånÈ (d. 444/1053) in his Mu˙kam.98 He noted that the Quranic vocalisers of al-Andalus, following the practice of the Medinan school, employed the letter dål as the sign for shadda, differently orientated depending on the following short vowel, as it was the final letter of the word shadÈd.99 This idiosyncrasy is found in a corpus of Kufic Quråns from the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries probably produced in the Maghrib, where a thin red semicircle marks tashdÈd as well as idghåm, i.e. the assimilation of the final consonant of a word to the initial one of the following.100 Van den Boogert noted that, especially in later manuscripts, this mark tends to look like a V.101 When bearing a fat˙a, the semicircle is open upwards; when bearing a ∂amma, it is open downwards above the letter; when bearing a kasra, it is open downwards below the letter. However, the use of the MashriqÈ

12

102

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

tashdÈd (a shÈn without dots and final descender) is also sparsely attested in items 7, 10 and 11, probably due to scribal influences coming from the Mashriq. During the fifth/eleventh century these influences intensified, and the eastern way of marking tashdÈd became equally common, if not prevalent in some cases. 1



7

4

2

7

12

The serrated profile of the baseline ligatures between the letters bå, tå, thå, sÈn, shÈn, ayn, ghayn, få, qåf, låm, nËn, yå and tå marbˆa, instead of the more flattened one found in coeval MashriqÈ bookhands. The denticles of these medial letters also resemble saw teeth. This feature, possibly derived from Latin Visigothic scripts (as discussed below), is typical of full bookhands (items 4, 7, 9, 10) and of particularly fine half-bookhands (item 12), and remained a constant trait of calligraphic and semi-calligraphic MaghribÈ scripts during the fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuries. At the same time, more flattened baseline ligatures would become the norm for ordinary bookhands.

4

7

9

7

10

12

Other palaeographic features commonly associated with later MaghribÈ scripts are already attested in these twelve early manuscripts, and therefore deserve a special mention. They include: ●

2

Final rå and zå occasionally traced without denticle above the baseline, sloping down from the termination of the preceding letter in the shape of a tail ending in a small curl. 3



4

5

7

9

10

Both variants of final mÈm: the first with a long tail falling vertically and then curling towards the left (‘concave’ mÈm, particularly accentuated in the full bookhands of items 7, 9 and 10), the second with a shorter, arched tail turned backwards (‘convex’ mÈm, found in items 2, 4, 6). Because of its more elaborate execution, the former soon became predominant in enhanced bookhands (on which see Chapters Three and Four), while the latter prevailed in more cursive scripts and chancery hands.

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4



7

7

4

9

8

3

2

10

3

5

Final kåf is occasionally traced as a long, curved downstroke ending in a bowl below the baseline, resembling final låm (kåf låmiyya). This intrinsically cursive feature is already attested in the casual scripts of items 2 and 5, but it is not found in bookhands until the fifth/eleventh century. 2



12

Initial and medial kåf with a semi-circular body, only occasionally topped by an oblique stroke. This intrinsically cursive feature is already attested in the casual scripts of items 2 and 5, as well as in the half-bookhand of item 3, but it is not found in full bookhands until the fifth/eleventh century. 2



3

2

10

Open initial and medial hå, in the shape of a 6. It seems that the closed, round variant of this letter was only introduced in al-Andalus during the fifth/eleventh century, and exclusively employed as a mannered feature in particularly fine bookhands, alongside the traditional MaghribÈ letter shape. 2



9

5

5

Several complex ligatures employed as variants of the simpler, standard ones, especially in full bookhands: isolated låm-alif traced with two separate curved strokes, intersecting near the baseline and forming a loop in the shape of a D; 4

7

7

9

10

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST ●

Medial jÈm/˙å/khå positioned below the preceding letter;

2

6



7

2

7

9

7

Rise of a word’s baseline when ending with yå råjia, to better accommodate its tail; 6



12

Lowering of a word’s baseline in the presence of medial mÈm; 7



10

Initial låm-mÈm in the shape of an alif forming a small loop near the baseline, to the right of the shaft;

1



9

9

7

8

7

10

The abundant use of elongations (known in Arabic as madd or mashq, ‘stretching’) especially in full bookhands. It can be observed in final open bå, tå, thå and få, the alternative angular letter forms of ßåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå, in initial and medial kåf, as well as in the simple extension of the baseline between different letters. 4

6

4

7

7

9

9

10

9

7

7

105

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10

9



The use of a relatively consistent system of punctuation (fawåßil) for the separation of paragraphs and chapters, involving a circle (dåra) with a central dot at the end of every thematic unit (usually clusters of correlated sentences which, in most religious literature, are introduced by verbs such as [akhbara]-nå, ˙addatha-nÈ, qåla, qÈla, etc.).102 This can be observed in all twelve manuscripts except items 2 and 12; in item 8, circles do not include a central dot, while in item 10 blank spaces are mostly used for the same purpose. Occasionally, a round hå with a downward spur (an abbreviation for intahå, meaning ‘it is finished’) indicates the end of a major section of the text (see items 3 and 10, whilst in items 2 and 12 this is the only punctuation mark). Multiple hå (item 3) and multiple circles with central dots (items 3, 6, 9) are also found at the end of major sections of the text. 1

2

3

4

9



3

3

7

8

9

The use of a bright red ink in item 12, both for the titles of the different paragraphs and the colophon.103

The ‘Mozarab’ connection The number of extant Latin manuscripts copied in al-Andalus under the Umayyads is significantly higher than that of the Arabic ones,

12

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

thus allowing a much deeper insight into the book culture and scribal practices of contemporary Christian communities. Umayyad Cordova, the new urbs regia (‘royal city’), soon replaced Toledo as the cultural and spiritual capital of all Christians living under Muslim rule, and it seems to have exerted a virtual monopoly on their written production during the third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries.104 Although the output of Christian literary works declined rapidly in al-Andalus during the second half of the third/ninth century, high-quality parchment codices – mainly liturgical, and sometimes illustrated – were still produced in the caliphal period, not only in Cordova and in the scriptoria of the surrounding monasteries, but also in other episcopal centres such as Seville and Toledo.105 As we shall see below, there also survives a significant amount of material evidence indicating that the Christian scribes of the time employed – and indeed, mastered – the very same Arabic bookhands adopted by their Muslim counterparts, namely MaghribÈ round scripts. This is hardly surprising, given how much Latin sources insist (often with polemic intent) on the high degree of Arabisation attained by the native population soon after the conquest. A case in point is the famous tirade of the Cordovan theologian Paulus Alvarus (c. 184/800–247/861) against the local Christian intellectuals, who ‘eagerly read and study only Arabic books, spare no expense to fill their libraries with them, and keep proclaiming how beautiful and worthy that literature is’.106 That of Umayyad al-Andalus, and of Cordova in particular, was a Church fully conversant with Islamic customs and material culture, Arabised (mustarab) to the point that some scholars have felt justified in referring to its members as ‘Mozarabs’, despite the fact that the term never appears in coeval Arabic sources but only in Latin and Castilian documents mentioning individuals or social groups who lived in cities like León, Toledo, Tudela and Coimbra, from the eleventh century onwards.107 In fact, the etymology of the word Mozarab indicates that it was coined by Arabic-speaking Christians with reference to their own identity and, although it was apparently only employed in semantic opposition to other Christian groups, I shall use it here in its literal, broader sense, to emphasise the coherence and continuity of the Iberian tradition of Christian Arabic manuscripts across geopolitical boundaries. One Arabic work from the tenth century that speaks to the acculturation of the Mozarab elites is the so-called Calendar of Cordova, an almanac once thought to have been authored by bishop Recemundus, an influential member of the caliphal court who also acted as Umayyad ambassador to the Holy Roman Emperor Otto I.108 As demonstrated by recent scholarship, the Calendar in its modern edition is the result of the mystifying conflation of a Judeo-Arabic abridgement of one Kitåb al-anwå (‘On the Rise and Setting of Stars’) attributed to the Cordovan polymath ArÈb b. SaÈd al-Kåtib (d. 370/980), with the Latin translation of a similar work (Liber anoe)

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

dedicated to al-Óakam II.109 The discrepancies between the two texts suggest that more than one author may have been involved, and at least one of them must have been either an AndalusÈ Christian, or ‘a well-informed Muslim, who “christianized” an Islamic text for a Muslim audience’.110 It should also be noted that a bishop and favourite of al-Óakam named Ibn Zayd is mentioned by al-MaqqarÈ as the author of a treatise titled TafßÈl al-azmån (‘Division of Seasons’), dedicated to the Umayyad caliph.111 The Calendar of Cordova is essentially a compilation of astronomical tables, Christian festivities, agricultural cycles, artisanal practices and administrative procedures. Mention is also made of the work of parchment makers, ‘carried out [from May] until the end of July with the skins of fawns and gazelles [ruqËq al-akhshåf wa-l-ghazlån]’, though the reference to such fanciful animals is euphemistic and should not be taken literally.112 If the information contained in the Latin version of the work is to be trusted (‘composuit Mustansir imperatori’, ‘written for the emperor al-Mustanßir’) we can interpret the author’s inclusion of this and other long-established Christian crafts in his almanac as a symbolic offering to the Umayyad caliph: through his act of translation, the Arabised subject paid homage to the hegemonic Arabic culture of his time. The conciliation between the Arab anwå tradition and the Mozarab liturgical calendar expressed in the Calendar of Cordova was paralleled by the transfer of knowledge and techniques that occurred between Christian and Muslim bookbinders and scribes. From the Visigothic tradition, the Muslim warråqËn of al-Andalus borrowed the preference for parchment over paper for luxury manuscripts, the observance of Gergory’s rule (followed in items 1, 2, 8, 9, 11), and the use of quaternions (items 1 and 8) along with other types of quires.113 The typical way of scoring the parchment in dry point – either on all four sides of the text box (item 7), or just in the left and right margins (items 3, 8, 9, 11) – was also derived from Iberian Latin codices, and soon introduced by Muslim copyists in paper manuscripts (items 4, 5, 12). On the other hand, a number of scribal practices employed in Islamic manuscripts were picked up by Mozarab copyists, who gradually began to include dated colophons in their manuscripts, and to break the Latin scriptio continua with spaces between the words similar to those found in Arabic.114 In 1929, the Italian palaeographer Luigi Schiaparelli went so far as to hypothesise the direct influence of Arabic on certain traits of Visigothic scripts – mostly letter forms and ligatures, but also the use of dots instead of dashes for abbreviations – but his interesting observations were not pursued by later scholarship.115 Be that as it may, the key issue to be addressed here concerns the possibility that Latin Visigothic scripts had an impact on the development of MaghribÈ round scripts. In other words, is it conceivable that bilingual Mozarab scribes transferred some of the traits of Latin

107

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

scripts to Arabic ones, contributing to the creation of a writing style that would soon become the norm for copying Christian and Islamic manuscripts alike? The idea of a ‘Latin substrate’ in AndalusÈ Arabic scripts is present in modern Arabic scholarship, although not supported by literary or material evidence.116 However, a small corpus of Arabic texts penned by Mozarab scribes during the third/ ninth and fourth/tenth centuries has recently attracted some attention for its documentary value, and deserves to be further discussed from a palaeographic perspective in order to shed some light on the issue. The ‘Sigüenza Bifolio’ The most important of these documents is probably the so-called ‘Sigüenza bifolio’, discovered in the Library of the Sigüenza Cathedral and today kept in the Vatican Library (Figure 2.15).117 This fragment contains two sections of Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians, and it has been preserved only thanks to its reuse as an end sheet to a later Latin codex. The original manuscript from which the parchment bifolio was extracted – a large bilingual New Testament – functioned like a standard Latin book to be read from left to right, with two columns of text on each page: the Latin on the left and the Arabic on the right. The accurate, well-balanced layout and the matching ink of the two columns leave no doubt that the Latin and the Arabic scripts are roughly contemporary; in fact, the Arabic version was probably copied first, immediately followed by the Latin.118 The Sigüenza bifolio is undated, but since its discovery in 1910 there has been a consensus among Latin palaeographers that its Visigothic script resembles those employed in the late third/ninth or early fourth/tenth century, and must therefore date from around the year 900 ce.119 Only very recently has Cyrille Aillet argued that its particularly advanced system of abbreviations may actually point to a slightly later date.120 The Arabic script featured in the Sigüenza bifolio is a round bookhand very similar to those discussed in the present chapter, in particular the full bookhands of items 4 (364/975), 7 (382/993) and 10 (391/1001). The only significant difference is that in the bifolio certain letters such as †å and Ωå are more often penned according to their angular variant, initial kåf has a marked trapezoid form and the loop at the bottom of lam-alif is almost always triangular. These archaic features, along with the exclusive use of the western, semi-circular tashdÈd, relate this script with the proto-MaghribÈ of item 1 (270/883), and may indicate that this bilingual Bible was produced in the first half of the fourth/tenth century, rather than the second.121 In a recent article, Arianna D’Ottone has convincingly argued that the Latin and the Arabic texts of the Sigüenza bifolio were penned

Figure 2.15  The 'Sigüenza bifolio', containing parts of Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians. Al-Andalus, first half of the fourth/tenth century. Parchment, 27 × 19 cm. BAV, ms. Vat. Lat. 12900, f. IIb. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

by the same scribe, on the basis of striking similarities between the rhythm of the pen strokes and certain letter forms in the two columns.122 It is clear that the Mozarab amanuensis carried over into the Arabic script a number of traits typical of Visigothic scripts and their ductus, probably unintentionally. These similarities are: ●





The distance, height, and angle of the shafts of certain letters, both straight (Latin b, l, h, Arabic alif, låm, final kåf) and diagonal (Latin d, Arabic låm-alif, †å, Ωå); The angular shape of Latin capital S and Arabic initial and medial kåf; The semi-circles marking superscript u in Latin and the Arabic tashdÈd.

Other graphic comparisons drawn by D’Ottone appear less convincing and may in fact be coincidental.123 There is another important parallel, however, that the Italian Arabist does not mention, namely the serrated profile of the baseline ligatures resulting from certain sequences of letters: a, d, l, i, t and u in Latin, medial bå, tå, thå, sÈn, shÈn, ayn, ghayn, få, qåf, låm, nËn and yå in Arabic. The saw-toothed ductus that characterises all these medial letters in the MaghribÈ round scripts of the fourth/tenth century, with absolutely no equivalent in MashriqÈ scripts, may well derive from the wavy aspect of most base ligatures in Visigothic scripts (Figure 2.16), and seems to substantiate the hypothesis of a Latin substrate in the AndalusÈ bookhands of the fourth/tenth centuries. Despite these similarities, it is evident that in the Sigüenza bifolio the scribe did not employ the same writing instrument for both texts: the Latin script shows a certain contrast between thick and thin strokes, most likely produced by a quill with a transversely cut nib, while the Arabic lettering has the typical uniformity of MaghribÈ scripts, obtained through the use of a reed (or wooden) qalam with a pointed nib.124 What this important fragment suggests, then, is that although the amanuensis attempted to keep the two texts visually distinct, certain stylistic traits noticeably seeped from one script to the other, as if by osmosis. The evidence of Arabic glosses Although no other Christian manuscripts written in MaghribÈ scripts have survived from this early period, around 30 of the 352 extant Latin codices copied in the Iberian Peninsula between the third/ ninth and seventh/thirteenth centuries bear Arabic annotations in their margins.125 The content and significance of these glosses had received only little attention until very recently, when Cyrille Aillet made them the object of a series of articles.126 On some of the most ancient manuscripts of this corpus the Arabic marginalia

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

A

B

C

D

E

Figure 2.16  Comparison between the serrated base ligatures of the Latin and Arabic scripts of the Sigüenza bifolio and those found in the MaghribÈ round scripts of the fourth/tenth century. A) Item 2: bi-jami-hi, manfaahu. B) Vat. Lat. 12900: al-ßalÈb; yafalu-hu; sifr. C) Vat. Lat. 12900: pollicitationem. D) Item 7: al-binya; li-l-tanbÈh. E) Item 10: al-juma; libsatayn. © Umberto Bongianino

were inscribed shortly after the main text was copied, sometimes alternating with glosses in cursive Visigothic scripts penned by the very same annotators. A palaeographic assessment of these precious documents is therefore necessary to appraise the adoption of MaghribÈ round scripts in Mozarab milieux, and to evaluate the possible influences of Visigothic scripts on their development. The annotations on these Latin codices were mostly jotted down in casual scripts that do not offer sufficient indicators for trying to date them on purely palaeographic grounds. Hence, their approximate age can only be estimated from external factors, such as the date when a certain manuscript was brought out of al-Andalus to the northern part of the Peninsula or elsewhere in Europe, where the presence of an Arabic glossator would have been unlikely. Two Visigothic manuscripts contain what are probably the most ancient of these Arabic marginalia: the Codex miscellaneus Ovetensis of the Escorial and the Historia ecclesiastica of León Cathedral.127 The former is a composite manuscript, whose oldest parts were copied as early as the first/seventh century, while the latest were penned in the Cordovan scriptorium of the monastery of Saint Zoilus in the third/ninth century; this manuscript had already

111

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

reached the Asturian city of Oviedo around 900 ce.128 The latter, a palimpsest copy of Eusebius’s history of early Christianity, also produced in Cordova in the third/ninth century, made its way to the Abellar Monastery (León) no later than the early fourth/tenth century.129 Both manuscripts bear only short lexical glosses – eleven in the Codex Ovetensis, three in the Historia ecclesiastica – safely datable to the second half of the third/ninth or the very beginning of the following century, penned in a thin, cursive script not showing any particular roundness (Figure 2.17).130 Casual scripts essentially similar to these were also employed in the late fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries – see, for instance, the single Arabic gloss of the Codex miscellaneus patristicus of Urgell Cathedral131 or some of the earliest marginalia of the Seville Bible, offered to the city’s main church in 988 ce132 – and into the sixth/twelfth century, as attested by a group of Latin codices annotated in Arabic by the Mozarab clerics of Toledo well after the Castilian conquest of the city in 478/1085. Among these manuscripts is a copy of Saint Isidore’s Etymologiae, today in the National Library of Madrid.133 In at least three cases, however, the scripts employed in the Arabic marginalia of these Christian manuscripts are decidedly more in line with the round bookhands employed by coeval Muslim copyists. The earliest example is a single, long annotation occupying the margins of two consecutive pages in a third/ninth-century codex that contains, among other texts, the epistolary of the archdeacon Evantius of Toledo.134 Around the year 730 ce Evantius wrote a letter to reprimand certain Christians in Zaragoza for claiming that animal blood and the meat of strangled animals were impure: his aim was to avoid Christian practices being contaminated by the principles of the Mosaic Law, observed not only by the Jews but also by the newly arrived Muslim conquerors.135 Two centuries later, it seems that the Mozarab communities of al-Andalus had largely forgotten about Evantius’s tirade, instead adopting Islamic dietary regulations for the sake of a peaceful coexistence with the Muslim

Figure 2.17  Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia ecclesiastica, Arabic gloss in MaghribÈ casual script. Al-Andalus, end of the third/ninth century. León Cathedral Archive, ms. 15, f. 120a, detail. © Archivo Imagen M.A.S./Fotógrafos - Catedral de León

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population.136 The doctrinal basis for this compromise was found in a passage of the Acts of the Apostles (15: 29), where the dietary interdictions of the Old Testament are reiterated: this is precisely the content of the Arabic note in our manuscript, an impassionate critique of Evantius’s arguments for the purity of animal blood. The tenor of this polemic and the archaic, sometimes awkward syntax of the Arabic induced Aillet to date this gloss to the late third/ninth or early fourth/tenth century.137 The script, although still fairly cursive, is markedly rounded, and shows a number of palaeographic indicators corresponding to what could be expected from a bookhand of this early period, including the tendency to stack diacritic dots and the exclusive use of western tashdÈd (Figure 2.18). However, the writing tool employed by the glossator seems to be of the Latin type, given the constant change in thickness of the pen strokes, not found for instance in the Arabic text of the roughly contemporary Sigüenza bifolio. It is particularly noteworthy that the content and the style of this annotation are so much in tune, conveying the same message of shared cultural practices – dietary and scribal – between the Christian and Muslim communities of al-Andalus. In fact, the hand of Evantius’s glossator is absolutely comparable with the casual script of item 2 (346/957), and this stylistic maturity demonstrates the profound connection between the Arabic bookhands used by Muslim and Mozarab copyists alike as early as the first half of the fourth/tenth century. As for the second half of the century, Arabic glosses from this period have been preserved in the margins of two other Latin codices: one contains (among other works) the Epistle of Beatus of Liébana and Etherius of Osma to Elipandus of Toledo (38 glosses) and the other is a copy of Saint Gregory’s Moralia in Iob (about 100 glosses).138 Of the thirty-eight glosses of the former, however, only three are of interest here, namely those penned in the same

Figure 2.18  Evantius of Toledo, De scripturis divinis edita contra eos qui putant inmundum esse sanguinem, Arabic gloss in MaghribÈ round script. Al-Andalus, end of the third/ninth or beginning of the fourth/tenth century. RBE, ms. &.I.14, f. 166b, detail. © Gobierno de España, Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte

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Figure 2.19  Epistle of Beatus of Liébana and Etherius of Osma to Elipandus of Toledo, Arabic glosses in MaghribÈ round script. Possibly Cordova, fourth/tenth century. BNE, ms. 10018, ff. 9a, 14a. © Gobierno de España, Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

Figure 2.20  Gregory the Great, Moralia in Iob, Arabic glosses in MaghribÈ round script. Al-Andalus, second half of the fourth/tenth century. Toledo, Capitular Library, ms. 11.4, f. 256b. © Catedral Primada de Toledo

red ink as the rubricated titles of the main Latin text, as they are most likely to be contemporary with the production of the codex (the remaining marginalia were jotted down in black ink by a much later hand, probably in sixth/twelfth-century Toledo). In both sets of glosses (Figures 2.19 and 2.20) the script is polished and carefully traced, with perfectly semi-circular tails for final and isolated sÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, qåf and nËn, and ‘convex’ mÈm. Kåf dåliyya has the typical vertical shaft curving at the bottom. All the features of formal MaghribÈ bookhands are discernible and employed with absolute confidence: the script is particularly similar to that of items 6 (379/990), 8 (383/993) and 12 (399/1008). While a pointed qalam of the Islamic type was used for annotating the text of the Moralia, the Arabic script in the margins of the Epistle of Beatus and Etherius reveals the use of a quill or some other implement with a softer nib. In this case, the glossator also wrote notes in Latin – framed by wavy lines in the same red ink – that once again share the same rhythm and a few letter forms with the Arabic ones.139 In both manuscripts, the punctuation of the Arabic glosses follows the Islamic convention of employing circles, with or without a central dot.

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In conclusion, it is conceded that decisive evidence for the direct influence of Visigothic scripts on the origin of MaghribÈ round scripts has yet to be produced. If at all possible, this will only happen after more examples of Latin-Arabic bilingualism from this early period are discovered and meticulously examined. Nevertheless, the extremely early links between the writing modes, practices and tools of Muslim and Mozarab scribes in Umayyad Iberia should be acknowledged and taken into greater consideration, radically revising the claim that ‘the Christians of southern Iberia wrote either in Visigothic script, or in Arabic script, seemingly without any crosspollination between the two scribal modes’.140 From the corpus of Arabic documents just examined it appears that affirmations such as this no longer hold true. The existence of palaeographic substrates, unconsciously embedded in the ductus of certain scripts by groups of bigraphic scribes, has recently been discussed in connection with the Pahlavi substrate of the Arabic documentary scripts of Abbasid Khurasan.141 Equally relevant is the evident influence of Arabic ligatures and letter shapes on the cursive Hebrew scripts employed by Jewish merchants from the medieval Maghrib.142 In this light, the possibility of a Latin-Visigothic substrate lying at the root of MaghribÈ round scripts appears more than reasonable. As already suggested by Marie-Thérèse Urvoy, Giorgio Levi della Vida’s assumptions about the existence of a distinctively Mozarab script – ‘une écriture […] typiquement mozarabe’ – should also be seriously questioned in the light of palaeographic evidence.143 In fact, it is quite clear that Mozarab scribes mastered MaghribÈ bookhands in all their aspects and traits, to the same degree and with the same results as their Muslim contemporaries, and continued to do so throughout the fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuries, as shown in Chapter Three (item 23) and Chapter Four (item 101). The evidence also suggests that the idea of possible scribal influences coming from the MashriqÈ Christian tradition – such as that of the Mar Saba monastic scriptorium in Palestine – should be altogether discarded as both unrealistic and unproven.144 While angular archaic (or archaising) letter shapes do feature prominently in the surviving Mozarab manuscripts they can now be understood and explained as an entirely AndalusÈ phenomenon and convincingly compared with the same stylistic elements found in the bookhands of coeval Islamic manuscripts.

Notes 1. On the broad meaning of the term wiråqa, with special regard to the Maghrib, see Puerta 2007, 153; Déroche 2003, 48–49; Bosch, Carswell & Petherbridge 1981, 10–11. 2. Ibn Khalduˉn 1999, II, 755.

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

3. See Chapter One, 36, n. 78. 4. Reference to al-MuqaddasÈ’s activity as a bookbinder is included in his own work: see Bosch, Carswell & Petherbridge 1981, 12. 5. Ribera y Tarragó 1928a; Gozalbes 1972; Imaduddin 1983, 48–76; Wasserstein 1990–1991; Sánchez-Moliní 1999; Touati 2003, passim; Viguera 2005; Mazzoli-Guintard 2006; Géal 2006; Puerta 2007, 138–193; Puerta 2013, 75–79; Abd al-Qa¯ dir 2015. See also Viguera 2016, 43–44. 6. Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 191–192; Mazzoli-Guintard 2006, 13, n. 22. 7. Al-MaqqarÈ 1968, I, 386. This passage is quoted in Puerta 2007, 144, n. 15. 8. On TalÈd al-KhaßÈ see PUA id. 2708. 9. PUA id. 8642. See also Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 192; Puerta 2007, 144. AbË AlÈ al-QålÈ al-BaghdådÈ moved from Iraq to Cordova with his library around 328/939, possibly upon the invitation of prince al-Óakam himself: see Jaouhari 2018, 50–53; Fulton 1933, 2–6. 10. PUA id. 10548. See also Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 192; Puerta 2007, 144. 11. PUA id. 7695. See also Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 192; Ávila 1989, 166, No. 59; Puerta 2007, 200–201. Al-Óakam’s father Abd al-Ra˙mån III also had a female secretary, a skilled calligrapher named Muzna (d. 358/968, PUA id. 10878, also mentioned in al-Munajjid 1995, 144–145). 12. PUA id. 7453. See also Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 192; Ávila 1989, 158, No. 32; Puerta 2007, 200–201. 13. These are A˙mad Ibn Íallå Allåh (d. 370/980, PUA id. 1321, ‘Íåra fÈ jumlat al-muqåbilÈn li-l-Mustanßir bi-llåh’), A˙mad al-Qas†allÈ (d. 368/978, PUA id. 1964, ‘Istamala-hu al-Óakam al-Mustanßir fÈ khu††at al-muqåbala’), Mu˙ammad b. Ishåq Ibn al-SalÈm (d. 367/978, PUA id. 8538) and Mu˙ammad b. Ya˙yå al-Rabå˙È (d. 358/969, PUA id. 10711, ‘Íåra ilå khidmat al-Mustanßir bi-llåh fÈ muqåbalat al-kutub’). See also Calvo 2018, 184. 14. Safran 2014, 151–154; Mazzoli-Guintard 2006, 18–19; Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 205–206. 15. PUA id. 9354; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 119, No. 417. See also Echevarría 2011, 16–17. 16. PUA id. 2938. 17. RBE, ms. árabe 415, f. 136a. On Ibn al-IflÈlÈ see PUA id. 239. 18. Rosser-Owen 2010, 22. 19. See Chapter One, 57, n. 150. 20. See, for instance, Ía¯id al-Andalusiˉ 1912, 65–66. 21. Al-Maqqariˉ 1968, I, 386. 22. See Chapter One, 57, n. 152; al-Maqqariˉ 1968, I, 386. 23. PUA id. 4046; al-Maqqariˉ 1968, III, 111. This passage is also mentioned in Puerta 2007, 148. An Egyptian warråq – Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad al-AsharÈ al-MißrÈ – is known to have transcribed for al-Óakam II the lexicographical work Jawåmi kitåb al-Båri, authored by the Cordovan Mu˙ammad b. al-Óusayn al-FihrÈ (d. 368/978): see al-Marra¯kushiˉ 2012, IV (VI), 191, No. 472. 24. Hirschler 2012, 127. 25. Hirschler 2012, 127. 26. Puerta 2007, 152. On the ‘inferiority complex’ of the Andalusis towards the cultural achievements of the Iraqis (and the Baghdadis in

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particular) see Fierro 2009. It seems that the interest of the Andalusis for the calligraphic tradition of the Muslim East was never reciprocated. In his famous Fihrist (completed in the year 377/988) Ibn al-NadÈm did not include any reference to the scripts and scribal practices of the Maghrib; in fact, not a single author or work from the Islamic West is mentioned in Ibn al-NadÈm’s work (see Fierro 2018). The same lack of interest can be found in the Risåla on penmanship by AbË Óayyån al-Taw˙ÈdÈ (d. 922/1023), where the only reference to the Muslim West is the laconic mention of an ‘AndalusÈ Kufic’ script: see Rosenthal 1948, 3. This is especially puzzling since the scholarly circle attended by al-Taw˙ÈdÈ in Baghdad also included an AndalusÈ intellectual – AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. ÓammËd al-ZubaydÈ alIshbÈlÈ (PUA id. 5087) – whom al-Taw˙ÈdÈ knew and quoted in his own work: see Fierro 2018, 353; Fierro 2009, 89–90. 27. Déroche 2003, 67. 28. Sánchez-Moliní 1999, 89–95. 29. PUA id. 4555. See also Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 195. 30. PUA id. 7580. See also Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 196. 31. PUA id. 11629; Ibn al-Farad . iˉ 1891–1892, II, 58–59, No. 1597. See also Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 196–197. 32. It is particularly important to note the difference between the job of the warråq and that of the kåtib, a secretary or administrative functionary charged with writing official documents and diplomatic letters. For a general discussion of the terms warråq, kåtib, nassåkh and kha††å†, see Déroche 2002. See also Muhammad Beg’s article ‘Warrå˚’ in EI2; Makki Sibai 1987, 40–42. 33. PUA id. 9026, 11943, 10783. See also Puerta 2007, 148–149. 34. Famous are the Cordovan libraries of Åisha bt. A˙mad (d. 400/1009, PUA id. 4066), of KhadÈja bt. Jafar al-TamÈmÈ (d. 394/1003, PUA id. 2875), who endowed many of her books to her daughter, and of A˙mad al-ÊalamankÈ al-Muqri (d. 429/1038, PUA id. 1811), who was also a prolific copyist: see Viguera 2016, 46; Sánchez-Moliní 1999, 94–95; Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 197–198. 35. Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 204. 36. See, for instance, PUA id. 102, 1425, 2022, 2175, 3871, 8850, 11075, 11830. 37. PUA, id. 3991; al-Îabbiˉ 1885, 527–528, No. 1583. 38. Ribera y Tarragó 1928b; see also Marín 1987. More work has been done on the political power and social role of the ulamå of al-Andalus: see, for instance, Marín 1994a; Soravia 1994; Fierro 2011. 39. Calvo 2014, 205–208, 219–224. 40. Marín 1996; Makki Sibai 1987, 27–34; Makdisi 1973. 41. Sánchez-Moliní 1999, 95–97. For a broader discussion of mosque libraries, although largely based on eastern sources, see Makki Sibai 1987. 42. García Sanjuán 2007, 73, 223–224, 298; al-Shari¯f 2012, 147. In the sources, the earliest references to AndalusÈ scholars who endowed their books are found in the biographies of the prolific copyist Qåsim b. Óåmid al-UmawÈ (d. after 238/852, PUA id. 7574), and of the Cordovan ascetic AbË al-Ói∂r al-ÍaghÈr (d. 293/905, PUA id. 11101). 43. García Sanjuán 2007, 187–188. 44. Ibn al-At.t.a¯r 1983, 206–207.

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

45. In Calvo 2014, 206, and Calvo 2018, 181, the physician Sulaymån Ibn Juljul (d. after 384/994, PUA id. 3760) is erroneously reported to have studied medicine in the mosques of Cordova and al-Zahrå, but the sources only mention that he learned ˙adÈth there. It is also worth noting the recommendation of the jurist Ibn AbdËn (on whom see Chapter Four, 176–177) that no books should be read in the prayer hall of a mosque, save the Qurån and works of ˙adÈth, and that all other subjects should be taught outside the prayer hall, under the courtyard’s arcades: see Ibn Abdu¯ n 1934, 213. 46. Ibn Óayya¯n 2003, 269, n. 235. See also al-Abba¯diˉ 2005, 36. 47. Al-Abba¯diˉ 2005, 36; Abd al-Wahha¯b 1956, 41–42. 48. Al-Muqaddasiˉ 1950, 48–49. 49. See, for instance, Déroche 1995, 35 ff.; Bloom 2001, 85; Déroche 2004, 77 ff. 50. Ibn al-Farad . iˉ 1891–1892, I, 352–353, No. 1243. On Ibn al-Qallås (PUA id. 10201), his Ri˙la and his books, see Marín 1995. The same anecdote is translated in Monès 1964, 75, although erroneously attributed to another scholar. 51. See Chapter One, n. 88. Paper is also mentioned, along with parchment, in a poem from Ibn Óazm’s Êawq al-˙amåma, written in the first half of the fifth/eleventh century: see Valls i Subirà 1978, 94–95. 52. Valls i Subirà 1978, 89–91. 53. The 38 paper folios at the end of the Mozarabic Breviary and Missal of Silos (the first Christian manuscript partly copied on paper, datable to the late tenth or early eleventh century) were produced in Spain (possibly in Toledo), under the direct influence of AndalusÈ practices: see Valls i Subirà 1978, 89–91; Gayoso 1972, 85–96; Valls i Subirà 1970, I, 4–5, 8–9. 54. Van Koningsveld and Déroche have demonstrated the unreliability of the dated colophons of two other manuscripts written in MaghribÈ round scripts. These are: • Dublin, CBL, ms. Ar 3001, a paper copy of Målik’s Muwa††a dated 277/890, but attributable to the eighth/fourteenth century on the basis of its palaeographic and codicological features: see Van Koningsveld 1977, 29, although he erroneously proposes a sixth/ twelfth-century date; Brockopp 2017, 191–193, although he mistakenly dates it to ‘around 400 ah’. • Istanbul, ÒÜK, ms. A 6753, a paper Qurån dated 238/853 whose format, script and writing support betray a much later date of production: see Déroche 1999, 239. One should constantly beware of the fact that colophons may ‘lie’ about the date of production of certain manuscripts, especially when copyists decided to reproduce verbatim the original colophons of the manuscripts they used as models. However, it seems that this practice was not very common in the Maghrib. Moreover, the main reason for ‘cloning’ colophons was to endow the copy in question with a certificate of the antiquity and reliability of its content. Therefore, as in the two cases mentioned above, the ‘forged’ dates usually refer to the very first centuries of Islam, making these rare instances easily identifiable. 55. Murányi 1985a. See also Déroche 1994, 79–80. A description of this manuscript is not included in al-FåsÈ’s catalogue of the QarawiyyÈn

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manuscripts (al-Fa¯siˉ 1979–1989), but only in an unpublished, typed handlist compiled by the former director of the QarawiyyÈn Library Mu˙ammad al-Dabbågh. Since the manuscript is currently missing from the QarawiyyÈn Library, my analysis is based on a microfilm kindly provided by Miklós Murányi. 56. Levi della Vida 1935, 26 (the month in the colophon was here misread as RabÈ I). See also Tisserant 1914, xxxvii, pl. 51a; Levi della Vida 1962, 138–139; Orsatti 1993, 294, 297; Déroche 1999, 239–240; D’Ottone 2013b, 44, pl. xxix; D’Ottone 2016, 301, n. 25, pl. I. 57. Sezgin 1955, 128. See also Viguera 2016, 28. 58. Available at archive.org/details/tafsir-ibn-mofarreg-alqurtubi (last accessed: June 2021). 59. Arberry 1955–1966, V, 156. 60. Murányi 1985a; Déroche 1999, 240. 61. Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 14–15, 19. See also SharÈfÈ 1982, 253–255, fig. 6; al-Maghra¯wi¯ 2013, 44. 62. Hamada 1994, 154. See also Maktu¯ b bilyad 1968, 14, No. 24; Chabbouh 1989, 16, No. 25. Another ancient (but undated) copy of this work, also written in a MaghribÈ round script, is in the LNSRM: see al-Nayya¯l 1963, 26. 63. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 429–430. An undated portion of the same manuscript is kept in Riyadh, Library of the SaËd al-Båb†ayn Charitable Centre for Heritage and Culture, ms. 912: see Qabs min makht. u¯ t. åt 2010, II, 430, No. 464. 64. Unity of Islamic Art 1985, 26–27, No. 10. See also Déroche 1999, 240. A second portion of the same manuscript was auctioned in London in 1995: see Sotheby’s 18/10/1995, lot 35. 65. Lagumina 1889, 394. See also Cusa 1873, 13–34, 309–369; Lagumina 1891; Eredità dell’Islam 1993, 180–181. 66. Asín 1911, 255–256. See also Espejo & Arias 2005, 42–43. 67. See, for instance, an AndalusÈ parchment copy of Claudius Ptolemy’s Almagest, divided between the QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 654 (on which see al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 238) and the Khalili Collection, mss.375, on which see Maddison & Savage-Smith 1997, I, 176–177. 68. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 810; al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 483–484. See also Brockopp 2000, 215–220. Another fragment of this manuscript is today in Riyadh, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 4468. 69. PUA id. 713. 70. PUA id. 4121. 71. Murányi 1985a, 78. 72. Levi della Vida 1962, 138–139. 73. I wish to thank Judith Olszowy-Schlanger for her suggestion concerning the date of this Hebrew annotation (personal c­ommunication, June 2016). 74. Instances of the nisba al-MurådÈ are known among the religious scholars of Umayyad Toledo: see Marín 1992, 233. 75. On AbË Abd Allåh Ibn Mufarrij al-UmawÈ al-FuntawrÈ, see PUA id. 8451. 76. Ibn al-Farad.i¯ 1891–1892, I, 384–386, No. 1358. 77. Murányi 1985a, 76. 78. PUA id. 4574. 79. PUA id. 8845. 80. Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 110, No. 379.

chapter two: third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries

81. PUA id. 11642. 82. Marín 2000, 74–75; Manzano 2006, 377. 83. Van Koningsveld 1994, 448. 84. According to Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 14–15, this part of the manuscript is only the first of ten volumes, all copied by the same scribe at around the same time. 85. Bloom 2001, 85–89. 86. Based on his study of the paper employed in slightly later MaghribÈ manuscripts, Jean-Louis Estève suggested that vegetal laid moulds were made out of split palm leafstalks (petioles), or possibly leaf midribs from the European fan palm (Chamaerops humilis): see Estève 2001b, 50. The absence (or scarcity) of chain lines is a feature that may suggest the use of flexible vegetal moulds: thus Zerdoun 2011, 58, based on remarks by Jean-Louis Estève. As argued in Estève 2015, 224, rigid metal-wire moulds were probably not used for AndalusÈ or MaghribÈ paper before the seventh/thirteenth century at the very earliest. 87. Espejo & Arias 2005, 42–43; Jiménez 2011, 88. I wish to thank Teresa Espejo Arias and Claudia Colini for providing additional information on the codicology of item 12. 88. See Chapter I, 36, n. 78. 89. For this distinction see Zerdoun 1983, 13–21 and 123 ff; Déroche 2005, 111–115. Although these two terms are sometimes used interchangeably in later sources, the distinction between corrosive ˙ibr and smeary midåd is clear in the work of the MaghribÈ scholar Ibn al-Óåjj al-AbdarÈ (d. 737/1336): see Canova 2008, 228. It seems that gallnuts were not the only source of tannin for ink-making – the bark of certain trees seems to have been equally employed in al-Andalus (thus Claudia Colini, personal communication). 90. Chabbouh 1995, 69. The existence of inks suitable either for parchment or paper in al-Andalus is confirmed by al-QalalËsÈ’s Tu˙af al-khawåßß fÈ †uraf al-khawåßß, written at the end of the seventh/ thirteenth century: see Chabbouh 1995, 69; al-Abba¯di¯ 2005, 39–40; and Chapter Five, 320, 346. 91. Although made of paper, item 4 differs from the other paper manuscripts of this period in that it was likely written in a tannic ink that has corroded the support ever so slightly. 92. Van Koningsveld 1994, 448. 93. Déroche 1995, 35–37. See also Beit-Arié 1981, 48; Orsatti 1993, 297–299, 325–327. 94. Déroche 2005, 78–80. 95. Still, this script is evidently much closer to fully-fledged MaghribÈ round scripts than to the écritures livresques abbasides with which they are compared in Déroche 1999, 237. 96. In particular, item 2 shows on f. 1b a table of contents penned in an elegant bookhand by the same scribe who then switched to a more cursive casual script for copying the rest of the book. 97. In the title page of item 11 it is clearly stated that the book was made for (‘li-’) Mu˙ammad b. Óakam b. SaÈd, namely the very person who copied it, according to the colophon. 98. See Chapter One, 43, n. 113. 99. Al-Da¯ni¯ 1960, 50. 100. George 2015, 82 ff.

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101. Van den Boogert 1989, 32. 102. For a thorough discussion of fawåßil see Jaouhari 2009. 103. A scientific study of the colourants employed in the Arabic manuscripts of the Sacromonte Abbey of Granada was carried out by a team of specialists in 2007. Unfortunately, the red and black inks of item 12 could not be sampled, since at that time the manuscript was undergoing restoration in Madrid. However, it is likely that cinnabar vermilion (HgS) was used for the red ink, rather than red lead (Pb3O4), as suggested by its orange hue: see Espejo et al. 2008, 84, 90. 104. Aillet 2010, 70. 105. There even survives a book inventory, dated 882 ce, from the library of the monastery of Saint Zoilus (40 km to the north of Cordova), included in the so-called Codex Ovetensis (RBE, ms. R.II.18): see Díaz y Díaz 1983. 106. Quoted in Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 201; see also Aillet 2010, 153–154. 107. Aillet 2010, 2–5. The term muzaraves is first attested in León in 1024. 108. Calendrier de Cordoue 1961, VII–XVI. 109. Christys 2002, 116–134; Forcada 2000. 110. Christys 2002, 123. 111. Al-MaqqarÈ 1968, III, 186. Al-MaqqarÈ’s source is Ibn SaÈd al-MaghribÈ (seventh/thirteenth century). 112. Calendrier de Cordoue 1961, 90. As argued by Déroche, the expression ‘gazelle skin’ (raqq al-ghazål) must be generally understood as a metaphor for good quality parchment (i.e. vellum). Sheep, goat and calf skins were in fact the raw materials used by Muslim and Mozarab parchment makers: see Déroche 2015, 388; Déroche 1995, 19–20. 113. Elena Rodríguez Díaz also mentions the folding system and the numeration of quires as two other elements borrowed from the Christian tradition, although they can only be observed in later Islamic manuscripts from al-Andalus: see Rodríguez 2011, 86. 114. D’Ottone 2013a, 14. 115. Schiaparelli 1929, quoted in D’Ottone 2013a, 15. For a completely different view on the matter, see Rodríguez 2011, 88: ‘La escritura visigótica no parece acusar tampoco ninguna influencia árabe’. 116. See, for instance, Wu¯ rqiyya 2009, 59; al-Tu¯ nji¯ 1986, 156–157; Ha¯ru¯ n 1989, 27. 117. BAV, ms. Vat. Lat. 12900, ff. 2a–b. For a recent palaeographic discussion of the Arabic text of this fragment see D’Ottone 2013a. On the Arabic version of the Epistle to the Galatians contained in the Sigüenza bifolio, see De Bruyne & Tisserant 1910; see also Aillet 2010, 192–193. 118. De Bruyne & Tisserant 1910, 324; D’Ottone 2013a, 12. 119. De Bruyne & Tisserant 1910, 324; Ehrle & Liebaert 1912, No. 25; Cherubini 2005, 144, 151. 120. Aillet 2010, 192–193. 121. Pace Cyrille Aillet, who hypothesised a date of copying as late as the sixth/twelfth century: see Aillet 2010, 192, n. 63. The palaeographic indicators in the Arabic script on which he based his argument – full diacritic marks and vocalisation, roundness of the nËn, etc. – are certainly found in later hands as well, but were already a standard feature of MaghribÈ round scripts in the fourth/tenth century. 122. D’Ottone 2013a, 10–13.

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123. They are: Latin capital E and Arabic isolated ayn and ghayn; Latin ligature th and Arabic final låm-alif. 124. D’Ottone failed to notice the fundamental difference between the varying thickness of the Latin script and the uniformity of the Arabic, and suggests that the same writing implement was used for copying both texts. On this basis she argued that ‘le type de calame – un calame pointu – de l’écriture du latin pourrait aussi avoir influencé, voire modifié l’écriture de l’arabe’: see D’Ottone 2013a, 14. 125. Van Koningsveld 1977, 45–52; Aillet 2010, 153–175. 126. Aillet 2008; Aillet 2009; Aillet 2014. 127. Respectively RBE, ms. R.II.18, and León, Archivo de la Catedral, ms. 15. On the Codex Ovetensis, see also here, 111–112, n. 128. 128. Aillet 2010, 158–159; Aillet 2008, 97–98, 122, pl. 5; Díaz y Díaz 1983, 17–53. 129. Aillet 2014, 192, 198, fig. 2; Aillet 2010, 159–160, pl. 2. 130. It is interesting to remark that in the Codex Ovetensis the same annotator used the same ink and pen to write glosses in Arabic and in a Latin Visigothic script still close to the uncial style of the second/ eighth century: see Aillet 2008, 98. 131. Urgell, Arxiu Capitular de la Seu, ms. 604, f. 155b. I would like to thank Cyrille Aillet for sharing with me his photographs of this and other manuscripts here discussed. 132. BNE, ms. Vitr. 13.1: see Aillet 2010, 164–165, pl. VIII. This important codex bears 201 Arabic glosses penned by different annotators at different times and in different places, including sixth/twelfth-century Toledo. The earliest ones probably date from the fifth/eleventh century: as argued by José Maria Casciaro Ramírez, ‘hay que añadir a la fecha de escritura del codex [...] el tiempo prudencial para que el manuscrito fuese relegado de uso publico, de modo que permitiese en un ejemplar tan cuidado y rico apostillar unas glosas un tanto desmaneradas’: see Casciaro 1970, 327. However, the illuminator of the Seville Bible included an Arabic note in his drawing of a heron on f. 201b, which can therefore be dated to the first half of the fourth/tenth century, when the codex was produced: see Aillet 2014, 207, fig. 12. The note reads: ‘Iqra khabar Dånyål [read the story of Daniel!]’. 133. BNE, ms. Vitr. 14.3: see Aillet 2010, 169–170, pl. V. 134. RBE, ms. &.I.14, ff. 166b–167a: see Aillet 2010, 160–163; Aillet 2008, 119–121, pl. 4. 135. On the historical context of Evantius’s epistle, see Baxter Wolf 2000, 89. 136. Thus the bishop of Cordova in his response to Saint John of Gorze, who visited the Umayyad capital around the year 955 ce: see John of Saint-Arnoul 1999, 148–151. 137. Aillet 2010, 163. 138. Respectively BNE, ms. 10018, ff. 9a, 14a, 37b, and Toledo, Capitular Library, ms. 11.4. See Aillet 2010, 165–166, 168–169, pl. III; Aillet 2008, 98, 122–123, 127–128, pls 6–7. 139. See, for instance, the inclination of the shafts of Latin d and Arabic låm-alif, but also the two superimposed dots used as an abbreviation in the Latin gloss, identical to the Arabic diacritics arranged according to the early MaghribÈ fashion. The typical saw-toothed base ligatures are also clearly visible.

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140. Thus Rodríguez 2011, 88: ‘Los cristianos del sur o escriben en visigótica, o escriben en carácteres árabes, pero no parece existir una contaminación recíproca de los respectivos hábitos gráficos’. 141. Rustow 2020, 160–172. 142. Olszowy-Schlanger 2018. 143. Urvoy 1998, 419; Levi della Vida 1971, 124. 144. This hypothesis was advanced in De Bruyne & Tisserant 1910, 330, and in Tisserant 1953, 17, and is still upheld in Urvoy 1998, 420.

CHAPTER THREE

Maghribıˉ Round Scripts in the Fifth/Eleventh Century

Book culture and production in the Ṭa¯ ifa kingdoms According to the astronomer and judge of Toledo Íåid b. A˙mad al-TaghlibÈ (d. 462/1070), it was the dispersal of the books of the caliphal library of Cordova that caused the intellectual flourishing of al-Andalus in the period of the so-called ‘petty kingdoms’ (†awåif, sing. †åifa, roughly 402/1013–487/1094).1 In the winter of 401/1011, during the siege of the Umayyad capital by the Berber troops of the anti-caliph Sulaymån al-MustaÈn, the chamberlain Wå∂i˙ sold most of the palace’s books to raise money for the defence of the city; the remainder was plundered when the besiegers finally entered Cordova two years later.2 In his Êabaqåt al-umam (‘Categories of Nations’), written in 460/1068, Íåid reflects on the consequences of the collapse the Umayyad caliphate in these terms: At the beginning of the fourth century of the hijra, al-Andalus was divided up by the Umayyads’ opponents and the †awåif came into being, with each king taking one of the country’s cities as his own capital. The kings of the great civilisation of Cordova became preoccupied with these taxing revolts, and the civil war forced them to sell the treasures that remained in the palace of Cordova, the collection of books, and the other furnishings. They were sold at trivial values and at the cheapest prices: as a result, those books were scattered all over al-Andalus. Among them, people have found nuggets of ancient wisdom, saved from the hands of the inquisitors that had censored the intellectual endeavours of ­al-Óakam [II], in the days of al-ManßËr b. AbÈ Åmir. Also, those who so desired have now disclosed what they possess of these [ancient scientific works]. Since then, interest in learning the ancient sciences has continued to grow little by little, and the capitals of the †awåif have increasingly become centres of civilisation, until today.

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The current situation in a­ l-Andalus – praise be to God – is better [than in the past], since the ancient sciences are now permitted, and all restrictions to their study have been removed.3 This interpretation of the events is of course a biased oversimplification, but the manuscript evidence discussed in this chapter seems to confirm the positive effects of the Cordovan diaspora on the cultural development of the other cities of al-Andalus during the fifth/eleventh century. A staunch advocate of the ancient sciences – especially Greek mathematics, astronomy and medicine – Íåid could have mentioned at least two items from the extant corpus to back his narrative, as they were most likely transcribed from books that had once belonged to the Umayyad caliphal library (Figures 3.1 and 3.2). These are item 31, a copy of Óunayn b. Is˙åq’s translation of Galen’s commentary on the Book of Sevens (then attributed to Hippocrates), and item 35, containing Is˙åq b. Óunayn’s translation of Claudius Ptolemy’s Almagest. The latter, in particular, was copied from a book owned by the Valencian vizier and bibliophile AbË Mu˙ammad al-ArawshÈ (d. 487/1094), which in turn was collated with a MashriqÈ exemplar, based on an original that had belonged to the famous Persian astronomer Abd al-Ra˙mån al-ÍËfÈ (d. 376/986).4 It is hard to imagine where in al-Andalus such a prestigious MashriqÈ book

Figure 3.1  Hippocrates, Al-Asåbi. Copied in 471/1079 for (and probably by) Ubayd Allåh b. Abd al-Malik al-MaåfirÈ. Paper, 19.5 × 14 cm. Munich, Bavarian State Library, cod. arab. 802, ff. 1b–2a (item 31). © Bayerische Staatsbibliothek

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127

Figure 3.2  Claudius Ptolemy, Al-Majis†È. Copied in 478/1085, probably in Valencia. Paper, 27 × 18.5 cm. BNT, ms. 7116, ff. 33b–34a (item 35). © Bibliothèque nationale de Tunisie

could have been sourced, if not among the spoils of al-Óakam II’s library. A compelling link between a †åifa manuscript and the cultural patronage of the Umayyads is also found in item 39, containing a treatise of natural philosophy by the Neopythagorean polymath Apollonius of Tyana or, as the title page calls him, ‘BalÈnËs the savant, master of wonders (ßå˙ib al-aåjÈb)’. At the end of the work, the anonymous copyist transcribed the text of a letter sent by a Byzantine emperor to al-Óakam II, which praises the merits of Apollonius’s treatise as well as the intellectual endeavours of al-Óakam and of an unnamed member of his entourage, on whose behalf the caliph had contacted the emperor requesting ‘books of philosophers (kutub al-˙ukamå)’.5 This seems to indicate that, by the end of the the fifth/eleventh century, the transmission of this particular work in al-Andalus had become associated with the cultural mediation of the Umayyad court a century earlier: although Apollonius’s treatise was likely translated into Arabic in Abbasid Iraq, the anonymous copyist of item 39 evidently considered it one of the rediscovered ‘nuggets of ancient wisdom’ from al-Óakam II’s library mentioned by his contemporary Íåid al-TaghlibÈ. As for the original works composed at the

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Figure 3.3  AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ, Mukhtaßar Kitåb al-ayn, part 2. Copied in 435/1043. Paper, 22.5 × 16 cm. Madrid, Library of the Centre for Human and Social Sciences, ms. RESC/35, ff. 122b–123a (item 20). © Gobierno de España, Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades

Umayyad court, two †åifa manuscripts stand out as probably stemming from caliphal exemplars (Figures 3.3 and 3.4). These are item 20, an accurately penned volume of al-ZubaydÈ’s dictionary (similarly to item 12), and item 50, the only surviving copy of a treatise on meteorology and astronomy by Abd Allåh Ibn Åßim (d. 403/1013). The latter manuscript was transcribed in 497/1104, arguably from a Cordovan original, by a scholar from Orihuela (near Murcia).6 The resilience of Cordova Despite its political downfall Cordova emerged from the long civil war (fitna) of 399/1009–422/1031 as a still important centre for the production and consumption of books, though with a drastically reduced level of royal patronage. Even during the harshest phases of the fitna the presence of scribes and booksellers in the city is well attested: a case in point is the lexicographer AbË Sahl Ibn ­al-ÓarrånÈ (d. 442/1051), the son of al-Óakam II’s personal physician, who fell into poverty and scraped a living from copying and selling books among food shortages, sieges and uprisings.7 Under

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Figure 3.4  Ibn Åßim, Al-Anwå wa-l-azmina. Copied in 497/1104 for (and probably by) Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad b. Sulaymån al-TujibÈ, possibly in Murcia or Orihuela. Paper, 25 × 18 cm. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. A. 3508, ff. 1b–2a (item 50). © Milli Saraylar Òdaresi Ba∞kanlı©ı

the new rulers of the BanË Jawhar (r. 422/1031–462/1070), then the BanË Abbåd of Seville (r. 462/1070–484/1091), the economy and social fabric of Cordova seems to have gradually recovered.8 One of the most important private libraries of this period belonged to AbË ­al-WalÈd Mu˙ammad b. Ya˙yå al-GhåfiqÈ (d. 433/1042), known as Ibn al-MawßËl. It was allegedly the largest ever assembled in Cordova after that of al-Óakam II, and was entirely sold and dispersed after Ibn al-MawßËl’s death.9 A source tells us that he could distinguish among different handwritings and was often consulted on this matter (‘kåna […] årifan bi-khu†Ë†i-hå yu˙takam ilay-hi fÈ dhålik’).10 Also remarkable was the library that the Cordovan polymath Ibn Óazm (d. 456/1064) inherited from his father, consisting of 400 volumes copied in his own hand.11 AbË Ubayd al-BakrÈ (d. 487/1094), the famous geographer and court poet to king al-Mutamid of Seville and Cordova (r. 461/1069–484/1091), was such a keen bibliophile that he handled his books using ‘napkins of very fine linen and other fabrics’ in order to protect them.12 According to the MashriqÈ biographer Ibn Khallikån (d. 681/1282), al-BakrÈ was an admirer of Ibn Muqla’s calligraphy: although he never travelled outside of al-Andalus he

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allegedly saw Ibn Muqla’s work first-hand, and may have owned one or more manuscripts penned by the BaghdådÈ master.13 Also attested in the †åifa of Cordova are the activities of numerous ‘freelance’ copyists who catered for local men of letters and science eager to expand their personal book collections, as well as for ulamå and religious scholars interested in purchasing works of ˙adÈth and fiqh for themselves, their pupils and their mosques.14 A typical case is that of Yumn b. Mu˙ammad al-Warråq, who was born in Rayya (Malaga) and then moved to Cordova, transmitted the works of many of his period and was known for his ‘elegant handwriting [malÈ˙ al-kha††] and exact vocalisation, samples of which were contended for, due to their beauty [kha††u-hu yutanåfas fÈ-hi li-˙usni-hi]’.15 Speed was also a quality for which copyists were admired, as in the case of the Cordovan judge and poet Óumåm b. A˙mad al-A†rËsh (357/967–421/1030) who, according to Ibn Bashkuwål, could transcribe more than twenty pages of text every day.16 A fragmentary parchment manuscript bearing an ownership note by his son IbråhÈm, today in the BNF, may well have been copied by Óumåm himself, or at least belonged to him.17 This codex is unfortunately undated, but both its content – a juz of al-QålÈ’s monumental dictionary al-Båri (‘The Superb’) – and its aspect – fine parchment folios written in an expansive full bookhand – strongly resonate with Umayyad caliphal patronage.18 Perhaps Óumåm had managed to acquire this precious fragment from the sale of the palace library in the winter of 401/1011 and then bequeathed it to his son? What is sure is that at least some books from the caliphal collections remained in situ, as demonstrated by item 51: according to a transmission note after its colophon, this work of ˙adÈth sciences was transcribed in Cordova and collated with an exemplar that was copied specifically for al-Óakam II by the author’s son. Seville, Badajoz, Toledo Under the rule of the BanË Abbåd (414/1023–484/1091) the city of Seville began to emerge as a cultural pole in its own right, celebrated for its libraries (khazåin) and booksellers/copyists (warråqËn).19 The biographical dictionaries abound with the names of local scribes and poets who made their living copying books (kutub, sing. kitåb, or dawåwÈn, sing. dÈwån) and booklets (asfår, sing. sifr), as well as bibliophiles who personally transcribed countless works of literature and sciences for their own libraries, which after their demise were usually sold for exorbitant prices.20 At the court of the poet-king al-Mutamid calligraphy was held in high regard and practised by the members of the royal family: the ruler’s son AbË Bakr Ya˙yå Sharaf al-Dawla (d. after 502/1109) was not only a book collector but also an excellent scribe, ‘patient in copying books [muthåbir alå naskh al-dawåwÈn]’, in a style so delightful as ‘the

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flowers of s­ weet-smelling plants [mufatti˙ fÈ-hå min kha††i-hi zahr al-rayå˙Èn]’.21 When al-Mutamid was dethroned by the Almoravids and exiled to North Africa, Ya˙yå accompanied him and had to earn his living as a professional copyist in Marrakesh.22 Several volumes of a splendid Muwa††a copied by him in 502/1109 have survived in the QarawiyyÈn Library (see Chapter Four, item 57), and confirm the prince’s reputation as an accomplished penman. The †åifa of Badajoz, ruled by the BanË al-Af†ås ­(413/1022–488/ 1094), became famous for the library and intellectual circles established by the king al-MuΩaffar (r. 437/1045–461/1067), who was himself the author of an encyclopaedic work in fifty volumes – known as Kitåb MuΩaffarÈ – and a Quranic commentary.23 The only extant manuscript from the fifth/eleventh century explicitly connected with royal patronage (item 32) was produced for the khizåna of al-MuΩaffar’s son and successor al-Mutawakkil (r. 464/1073–488/1094). This precious codex – a fine parchment copy of a manual of AsharÈ theology by al-BåqillånÈ – attests to the continuation of intellectual and scribal activities at the court of Badajoz until the downfall of the dynasty and the Almoravid conquest, at least with regard to religious sciences (Figure 3.5). Here and in the other †awåif of al-Andalus the immigration of scholars called by Bruna Soravia ‘savants courtisans’, originally educated in Cordova, favoured the formation of new schools of religious thought and literary circles, in contrast to the centralisation of learning which had characterised the Umayyad caliphate.24 Under the BanË DhÈ al-NËn (r. 423/1023–478/1085), Toledo continued to be a key centre for the circulation of books and the home of renowned bibliophiles, as well as skilled and prolific calligraphers.25 Among them were Abd al-Ra˙mån Ibn al-Óaßßår (d. 438/1046), preacher at the Great Mosque of the city, a patient copyist (‘ßubËr alå al-naskh’) who is said to have transcribed and collated a small religious work – the Mukhtaßar of Ibn Ubayd – in a single day;26 the accomplished scribe Qåsim al-HilålÈ al-QaysÈ (d. 458/1066);27 and the book collector of Cordovan origin Óåtim al-TamÈmÈ, known as Ibn al-ÊaråbulusÈ (d. 469/1077).28 Unfortunately, nothing remains of the manuscripts owned or penned by these men of letters before Alfonso VI of Castille conquered Toledo in 478/1085. Among the hundreds of sale contracts and various documents in Arabic that have survived from medieval Toledo – not discussed in this book – only one was drafted before the Castilian takeover (see Chapter Five, D1).29 Almería, Granada, Murcia The same lack of material evidence applies to other important cultural capitals of the period, first and foremost Almería.30 Here, the vizier and secretary of the local emir AbË al-Qåsim Zuhayr (r. 419/ 1028–429/1037), AbË Jafar A˙mad b. Abbås (decapitated in 429/1037), is remembered as a master calligrapher and possessor of a library of

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Figure 3.5  Al-BåqillånÈ, Al-TamhÈd fÈ al-radd alå al-mul˙ida. Copied in 472/1080 for the library of the emir of Badajoz al-Mutawakkil, by A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh. Parchment, 22.3 × 16.1 cm. BNF, ms. arabe 6090, ff. 7b–8a (item 32). © Bibliothèque nationale de France

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more than 400,000 volumes, a symbolic number evoking the size of al-Óakam II’s book collection.31 A multi-volume Mudawwana (item 54) was copied in the small fortified town of Pechina, five miles to the north of Almería. Since Pechina was originally settled by Yemeni immigrants it is called in the colophon ‘Bajjåna Arsh al-Yaman’. This lavish parchment manuscript (Figures 1.29 and 3.6) shows that the same warråq – here a certain IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad b. IbråhÈm b. ÓadhÈr Allåh – would occasionally transcribe different parts of the same work for different scholars, as specified by the dedications inscribed on its title pages.32 Besides Almería, the sources also indicate the presence of eager bibliophiles and expert calligraphers in the †awåif of Malaga,33 Zaragoza34 and Dénia.35 A renowned warråq active in fifth/eleventh-century Valencia was Khalaf b. Umar alAkhfash (‘the short-sighted’, d. after 459/1067–8), described by Ibn al-Abbår as ‘constantly absorbed in his craft’.36 In the same city, the already mentioned vizier AbË Mu˙ammad al-ArawshÈ had gathered a substantial library: when the king of Toledo annexed the †åifa of Valencia and confiscated his books, these were allegedly carried

Figure 3.6  Sa˙nËn, Al-Mudawwana, beginning of the Kitåb al-jihåd. Copied in 500/1107 in Pechina, by IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad Ibn ÓadhÈr Allåh. Parchment, 27 × 21 cm. BNRM, ms. 343 K, p. 2 (item 54). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère de la culture

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to the royal palace in 143 loads of approximately 140 kilograms each. According to al-ÎabbÈ, however, al-ArawshÈ managed to hide one third of his entire collection, from which must have come the manuscript that served as the model of item 35 (Figure 3.2).37 Under the Zirid emir BådÈs b. ÓabbËs (r. 429/1038–465/1073), Granada was home to a vast and influential Jewish community, led by the vizier IsmåÈl Ibn NaghrÈla (383/993–448/1056, known as nasi, ‘prince’), then by his son YËsuf (d. 459/1066).38 Interestingly, the Hebrew sources describe IsmåÈl Ibn NaghrÈla as a proficient Arabic author and calligrapher who rapidly rose to power at the Zirid court also thanks to his beautiful handwriting.39 IsmåÈl’s reputation as a master of Arabic calligraphy was so well established that, more than a century later, the Jewish scholar YahËdhå Ibn TÈbËn wrote to his son: Choose one of your Arabic books that is written in a hand that appeals to you aesthetically and try to learn from it by imitating it. No one taught the Arabic script to the nasi Samuel [Ibn NaghrÈla]; rather, he took one of the documents written by an important scribe and tried to write using it as a model.40 According to Ibn IdhårÈ, YËsuf Ibn NaghrÈla was a great bibliophile, and when his house was stormed by an angry mob in 459/1066, a ‘magnificent library of books on various kinds of Islamic sciences’ was found in it. These books had been copied by a group of salaried scribes whom YËsuf had employed for that purpose.41 From Murcia, a political and cultural centre of secondary importance, there survives one significant manuscript (item 46) written in 492/1099, eight years after the Almoravids seized the city from the king of Seville.42 Its four extant volumes attest to the activity of a Valencian scholar and ˙adÈth transmitter, AbË Imrån MËså Ibn Saåda (d. 522/1128), known for having brought to al-Andalus a great quantity of Arabic books gathered during his travels in the East, a practice which was far from uncommon among his contemporaries.43 To judge from the quality of his penmanship, he was certainly not a calligrapher. However, the biographical dictionaries occasionally praise the work of prolific copyists of this period despite their bad handwriting: ‘radÈ al-kha††’ and ‘∂aÈf al-kha††’ are the expressions most commonly used.44 Travelling scholars and the influence of the Mashriq During the fifth/eleventh century al-Andalus, probably because of its political fragmentation, seems to have accentuated its cultural distance from the eastern Mediterranean, then under firm Fatimid hegemony. Although both commercial and scholarly relations with the Mashriq continued, there was a marked decrease in the number

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Figure 3.7  Al-Mubarrad, Al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha, title page of part 1. Copied in 468/1076 for (and probably by) IbråhÈm b. A˙mad b. IbråhÈm b. UbaydËn al-IyyådÈ. Paper, 29.5 × 26.5 cm. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 49, I, f. 1a (item 29). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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of religious scholars and men of letters from other Muslim regions who visited the Iberian Peninsula.45 On the other hand, many subjects of the †åifa kings continued to perform the canonical pilgrimage to Mecca, and some of them stopped in Fatimid Egypt to study under local Sunni jurists and traditionists. This practice is attested by item 24, a notebook of Egyptian paper on which the Toledan scholar Jumåhir b. Abd al-Ra˙mån (d. 466/1074) jotted down a work of ˙adÈth sciences from dictation of its author, the ShåfiÈ judge of Fustat Mu˙ammad b. Salåma al-Qu∂åÈ (d. 454/1062).46 To the eyes of the Egyptians, the idiosyncrasies of MaghribÈ round scripts must have looked conspicuous and, conversely, the handwriting of overseas scholars was definitely perceived as foreign in the Iberian Peninsula: in 431/1039 MËså b. Åßim b. Sufyån, a cultivated merchant from Tunis, sojourned in al-Andalus, but while Ibn Bashkuwål praises his penmanship, he also stresses that it followed ‘the manner of his country [jamÈl al-kha†† alå hay­at baladi-hi]’.47 Though the fixation on MashriqÈ literary models of the Andalusis lost little of its strength at the courts of the petty kings, new local genres and poetic forms emerged, original in both their structural and linguistic aspects, such as the muwashsha˙åt.48 In the realm of material culture, the production of manuscripts penned in distinctively AndalusÈ styles continued to epitomise the contradictory coexistence of eastern theoretical models and idiosyncratic local practices, a paradox inherited from the Umayyad period.49 As observed by David Wasserstein: despite the relative ease with which scientists and other scholars could move from one †åifa court to another […] it is possible to see in the scientific endeavours and royal patronage of this period the beginnings of various cultural regionalisms in the peninsula which persisted for long after the end of the †åifa kingdoms.50 The fifth/eleventh century was arguably the moment when distinct calligraphic styles started to emerge from the different regions and cities of al-Andalus, as may be the case with the kha†† IshbÈlÈ, a script typical of Seville frequently alluded to by the Nasrid vizier Ibn al-Kha†Èb (713/1313–776/1374).51 More concretely, in Ibn Abd al-Malik al-MarråkushÈ’s biographical dictionary (al-Dhayl ­wa-l-takmila, late seventh/thirteenth century) the handwriting of a Murcian scholar who died around 620/1223 is described as ‘following the manner of the people of the East of al-Andalus [†arÈqat ahl Sharq al-Andalus]’.52 Despite the late date of this reference, Mustapha Jaouhari has argued that the idiosyncratic script of item 46, copied in Murcia in 492/1099, could represent an early example of eastern AndalusÈ script.53 The region called Sharq al-Andalus by medieval sources – comprising the eastern Iberian coast from Tortosa to Almería, the †awåif of Valencia, Dénia and Murcia, and

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the Balearic Islands – established during the fifth/eleventh century privileged commercial and cultural links with Egypt and the Levant, and this may have resulted in the development of a regional variant of MaghribÈ scripts featuring typically MashriqÈ traits.54 In copying item 46, the already mentioned AbË Imrån MËså Ibn Saåda flattened the bowls of final sÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, qåf and nËn, used small and semi-circular dål and dhål in isolated position, straightened the shaft of †å and Ωå, and traced final mÈm with a short curled tail close to the words’ baseline. Were it not for the punctuation of få and qåf, the use of MaghribÈ tashdÈd and the oval shape of ßåd and ∂åd without denticle, one could easily mistake the script for a MashriqÈ bookhand. The reasons why Ibn Saåda’s handwriting departs so visibly from coeval MaghribÈ round scripts are difficult to determine: was he really following a regional practice, or was he simply trying to imitate the script of a MashriqÈ prototype? It is also possible that his handwriting may have been affected by his journey to Mecca and the eastern Mediterranean, where he seems to have resided and studied for some time. Be that as it may, several AndalusÈ manuscripts from the following century feature scripts heavily influenced by MashriqÈ bookhands (items 63, 71, 102,

Figure 3.8  Al-Mubarrad, Al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha, beginning of part 1. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 49, I, ff. 1b–2a (item 29). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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103, 127, 151, 159). While some of them can indeed be ascribed to copyists trained in the east of al-Andalus, others could simply be the work of foreign scribes, or of AndalusÈ ones who intentionally imitated the eastern scripts of the exemplars they were transcribing. Two unhelpful sources No record of treatises on penmanship or bookmaking written in al-Andalus survives from the †åifa period, which may indicate that the only works available on the subject were still the eastern ones. The persistence of MashriqÈ theoretical models for calligraphy is confirmed by the enduring prestige enjoyed by the treatise Adab al-kuttåb (‘Etiquette of Secretaries’) authored by the IråqÈ polymath Ibn Qutayba (213/828–276/889). Between the age of the †åifa kingdoms and that of the Almoravids, this seminal work was the object of a commentary by Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ (444/1052–521/1127), titled al-Iqti∂åb fÈ shar˙ Adab al-kuttåb (see Chapter Four, items 71, 90, 169).55 Given his background as a grammarian, Ibn al-SÈd’s approach to Ibn Qutayba’s text is mainly lexicological, focusing on the terminology related to the different types of scribes, writing instruments, and ‘classical’ eastern scripts – ‘qalam al-nißf’, ‘qalam riåsÈ’, ‘qalam al-thulth’ and ‘al-thulthayn’, ‘qalam al-riqå’, etc. – while little attention is paid to the technical and aesthetic aspects of penmanship.56 There is virtually nothing in the Iqti∂åb referring (or even alluding) to specifically AndalusÈ practices or scripts. It is worth noting, however, that Ibn al-SÈd avoids any mention of the norms regulating the proportions between individual letter forms, and this despite his deep knowledge of Ibn Muqla’s work, which is frequently cited in the text. This puzzling omission may well result from Ibn al-SÈd’s connection with the AndalusÈ milieu, where the norms of MashriqÈ calligraphy were not followed.57 Mention should also be made of a famous treatise on ink-making, paper-making, and bookbinding written in fifth/eleventh-century IfrÈqiya, titled Umdat al-kuttåb wa-uddat dhawÈ al-albåb (‘Staff of Scribes and Implements of the Discerning’), attributed to the Zirid ruler al-Muizz b. BådÈs (r. 406/1016–454/1062).58 Although it is often cited as a MaghribÈ work, one must bear in mind that, as we have seen, IfrÈqÈ scribal practices differed noticeably in this period from those developed in al-Andalus and later exported into Northwest Africa. Once again, the Umda seems to be based on eastern models and, as pointed out by Jonathan Bloom, it is disappointingly ‘long on theory, but short on practical advice’.59 The single chapter dedicated to the ‘importance of the pen and writing’ insists on the correct manner in which the qalam should be ideally cut, carved, sharpened, slit and dipped in the inkwell, but in a way that does not allow the reader to imagine the actual effect of these operations on the type of script produced, and leaves us in the

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dark as to the application (and possible regional variants) of these formulaic principles.60 Parchment, paper and illumination The fifth/eleventh century witnessed the establishment of paper as the main support for AndalusÈ manuscripts. There were, however, notable exceptions: apart from Christian Arabic codices (item 23) and Quråns (see Chapter Five, Q1–Q5), also certain copies of Målik’s Muwa††a (items 15, 36, 43, but not item 22) and Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana (items 30, 47, 49, 52–54) continued to be written on parchment, following Gregory’s rule in the wake of the Latin Visigothic tradition. Other three fine manuscripts of important religious works (items 18, 32 and 38) were also copied on animal skin, as well as item 13, a commentary on an Abbasid treatise on prosody and rhymes (Figure 3.9). The latter manuscript indicates that parchment remained in use for fine secular books dealing with literary prose (adab), poetry and lexicography into the fifth/eleventh century, and indeed beyond (see Chapter Four, item 76).61 Item 13 was copied in 406/1116, and the numerous holes found in its folios, around which the anonymous calligrapher patiently arranged the lines of text, evoke the difficulty of producing and procuring fine scribal support during the most turbulent years of the fitna. On this basis we may say that, while paper became a widespread commodity in the †awåif of al-Andalus, parchment maintained a privileged status and an aura of quality and prestige that would survive unblemished for at least three more centuries. The paper employed in this period was most probably locally produced, and it is likely that most AndalusÈ capitals were self-sufficient in paper manufacture (Figure 3.10). However, and despite the erroneous notion perpetuated by some scholars, it is only from the sixth/twelfth century that the presence of papermills in Xàtiva, Valencia and Toledo is mentioned in the sources.62 As far as book decoration is concerned, the †åifa period was also the time when illuminated motifs and devices typical of Quranic manuscripts made their first appearance in luxury copies of of Målik’s Muwa††a (item 43) and other religious books (item 38). This interesting phenomenon later spread to other works of fiqh and ˙adÈth (and under the Almohads, to the writings of Ibn TËmart) and, in the case of item 43, it can be partly explained by the virtual veneration for the imam Målik and his work intrinsic to the religious milieu of al-Andalus.63 The fact that the founder of the MalikÈ school had condemned the practice of Quranic illumination – on the grounds that it could distract the readers – does not seem to have prevented AndalusÈ copyists from decorating with gold headings and polychrome designs the margins of both their Quråns and the work of Målik himself (Figure 3.11).64 Item 38, a small but exquisite tafsÈr manual, also features polychrome headings, strapwork borders and

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Figure 3.9  Ibn JinnÈ al-MawßilÈ, Al-Murib fÈ tafsÈr QawåfÈ al-Akhfash. Copied in 406/1016. Note the holes in the parchment. Riyadh, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 4474, ff 8b–9a, 15b–16a (item 13). © Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Culture

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Figure 3.10  Al-BukhårÈ, Al-TårÈkh al-kabÈr, part 4. Copied in 415/1024. Paper, 25.9 × 18.2 cm. Note the wavy chain lines left by the supple vegetal mould, made visible by the light sheet. BNF, ms. arabe 5908, f. 53a (item 14). © Bibliothèque nationale de France

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Figure 3.11  Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a. Copied in 490/1096–7 by Abd Allåh b. A˙mad. Parchment, 22.8 × 17 cm. Present location unknown (item 43). Image from Sotheby’s 22/10/93

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marginal devices executed in a distinctly Quranic style, probably by a Quranic illuminator (although with no use of gold). Interestingly, an illuminated frame embellished with two marginal vignettes was here employed to enhance the final colophon, which emphasises the book’s collation with a sound exemplar and bestows prayers on the anonymous copyist and the reader (Figure 3.12). No scientific analyses have been undertaken on the pigments employed in fifth/eleventh-century AndalusÈ manuscripts which could allow to assess to what extent their makers followed, or departed from, the norms and recipes contained in such treatises as the Umda, or whether they imitated contemporary eastern practices. Nevertheless, it can be assumed that their techniques of preparing and applying colours to the page were those still in use in the following two centuries, about which we are better informed (and which will be discussed in Chapter Four).65 On occasion, curious details and anecdotes concerning this and other aspects of the copyists’ craft emerge from biographical dictionaries: for instance, Ibn Bashkuwål informs us that the judge of Cuenca, Mu˙ammad b. Khalaf b. MasËd, known as Ibn al-Saqqå† (d. 485/1092), used to prepare his ink (‘ßanaa al-˙ibr’) with holy water drawn from the Zamzam well in Mecca.66 The evidence of dated manuscripts With the exception of five Quranic manuscripts which will be discussed in Chapter Five, I have been able to identify forty-two dated manuscripts copied in MaghribÈ round scripts during the fifth/eleventh century. This number is likely to increase after an exhaustive study is carried out on the vast and only partially catalogued collections of the QarawiyyÈn Library, the BNRM, and important Middle Eastern libraries such as the DKW.67 What follows is a list of these forty-two manuscripts, in chronological order. As in Chapter Two, I have specified the author and genre of each work, and mentioned when it was composed in IfrÈqiya or al-Andalus. 13. 406/1016 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Murib fı¯ tafsı¯ r Qawa¯ fı¯ ­al-Akhfash [‘The Lucid in the Explanation of the Kitåb al-qawåfÈ by al-Akhfash’], a work of prosody and rhymes by AbË al-Fat˙ Uthmån Ibn JinnÈ al-MawßilÈ [320/932–392/1002], being a commentary on al-Akhfash’s Book of Rhymes. Riyadh, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 4474 (Figure 3.9);68 14. 415/1024 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Ta¯ rı¯ kh al-kabı¯ r, part 4 [‘Great History of Transmitters’], a work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 5908 (Figure 3.10);69 15. 421/1030 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Muwatta [‘The Well-trodden Path’], ˙˙ the foundational work of the MålikÈ school of ­jurisprudence

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Figure 3.12  MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib, Al-Hidåya ilå bulËgh al-nihåya, end of part 3 and colophon. Copied and illuminated in 485/1092. Parchment, 18 × 15 cm. BNRM, ms. 337 K, p. 398 (item 38). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère de la culture

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 208;70 423/1032 [DhË al-Óijja]: Ija¯ z al-Qura¯ n [‘Inimitability of the Qurån’], a work of Quranic sciences by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. al-Êayyib al-BåqillånÈ [330/930–403/1013]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 1435;71 424/1032 [Mu˙arram]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad, part ˙ ˙ a ˙ work of ˙adÈth by 7 [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/ 810–256/870]. Cairo, DKW, unknown shelf mark;72 430/1039 [Jumådå I]: Gharı¯ b al-hadı¯ th, part 6 [‘On the Lexical Difficulties of the Traditions’], ˙a work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË Ubayd al-Qåsim b. Sallåm al-HarawÈ [154/770–224/838]. Riyadh, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 4472; 430/1039 [Jumådå II]: Dawa¯ wı¯ n al-shir [‘Collections of Poems’], an anthology of pre- and early Islamic poems by AbÈd b. al-Abraß [sixth century ce], Åmir b. al-Êufayl [early seventh century ce], al-Êirimmå˙ b. ÓakÈm [c. 45/660–126/743], and Êufayl b. Awf [d. 608 ce]. London, BL, ms. Or. 6771 (Figure 3.13);73 435/1043 [RabÈ I]: Mukhtasar Kita¯ b al-ayn, part 2 [‘Abridgement ˙ AndalusÈ dictionary by AbË Bakr of the Kitåb al-Ayn’], an Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan al-ZubaydÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 379/989], being an abridgement of al-FaråhidÈ’s Book of Ayn. Madrid, Library of the Centre for Human and Social Sciences, ms. RESC/35 (Figure 3.3);74 435/1044 [Jumådå II]: Al-Istidhka¯ r li-madha¯ hib ulama¯  al-amsa¯ r, part 1 [‘Memorisation of the Doctrines of the Scholars of the˙ World’], an AndalËsÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË Umar YËsuf Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [368/978–463/1071]. Auctioned in 2004;75 438/1047 [Shabån]: Al-Muwatta, part 3 [‘The Well-trodden ˙ ˙ the MålikÈ school of jurispruPath’], the foundational work of dence by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Taza, Library of the Great Mosque, ms. 139 (Figure 3.14);76 1049–50 ce [October]: Al-Qawa¯ nı¯ n al-muqaddasa [‘Sacred Canons’], an Arabic translation of the acts and canons of various Christian councils and synods (fifth–seventh centuries ce) appropriate to the needs of Christians living under Muslim rule. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 1623 (Figure 3.17);77 453/1061 [Jumådå I, copied in Fustat]: Musnad al-Shiha¯ b, parts 1, 2, 4 [‘Support of al-Shihåb’], a work of ˙adÈth sciences by Mu˙ammad b. Salåma al-Qu∂åÈ [d. 454/1062], listing the chains of authorities on which al-Qu∂åÈ based his own compendium of traditions, titled al-Shihåb (‘The Blazing Star’). San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 752;78 458/1066 [Jumådå II]: Gharı¯ b al-Qura¯ n [‘On the Lexical Difficulties of the Qurån’], a work of Quranic sciences by AbË

chapter three: fifth/eleventh century

26.

27.

28. 29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34. 35.

Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Muslim Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ [213/828–276/889]. Auctioned in 2015;79 459/1067 [RabÈ II]: Al-Nukat wa-l-furu¯q min al-Mudawwana wa-l-Mukhtalit a, part 1 [‘Annotations and Distinctions on ˙ (Sa˙nËn’s) Mudawwana and Mukhtali†a’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Abd al-Óaqq b. Mu˙ammad b. HårËn al-SahmÈ al-ÍiqillÈ [d. 466/1074]. Madrid, BNE, MSS/5231;80 465/1073 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Zuhd wa-l-raqa¯ iq [‘Asceticism and the Softening of Hearts’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Amr Abd Allåh Ibn al-Mubårak al-ÓanΩalÈ al-MarwazÈ [d. 181/797]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1061;81 466/1074 [Rajab]: Al-Tashbı¯ ha¯ t [‘On Similes’], an anthology of figures of speech by IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad Ibn AbÈ Awn [d. 322/933]. Medina, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 222;82 468/1076 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Ka¯ mil fı¯ al-lugha, two volumes [‘The Complete on Language’], a work of adab and philology by Mu˙ammad b. YazÈd al-Mubarrad [210/825–286/899]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 49 (Figures 3.7–3.8);83 471/1079 [Rajab]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ (Kita¯ b al-awwal min kira¯  al-rawa¯ hil wa-l-dawa¯ bb) [‘Great Legal Compilation ˙ (First Book on Hiring Riding Animals and Beasts of Burden)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd alTanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 799/1/2;84 471/1079 [Shabån]: Al-Asa¯ bi li-Abuqra¯ t, sharh Ja¯ lı¯ nu¯s ˙ ˙ [‘Galen’s Commentary on Hippocrates’s Book of Sevens’], a work of medicine translated by AbË Zayd Óunayn b. Is˙åq al-IbådÈ [192/808–260/873]. Munich, Bavarian State Library, Cod. Arab. 802 (Figure 3.1);85 472/1080 [Shabån, copied in Badajoz]: Al-Tamhı¯ d fı¯ -l-radd ‘ala¯ al-mulhida al-muattila [‘Introduction on the Refutation ˙ of Heresies’], a work ˙ ˙of AsharÈ theology and religious polemics by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. al-Êayyib al-BåqillånÈ ­[330/930–403/1013]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 6090 (Figure 3.5);86 474/1081 [Íafar]: Al-Muntaqa¯ fı¯ sharh al-Muwatta (Kita¯ b al-nika¯ h, Kita¯ b al-tala¯ q, Kita¯ b al-rida¯ ʿ)˙ [‘Select Commentary ˙ ˙ on the Muwa††a (Book of Matrimony,˙ Book of Divorce, Book of Foster Relations)’], an AndalusÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË al-WalÈd Sulaymån b. Khalaf al-BåjÈ [403/1013–474/1081]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 986;87 477/1085 [DhË al-Qada]: Al-Ta¯ rı¯ kh [‘Annals’], a work of historiography by KhalÈfa b. Khayyå† al-ShaybånÈ [d. 240/854]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 199 Q;88 478/1085 [Jumådå II]: Al-Majist¯ı [‘Claudius Ptolemy’s Almagest’], ˙ by AbË YaqËb Is˙åq b. Óunayn a work of astronomy translated al-IbådÈ [d. 298/910]. Tunis, BNT, ms. 7116 (Figure 3.2);89

147

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

36. 483/1190: Al-Muwatta, part 2 [‘The Well-trodden Path’], the ˙ ˙ the MålikÈ school of jurisprudence by foundational work of Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Tamgrout, Library of the Zåwiya Nåßiriyya, ms. 4;90 37. 483/1190 [Shabån]: Akhba¯ r al-fuqaha¯  wa-l-muhaddithı¯ n ˙ [‘Accounts of Jurists and Transmitters’], an AndalusÈ biographical dictionary by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. Óårith al-KhushanÈ [d. 361/971]. Rabat, Royal Library, ms. 6916 (Figure 3.21);91 38. 485/1092 [RabÈ I]: Al-Hida¯ ya ila¯ bulu¯gh al-niha¯ ya fı¯ ilm maa¯ nı¯ al-Qura¯ n, part 3 [‘Guidance to Attaining the Final Word on the Meanings of the Qurån’], an AndalusÈ work of Quranic exegesis by AbË Mu˙ammad MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib al-QaysÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [d. 437/1045]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 337 K (Figure 3.12);92 39. 485/1092 [RabÈ II]: Sirr al-khalı¯ qa wa-huwa Kita¯ b al-ilal [‘Apollonius of Tyana’s Secret of Creation, or Book of Causes’], a work of philosophy translated by AbË Zayd Óunayn b. Is˙åq al-IbådÈ [192/808–260/873]. Madrid, BNE, MSS/5012;93 40. 486/1093 [RabÈ II]: Al-Ama¯ lı¯ , part 16 [‘Dictations’], an AndalusÈ work of adab and philology by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl al-QålÈ al-BaghdådÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [288/901–356/967]. Cairo, DKW, ms. 1859 adab;94 41. 486/1093 [RabÈ II]: Al-Munakhkhal [‘What is Passed through the Sieve’], a work of linguistics and phonetics by AbË al-Qåsim alÓusayn b. AlÈ al-WazÈr al-MaghribÈ [370/980–418/1027], being an abridgement of Ibn al-SikkÈt’s Ißlå˙ al-man†iq [‘Reformation of Speech’]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 605 (Figure 3.15);95 42. 489/1096 [Mu˙arram]: Al-Gharı¯ b al-musannaf [‘Rare Words ˙ Thematically Arranged’], a work of lexicography by AbË Ubayd al-Qåsim b. Sallåm al-HarawÈ [154/770–224/838]. New Haven, Yale University Library, ms. Landberg 116 (Figure 3.16);96 43. 490/1096–7: Al-Muwatta, part 1 [‘The Well-trodden Path’], the ˙ foundational work of ˙ the MålikÈ school of jurisprudence by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Auctioned in 1992 and 1993 (Figure 3.11);97 44. 490/1097 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad, parts ˙ ˙ ˙ a work of ˙adÈth 73–96 [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Taroudant, Imam AlÈ Library, ms. ­ K 149;98 45. 492/1099 [Shabån–DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Sunan [‘Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË DåwËd Sulaymån b. al-Ashath alSijistånÈ [202/817–275/889], followed by al-Mara¯ sil [‘Imperfect Traditions’] by the same author. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 145;99 46. 492/1099 [DhË al-Qada, copied in Murcia]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h ˙ ˙ ˙ al-musnad, four volumes, parts 26–96 [‘Compendium of Sound

chapter three: fifth/eleventh century

47.

48.

49.

50.

51.

52.

53.

54.

Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 1332 D;100 494/1101 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ (Kita¯ b al-salam al-awwal) [‘Great Legal Compilation (First Book of Forward Buying)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 574/5/28;101 494/1101 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Fusu¯l li-Ibuqra¯ t, tafsı¯ r Ja¯ lı¯ nu¯s ˙ [‘Galen’s Commentary on Hippocrates’s Aphorisms’], a work of medicine translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq al-IbådÈ [192/ 808–260/873]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 791;102 496/1103 [Shabån]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ (Kita¯ b al-nudhu¯r al-tha¯ nı¯ ) [‘Great Legal Compilation (Second Book of Vows)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 574/8/56;103 497/1104 [Shawwål]: Al-Anwa¯  wa-l-azmina wa-marifat aya¯ n al-kawa¯ kib [‘On the Rise and Setting of Stars, the Duration of Times, and the Knowledge of Celestial Bodies’], an AndalusÈ work of adab and meteorology by AbË Bakr Abd Allåh Ibn Åßim al-QaysÈ [d. 403/1013]. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. A. 3508 (Figure 3.4);104 499/1106 [Jumådå I, copied in Cordova]: Al-Dala¯ il fı¯ gharı¯ b al-hadı¯ th [‘Instructions on the Lexical Difficulties ˙ of the Traditions’], an AndalusÈ work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË Mu˙ammad al-Qåsim b. Thåbit b. Óazm al-Saraqus†È ­[255/868–302/915]. Damascus, Al-Assad National Library, ms. Ûåhiriyya 1079;105 499/1106 [Shabån]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ (Kita¯ b ­al-sharika) [‘Great Legal Compilation (Book of Partnership)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/ 777–240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 574/6/39;106 500/1107 [Íafar]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ (Kita¯ b al-wasa¯ ya¯ ˙ al-awwal) [‘Great Legal Compilation (First Book of Bequests)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd alTanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Riyadh, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 4481;107 500/1107 [Rama∂ån, copied in Pechina]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ , various parts [‘Great Legal Compilation’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/ 777–240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, mss 574/2/26; 574/8/50; 796/1/1–9, 796/2/10–18, 796/5/45 and 47 (Figure 3.6).108

Although arguably copied in the fifth/eleventh century, in MaghribÈ round scripts, the following four manuscripts have not been taken into consideration here, for different reasons:

149

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Figure 3.13  Åmir b. al-Êufayl, DÈwån al-shir, final poem and dated colophon. Copied in 430/1039. Paper, 23.5 × 13.5 cm. BL, ms. Or. 6771, ff. 58b–59a (item 19). © The British Library Board









466/1074 (?): Al-Zuhd wa-l-raqa¯ iq [‘Asceticism and the Softening of Hearts’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Amr Abd Allåh Ibn al-Mubårak al-ÓanΩalÈ al-MarwazÈ [d. 181/797]. Alexandria, Bibliotheca Alexandrina, ms. 1331 B;109 467/1075 (?): Al-Muwatta [‘The Well-trodden Path’], the foun˙˙ dational work of the MålikÈ school of jurisprudence by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Timbuktu, Mamma Haïdara Library, unknown shelf mark;110 494/1101 [RabÈ I]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ (Kita¯ b al-muka¯ tab) [‘Great Legal Compilation (Book on the Manumission of Slaves)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 798/4/8;111 Before 500/1106: Al-Ja¯ mi li-masa¯ il al-Mudawwana, part 4 [‘Compendium of the Matters in the Mudawwana’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË Bakr b. Abd Allåh b. YËnus al-TamÈmÈ al-ÍiqillÈ [d. 451/1059–60]. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 196.112

As is evident, only a minority of these manuscripts explicitly mention their place of copying in their colophons. It is therefore difficult to attribute the remaining items to one or another city of alAndalus, unless mention is made of a known patron, as in item 32, or of the owner of the exemplar (aßl, ‘source’) from which the copy was made, as in item 35. Nevertheless, the origin of a few other items can

chapter three: fifth/eleventh century

Figure 3.14  Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a, beginning of part 3. Copied in 438/1047. Paper, 17 × 12 cm. Taza, Library of the Great Mosque, ms. 139, f. 1b (item 22). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

be argued based on the biographies of their copyists, on the collation notes they left, and on the nature of the manuscripts themselves: 21. 435/1044: Al-Istidhka¯ r. The book was copied during the author’s lifetime, when he was judge of Lisbon and Santarém, then part of the †åifa of Badajoz. It has been suggested that it may be an autograph, which would locate its production in either one of these cities.113 23. 1049–50 ce: Al-Qawa¯nı¯ n al-muqaddasa. The codex was partially penned by a priest named BinjinshÈsh (Vincentius) by order of an unidentified bishop called Abd al-Malik (see colophons on ff. 333a and 394a–b). Its context of production, a deeply Arabised and flourishing Christian community in which Vincentius oversaw a team of jurists, scribes and translators, may be tentatively identified with the cities of Cordova, Seville or Toledo.114

151

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Figure 3.15  AbË al-Qåsim al-MaghribÈ, Al-Munakhkhal. Copied in 486/1093. Paper, 21 × 15.5 cm. RBE, ms. árabe 605, ff. 70b–71a (item 41). © Patrimonio Nacional

36. 483/1090: Al-Muwatta. The manuscript bears notes (ff. 42a, ˙˙ 72a) in the scribe’s hand testifying its hearing and collation in Cordova, in the presence of the Cordovan scholar Ibn al-Êallå (d. 497/1104).115 A Cordovan origin is therefore likely. 45. 492/1099: Sunan al-Sijista¯nı¯. The codex bears a note (f. 363b) dated 495/1102, possibly in the copyist’s hand, testifying its collation with the original owned by the famous ˙adÈth transmitter AbË AlÈ Ibn Sukara al-ÍadafÈ (d. 512/1120), who was judge of Murcia at the time.116 It is therefore possible that this manuscript was copied in the east of al-Andalus. 49. 496/1103: Al-Mudawwana. The text was copied by Abd alMalik b. Masarra b. Khalaf al-Ya˙ßubÈ (470/1077–552/1157), an AndalusÈ jurist and man of letters who lived his whole life, died, and was buried in Cordova.117 His knowledge and beautiful handwriting are praised by Ibn Bashkuwål.118 It is probable that this portion of Sa˙nËn’s work was transcribed by Ibn Masarra in Cordova. 50. 497/1104: Al-Anwa¯. This book belonged to, and was probably copied by, Mu˙ammad Ibn al-Íaffår al-TujÈbÈ, a Murcian traditionist and biographer of al-Mutamid of Seville, in charge of charitable endowments (ßå˙ib al-a˙bås) in the town of Orihuela.119 Although he moved to North Africa towards the end of his life and died in Marrakesh, Ibn al-Abbår reports that he was still in al-Andalus in 496/1102–3, and more precisely in

chapter three: fifth/eleventh century

153

Figure 3.16  AbË Ubayd al-Qåsim b. Sallåm, Al-GharÈb al-mußannaf, end of the work with colophon. Copied in 489/1096. Paper, 24 × 17.5 cm. New Haven, Yale University Library, ms. Landberg 116, ff. 215b–216a (item 42). © Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University

Murcia, where he attended the reading sessions of Ibn Sukara alÍadafÈ.120 It is therefore likely that this manuscript was copied in either Orihuela or Murcia. Codicological remarks As already mentioned, the majority of these forty-two ­manuscripts  – twenty-seven items in total – were copied on paper; fourteen of them (items 13, 15, 18, 23, 30, 32, 36, 38, 43, 47, 49, 52–54) were copied on parchment; and one of them (item 21) is made of socalled ‘mixed quires’, each consisting of a parchment bifolio on the outside, several paper bifolios in the middle, and a second parchment bifolio on the inside, forming the centre of the quire.121 This appears to be the earliest dated evidence of a typically AndalusÈ practice which reached its peak between the sixth/twelfth and seventh/­thirteenth centuries, and was adopted by Muslim, Jewish and Christian scribes alike to increase the sturdiness of paper manuscripts and economise on the use of parchment (see Chapter Four, items 103 and 132).122 It should be noted, however, that this

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practice is also attested in Kairouan at the beginning of the fifth/ eleventh century.123 While the parchment produced and employed in the †åifa kingdoms continued to be of good to excellent quality (see especially item 32, whose thin folios have a particularly glossy and polished surface), the papers of this period show a wide variety of textures, colours and treatments, ranging from the soft, porous, creamcoloured support of items 14 and 39, to the crisp, burnished and biscuit-coloured one of items 20, 27, 29, 41 and 42. Generally speaking, chain lines are either still absent (item 16) or rare and almost indiscernible (items 20, 27, 41), rather wavy and irregularly spaced (from 2.8 to 3.5 cm and beyond). Oriol Valls i Subirà interpreted this as a sign that the mould frames of the time still lacked chain-wire support ribs: ‘as a consequence, the unsupported mould mesh sagged with use, thereby producing the generally observable effect of sheets which are appreciably thicker in the middle than at their edges’.124 It seems more likely, however, that the wavy aspect of chain lines was simply caused by the manipulation of a supple reed mould.125 Laid lines are relatively thick – 20 of them normally occupy between 3.5 and 4 cm – and also often curved in proximity to the margins. Their profile is normally rather sharp, which indicates the use of vegetal stalks or thin reeds cut in halves.126 In at least two instances (items 27 and 41) laid lines run vertically to the page, that is, parallel with the long side of the folios. With regard to the type of quires employed in this period, despite being often difficult to determine due to the manuscripts’ restorations or bad state of preservation, it is possible to observe an increase in the number of quinions – the standard solution for assembling Arabic manuscripts in the East – which may be read as a departure from local Latin practices (items 14–16, 20, 27, 29, 32, 39, 42, 48). An expected exception is item 23, the only Christian codex, made exclusively of parchment quaternions (Figure 3.17). From a few notes in this manuscript, it is evident that the composition of the text was the result of teamwork, whereby several clerics were tasked with transcribing the canons of various councils of the past on paper folios (‘awråq min kåghidh’), which were then employed as a draft for the final translation and collation, carried out on parchment quaternions (referred to as ‘karårÈs’, sing. ‘kurråsa’) under Vincentius’s supervision.127 In most parchment manuscripts, Gregory’s rule continued to be followed (items 18, 23, 30, 32, 47, 49, 52–54). Also, an increased degree of accuracy in the page layout of both parchment and paper codices can be observed, especially in those featuring full-bookhands: the number of lines per page became consistent, probably as a result of the improvement of ruling techniques. It must be noted, however, that AndalusÈ copyists continued to score the right and left margins of the textbox in dry pen, even when writing on paper, and do not

chapter three: fifth/eleventh century

Figure 3.17  Al-QawånÈn al-muqaddasa, book 4. Copied in 1049 ce by the priest Vincentius. Parchment, 30.5 × 24.4 cm. RBE, ms. árabe 1623, f. 231b (item 23). © Patrimonio Nacional

seem to have ever employed a ruling board (mis†ara) for marking the single writing lines, with only very few exceptions, at least until the seventh/thirteenth century. Alternatively, they may have used a ruling instrument that did not leave any visible mark on the pages.

155

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

The evolution of Andalusı¯ bookhands The scripts employed in the manuscripts from the fifth/eleventh century fit perfectly within the tripartite typology already outlined in Chapter Two, featuring full bookhands (items 13, 18, 20, 22, 23, 29–32, 36, 37, 40, 41, 47, 49–54), half-bookhands (items 15, 17, 19, 26, 27, 33–35, 39, 42, 45, 48) and casual scripts (items 14, 16, 21, 24, 25, 28, 44), with the latter showing occasional shifts to more formal styles in chapter headings and at the beginning of each section.128 In item 38 the anonymous scribe closely imitated the diminutive, angular script of coeval single-volume Quråns (such as Q3 and Q5, discussed in Chapter Five), either because he was himself a Quranic calligrapher or because of the nature of the work he was transcribing, which deals with Quranic exegesis (Figure 3.12). In item 43 we can observe the earliest dated example of MaghribÈ ‘enhanced bookhand’, that is, a composed, semi-calligraphic script employed for copying luxury editions and presentation copies of important religious works, such as Målik’s Muwa††a in this case (Figure 3.11). Abd Allåh b. A˙mad –

Item 43 – Maghribıˉ enhanced bookhand.

Item 29 – Maghribıˉ full bookhand.

Item 37 – Maghribıˉ full bookhand.

Item 41 – Maghribıˉ full bookhand. Figure 3.18  A sample of MaghribÈ round scripts from the fifth/eleventh century. © Umberto Bongianino

Item 34 – Maghribıˉ half-bookhand.

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the calligrapher who signed the colophon of this ­manuscript – made Item 29 – Maghribı ˉ full bookhand. extensive use of elongations and complex ligatures requiring a frequent lifting of the pen, which sets his work aside from the cursiveness of earlier and contemporary full bookhands, but also from the rather awkward micrography of item 38 and Q3. Probably the most outstanding calligraphic trait of this script is the rightward stretching of the body of medial and final jÈm, ˙å and khå below the preceding letters until the beginning of the word, which creates the curious 37 – Maghribı bookhand. effect of having two,Item sometimes threeˉ full different baselines in one same word. Also remarkable is the fastidious attention paid to the execution of the semi-circular tails of final jÈm, ˙å, khå, sÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, ayn, ghayn, qåf, låm and nËn, as well as alif maqßËra. The increased occurrence of full bookhands from the fifth/eleventh century onwards can be explained in terms of the generalised adoption of formal traits – which had previously been the prerogative of – Maghribıˉof full bookhand. master scribes – by aItem new41generation copyists with a wide range of

Item 34 – Maghribıˉ half-bookhand.

Item 35 – Maghribıˉ half-bookhand.

Item 16 – Maghribıˉ casual script.

Item 21 – Maghribıˉ casual script.

Item 28 – Maghribıˉ casual script.

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fine writing models to follow (elegant titles with fully rendered letter shapes also appear in items 27 and 35). In the same way, the casual scripts of this period appear to have wholly embraced the roundness typical of AndalusÈ bookhands, and are more easily recognisable as MaghribÈ by comparison with those of the previous century. These rough and extremely cursive hands appear in paper booklets that served as drafts for the fair copy of a given work (such as items 16, 24, 25), or in volumes transcribed by scholars and men of letters for themselves (‘li-nafsi-hi’, as stated in the colophon of item 44). An interesting phenomenon that affected MaghribÈ round scripts in this period is the shrinking in size of full bookhands: this was arguably due to the employment of reed pens with finer nibs, which still allowed the scribes to carry out all the letters’ upstrokes, downstrokes, curls, and tails fully, but in a reduced amount of space (see especially items 20, 22, 32, 41, and the enhanced bookhand of item 43). This evolution of writing implements, along with the increasing dexterity of scribes, would gradually lead to the disappearance of half-bookhands in the following century, or better, to their absorption into the category of full bookhands. On the other hand, the more conservative (and less cursive) full bookhands continued to be of relatively large size, and feature angular letter variants, yå råjia, and serrated base ligatures more frequently and noticeably. These scripts are especially found in the Muwa††a and Mudawwana fragments of the second half of the century (items 30, 36, 47, 49, 52–54), but also in item 23. Here, the priest Vincentius used a qalam with a thick rounded nib, producing a bold script that harked back to the large lettering of Umayyad full-bookhands (e.g. items 7 and 10) and to the script of the Sigüenza bifolio. This may be explained by a slight delay in the assimilation of the latest Islamic trends into the relatively isolated Mozarab scriptoria of this later period.129 However, the parts of item 23 not copied by Vincentius were penned in a smaller and more cursive hand, probably by a subordinate and younger cleric who espoused the suppleness of more modern bookhands (Figure 3.19).130 The codex of the canons is divided into ten books, and in the colophon of the eighth book Vincentius complains to his patron, the bishop Abd al-Malik, that a cleric had copied its first three quires ‘in a coarse hand, defective in form and ungrammatical’.131 He then adds that he had to go to great lengths to correct these pages ‘in adjoined script, not justified [kha††an muallaqan ghayr manΩËm]’, namely by means of marginal glosses.132 The first quires of the eighth book were copied in the smaller and more cursive script mentioned above, and do bear some marginal corrections in Vincentius’s hand (although far less than what he implies in the colophon). Vincentius’s rant, then, suggests that the advent of more modern and cursive bookhands during the fifth/eleventh century may have been frowned upon by older or more conservative scribes, at least in Mozarab contexts.

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The conservative full bookhand of the priest Vincentius.

The more ‘modern’ bookhand of a subordinate amanuensis.

Figure 3.19  The two distinct hands of item 23. © Umberto Bongianino

Despite the close connection between MaghribÈ round scripts and the MaghribÈ pointed qalam, the full bookhands of items 32 and 41 betray the use of a writing implement with a transversely cut nib, more similar to a reed pen of the eastern type, in their titles and headings (Figure 3.20). Of all the surviving manuscripts from the †åifa period, these two are the most likely to have been copied by the same calligrapher, A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh, who signed the colophon of item 32 declaring himself ‘slave and devoted servant’ of the king of Badajoz. A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh was clearly a skilled penman who wished to give his work a MashriqÈ ‘flavour’ by accentuating the shading of his strokes, in homage to the eastern master scribes. A second manuscript signed by A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh – an undated portion of a commentary on the Mudawwana – is today in the QarawiyyÈn Library and, to judge from the honorifics and laudatory formulae in its colophon, it must have been commissioned by a very important scholar, whose name was later erased.133 This confirms the status of A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh as an eminent warråq employed by the great and the good of his time. That AndalusÈ calligraphers did sometimes employ reed pens cut according to the MashriqÈ fashion already in the fifth/eleventh century is also confirmed by a parchment fragment of the Mudawwana auctioned in 1991, bearing a collation note dated 497/1104, and presenting impressive chapter headings in a bold MaghribÈ script characterised by a marked contrast between thick and thin strokes (Figure 3.20).134 This practice continued and intensified during the following century.

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Item 32 – Title of the work.

Item 41 – Chapter heading.

Chapter heading from an undated Mudawwana fragment collated in 497/1104.

Figure 3.20  MaghribÈ round scripts traced with a qalam nibbed according to the MashriqÈ tradition. © Umberto Bongianino

In terms of the evolution and transformation of certain letter forms and graphemes in the bookhands of this period, the following features can be observed: ●

Final kåf increasingly traced as a long, curved downstroke ending in a bowl below the baseline, resembling final låm (kåf låmiyya). It often stretches below the following word’s first letter. This cursive trait is already present in the casual scripts of the previous century (items 2 and 5), and appears in full bookhands in the fifth/eleventh century for the first time. The typically MaghribÈ final kåf with a vertical stem curving at the bottom (kåf dåliyya) would gradually disappear from ordinary bookhands during the following century, to be retained solely in enhanced bookhands and Quranic calligraphy. 13

14

29

37

43

161

chapter three: fifth/eleventh century ●

Closed, circular initial and medial hå, introduced as a mannered feature in particularly fine bookhands.



40

32

33

51

37

41

The serrated profile of the baseline ligatures between bå, tå, thå, sÈn, shÈn, ayn, ghayn, få, qåf, låm, nËn and yå evolved into a more flattened one, and was maintained only in the more conservative full bookhands. The connecting ligatures between denticles became rounded. 22

30



49

43

41

The use of yå råjia (‘bent backwards’) in final or isolated position decreased towards the end of the century in favour of yå mu˙aqqaqa, with its fronted, curled tail (although never in fixed graphemes such as fÈ and abÈ). This happened especially in full bookhands. When present, the two dots are always found inside the bowl of yå, not below it. Yå råjia remained a characteristic of the more conservative bookhands. 29



49

43

A composed variant of the låm-alif ligature in final position, where the two letters are traced almost parallel to each other and linked at the bottom by the spur of the låm. This feature appeared at the end of the fifth/eleventh century and would become typical of fine bookhands from the following century. 32



32

22

20

2 27

23

40

The hyper-vocalised full bookhands of items 20 and 32 show a tendency to insert fat˙a and even shadda below the diacritic dots

47

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

of the letters tå, thå, dhål, Ωå, ∂åd, Ωå, qåf and nËn. In other words, fat˙a and shadda are positioned between these letters and their diacritic dot. This fastidious practice will become the norm in the enhanced bookhands and Quranic calligraphy of the sixth/ twelfth century. 32

20



A new punctuation mark was introduced in the mid-fifth/eleventh century, especially in scientific and secular manuscripts, consisting of three dots arranged in a triangle (items 31, 34, 35, 39, 42, 47–49). This new symbol indicates the end of sentences and short portions of texts. However, it must also be noted that in most religious manuscripts punctuation marks are only rarely employed, and the separation between sentences and paragraphs is emphasised through empty spaces, the use of elongations and words in bolder scripts (see, for instance, items 22, 23, 32, 36, 43). This seems to suggest that the copyists of religious works such as the Muwa††a and Mudawwana, but also Mozarab scribes such as Vincentius, considered punctuation signs as an unnecessary innovation and a superfluous addition to the text. 31

34

42

49

Rather surprisingly, the use of coloured inks to highlight chapter headings, paragraph titles and particularly important portions of text is still very limited in the AndalusÈ manuscripts of the †åifa period. In items 14 and 42 the scribes employed a bright red ink (and a qalam with a slightly thicker nib) to highlight respectively each entry in al-BukhårÈ’s dictionary of ˙adÈth transmitters, and the beginning of every section of AbË Ubayd’s lexicon. In item 37 – a copy of al-KhushånÈ’s dictionary of AndalusÈ religious scholars – the chapter headings corresponding to the letters of the Arabic alphabet are entirely written in red, as well as the vocalisation of each scholar’s name (Figure 3.21). The only other item featuring coloured inks (if we exclude the polychrome illumination of items 38 and 43) is the Mozarab collection of canon laws (item 23), where both vermilion red and verdigris green were used to emphasise rubrics and headings, as well as to draw diagrams and synoptic tables.

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Figure 3.21  Al-KhushånÈ, Akhbår al-fuqahå wa-l-mu˙addithÈn. Copied in 483/1190. Paper, 25 × 19 cm. Rabat, Royal Library, ms. 6916, f. 145a (item 37). © Bibliothèque Royale Óasaniyya

163

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Notes 1. For a general history of the †åifa period, see Wasserstein 1985; Clément 1997. 2. Al-MaqqarÈ 1968, I, 386. See also García Gómez 1947, 270. 3. Ía¯id al-Andalusi¯ 1912, 67. 4. On AbË Mu˙ammad al-ArawshÈ see PUA id. 5090. An AndalusÈ copy of the Almagest, undated but attributable to the Umayyad period on palaeographic and codicological grounds, is a fragmentary parchment manuscript divided between the QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 654, on which see al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 238, and the Khalili Collection, mss.375, on which see Maddison & Savage-Smith 1997, I, 176–177. 5. Stern 1961. 6. On the copyist of this manuscript, Ibn al-Íaffår al-TujÈbÈ, see PUA id. 8181. 7. PUA id. 11986; al-Marwa¯ni¯ 2010, 28–29, No. 5: ‘Kåna min abnå al-niam bi-Qur†uba alladhÈn salakhat-hum al-fitna min-hå, wa-u∂turra ilå al-taayyush bi-l-wiråqa’. AbË Sahl Ibn al-ÓarrånÈ is also mentioned in JaouharÈ 2018, 69, n. 72. 8. On the cultural milieu of the †åifa of Cordova, see Viguera 1992, 131–134. 9. PUA id. 10675; Marín 1994b, 544; Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 206. 10. Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 122, No. 427. 11. PUA id. 6326; Marin 1994b, 544. In an act of political condemnation, the works of Ibn Óazm were publicly burned in Seville by order of the king al-Muta∂id, sometime between 445/1053 and 456/1064: see Safran 2014, 154–155. 12. PUA id. 5211; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 282, No. 628: ‘Kåna yumsiku-hå fÈ sabånÈ al-sharb wa-ghayri-hå’. See also Marin 1994b, 544; García Sanjuán 2008. 13. Ibn Khallika¯n 1972, III, 342. 14. Marín 1994b, 545; Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 207. 15. PUA id. 11773; Ibn al-Faradi¯ 1891–1892, II, 64, No. 1612, quoted in ˙ Puerta 2007, 154. Other prolific warråqËn of fifth/eleventh-century Cordova were PUA id. 2676 and 9851. 16. PUA id. 2987; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 156, No. 347: ‘Yansakh min nahåri-hi nayyifan wa-ishrÈn waraqatan’. See also Marin 1994b, 548. 17. BNF, ms. arabe 4235: see Jaouhari 2018. Another Cordovan manuscript inscribed with the ownership note of IbråhÈm b. Óumåm b. A˙mad is the unique copy of the work al-Burßån wa-l-urjån (‘Lepers and cripples’) by al-Jå˙iz, today in Rabat, BNRM, ms. 87 Q. This paper codex is undated, but it was written in an accurate full bookhand of the late fourth/tenth or early fifth/eleventh century: see Jaouhari 2020. 18. Another fifth/eleventh-century parchment portion of al-QålÈ’s dictionary al-Båri fÈ al-lugha, unfortunately undated but penned in MaghribÈ round script, is in the BL, ms. Or. 9811: see Fulton 1933. This manuscript was copied for (and possibly by) the judge of Seville AbË al-Mu†arrif Ibn al-Ja˙˙åf al-MaåfirÈ (384/994–472/1079, PUA id. 4412). 19. Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 208. See also Ibn al-Qu¯ t. iyya 1926, 197 (Spanish translation: 170). The word khizåna is here translated by Ribera as ‘tienda de libros’.

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20. On the cultural milieu of the †åifa of Seville, see Lirola 2011; Viguera 1992, 135–142. 21. Al-Maqqariˉ 1968, IV, 96. 22. Lirola 2011, 301–302. 23. Soravia 1990; Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 211. 24. Soravia 1994, 293 ff. 25. On the cultural milieu of the †åifa of Toledo, see Viguera 1992, 53–57. 26. PUA id. 4527; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 323–324, No. 701 (here called Ibn al-Óa††år, probably a mistake); Marin 1994b, 548. 27. PUA id. 7617; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, II, 464, No. 1016. 28. PUA id. 2829; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 158–160, No. 351. These and other personages are mentioned in Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 212. 29. González 1926–1930, II, 1. 30. On the cultural milieu of the †åifa of Almería, see Gibert de Vallve 1970, 64–67; Viguera 1992, 95–101. 31. PUA id. 1094; al-Maqqari¯ 1968, III, 535. For other bibliophiles and warråqËn of Almería, see Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 210. 32. On this manuscript see also Chapter One, 63. 33. PUA id. 9076; Ibn al-Abbår 1887–1889, I, 234–235, No. 768: ‘Kåna […] baßÈran bi-l-khu†Ë† mumayyizan la-hå ˙usn al-kha†† mawßËfan bi-litqån wa-l-∂ab†’. 34. PUA id. 4866; Ibn al-Abbår 1887–1889, II, 456, No. 1311. On the cultural milieu of the †åifa of Zaragoza, see Beech 2008. 35. In Dénia, the emir Mujåhid al-ÅmirÈ al-Muwaffaq (r.  400/ 1010–436/1045) surrounded himself with famed scholars and established a palatine library, where the famous copyist Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh al-BushkulårÈ (PUA id. 9677, d. 456/1063) worked as librarian: see Cerqua Sarnelli 1964; Bruce 2013, passim. 36. PUA id. 3140; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 48, No. 159: ‘Kåna bimulåzamati-hi al-naskh wa-l-wiråqa’. See also Puerta 2007, 162. 37. Al-Îabbi¯ 1885, 330–331, No. 290. 38. On the cultural milieu of the †åifa of Granada, see Sarr 2018. 39. See Isaac Broydé’s article ‘Samuel ha-Nagid’ in JE, XI, 24–25. 40. Pearce 2017, 65. 41. Ibn Idha¯ri¯ 1983, III, 276: ‘Wujidat li-Ibn Naghzåla (sic) fÈ-må wujida la-hu khizånatan jalÈlatan min kutub ashtåt al-ulËm al-Islåmiyya wa-kåna la-hu warråqËn yansakhËn la-hu al-kutub bi-l-nafaqåt wal-murattabåt’. 42. On the cultural milieu of the †åifa of Murcia, see Viguera 1992, 91–94. 43. PUA id. 11100. Parts of item 54 were copied for his nephew, whose name was also AbË Imrån MËså. 44. See, for instance, PUA id. 10110 and 10442; Marin 1994b, 547. 45. Urvoy 1978, 81, pl. XXVI. 46. On Jumåhir b. Abd al-Ra˙mån, see PUA id. 2809. 47. PUA id. 11104; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, II, 553, No. 1224. See also Marín 1994b, 547. 48. Wasserstein 1985, 185–186. 49. See Chapter Two, 75. 50. Wasserstein 1985, 183. 51. Thus Pascual de Gayangos in Al-Maqqari¯ 1840–1843, I, Appendix, XLII; mentioned in Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 208.

165

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52. Al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, IV (VI), 105, No. 240. The scholar in question is Mu˙ammad b. IbråhÈm b. Abd al-Ra˙mån al-RuaynÈ al-MursÈ (PUA id. 7869). 53. Jaouhari 2015, 33–36. 54. Jaouhari 2015, 29. On the commercial links between Dénia and the eastern Mediterranean, see Travis 2010 and Travis 2013, 27–57. 55. PUA id. 5392; al-Bat.alyawsi¯ 1973, 67–105. See also Soravia 2004, Serrano 2002. The entries related to the kitåba included in the dictionary al-Mukhaßßaß, compiled by Ibn SÈda al-MursÈ (PUA id. 6384, d. 458/1065), are also based on the same MashriqÈ models: see Gacek 2004, 10, No. 30. 56. Puerta 2007, 222–226. As pointed out by Soravia 2004, 543, n. 14, Ibn al-SÈd’s lexicological description of the kåtib’s instruments also draws from another treatise by Ibn Qutayba, titled Kitåb ålåt al-kuttåb. 57. See Chapter One, 42–43. On the scarcity of references to al-Andalus in Ibn al-SÈd’s work, see Peña 1991. 58. For the Arabic text see Ibn Ba¯diˉs 1971; for an English translation see Ibn Ba¯di¯s 1962. The chapters on book-making are quoted and discussed in Bosch, Carswell & Petherbridge 1981, and Scheper 2015, 148–152; those on paper-making in Valls i Subirà 1978, 63–77; Bloom 2001, 85–86; Irigoin 1993, 278 ff.; those on ink-making in Zerdoun 1983, 127–135. A few chapters are translated into Spanish and discussed in al-Abbådi¯ 2005. 59. Bloom 2001, 86. 60. In Martin Levey’s translation of the text (Ibn Ba¯di¯s 1962, 14) the quill pen is mentioned, a writing implement not used in the Islamic East, but possibly employed in the Maghrib and al-Andalus (on the use of quills among Mozarab scribes and glossators see Chapter Two, 110, 115). This is, however, a translation mistake, due to the similarity between the term rÈsha or riyåsh (‘quill’) and riyåsÈ or riåsÈ, a type of script named after Fa∂l b. Sahl DhË-l-Riyåsatayn, secretary and vizier of the Abbasid caliph al-MamËn, which is what the Arabic text actually refers to: see Ibn Ba¯di¯s 1971, 73. 61. Also attributable to the fifth/eleventh century is Riyadh, SaËd al-Båb†ayn Charitable Centre for Heritage and Culture, ms. 47, a parchment fragment of an AndalusÈ commentary on the poems of an unknown author: see Qabs min makht. u¯ t. åt 2010, I, 94–95, No. 41. 62. To quote Bloom 2001, 87–88 (based on Valls i Subirà 1970, I, 5, and Bosch, Carswell & Petherbridge 1981, 27): ‘The first specific mention of a papermill [in al-Andalus] dates from 1056, when a certain AbË Masafya (or Mescufá) is reported as owning one “next to the old irrigation-channel” near the city of Shatiba […]. In 1095, nearly forty years after AbË Masafya’s mill at Shatiba is mentioned, his son Matumín fled Valencia to establish another papermill in Ruzafa. In 1085, the year in which Christian forces retook the city of Toledo, a “rag-paper mill” is mentioned there.’ As demonstrated by Augustí Ventura and admitted by Valls i Subirá himself, the story of Abu Mescufá and Matumín is entirely legendary and not based on textual evidence: see Ventura 1990, 126–127; Valls i Subirà 1978, 130–132. 63. Turki 1971. 64. Jahdani 2006, 275. 65. González, López & Espejo 2014; Espejo & Arias 2009, 110–117, 151; Espejo et al. 2008; Roger, Serghini & Déroche 2004.

chapter three: fifth/eleventh century

66. PUA id. 8929; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, II, 501, No. 1111. See also Marín 1994b, 548. 67. The four-volume catalogue of the QarawiyyÈn Library (al-Fa¯siˉ ­1979–1989) lacks detailed information on the content of numerous cases holding miscellaneous fragments of multi-volume works of Quranic exegesis and MålikÈ fiqh – such as mss 574, 791, 793, 794, 796–800, 912 – some of which may bear further dated colophons. 68. Al-Daddu¯ 2012. 69. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b100309218 (last accessed: June 2021). Blochet 1925, 137. See also Vajda 1958, pl. 41; Fimmod No. 14. 70. Al-Manu¯ni¯ 1999, I, 384; Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 293. The manuscript was stolen from the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya in the 1990s, as mentioned in Dali¯ l makht. u¯ t. åt 2001, II, 73. A complete microfilm was kindly provided by Abdelaziz Essaouri. 71. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, III, 79. 72. Moritz 1905, pl. 175 (although misdated to 421/1030). I have not been able to trace this manuscript in the catalogues of the Khedivial Library of Cairo, nor in any of the subsequent catalogues of the manuscripts in the DKW. 73. Ellis & Edwards 1912, 57. See also Lyall 1913. 74. Available at http://simurg.bibliotecas.csic.es/viewer/image/CSIC00​ 1227568/2 (last accessed: June 2021). Ribera y Tarragó & Asín 1912, 134–135, pl. 1. See also Van Koningsveld 1991, 819. 74. Sotheby’s 28/4/2004, lot 20. 76. Al-Alami¯ 2002, I, 473–474. 77. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, III, 168. See also Abu Haidar 1987; Aillet 2010, 202–205. 78. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 41–42. 79. Christie’s 24/4/2015, lot 248. 80. Available at http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000014499&page=1 (last accessed: June 2021). Guillén 1889, 38, No. LXXVIII. See also Derenbourg 1904, 16. Derenbourg hypothesised that the manuscripts could be an autograph, but it is likely that the author, who lived between Sicily and IfrÈqiya, would not have employed a MaghribÈ round script. Moreover, the manuscript was copied by two different individuals (the script on ff. 22b–24a, 30b–31a, 38a–39b, 43b–46a and 66b–73a is significantly rounder and more flowing than that on the remaining folios). 81. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 176–177. See also Jaouhari 2013, 21–22 (group 1, type E). 82. The manuscript was formerly in the Arif Hikmet Bey Library. 83. Lah . mar 2009, III, 570–571, Nos 853–854. See also Dali¯ l makht. u¯ t. åt 2001, II, 14, Nos 56–56m; al-Manu ˉ niˉ 1999, I, 409–410. 84. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 472. This specific fragment is not mentioned in al-FåsÈ’s catalogue. 85. Available at http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0004/bsb00047​ 640/images (last accessed: June 2021). Aumer 1866, 351–352. See also Das Buch im Orient 1982, 151, No. 84. 86. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b100313254 (last accessed: June 2021). Blochet 1925, 184; Vajda 1958, pl. 42; Fimmod No. 68; Andalousies 2000, 159. 87. Vajda 1963, 62–63.

167

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88. Al-Mura¯bit.i¯ 2001–2002, 283; Majmuˉ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 80. See also Jaouhari 2013, 22 (group 1, type F). For a recent study of KhalÈfa b. Khayy冒s work, and this manuscript in particular, see Andersson 2018. 89. Hamada 1994, 40 (with several mistakes). See also Chabbouh 1989, 44, No. 117. 90. Lah ˉ niˉ 1985, 33. The manu. mar 2013, I, 81, No. 2. See also al-Manu script is undated, but it was collated in Cordova in Íafar 483/1090 by the same copyist who transcribed the main text, probably within a few days or weeks (collation notes and hearing certificates are on ff. 42a and 72a). 91. Ina¯n, Lamdabar & ÓanshÈ 2000, II, 27–28; Muntakhaba¯ t 1978, 136; al-Khushani¯ 1992, XLI–XLII. 92. Al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, II, 695–696. 93. Available at http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000252132&page=1 (last accessed: June 2021). Guillén 1889, 65–66, No. CXXXI. Guillén read ‘JålÈnËs’ instead of ‘BalÈnËs’ and misattributed this work to Galen. Moreover, he thought this to be a fifteenth-century manuscript on the basis of the kind of paper employed, despite the date mentioned in the colophon. Derenbourg questioned Guillén’s dating: ‘D’après mes notes, le manuscrit serait vraiment de 485 (1092)’: Derenbourg 1904, 21. See also Stern 1961; Van Koningsveld 1992, 101, No. 78. 94. Moritz 1905, pl. 176. It is unclear whether Da¯ r al-Kutub 1989, 94 actually refers to this manuscript. 95. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 414–415. 96. Available at https://collections.library.yale.edu/catalog/16745084 (last accessed: June 2021). Nemoy 1956, 32, No. 145. 97. Sotheby’s 23/10/1992, lot 143; Sotheby’s 22/10/1993, lot 586. 98. Available at https://archive.org/details/almaktutat_gmail_201903 (last accessed: June 2021). 99. Defter 1306/1888–9, 11. 100. Allouche & Regragui 1954, I, 67, No. 765. For a facsimile of the first extant volume of this manuscript (i.e. the second of al-BukhårÈ’s work) see Lévi-Provençal 1928. See also Van Koningsveld 1977, 27; Al-Manu ˉ niˉ 1999, I, 102 ff.; Jaouhari 2013, 23 (group 2, type A). 101. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 110. 102. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 2–3. 103. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 110. Other fragments of this work copied by the very same scribe are kept under the shelf marks 799/1 (dated 496 and 497), 796/3/7-8-9, and 796/4/2: see al-Fa¯siˉ 1979–1989, II, 460. Three portions of this manuscript are in Riyadh, King Abdulaziz Public Library, mss 4465, 4488, 4491. 104. Karatay 1962, III, 753, No. 7053. For a facsimile of this manuscript, see Ibn Åsim 1985. 105. Al-Alba¯ni¯ 2001, 402. The shelf mark is here given as 1079, but other publications give 1579. An alternative, earlier shelf mark of this manuscript is 41 lugha. 106. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 95–110. 107. Originally purchased at auction: see Christie’s 11/10/2005, lot 32. 108. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 103, 109, 442–447, 456–457; see also Murányi 1999, 142, 155–157. Other portions of the same manuscript are in Rabat, BNRM, ms. 343 K; and Cairo, al-Azhar Library, ms. 1743 fiqh MålikÈ, juz IX: see al-Maktaba al-Azhariyya 1945–1978, II, 405. The

chapter three: fifth/eleventh century

only signed and dated colophon is found at the end of the Kitåb alsalam al-thånÈ (‘Second Book of Forward Buying’), currently held in a private library in Aït R’zine (Algeria). I wish to thank Djamel-Eddine Mechehed for kindly providing me with some images of this portion of the manuscript. 109. Mentioned in a list of microfilms prepared by the Süleymaniye Library. This manuscript originally belonged to the Municipal Library of Alexandria, but it does not appear in any of its published catalogues. I have so far been unable to locate it and verify its date. 110. Mentioned in Manuscrits anciens de Tombouctou 2006, 13, and Haïdara 2011, 248, as dated 476/1056 (sic). However, this manuscript does not appear in Ayman Fuåd Sayyid’s four-volume catalogue of the Mamma Haïdara Library. I have so far been unable to locate it and verify its date. 111. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 470. I have so far been unable to locate this manuscript and verify its date. According to al-FåsÈ’s catalogue, it is made of mixed quires of parchment and paper. It is possible, however, that this manuscript is simply another portion of item 47. 112. Ben Larbi 1994, 272, No. 977 (here catalogued as an unidentified work of MålikÈ fiqh). This manuscript is undated. The last folio (p. 271), written in a different hand, bears a collation note dated Mu˙arram 500/1106. 113. Sotheby’s 28/4/2004, lot 20. 114. Van Koningsveld 1994, 444; Abu Haidar 1987, 226. 115. PUA id. 10254. 116. PUA id. 2937. 117. PUA id. 5854. 118. Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 358–359, No. 773. 119. See here, 128. 120. Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 161, No. 566. 121. Sotheby’s 28/4/2004, lot 20. Unfortunately, the catalogue does not mention the number of folios forming the different quires. 122. Déroche 2005, 81–82. A famous Christian manuscript featuring mixed quires of parchment and paper is the bilingual Leiden Glossary, datable to the year 1193 ce (Leiden University Library, Cod. Or. 231, on which see Van Koningsveld 1977, 22–25). On similar Hebrew manuscripts from the Iberian Peninsula, see Beit-Arié 1981, 37–39. 123. Schacht 1967, 236, No. 9. 124. Valls i Subirà 1970, I, 8–9. 125. Estève 2015, 256. 126. Estève 2001b. Despite Valls i Subirà’s suggestion, the use of ‘meshes of hempen threads previously boiled in oil’ and even horsehair seems highly unlikely. For a general discussion of Valls i Subirà’s misunderstandings concerning AndalusÈ paper, see Estève 2015. 127. Aillet 2010, 203. 128. For the reasons mentioned above, 138, the script of item 46 will not be taken into consideration here. 129. The parts of the manuscript copied by Vincentius are: ff. 229a–280b, 378b–433b. 130. A number of Arabic glosses in Latin-Visigothic manuscripts are datable to the fifth/eleventh century: some are found in the Bible of Seville (BNE, ms. Vit. 13.1), a codex donated to the cathedral of Seville in 988 ce; others are in the so-called Codex Visigothicus Legionensis

169

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

(León, Library of the Collegiate of S. Isidoro, ms. 2), another Bible copied in Valeránica in 960 ce: see Aillet 2014, 192, fig. 13; Aillet 2010, 164–165. José María Casciaro Ramírez, writing about the 353 Arabic glosses of the Bible of León, remarks that ‘el instrumento con que han sido escritas – a excepción de las de los folios 190 y 305 – no parece que haya sido la pluma de ave, como era costumbre entre los cristianos, sino la caña, habitual en la scriptura arábica medieval’: see Casciaro 1970, 305. 131. RBE, ms. árabe 1623, f. 394b: ‘kataba lÈ a˙ad al-qissÈsÈn min al-juz al-thåmin al-thal‹å›th karårÈs al-Ëlå kha††an khashinan nåqiß al-hijå mal˙Ën‹an›’. 132. ‘In a cursive script’ (!) according to Van Konongsveld 1994, 444. 133. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 368; al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 360–362. See also Chapter Four, 235, n. 324). 134. Christie’s 8/10/1991, lot 108. This fragment was collated in Ceuta, in the presence of the judge Ibn al-Daqqåq al-TamÈmÈ (d. 503/1110, PUA id. 10198), in his mosque.

CHAPTER FOUR

Maghribıˉ Round Scripts in the Sixth/Twelfth Century

Book culture and production in Almoravid and Almohad Iberia Starting from 483/1090, the gradual Almoravid conquest led by YËsuf b. TåshifÈn resulted in major political changes for al-Andalus.1 The ruler was again one, boasting the pseudo-caliphal title of amÈr al-muslimÈn (‘commander of the Muslims’), and under his authority all the Muslim territories of the peninsula were eventually reunited. However, as Berber leaders with their capital in Marrakesh, the Almoravid emirs were only occasionally present on AndalusÈ soil, to receive the allegiance of the local administrators and wage jihåd against the armies of the Christian kings in the North. This meant that the new political centralisation was not matched by a cultural one, and different Iberian cities continued to act and rival each other as thriving intellectual and artistic centres. From the former capitals of the †åifa kingdoms, now run by military governors drawn from the Almoravid clan, came the vast majority of the viziers, chief judges, imams and court functionaries appointed by the new rulers, and in particular their chancery secretaries, who were selected from among the same urban elites favoured by the previous kings.2 The important intellectual centre of Zaragoza was lost to the Christians in 512/1118, only eight years after AlÈ b. YËsuf had seized it from the emirs of the BanË HËd.3 On the other hand, Seville, Cordova, Valencia, Granada and Almería continued to represent the main cultural poles of Almoravid Iberia, as suggested among other things by the number of scholars mentioned in Ibn al-Abbår’s Takmila who died in these cities between 540/1145 and 599/1203, or who visited them during the first half of the sixth/twelfth century.4 This continuity also embraces the period of the so-called ‘second †åifa kingdoms’ and of the Almohad takeover of al-Andalus in the second half of the century, with the sole exception of Almería, which entered a phase of decline after its capture and occupation by the

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

troops of Alfonso VII between 542/1147–552/1157 and only seems to have flourished again during the seventh/thirteenth century. Under the Almohad caliphs, also of Berber origin and also ruling from Marrakesh, the cities of al-Andalus continued to prosper as centres for learning and manuscript production. Foremost among them was Seville, chosen as the new Iberian capital by the caliph AbË YaqËb in 558/1163, which retained its supremacy until the Castilian capture of 646/1248. Of great importance in this period were also Valencia (seized by the Aragonese in 636/1238), Cordova (lost to the Castilians in 633/1236) and the two insular centres of Majorca and Menorca (conquered, again by the Aragonese, between 626/1229 and 628/1231). Cordova, Seville and Western Iberia The activity of AndalusÈ bibliophiles, librarians and copyists in the sixth/twelfth century is better documented than that of earlier ones, mainly due to the first-hand information contained in the biographical dictionaries of Ibn Bashkuwål (d. 578/1183) and Ibn alAbbår (d. 658/1260), whose lifetimes roughly spanned the Almoravid and Almohad periods respectively. It is thanks to their work if we know that in post-Abbadid Cordova learned men continued to assemble vast libraries – such as the vizier Ibn Mukhtår al-QaysÈ (d. 535/1140)5 – while others transcribed or purchased great quantities of books – such as Ibn Awn al-MaåfirÈ (d. 512/1119)6 – sometimes importing them from the Mashriq at very high prices. Under the Almoravids, the city on the Guadalquivir was home to prominent men of letters and political figures, such as AbË Abd Allåh Ibn AbÈ al-Khißål (d. 540/1146), the personal secretary of AlÈ b. YËsuf b. TåshifÈn.7 Writing about Ibn AbÈ al-Khißål’s pupil Abd al-AzÈz Ibn Shaddåd al-MaåfirÈ (d. circa 560/1164), Ibn al-Abbår says that he had learned to imitate his teacher’s calligraphy very closely, an interesting reference to the transmission of scribal models from the court circles to the city’s scholarly milieu.8 Another scholar who took Ibn AbÈ al-Khißål’s penmanship as a model was the judge AbË al-Abbås Ibn Hudhayl al-AnßårÈ (d. 559/1163), who ‘followed his teacher’s method and emulated him well’.9 Several manuscripts have survived from Almoravid Cordova: two early ones have already been discussed in Chapter Three (items 49 and 51), as they were copied in 496/1103 and 499/1106 respectively. A third Cordovan manuscript on parchment (item 69) contains a portion of al-BukhårÈs Ía˙È˙ transcribed by Abd Allåh Ibn YarbË (444/1052–522/1128), a scholar of ˙adÈth and fiqh originally from Seville. A lavishly illuminated Qurån (Q8) also mentions Almoravid Cordova as its place of production, and a second one (Q6) can be tentatively attributed to the same context, considering the striking similarities between the calligraphy and illumination of the two

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

173

codices (on which see Chapter Five). As for the Almohad period, two Cordovan manuscripts stand out for their historical importance – and, this time, they were both written on paper.10 The first one is the earliest dated copy of Ibn Bashkuwål’s biographical dictionary al-Íila (item 128), transcribed from the author’s original (‘min aßl al-muallif’) by a certain A˙mad b. AlÈ, probably a professional penman (Figure 4.1). The second is a complete, fine manuscript of the medical treatise Kulliyåt fÈ al-†ibb (‘Generalities of Medicine’) by Averroes (item 165), copied by a disciple of the Cordovan polymath and collated with the author’s autograph while he was still alive. A third paper manuscript, consisting of two sections of al-BukhårÈs Ía˙È˙ (item 113), was copied in the small town of Priego de Córdoba (‘bi-madÈnat Båghuh’) by a local scholar, AlÈ Ibn ÓazmËn al-KalbÈ, after returning to al-Andalus from his travel to the Mashriq.11 Ibn Abd al-Malik al-MarråkushÈ reports to have seen a book written by Ibn ÓazmËn in Mecca, in 530/1136, and praises him as a skilled and meticulous penman.12 During a discussion with the Sevillian physician Avenzoar (Ibn Zuhr) about which Iberian city was the most cultured, the Cordovan Averroes (Ibn Rushd al-ÓafÈd) famously quipped: ‘If a scholar dies

Figure 4.1  Ibn Bashkuwål, Al-Íila. Copied in 560/1156 in Cordova, by A˙mad b. AlÈ. Paper, 26 × 19 cm. Istanbul, Millet Library, ms. Feyzullah Efendi 1471, ff. 129b–130a (item 128). © Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Ba∞kanlı©ı

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

in Seville, his books are taken to Cordova, but if a musician dies in Cordova, his instruments are taken to Seville’.13 This much-quoted anecdote highlights the cultural proximity, and indeed interconnection, between the two AndalusÈ capitals and their inhabitants. Just as in Umayyad Cordova, there was in Almohad Seville a booksellers’ district, where Ibn al-Abbår reportedly met the renowned ˙adÈth transmitter Ibn KhalfËn in 626/1229.14 An eminent Sevillian scholar and prolific copyist in this period was AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad Ibn Khayr (502/1109–575/1179).15 Just like Ibn A†iyya (on whom see the Introduction), Ibn Khayr was the author of an important bibliographical treatise that listed all the religious and secular works he studied and transmitted in his lifetime. His father Khayr had been himself a traditionist of some renown, as demonstrated by the fortuitous survival of a volume of al-BukhårÈs Ía˙È˙ copied by him for his son (item 107), when the latter was thirty years old. From his father, Mu˙ammad learnt the art of calligraphy and transcribed books that were ‘extremely precise and accurate [fÈ ghåyat al-ßi˙˙a wa-l-itqån]’, due to the long time he spent ‘correcting them and annotating them in his beautiful hand’.16 An undated copy of Ibn Qutayba’s Adab alkuttåb penned by Ibn Khayr in his youth has survived in the Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, and bears witness to his penmanship and scholarly rigour.17 A second important manuscript – item 145, containing the whole of Muslim’s Ía˙È˙ – can be associated with Ibn Khayr: although he did not copy it, he wrote its colophon and left on it a long collation and transmission note in 574/1178, one year before dying in Cordova (Figure 4.2). His calligraphy seems to have been regarded as a model by Sevillian scholars such as Ibn al-MuwåÈnÈ (d. 564/1168), the secretary of the Almohad prince AbË Óafß Umar b. Abd al-Mumin, who ‘initially followed the manner [maslak] of the skilful Ibn Khayr, but then left it for an even finer and more splendid style’.18 Several sources inform us that Ibn Khayr’s body was taken to Seville and buried there, and that after his demise his private library sold extremely well, due to its prestige.19 The poet and medical practitioner AbË al-Óakam Ibn Ghalinduh, born to a family of refugees from Zaragoza, also worked in Seville as a copyist before moving to Marrakesh and dying there in 581/1185–6.20 According to Ibn AbÈ Ußaybia’s biographical dictionary of physicians (completed before 668/1270) AbË al-Óakam ‘possessed many books and mastered both AndalusÈ scripts [Kåna […] ßå˙ib kutub kathÈra wa-yaktub kha††ayn Andalusiyyayn]’, probably meaning the eastern and the western AndalusÈ scripts, given his Zaragozan origin.21 The Sevillian lexicographer AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad Ibn al-MurkhÈ (d. 615/1218), secretary to the Almohad caliph AbË YaqËb YËsuf and then to his son AbË Ya˙yå, is praised by al-MarråkushÈ for his beautiful handwriting.22 Ibn al-MurkhÈ’s penmanship can be appreciated in item 137, his personal copy of a work of Arab genealogy by Ibn Óazm, which the secretary transcribed in 567/1171, possibly in Seville

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Figure 4.2  Muslim b. al-Óajjåj, Al-Musnad al-ßa˙È˙. Copied in 573/1178, possiby in Cordova, by AbË al-Qåsim Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Abd Allåh Ibn Ufayr al-UmawÈ al-LablÈ, then corrected and collated by Ibn Khayr al-IshbÈlÈ. Paper, 25 × 19 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 148, p. 277 (item 145). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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Figure 4.3  Ibn Óazm, Jamharat ansåb al-Arab. Copied in 567/1171 by Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Malik b. Abd al-AzÈz al-LakhmÈ, possibly in Seville. Paper, 25 × 17.5 cm. Muscat, Sheikh Ahmed bin Hamed Al Khalili Library, ms. 61, f. 1a (item 137). © Sultanate of Oman, Ministry of Endowment and Religious Affairs

(Figure 4.3). In the same years, the preacher of the old Umayyad mosque of the city Abd al-Ra˙mån Ibn Óajjåj al-LakhmÈ (d. 601/1204) received as a private donation the library of the local scholar AbË Marwån al-BåjÈ: as opposed to a public sale, this was how the integrity of a book collection could be ensured after its owner’s death.23 Despite the puzzling dearth of extant manuscripts safely attributable to Almoravid Seville, an important source referring to parchment- and paper-making in this period is Ibn AbdËn’s Risåla fÈ al-qa∂å wa-l-mu˙tasib (‘Handbook for Market Inspectors’), which offers valuable insight into the crafts and social life of the city at the outset of the sixth/twelfth century.24 The jurist Ibn AbdËn, appointed market inspector by the Almoravid governor of Seville, complains that tanners and parchment-makers (‘raqqåqËn’) should not occupy with their hides the streets leading to the cemeteries of the city; that paper-makers should slightly increase the size and burnish of their paper sheets (‘yuzåd fÈ qålab al-kåghid wa-fÈ

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­dalki-hi qalÈlan’); and that only well-scraped parchment (‘raqq mabshËr’) coming from healthy sheep should be put on sale.25 Though there is no direct mention of it in its colophon, a manuscript of the Kitåb SÈbawayh dated 562/1166–7 is thought to have been copied in Almohad Seville, on the basis of its line of transmission and the biography of its copyist, the local grammarian Ibn KharËf al-Duraydanuh (item 132).26 Its mixed quires of fine vellum and cream-coloured paper, with light zigzag marks visible on both supports, attest to the contiguity of parchment- and paper-making techniques in this period. The only manuscript in the corpus naming Almohad Seville as its place of production is item 166, a fair paper copy of al-ZubaydÈ’s dictionary Mukhtaßar al-Ayn, which demonstrates the unbroken transmission of the work of the Umayyad lexicographer within the scholarly circles of his home town. Three Quranic manuscripts penned and illuminated in Seville are known from the second quarter of the seventh/thirteenth century, two on parchment and one on paper, but they will not be discussed in this book for chronological reasons.27 Also, the most remarkable illustrated manuscript to have survived from the medieval Maghrib, the anonymous ÓadÈth Bayå∂ wa-Riyå∂ (‘Love Story of Bayå∂ and Riyå∂’), although undated and lacking a colophon, has been tentatively attributed by some scholars to an atelier active during the last decades of Almohad rule in Seville.28 The importance of Ibn AbdËn’s Risåla for appreciating the trades and crafts of Almoravid Seville finds a close parallel in al-Saqa†È’s ˙isba treatise on Almohad Malaga, a valuable historical source that nonetheless does not record any parchment- or paper-makers active in the coastal city.29 A Malagan scholar from this period, AbË al-Qåsim al-SuhaylÈ, was the author of a seminal commentary on Ibn Hishåm’s biography of the prophet Mu˙ammad, titled al-Raw∂ al-unuf (‘Untrodden Meadows’).30 The earliest extant manuscript of this work (item 153) may have conceivably been copied in Malaga, since it was collated with the author’s original two years before he moved to Marrakesh in 579/1183. In the absence of other dated manuscripts ascribable to sixth/twelfth-century Malaga, the available information on the city’s cultural milieu is limited to textual sources mentioning the pursuits of local bibliophiles. A case in point is the biography of the historian and warråq Ibn Mudrik al-GhassånÈ, who sent out a ship loaded with grain to ‘one of the territories of the Christians’ which was suffering from a severe famine, in exchange for manuscripts. The ship returned to Malaga with ‘various precious [Arabic?] books, which many of his contemporaries had been unable to obtain’.31 Similarly to Malaga, the manuscript culture of pre-Nasrid Granada can be reconstructed only patchily, thanks to a handful of biographical sources – especially Ibn al-Kha†Èb’s I˙å†a fÈ akhbår Gharnå†a (‘Thorough Knowledge of the History of Granada’, mid-eighth/

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fourteenth century) – that mention local scholars who were also bibliophiles and copyists. Among them stands out Ibn Såra (or Íåra) al-ShantarÈnÈ (d. 519/1125), a poet from Santarém who took up residence first in Seville and then in Granada, where he lived for some time copying books (‘taayyasha bi-l-wiråqa zamånan’) in a beautiful and accurate script.32 In one of his poems, Ibn Såra offers a vivid sketch of the thankless craft of wiråqa: As for bookmaking, it is a jungle of a trade, whose branches and fruits are deprivation. He who plies it is like a tailor handling a needle that clothes the naked, while his own back is naked.33 The Granadan faqÈh and physician Abd al-Ra˙mån b. AlÈ alNumayrÈ (d. circa 520/1126) is also remembered by Ibn al-Abbår as one the most accomplished calligraphers and warråqËn of his time, a skill that he allegedly passed on to his son.34 Several extant manuscripts written in Almoravid and Almohad Granada complement the information drawn from biographical dictionaries (items 100, 109, 121, 183) and acquaint us with the names of three otherwise unknown scholars: Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad al-KhazrajÈ al-ShilbÈ (from Silves, a town in the Portuguese Algarve, who copied item 100), Ibn Zurqål al-AnßårÈ al-ShåmÈ (the copyist of item 183) and Hishåm b. Sad b. Khalaf al-GhassånÈ, who signed the colophon of item 121. This parchment codex – a luxury copy of Målik’s Muwa††a penned in a masterly enhanced bookhand – was produced in the Great Mosque of Granada during the final years of Almoravid rule, between DhË al-Óijja 542 and Mu˙arram 543 (April–May 1148), and is undoubtedly one of the most impressive manuscripts to have survived from sixth/twelfth-century al-Andalus (Figure 4.4). Its margins are replete with annotations and additions to the ˙adÈth of the Muwa††a, carefully arranged in horizontal, vertical and zigzagging lines, and linked to the main text by a set of symbols penned in bright red ink (the so-called signes-de-renvoi). Although incomplete, item 121 demonstrates the important role of congregational mosques as the main centres of juridical teaching and learning in this period, and may also suggest the existence of mosque scriptoria where master calligraphers such as Hishåm al-GhassånÈ produced lavish copies of certain religious works for the mosques’ libraries.35 A Quranic reader and preacher at the Great Mosque of Granada, AbË Jafar A˙mad Ibn al-Bådhish (d. 542/1147), transcribed in Rama∂ån 520/1126 a work of Quranic recitation into a small paper codex (item 79), probably in the city where he spent most of his life, specifying in the colophon that the book was completed in only ten days and a few hours. Almería, the principal Mediterranean port of al-Andalus, knew a period of intense cultural and artistic activity under the Almoravids, attracting numerous intellectuals including Ibn Såra himself, who

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spent there the last years of his life.36 AbË al-Abbås Ibn al-Íaqr al-AnßårÈ (492/1098–569/1173), who became known as ‘the most skilled and refined calligrapher of his time [atqan ahl aßri-hi kha††an wa-ajallu-hum manzaan]’, was born and bred in Almería, before he began travelling around Iberia and the Maghrib as an itinerant scholar. Ibn al-Íaqr came from a family of book traders, was appointed chief judge in Cordova and Seville, and finally moved to Marrakesh where he worked in the library (‘al-khizåna al-ilmiyya’) of the Almohad caliph AbË YaqËb until his own death.37 Among the renowned bibliophiles of Almoravid Almería were the influential judge Abd al-Óaqq Ibn A†iyya (d. 541/1147) and the Berber notable MaymËn b. YåsÈn al-ÍanhåjÈ al-LamtËnÈ (d. 530/1136), a scholar of ˙adÈ˙ who travelled to Mecca in order to study under some local traditionists.38 Ibn al-Abbår informs us that, while in Mecca, MaymËn purchased for an exorbitant price the master copy of al-BukhårÈs Ía˙È˙ that had belonged to AbË Dharr al-HarawÈ (d. 434/1043), a ˙adÈ˙ transmitter particularly popular among the Andalusis, and brought the precious manuscript to Seville, where he took up residence after his eastern journey.39 Another traditionist from Almería, a certain Naßr al-Warråq, appears to have also worked as a professional copyist and bookseller.40 From the Almoravid heyday of the city there survives a unique miniature Qurån (Q5) written on paper, the work of A˙mad b. Ghalinduh, possibly a relative of the above-mentioned physician and calligrapher AbË al-Óakam Ibn Ghalinduh. A second important manuscript from this period is the original of Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa (item 104), already discussed in the Introduction. After the devastating Crusader interlude and the liberation of the city by the Almohads in 552/1157, a multi-volume manuscript of al-BukhårÈs Ía˙È˙ (item 141), extensively annotated, attests to some degree of recovery in the city’s intellectual life, although the quality of its parchment and calligraphy is nowhere close to that of item 104. Valencia and Eastern Iberia It was during the sixth/twelfth century that the centres of eastern alAndalus (Sharq al-Andalus) equalled – and in some cases even surpassed – their western counterparts: cities like Murcia, Elche, Dénia, Xàtiva and Alzira were all home in this period to wealthy intellectuals and famed calligraphers.41 The Denian faqÈh Ibn Ghulåm al-Faras (d. 547/1152), for instance, is praised by Ibn al-Abbår for his beautiful handwriting and his ability in compiling and binding books (‘kåna […] ˙asan al-kha††, anÈq al-wiråqa’).42 He performed the ˙ajj and travelled across the Mashriq between 527/1133 and 530/1136, and while in Alexandria he transcribed an Eastern work on the different readings of the Qurån (item 95), signing it with the nisba ‘al-AndalusÈ’.43 From Elche came the traditionist Sulaymån Ibn FurtubÈb al-IlshÈ who, while in his home town, copied item 197 and

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Figure 4.4  Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a. Copied in 542/1148 in the Great Mosque of Granada, by Hishåm b. Sad b. Khalaf al-GhassånÈ. Parchment, 30 × 23 cm. Doha, Museum of Islamic Art, MS.320.1999, ff. 13b–14a (item 121). © The Museum of Islamic Art, Doha

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possibly also item 182 (here the place of copying is not indicated).44 These two meticulously written and richly annotated codices contain respectively the ˙adÈth collections of AbË Ïså al-TirmidhÈ and AbË DåwËd al-SijistånÈ. Their colophons and collation notes demonstrate that Ibn FurtubÈb had access to authoritative manuscripts that had belonged to famous AndalusÈ transmitters, including Ibn Sukara al-ÍadafÈ (d. 512/1120).45 In the colophon of item 197, Ibn FurtubÈb specifies that he ‘completed the copying of this book in the mosque of his grandfather, where he used to lead the prayer’.46 A very different kind of manuscript has survived from Almoravid Xàtiva (item 68): made of pink-dyed paper folios, it contains an AndalusÈ commentary on the poems of AbË Tammåm (third/ninth century) authored by the grammarian and philologist AbË al-Óajjåj al-Alam al-ShantamarÈ (410/1019–476/1083). It was, however, Valencia that became in the sixth/twelfth century the undisputed capital of the Iberian east coast, thanks to the inflow of Muslim refugees from Zaragoza, Calatayud and Tortosa (conquered by the Aragonese in 542/1148), who significantly increased its population and boosted its economy. From Zaragoza, for instance, came the family of the book merchant and scholar AbË Zayd Ibn al-Íaqr (d. 523/1129), the father of the already mentioned AbË al-Abbås Ibn al-Íaqr al-AnßårÈ.47 Ibn Ma†rË˙ al-TujÈbÈ (d. 606/1209), who earned a living as a warråq,48 and Ibn AbÈ al-Baqå (d. 610/1213), a penniless grammarian who copied and sold books to make ends meet,49 were other Valencian personalities of Zaragozan origin. Ibn SÈdråy alKilåbÈ (d. 548/1153) had to leave his home town Calatayud, where his father had worked as a bookseller, ‘when the enemy conquered it’ in 514/1120, and later established his own bookshop (‘dukkån’) in the city of the Cid.50 Many are the local bibliophiles, copyists and booksellers recorded by the biographical dictionaries, but not much survives of the manuscripts they transcribed and collected during the sixth/twelfth century.51 Nevertheless, Valencia is by far the most represented place of copying among those mentioned in the extant colophons. What was probably the most important circle of scholars in the fields of Arabic language, lexicography and adab in Almoravid Iberia revolved around Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ (444/1052–521/1127), who settled in Valencia during the last years of his life. Five surviving manuscripts can be attributed to Valencian pupils of Ibn al-SÈd, on the basis of the information contained in their colophons. The earliest one is an undated parchment copy of Ibn al-SikkÈt’s AlfåΩ (‘On Dialects’), read and collated in 511/1117 in the presence of Ibn al-SÈd ‘at his house in Valencia’.52 The second (item 67) is a paper codex containing al-Mubarrad’s classical anthology of literary prose and poetry, accompanied by his grammatical and philological commentary, titled al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha (‘The Complete on Language’), transcribed by the Almerian scholar AbË al-Haßan Ibn al-Nima (491/1098–567/1172) after he had moved to Valencia with his father.53 Next to the final

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colophon, Ibn al-Nima noted that he finished reading the whole book before Ibn al-SÈd four months after transcribing it, in Íafar 513/ June 1119, and that he collated it with the master’s prestigious exemplar (‘al-aßl al-muntaqå’). The third manuscript associated with Ibn al-SÈd is a neat paper copy of his own commentary on Ibn Qutayba’s Adab al-kuttåb (item 71), produced during his lifetime and possibly under his supervision (Figure 4.5). The fourth manuscript (item 73), also on paper, contains Ibn al-SÈd’s lexicographical treatise al-Farq bayn al-˙urËf al-khamsa (‘On the Difference between the Letters Ûå, Îåd, Dhål, Íåd and SÈn’), and was transcribed in Valencia by A˙mad b. Uthmån b. HårËn al-LakhmÈ.54 The title page (f. 1a) bears a note of ijåza written by Ibn al-SÈd himself for his pupil, certifying that the book was read before him three months after its completion, in DhË al-Qada 515/January 1122. The fifth and final manuscript is an illuminated copy of al-ZubaydÈ’s dictionary Mukhtaßar al-Ayn (item 76), written on fine parchment by a skilled penman, who added in the margins numerous glosses arranged in horizontal, vertical and zigzagging lines (Figure 4.6). According to its colophon, the codex was transcribed from Ibn al-SÈd’s personal copy, which in turn had been copied directly from the lost original of al-Óakam II’s library, annotated by al-ZubaydÈ himself:

Figure 4.5  Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ, Al-Iqti∂åb fÈ shar˙ Adab al-kuttåb. Copied in 515/1121, possibly in Valencia. Paper, 25.6 × 17.5 cm. RBE, ms. árabe 503, ff. 40b–41a (item 71). © Patrimonio Nacional

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Figure 4.6  AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ, Mukhtaßar Kitåb al-ayn, beginning of the letter shÈn. Copied and illuminated in 518/1124, probably in Valencia. Parchment, 24 × 16.5 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1238, p. 235 (item 76). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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End of the Mukhtaßar al-Ayn, taken from the extended version, authored by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. Óasan al-ZubaydÈ, God rest his soul. This occurred on the third of Mu˙arram of the year 518 [21 February 1124], may God bless [the prophet] Mu˙ammad and his pure family, and give him perfect peace. At the end of the manuscript of the venerable master AbË Mu˙ammad al-Ba†alyawsÈ, against which I have collated this copy of mine, I have found written: ‘Collated against the Book of al-Óakam [II], God rest his soul, which was collated by al-ZubaydÈ himself, and contained corrections in his handwriting’.55 High-quality parchment and outstanding penmanship seem to have been the hallmarks of Valencian book culture, as suggested by two extant religious manuscripts: item 85, a multi-volume Mudawwana copied by a certain Abd al-JalÈl b. A˙mad b. Abd Allåh al-AnßårÈ, clearly a skilled warråq, in a refined, though slightly conservative full bookhand (Figure 4.7); and item 138, a richly illuminated collection of ˙adÈth – al-Qu∂åÈ’s Shihåb (‘Blazing Star’) – penned by an anonymous master in a large calligraphic script, with lavish use of chrysography for chapter headings (Figure 4.8). As argued in Chapter Five,

Figure 4.7  Sa˙nËn, Al-Mudawwana. Copied in 524/1129–30 in Valencia, by Abd al-JalÈl b. A˙mad b. Abd Allåh b. Sallåm al-AnßårÈ. Parchment, 26 × 18.5. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 2023, ff. 32a–33b (item 85). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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the bold calligraphy of item 138 can be defined as mabsˆ (‘dilated’, ‘expanded’), a term generally applied to later Quranic calligraphy, but equally suitable to describe some earlier scripts (e.g. that of Q1 and Q4).56 The rich illumination of non-Quanic manuscripts such as item 76 and 138 mirrors the aesthetic features of eight Valencian Quråns (Q9–13, Q16, Q23–24) produced between the second †åifa of Ibn MardanÈsh (r. 542/1147–567/1172) and the first decades of Almohad rule, which will be discussed in Chapter Five. Finally, a word should be spent on Majorca, from where a branch of the Almoravid dynasty, the BanË Ghåniya, continued to rule over the Balearic Islands until 599/1203 when the archipelago was eventually conquered by the Almohad fleet. MadÈnat MayËrqa, virtually destroyed in the Catalan-Pisan sack of 510/1115, rose from its ashes as a thriving commercial entrepôt in the sixth/twelfth century.57 Despite the lack of information on the city’s role in the production and circulation of Arabic manuscripts, two paper codices in the corpus were written in Muslim Majorca: item 134, a grammatical commentary on the Qurån, transcribed by a scholar originally from Menorca, and item 159, a plain yet accurately penned copy of a MashriqÈ work of lexicography.58 Also, three original documents issued by the chancery of the BanË Ghåniya – the first two under the emir Is˙åq in 577/1181 and 580/1184, and the third under his son

Figure 4.8  Al-Qu∂å È, Al-Shihåb. Copied and illuminated in 568/1172, in Valencia. Parchment, 23 × 18 cm. Kuwait City, Tareq Rajab Museum, unknown shelf mark, ff. 110b–111a (item 138). © Tareq Rajab Museum

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Abd Allåh in 584/1188 – have been preserved in the State Archives of Genoa and Pisa (D3, D5 and D7, discussed in Chapter Five). These peace treaties between Majorca and the two Italian maritime republics represent the earliest dated evidence of MaghribÈ chancery hands, and bear witness to the calligraphic skills of the secretaries employed by the Balearic emirs. These anonymous secretaries arguably followed the style and practices developed in other sixth/ twelfth-century MaghribÈ chanceries such as the Almoravid one in Marrakesh, or the Murcian and Valencian ones of Ibn MardanÈsh, whose documents have unfortunately not survived in the original. A closer look at textual sources Also dating from the sixth/twelfth century is the earliest reference to the distinctive nature of MaghribÈ round scripts in the work of an AndalusÈ scholar, Ibn Ghålib al-Gharnå†È (d. after 565/1170). Only a very small portion of Ibn Ghålib’s history of al-Andalus  – titled Far˙at al-anfus (‘Happiness of Souls’) – has survived, but later MaghribÈ historians drew substantially from it. Hence, thanks to al-MaqqarÈ, we know that Ibn Ghålib ‘included among the qualities of the Andalusis the invention of [a family of] scripts of their own, although at first their script was of the eastern type’.59 An increased awareness of matters related to penmanship can be appreciated in the biographies of sixth/twelfth-century AndalusÈ bibliophiles, some of whom could distinguish among the scripts employed by different famous scholars and appreciate their distinctive qualities.60 Furthermore, it is usually commenting on the work of MaghribÈ copyists from this period that Ibn Abd al-Malik al-MarråkushÈ indulges in interesting remarks on their calligraphic skills and styles, sometimes combined with extremely acute palaeographic observations. As already mentioned in Chapter Two, al-MarråkushÈ’s biographical dictionary – al-Dhayl wa-l-takmila li-kitåbay al-MawßËl wa-l-Íila – was conceived as a ‘supplement and completion’ of Ibn al-Fara∂È’s and Ibn al-Abbår’s prosopographic works and, as recently pointed out by Mustapha Jaouhari, it is a real treasure trove of information for modern palaeographers due to the author’s interest in the aesthetic qualities of the manuscripts he consulted and collected.61 Occasionally, al-MarråkushÈ corrects Ibn al-Abbår’s statements, for instance about Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Malik al-ÊåÈ al-MursÈ (d. 530/1135), declaring: ‘Ibn al-Abbår says he was a skilled calligrapher and bookmaker [båri al-kha†† anÈq al-wiråqa]. However, I would say that his handwriting was very bad [∂aÈf jiddan], with defective letters [abtar al-˙urËf, literally ‘bobtailed letters’]. […] I have seen many specimens of it.’62 About AlÈ b. IdrÈs al-ZanåtÈ al-Kåtib (d. 595/1198), he reports: ‘I think he is the same person mentioned by Ibn al-Abbår, although he describes him as having a good handwriting, whereas I deem it poor. However, the difference between a poor script and a

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fine one can depend on it being juvenile or mature [illå an yakËn ikhtilåf al-kha†† bayn al-∂af wa-l-jËda fÈ ˙ålay al-bada wa-lintihå].’63 Of Sar˙ån b. Mu˙ammad al-AnßårÈ (d. after 520/1126), alMarråkushÈ writes that ‘he was careful in spacing the words [uniya bi-tafrÈq al-kalim fÈ må kåna yaktub]’.64 As for the already mentioned Mu˙ammad Ibn Khayr al-IshbÈlÈ, he is said to have ‘copied a lot of books in a sound script which gratifies the eye. However, in some of the manuscripts he wrote when he reached the age of 72 or so […] I noted that his script became minute and with tightly spaced letters [diqqat kha†† wa-idmåj ˙urËf ma al-bayån].’65 The author of the Dhayl is thus the first MaghribÈ scholar to acknowledge that the handwriting of a copyist can develop and vary through time according to his age and level of training. Writing about the judge of Murcia and Valencia AbË Abd Allåh Ibn al-Munåßif (d. 620/1223), al-MarråkushÈ reports: ‘According to our teacher AbË Mu˙ammad Ibn al-Qa††ån, he was proficient in thirteen calligraphic styles [kåna yaktub thalåth ashrat †­arÈqatan huwa fÈ-hå kulli-hå mujayyid]. The present author has only seen four, and they correspond to our teacher’s description.’66 In the biography of Ibn al-Munåßif’s brother AbË Imrån (d. 627/1230), alMarråkushÈ mentions that ‘he was one of the best calligraphers of the MaghribÈ school [kåna min abra al-nås kha††an fÈ al-†arÈqa al-Maghribiyya]’.67 Always according to the Dhayl, the famous grammarian from Almería AbË MËså Ïså b. Abd al-AzÈz al-JazËlÈ (d. circa 607/1210) used to employ ‘a beautiful eastern handwriting [kåna ˙asan al-kha†† al-MashriqÈ]’, probably due to his Cairene education,68 while other scholars such as AbË Abd Allåh Ibn alMunåßif mastered both MaghribÈ and MashriqÈ scripts, samples of which al-MarråkushÈ saw first-hand.69 As discussed in Chapter Three, the author of the Dhayl also refers to the existence of an eastern AndalusÈ script (‘†arÈqat ahl Sharq al-Andalus’) in the biography of Mu˙ammad b. IbråhÈm al-RuaynÈ al-MursÈ (d. 620/1223).70 Given al-MarråkushÈ’s competence and trustworthiness, it is likely that such script did exist, and that it was noticeably different from the handwriting of scholars trained in western al-Andalus. Because of their use of MashriqÈ letter forms (sometimes discreet, sometimes more pronounced), the scripts of items 63, 71, 102, 103, 127, 151 and 159 may well represent instances of eastern AndalusÈ scripts, and two of these manuscripts (items 71 and 159) were definitely copied in the Sharq al-Andalus (in Valencia and Majorca respectively). However, since other sixth/twelfthcentury scripts employed in the very same region do not show any MashriqÈ features, it seems wiser to avoid geographic designations and posit the existence of a transregional category of ­semi-MaghribÈ scripts, whose hybrid features may be due to a wide range of causes. For instance, a copyist’s familiarity with MashriqÈ scripts could be related to his knowledge of chancery practices, as discussed below.71

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MaghribÈ secretaries may have employed MashriqÈ calligraphy to draft particularly important documents, imitating the style of the Abbasids’ correspondence with the Almoravid emirs. Chancery scribes, then, may have been more familiar with eastern scripts than ordinary copyists and other literate members of society: this hypothesis seems supported by item 63, copied by a certain YËsuf b. Yakhlaf who added to his signature the title al-kåtib. Be that as it may, the considerable amount of palaeographic remarks included in the Dhayl is based not only on the author’s profound knowledge of the hundreds of books that he personally owned or consulted, but also on the accounts of his teachers and colleagues.72 While some of these remarks remain obscure and problematic, our understanding of the medieval terminology related to penmanship, and of the features which distinguished a beautiful script from a poor one in the eyes of the contemporaries, depends almost entirely on sources such as al-MarråkushÈ, more than on treatises on calligraphy, which are usually filled with rhetoric and considerations of literary rather than documentary value. A different type of textual evidence comes from sixth/twelfthcentury handbooks for notaries, aimed at regulating the drafting of legal acts, including endowments (a˙bås, sing. ˙abs) in favour of AndalusÈ mosques. A case in point is al-Maqßad al-ma˙mËd fÈ talkhÈß al-uqËd (‘Commendable Intent to Record Notarial Formulae’) by AbË al-Óasan al-JazÈrÈ (d. 585/1189), which mentions formularies for donations of personal assets and chattels, as well as Quranic manuscripts and religious books.73 More specifically, the non-Quranic works (‘dawåwÈn’) taken as examples by al-JazÈrÈ in his template are the Sa˙È˙ al-BukhårÈ, the Sa˙È˙ Muslim and Målik’s Muwa††a, i.e. precisely the manuscripts that form the majority of the corpus in this period, which have survived also thanks to their inalienable status (including commentaries and related works: items 57–60, 69, 99, 107, 113, 121, 123, 127, 135, 140–142, 145–147, 150, 152, 155–157, 172, 177, 186, 188, 206, 208).74 A valuable literary source on the production of books in sixth/ twelfth-century al-Andalus is the short treatise on bookbinding by Bakr al-IshbÈlÈ (d. circa 629/1232), titled al-TaysÈr fÈ ßinåat al-tasfÈr (‘Companion to the Craft of Bookbinding’).75 This work was written during the reign of the third Almohad caliph al-ManßËr (r. 580/1185– 595/1198) and is dedicated to him. Not only is this the second earliest treatise on the subject to have survived from the entire Islamic world, after the Umdat al-kuttåb,76 but it is also the most detailed and comprehensive one. Because it was written by a professional bookbinder whose skills were greatly appreciated at the Almohad court, it is packed with practical information on tools (‘adawåt’), adhesives (‘aghriya’), sewing and lining techniques (‘tabzÈn’, ‘tab†Èn’), endbanding (‘˙abk’), leather tooling with interlacing patterns (‘naqsh al-∂irs’) and even conservation and restoration tips. Unfortunately, very few

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of the dated manuscripts in the corpus bear traces of their original binding, so that it is very difficult to assess whether al-IshbÈlÈ’s observations actually reflected contemporary practices.77 Possibly the earliest AndalusÈ binding to have survived is that of Q8, made in Cordova in 538/1143–4 (Figure 5.15). Despite the later restorations, its two boards have preserved a substantial portion of their original leather covering, featuring a dense strapwork decoration obtained through repeated stamping with a single iron tool. This pattern, highlighted with gold dots, fills the centre of the board and the surrounding square frame, separated from the central field by a square, undecorated border. The very same concept of a full-board stamped decoration partitioned by plain borders is found in Q23, made in Valencia in 596/1199, although the pattern is more complex than in Q8 (i.e. more than one tool was used) and the outer square border encloses a polylobed one, recalling the design of the illuminated frontispieces inside the codex. Two other bindings from rectangular non-Quranic codices (items 152 and 178) reveal the use of tools of the very same kind, although here the stamped decoration is not full-board but limited to the outer border and central round medallion (Figure 4.9). Amazingly, the binding of item 178 has also preserved most of its spine, stamped with two parallel strips of guilloche.78 According to al-IshbÈlÈ’s terminology, the decoration of these bindings was produced with heated iron tools (‘†awåbi, ˙adåid’) and stamps (‘khawåtim’), bearing impressions of a knot (‘uqda’), a stylised wheat grain (‘qam˙a’), clusters of dots (‘lamlimåt’), wickerwork or fish scale patterns (‘ßafat’), and fillets for borders and frames (‘†uruq’), to create the effect of an intricate interlace (‘˙ikåyat al-∂irs’).79 Technically and stylistically speaking, the designs on these four specimens prefigure the more elaborate ones found in later bindings, identified by Prosper Ricard as belonging to the ‘Almohad tradition’.80 While no treatises on ink-making and book illumination have survived from the period in question, the pigments used in a dozen MaghribÈ manuscripts dating from the sixth/twelfth and seventh/thirteenth century were analysed in the early 2000s, revealing a series of specificities which depart noticeably from the recipes and techniques employed in the Islamic East.81 In particular, the pigments employed in three manuscripts from the corpus (items 146, 158 and Q26) show the exclusive use of expensive lapis lazuli blue (i.e. without recourse to azurite or indigo), verdigris greens instead of combinations of blue and yellow pigments, and luminous kermes reds made from dried cochineal insects, in contrast with the vermilion reds typical of the medieval Mashriq.82 For chrysography, a mixture of powdered gold and a liquid binding agent (the so-called ‘shell gold’) was applied to the page to trace the lettering, which was then burnished and outlined in black. Gold leaf was seemingly never used. These data find only a partial correspondence with the multifarious ink recipes described in the already discussed Umdat al-kuttåb, as well as in the later treatises

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Figure 4.9  Al-BukhårÈ, Al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙, part 4. Original leather binding made in 576/1180, 27 × 20 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 130 (item 152). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

al-Azhår fÈ amal al-a˙bår (‘Blossoms of Ink-making’), written in 649/1251–2 by Mu˙ammad b. MaymËn al-MarråkushÈ during his stay in Baghdad,83 and Tu˙af al-khawåßß fÈ †uraf al-khawåßß (‘Gems of the Elites on the Curiosities of Substances’) by AbË Bakr al-QalalËsÈ (d. 707/1307), composed during the early Nasrid period and dedicated to a high-ranking official at the court of Granada.84 The golden age of Andalusı¯ paper In the sixth/twelfth century al-Andalus became renowned across the Mediterranean for the quality of the paper there produced, something confirmed by the fineness and impeccable burnish of the leaves of some of the manuscripts in the corpus (especially items 71, 74, 81, 93, 111, 115, 126, 129, 144, 149, 158, 164, 167, 172, 175, 180, 188, 199). As suggested by Ibn AbdËn’s treatise, Seville and all the main cities of Muslim Iberia must have had in this period their own paper mills and workshops, catering for the local warråqËn, notaries and secretaries. A letter preserved in the Cairo Geniza, written from Granada

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in 1130 ce, made Shelomo Goitein marvel at the quality of its paper, ‘the best ever seen by me in the Geniza. It is almost entirely white, strong, and pleasantly smooth’.85 The same Jewish merchants whose letters have survived among the Geniza documents not only traded in AndalusÈ paper sheets but also exchanged them as gifts between partners, gathered in small parcels of twelve to thirty-six leaves.86 The finest paper in Almoravid and Almohad Iberia was produced in Xàtiva, a town near Valencia, famous already in Roman times for its fine linen cloth that was woven from the same flax later used in paper-making.87 In the mid-sixth/twelfth century the geographer alIdrÈsÈ describes Xàtiva as ‘a pleasant city with fortresses of proverbial beauty and impregnability. The paper manufactured here is of such quality that cannot be found anywhere else in the world, and it is popular in both the East and the West [wa-yuamm al-Mashåriq wa-l-Maghårib]’.88 Xàtiva paper – kåghid Shå†ibÈ in Arabic, paper xativí in Catalan – soon became synonymous with high-quality paper irrespective of its origin, and the town remained an important paper-making centre well after the Catalan conquest of 636/1238, into the eighth/fourteenth century.89 Ibn al-WardÈ (d. 749/1349) still writes that ‘excellent and incomparable paper is manufactured in Xàtiva’, an opinion supported by other coeval sources.90 As already mentioned, the only instance of dyed paper in the corpus (that of item 68) comes from a manuscript copied in this town in 513–514/1120. Starting from the sixth/twelfth century, some of the paper sheets produced in Xàtiva (and possibly elsewhere in al-Andalus) began to feature the so-called zigzag marks, namely scratches in ‘comb’ or diagonal-cross form running from the upper to the lower margin, drawn with a pointed tool while the paper was still moist (Figure 4.10).91 These marks are visible near the fold of some of the folios of items 71, 100, 109, 120, 128, 129, 132, 157, 164, 165, 167, 169–173, 175–178, 180, 182, 187, 195, 200, 201, 206, 211 and 215, and have been interpreted in different ways. According to Valls i Subirà, they were ‘perhaps introduced in an attempt to imitate the marks made by the tanner’s knife and which are seen in some parchments’.92 It has also been argued that the zigzag marks were the trademark of a particular workshop (a sort of primitive watermark) and, more convincingly, that they were employed on particularly thick paper sheets to make the gutter area of the quires thinner and more foldable.93 It is likely that these marks were traced by paper-makers as guidance for stationers and copyists on how to cut and fold the paper sheets they had purchased, even if this guidance was sometimes disregarded. As for the geographic spread of zigzag marks, they can be found in manuscripts copied in Valencia, Cordova, Seville, Granada, Elche and Barcelona, as well as on the southern shore of the Strait, in Ceuta. Knowledge of paper-making and its advantages travelled across the particularly ‘porous’ frontier with the Christian kingdoms: already in the sixth/twelfth century tariff lists (portazgos) mention

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Figure 4.10  SÈbawayh, Al-Kitåb fÈ al-na˙w, a backlit folio showing zigzag marks. Copied in 588/1192 by ‘Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Mu˙åmmad b. IbråhÈm al-KhazrajÈ. Paper, 29 × 21 cm. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya ‘Ayyåshiyya, ms. 48, f. 150 (item 178). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

tolls collected on paper coming from al-Andalus in towns along the Ebro River, demonstrating that paper was moving from Muslim to Christian regions in considerable quantities.94 The earliest dated paper folio in the Archive of the Crown of Aragon (the so-called Pacto de Cazola of 1178 ce) is, according to Valls i Subirà, ‘clearly of Arab manufacture’.95 It is also likely that paper-making was established in Catalonia before the conquest of Xàtiva and the region of Valencia, since there survive archival documents from Barcelona, Girona and Tarragona referring to local ‘cloth mills’ as early as 1113 ce.96 In Castilian Toledo the production of paper is confirmed both by sixth/ twelfth-century sources, referring to the city’s ‘rag parchment’ and ‘cloth mills’, and by material evidence, in the form of four sale contracts from the archives of the Toledo Cathedral (dated between 1166 and 1178 ce, written in Arabic on large paper sheets).97 The famous Latin-Arabic glossary of the Leiden University Library should also be mentioned here, since it was likely written in Toledo around the year 1175 ce, using mixed quires of parchment and paper.98 This remarkable upswing in paper-making was arguably among the factors that induced AndalusÈ copyists to start employing

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paper for illuminated copies of important religious works, such as al-BukhårÈ’s Ía˙È˙ (item 188) or the Aazz må yu†lab (‘The Most Precious Thing One Can Desire’) of Ibn TËmart, the fundamental text of the Almohad doctrine (item 158), and also for a unique miniature Qurån (Q7, discussed in Chapter Five). High-quality parchment, however, continued to be produced and employed for copying the vast majority of Quranic manuscripts, as well as a number of other works, both religious and secular, as shown by numerous handsome codices in the corpus (items 57, 61, 66, 69, 75, 76, 85, 92, 101, 104, 112, 121, 138, 141, 146, 181, 184, 185, 191, 204, 207). Also remarkable are items 103 and 132, featuring mixed quires of parchment and paper. The perfect coexistence of fine parchment and fine paper in the manuscript culture of sixth/twelfth-century al-Andalus is a singular phenomenon that would deserve to be further studied in its economic and cultural implications. The introduction of Andalusı¯ scripts to Northwest Africa The integration of AndalusÈ jurists, intellectuals and secretaries into the new Almoravid state apparatus, under which the two sides of the Strait were firmly united, had a profound impact on the culture of the region known as al-Maghrib al-Aqså. As a consequence of the new political order, Northwest Africa adopted and fully absorbed the scribal practices and round scripts of al-Andalus into its own scholarly tradition. Regrettably, no material evidence for the copying and transmission of written texts in the Far Maghrib has survived from before the late fifth/eleventh century, and this despite the established role of Fes as a thriving cultural pole in contact with both Kairouan and the cities of Muslim Iberia, and the existence of literary circles and libraries at the court of some pre-Almoravid rulers. Before the Almoravids The Sevillian geographer al-BakrÈ, writing in the third quarter of the fifth/eleventh century, reports that scribes were employed by the Idrisid emir Ya˙yå IV (r. 292/904–309/921) to copy manuscripts for their master (‘wa-kåna yansakh la-hu iddat al-warråqÈn’), while numerous scholars from al-Andalus and other parts of the Islamic world attended the learned gatherings that took place in his palaces.99 Other sources seem to confirm the existence of intellectual activities involving the production and circulation of books under the Zanata governors who ruled from Fes in the name of the Umayyad caliphs of Cordova.100 Scholarly and commercial links between the Rif region and the rest of the Muslim West were well established already in the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries, when cities such as Fes, Meknes, Ceuta and Tangiers became home to numerous AndalusÈ merchants and jurists.101 Manuscripts copied

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in Cordova were brought to North Africa by AndalusÈ scholars who settled there to teach and work as judges and notaries, while local intellectuals returned to their homeland with a great number of books gathered during their travels to Iberia, such as Yaßaltan b. DåËd al-AghmåtÈ (d. 372/982).102 The biography of the Quranic scholar AbË Abd Allåh al-MaghåmÈ recounts that, when he died in Seville in 485/1092, he endowed the books of his library to the students of the other side of the Strait (‘˙abbasa kutuba-hu alå †alabat al-ilm alladhÈn bi-l-udwa’), perhaps to foster scholarship on the qirååt in a region that was still perceived as lagging behind al-Andalus in that field.103 The earliest known copyist born and active in the Far Maghrib was the jurist AbË Uthmån SaÈd b. Khalaf Allåh b. IdrÈs al-Riyå˙È, who lived in the first half of the fifth/eleventh century. Originally from the Idrisid city of Basra, then settled in Ceuta, al-Riyå˙È’s biography is featured in the TartÈb al-madårik (‘Organisation of Generations’), a dictionary of famous MålikÈ scholars written by the Ceutan qå∂È Iyå∂ (d. 544/1149), who reports: ‘[al-Riyå˙È] copied in his own hand many books, and I have rarely seen an eminent work of the MalikÈ school not penned by him. He also copied books of tafsÈr and other works’.104 In the same period, the circulation of manuscripts between Kairouan and present-day Morocco is demonstrated by an undated juz of the Mudawwana in the QarawiyyÈn Library [Figure 1.28], which bears an audition certificate written in Kairouan in 428/1037, and an ownership note of YËsuf b. Ïså al-AzdÈ al-FåsÈ (d. 492/1098), as mentioned in Chapter One.105 The Almoravid enterprise YËsuf b. TåshifÈn (r. 455/1063–500/1106), the founder of the Almoravid state and of its capital Marrakesh, was neither a man of letters nor a bibliophile, but he understood the political advantage of fostering the spread of juridical studies and MålikÈ legal compendia. These texts offered him a ready-made system of law through which he could rule and administrate his rapidly growing empire, and he surrounded himself with AndalusÈ scholars and jurists from whom he sought constant advice.106 Some modern scholars even refer to a madrasa that YËsuf b. TåshifÈn established in Fes after his conquest of the city in 462/1069, a learning institution allegedly endowed with a library and attended by members of the ruling elites.107 In the following years, as a result of the Almoravid campaigns in the Iberian Peninsula, many AndalusÈ architects and craftsmen were encouraged to cross the Strait and take a leading role in the monumental development of Marrakesh and the reshaping of Fes, accompanied by an unprecedented wave of AndalusÈ scribes and calligraphers. Interestingly, this seems to have triggered some contention between the more conservative supporters of traditional IfrÈqÈ scripts and

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those scholars trained in the new round styles of al-­Andalus: AbË al-Fa∂l YËsuf Ibn al-Na˙wÈ al-QayrawånÈ (d. 513/1119),108 who settled in Fes after the decline of his home town in the second half of the fifth/eleventh century, is said to have despised AndalusÈ scripts, thus provoking the vehement response of the poet Ibn al-Barrå alTujÈbÈ, from Algeciras, who wrote the following verses to celebrate the supremacy of the ‘kha†† ahl al-Andalus’: Inhale a fragrance that comes not from scent-boxes And stop by one of Mayya’s ruined desert-camps. I left my homeland and ended up in a land of wolves disguised as lions [i.e. IfrÈqiya]. How many of them discredit the moon in the darkest night and belittle the rain pouring down from the clouds! My people reject YËsuf’s words with scorn like the splendour of the Pleiades eclipsing all detractors. AbË al-Fa∂l, do not think to be safe from my verses for they are like vipers from which there is no safety! I see you mendaciously criticise the script of the people to whom life reveals a smiling face [i.e. the Andalusis]. If what a scribe’s hand adorns is a good thing much greater is what a calligrapher’s hand adorns.109 Presumably drawing on the work of earlier authors, the Moroccan historian AbË al-Qåsim al-ZayyånÈ (d. 1249/1833) reports that 104 paper-makers were active in Fes already during the Almoravid period, mostly in the neighbourhood still called Darb al-­kaghghådÈn.110 Among the AndalusÈ copyists working in the Moroccan city under the Almoravids were the Zaragozan AbË Zayd Ibn al-Íaqr (d. 523/1128–9), who owned a bookshop (‘˙ånËt’) abutting the west side of the QarawiyyÈn Mosque;111 Abd al-Malik b. Mu˙ammad alLakhmÈ (d. after 498/1105), from Xàtiva, praised in al-MarråkushÈ’s Dhayl (‘kåna ˙asan al-wiråqa’);112 and a female scholar from Toledo, Warqå bt. Yantån al-Óåjja (d. after 540/1145), extolled as a skilled calligrapher (‘kånat båriat al-kha††’).113 Unlike his father, AlÈ b. YËsuf b. TåshifÈn (r. 500/1106–537/1143) was a cultivated man and the owner of a library, arguably situated in his palace of Marrakesh, where he summoned and employed the most prominent secretaries and men of letters from the Iberian Peninsula.114 In the Almoravid capital, which soon became a thriving centre for the crafts of wiråqa, the new emir had a splendid parchment Muwa††a copied for his khizåna, several volumes of which have survived (item 57). The title page of each juz features the name of the calligrapher, Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Abbåd al-LakhmÈ, the son of the last king of Seville and Cordova al-Mutamid, exiled to North Africa after the Almoravid conquest of the Guadalquivir valley in 484/1091 (Figure 4.11).115 AlÈ b. YËsuf’s decision to employ

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a deposed AndalusÈ prince as his personal copyist can be read as an eloquent and skilful act of symbolic appropriation. The importation of AndalusÈ calligraphy into Northwest Africa thus became an instrument of Almoravid ideology and, in this particular case, also of religious piety and endorsement of the MålkÈ school of jurisprudence. However, the Almoravid patronage of written culture went well beyond the religious sphere: upon AlÈ b. YËsuf’s order, the medical consultations and recipes of AbË al-Alå Zuhr b. Abd alMalik (d. 525/1130) were collected after the physician’s death and gathered into a manual, an early copy of which has come down to us (item 130).116 AbË al-Alå’s famous son, AbË Marwån Ibn Zuhr (Avenzoar, d. 557/1161), dedicated one of his own medical treatises to another Almoravid prince, AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm, governor of Murcia and brother of the ruling emir.117 The same AbË Is˙åq was also the patron of Ibn Khåqån’s biographical dictionary and anthology of AndalusÈ poets, titled Qalåid al-iqyån (‘Necklaces of Pure Gold’, see items 100 and 187).

Figure 4.11  Målik b. Anas, Al-Muwa††a, part 11, title page with dedication to the Almoravid emir AlÈ b. YËsuf b. TåshifÈn. Copied in 502/1109, in Marrakesh, by the Abbadid prince Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad al-LakhmÈ. Parchment, 18 × 12 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 605/6, f. 1a (item 57). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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Marrakesh: the seat of the Almohad caliphate Under the Almohads, Marrakesh continued to thrive as a chief centre of attraction for AndalusÈ intellectuals and gradually became the undisputed capital of the Islamic West with regard to the production and trade of books, driven by the fervent patronage of the court. Already the first Almohad caliph Abd al-Mumin (r. 527/1133– 558/1163) is said to have established two royal libraries – one in Marrakesh, the other in Seville – where AndalusÈ masters taught grammar and literature to his thirteen children.118 One of them, AbË Óafß Umar b. Abd al-Mumin (d. 575/1179), is praised in a couplet by the contemporary poet Ibn Mujabbar (d. 588/1192), one of the many AndalusÈ expatriates in Marrakesh.119 Writing about the Almohad prince, Ibn Mujabbar says that ‘his right hand spreads flowers on the pages [al-†urËs]’, likening his penmanship to an enchantment (‘si˙r’) and his qalam to a sorcerer (‘naffåth’).120 Abd al-WalÈ al-BalansÈ (d. after 570/1174) was one of the master calligraphers hired as instructors for the royal princes (‘kåna ˙asan al-wiråqa wa-addaba abnå al-sul†ån’).121 Among the works dedicated to Abd al-Mumin was another medical treatise by Avenzoar, titled al-TaysÈr fÈ al-mudåwåt wa-l-tadbÈr (‘Companion to Therapeutics and Diet’, see item 129), written by the AndalusÈ physician as a token of loyalty to his new employer. Abd al-Mumin also played a crucial role in the codification of the Almohad doctrine preached by Ibn TËmart: as pointed out by Amira Bennison, his didactic role is explicitly stated at the beginning of the Aazz må yu†lab (items 158, 185, 198), a work presented as Abd al-Mumin’s transmission and dictation of Ibn TËmart’s teachings (Figure 4.12).122 It was, however, Abd al-Mumin’s successor AbË YaqËb YËsuf (r. 558/1163–580/1184), who came to be known as the greatest bibliophile of his age, ever since his early days as governor of Seville.123 His library (‘khizåna ilmiyya’ or ‘khizåna åliya’ according to other accounts) allegedly contained more than 200,000 volumes, rivalling that established in Cordova by the Umayyad caliph al-Óakam two centuries earlier.124 The historian Abd al-Wå˙id al-MarråkushÈ (writing in 621/1224), an important source of information on the scholarly circles and intellectual activities at the Almohad court, reports that AbË YaqËb was constantly occupied with tracking and purchasing rare manuscripts across al-Andalus and the Maghrib.125 Al-MarråkushÈ had apparently access to the Almohad library (‘khizånat BanÈ Abd al-Mumin’), since he was able to consult some of its rare books in person.126 As already mentioned, the Almerían judge and calligrapher AbË al-Abbås Ibn al-Íaqr al-AnßårÈ (492/1098– 569/1173) moved to Marrakesh (with his personal library) towards the end of his life, to work as AbË YaqËb’s chief copyist and personal librarian.127 His son AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad (d. circa 590/1193) was also a skilled and renowned copyist active in the Almohad

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Figure 4.12  Ibn TËmart, Aazz må yu†lab, frontispiece and beginning of the work. Copied and illuminated in 579/1183. Paper, 21.5 × 15.5 cm. BNF, ms. arabe 1451, f. 1a–b (item 158). © Bibliothèque nationale de France

capital.128 It is presumably in this period that an entire quarter of the city became known as Darb al-kutubiyyÈn, where about 200 booksellers and freelance copyists – many of whom had emigrated from al-Andalus – established their shops and ateliers.129 This area was located to the east of the new congregational mosque founded by Abd al-Mumin and completed under his successor, which consequently acquired the name of Jåmi al-kutubiyyÈn or Kutubiyya Mosque. Among the literary works dedicated to the second Almohad caliph is an account of the military campaigns of the first three caliphs of Islam, titled al-Ghazawåt (item 168), which AbË YaqËb commissioned from the Murcian preacher and judge AbË al-Qåsim Ibn Óubaysh, as stated on the title page of the second part of the work (f. 110a).130 On the same page, the author himself left his own signature in 583/1187, one year before his demise, at the end of a long eulogy praising the patron of the work and the ruling dynasty. The Malagan scholar AbË al-Qåsim al-SuhaylÈ dedicated his commentary on Ibn Hishåm’s biography of the Prophet Mu˙ammad – al-Raw∂ al-unuf – to AbË YaqËb YËsuf, before moving to Marrakesh at the caliph’s behest in 579/1183.131 At least three manuscripts of the Raw∂ have survived from the second half of the sixth/twelfth century (items 153, 170, 215), showing the wide circulation of this text as well as the reputation enjoyed by al-SuhaylÈ, who soon became venerated as one of the patron saints of Marrakesh.132

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The third and last of the great Almohad caliphs, AbË YËsuf YaqËb al-ManßËr (r. 580/1184–595/1199), further enlarged his father’s library and continued to bestow royal patronage upon local scholars as well as AndalusÈ polymaths such as Ibn Êufayl and Averroes, both of whom died at al-ManßËr’s court in Marrakesh.133 The Mamluk historian Shihåb al-DÈn al-UmarÈ (d. 749/1349), who based his description of the Maghrib on the work of the Granadan scholar Ibn SaÈd (d. 685/1286), reports that a splendid madrasa endowed with book repositories (‘khazåin al-kutub’) was among the buildings erected by al-ManßËr in the esplanade of the palatial citadel of Marrakesh (then known as Tåmarråkusht, roughly coinciding with today’s qaßaba).134 This courtly institution is arguably where the Almohad princes and high-ranking officers received their instruction in theology and ˙adÈth sciences, gathering around manuscripts such as item 188, a lavishly illuminated copy of al-BukhårÈ’s Sa˙È˙ which, on the basis of close stylistic similarities with Q27, can also be attributed to a royal workshop active in the Almohad capital (Figure 4.13). Also, this could have been the place where the elite Almohad scholars – the †alaba – memorised the works of Ibn TËmart and held their debates.135 Just like the other members of the caliphal family, al-ManßËr also received training in penmanship. In fact, more than one source emphasise the Almohads’ custom of signing official letters and decrees in their own hand, using a special red ink.136 The only surviving document issued by the caliphal chancery of Marrakesh in the sixth/twelfth century – a peace treaty with the Pisans (D6) – dates from the reign of al-ManßËr, and its conspicuous sign-manual (alåma) may well have been penned by the caliph himself, though in a black ink (more on this in Chapter Five). To teach calligraphy to his children, al-ManßËr hired famous AndalusÈ scholars such as AbË Mu˙ammad Ibn Óaw† Allåh al-MålaqÈ (d. 612/1215) and the already mentioned Mu˙ammad al-RuaynÈ al-MursÈ (d. 620/1223).137 Outside the royal palace, a significant number of viziers, officials and intellectuals were renowned bibliophiles and owned important private libraries in Marrakesh.138 Their activity and patronage seem to have endured during the first half of the seventh/thirteenth century, despite the political decline of the Almohad state, with most of al-Andalus falling to the Christian armies, the Marinids gathering momentum in northern Morocco and the last caliphs ruling for increasingly shorter periods over a rapidly shrinking territory. Fes, Ceuta, Sijilmasa, Bougie Despite the undisputed cultural prominence of Marrakesh, the scholarly milieu of Fes continued to thrive under the Almohads, and the sources abound with references to the book collections owned by the city’s most prominent ulamå.139 Among them were two cousins

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Figure 4.13  Al-BukhårÈ, Al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙. Copied and illuminated in 591/1195, possibly in Marrakesh. Paper, 33.5 × 24.5 cm. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. A. 240, f. 2b (item 188). © Milli Saraylar Òdaresi Ba∞kanlı©ı

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from the BanË al-MaljËm – Abd al-Ra˙Èm (524/1130–603/1207) and Abd al-Ra˙mån (535/1140–605/1208) Ibn al-MaljËm – who had both gathered a large quantity of books during their many sojourns in al-Andalus.140 Having died without male heirs, Abd al-Ra˙mån bequeathed his library to his daughter, who sold it for 4,000 dinars. According to Ibn AbÈ Zar’s Raw∂ al-qir†ås (‘Gardens of Pages’, completed in 726/1326), at the end of the sixth/twelfth century the city could boast 400 rag mills for the production of paper (‘˙ajar li-amal al-kåghid’). However, Ibn AbÈ Zar also declares that all the mills fell into disuse between 618/1221 and 637/1240, due to the famine and political instability that preceded the Marinid conquest.141 Among the most prolific and skilled copyists active in Almohad Fes was the Cordovan Ya˙yå Ibn al-IshbÈlÈ (d. 570/1174), described in the sources as belonging to the ‘people of calligraphy and illumination [ahl al-kha†† wa-l-tadhhÈb]’.142 Other names include AtÈq b. AlÈ al-ÍanhåjÈ (d. 595/1199), originally from Meknes; Ïså b. Mu˙ammad al-GhåfiqÈ (d. 586/1190), who emigrated to Fes from his home town Carmona (near Seville); and AbË Abd Allåh Ibn TåkhmÈst (d. 608/1212), a Quranic calligrapher who used to give away his manuscripts as gifts.143 While no manuscripts copied in sixth/twelfth-century Fes have survived, item 195 bears a collation note written in the city in 600/1203–4.144 A strategic seaport and entrepôt on the Mediterranean coast, Ceuta was also an important cultural centre in the Far Maghrib.145 The local historian Mu˙ammad b. Qåsim al-AnßårÈ (d. 825/1422) reports that already in the fifth/eleventh century the town had several libraries (‘khazåin ilmiyya’), which notables and scholars had formed in their own houses.146 One of them belonged to the jurist AbË Abd al-Ra˙mån Ibn al-AjËz (d. 413/1022–3), who travelled to Kairouan and returned to Ceuta with numerous books of QayrawånÈ authors.147 In the following century, important collections of manuscripts were owned by the local judge Ibn al-Daqqåq al-TamÈmÈ (d. 503/1110), who would dispense teaching in his own mosque,148 and by his pupil, the famous qå∂È Iyå∂ (d. 544/1149), who was also a prolific copyist known for his beautiful handwriting.149 A skilled Ceutan calligrapher active in this period was Mu˙ammad Ibn MarzËq al-TaghmarÈ al-SabtÈ (d. after 596/1200), who is said to have studied in Seville, Malaga, Almería and Algeciras.150 Towards the end of Almohad rule, AbË al-Óasan al-ShårrÈ (571/1176–649/1251) established in Ceuta what al-AnßårÈ calls ‘the first library endowed for the people of knowledge in the Maghrib’.151 This institution was part of a madrasa founded by the same patron, and contained ‘ancient originals and rare works [dhåt al-ußËl al-atÈqa wa-l-muallifåt al-gharÈba]’, purchased by al-ShårrÈ at the cost of his fortune.152 According to the Ceutan traditionist Ibn Rushayd al-FihrÈ (d. 721/1321), one of these ‘ancient originals’ was item 107, the authoritative copy of al-BukhårÈ’s Ía˙È˙ transcribed for Ibn Khayr al-IshbÈlÈ by his own father.153 Another manuscript, an illuminated and illustrated copy of al-ÍËfÈ’s Íuwar

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al-kawåkib (‘On Constellations’) completed in Ceuta in 621/1224, demonstrates the level of quality that al-ShårrÈ expected from the books he commissioned.154 As argued by some historians, it is also likely that Ceuta had its own paper mills in this period, catering for the local warråqËn and kuttåb.155 Two important manuscripts in the corpus epitomise the cultural climate of Almohad Ceuta. The first one is item 175, a neat paper copy of al-Bayån wa-l-tabyÈn (‘Eloquence and Exposition’), a work of adab and literary theory by the celebrated IråqÈ philologist al-Jå˙iΩ (159/776–275/869). More specifically, the text contained in this manuscript follows the recension (riwåya) of AbË Jafar al-BaghdådÈ, a Fatimid spy who travelled to al-Andalus in the mid-fourth/tenth century, bringing with him a copy of the Bayån and other works of adab by al-Jå˙iΩ and Ibn Qutayba.156 Item 175 was transcribed in Ceuta by a certain AbË Amr Mu˙ammad al-LakhmÈ, and its title page bears a long ijåza which his teacher, Mußab Ibn AbÈ Rakb (d. 604/1208), awarded him after ‘having explained to him the meaning of the work’s challenging prose and poetry, its unusual expressions, and its eloquent passages, as much as my assiduous and fervent study of this work allowed me’.157 In the colophon, al-LakhmÈ confirms that he copied this manuscript from his teacher’s exemplar, which Ibn AbÈ Rakb held before his eyes as he collated the text (‘wa-huwa yumsik alayya kitåba-hu’), and which was by then more than 200 years old, having been transcribed from AbË Jafar al-BaghdådÈ’s book in 347/958. The second manuscript is item 208, a two-volume commentary on Muslim’s Ía˙È˙ authored by the qå∂È Iyå∂, copied for the library of the Almohad prince AbË IbråhÈm Is˙åq al-Êåhir, brother of the caliph alManßËr (Figure 4.14). The scribe entrusted with copying this work, a certain Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad al-BakrÈ, was clearly a skilled calligrapher in the pay of AbË IbråhÈm, then governor of Granada, who must have sent him to Ceuta in quest of an autograph of Iyå∂’s work so that he could transcribe it to the highest possible standard. Two parchment Quråns have also survived from sixth/twelfth-century Ceuta: one unusually large and splendidly illuminated (Q19), while the other small and rather modest (Q22), both discussed in Chapter Five. Finally, a small paper letter should also be mentioned (D8), sent by Nåßi˙ b. Abd Allåh, probably the Almohad governor of Ceuta, to the consuls of Pisa, requesting the dispatch of an ambassador to the court of the caliph al-Nåßir (r. 595/1199–610/1213). Manuscript evidence from other important Almohad cities of the Far Maghrib is puzzlingly absent, with the exception of Sijilmasa. An illuminated copy of Ibn TËmart’s abridgement of Muslim’s Ía˙È˙ (item 140) was produced there, showing that the Almohad doctrine was studied and transmitted in this thriving mercantile city at the northern edge of the Sahara. Further east in the Central Maghrib, Tlemcen emerged as a crucial centre for the reception and

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Figure 4.14  Al-Qå∂È Iyå∂, Ikmål al-Mulim. Copied in 598/1202 in Ceuta, by Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad al-BakrÈ, for the library of the Almohad prince AbË IbråhÈm Is˙åq al-Êåhir. Paper, 30 × 20.5 cm. BNRM, ms. 933 J, p. 2 (item 208). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère de la culture

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propagation of MaghribÈ round scripts already in the Almoravid period. Items 60, 94, 96 and 204 were all produced in Tlemcen, and attest to the cultural shift away from the works of MålikÈ jurisprudence copied at the beginning of the sixth/twelfth century (items 60 and 96) towards the teachings of Ibn TËmart circulating at the end of the century (item 204). Finally, at the easternmost limit of the Central Maghrib, AndalusÈ scribal practices took root in the important seaport of Bougie, conquered by the army of Abd al-Mumin in 547/1152. This is demonstrated by a handsome paper copy of a treatise on Arabic linguistics and phonetics by Ibn JinnÈ al-MawßilÈ (320/932–392/1002), transcribed in this city in 563/1168 (item 136). According to Pascal Burési, the Arabic translations of two diplomatic letters (D4) sent by the archbishop of Pisa to the Almohad caliph in 1182 ce may also have been written in Bougie.158 Almohad patronage of the arts of the book The importance of manuscript production and circulation for the Almohad doctrine is suggested by the numerous surviving copies of the works of the mahdÈ (‘rightly-guided’) Ibn TËmart, most of which are lavishly illuminated and ascribable to royal scriptoria.159 Besides the already mentioned copy of the Aazz må yu†lab on paper (item 158), two more dated codices bearing the same text are known, the first written on parchment (item 185), the second again on paper (item 198). Moreover, four parchment copies of Ibn TËmart’s own recension of Målik’s Muwa††a – known as Muwa††a al-mahdÈ Ibn TËmart – have been preserved in Algerian and Moroccan libraries: one of them is undated, but its extravagantly illuminated frontispieces declare that it was produced for a son of AbË YaqËb YËsuf;160 another one was penned for the library of al-ManßËr in 590/1193–4 (item 184); a slightly later one was copied in Tlemcen (item 204) probably for a local patron or institution; the fourth one, also undated, can be attributed to the end of the sixth/twelfth century on stylistic grounds.161 A fifth illuminated manuscript of the same work, this time written on paper, was auctioned in London in 1991 and again in 2018.162 Two copies of Ibn TËmart’s abridgement of the Ía˙È˙ Muslim are also known: one is on paper (item 140, made in Sijilmasa) and presents an illuminated frontispiece, with the title in gold Kufic enclosed in a rectangular frame with a marginal vignette; the second one is undated and acephalous, but it was written on fine vellum, with colophon and chapter titles in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography.163 These aesthetically appealing books were meant to replace – both symbolically and physically – the works of MålikÈ fiqh that had proliferated under the Almoravids, as well as the traditional version of the Muwa††a transmitted in al-Andalus by Ya˙yå b. Ya˙yå al-LaythÈ (d. 234/848). Moreover, the lavish manuscript produced for the court of Marrakesh would have served to instruct the members

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of the ruling family and the top-ranking †alaba, charged with the dissemination of the Almohad message and the transmission of the mahdÈ’s works in the provinces of the empire. In his Ri˙lat al-wåfid (‘Travelogue’), the twelfth/eighteenth-­ century Moroccan scholar al-TåsåfatÈ records the presence of lavishly illuminated manuscripts in the library of the Tinmal mosque, a sanctuary and place of pilgrimage of paramount importance for the Almohads since Ibn TËmart was buried there.164 Among the books seen by al-TåsåfatÈ was a copy of Ibn TËmart’s Muwa††a, ‘written in a beautiful royal script [bi-kha†† jayyid mulËkÈ], with the table of contents [barnåmaj] in gold. On its first page, the ex-libris [tamlÈk] of the imam al-mahdÈ was also entirely in gold lettering, written in a style comparable to that of Ibn Muqla’.165 Half a millennium after the fall of the Almohads, their manuscripts were evidently still able to impress the beholder with their aesthetic power. Nor was the ideological message of these exquisite artifacts limited to the doctrinal sphere: very prosaic concerns of dynastic legitimation were conveyed by their illuminated frontispieces and colophons, as in item 184, where al-ManßËr’s two predecessors are likened to the first rightly-guided caliphs of Islam, and blessings are invoked on al-ManßËr’s son and heir apparent AbË Abd Allåh, presented as the sustainer of Almohad sovereignty (Figure 4.15). The practice of illuminating non-Quranic manuscripts did not only concern the works of Ibn TËmart. Important collections of ˙adÈth such as the Ía˙È˙ Muslim (item 146) and the Ía˙È˙ al-BukhårÈ (item 188) were also sumptuously illuminated, reflecting the Almohad’s emphasis on ˙adÈth sciences and their enforcement of a source-based approach to law, in opposition to the commentary-based approach of MålikÈ jurists.166 While, as already mentioned, item 188 was likely produced at the caliphal court of Marrakesh, item 146 was written and illuminated in Murcia, for the library of the Almohad prince AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån b. Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Mumin (d. 604/1207).167 The copyist of this manuscript was a warråq and traditionist from Cordova, A˙mad b. YËsuf al-QaysÈ (513/1119–582/1186),168 who also transcribed another ˙adÈth manuscript in the corpus (item 139). The difference between this plain paper codex, which al-QaysÈ possibly copied for himself, and the lavish parchment manuscript he produced for AbË al-RabÈ could not be more profound. Particularly striking is the title page of item 146, featuring nine lines of chrysography enclosed within a rectangular frame of scrollwork executed in gold and lapis lazuli blue (Figure 4.16). Above the frame, al-QaysÈ included a line of poetry referring to his penmanship: ‘O you who see my calligraphy, beseech the Merciful / that he may forgive him who penned it’.169 Thanks to this unique feature, which al-QaysÈ seems to have used as a signature, his hand can be identified on another manuscript in the corpus: item 142, a multi-volume commentary on Målik’s Muwa††a authored by Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ (d. 463/1071).

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Figure 4.15  Ibn TËmart, Al-Muwa††a li-l-imåm al-mahdÈ, end of the text and colophon. Copied in 590/1193–4 by Sa‘d b. YËsuf b. SurlÈs, probably in Marrakesh, for the library of the Almohad caliph AbË YËsuf Ya‘qËb al-ManßËr. Parchment, 21 × 18.5 cm. Algiers, National Library of Algeria, ms. 424, ff. 144a, 145a (item 184). © République algérienne démocratique et populaire, Ministère de la culture et des arts

While item 142 was clearly not copied by al-QaysÈ, he collated it and provided each volume with calligraphic title pages. He completed his work in Murcia in 573/1177, namely three years after the manuscript was written, and in the same year he transcribed item 146.170 Below the titles of volumes three, nine and ten of item 142 the Cordovan warråq included the same line of self-referential poetry used in item 146, this time in a bright red ink, but employing the very same style, inspired by eastern calligraphy (Figure 4.18). Even more interestingly, at the top of these pages al-QaysÈ added the ex-libris (‘milk’) naming the manuscript’s owner, later effaced but still sufficiently legible: Sulaymån b. Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Mumin, i.e. the same prince for whom he copied item 146. While it can be easily concluded that A˙mad b. YËsuf al-QaysÈ worked for some time as personal librarian to AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån, the presence of a MålikÈ commentary in the library of an Almohad prince is more difficult to explain. Though publicly opposing the principles and practices of MålikÈ jurisprudence, the Almohads may have still regarded as valuable a commentary on Målik’s Muwa††a such as Ibn Abd al-Barr’s, as opposed to Sa˙nËn’s Mudawwana and the juridical literature derived from it, samples of which were famously burned by order of al-ManßËr in the streets of Fes and other cities.171 In fact, another Almohad prince – AbË al-Óasan b. AbÈ Óafß b. Abd al-Mumin – ­ personally transcribed the same work by Ibn Abd al-Barr at the beginning of the seventh/thirteenth century,

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Figure 4.16  Muslim b. al-Óajjåj, Al-Musnad al-ßa˙È˙, title page of part 1. Copied in 573/1178 in Murcia, by A˙mad b. YËsuf b. Abd al-AzÈz al-QaysÈ, for the library of the Almohad prince AbË al-RabÈ‘ Sulaymån. Parchment, 31 × 21 cm. BNRM, ms. 586 J, f. 1a (item 146). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère de la culture

in a manuscript that was later endowed by the caliph al-Murta∂å (r. 646/1248–665/1266) to a madrasa in Marrakesh.172 To judge from the surviving literary and material evidence, the book collections of these Almohad princes – some of whom were eclectic intellectuals and authors in their own right – must have been extremely diverse. Just like AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån (who owned items 142 and 146) and AbË IbråhÈm Is˙åq al-Êåhir (who commissioned item 208), the governor of Granada (then Seville) AbË Abd Allåh b. IsmåÈl ÏgÈg (d. 569/1174) was a renowned polymath and bibliophile, and possessed an immense library.173 The ownership note of another Almohad prince, AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. YaqËb al-ManßËr (who was governor of Seville at the beginning of the seventh/thirteenth century) is still legible on the title page of item 32 (Figure 5.42), as well as on an undated MaghribÈ copy of al-IßfahånÈ’s Kitåb al-aghånÈ in the BNF.174 It is clear from both the sources and the extant manuscripts that, under the Almohads, the cities of Northwest Africa equalled al-­Andalus in the quantity and quality of the paper there produced. An interesting anecdote alluding to the far-reaching prestige of MaghribÈ paper in this period narrates that a MaghribÈ poet wrote

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Figure 4.17  Muslim b. al-Óajjåj, Al-Musnad al-ßa˙È˙, beginning of the Kitåb al-Êahåra. The colour tags were placed during the pigment analysis carried out in the late 1990s. BNRM, ms. 586 J, f. 38b (item 146). © François Déroche

to the Ayyubid sultan al-Kåmil (r. 615/1218–635/1238) a letter on white paper, which became silvery if read by candlelight, golden if read in full sunlight and ink-black if read in the shade.175 While the increased use of this scribal support during the sixth/twelfth century is certainly related to the expansion of the paper-making industry on both sides of the Strait of Gibraltar, it is equally evident that the Almohad caliphs actively fostered paper consumption by adopting it as the official support for their chancery documents and formal correspondence, as opposed to the BanË Ghåniya in Majorca, who still privileged parchment (see Chapter Five). As already mentioned, paper was also used in luxury manuscripts of the works of Ibn TËmart (items 140 and 158), and in an illuminated copy of al-BukhårÈ’s Ía˙È˙ most likely made for the court of Marrakesh (item 188). During the last decades of Almohad rule, five multi-volume Quråns produced in Malaga, Seville and Marrakesh were also copied on paper: this seems to have been an absolute first in the Islamic West.176 Because these manuscripts date from the seventh/thirteenth century, they are not discussed in this book, but they all bear the hallmarks of royal patronage.177

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Figure 4.18  Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ, Al-TamhÈd, part 7. Title page penned by A˙mad b. YËsuf al-QaysÈ, with the partly effaced ex-libris of the Almohad prince AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån. Istanbul, Köprülü Library, ms. Fazıl Ahmet Pa∞a 347, f. 1a, detail (item 142). © Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Ba∞kanlı©ı

Besides the obvious economic reasons, was there an ideological motive behind the adoption of paper for copying the Qurån and other important religious works during the Almohad period? That is at least conceivable, if one considers the Almohads’ quest for the fundamentals (ußËl) of religion and abhorrence of hyper-normative approaches to practical matters. Because the traditional MaghribÈ preference for parchment over paper had no substantiation in the Qurån or the ˙adÈth, the new rulers may have perceived it as one of the many meaningless conventions developed within the MålikÈ school of jurisprudence. This is admittedly difficult to prove, since the issue is not explicitly raised in either MålikÈ commentaries and fatwas or Almohad doctrinal works. Interestingly, however, with the return to MålikÈ orthodoxy propagandised by the Marinids and Nasrids after the fall of the Almohads, parchment was seemingly re-established as the sole support for Quranic manuscripts, as shown by the surviving examples from eighth/fourteenth-century Fes and Granada, which were all copied on vellum.178

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Christian manuscripts from Northwest Africa The age of the Almoravids and Almohads also coincided with the almost complete dispersion of the Christian communities of alAndalus, either through their mass migration to the re-conquered regions of the Peninsula or through their forced exile and deportation to Northwest Africa.179 In the latter case – the only one of interest here – the production of liturgical codices in the Far Maghrib is attested by the eighty-three parchment folios from a Gospel Book preserved in the QarawiyyÈn Library (item 101), penned by a proficient scribe with titles and chapter headings in bright cochineal red (Figure 4.19). Although undated, this manuscript can be ascribed to the Almoravid period on palaeographic grounds, and conceivably identified with a Gospel Book completed in Fes in the year 1175 of the Spanish Era (1137 ce), whose colophon was transcribed verbatim at the end of a later copy made in 1421 ce.180 The passage reads as follows: Its copying was achieved in the evening of the 19th day of the non-Arab month of June of the year 1421 from the birth of Christ, from an ancient copy written on parchment [min nuskha atÈqa maktËba fÈ al-raqq], at the end of which was the following text: ‘Here ends the fourth part of the Gospel […] Praised be God abundantly! Written by the servant of the servants of Christ, the Word of the Father, eternal God, MÈqål the bishop, son of Abd al-AzÈz, for AlÈ b. Abd al-AzÈz b. Abd al-Ra˙mån al-JåbirÈ, may God grant him happiness and bestow upon him His grace! Achieved by him on Friday, the 23rd of July of the year 1575 [sic, read: 1175] of the Era, in the city of Fes, in the western part of the [North African] shore, in the eleventh year of the migration [ri˙la] of the Christian of al-Andalus towards it, may God restore them! He wrote it at the age of 57. May God have mercy upon him who reads it and prays for its copyist, amen! Collated with the Latin original [al-umm al-La†Èniyya], the translation of Hieronymus, the learned priest and translator, may God be pleased with him.’ End. This important colophon provides unique insight not only into the structure of the Christian community of Fes, but also into the scribal activities of important members of the local clergy. Moreover, the folios of item 101 attest to the unbroken Mozarab practice of employing quaternions, carefully arranged according to Gregory’s rule, even outside the copyist’s homeland. In the top left corner of some pages are brief annotations in the form of ordinal numbers, which refer to the position of the gatherings within the finished codex, probably penned by the same scribe to facilitate the binder’s task: on f. 33a, for instance, one can read: ‘al-tåsia min al-awwal’ (‘the ninth of the first’), i.e. ‘[al-kurråsa] al-tåsia min [al-juz] al-awwal’ (‘the ninth

211

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Figure 4.19  Al-InjÈl, beginning of the Gospel of Luke. Probably copied in 1137 ce, in Fes. Parchment, 28 × 21 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 730, p. 15 (item 101). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

quire of the first volume’).181 To my knowledge, this may be the earliest instance of numbered quires in a MaghribÈ manuscript. However, the practice of marking the central bifolium of each quire with a numeral 5 in the upper right margin (‘mid-quire notation’) is already attested at the beginning of the sixth/twelfth century, in item 56. Further evidence of scribal activities among the Christians of sixth/twelfth-century Fes (although indirect) comes from the colophon of another Arabic Gospel Book, copied in 796/1394 from a manuscript ‘written by the Deacon AbË Umar […] in the city of Fes’ and ‘completed on Friday, the 30th day of the month of March of the year 1145 of the era of Christ the Lord’.182 Finally, the town of Ceuta also witnessed the copy of Christian Arabic manuscripts during the Almohad period, as confirmed by a parchment Psalter completed in 1239 ce by a small team of amanuenses.183 The evidence of dated manuscripts The number of dated manuscripts and documents written in MaghribÈ round scripts that survive from the sixth/twelfth century is significantly higher than that of earlier periods. A complete list can only be attained through a systematic survey of libraries that are notoriously problematic, due to the inaccessibility and/or overwhelming size of

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their collections, still partly uncatalogued: I am referring, in particular, to the BNRM, the BNT, the DKW, the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul, the National Library in Damascus and most Algerian and Mauritanian libraries. Such survey would evidently transcend the scope of this book: the list presented here is largely based on manuscripts that are published in the available catalogues, mentioned in secondary literature and edited sources, or that have been brought to my attention by colleagues working in related fields. For purely practical reasons, the Arabic (and bilingual) documents and manuscripts produced in Toledo and other Iberian centres after the Aragonese, Castilian and Portuguese conquests will not be discussed here.184 On the contrary, dated manuscripts that were copied in the Mashriq or in Christian centres of the Iberian Peninsula by travelling (or captive) MaghribÈ scholars have been included in the corpus, not only for their palaeographic importance, but also because of the information they yield about the movements and activities of AndalusÈ intellectuals outside their homeland.  55. 501/1108 [Rajab]: Al-Watha¯ iq wa-l-sijilla¯ t [‘On Documents and Records’], an AndalËsÈ formulary for notaries by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad Ibn al-A††år al-UmawÈ [d. 399/1009], and Isla¯ h al-ghalat al-wa¯ qi fı¯ Watha¯ iq Ibn al-Atta¯ r [‘Correction ˙ ˙ of˙ What is Wrong in Ibn al-A††år’s Manual on˙ ˙Documents’], a commentary thereupon by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad Ibn alFakhkhår al-Qur†ubÈ [d. 419/1028]. Tidsi Nissendalene, Library of Mu߆afå al-AnßårÈ al-TidsÈ, unknown shelf mark;185  56. 502/1108 [RabÈ II–Jumåda I]: Tabsirat al-mubtadi wa-­ tadhkirat al-muntahı¯ [‘Manual for the˙ Beginner and Reminder for the Advanced’], a work on grammar by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. AlÈ al-ÍaymarÈ [fourth/tenth century]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 4007;186  57. 502/1109 [Jumådå II–Shabån, copied in Marrakesh]: Al-Muwatta, parts 6–13 and 31–33 [‘The Well-trodden Path’], ˙˙ the foundational work of the MålikÈ school of jurisprudence by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, mss 605 and 2005 (Figure 4.11);187  58. 505/1111 [RabÈ I]: Al-Tamhı¯ d li-ma¯ fı¯ al-Muwatta, part ˙˙ 7 [‘Initiation into the Content of Målik’s Muwa††a’], an AndalusÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË Umar YËsuf Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [368/978–463/1071]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 991;188  59. 505/1112 [Shawwål]: Al-Ja¯ miʿ al-sah¯ı h al-musnad, part 5 ˙ a˙ work ˙ [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810– 256/870]. Ouazzane, Library of the Great Mosque, ms. 130;189  60. 506/1113 [Rama∂ån, copied in Tlemcen]: Al-Taqass¯ı li-hadı¯ th ˙˙ ˙ Cited al-Muwatta [‘Exhaustive Study of the Traditions ˙˙

213

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in (Målik’s) Muwa††a’], an AndalusÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË Umar YËsuf Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [368/978–463/1071]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 828;190  61. 506–510/1113–16 [copied in Calatrava la Vieja]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ , various parts [‘Great Legal Compilation’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Dublin, CBL, mss Ar. 3006 and Ar. 4835;191  62. 510/1116 [Shabån]: Al-Kita¯ b al-kabı¯ r ala¯ al-Mudawwana, part 2 [‘Great Commentary on (Sa˙nËn’s) Mudawwana’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Abd al-Óaqq b. Mu˙ammad b. HårËn al-SahmÈ al-ÍiqillÈ [d. 466/1074]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1144;192  63. 510/1117 [Rama∂ån]: Al-I¯ da¯ h li-na¯ sikh al-Qura¯ n ˙ Abrogating and Abrogated wa-mansu¯khi-hi [‘Explanation of˙ the Verses of the Qurån’], an AndalusÈ work of Quranic sciences by AbË Mu˙ammad MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib al-QaysÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [d. 437/1045]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 938;193  64. 511/1117 [Jumådå I–II]: Al-Sunan [‘Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË al-Óasan AlÈ b. Umar al-BaghdådÈ al-Dåraqu†nÈ [d. 385/995]. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 157;194  65. 512/1118 [RabÈ I]: Mukhtasar al-Mudawwana [‘Abridgement of (Sa˙nËn’s) Mudawwana’],˙ a work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by an unidentified author. Meknes, Library of the Great Mosque, ms. 379;195  66. 512/1119 [Shawwål]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ (Kita¯ b tadmı¯ n ˙ of al-sunna¯ ʿ) [‘Great Legal Compilation (Book on the Liability ˙ Craftsmen)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 798/4/17;196  67. 512/1119 [Shawwål]: Al-Ka¯ mil fı¯ al-lugha [‘The Complete on Language’], a work of adab and philology by AbË al-Abbås Mu˙ammad b. YazÈd al-Mubarrad [210/825–286/899]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 221;197  68. 513–514/1120 [copied in Xàtiva]: Sharh dı¯ wa¯ n al-Hama¯ sa ˙ criti[‘Explanation of al-Óamåsa’], an AndalusÈ˙ work of literary cism by YËsuf b. Sulaymån al-Alam al-ShantamarÈ [410/1019– 476/1084], being a commentary on AbË Tammåm’s DÈwån al-˙amåsa [‘Anthology of Poems on Military Valour (and other subects)’]. Tunis, BNT, mss 15054–5;198  69. 514/1120 [Íafar, copied in Cordova]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al˙ ˙a ˙work musnad, part 32 [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Auctioned in 2000;199  70. 514/1120 [Íafar]: Al-I¯ da¯ h fı¯ al-nahw [‘Explanation of ˙ ˙ Grammar’], a work of grammar by AbË ˙AlÈ al-Óasan al-FårisÈ 200 [d. 377/987]. Auctioned in 2010;

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

 71. 515/1121 [RabÈ I]: Al-Iqtida¯ b fı¯ sharh Adab al-kutta¯ b ˙ of the Adab ˙ [‘Excursus on the Elucidation al-kuttåb’], an AndalusÈ work of adab and philology by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ [444/1052–521/1127], being a commentary on Ibn Qutayba’s Adab al-kuttåb [‘Etiquette of Secretaries’]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 503 (Figure 4.5);201  72. 515/1121 [RabÈ I]: Ka¯ mil al-sina¯ a al-tibbiyya fı¯ al-himya¯ t ˙ ˙ of Medical Practice ˙ wa-l-awra¯ m, part 4 [‘The Complete Manual Concerning Regimens and Tumours’], a work of medicine by AlÈ b. al-Abbås al-MajËsÈ al-AhwåzÈ [d. between 371/982–385/995]. Madrid, RAH, ms. Gayangos XXVI;202  73. 515/1121 [Shabån, copied in Valencia]: Al-Farq bayna al-huru¯f al-khamsa [‘On the Difference between the Five Letters˙ (Ωå, ∂åd, dhål, ßåd, sÈn)’], an AndalusÈ work of lexicography by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ [444/ 1052–521/1127]. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 134;203  74. 517/1123 [Jumådå I]: Sharh Gharı¯ b al-hadı¯ th, part 4 [‘Explanation ˙ a work of˙ ˙adÈth sciences by AbË of the GharÈb al-˙adÈth’], Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Muslim Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ [213/828–276/889], being a commentary on Ibn Sallåm’s GharÈb al-˙adÈth [‘Exceptional Traditions’]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 116;204  75. 517–519/1123–26: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ , various parts [‘Great Legal Compilation’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, mss 574/1/5–8/55, 796/5/5, 796/26, 800/3/6, 2021;205  76. 518/1124 [Mu˙arram]: Mukhtasar Kita¯ b al-ayn [‘Abridgement ˙ of the Kitåb al-ayn’], an AndalusÈ dictionary by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan al-ZubaydÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 379/989], being an abridgement of al-FaråhidÈ’s Book of Ayn. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1238 (Figure 4.6);206  77. 519/1125 [Jumådå II]: Zahr al-a¯ da¯ b wa-thamar al-alba¯ b, parts 2 and 4 [‘Flowers of Refinement and Fruits of the Intellect’], an IfrÈqÈ work of adab and philology by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. AlÈ al-ÓußrÈ [d. 413/1021]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 116;207  78. 520/1126 [Rajab]: Ikhtisa¯ r al-Mabsu¯ta [‘Abridgement of the ˙ jurisprudence by AbË Mabsˆa’], an AndalusÈ ˙work of MålikÈ al-WalÈd Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad Ibn Rushd al-Jadd [d. 520/1126], being an abridgement of Ya˙yå b. Is˙åq al-LaythÈ’s al-Kutub al-mabsˆa fÈ ikhtilåf aß˙åb Målik [‘Extended Books on the Disagreements of Målik’s Companions’]. Tolga, Library of the Zåwiya Uthmåniyya, ms. 749;208  79. 520/1126 [Rama∂ån]: Al-I¯ ba¯ na fı¯ al-waqf wa-l-ibtida¯  [‘Elucidation of Pausing and Restarting (when reciting the

215

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Qurån)’], a work of Quranic sciences by AbË al-Fa∂l Mu˙ammad b. Jafar al-KhuzåÈ [d. 408/1017]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1054;209  80. 521/1127 [Jumådå II]: I¯ ja¯ z al-baya¯ n an usu¯l qira¯ at Na¯ fi ˙ [‘Concise Explanation of the Sources of Nåfi’s Reading (of the Qurån)’], an AndalusÈ work of Quranic sciences by AbË Amr Uthmån al-DånÈ [371/981–444/1053]. Tunis, BNT, ms. 19045;210  81. 521/1127 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Ila¯ m bi-nawa¯ zil al-ahka¯ m [‘Advice ˙ on Judicial Cases’], an AndalusÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË al-Aßbagh Ïså Ibn Sahl al-JayyånÈ [d. 486/1093]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 116;211  82. 523/1129 [Íafar, copied in Granada?]: Al-Ha¯ wı¯ fı¯ al-hamiyya¯ t, ˙ part 6 [‘The Comprehensive on Fevers’], a˙ work of medicine by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-RåzÈ [250/864–311/923]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 855;212  83. 523/1129 [Íafar]: Al-Ka¯ mil fı¯ duafa¯  al-rija¯ l [‘The Complete on ˙ ˙adÈth sciences by AbË A˙mad Weak Traditionists’], a work of Ibn AdÈ al-JurjånÈ [d. 365/976]. Cairo, DKW, unknown shelf mark;213  84. 523/1129 [RabÈ I]: Al-Tabsira, part 3 [‘Instructive Commentary (on the Mudawwana)’], an˙ IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË al-Óasan AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad al-QayrawånÈ al-LakhmÈ [d. 478/1085]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 370/3;214  85. 524/1129–30 [copied in Valencia]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ , various parts [‘Great Legal Compilation’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/777– 240/855]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, mss 574/5/30, 800/3/11, 2023 (Figure 4.7);215  86. 524/1130 [Yannayr/Íafar]: Al-Adwiya al-mufrada [‘Book of Simples’], an AndalusÈ work of medicine by YËnus Ibn Baklårish al-IsråÈlÈ [active around 493/1100]. London, Arcadian Library, ms. L:04;216  87. 524/1130 [Íafar]: Zahr al-a¯ da¯ b wa-thamar al-alba¯ b, part 4 [‘Flowers of Refinement and Fruits of the Intellect’], an IfrÈqÈ work of adab and philology by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. AlÈ alÓußrÈ [d. 413/1021]. Cairo, DKW, unknown shelf mark;217  88. 524/1130 [RabÈ I]: Al-Nawa¯ dir, part 1 [‘Book of Rarities’], an AndalusÈ work of lexicography by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl al-QålÈ al-BaghdådÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [288/901–356/967]. Algiers, National Library, unknown shelf mark;218  89. 524/1130 [DhË al-Qada]: Mukhtasar Kita¯ b al-ayn, part 1 ˙ an AndalusÈ dictionary [‘Abridgement of the Kitåb al-ayn’], by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan al-ZubaydÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 379/989], being an abridgement of al-FaråhidÈ’s Book of Ayn. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 6 Q;219

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

 90. 526/1132 [RabÈ I–Jumådå I]: Al-Iqtida¯ b fı¯ sharh Adab ˙ al-kutta¯ b [‘Excursus on the Elucidation of˙ the Adab al-kuttåb’], an AndalusÈ work of adab and philology by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ [444/1052–521/1127], being a commentary on Ibn Qutayba’s Adab al-kuttåb [‘Etiquette of Secretaries’]. Tunis, BNT, ms. 16412;220  91. 526/1132 [Jumådå I]: Muntakhab al-ahka¯ m, part 1 [‘Anthology ˙ of Juridical Pronouncements’], an AndalusÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad Ibn AbÈ ZamanÈn [324/935–398/1007]. Madrid, BNE, MSS/5043;221  92. 527/1133 [RabÈ II]: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ (Kita¯ b al-sarf) ˙ [‘Great Legal Compilation (Book of Barter)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/ 777–240/855]. Doha, Museum of Islamic Art, MS.624.2007;222   93. 527/1133 [RabÈ II]: Al-Ka¯ mil fı¯ al-lugha, two volumes [‘The Complete on Language’], a work of adab and philology by AbË al-Abbås Mu˙ammad b. YazÈd al-Mubarrad [210/825–286/899]. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 870–871 (Figure 4.20);223  94. 528/1133–4 [copied in Tlemcen]: Sı¯ rat rasu¯l Alla¯ h, part 1 [‘Life of the Messenger of God’], a biography of the Prophet Mu˙ammad by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd al-Malik Ibn Hishåm al-ÓimyarÈ al-BaßrÈ [d. 218/833]. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, uncatalogued fragment;224  95. 528/1133 [Mu˙arram, copied in Alexandria]: Al-Muhtasab ˙ the fı¯ tabyı¯ n wuju¯h shawa¯ dhdh al-qira¯ a¯ t [‘Manual for Clarification of Obscure Matters Relating to Quranic Readings’], a work of Quranic sciences by AbË al-Fat˙ Uthmån Ibn JinnÈ al-MawßilÈ [320/932–392/1002]. Cairo, DKW, ms. 78 qirååt;225  96. 530/1135 [Íafar, copied in Tlemcen]: Mukhtasar al-Mudaw˙ wana [‘Abridgement of (Sa˙nËn’s) Mudawwana’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ [d. 386/996]. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 578;226  97. 530/1136 [DhË al-Qada]: Unidentified treatise of Ma¯ likı¯ fiqh. Kuala Lumpur, International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization, ms. Arabic 337;227  98. 530/1136 [Rama∂ån]: Maa¯ nı¯ al-Qura¯ n, part 2 [‘Meanings of the Qurån’], a work of Quranic exegesis by AbË Jafar A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad al-MurådÈ [d. 338/950]. Meknes, Library of the Great Mosque, ms. 389;228  99. 530/1136 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Mulim bi-fawa¯ id Sah¯ı h Muslim, ˙ ˙ ˙Ía˙È˙’], an part 2 [‘The Master on the Advantages of Muslim’s IfrÈqÈ work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ al-TamÈmÈ al-MåzarÈ [453/1061–536/1141]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 164;229 100. 531/1137 [Rama∂ån, copied in Granada?]: Qala¯ id al-iqya¯ n wa-maha¯ sin al-aya¯ n [‘Necklaces of Pure Gold and the Merits ˙

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Figure 4.20  Al-Mubarrad, Al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha, part 1. Copied in 527/1133. Paper, 26.5 × 17.6 cm. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 870, ff. 63b–64a (item 93). © Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Ba∞kanlı©ı

of the Nobles’], an AndalusÈ biographical dictionary of poets and anthology of their work by AbË Naßr al-Fat˙ b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Khåqån al-QaysÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 529/1134 or 535/1140]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 116;230 101. 1137 ce [July, copied in Fes?]: Al-Injı¯ l wafqan li-Marqush wa-Lu¯qa wa-Yu¯hana¯ [‘Gospel According to Mark, Luke, and ˙ John’]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 730 (Figure 4.19);231 102. 532/1137 [Shawwål]: Khalq al-insa¯ n, part 2 [‘Characteristics of the Human Body’], a work of lexicography by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. al-SarÈ al-Zajjåj [241/844–311/923]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 929 D;232 103. 532/1138 [DhË al-Qada]: Mukhtasar al-Mudawwana, parts 2–6, ˙ 12–14, 16–17 [‘Abridgement of (Sa˙nËn’s) Mudawwana’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ [d. 386/996]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, mss 645 and 794;233 104. 533/1139 [Rajab]: Fahrasa [‘Index’], a bio-bibliographical work recording the studies and teachers of AbË Mu˙ammad Abd al-Óaqq b. Ghålib b. A†iyya al-Mu˙åribÈ [481/1088– 541/1147]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 1733 (Figures I.1–2);234

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

105. 533/1139 [DhË al-Qada]: Al-Tahs¯ı l li-fawa¯ id kita¯ b al-tafs¯ı l, ˙˙ part 2 [‘Attainment of the Advantages of the Qurån’], ˙ an AndalusÈ work of Quranic exegesis by AbË al-Abbås A˙mad b. Ammår al-MahdawÈ [d. 440/1048]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 1272;235 106. 534/1139 [RabÈ I]: Al-Afa¯ l al-thula¯ thiyya wa-l-ruba¯ iyya [‘On Triliteral and Quadriliteral Verbs’], an AndalusÈ work of grammar by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad Ibn al-Qˆiyya [d. 367/977]. Agrigento, Lucchesiana Library, ms. arabo I (Figure 4.21);236 107. 534/1139 [RabÈ I]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad, final part ˙ ˙ ˙ a work of ˙adÈth by [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/ 810–256/870]. Turin, National Library, ms. a.IV.18;237 108. 534/1139 [RabÈ II]: Al-Fusu¯l fı¯ ilm al-usu¯l [‘Thematic Chapters on the Sources of Law’],˙ an AndalusÈ˙ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË Jafar A˙mad Ibn WaßËl al-TarjålÈ [d. after 484/1091]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 98 Q (1);238 109. 534/1140 [Rajab, copied in Granada]: Al-Mifta¯ h fı¯ ikhtila¯ f ˙ the Seven al-qira¯ a¯ t al-saba [‘Key to the Differences Among Readings’], an AndalusÈ work of Quranic sciences by Abd alWahhåb Ibn Abd al-QuddËs al-Qur†ubÈ [403/1012–462/1070]. Madrid, BNE, MSS/5255;239 110. 534/1140 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Watha¯ iq wa-al-masa¯ il, part 2 [‘On Documents and (Contractual) Issues’], an AndalusÈ formulary for notaries by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Wå˙id al-FihrÈ al-BËntÈ [d. 462/1070]. Madrid, CSIC Library, ms. RESC/11;240 111. 535/1140 [RabÈ II]: Sharh al-Hida¯ ya [‘Commentary on the Hidåya’], an AndalusÈ work˙ of Quranic sciences by AbË al-Abbås A˙mad b. Ammår al-MahdawÈ [d. 440/1048], being an abridgement of an earlier work by the same author, titled al-Hidåya fÈ al-qirååt al-saba [‘Guidance on the Seven Readings’]. Istanbul, Köprülü Library, ms. Fazıl Ahmet Pa∞a 20 (Figure 4.22);241 112. 535/1141 [Shabån]: Al-Tahdhı¯ b li-masa¯ il al-Mudawwana [‘Revision of the Matters in the Mudawwana’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË SaÈd Khalaf b. SaÈd al-AzdÈ al-BarådhiÈ [d. 400/1009]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 320;242 113. 535–536/1141 [Shawwål–RabÈ I, copied in Priego de Córdoba]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad, parts 4 and 7 [‘Compendium ˙ ˙ ˙ of Sound Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 301/21.1, and Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1873;243 114. 536/1142 [Shabån]: Al-Sunan, part 2 [‘Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË DåwËd Sulaymån b. al-Ashath al-SijistånÈ [202/817–275/889]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1001/2;244

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Figure 4.21  Ibn al-Qˆiyya, Al-Afål al-thulåthiyya wa-l-rubåiyya. Copied in 534/1139. Paper, 23.3 × 16.6 cm. Agrigento, Lucchesiana Library, ms. arabo I, ff. 75b–76a (item 106). © Soprintentenza BB.CC.AA. di Agrigento e Biblioteca Lucchesiana

115. 537/1142 [RabÈ I]: Al-Ka¯ mil fı¯ al-lugha [‘The Complete on Language’], a work of adab and philology by AbË al-Abbås Mu˙ammad b. YazÈd al-Mubarrad [210/825–286/899]. St Petersburg, Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, ms. C-674;245

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

116. 538/1143 [RabÈ I]: Al-Muqni fı¯ ilm al-shuru¯t [‘The Precise on ˙ the Science of Contractual Clauses’], an AndalusÈ formulary for notaries by AbË Jafar A˙mad Ibn MughÈth al-ÍadafÈ al-Êulay†ulÈ [d. 459/1067], and S∙ anat al-ghawa¯ lı¯ [‘On Perfumery’], an anonymous collection of recipes for perfumes and ointments. Madrid, RAH, ms. Gayangos XLIVI;246

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Figure 4.22  AbË al-Abbås al-MahdawÈ, Shar˙ al-Hidåya. Copied in 535/1140. Paper, 23.5 × 17 cm. Istanbul, Köprülü Library, ms. Fazıl Ahmet Pa∞a 20, ff. 120b–121a (item 111). © Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Ba∞kanlı©ı

117. 539/1145 [Shawwål, copied in Seville?]: Mana¯ fi al-ada¯ , ˙ a parts 10–17 [‘Galen’s Book on the Functions of Body Parts’], work of medicine translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq al-IbådÈ [192/ 808–260/873]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 850;247 118. 540/1145 [Jumådå II–Rajab, copied in Baghdad]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-kabı¯ r li-l-sunan, part 1 [‘Great Compilation of Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Ïså Mu˙ammad al-SulamÈ al-BËghÈ al-TirmidhÈ [209/824–279/892]. Leiden University Library, ms. Or. 101 (Figure 4.27);248 119. 540/1145–6 [Rajab]: Al-Aqı¯ da al-Ashariyya [‘On the AsharÈ Doctrine’], an AndalusÈ work of AsharÈ theology by AbË Bakr Abd Allåh b. Êal˙a al-YåburÈ [d. 518/1124]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 98 Q (3);249 120. 541/1147 [Shawwål]: Al-Muhtasab fı¯ tabyı¯ n wuju¯h shawa¯ dhdh al-qira¯ a¯ t [‘Manual for the˙ Clarification of Obscure Matters Relating to Quranic Readings’], a work of Quranic sciences by AbË al-Fat˙ Uthmån Ibn JinnÈ al-MawßilÈ [320/932–392/1002]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 114;250 121. 542/1148 [DhË al-Óijja, copied in Granada]: Al-Muwatta, part 1 ˙ ˙ MålikÈ [‘The Well-trodden Path’], the foundational work of the

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

school of jurisprudence by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Doha, Museum of Islamic Art, MS.320.1999 (Figure 4.4);251 122. 546/1152 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Awı¯ s, part 1 [‘On Abstruse Words’], ˙ phonetics by AbË al-Óasan an AndalusÈ work of linguistics and AlÈ Ibn SÈda al-MursÈ [d. 458/1066], being a commentary on Ibn al-SikkÈt’s Ißlå˙ al-man†iq [‘Reformation of Speech’]. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 596;252 123. 550/1155 [Shabån]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad [‘Compendium ˙ of Sound Traditions’], a work˙ of˙ ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Murad Molla 577; 253 124. 555/1160 [Shabån, copied in Damascus?]: Aha¯ dı¯ th musalsala¯ t [‘Connected Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by˙ AbË Bakr A˙mad b. AlÈ al-ÊuraythÈthÈ al-BaghdådÈ [d. 497/1104]. Damascus, Al-Assad National Library, ms. Ûåhiriyya 1301;254 125. 556/1161 [RabÈ I]: Al-Maqsu¯r wa-l-mamdu¯d [‘On Words Ending ˙ MamdËda’], an AndalusÈ work of with Alif MaqßËra and Alif lexicography by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl al-QålÈ al-BaghdådÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [288/901–356/967]. Cairo, DKW, ms. 184 lugha;255 126. 556/1161 [Jumådå II]: Dı¯ wa¯ n al-hama¯ sa [‘Anthology of Poems ˙ on Military Valour (and other subects)’], a collection of poems by AbË Tammåm ÓabÈb b. Aws al-ÊåÈ [d. 231/845]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 415 (Figure C.2);256 127. 559/1164 [Rama∂ån, copied in Damascus]: Al-Musnad al-sah¯ı h ˙ ˙ [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by˙ AbË al-Óusayn Muslim b. al-Óajjåj al-Qushayrı¯ [d. 261/875]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 1007;257 128. 560/1165 [DhË al-Qada, copied in Cordova]: Al-S∙ ila fı¯ ta¯ rı¯ kh aimmat al-Andalus [‘Supplement to the History of AndalusÈ Scholars’], an AndalusÈ biographical dictionary by AbË alQåsim Khalaf Ibn Bashkuwål [494/1101–578/1183]. Istanbul, Millet Library, ms. Feyzullah Efendi 1471 (Figure 4.1);258 129. 561–2/1166–7 [Íafar–Íafar, copied in Barcelona]: Al-Aghdhiya [‘On Nutrition’], Al-Tadhkira [‘Advice (on Medicine)’], Dhikr al-Adwiya [‘On Medicaments’] and Al-Taysı¯ r fı¯ al-muda¯ wa¯ t wa-l-tadbı¯ r [‘Companion to Therapeutics and Diet’], four AndalusÈ works of medicine by AbË al-Alå Zuhr b. Abd alMalik Ibn Zuhr [d. 525/1131] and his son AbË Marwån Abd al-Malik Ibn Zuhr [464/1094–557/1161]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 2960;259 130. 561/1166 [RabÈ II]: Al-Mujarraba¯ t [‘On (Medical) Practices’] and al-Tadhkira [‘Advice (on Medicine)’], two AndalusÈ works of medicine by AbË al-Alå Zuhr b. Abd al-Malik Ibn Zuhr [d. 525/1131]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 844/3–4;260 131. 561/1166 [Jumådå I]: Mukhtasar fı¯ al-adwiya al-qalbiyya ˙ [‘Compendium of Cardiac Medications’], an anonymous abridgement of a work of medicine by AbË AlÈ al-Óusayn

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Ibn SÈnå [d. 427/1037], and Hudu¯d al-ashya¯  [‘Definition of Things’], a work of philosophy˙ by Ibn SÈnå. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 844/5–6;261 132. 562/1166–7: Al-Kita¯ b fı¯ al-nahw [‘Book of Grammar’], a work ˙ al-BaßrÈ SÈbawayh [d. 180/796]. of grammar by Amr b. Uthmån 262 Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 6499; 133. 562/1167 [Shabån]: Al-Ka¯ mil fı¯ al-lugha, part 2 [‘The Complete on Language’], a work of adab and philology by AbË al-Abbås Mu˙ammad b. YazÈd al-Mubarrad [210/825–286/899]. Cambridge University Library, ms. Qq. 42;263 134. 562/1168 [DhË al-Qada, copied in Majorca]: Mushkil ira¯ b al-Qura¯ n [‘On the Difficulties of Quranic Vocalisation’], an AndalusÈ work of Quranic sciences by AbË Mu˙ammad MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib al-QaysÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [d. 437/1045]. Agrigento, Lucchesiana Library, ms. arabo VIII;264 135. 562/1167 [Rajab]: Asma¯  rija¯ l S ah¯ı h al-Bukha¯ rı¯ [‘Biographical ˙ ˙ Mentioned ˙ Dictionary of the Transmitters in al-BukhårÈ’s Ía˙È˙’], a work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË Naßr A˙mad alKalåbådhÈ [d. 398/1008]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 2086;265 136. 563/1168 [Rajab, copied in Bougie]: Sirr al-sina¯ a wa-asra¯ r ˙ a work of linal-bala¯ gha [‘Secrets of Ability and Eloquence’], guistics and phonetics by AbË al-Fat˙ Uthmån Ibn JinnÈ alMawßilÈ [320/932–392/1002]. Doha, Museum of Islamic Art, MS.553.1999;266 137. 567/1171 [RabÈ II]: Jamharat ansa¯ b al-Arab [‘Encyclopaedia of the Genealogies of the Arabs’], an AndalusÈ work of history and genealogy by AbË Mu˙ammad AlÈ Ibn Óazm al-ÛåhirÈ [d. 456/1064]. Muscat, Sheikh Ahmed bin Hamed Al Khalili Library, ms. 61 (Figure 4.3);267 138. 568/1172 [RabÈ II, copied in Valencia]: Al-Shiha¯ b [‘Blazing Star’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. Salåma al-Qu∂åÈ [d. 454/1062]. Kuwait City, Tareq Rajab Museum, unknown shelf mark (Figure 4.8);268 139. 568/1172 [RabÈ II]: Al-Sunan [‘Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË DåwËd Sulaymån b. al-Ashath al-SijistånÈ [202/ 817–275/889]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 996;269 140. 569/1173 [RabÈ II, copied in Sijilmasa]: Talkhı¯ s S∙ ah¯ı h Muslim ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙adÈth [‘Compendium of Muslim’s Ía˙È˙’], the Almohad abridgement by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad Ibn TËmart [d. 524/1130]. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 403;270 141. 570/1174 [before Shabån, copied in Almería?]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h ˙ ˙ al-musnad, part 9 [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], a ˙work of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Doha, Museum of Islamic Art, MS.513.1999;271 142. 570/1175 [Shabån]: Al-Tamhı¯ d li-ma¯ fı¯ al-Muwatta, volumes ˙˙ 1, 7–11 [‘Initiation into the Content of Målik’s Muwa††a’], an

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AndalusÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË Umar YËsuf Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ al-Qur†ubÈ [368/978–463/1071]. Istanbul, Köprülü Library, mss Fazıl Ahmet Paßa 343, 347–351 (Figure 4.18);272 143. 571/1176 [Rajab]: Asha¯ r al-shuara¯  al-sitta [‘Poems of the Six Poets’], an anthology of pre-Islamic poems by al-Nåbigha al-DhubyånÈ [late sixth century ce], Antara b. Shaddåd [528–608 ce], Êarafa b. al-Abd [sixth century ce], Zuhayr b. AbÈ Sulmå [sixth century ce], Alqama al-Fa˙l [sixth century ce] and Imru al-Qays [501–544 ce]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 3273 (Figure 4.23);273 144. 573/1177 [Shabån]: Al-Tahdhı¯ b li-masa¯ il al-Mudawwana [‘Revision of the Matters in the Mudawwana’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË SaÈd Khalaf b. SaÈd al-AzdÈ al-BarådhiÈ [d. 400/1009]. Dublin, CBL, ms. Ar. 3952;274 145. 573/1177 [Shabån]: Al-Musnad al-sah¯ı h [‘Compendium of ˙ AbË ˙ ˙ al-Óusayn Muslim Sound Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by b. al-Óajjåj al-QushayrÈ [d. 261/875]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 148 (Figure 4.2);275

Figure 4.23  Alqama, DÈwån al-shir, beginning of the first poem. Copied in 571/1176 by Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf b. IbråhÈm b. Qu˙†aba al-KhazrajÈ. Paper, 26.5 × 18.5 cm. BNF, ms. arabe 3273, ff. 49b–50a (item 143). © Bibliothèque nationale de France

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146. 573/1177–8 Al-Musnad al-sah¯ı h, part 1 [‘Compendium of ˙ ˙ by AbË al-Óusayn Muslim Sound Traditions’], a work of˙ ˙adÈth b. al-Óajjåj al-QushayrÈ [d. 261/875]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 586 J (Figures 4.16–17);276 147. 574/1178 [Jumådå I]: Al-Musnad al-sah¯ı h, final part ˙ ˙of ˙˙adÈth by AbË [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], a work al-Óusayn Muslim b. al-Óajjåj al-QushayrÈ [d. 261/875]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 983;277 148. 575/1179 [Rajab]: Al-Maida wa-amra¯ du-ha¯ [‘On the Stomach and its Diseases’], an IfrÈqÈ work of ˙medicine by AbË Jafar A˙mad b. IbråhÈm b. AbÈ Khålid Ibn al-Jazzår al-QayrawånÈ [d. 395/1004]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 852/4;278 149. 575/1180 [Shawwål]: Kita¯ b al-t ibb al-Mansu¯rı¯ [‘Book of ˙ of medicine ˙ by AbË Bakr Medicine for al-ManßËr’], a work Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-RåzÈ [250/864–311/923]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 819 (Figure 4.24);279 150. 576/1180 [Jumådå I]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad, final ˙ ˙ ˙ a work of ˙adÈth part [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Tamgrout, Library of the Zåwiya Nåßiriyya, ms. 69;280 151. 576/1180 [Rajab]: Al-Tasdı¯ d fı¯ sharh al-Tamhı¯ d [‘Guidance ˙ IfrÈqÈ work of AsharÈ on the Elucidation of al-TamhÈd’], an theology by Abd al-JalÈl b. AbÈ Bakr Ibn al-ÍåbËnÈ al-DÈbåjÈ al-RabaÈ al-QayrawånÈ [d. 460s/1070s], being a commentary on al-BåqillånÈ’s al-TamhÈd fÈ-l-radd alå al-mul˙ida [‘Introduction on the Refutation of Heresies’]. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Yazma Ba©ı∞lar 1885/1;281 152. 576/1180 [Shabån]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad, part 4 ˙ ˙ ˙a work of ˙adÈth by [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/ 810–256/870]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 130 (Figure 4.9);282 153. 577/1182 [Shawwål]: Al-Rawd al-unuf fı¯ sharh al-sı¯ ra al˙ ˙ Elucidation nabawiyya, part 2 [‘The Untrodden Meadows in the of the Prophet’s Biography’], an AndalusÈ commentary on Ibn Hishåm’s biography of the prophet Mu˙ammad by AbË al-Qåsim Abd al-Ra˙mån al-KhathamÈ al-SuhaylÈ [508/1114–581/1185]. Alexandria, Bibliotheca Alexandrina, ms. 1594 sÈra;283 154. 578/1182–3: Maa¯ nı¯ al-Qura¯ n, part 2 [‘Meanings of the Qurån’], a work of Quranic exegesis by AbË Zakariyyå Ya˙yå b. Ziyåd alDaylamÈ al-Farrå [144/761–207/822]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 188 Q;284 155. 578/1182–3 [Shabån–Rama∂ån]: Al-Mulim bi-fawa¯ id S∙ ah¯ı h Muslim, two volumes [‘The Master on the Advantages ˙ of˙ Muslim’s Ía˙È˙’], an IfrÈqÈ work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ al-TamÈmÈ al-MåzarÈ [453/1061– 536/1141]. Medina, Library of the Prophet’s Mosque, mss 108–109/213;285

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Figure 4.24  Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-RåzÈ, Kitåb al-†ibb al-ManßËrÈ. Copied in 575/1180. Paper, 24.5 × 18.5 cm. RBE, ms. árabe 819, ff. 178b–179a (item 149). © Patrimonio Nacional

156. 578/1183 [Rama∂ån, copied in Mecca]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al˙ ˙a work ˙ musnad, parts 2–7 [‘Compendium of Sound Traditions’], of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Auctioned in 2001;286 157. 579/1183 [Shabån]: Al-Masa¯ lik fı¯ sharh Muwat t a Ma¯ lik, ˙ parts 1 and 4 [‘Paths in the Elucidation of˙ Målik’s ˙Muwa††a’], an AndalusÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad Ibn al-ArabÈ al-MaåfirÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 543/1149]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 24/1–2;287 158. 579/1183 [Shabån]: Aazz ma¯ yutlab [‘The Most Precious Thing ˙ One Can Desire’], the fundamental work of Almohad ideology by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. TËmart [d. 524/1130]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 1451 (Figure 4.12);288 159. 580/1184 [RabÈ I, copied in Majorca]: Fiqh al-lugha wa-sirr al-Arabiyya [‘The Comprehension of Language and the Secret of Arabic’], a work of lexicography by AbË ManßËr Abd al-Malik b. Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-ThaålibÈ [350/961–429/1038]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 160;289

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160. 581/1185–6 [autograph, copied in Damascus]: Akhba¯ r al-nisa¯  [‘Biographies of Famous Women’], a biographical dictionary by AbË al-Óasan AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad al-MaåfirÈ al-MålaqÈ [d. 605/1208]. Dublin, CBL, ms. Ar. 3016;290 161. 582/1186 [Íafar]: Tabsirat al-mubtadi wa-tadhkirat al-muntahı¯ ˙ [‘Manual for the Beginner and Reminder for the Advanced’], a work of grammar by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. AlÈ al-ÍaymarÈ [fourth/tenth century]. Milan, Ambrosiana Library, ms. A 86 inf.;291 162. 582/1186–7 [Shawwål]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-kabı¯ r li-l-sunan [‘Great Compilation of Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Ïså Mu˙ammad al-SulamÈ al-BËghÈ al-TirmidhÈ [209/824–279/892]. Istanbul, Millet Library, ms. Feyzullah Efendi 344; 163. 582/1187 [DhË al-Qada]: Adab al-kutta¯ b [‘Etiquette of Secretaries’], a work of adab by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Muslim Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ [213/828–276/889]. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 742 (Figure 4.25);292 164. 583/1187 [Íafar]: Niha¯ yat al-aqda¯ m fı¯ ilm al-kala¯ m [‘The Furthest Steps in the Science of Theology’], a work of theology by Tåj al-DÈn AbË al-Fat˙ Mu˙ammad al-ShahrastånÈ [d. 548/1153]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 144;293 165. 583/1187 [Íafar, copied in Cordova]: Al-Kulliya¯ t fı¯ al-tibb ˙ by [‘Generalities of Medicine’], an AndalusÈ work of medicine AbË al-WalÈd Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Rushd al-ÓafÈd [520/1126–595/1198]. Granada, Sacromonte Library, ms. árabe 1;294 166. 583/1187 [Rajab, copied in Seville]: Mukhtasar Kita¯ b al-ayn ˙ [‘Abridgement of the Kitåb al-ayn’], an AndalusÈ dictionary by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan al-ZubaydÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 379/989], being an abridgement of al-FaråhidÈ’s Book of Ayn. Cairo, al-Azhar Library, ms. 1671 lugha;295 167. 583/1187 [Rama∂ån]: Mujam ma¯ istajam, part 2 [‘Dictionary of What Appears Incomprehensible’], an AndalusÈ work of lexicography and toponymy by AbË Ubayd Abd Allåh al-BakrÈ [d. 487/1094]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 1294 D;296 168. 583/1187 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Ghazawa¯ t [‘On Military Campaigns’], an AndalusÈ work of historiography by AbË al-Qåsim Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Óubaysh [504/1110–584/1188]. Berlin State Library, ms. Wetzstein I 173;297 169. 585/1189 [DhË al-Qada]: Al-Iqtida¯ b fı¯ sharh Adab al-kutta¯ b ˙ the Adab ˙ al-kuttåb’], an [‘Excursus on the Elucidation of AndalusÈ work of adab and philology by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ [444/1052–521/1127], being a commentary on Ibn Qutayba’s Adab al-kuttåb [‘Etiquette of Secretaries’]. Cairo, al-Azhar Library, ms. 190 adab;298

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Figure 4.25  Ibn Qutayba, Adab al-kuttåb. Copied in 582/1187 by Ya˙yå b. YËsuf b. Mu˙ammad b. Óajjåj al-LakhmÈ. Paper, 22.5 × 16 cm. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 742, ff. 67b–68a (item 163). © Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Ba∞kanlı©ı

170. 586/1190 [RabÈ I]: Al-Rawd al-unuf fı¯ sharh al-sı¯ ra al-nabawi˙ Meadows in the ˙ Elucidation of the yya, part 1 [‘The Untrodden Prophet’s Biography’], an AndalusÈ commentary on Ibn Hishåm’s biography of the prophet Mu˙ammad by AbË al-Qåsim Abd al-Ra˙mån al-KhathamÈ al-SuhaylÈ [508/1114–581/1185]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1001/1;299 171. 586/1190 [Rajab–Shawwål]: Al-Ilal wa-l-ara¯ d [‘Galen’s Book ˙ ¯ lima [‘Galen’s of Diseases and Ailments’] and Al-Ada¯  al-a ˙ Book of Inner Organs’], two works of medicine translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq al-IbådÈ [192/808–260/873]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 799;300 172. 586/1190 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Muwatta [‘The Well-trodden Path’], ˙˙ the foundational work of the MålikÈ school of jurisprudence by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Tichitt, unknown collection, unknown shelf mark; 173. 587/1191 [RabÈ II]: Al-Sunan al-kubra¯ , part 4 [‘Great Book of Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd al-Ra˙mån A˙mad b. Shuayb al-NasåÈ [214/829–303/915]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 508;301 174. 587/1191 [DhË al-Qada]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-kabı¯ r li-l-sunan [‘Great Compilation of Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Ïså

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Mu˙ammad al-SulamÈ al-BËghÈ al-TirmidhÈ [209/824–279/892]. Sofia, National Library of SS. Cyril and Methodius, ms. OR 1638;302 175. 587/1191 [DhË al-Qada]: Al-Baya¯ n wa-l-tabyı¯ n [‘Eloquence and Exposition’], a work of adab and philology by AbË Uthmån Amr b. Ba˙r al-KinånÈ al-Jå˙iΩ [159/776–275/869]. Istanbul, Millet Library, ms. Feyzullah Efendi 1580; 176. 588/1192 [Íafar]: Al-Madd wa-l-jazr [‘On the Ebb and Flow’], an anonymous AndalusÈ work of natural sciences. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 1636/2 (Figure 4.26);303 177. 588/1192 [Shawwål]: Al-Musnad al-sah¯ı h, part 2 [‘Compendium ˙ ˙ of Sound Traditions’], a work of ˙˙adÈth by AbË al-Óusayn Muslim b. al-Óajjåj al-QushayrÈ [d. 261/875]. Tunis, BNT, ms. 18476;304 178. 588/1192 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Kita¯ b fı¯ al-nahw [‘Book of ˙ Grammar’], a work of grammar by Amr b. Uthmån al-BaßrÈ SÈbawayh [d. 180/796]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 48 (Figure 4.10);305 179. 588/1192–3: Al-Tahdhı¯ b li-masa¯ il al-Mudawwana, part 2 [‘Revision of the Matters in the Mudawwana’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË SaÈd Khalaf b. SaÈd al-AzdÈ al-BarådhiÈ [d. 400/1009]. Taza, Library of the Great Mosque, ms. 220;306 180. 589/1193 [Íafar]: Jawa¯ hir al-Qura¯ n [‘Jewels of the Qurån’], al-Arba¯ı n fı¯ usu¯l al-dı¯ n [‘Forty Principles of Religion’] and ˙ ¯ fı¯ sharh asma¯  Alla¯ h al-husna¯ [‘The Best al-Maqsad al-asna ˙ Means in the Elucidation ˙ of the Beautiful ˙Names of God’], three works of theology by AbË Óåmid Mu˙ammad al-GhazålÈ [450/1058–505/1111]. Dublin, CBL, ms. Ar. 5266;307 181. 589/1193 [Jumådå I]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-kabı¯ r li-l-sunan [‘Great Compilation of Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Ïså Mu˙ammad al-SulamÈ al-BËghÈ al-TirmidhÈ [209/824–279/892]. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Huntington donat. 3;308 182. 589/1193 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Sunan [‘Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË DåwËd Sulaymån b. al-Ashath al-SijistånÈ [202/817–275/889], followed by a Risa¯ la [‘Epistle’] and al-Mara¯ sil [‘Imperfect Traditions’] by the same author, and Tasmiyyat shuyu¯kh al-Sijista¯ nı¯ [‘Names of al-SijistånÈ’s Authorities’], an AndalusÈ work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË AlÈ al-Óusayn b. Mu˙ammad al-GhassånÈ al-JayyånÈ [427/1035– 498/1105]. Princeton University Library, ms. Garrett 4999 Yq;309 183. 589/1193: Al-Sunan, part 1 [‘Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË DåwËd Sulaymån b. al-Ashath al-SijistånÈ [202/ 817–275/889]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1001/1;310 184. 590/1193–4: Al-Muwatta li-l-ima¯ m al-mahdı¯ [‘Muwa††a of ˙˙ the Rightly-guided Imam’], the official Almohad recension of Målik’s Muwa††a [‘The Well-trodden Path’] compiled by

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Figure 4.26  Anonymous, Al-Madd wa-l-jazr. Copied in 588/1192. Paper, 28.5 × 20 cm. RBE, ms. árabe 1636/2, f. 101a (item 176). © Patrimonio Nacional

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AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. TËmart [d. 524/1130]. Algiers, National Library of Algeria, ms. 424 (Figure 4.15);311 185. 590/1194 [Rajab]: Aazz ma¯ yutlab [‘The Most Precious Thing ˙ One Can Desire’], the fundamental work of Almohad ideology by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. TËmart [d. 524/1130]. Kuwait City, Tareq Rajab Museum, ms. 0501.TSR;312 186. 590/1194 [Shabån]: Al-Mulim bi-fawa¯ id Sah¯ı h Muslim [‘The ˙ ˙ ˙ an IfrÈqÈ work Master on the Advantages of Muslim’s Ía˙È˙’], of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ alTamÈmÈ al-MåzarÈ [453/1061–536/1141]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 152;313 187. 591/1195 [RabÈ II]: Qala¯ id al-iqya¯ n wa-maha¯ sin al-aya¯ n ˙ Nobles’], an [‘Necklaces of Pure Gold and the Merits of the AndalusÈ biographical dictionary of poets and anthology of their work by AbË Naßr al-Fat˙ b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Khåqån al-QaysÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 529/1134 or 535/1140]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 357 (Figure 4.34);314 188. 591/1195 [Shabån]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad [‘Compendium ˙ of Sound Traditions’], a work˙ of˙ ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. A. 240 (Figure 4.13);315 189. 591/1195 [Rama∂ån]: Isla¯ h al-mantiq [‘Reformation of Speech’], ˙ phonetics ˙ ˙ by AbË YËsuf YaqËb Ibn ala work of linguistics and SikkÈt [d. 244/858]. Rabat, Royal Library, ms. 180;316 190. 592/1196 [Jumådå I]: Al-Ka¯ mil fı¯ al-lugha [‘The Complete on Language’], a work of adab and philology by AbË al-Abbås Mu˙ammad b. YazÈd al-Mubarrad [210/825–286/899]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 141 Q;317 191. 593/1197 [Shabån]: Al-Taysı¯ r li-hifz madha¯ hib al-qurra¯  ˙ ˙ al-saba [‘Companion to the Memorisation of the Seven Schools of Recitation’], an AndalusÈ work of Quranic sciences by AbË Amr Uthmån al-DånÈ [371/981–444/1053]. Algiers, National Library, ms. 368;318 192. 594/1198 [Íafar]: Kanz al-yawa¯ qı¯ t, final part [‘Treasure of Precious Stones’], an anonymous work of Quranic exegesis. Madrid, BNE, MSS/4886;319 193. 594/1198 [RabÈ II]: Adab al-kutta¯ b [‘Etiquette of Secretaries’], a work of adab by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Muslim Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ [213/828–276/889]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 573;320 194. 594/1198 [Jumådå II, copied in Fustat]: Al-Muthallath [‘Words with Threefold Meaning’], an AndalusÈ work of lexicography by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ [444/1052–521/1127]. New Haven, Yale University Library, ms. Landberg 568;321 195. 594/1198 [Rama∂ån]: Al-Ahka¯ m al-sughra¯ fı¯ al-hadı¯ th [‘Small ˙ ˙ Traditions’], ˙ an AndalusÈ Compendium of Laws Derived from

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

work of ˙adÈth and jurisprudence by Abd al-Óaqq Ibn alKharrå† al-AzdÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [510/1116–581/1185]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1033;322 196. 594/1198 [DhË al-Qada]: a¯ da¯ b al-fala¯ sifa [‘Aphorisms of Philosophers’], excerpts of Greek philosophers collected and translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq al-IbådÈ [192/808–260/873], expanded with an Islamic (AndalusÈ?) version of the life of Alexander the Great. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 760;323 197. 594/1198 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Ja¯ mi al-kabı¯ r li-l-sunan, part 2 [‘Great Compilation of Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Ïså Mu˙ammad al-SulamÈ al-BËghÈ al-TirmidhÈ [209/824–279/892]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 409 Q; 198. 595/1199 [RabÈ I]: Aazz ma¯ yutlab [‘The Most Precious Thing ˙ One Can Desire’], the fundamental work of Almohad ideology by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. TËmart [d. 524/1130]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 1214 Q;324 199. 595/1199 [RabÈ II]: Al-T urar ala¯ al-Ka¯ mil li-l-Mubarrad ˙ [‘Commentary on al-Mubarrad’s Kåmil’], an AndalËsÈ work of adab and philology by Ibn Sad al-Khayr al-AnßårÈ al-BalansÈ [d. 571/1175], being a compilation of two AndalusÈ commentaries on al-Mubarrad’s treatise al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha [‘The Complete on Language’] by AbË al-WalÈd Hishåm b. A˙mad al-WaqqashÈ [408/1017–489/1096] and AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ [444/1052–521/1127]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 189 A;325 200. 596/1199 [Íafar]: Ta¯ rı¯ kh ulama¯  al-Andalus [‘History of AndalusÈ Scholars’], an AndalusÈ biographical dictionary by AbË al-WalÈd Abd Allåh Ibn al-Fara∂È al-AzdÈ [351/962–403/1013]. Tunis, BNT, ms. 15058;326 201. 596/1200 [Rajab]: Al-Ahka¯ m al-sughra¯ fı¯ al-hadı¯ th [‘Small ˙ ˙ ˙ an AndalusÈ Compendium of Laws Derived from Traditions’], work of ˙adÈth and jurisprudence by Abd al-Óaqq Ibn alKharrå† al-AzdÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [510/1116–581/1185]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1079;327 202. 596/1200 [Shawwål]: Mujam ma¯ istajam [‘Dictionary of What Appears Incomprehensible’], an AndalusÈ work of lexicography and toponymy by AbË Ubayd Abd Allåh al-BakrÈ [d. 487/1094]. Cairo, al-Azhar Library, ms. 223 taqwÈm al-buldån;328 203. 597/1201 [Rajab]: Al-Ihka¯ m fı¯ -usu¯l al-ahka¯ m, two volumes ˙ ˙ [‘Mastery of the Principles of Jurisprudence’], an AndalusÈ work of ÛåhirÈ jurisprudence by AbË Mu˙ammad AlÈ b. A˙mad Ibn Óazm al-ÛåhirÈ [d. 456/1064]. Cairo, DKW, ms. 11 ußËl al-fiqh;329 204. 597/1201 [Rama∂ån, copied in Tlemcen]: Al-Muwatta li-l˙ ima¯ m al-mahdı¯ [‘Muwa††a of the Rightly-guided ˙ Imam’], the official Almohad recension of Målik’s Muwa††a [‘The

233

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Well-trodden Path’] compiled by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. TËmart [d. 524/1130]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 1222 J;330 205. 597/1201 [Rama∂ån]: Tabsirat al-mubtadi wa-tadhkirat al-muntahı¯ [‘Manual for the˙ Beginner and Reminder for the Advanced’], a work on grammar by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. AlÈ al-ÍaymarÈ [fourth/tenth century]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 332 Q;331 206. 598/1202 [Íafar]: Al-Kuna¯ wa-l-alqa¯ b [‘Paedonymics and Appellations (of Traditionists)’], an AndalusÈ work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË AlÈ al-Óusayn b. Mu˙ammad al-GhassånÈ al-JayyånÈ [427/1035–498/1105]. Princeton University Library, ms. Garrett 773 H;332 207. 598/1202 [RabÈ I]: Al-Shiha¯ b [‘Blazing Star’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. Salåma al-Qu∂åÈ [d. 454/1062]. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Mustafa Â∞ir Efendi 69 (Figure 4.30);333 208. 598/1202 [RabÈ II, copied in Ceuta]: Ikma¯ l al-Mulim [‘Completion of the Master’], a MaghribÈ work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË al-Fa∂l Iyå∂ b. MËså al-Ya˙ßubÈ al-SabtÈ [476/1083–544/1149], being a reworking of al-MåzarÈ’s commentary on Muslim’s Ía˙È˙, titled al-Mulim bi-fawåid Ía˙È˙ Muslim [‘The Master on the Advantages of Muslim’s Ía˙È˙’]. Rabat, BNRM, mss 933 J and 1281 J (Figure 4.14); 209. 598/1202 [Rajab]: Maqa¯ ma¯ t [‘Assemblies’], a work of adab by AbË Mu˙ammad al-Qåsim b. AlÈ al-ÓarÈrÈ [446/1054– 516/1122], followed by al-Risa¯ la al-sı¯ niyya [‘Epistle of the Letter SÈn’] and al-Risa¯ la al-shı¯ niyya [‘Epistle of the Letter ShÈn’] by the same author. Leiden University Library, ms. Or. 632;334 210. 599/1203 [Shabån, copied in Murcia]: Al-Mukhassas fı¯ al˙ lugha, parts 16–17 [‘Thesaurus of Language’], an˙ ˙ AndalËsi work of lexicography by AbË al-Óasan AlÈ Ibn SÈda al-MursÈ [d. 458/1066]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 575;335 211. 599/1202 [RabÈ I]: Al-Kita¯ b fı¯ al-nahw, part 1 [‘Book of ˙ b. Uthmån al-BaßrÈ Grammar’], a work of grammar by Amr SÈbawayh [d. 180/796]. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Veliyyüddin Cârullah Efendi 1963;336 212. 599/1202 [DhË al-Óijja]: Dı¯ wa¯ n al-hama¯ sa [‘Anthology of Poems on Military Valour (and other ˙ subjects)’], a collection of poems by AbË Tammåm ÓabÈb b. Aws al-ÊåÈ [d. 231/845]. Cairo, DKW, ms. 94 adab (Figure 4.29);337 213. 600/1203 [Íafar]: Al-Farq [‘Differentiation (between Human and Animal Anatomical Terminology)’], a work of lexicography by AbË Mu˙ammad Thåbit Ibn AbÈ Thåbit al-LughawÈ [d. 223/838]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 539/2;338 214. 600/1204 [Rajab]: Mukhtasar Kita¯ b al-ayn [‘Abridgement ˙ of the Kitåb al-ayn’], an AndalusÈ dictionary by AbË Bakr

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan al-ZubaydÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [d. 379/989], being an abridgement of al-FaråhidÈ’s Book of Ayn. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 270/1;339 215. 600/1204 [Shabån]: Al-Rawd al-unuf fı¯ sharh al-sı¯ ra al˙ nabawiyya [‘The Untrodden ˙Meadows in the Elucidation of the Prophet’s Biography’], an AndalusÈ commentary on Ibn Hishåm’s biography of the prophet Mu˙ammad by AbË al-Qåsim Abd al-Ra˙mån al-KhathamÈ al-SuhaylÈ [508/1114–581/1185]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 753.340 Although arguably copied in the sixth/twelfth century (or earlier), the following manuscripts have not been taken into consideration here, for different reasons: ●















Before 511/1117: Al-Alfa¯ z∙ [‘On Dialects’], a work of linguistics and phonetics by AbË YËsuf YaqËb Ibn al-SikkÈt [d. 244/858]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1240;341 Before 518/1124: Al-Tabsira, parts 2, 3 and 6 [‘Instructive ˙ Commentary (on the Mudawwana)’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË al-Óasan AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad alQayrawånÈ ­al-LakhmÈ [d. 478/1085]. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 368;342 528/1134 [Shabån]: Al-Rawda al-tibbiyya [‘Garden of Medicine’], ˙ SaÈd ˙ Ubayd Allåh b. JibråÈl Ibn a work of medicine by AbË BukhtÈshË [d. 450/1058]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 889/2;343 Before 529/1135: Adab al-kutta¯ b [‘Etiquette of Secretaries’], a work of adab by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Muslim Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ [213/828–276/889]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 18;344 Before 531/1137 [Jumådå I]: Isla¯ h al-mantiq [‘Reformation of ˙ phonetics ˙ ˙by AbË YËsuf YaqËb Speech’], a work of linguistics and Ibn al-SikkÈt [d. 244/858]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 112;345 531/1136–7: Al-Mudawwana al-kubra¯ [‘Great Legal Compilation’], an IfrÈqÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Sa˙nËn b. SaÈd al-TanËkhÈ [160/777–240/855]. Algiers, National Library, unknown shelf mark;346 534/1139–40: Adab al-kutta¯ b [‘Etiquette of Secretaries’], a work of adab by AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Muslim Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ [213/828–276/889]. Sidi Bou Said, Library of the Baron d’Erlanger, unknown shelf mark;347 536/1141 [Mu˙arram] (?): Al-Maqa¯ ma¯ t al-lu¯zu¯miyya [‘Assemblies Containing Elaborate Rhymes’], an AndalusÈ work of adab by AbË al-Êåhir Mu˙ammad Ibn al-AshtarkËwÈ al-Saraqus†È [d. 538/1143]. Istanbul, Millet Library, ms. Feyzullah Efendi 1761;348

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556/1161: Al-Ja¯ mi al-sah¯ı h al-musnad [‘Compendium of Sound ˙ ˙ by AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. Traditions’], a work of ˙˙adÈth IsmåÈl al-JufÈ al-BukhårÈ [194/810–256/870]. El Hamel, Library of the Zåwiya Ra˙måniyya, ms. 52;349 Before 574/1178: Al-Ka¯ mil fı¯ al-lugha, part 2 [‘The Complete on Language’], a work of adab and philology by AbË al-Abbås Mu˙ammad b. YazÈd al-Mubarrad [210/825–286/899]. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Fatih 4022;350 Before 585/1189: Al-Sunan [‘Book of Traditions’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË DåwËd Sulaymån b. al-Ashath al-SijistånÈ [202/817– 275/889]. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Marsh 292;351 591/1195 [Jumådå II, copied in Damascus]: Al-Gharı¯ bayn fı¯ al-Qura¯ n wa-l-sunna, part 2 [‘On Difficult Passages in the Qurån and the Traditions’], a work of Quranic and ˙adÈth sciences by AbË Ubayd A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad al-HarawÈ al-BåshånÈ [d. 401/1011]. Dublin, CBL, ms. Ar. 3864;352 Before 593/1197: Al-Kita¯ b fı¯ al-nahw [‘Book of Grammar’], a work of grammar by AbË Bishr Amr b.˙ Uthmån al-BaßrÈ SÈbawayh [d. 180/796]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 5068;353 Before 595/1199 [Jumådå I]: Al-Ilma¯  ila¯ marifat usu¯l ˙ al-riwa¯ ya wa-taqyı¯ d al-sama¯  [‘Reference to the Knowledge of Transmission Sources and Audition Records’], a MaghribÈ work of ˙adÈth sciences by AbË al-Fa∂l Iyå∂ b. MËså al-Ya˙ßubÈ al-SabtÈ [472/1083–544/1149]. Damascus, Ûåhiriyya Library, ms. 1420;354 Before 596/1200: Al-Muwatta [‘The Well-trodden Path’], ˙ ˙ MålikÈ school of jurisprudence the foundational work of the by Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È [d. 179/795]. Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 4538;355 597/1201 [Jumådå I] (?): Mujam ma¯ istajam [‘Dictionary of What Appears Incomprehensible’], an AndalusÈ work of lexicography and toponymy by AbË Ubayd Abd Allåh al-BakrÈ [d. 487/1094]. Istanbul, Nuruosmaniye Library, ms. 4814;356 598/1202 [Shabån]: Al-Ahka¯ m al-kubra¯ [‘Great Compendium of ˙ of ˙adÈth and jurisprudence by Abd Laws’], an AndalusÈ work al-Óaqq Ibn al-Kharrå† al-AzdÈ al-IshbÈlÈ [510/1116–581/1185]. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 5/5;357 599/1202–3: Al-Risa¯ la [‘Epistle’], a work of Sufism by AbË al-Qåsim Abd al-KarÈm b. HËzån al-QushayrÈ al-NaysåbËrÈ [376/986–465/1072–3]. Tamgrout, Library of the Zåwiya Nåßiriyya, ms. 1111.358

The following manuscripts have ‘false’ colophons dating them to the sixth/twelfth century, but were in fact produced much later: ●

501/1107 [Jumådå II]: Al-Ila¯ m bi-nawa¯ zil al-ahka¯ m [‘Advice on ˙ Judicial Cases’], an AndalusÈ work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century





al-Aßbagh Ïså Ibn Sahl al-JayyånÈ [d. 486/1093]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 86 Q;359 579/1184 [DhË al-Óijja]: Al-Muktafa¯ fı¯ marifat al-waqf [‘The Sufficient on the Knowledge of (Recitational) Pauses’], an AndalusÈ work of Quranic sciences by AbË Amr Uthmån al-DånÈ [371/981–444/1053]. Rome, Vatican Library, ms. Borg. ar. 169;360 588/1192 [Shabån]: Dı¯ wa¯ n al-shir [‘Anthology of Poems’], a collection of poems by AbË Firås al-ÓamdånÈ [320/932–357/968], with the addition of poems by the Almohad prince AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån b. Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Mumin [d. 604/1207]. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 1310 D.361

Finally, four manuscripts wrongly attributed to the sixth/twelfth century are: ●







Al-Talqı¯ n [‘Instruction’], a work of MålikÈ jurisprudence by Abd al-Wahhåb al-BaghdådÈ al-MålikÈ [d. 422/1031]. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 363;362 Shama¯ il rasu¯l Alla¯ h [‘Qualities of the Messenger of God’], a work of ˙adÈth by AbË Ïså Mu˙ammad al-SulamÈ al-BËghÈ al-TirmidhÈ [209/824–279/892]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 1740;363 Al-Baya¯ n wa-l-tahs¯ı l [‘Clarification and Summation’], an AndalusÈ  work of ˙ ˙MålikÈ jurisprudence by AbË al-WalÈd Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad Ibn Rushd al-Jadd [d. 520/1126]. Tunis, BNT, ms. 4696;364 Al-Munsif li-l-sa¯ riq wa-l-masru¯q min-hu [‘The Equitable on who ˙ and what is Plagiarised’], a work of literary criticism Plagiarises by AbË Mu˙ammad al-Óasan Ibn WakÈ al-TinnÈsÈ [d. 393/1003], being a commentary on the poems of al-MutanabbÈ [303/915– 354/965]. San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 272.365

The evolution of Maghribı¯ bookhands The sixth/twelfth century can definitely be considered the age of the master calligraphers in al-Andalus and Northwest Africa: if the blossoming of the arts of the book in this period is clearly and frequently remarked by the sources, it is all the more evident when examining the manuscripts themselves. Two centuries after MaghribÈ round scripts were first devised, the copyists of the Islamic West operated within a well-established writerly tradition, having available a wide range of fully codified aesthetic norms that they used as points of departure for developing their craft even further, experimenting with new scribal modes and calligraphic features. Even when copying books for themselves (‘li-nafsi-hi’) in fast-paced, cursive scripts, sixth/twelfth-century scribes employed bookhands that can be generally defined as harmonious, perfectly rounded, elegant and

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confident (items 59, 64, 67, 72, 87, 90, 91, 108, 113, 118, 119, 125, 126, 137, 143, 163, 165, 166, 175, 178, 180, 182, 194, 197, 205, 209, 212, 214, 215).366 The few surviving instances of casual scripts from this period (items 68, 109, 160, 174) bespeak the copyists’ familiarity with the traits of more formal styles: the irregular ductus of these hands was determined by haste, rather than inexperience. Traditional genres, innovative scripts During the previous century, the angular traits which characterised most full bookhands – open bå, tå, thå and få in final position, trapezoidal ßåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå, initial and medial kåf traced with two parallel horizontal lines linked by a diagonal stroke, etc. – denoted the traditionalism of scholars who transcribed time-honoured religious works, especially of QayrawånÈ fiqh, and of clergymen working in Christian scriptoria (item 23). In the first half of the sixth/twelfth century, this graphic conservatism is still visible in some manuscripts of MålikÈ jurisprudence (items 57, 61, 75, 85, 92, 112), in the illuminated Mukhtaßar al-Ayn of the QarawiyyÈn Library (item 76) and in the Mozarab Gospel Book of Fes (item 101), all tellingly copied on parchment. Towards the end of the Almoravid period, however, and more systematically under the Almohads, these archaic features disappeared from standard MaghribÈ bookhands and were turned into deliberate embellishments for Quranic calligraphy and some enhanced bookhands, with a purely aesthetic purpose. The new paper manuscripts of MålikÈ fiqh (items 58, 60, 62, 78, 81, 84, 91, 96, 97, 103, 142, 144, 157, 172, 179) acquired a much more ‘modern’ look because of their more compact format and page layout, their structure of regular paper quinions and, more importantly, thanks to the neat, elegantly traced and yet simple scripts employed by their compilers. The production of MålikÈ juridical works, however, severely declined during the second half of the sixth/twelfth century, due to the Almohads’ attempts to reform the religious landscape of the Maghrib according to their revolutionary doctrine. The burning of copies of the Mudawwana and related commentaries ordered by al-ManßËr was but a symbolic act that nonetheless epitomised the Almohads’ staunch opposition to the MålikÈ legal school and its juridical texts.367 The hostility of the ruling elites may have been among the reasons that prompted some religious scholars to turn towards the new genre of the a˙kåm al-˙adÈth (‘laws derived from the ˙adÈth’), represented by items 195 and 201. More in general, the Almohad conquest of Northwest Africa and al-Andalus seems to have represented a traumatic event that hindered scribal activities for about a decade: only three dated manuscripts in MaghribÈ round scripts have survived from between 542/1148 and 556/1160 (items 122–124), and only one of them (item 122) was conceivably

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

copied in the Islamic West. Besides the Almohads’ wars against the Almoravids, these tumultuous years also saw the Portuguese capture of Lisbon and Santarém (542/1147), the Christian occupation of Almería (542/1147–552/1157), and the strenuous fight between the new caliphs and Ibn MardanÈsh over the cities of Jaén, Guadix and Carmona (553/1158–556/1160).368 After this intermission, scribal activities resumed at full throttle, and the arts of the book flourished once again: the finer and more supple bookhands already employed during the first half of the century became the norm in manuscripts of Quranic sciences and exegesis (items 63, 79, 80, 95, 98, 105, 109, 111, 120, 134, 154, 191, 192), classical ˙adÈth and sÈra literature (items 59, 64, 69, 74, 83, 94, 99, 107, 113, 114, 118, 123, 124, 127, 135, 138, 139, 141, 145–147, 150, 152, 153, 155, 156, 162, 170, 173, 174, 177, 181–183, 186, 188, 197, 206–208, 215), AsharÈ theology (items 119, 151, 164, 180) and, of course, Almohad doctrine (items 140, 158, 184, 185, 198, 204). The aspect, format and scripts of secular manuscripts also changed noticeably during the sixth/twelfth century, as shown by several extant copies of medical treatises by Averroes, Avenzoar, Ibn Baklårish and others, enriched with diagrams and tables (items 72, 82, 86, 117, 129, 130, 136, 148, 149, 165, 171); a work of natural sciences, also enhanced with maps and charts (item 176); manuals of Arabic grammar and linguistics by eastern authors such as SÈbawayh, al-ÍaymarÈ and Ibn al-SikkÈt, or western ones such as Ibn al-Qˆiyya (items 56, 70, 106, 132, 161, 178, 189, 205, 211); dictionaries and lexicographical treatises in the AndalusÈ tradition of al-QålÈ, al-ZubaydÈ, Ibn SÈda al-MursÈ, AbË Ubayd al-BakrÈ and Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ (items 73, 88, 89, 125, 166, 167, 194, 202, 210, 214); works of adab and philology by al-Jå˙iΩ, al-Mubarrad, AbË Is˙åq al-ÓußrÈ, Ibn Qutayba and al-Ba†alyawsÈ’s commentary on the latter (items 67, 71, 77, 87, 90, 93, 115, 133, 163, 169, 175, 190, 193, 199); an early manuscript of al-ÓarÈrÈ’s Maqåmåt copied from the exemplar of Ibn Khayr al-IshbÈlÈ (item 209); an anthology of pre-Islamic poetry (item 143); and two copies of AbË Tammåm’s Óamåsa (items 126 and 212), the ultimate touchstone for poetic quality in the medieval Maghrib, expounded by the AndalusÈ grammarian al-Alam al-ShantamarÈ (d. 476/1083) in his Shar˙ dÈwån al-Óamåsa (item 68).369 Overall, these were the works that constituted the so-called ‘standard curriculum’ of AndalusÈ and MaghribÈ scholars, an expression traditionally applied to bibliographical compilations such as those of Ibn A†iyya and Ibn Khayr, which has now found validation in a body of material evidence formed by 161 dated manuscripts. Aesthetic maturity and transregional reach From the point of view of penmanship, the sixth/twelfth century is first and foremost a period of synthesis, when the constant

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mobility of copyists between cities in al-Andalus and the Far Maghrib favoured a high degree of interactions and cross-pollination among different local styles and scribal practices. The AndalusÈ calligraphic tradition, exported across the Strait of Gibraltar, became a transregional phenomenon, a stylistic koiné employed from Valencia to Marrakesh, from Seville to Sijilmasa, from Granada to Tlemcen and Bougie. Further to the east, the activity of AndalusÈ scholars transcribing books in MaghribÈ round scripts is attested in Alexandria (item 95), Fustat (item 194), Damascus (items 124, 127, 160), Mecca (item 156) and Baghdad (item 118). In the Abbasid capital, an otherwise unknown Sevillian traveller named Mu˙ammad b. Makhlad al-TamÈmÈ received from the traditionist Abd al-Malik al-KarËkhÈ the text of al-TirmidhÈ’s ˙adÈth compilation (Figure 4.27), which he wrote down during a series of lectures held on the bank of the Tigris, in an establishment called Ribå† al-Burhån.370 The numerous reading and audition certificates inscribed on item 118, all in MashriqÈ scripts, demonstrate the inclusion of Mu˙ammad b. Makhlad in the scholarly circles of Baghdad

Figure 4.27  Al-TirmidhÈ, Al-Jåmi al-kabÈr li-l-sunan, part 1. Copied in 540/1145 by Mu˙ammad b. Makhlad b.Abd Allåh b. Makhlad b.  Ïså al-TamÈmÈ, in Baghdad. Paper, 24 × 17.5 cm. Leiden University Library, ms. Or. 101, ff. 129b–130a (item 118). © Universitaire Bibliotheken Leiden

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and the reception of his work by eastern transmitters, despite the foreign features of his handwriting, which he definitely did not try to disguise. The finest MaghribÈ scribes of the sixth/twelfth century experimented with nibs of different sizes within the same manuscript, and sometimes even cut their qalam in an eastern-like fashion, i.e. with a transversely cut nib, so as to increase the shading of their pen strokes (items 63, 71, 103, 151, 158, 189). The maturity reached by MaghribÈ bookhands in this period was the result of the full normalisation and consolidation of traits and ligatures developed in the previous centuries into a shared usual script, recognised and mastered by most MaghribÈ scholars, irrespective of their status, occupation or field of study. With this maturity also came the gradual disappearance of half-bookhands, or better, their absorption into the category of full bookhands: fully developed upstrokes, downstrokes, curls and tails are found even in the most minute scripts of the sixth/ twelfth century, traced with implements of unprecedented fineness (items 71, 76, 132, 139, 144–146, 158, 181, 184, 185, 188, 204, 208) (Figure 4.28). Virtually all the stylistic features that would become typical of later MaghribÈ scripts are already present in the bookhands of the sixth/twelfth century. These include: ●

The stem of final alif and medial or final låm rapidly traced in two strokes, the first upward and the second downward, sometimes not perfectly overlapping, so that a narrow empty space is left between the two. This typically cursive feature was gradually turned into a mannered one; 73



122

140



193

211

The curved and accentuated downstroke of initial bå, tå, thå, nËn and yå; 120



149

193

149

208

The curved and accentuated upstroke of final and isolated bå, tå, thå and få; 188

193

208

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Item 138 – Calligraphic mabsu‾ t. script.

Item 121 – Maghribıˉ enhanced bookhand.

Item 140 – Maghribıˉ enhanced bookhand.

Item 208 – Maghribıˉ enhanced bookhand.

Item 143 – Fine Maghribıˉ bookhand. Figure 4.28  A sample of MaghribÈ round scripts from the sixth/twelfth century. © Umberto Bongianino

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

Item 180 – Fine Maghribıˉ bookhand.

Item 188 – Fine Maghribıˉ bookhand.

Item 94 – Maghribıˉ bookhand.

Item 215 – Maghribıˉ bookhand.

Item 68 – Maghribıˉ casual script.

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Final rå and zå traced without denticle above the baseline, in the shape of a sloping tail, often ends in a very accentuated hook. This trait seems to have developed under the influence of chancery scripts; 93



104

119

130

145

85

177

189

208

111

106

129

Final mÈm with a particularly long and accentuated tail turned backwards (‘convex’ mÈm), traced as a continuation of the loop of the letter’s body. This trait seems to have developed under the influence of chancery scripts; 104



176

Initial and isolated ayn and ghayn with an oversized curl becomes the norm across all types of bookhands, especially the finest ones; 58



200

193

Medial and final †å and Ωå occasionally traced in one stroke, with their body opened towards the stem, which is here drawn vertically; 121



189

SÈn and shÈn in medial position with short and rapidly traced denticles, sometimes clustered in a single thick denticle resembling a blur, created by the lingering of the qalam (most notably in the sÈn of the initial basmala). This trait too seems to have developed under the influence of chancery scripts; 149



140

121

122

149

176

Initial and medial hå frequently drawn with a closed shape, either circular or bilobed;

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119

104



143

180

149

208

Final hå and tå marbˆa simplified as a single, open curved stroke. 136

129

94

149

209

In addition to standard bookhands, we can observe in the manuscripts of this period the development of enhanced bookhands, i.e. semi-calligraphic scripts traced at a relatively slower pace and embellished with a number of mannered traits (items 121, 139, 140, 146, 181, 185, 187, 204, 208, colophon of item 189, glosses of item 138), some of which are remarkably close to the coeval miniature scripts employed for copying the Qurån (see Chapter Five). To an even higher level of penmanship belongs the calligraphic mabsˆ script featured in item 138, one of the most striking examples of AndalusÈ calligraphy to have survived from the sixth/twelfth century, dating from the first year of Almohad rule in Valencia (Figure 4.8). Among the mannerisms characterising these scripts, the most remarkable are: ●

The spur of final alif turned into a carefully traced semicircle, extending below the baseline and curled rightward;





140



208

The semicircular body of ßad, ∂ad, †å and Ωå, resting upon a flat baseline; 121



187

187

140

208

The occasional presence of multiple baselines in a single word, created by the rightward stretching of the body of medial and final jÈm, ˙å and khå below the preceding letters until the beginning of the word, as well as by the elongation of yå råjia, sometimes ending with a downward spur; 121

187

208

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST ●

The copious use of elongated letters, especially bå, tå, thå and få mawqËfa, initial kåf and final få, creating the effect of a ductus with a marked horizontal orientation; 121

146

187

208



The flattened baseline of individual words and the perfectly horizontal, regular rhythm of the writing lines, set at a ninety-degree angle to the vertical side lines traced in dry point on both parchment and paper. 121

146

187

208

Concerning the evolution of punctuation marks, the sixth/ twelfth century witnessed the introduction of new symbols as well as the increased use of old ones. In particular, the manuscripts of this period are peppered with consequent circles enclosing a central dot, pyramids of three dots, large double circles enclosing a central dot (such as in item 57 and 80) and circles with central dot followed by two diagonal strokes (e.g. in items 140, 151, 170, 181, 191–193, 196, 200, 215). Moreover, the round hå with downward spur indicating the end of a major section of the text is sometimes turned into a trefoil or stylised flower (items 54, 61, 71, 80, 90, 124, 129, 134, 149, 157, 163, 176, 182, 187, 202), also found in groups of three. To fill those parts of the lines that they left empty, MaghribÈ

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copyists would often use pairs of oblique strokes, repeated at regular 67 57 61 intervals. 57

67

61

71

77

80

71

77

80

93

111

136

93

111

136

140

175

189

140

175

189

202

208

214

202

208

214

Despite the indirect evidence of their use in the medieval Islamic West, none of the items in the corpus features Hindu-Arabic numerals, known in the Maghrib as ˙urËf al-ghubår, ‘dust numerals’.371 This innovative decimal system, based on just nine digits and the zero in value position, spread to Christian Europe from Toledo during the sixth/twelfth and seventh/thirteenth centuries, thanks to Latin translations of Arabic works on mathematics and astronomy whose original AndalusÈ manuscripts have not survived.372 What seems to be the only exception, a Valencian copy of Ptolemy’s Almagest discussed in Chapter Three (item 35), makes exclusive use of the Arabic alphanumerical system (abjad) in its diagrams and astronomic tables.373 An AndalusÈ alternative to the abjad was provided by the so-called RËmÈ digits: twenty-seven different symbols derived from Greek letters – nine for the units, nine for the tens, and nine for the hundreds – which seem to have been devised by the Mozarabs in accordance with eastern Christian practices.374 RËmÈ numerals make their earliest appearance in a marginal Arabic note of the Codex miscellaneus Ovetensis, most likely added in Cordova in the third/ninth century, and then in other Christian manuscripts from the fourth/tenth century.375 From the second half of the sixth/ twelfth century RËmÈ digits were employed in the sale contracts of the Mozarabs of Toledo to express quantities and prices, always following the fully spelled out numbers.376 Between the seventh/ thirteenth and tenth/sixteenth centuries, this idiosyncratic system

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seems to have remained in use among the notaries and merchants of Nasrid Granada, and within the Morisco communities of Majorca, Valencia and Andalusia.377 It is then attested in early-modern Morocco, where it became particularly popular in Fes, acquiring its alternative modern name of al-qalam al-FåsÈ.378 Despite their early association with Christian scribal practices and their later use in notarial contexts, RËmÈ numerals appear in two manuscripts in the corpus – item 196 and 212 – with two very specific purposes: in the former, an Arabic translation of aphorisms by Greek philosophers, they are used in the final chapter, to list 110 maxims related to King Solomon by supernatural creatures (jinn); in the latter, a complete copy of AbË Tammåm’s Óamåsa, they appear in a summary table inserted after the colophon, which counts the number of verses in each of the work’s twelve sections (Figure 4.29). RËmÈ numerals were also employed in the foliation of some manuscripts (e.g. items 76 and 129), although in these cases it is difficult to determine when exactly the folios where numbered. One last element of note in the work of sixth/twelfth-century MaghribÈ copyists is the abundant use of bright red inks (probably cochineal-based) for writing chapter headings (fußËl, sing. faßl) as well as words within the text, in contrast with the scarcity of coloured inks observable in earlier manuscripts. The manuscripts featuring portions of text penned in red ink span from medical treatises (items 86 and 165) to fiqh commentaries (items 97, 103, 108, 144), from ˙adÈth collections and biographical dictionaries of transmitters (items 123, 135, 139, 173, 181, 186) to works of grammar, linguistics, lexicography and adab (items 122, 125, 132, 166, 209, 214), as well as the Gospel Book of the QarawiyyÈn Library (item

Figure 4.29 AbË Tammåm, Al-Óamåsa, final index with verse counts in RËmÈ numerals. Copied in 599/1203, by A˙mad b. Abd Allåh b. Sulaymån. Paper, 25 × 20 cm. DKW, ms. 94 adab, f. 107a, detail (item 212). Image from moritz 1905

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101). Other particularly luxurious codices produced for the libraries of Almohad caliphs and princes present, in addition to red inks, parts of texts written in lapis lazuli blue and other azure-green pigments, probably containing copper oxide (items 158, 184, 185, 188, 204, 207). The rich polychromy of these non-Quranic manuscripts (Figures 4.13, 4.30, 4.32) is a distinctive MaghribÈ feature seemingly without parallel in the coeval Islamic East, and MaghribÈ calligraphers would develop it even further during the following centuries, in the luxury manuscripts produced for their Nasrid, Marinid and Hafsid patrons. The rise of Maghribı¯ thuluth As noted by Amira Bennison and Christian Ewert before her, the changes in visual culture between the Almoravid and the Almohad eras, unlike those in ideology, tended to be evolutionary rather than revolutionary, due to the new rulers’ reliance upon pre-existing artistic traditions and craftsmen steeped in centuries-old techniques and repertoires.379 This continuity can be generally seen in the arts of the book as well, and it would be wrong to expect that a change of ruling dynasty could radically transform an activity – that of manuscript production – so well-rooted and widespread across different social groups, from penniless merchant-scholars to illustrious polymaths and aristocrats. However, it would be equally misguided to assume that the Almohads’ revolutionary ideology did not seep through the scholarly and productive strata of AndalusÈ and MaghribÈ society and had no repercussions whatsoever on contemporary scribal practices: as already mentioned, this may indeed have happened with the normalisation of paper as a support for important religious manuscripts, and ultimately the Qurån itself. As far as calligraphy is concerned, interesting innovations are especially visible in the surviving luxury copies of Ibn TËmart’s works, produced under the direct patronage of the Almohad elites. One such innovation, apparently unique in the manuscript record, can be appreciated in the undated copy of Ibn TËmart’s Muwa††a made for the library of a son of AbË YaqËb YËsuf (the name is made illegible by the deterioration of the chrysography).380 The master calligrapher who penned this opulent manuscript employed in some chapter colophons a bold angular script that closely imitates the ancient Abbasid hands typical of third/ninth-century Quråns (Figure 4.31). The letters are even vocalised with single and double red dots according to the archaic notation system of AbË al-Aswad al-DualÈ, suggesting that the copyist had access to an old Kufic codex that he used as a model. It is tempting to believe that the bold Kufic script of this manuscript was aimed at mirroring the script of the so-called ‘Qurån of Uthmån’, one of the most precious and venerated relics owned by the Almohads, which Abd al-Mumin

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Figure 4.30  Al-Qu∂å È, Al-Shihåb. Copied and illuminated in 598/1202. Parchment, 20 × 18.5 cm. Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. Mustafa Â∞ir Efendi 69, ff. 34b–35a, 60a–61b (item 207). © Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Ba∞kanlı©ı

had transferred from Cordova to Marrakesh around 552/1157.381 The ‘Qurån of Uthmån’, solemnly brought in processions and on military campaigns by the Almohad caliphs, was first kept in the Kutubiyya and then moved to a special room above the mi˙råb of the Tinmal mosque, near the tomb of the mahdÈ.382 Because it was

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

Figure 4.31  Ibn TËmart, Al-Muwa††a li-l-imåm al-mahdÈ, colophon of Kitåb al-˙udËd in Kufic script. Copied and illuminated in the second half of the sixth/twelfth century for a son of the Almohad caliph AbË Ya‘qËb YËsuf. Parchment, 26 × 21 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 181, f. 61a. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

eventually lost in the eighth/fourteenth century, we can no longer compare its script and decoration with this copy of Ibn TËmart’s Muwa††a. However, as convincingly demonstrated by François Déroche, all the surviving ‘Uthmanic’ codices in Istanbul, Cairo, Tashkent, etc. were written in Kufic scripts very similar to that of the QarawiyyÈn manuscript, between the second/eighth and the third/ninth century.383 Another calligraphic innovation fostered by the Almohads was much more widespread and consequential, and can be observed in most of the illuminated manuscripts – Quranic and non-Quranic – produced in the second half of the sixth/twelfth century: it is the so-called MaghribÈ thuluth script. The emergence of this special calligraphic style, clearly inspired by eastern proportioned scripts, dates from the late Almoravid period: it is first found on a few fractional coins minted in Sijilmasa and Cordova, where it was used to convey the name and titles of the Almoravid emirs.384 Being a curvilinear script, it is often improperly referred to as ‘naskh’, ‘naskhÈ’ or

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‘cursive’.385 However, as we have seen in Chapter One, these terms are intrinsically related to penmanship, and make little sense when applied to monumental epigraphy and inscriptions on coinage, as is often the case with MaghribÈ thuluth. Moreover, even when appearing in manuscripts, MaghribÈ thuluth was virtually always employed as a display script and a calligrapher’s show of bravura, especially in chrysography, to highlight passages with paratextual function (titles, dedications, chapter headings, colophons, etc.). Thus, its aesthetic purpose and mannered nature make it fundamentally different from MaghribÈ (and MashriqÈ) bookhands, which are truly cursive scripts written at a relatively fast pace. A more suitable definition of MaghribÈ thuluth, developed by modern Moroccan scholars, is that of MashriqÈ mutamaghrab (‘Maghribised MashriqÈ’), due to its evident derivation from eastern scripts.386 Indeed, the book users of the medieval Maghrib probably perceived this calligraphic style as ‘eastern’ (i.e. MashriqÈ) tout court, as suggested by the biographies of AndalusÈ copyists who are said to have mastered ‘both MaghribÈ and MashriqÈ scripts’.387 To the eyes of a modern scholar, however, MaghribÈ thuluth represents a highly original re-interpretation of eastern calligraphy. Besides fractional coinage, the Almoravids seem to have employed MaghribÈ thuluth mainly in monumental epigraphy, as an alternative to foliated Kufic, for dedicatory inscriptions in praise of rulers.388 However, since curvilinear scripts typically originate from scribal practices, it is possible, if not likely, that the Almoravids derived MaghribÈ thuluth from the chancery scripts employed in the medieval Mashriq, and particularly in Abbasid Baghdad. During the fifth/ eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuries, the official documents issued by the Abbasid caliphs were drafted in flowing proportioned scripts, including their correspondence with the Almoravids: particularly significant was the letter sent by al-MustaΩhir in 491/1098, investing YËsuf b. TåshifÈn with the titles of ‘commander of the Muslims and defender of religion (amÈr al-MuslimÈn wa-nåßir al-dÈn)’.389 While neither this nor any other Abbasid documents have survived in the original, copious evidence for the use of proportioned calligraphy comes from the extant decrees issued by the Fatimid chancery of Cairo (363/973–567/1171), from the royal charters of the Norman chancery of Palermo (1130–1194 ce) and from a diplomatic letter to the Pisans penned in the Khurasanid chancery of Tunis (552/1157).390 At least some of the scribes charged with designing inscriptions and coin legends for their Almoravid masters must have come from the emiral chancery (dÈwån al-inshå) of Marrakesh, an intellectual milieu imbued with literary influences and aesthetic models imported from Abbasid Iraq, to which all the above-mentioned dynasties broadly conformed.391 In their preparatory drawings for the plaster carvers and die engravers, these professional scribes may have intentionally imitated the calligraphic styles of the Abbasids and of

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the other Arabic chanceries of the time, simply because that was a widely recognised way of conveying royal titles and dating formulae in documentary contexts. As already mentioned, some evidence that MaghribÈ secretaries were acquainted with MashriqÈ scripts is offered by item 63, copied by a certain YËsuf b. Yakhlaf al-kåtib. We also know that the Cordovan secretary of AlÈ b. YËsuf b. TåshifÈn, Ibn AbÈ al-Khißål (d. 540/1146), was regarded as a paragon of penmanship, and he may have contributed to the introduction of Abbasid calligraphic styles in al-Andalus.392 It is, however, in the work of Quranic calligraphers and illuminators that we can trace the origin and spread of MaghribÈ thuluth in AndalusÈ manuscripts. The colophons of Q6 and Q7 (the latter copied in Almería) represent the only two instances of MaghribÈ thuluth from the pre-Almohad period, since both Quråns were produced in the 530s/1140s. The golden script used in the colophon of Q4 (dated 483/1090) is essentially a chrysographic rendition of a MaghribÈ round bookhand, and may indicate that MaghribÈ thuluth had not yet been adopted by AndalusÈ scribes at that time. By the 550s/1160s, however, it had become customary for Quranic calligraphers to employ this style in their colophons, as demonstrated by a series of Quråns produced in Valencia between 556/1160–1 and 596/1199–1200 (Q9–11, Q13, Q16, Q23–24), as well as Q15, Q17, Q18 and Q25–27. While only one of these codices can be securely related to Almohad patronage (Q27), MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography features prominently in several non-Quranic manuscripts from the second half of the sixth/twelfth century that were indeed commissioned by members of the Almohad dynasty. The most emblematic cases are the Ía˙È˙ Muslim copied in Murcia for the library of AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån (item 146), the luxury Muwa††a of Ibn TËmart produced for the caliph al-ManßËr (item 184) and the undated copy of the same work made for a son of AbË YaqËb YËsuf, where MaghribÈ thuluth was also used, extraordinarily, to write the first two pages of text, in golden, red, and blue inks (Figure 4.32). As will be discussed in Chapter Five, this eastern-looking style was employed by the Almohad caliphs and princes to sign the documents issued by their chanceries, and it was also adopted as the official script of the reformed Almohad coinage, which strengthens the hypothesis of it having been appropriated and propagated as a dynastic ‘brand’ (Figure 4.33).393 Although inherited from the Almoravids, MaghribÈ thuluth became one of the hallmarks of Almohad manuscripts, and its best examples can be ascribed to calligraphers employed at the Almohad court or by Almohad princes. At the same time, its popularity and association with the ruling elites accounts for its appearance in some non-royal manuscripts, both Quranic and non-Quranic (for instance, in items 138 and 191), and across a wide variety of epigraphic media such as stucco, textiles, woodwork and metalwork.

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Figure 4.32  Ibn TËmart, Al-Muwa††a li-l-imåm al-mahdÈ, beginning of the work in MaghribÈ thuluth. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 181, ff. 4b–5a. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

The distinctive features shared by the MaghribÈ thuluth scripts employed in Almohad manuscripts are the following: ● ●











The rather ‘loose’ and winding aspect of letter shapes;394 The frequent stacking and nesting of groups of letters and ligatures, resulting in multiple base lines and a wavy, often convoluted ductus; The abundance of abusive ligatures between letters that should not be connected; The use of hairline strokes (tashiråt) at the end of letters such as final and isolated ayn, ghayn, mÈm, yå and alif maqßËra; The presence of head serifs orientated rightwards in the stems of alif, †å, Ωå and låm, less frequently in isolated bå, tå, thå, dål, dhål, sÈn, shÈn and kåf;395 Dål and dhål traced according to their MashriqÈ rounded form, i.e. without a vertical downstroke and final spur; Final rå, zå and nËn traced without denticle above the baseline (‘sloping’ rå, zå and nËn), often ending in a small hook;

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century ●





Final and isolated sÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, qåf and nËn traced with flattened and stretched tails, only moderately sloping downwards; Kåf in final and isolated position traced according to its MashriqÈ form, i.e. with a diagonal rather than vertical stem, topped by an oblique stroke, and often completed by a miniature kåf positioned above the letter; Final hå and tå marbˆa rendered without the loop, i.e. left ‘open’.

Despite the rise of MaghribÈ thuluth, it must be noted that chrysographic renditions of MaghribÈ round scripts continued to be employed in the chapter headings and colophons of manuscripts such as items 138, 158, 185, 188 and 204. Final remarks At the end of this chapter on the apogee of MaghribÈ book culture in the sixth/twelfth century, it is important to stress that the palaeographic observations just presented should be ideally combined with a systematic study of the materials employed in these manuscripts, which has not been carried out for want of the necessary equipment and authorisations. In particular, significant data could emerge from the analysis of the type and quality of paper folios and of the methods followed by MaghribÈ scribes for preparing the writing surfaces, since both aspects seem to depart noticeably from MashriqÈ practices. The wide range of papers represented in the corpus, of varying thickness, colour and only featuring zigzag marks in a minority of cases, share nevertheless the same suppleness and porous texture, in contrast with the starchy and glossy aspect of coeval eastern papers. Especially during the second half of the century, the increased clarity, uniformity and perpendicularity in the arrangement of laid and chain lines seem to reveal the use of rigid moulds, possibly already fitted with metal wire. As recently pointed out by Jean-Louis Estève, however, this point still needs to be scientifically proven.396 Because the ribbed pattern imparted by the manufacturing process is much more visible in these less treated papers, it seems that MaghribÈ copyists, instead of using ruling boards like their MashriqÈ colleagues, simply continued to score the margins of the textbox in dry pen – a technique borrowed from parchment manuscripts – and then wrote following the laid lines imprinted in the folios, at regular intervals. In the manuscripts of smaller format, where folios are folded in octavo and laid lines are arranged vertically (e.g. items 109, 148, 158 and 196) the copyists may have followed the chain lines instead. In particularly fine manuscripts such as item 187 and 208, each line of text was scored individually before filling the text box with script (Figure 4.34). According to al-QalalËsÈ’s treatise, AndalusÈ copyists determined the size of text boxes on the basis of semicircles, presumably traced with

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Item 63 – Mashriqıˉ features in the script of Yuˉsuf b. Yakhlaf al-Kaˉtib.

Item 103 – Anonymous hand deeply influenced by Mashriqıˉ scripts.

Item 138 – Maghribıˉ thuluth chrysography employed in the colophon.

Item 142 – Mashriqıˉ calligraphy by Ah.mad b. Yuˉsuf b. Abd al-Azıˉz al-Qaysıˉ.

Item 146 – Maghribıˉ thuluth chrysography by Ah.mad b. Yuˉsuf b. Abd al-Azıˉz al-Qaysıˉ. Figure 4.33  Eastern-inspired MaghribÈ scripts from the sixth/twelfth century. © Umberto Bongianino

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257

Item 184 – Maghribıˉ thuluth chrysography by Sad b. Yuˉsuf b. Surlıˉs.

Q27 – Maghribıˉ thuluth chrysography (in reserve) by Muh.ammad al-Sharıˉshıˉ.

a compass, and fixed the measurements on the page with small dots (‘nuqa†’).397 The beginning and end of each line were equally marked by small dots or needle pricks, a statement that seems supported by the traces left in some manuscripts, such as item 158. As any medieval warråq would have known, approaching MaghribÈ book culture requires much more than a familiarity with scripts and penmanship: the advancement of future scholarship will necessarily depend on the study of the paper, parchment, leather, thread and pigments of the manuscripts here discussed, and of what they reveal about the moulds, knives, scissors, compasses, rulers and various other tools used by their makers. Methodologically, a closer attention paid to materials and technologies would also challenge the artificial distinction between the intellectual activity of the copyist and the manual labour of the craftsman, which is generally not found in the available sources. In fact, the social status of parchment- and paper-makers in the Maghrib seems to have been higher than one might expect: as emphatically remarked by the jurist Umar al-JarsÈfÈ at the end of the seventh/thirteenth century, ‘the market inspector should pay special attention to them, since their craft is the pivot of religious and secular life’.398

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Figure 4.34  Al-Fat˙ Ibn Khåqån, Qalåid al-iqyån, end of the work and dated colophon. Copied in 591/1195 by AlÈ b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. al-Khi∂r al-KhazrajÈ. Paper, 23.2 × 16.7 cm. RBE, ms. árabe 357, ff. 140b–141a (item 187). © Patrimonio Nacional

Notes 1. On the Almoravid conquest of al-Andalus, see especially Bennison 2016, 38–61; Messier 2010; Lagardère 1998; and Viguera 1997. 2. Burési 2004, 141; Molina Martínez 1997, 160. 3. Beech 2008, 296. Although no Arabic manuscripts copied in Zaragoza have survived from the period preceding the Aragonese conquest, the Archive of the Parish of Nuestra Señora del Pilar holds sixteen Arabic and bilingual documents (mostly sale contracts), the most ancient of which dates from 510/1117: see Chapter Five, D2. 4. Zanón 1997, 570–573. 5. PUA id. 2800; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 131, No. 294. 6. PUA id. 8308; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, II, 514, No. 1144: ‘Kåna […] kathÈr al-kutub, jåmi an la-hå, bå˙ithan an-hå’. 7. PUA id. 10523. 8. PUA id. 4742; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 628–629, No. 1760: ‘Na˙å man˙å AbÈ Abd Allåh ibn AbÈ al-Khißål shaykhi-hi fÈ kha†† ˙attå ashbaha-hu’. 9. PUA id. 1939; Al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, I (I), 701–702, No. 775: ‘Kåna […] ˙asan al-kha†† na˙å fÈ-hi man˙å shaykhi-hi AbÈ Abd Allåh ibn AbÈ al-Khißål fa-qåraba-hu’. For other important scribes and bibliophiles in sixth/twelfth-century Cordova see Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 207.

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10. In both cases, the paper folios show clear zigzag marks along the inner margins. 11. PUA id. 6651. 12. Al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, III (V), 228, No. 541: ‘Kåna nabÈl al-kha†† ∂åbi†an mutqanan’. 13. Al-Maqqari¯ 1968, I, 155, 463. 14. Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 350, No. 1013. 15. PUA id. 8946. 16. Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 240–242, No. 780. 17. Zaouiat Sidi Hamza, Library of the Zåwiya Ayyåshiyya, ms. 18; Lah∙ mar 2009, III, 557–558, No. 831. See also here, 235, n. 344. 18. PUA id. 7854; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, IV (VI), 99, No. 221: ‘Kåna ˙asan al-kha†† råiqa-hu, salaka bi-hi fÈ ibtidåi-hi maslak al-mutqin AbÈ Bakr ibn Khayr, thumm nazaa an-hå [sic] ilå ånaq min-hå wa-abra ’. 19. See Puerta 2007, 157. 20. PUA id. 6029; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 539, No. 1516. 21. Ibn Abi¯ Ußaybia 1965, 535; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 40. Puerta 2007, 157, hypothesises that the dual of ‘kha††ayn Andalusiyyayn’ could refer to cursive and Kufic scripts, but this seems unrealistic for someone who was not a Quranic calligrapher. 22. PUA id. 9914; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, IV (VI), 532–533, No. 1259. 23. PUA id. 4553; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 580–581, No. 1626. 24. Ibn Abdu¯ n 1934; for a French translation, see Ibn Abdu¯ n 1947. 25. Ibn Abdu¯ n 1934, 217, 238, 250. 26. PUA id. 6806. See Humbert 1995, 145–154, 234–239. 27. They are: Munich, Bavarian State Library, Cod. arab. 1, a parchment Qurån in one volume dated 624/1227, on which see Prachtkorane 1998, No. 5; Khemir 1992, 310, No. 80; a parchment Qurån in one volume dated 627/1229, auctioned in 2000, on which see Bonham’s 11/10/2000, lot 35; and Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 429, volume 16 from a paper Qurån originally in 20 volumes, dated  632/1235,  endowed by the penultimate Almohad caliph al-Murta∂å to the dynastic cemetery of Tinmal in Rama∂ån 649/1251, on which see Ben Larbi 1994, 37; Luccioni 1955, 235; Dali¯ l marid ∙ mas a ∙ ¯ h∙ if al-Mag∙ hrib 2011, 96–97; Maroc médiéval 2014, 359, No. 212. 28. BAV, ms. Vat. ar. 368. See D’Ottone 2013b, 51. Before D’Ottone, Cynthia Robinson had improbably argued that, because of the Almohads’ austerity and aversion to courtly love and wine drinking (two of the main themes in the ÓadÈth Bayå∂ wa-Riyå∂), ‘we are drawn to consider extra- (or even anti-) Almohad centres of cultural production as the probable provenance for our manuscript and its image program’: see Robinson 2007, 88. 29. However, al-Saqa†È does mention a merchant selling different types of Indian drugs wrapped in large sheets of coloured paper (‘qarå†Ès kibår ghayr mashdËda min al-kåghÈd al-mulawwan fÈ-hå anwå min al-aqqår al-HindÈ’): al-Saqat∙ i¯ 1931, 45. 30. PUA id. 4403. 31. PUA id. 9076; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, IV (VI), 231–232, No. 615. Van Koningsveld 1992, 78, argued that ‘from this reference it is quite clear that the inhabitants of al-Andalus were aware of the existence of certain numbers of Arabic MSS in Christian territories’.

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32. PUA id. 5432; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 462, No. 1331; Ibn al-Khat∙ i¯ b 1973–1977, III, 439–41. 33. This couplet, quoted by Ibn al-Kha†Èb, is discussed in Binshari¯ fa 1994, 79. See also Monroe 1974, 233. 34. PUA id. 4454; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 558, No. 1584: ‘Kåna min abra al-nås kha††an wa-ånaqa-hum wiråqatan wa-awratha dhålik ibna-hu wa-kataba ilman kathÈran’. 35. Déroche 2005, 195. 36. On the material culture of Almoravid Almería, famous for its production of silk textiles and carved marble, see Tapia 1986, Molina López 1983, Torres 1957. 37. PUA id. 1142; Ibn Farh∙u¯ n 1972, I, 211; Ibn al-Khat∙ i¯ b 1973–1977, I, 189. See also Puerta 2007, 161. 38. PUA id. 11178. See also Binshari¯ fa 2002. 39. Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 395–6, No. 1137. Ibn Abd al-Malik alMarråkushÈ claims to have seen three volumes of AbË Dharr’s master copy of al-BukhårÈ’s Ía˙È˙, which was divided into seven volumes: al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, V (VIII), 318–320, No. 188. 40. PUA id. 11213; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 416, No. 1192. These names are also mentioned in Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 212. 41. Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 215. AbË Bakr Ibn Tuqsˆ (d. 539/1145, PUA id. 3282), a scholar from Almoravid Dénia, was also a prolific and expert copyist (‘manÈ bi-l-wiråqa, kataba bi-kha††i-hi ilman kathÈran’). Important bibliophiles living in sixth/twelfth-century Xàtiva were Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf Ibn Saåda (from Murcia, d. 565/1170, PUA id. 10775) and Lubb b. Mu˙ammad al-BalansÈ (d. 631/1233, PUA id. 7690, ßå˙ib ußËl atÈqa’). A skilled calligrapher from Almohad Murcia was AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Daysim (d. 623/1225, PUA id. 6741). 42. PUA id. 8633; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 193–195, No. 669. 43. Bongianino 2021, 459–460. 44. PUA id. 3774. 45. PUA id. 2937. See also Chapter Three, 152–153. 46. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 409 Q, p. 241. 47. PUA id. 8380. 48. PUA id. 9504; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 294, No. 902. 49. PUA id. 10385; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 302–3, No. 918. 50. PUA id. 9121; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 199, No. 677. 51. Ribera y Tarragó 1928a, 213–214; Puerta 2007, 162–164. Important libraries in sixth/twelfth-century Valencia belonged to Ibn Hudhayl al-Muqri (d. 564/1168, PUA id. 6812) and Ibn AyshËn al-MaåfirÈ (d. 573/1177, PUA id. 6025). Among the Valencian copyists of the period were Ibn Mahriyål al-AbdarÈ (d. 530/1136, PUA id. 3801, ‘kataba bi-kha††i-hi kathÈran’); Mu˙ammad Ibn al-AdÈb (d.  541/1146, PUA id. 10520, ‘kåna ˙asan al-wiråqa marËfan bi-dhålik’); the notary and historian Ibn al-Usaywid (d. 573/1177, PUA id. 3002, årif bi-l-wathåiq ˙asan al-kha††’); the notary AbË Zayd Ibn Numayl (d. 580/1184, PUA id. 4429, ‘yu˙tarif al-wiråqa’); Mu˙ammad b. Óusayn al-ShËnÈ (d. 609/1213, PUA id. 7784, ‘kataba bi-kha††i-hi ilman kathÈran’); Ibn Mantyål al-Warråq, who had his bookshop in the city’s market (d. 611/1214, PUA id. 4885, ‘kåna la-hu dukkån bi-l-qaysåriyya’); Ibn SadËn al-AzdÈ, a scholar and calligrapher who was hired as a secretary by one of the city’s notables (d. 622/1225, PUA id. 5462, ‘istaktaba-hu ba∂ al-ruaså’);

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and Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Wahhåb al-Warråq al-Êur†ËshÈ (PUA id. 9827). 52. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1240 (1241), 235; al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 304–305, No. 1241. See also here, 235, n. 341. 53. PUA id. 6579. 54. PUA id. 1340–1341. 55. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1238, 331. 56. See Chapter Five, 282–283. 57. Riera 1993, 65 ff. On the scholarly milieu of Majorca and the intellectual life of the Balearic Island between the fifth/eleventh and early seventh/thirteenth century, see Urvoy 1972; Rosselló 1968, 121–122. 58. An important (although later) manuscript suggests that in Menorca too the craft of wiråqa was practiced by local scholars: BNF, ms. arabe 7232, a paper copy of al-MutanabbÈ’s DÈwån, copied in Menorca in 667/1268 by Ghålib b. Abd al-Malik b. Abd al-AzÈz b. MËså al-KalbÈ (PUA id. 7409). 59. Al-Maqqari¯ 1968, III, 151: ‘Wa-adda ra˙ima-hu Allåh taålå min fa∂åili-him ikhtiråa-hum li-l-khu†Ë† al-makhßËßa bi-him. Qåla: wa kåna khattu-hum awwalan Mashriqiyyan’. 60. See, for instance, the biography of Ibn Mudrik al-GhassånÈ (PUA id. 9076) in al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, IV (VI), 231–232, No. 615. 61. Jaouhari 2015, 27–29. Of the nine original volumes of the Dhayl, only vols I, V, VI, VIII and part of vol. IV have been edited so far. 62. PUA id. 9762; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, IV (VI), 432, No. 1069. 63. PUA id. 6383; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, III (V), 161–162, No. 384. 64. PUA id. 3392; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, II (IV), 12, No. 21. 65. Al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, V (VIII), 184–189, No. 93. 66. PUA id. 10214; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, V (VIII), 242–248, No. 135. 67. PUA id. 11129; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, V (VIII), 288–293, No. 177. 68. PUA id. 7279; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, V (VIII), 112–126, No. 43. 69. Jaouhari 2015, 28, No. 13. 70. PUA id. 7869; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, IV (VI), 105, No. 240. See Chapter III, 137. 71. See here, 252–253. 72. Jaouhari 2015, 28. 73. García Sanjuán 2007, 14. On AbË al-Óasan al-JazÈrÈ, see PUA id. 6899. 74. Al-Jazi¯ ri¯ 1998, 288. 75. Gannu¯ n 1959–1960; Gacek 1990–1991. See also Scheper 2015, 152–158, and Szirmai 1999, 51–61. 76. See Chapter Three, 139–140. 77. Despite what is argued by some scholars such as al-Abba¯di¯ 2005, 156–157 and Khemir 1992, 308, the gilt-stamped leather cover of Q15 is not original and most probably dates from the nineteenth century. I thank Marcus Fraser for this information. 78. None of these bindings have preserved their original fore-edge flaps (if ever they existed). 79. Gacek 1990–1991, 109–110. 80. Ricard 1933. 81. Roger, Serghini & Déroche 2004; Déroche 2005, 119–157. For the ink recipes included in an undated MaghribÈ treatise written by a certain ‘al-ÍiqillÈ’, see Griffini 1910 and La Rosa 2015.

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82. These data are corroborated by the pigment analyses on an illuminated copy of Ibn TËmart’s Muwa††a’ (BNRM, ms. 840 J), which, though undated, is undoubtedly a sixth/twelfth-century manuscript. 83. For a discussion and an Italian translation of this source, see Fani 2013, 80–132. 84. PUA id. 10358; al-Qalalu¯ si¯ 2007; Fani 2013, 133–154. For a partial Spanish translation of this text, see al-Abba¯di¯ 2005, 51–58, 193–196; for an English summary, see Chabbouh 1995, 69–76. 85. Cambridge University Library, ms. Add. 3340; Goitein 1967–1993, vol. 288, no. 72. See also Constable 1994, 195–196; Bloom 2001, 88. 86. Goitein 1967–1993, V, 457; Constable 1994, 195–196. 87. Bloom 2001, 88. 88. Al-Idri¯ si¯ 1970–1984, vol. 556. Al-IdrÈsÈ’s account is mirrored in the work of the MashriqÈ geographer YåqËt al-ÓamawÈ (d. in Aleppo in 627/1229), who wrote that in Xàtiva ‘the best paper is manufactured’ and exported to the rest of al-Andalus: see Burns 1981, 5. 89. Valls i Subirà 1978, 133 ff. 90. Bosch, Carswell & Petherbridge 1981, 27. 91. Gacek 2009, 297. This typically AndalusÈ feature appears in manuscripts until the third quarter of the eighth/fourteenth century. 92. Valls i Subirà 1970, I, 9. 93. Estève 2001a. 94. Constable 1994, 196; Burns 1981, 24. 95. Valls i Subirà 1970, I, 9. 96. Valls i Subirà 1970, I, 14. However, Burns 1981 points out that ‘cloth mill’ does not necessarily equate with ‘paper mill’ and that the expression may refer to cloth fulling mills. 97. Valls i Subirà 1978, 98–122. 98. Leiden University Library, ms. Or. 213. See Witkam 2007, I, 100–101; Van Koningsveld 1977. 99. Al-Bakri¯ 1965, 132 (French translation: 255). See also Binebine 1992, 22. 100. Binebine 1992, 22–23. 101. Picard 1998. See also the description of Fes in al-Bakri¯ 1965, 226–229. 102. PUA id. 11745; Ibn al-Farad∙i¯ 1891–1892, II, 72, No. 1647. See also Imaduddin 1983, 63. 103. PUA id. 10211; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, II, 500, No. 1108. 104. PUA id. 12626; Iya¯d ∙ al-Sabti¯ 1981–1983, VIII, 85–86. See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 18. 105. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 796/12. See Chapter One, 61–62. 106. Messier 2010, 89–90. 107. Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 23; al-Ta¯zi¯ 1972, I, 121–122; Gannu¯ n 1961, I, 75. As pointed out by Ettahiri 2012, 268, No. 15, these authors do not make any explicit reference to primary sources. 108. PUA id. 11940; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 740, No. 2098. 109. Al-Balafi¯ qi¯ 1982, 61–62. In the last bayt the poet contrasts the script of a simple scribe (‘kåtib’, i.e. that of the people of Kairouan) with the penmanship of a skilled AndalusÈ calligrapher (‘råqim’), able to bring his work to perfection. On Ibn al-Barrå al-TujÈbÈ, see PUA id. 1813; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 21. 110. Binebine 1992, 190; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 21; Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 23. 111. PUA id. 8380; Ibn al-Qa¯d∙i¯ 1973–1974, II, 408–409, No. 424. He was the father of the already mentioned AbË al-Abbås Ibn al-Íaqr al-AnßårÈ: see here, 179.

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

112. PUA id. 5828; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, III (V), 27, No. 79. Al-Marra¯kushi¯ reports to have seen a manuscript of Ibn Abd al-Barr’s Istidhkår limadhåhib ulamå al-amßår copied in Fes by Abd al-Malik b. Mu˙ammad al-LakhmÈ in 498/1105. 113. PUA id. 11378; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, V (VIII), 425–426, No. 283. 114. Al-Marra¯kushi¯ 1963, 237. 115. On AbË Bakr Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Abbåd al-LakhmÈ, also know as Sharaf al-Dawla, see Chapter Three, 130–131. 116. On AbË al-Alå Zuhr b. Abd al-Malik, see PUA id. 3320. 117. Bennison 2016, 266. On AbË Marwån Abd al-Malik Ibn Zuhr, see PUA id. 5748. 118. Al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 27–28; Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 25–26. 119. PUA id. 11562. 120. Al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1950, 271. 121. PUA id. 5940; al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, III (V), 57, No. 154. Another famous AndalusÈ scholar summoned to Marrakesh and charged with the instruction of Abd al-Mumin’s sons was AbË al-Abbås al-­TudmÈrÈ: PUA id. 1099; al-Ji¯ la¯ni¯ 2017. 122. Bennison 2016, 253. 123. Bennison 2016, 254; Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 26–28; Binebine 1992, 39 ff. 124. Al-Marra¯kushi¯ 1963, 309–311. See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1989a, 182, 186–187. 125. On AbË YaqËb’s bibliophilia, see also the anecdote transmitted in al-Marra¯kushi¯ 1963, 310–311 and quoted in al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1989a, 183 (for a Spanish translation see Viguera 2016, 47). 126. Al-Marra¯kushi¯ 1963, 252. 127. He was the son of AbË Zayd Ibn al-Íaqr (d. 523/1128–9): see here, 179. 128. ‘Kåna jayyid al-kha†† sarÈ al-kitåba […] taayyasha dahran †awÈlan bi-l-wiråqa’. PUA id. 8215; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 34. Among the numerous warråqËn active in Almohad Marrakesh, two women from alAndalus are mentioned in the biographical dictionaries: PUA id. 3669; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 38. 129. Al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1989a, 182; Binebine 1992, 191. 130. On this and other works on jihåd commissioned by the Almohads, see Albarrán 2018, 123–133. 131. PUA id. 4403. 132. Although al-SuhaylÈ allegedly composed the Raw∂ in 569/1173–4, some manuscripts (e.g. item 215) refer to the dedicatee as amÈr al-muminÈn ibn amÈr al-muminÈn ibn amÈr al-muminÈn, i.e. not as AbË YaqËb YËsuf, but as AbË YËsuf YaqËb al-ManßËr, who ascended the throne only fifteen months before al-SuhaylÈ’s death. 133. On Ibn Êufayl, see PUA id. 9786; on Ibn Rushd al-ÓafÈd, see PUA id. 8365. 134. Al-Umari¯ 2010, IV, 101. See also Bennison 2016, 320–321; Ettahiri 2012, 274. An Almohad manuscript endowed to ‘the madrasa of the qaßaba in Marrakesh’ is a copy of Ibn al-Munåßif’s Injåd fÈ abwåb al-jihåd (Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 216) made for the caliph al-Wåthiq (r. 665/1266–668/1269). 135. On the Almohad †alaba see Bennison 2016, 80–81; Fricaud 2005. 136. Ibn Idha¯ri¯ 1960, 320; see also Ibn Abi¯ Zar 1972, 217.

263

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137. PUA id. 5155, 7869; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 27: ‘Kåna ˙asan al-kha†† wa-istadaba-hu al-ManßËr li-banÈ-hi’; ‘Kåna nabÈl al-kha†† fÈ †arÈqat ahl Sharq al-Andalus wa-qaraa alay-hi ba∂ awlåd al-ManßËr’. 138. Al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1989a, 188; Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 304; Binebine 1992, 46–47. 139. Al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1989a, 187–188. 140. PUA id. 4639 and 4616; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 590, No. 1652: ‘Kånat la-hu [i.e. Abd al-Ra˙mån] khizånat dafåtir jalÈlat al-shan lam yakun li-a˙ad min ahl aßri-hi mithlu-hu wa-taßaddaqa bi-hå alå ibna la-hu’; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 601–602, No. 1674: ‘Kåna inda-hu [i.e. Abd al-Ra˙Èm] min al-dafåtir wa-l-dawåwÈn kathÈr mimmå iqtanå wa-waratha an abÈ-hi, alå ann khizånat ibn ammi-hi AbÈ al-Qåsim Abd al-Ra˙mån […] kånat al-shahÈra bi-lMaghrib’. See also Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 304. 141. Ibn Abi¯ Zar 1972, 49. Bloom 2001, 86 writes that ‘by the end of the twelfth century […] the city of Fez, in Morocco, had 472 papermills’, but in this case he quotes a passage of Ibn AbÈ Zar where the function of the mills is not specified: see also Ennahid 2011, 268, No. 11. 142. PUA id. 11677, al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1989a, 178. 143. PUA id. 6097 and 7324; Ibn Abi¯ Zar 1972, 272: ‘Kåna la-hu kha†† ˙asan wa-kåna yansakh al-maßå˙if bi-yadi-hi wa-yadfau-hå li-man yarå-hu ahlan la-hå’. See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 34, 35, 38. 144. To my knowledge, the earliest known manuscript mentioning Fes as its place of copying dates from the year 616/1219: it is a handsome copy of al-QushayrÈ’s Risåla fÈ al-taßawwuf on paper (176 folios, some of which are dyed pink), written for the Almohad prince AbË Abd Allåh b. AbÈ Zakariyyå b. AbÈ Óafß b. Abd al-Mumin. The manuscript is today in the National Library of Qatar and was originally purchased at auction: see Sotheby’s 27/04/94, lot 46. 145. On the society, economy and cultural life of medieval Ceuta, see Ferhat 1993. 146. Vallvé 1962, 415–417; Cherif 1996, 176–177; Binebine 1992, 24. 147. PUA id. 4632; Binebine 1992, 24–25. 148. PUA id. 10198; see Chapter Three, n. 134. 149. PUA id. 7210; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 22–23. 150. PUA id. 8442; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 34. 151. Al-Anßa¯rÈ 1931, 154: ‘Hiya awwal khizåna wuqqifat bi-l-Maghrib alå ahl al-ilm’. For a Spanish translation of the whole passage see Vallvé 1962, 413–417. See also PUA id. 6810; Ettahiri 2012, 275. A biography of AbË al-Óasan al-ShårrÈ, mentioning his book collection and his decision to establish a madrasa according to the custom of the ‘ahl al-Sharq’, is found in al-Marra¯kushi¯ 2012, (V) VIII, 54–61, No. 12. 152. Al-Anßa¯rÈ 1931, 153: ‘Al-munfiq måla-hu fÈ […] iqtinå kutubi-hi’. See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1989a, 186. 153. Ibn Rushayd 1973, 109. 154. BAV, ms. Ross. 1033: see Levi della Vida 1935, 280. 155. Ferhat 1993, 325–328; Cherif 1996, 126, 177. 156. PUA id. 1936; Pellat 1956, 279. Another early AndalusÈ manuscript of the Bayån, undated and fragmentary, but copied on parchment and abundantly annotated, is in the QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1244: see Jaouhari 2020, 161. 157. On AbË Dharr Mußab Ibn AbÈ Rakb, who was chief judge of Jaén before moving to Ceuta and dying in Fes, see PUA id. 10936. He

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

also transmitted al-Mubarrad’s Kåmil, as demonstrated by another ijåza left by him on the title page of an undated copy of this work in 574/1178: see here, 236, n. 350. 158. Burési 2011, 95. However, Amari deemed them written by a Pisan, given the ‘abundance of spelling mistakes’: see Amari 1863, 396. For a history of medieval Bougie and its trade, see Valérian 2006. 159. For a general discussion of the works of Ibn TËmart and their manuscripts, see Griffel 2005, 765–770; Maroc médiéval 2014, 274–276. 160. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 181, ff 1b–2a: see al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 188–192. See also Maroc médiéval 2014, 278, No. 156; De l’Empire romain 1991, 425, No. 510; Schacht 1956, 486–489. 161. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 840 J: see Splendeurs de l’écriture 2017, 40; Maroc médiéval 2014, 279, No. 157; Schacht 1968, 31–32. The calligraphy and illumination of this manuscript are remarkably similar to those of item 185. For an analysis of its pigments see Roger, Serghini & Déroche 2004, though here the manuscript is erroneously dated to the year 544/1188–9 (sic). This mistake is due to the fact that the date DhË al-Óijja 544/1150 appears in the introductory isnåd as the month when the caliph Abd al-Mumin officially transmitted the text of Ibn TËmart’s Muwa††a. 162. Christie’s 8/10/1991, lot 88; Christie’s 26/4/2018, lot 7. The severely damaged colophon of this manuscript (f. 96b) reads: ‘Kamala kitåb al-jåmi wa-bi-hi kamala jamÈ Muwa††a al-imåm al-maßËm…’, an unmistakable reference to Ibn TËmart. Two other undated paper copies of Ibn TËmart’s Muwa††a are in the QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1449, on which see al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, IV, 167–168, and in the Royal Library of Rabat, ms. 12643. 163. CBL, ms. Ar. 4164. 164. Calvo 2020; Burési 2010. 165. Al-Ta¯sa¯fati¯ 1992, 60. 166. Bennison 2016, 257. An undated luxury copy of al-SijistånÈ’s Sunan, auctioned in London in 2000, can also be attributed to the sixth/twelfth century based on its style of illumination: see Christie’s 10/10/2000, lot 26. 167. The most complete biography of AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån can be found in the introduction to the edition of his poems: Abu¯ al-Rabi¯  1969, 3–14. Although AbË al-RabÈ is best known as governor of Tlemcen and Sijilmasa towards the end of his life, a later source mentions that he had previously been appointed governor of Seville, Murcia and Cordova. To AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån, Averroes dedicated his commentary on the UrjËza fÈ al-†ibb by Ibn SÈnå: see Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 29. 168. PUA id. 2101. 169. ‘Irghab ilå l-ra˙m‹å›ni yå man raå / kha††iya an yafuwa an kåtibi-h’. 170. See the collation note on vol. III, f. 1a. 171. Al-Marra¯kushi¯ 1963, 354–355. See also Fierro 2000, 147–148; Safran 2014, 162–164. 172. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 460/1–2 (parts 4 and 8); Rabat, Royal Library, ms. 927. 173. Ibn Ía¯h∙ib al-Íala¯ 1964, 299. 174. BNF, ms. arabe 3298, f. 1a. 175. Al-Maqqari¯ 1968, IV, 326–327: ‘Wa-˙ukiya anna ba∂ al-Maghåriba kataba ilå al-Malik al-Kåmil ibn al-Ådil ibn AyyËb raqatan fÈ warqa

265

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

bay∂å, in quriat fÈ ∂aw al-siråj kånat fi∂∂iyyatan, wa-in quriat fÈ al-shams kånat dhahabiyyatan, wa-in quriat fÈ al-Ωill kånat ˙ibran aswad’. 176. Although Q7 was also copied on paper, this is a modest, miniature muß˙af in one volume that cannot be related to royal patronage. 177. They are: 1) Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 430, originally in 20 volumes, copied in Malaga in 620/1223, on which see Ben Larbi 1994, 38, No. 47, and Maroc médiéval 2014, 358, No. 211; 2) Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, mss R 21–24, in four volumes, undated, but endowed to a mosque in Marrakesh by the Almohad prince IbråhÈm b. AbÈ IbråhÈm Is˙åq al-Êåhir in 635/1238, on which see Karatay 1962, I, 86–87, Nos 306–309; 3) Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 429, originally in 20 volumes, copied in Seville in 632/1235, endowed to the tomb of Ibn TËmart in Tinmal by the penultimate Almohad caliph al-Murta∂å in 649/1251, on which see Ben Larbi 1994, 37, No. 46, and Maroc médiéval 2014, 359, No. 212; 4) Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 431, originally in 10 volumes, endowed by al-Murta∂å to the tomb of one of his wives in 650/1252, presumably in Marrakesh, on which see Ben Larbi 1994, 38–40, Nos 48–50, 53–57, Deverdun & Ghiati 1954, 411–414, and Maroc médiéval 2014, 356–357, No. 210; 5) the Qurån penned by al-Murta∂å himself in 654/1256, originally in 10 volumes, now dispersed between the Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 432, the BL, ms. Or. 13129, and the BNRM, ms. 1278 J, on which see Maroc médiéval 2014, 371–375, Nos 218–222 and bibliography. 178. Salameh 2001, 66–83; Prachtkorane 1998, No. 6; Déroche 1985, 31–33. 179. Bennison 2016, 170–174; Molénat 1997. 180. León, Archivo de la Catedral, ms. 35: see Kassis 2016, XXIV–XXV; Van Koningsveld 1994, 427–429; Tisserant 1953. 181. Van Koningsveld 1994, 429. 182. Munich, Bavarian State Library, Cod. arab. 238, f. 90a: see Kassis 2016, XIX–XXI. Van Koningsveld gives a wrong reading of the date in both the English translation (‘1140’) and in the Arabic transliteration (‘1045’). A second colophon is on f. 97b, giving the date 796/1394 for the completion of the final copy. 183. BL, Add. ms. 9060: see Van Koningsveld 1994, 432–433. On f. 208a there is an ownership note of a certain MartÈn al-Far˙ånÈ “råhib min abÈd Maryam al-muqaddasa”. According to Van Koningsveld, this may indicate the existence of a monastery in seventh/thirteenthcentury Ceuta. 184. On the Arabic documents of sixth/twelfth-century Toledo, see the classic study González 1926–1930; for a recent quantitative analysis of these documents, see Olstein 2006. For the bilingual sale documents of Tudela and Tarzona, eight of which from the sixth/twelfth century, see García-Arenal 1982. For the Arabic documents (especially sale contracts) in the Archive of Nuestra Señora del Pilar in Zaragoza, nine of which were drafted in the sixth/twelfth century, see García de Linares 1904. Several other Arabic and bilingual documents from this period are kept in the Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid and the Archivo General de la Corona de Aragón in Barcelona. 185. I wish to thank Abdelaziz Essaouri for kindly providing me with some images of this manuscript.

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

186. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b11003418f (last accessed: June 2021). De Slane 1883–1895, 650. See also Déroche 2005, 100; Fimmod No. 18. 187. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 161–165. See also Maroc médiéval 2014, 226, No. 129. Another portion of this manuscript is in Riyad, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 4521. 188. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 102–103. 189. Al-ÊanjÈ & al-Gha¯zi¯ 2008, 154–155, No. 259 (although the date is mistakenly given as 550 ah). See also al-Manu¯ nÈ 1999, I, 537. 190. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 497–499. Due to its very bad state of preservation, I could not find in the manuscript the colophon with the date and place of copying; nevertheless, there is no reason to doubt the information provided in the catalogue. On f. 1a is a reading certificate dated Rajab 509/1115. 191. Available at https://cbl01.intranda.com/viewer/image/Ar_4835 (last accessed: June 2021). Arberry 1955–1966, VI, 113. A portion of the same manuscript was in the Alexandria Municipal Library Collection and has now been moved to the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, No. 532/B fiqh MålikÈ: see Ziedan 2003, 8–11; al-Shandi¯ 1955, 10. Other fragments, though with undated and unsigned colophons, are in the BL, mss Or. 9810 A–B, and Princeton University Library, ms. Garrett 900 H. 192. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 234–235. 193. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 43–45. 194. Defter 1306/1888–9, 12. See also Jaouhari 2015, 36–39. 195. Al-Barra¯q 2004, 266–267, No. 514. 196. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 472. 197. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 131. 198. Mansour 1969, 32. 199. Christie’s 10/10/2000, lot 28. 200. Gros & Delettrez 23/06/2010, lot 43. 201. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 339–340. 202. Ait Belaid 2007, 15; Terés 1975, 21. 203. Ben Larbi 1994, 433, No. 1583. This manuscript can be securely dated thanks to an ijåza on f. 1a, written by Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ himself in DhË al-Qada 515/1122. The date of copying and collation with Ibn al-SÈd’s original is not given in the colophon, but in the preface (f. 1b). 204. Lah∙mar 2009, I, 167, No 203. See also Dali¯ l makht. u¯ t. a¯ t 2001, II, 6, No. 16; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 389. 205. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 95–110. 206. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 301–303, No. 1239. 207. Lah∙mar 2009, III, 575–576, Nos 862, 864. See also Dali¯ l makht. u¯ t. a¯ t 2001, II, 17–18, No. 73; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 412–413. 208. Ibn Rushd 2020, 52–77. 209. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 161–163. 210. I wish to thank Abdellah Taouraty for kindly providing me with some images of this manuscript. 211. Lah∙mar 2009, II, 300–301, No. 420. See also Dali¯ l makht. u¯ t. a¯ t 2001, II, 29, No. 132; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 395. 212. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 64. Although Derenbourg describes it as a ‘copie datée de Grenade’, nowhere in the manuscript could I find a reference to its place of copying. 213. Moritz 1905, pl. 175a.

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214. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 363. 215. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 104–105, 440, 473–474. See also Jaouhari 2013, 21 (group 1, type C). Another portion of this manuscript is now in Riyadh, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 4492, originally purchased at auction: see Bonham’s 6/04/2006, lot 5. 216. Available at https://www.arcadianlibraryonline.com/da-volume?doc id=ARC_16654 (last accessed: June 2021). See Ibn Baklarish 2008. 217. Moritz 1905, pl. 177b. 218. Previously in the Ibn ÓammËda al-FakkËn Library of Constantine. I wish to thank Abu Baker Belkacem Dhaif for kindly providing me with some images of this manuscript. 219. Al-Mura¯bit∙ i¯ 2001–2002, 242–243, No. 247. 220. Mansour 1969, 20; Maktu¯ b bilyad 1968, 26, No. 54; Chabbouh 1989, 27, No. 61. 221. Guillén 1889, 18–19, No. XXXIX. Guillén doubted the truthfulness of this colophon without reason. 222. A second section of this manuscript, copied in Rama∂ån of the same year and containing the Kitåb al-sharika (‘Book of Partnership’) was auctioned at Bonham’s 12/04/2000, lot 494, and then again at Bonham’s 02/05/2001, lot 16. Another portion of this manuscript may be in Cairo, al-Azhar Library, ms. 1743 fiqh MålikÈ (juz II and III): see al-Maktaba al-Azhariyya 1945–1978, II, 405. 223. Defter 1306/1888–9, 55. I wish to thank Abdelaziz Essaouri for kindly providing me with some images of this manuscript. 224. I wish to thank Mohamed Tabrani for kindly sharing with me an image of this fragment. 225. Ibn Jinni¯ 1998, I, 72, 97–99; Moritz 1905, pl. 177a. 226. Ben Larbi 1994, 226, No. 803. The manuscript is severely damaged and the names of the copyist and the place of copying are no longer legible. 227. Bin Haji Ahmad 1994, I, 4, No. 16. See also ISTAC Illuminated 1998, 157. 228. Al-Barra¯q 2004, 55, No. 76. 229. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 170. 230. Lah∙mar 2009, IV, 1097–8, No. 1717. See also Dali¯ l makht. u¯ t. a¯ t 2001, II, 42, No. 215. The colophon has lost its final line mentioning the year and place of copying, but a later hand transcribed it in the left margin. 231. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 356–357. See also Splendeurs de l’écriture 2017, 26–27; Kassis 2016, XXIV–XXV; Tisserant 1953. The original colophon of this manuscript is lost, but it was transcribed verbatim in a paper Gospel Book copied in 1421 ce now in León, Archivo de la Catedral, ms. 35: see Van Koningsveld 1994, 427–429. 232. Allouche & Regragui 1954, I, 363, No. 1734. See also Jaouhari 2013, 23 (group 2, type B); Fimmod No. 261. 233. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 225–227, 436–439. See also Van Koningsveld 1994, 434. 234. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, III, 245–246. 235. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, III, 6–7. 236. Amari 1869, 3. 237. Nallino 1900, 10–11, No. 20; Noja Noseda 1974, 18. 238. Al-Mura¯bit∙ i¯ 2001–2002, 157, No. 155; Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 32.

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

239. Available at http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000198870&page=1 (last accessed: June 2021). Guillén 1889, 23, No. XLIX. Guillén doubted the truthfulness of this colophon without reason. 240. Available at http://simurg.bibliotecas.csic.es/viewer/image/CSIC0012 27493/1 (last accessed: June 2021). Ribera y Tarragó & Asín 1912, 57–69; Van Koningsveld 1991, 817–818. 241. S es en et al. 1986, I, 31–32. The final colophon was transcribed in modern times on a replacement folio as part of the manuscript’s restoration, but there is no reason to doubt the date mentioned in it. 242. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 307–309. 243. Ben Larbi 1994, 109, No. 346; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 93. The QarawiyyÈn manuscript is uncatalogued. 244. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 109–110. 245. Batsyeva 1986, I, 399, No. 9026, and II, 247. See also De Bagdad à Ispahan 1994, 100–101. 246. Ait Belaid 2007, 21; Terés 1975, 19, 22. 247. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 57. Though Derenbourg described this manuscript as a ‘copie faite à Séville’, nowhere could I find a reference to its place of copying. 248. Voorhoeve 1980, 92. 249. Al-Mura¯bit∙ i¯ 2001–2002, 172–173, No. 171; Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 33. See also Jaouhari 2013, 23 (group 1, type D). 250. Lah∙mar 2009, I, 47–48, No. 13. 251. Quaritch 1999, 33–36. Part 2 of the same manuscript (dated Mu˙arram 543/1148) was auctioned at Christie’s 20/4/1999, lot 324. The whole manuscript was originally kept in the Royal Library of Rabat (ms. 2469): see Sijelmassi 1987, 81; De l’Empire romain 1990, 424, No. 500; Benjelloun-Laroui 1990, 79, although in these publications the date is misread as 643/1245. 252. Ben Larbi 1994, 437, No. 1600. 253. El-Hatîb & Aydin 2018. 254. Al-Alba¯ni¯ 2001, 464–465. This manuscript consists of ff. 124–131 of a miscellaneous codex. The colophon does not mention the place of copying, but the text is preceded and followed by a series of reading and hearing certificates in MashriqÈ script that mention Damascene scholars. The earliest of them dates from the very year 555/1160. 255. Al-Qa¯li¯ 1999, 108–109. 256. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 277. For a study of this manuscript and its transmission see Muh∙a¯rib 2007. 257. Vajda 1963, 76–79. The place of copying is mentioned in a reading certificate written after the colophon (f. 294a) by the copyist himself, five months after the completion of the manuscript. 258. Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1966, I, l-m, pls 1–4. See also al-Munajjid 1960, 4, pl. 35. 259. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b11001801q (last accessed: June 2021). De Slane 1883–1895, 529; Fimmod No. 91. See also Estève 2001a, 47. Another complete, undated, but early manuscript of Ibn Zuhr’s TaysÈr is in the BNRM, ms. 159 Q: see al-Mura¯bit∙ i¯ 2001–2002, 365, No. 373. 260. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 50–51.

269

270

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

261. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 51–52. The final folio of ÓudËd al-ashyå with its colophon can be found at the end of RBE, ms. árabe 575 (f. 282). 262. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84061824 (last accessed: June 2021). Blochet 1925, 280 (erroneously dated to the year 558 ah); Fimmod No. 65. For a discussion of this manuscript and its line of transmission see Humbert 1995, 234–239. 263. Browne 1900, 161; Wright 1875–1883, pl. XXXVII Arabic. 264. Amari 1869, 7. 265. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b11001826s (last accessed: June 2021). De Slane 1883–1895, 370; Fimmod No. 39. The first folio of this manuscript is written in a different hand, possibly that of Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Juzayy al-BalansÈ, the transmitter of al-KalåbådhÈ’s work in al-Andalus. 266. Quaritch 1999, 36–37. This manuscript was first auctioned at Sotheby’s 26/4/1995, lot 47. 267. Available at https://elibrary.mara.gov.om/en/omani-library/his-excellency-sheikh-ahmed-bin-hamed-al-khalili-s-library/book/?id=487 (last accessed: June 2021). Al-Shayba¯ni¯ 2020, 17, 35. 268. Safwat 1997, 42–43. Previously in Rabat, Royal Library, ms. 1810: see Sijelmassi 1987, 57; Khemir 1992, 307, No. 77; Barrucand 2005, 77. 269. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 106–107. 270. Ben Larbi 1994, 129–130, No. 441. See also Griffel 2005, 768, No. 53. 271. This manuscript can be securely dated thanks to a collation note on f. 24a, written in Shawwål 570/1175 in Almería, by the same hand that copied the main text, and in the same ink. It was originally purchased at auction: see Bonham’s 14/10/1999, lot 539. Parts 2, 4 and 6 of the same manuscript are in the National Library of Qatar, mss 17172 and 17347. Parts 8, 10, 14, 29 and 30 are in the King Fahd National Library of Saudi Arabia: see al-Muni¯ f 1999. Part 19, collated in Íafar 570/1174 in Almería, was auctioned at Christie’s 26/4/2012, lot 135. 272. S es en et al. 1986, I, 177–180. 273. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b11001772p (last accessed: June 2021). De Slane 1883–1895, 575. 274. Arberry 1955–1966, IV, 69. 275. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 155–158. 276. The pigments used in its illumination are analysed in Roger, Serghini & Déroche 2004. 277. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 97. 278. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 60. 279. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 30–31. 280. Lah∙mar 2013, I, 87–88, No. 9. See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1985, 33–34; 47, No. 9; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 511. 281. Ansari & Thiele 2018. 282. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 142–143. 283. Ziedan & Zahran 1997, 215–216 (alternative shelf mark: 4551). The date refers to the manuscript’s collation with the author’s original, carried out by the same copyist. I wish to thank Mohamed Aalouane for for kindly providing me with images of this manuscript. 284. Al-Mura¯bit∙ i¯ 2001–2002, 27, No. 8. See also Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 19.

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

285. Maktabat al-Masjid al-Nabawi¯ 2007, 120–121, Nos 248/1–2. See also al-Mukhta ¯ r 1998, 169 (although misdated). 286. Christie’s 16/10/2001, lot 28. 287. Lah∙mar 2009, I, 167–168, Nos 204–205. See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 386; Dalèl makht. u¯ t. a¯ t 2001, II, 8, No. 26. 288. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8419211m (last accessed: June 2021). Vajda, Sauvan & Guesdon 1978–1995, III, 314–317; Fimmod No. 36. See also Maroc médiéval 2014, 277, No. 155. 289. Lah∙mar 2009, III, 591, No. 892. See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 411; Dali¯ l makht. u¯ t. a¯ t 2001, II, 42, No. 214. 290. Arberry 1955–1966, I, 6, pl. 2. 291. Löfgren & Traini 1975, 50. 292. Defter 1306/1888–9, 48. See also Bonebakker 1960–1961, 170–174. I wish to thank Abdellah Taouraty for kindly providing me with some images of this manuscript. 293. Lah∙mar 2009, III, 799, No. 1229. See also Dali¯ l makht. u¯ t. a¯ t 2001, II, 36, No. 177. 294. Asín 1911, 254–255. 295. Available at https://ketabpedia.com/‫الزبيدي‬-‫العين‬-‫كتاب‬-‫مختصر‬-‫مخطوطة‬/‫تحميل‬ (last accessed: June 2021). 296. Allouche & Regragui 1954, II, 230, No. 2334; Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 74–75. 297. Ahlwardt 1887–1899, IX, 221–222, No. 9689. 298. Al-Maktaba al-Azhariyya 1945–1978, V, 19. See also al-Bat∙ alyawsi¯ 1981–1983, 25. 299. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 225–226. 300. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 12–13. 301. Lah∙mar 2009, I, 223–224, No. 299; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 392. 302. Kenderova 1995, 101–103, No. 64. 303. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, III, 176–177. For a study and translation of this unique manuscript, see Martínez Martín 1971. 304. Mansour 1975, 31. 305. Lah∙mar 2009, III, 570, No. 852 (with several mistakes). See also Dali¯ l makht . u¯ t. a¯ t 2001, II, 14, No. 55; al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 401–402. This manuscript is not the one described and discussed in Humbert 1995, 239–243, pl. XI. 306. Al-Alami¯ 2002, I, 275, No. 265. 307. Arberry 1955–1966, VII, 85. 308. Uri 1787, 72, No. CLXXXVII. 309. Available at https://catalog.princeton.edu/catalog/4803861#view (last accessed: June 2021). Mach 1977, 54, No. 596. 310. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 109–110. 311. Fagnan 1893, 108–109; Fimmod No. 320. See also Schacht 1956, 484–486. 312. Previously in Rabat, Royal Library, ms. 12618: see De l’Empire romain 1990, 252–253, No. 497; Maroc médiéval 2014, 275. 313. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 159–161. See also Jaouhari 2013, 22 (group 1, type G). 314. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 229–230. 315. Karatay 1962, II, 17, No. 2215. I wish to thank Arafat Aydın for kindly sharing with me some images of this manuscript. 316. Zahri¯ & ÊËbÈ 2003, 18–19, No. 16. See also Muntakhaba¯ t 1978, 94.

271

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

317. Al-Mura¯bit∙ i¯ 2001–2002, 259–260, No. 263 (wrongly dated to 572 AH); Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 51. 318. Fagnan 1893, 87; FiMMOD No. 321. 319. Guillén 1889, 52, No. CIII. Guillén doubted the truthfulness of this colophon and proposed a later date on the basis of the kind of paper employed. In actual fact, the paper is very similar to that of other fifth/ twelfth-century manuscripts. 320. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 397. 321. Nemoy 1956, 35, 176. 322. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 142–143. 323. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 47–48. 324. Previously in Taza, Library of the Great Mosque, ms. 645: see Griffel 2005, 767, No. 49. This manuscript was discovered in the 1960s by al-KattånÈ, who describes it as a miscellany of letters by Ibn TËmart, sections of the Aazz må yu†lab, and an additional chapter on jihåd added by the caliph al-ManßËr: ‘Dans cette collection se trouve aussi Kitåb al-Jihåd qui a été achevé par le Khalife Ibn YusËf [sic] Yaqub ibn YusËf ibn Abdalmumin, 580–594/1184–1198 G. et daté de Rabi I 595/janvier 1199 G. Et c’est le seul exemplaire actuellement connu’: el-Kettani 1968, 465. Al-KattånÈ’s attribution is incorrect, since the Kitåb al-jihåd was added to the Aazz by the caliph AbË YaqËb YËsuf, not AbË YËsuf YaqËb. 325. Lah∙mar 2009, III, 618, No. 937. See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1999, I, 410. 326. Mansour 1969, 415 (under a different title, and wrongly dated to 599 ah). 327. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 189–190. 328. Available at https://ketabpedia.com/‫استعجم‬-‫ما‬-‫معجم‬-‫مخطوطة‬/‫( تحميل‬last accessed: June 2021). Al-Maktaba al-Azhariyya 1945–1978, V, 619. 329. Moritz 1905, pl. 179b. 330. Schacht 1968, 33. 331. Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 48 (though with the wrong shelf mark 232 Q). See also al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1991, 46. 332. Available at https://catalog.princeton.edu/catalog/5187284 (last accessed: June 2021). Hitti, Faris & Abd al-Malik 1938, 429, No. 1449. 333. Defter 1306/1888–9, 102. 334. Witkam 2007, I, 265–266. 335. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 399–400. 336. Humbert 1995, 248–252. 337. Da¯ r al-Kutub 1989, 120. See also Moritz 1905, pl. 178 (wrongly dated to the year 597/1201). 338. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, II, 48. 339. Ben Larbi 1994, 435, No. 1591, although here the manuscript is mistakenly catalogued as the first volume of Ibn SÈda’s Mu˙kam. To my knowledge, the earliest MaghribÈ copy of Ibn SÈda’s Mu˙kam is a late twelfth-century (or early thirteenth-century) manuscript in the BNT, mss 12483–8, transcribed by Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad b. Êåhir al-QaysÈ (PUA id. 8338), probably in Seville. The date 455/1063 recorded on the title page of the first volume (ms. 12483, f. 1a) does not correspond to the year of copying (as wrongly stated in Mansour 1969, 150–152), but to the year in which the original manuscript was read before the author. 340. Lah∙mar 2009, I, 279–280, No. 391.

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

341. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, III, 304–305, No. 1241. See also Jaouhari 2014, 23 (type C). The manuscript is undated, but the last folio (p. 235) bears a collation note written in Jumådå II 511/1117, in a different hand from the main text. The note states that the manuscript was read to Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ in his house in Valencia. 342. Al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 360–362. The manuscript is undated, but it was written by A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh (the copyist of item 32) in an elegant, early MaghribÈ full bookhand, possibly in Badajoz. It bears later collation notes dated Rama∂ån 518/1124 and Íafar 520/1126. 343. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, II, 105. Although dated, the manuscript is not in MaghribÈ script, and was probably copied in the Levant, on eastern paper. 344. Lah∙mar 2009, III, 557–558, No. 831. The manuscript is undated, but it bears an audition certificate written in Shabån 529/1135. The importance of this manuscript is due to the fact that it was copied by Mu˙ammad Ibn Khayr al-IshbÈlÈ (PUA id. 8946). 345. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 69. The manuscript is undated, but the date Jumådå I 531/1137 is included in an ijåza on f. 1a, written by Jafar b. Mu˙ammad b. MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib (PUA id. 2800) for his student AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. IsmåÈl. 346. Uncatalogued. Briefly mentioned in World Survey 1991–1994, IV, 6. I have so far been unable to verify the existence of this manuscript. 347. Uncatalogued. Briefly mentioned in World Survey 1991–1994, III, 256. I have so far been unable to verify the existence of this manuscript. 348. The date at the end of the colophon was added by a different scribe. However, the manuscript bears on f. 115a a note dated to ‘the year five hundred and (thirty?) …’, in a different hand from the main text, recording its collation against an exemplar written by the author. 349. Basset 1897, 74. I have so far been unable to verify the existence of this manuscript. 350. This manuscript is undated and copied by two different MaghribÈ hands. However, it bears on the title page (f. 1a) an ijåza in favour of a certain Mu˙ammad b. AbÈ Bakr b. AbÈ al-Óasan b. Mu˙ammad b. Khalfa (probably a mistake for KhalÈfa), penned by AbË Dharr Ibn AbÈ Rakb (PUA id. 10936) in Rajab 574/1178. Another undated MaghribÈ copy of al-Mubarrad’s Kåmil, attributable to the sixth/twelfth century on palaeographic grounds, is in Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, ms. S ehit Ali Pas a 2142. 351. Uri 1787, 75, No. CCVII. The date Rama∂ån 585/1189 is found in a collation note at the end of the work (f. 207a), written in a different hand from that of the main text, and can only be used as a terminus ante quem for the production of this manuscript. 352. Arberry 1955–1966, II, 49. Although dated and copied by an alleged AndalusÈ – Sulaymån b. Mu˙ammad b. Sulaymån b. Khalaf b. Mu˙ammad al-QurashÈ al-UmawÈ al-AndalusÈ – this manuscript is in MashriqÈ script. The only MaghribÈ feature is the sporadic use of semicircular tashdÈd. 353. Blochet 1925, 56. Pace Blochet, the manuscript is undated. It bears a reading certificate written in MashriqÈ script in the Great Mosque of Damascus, in Rama∂ån 593/1197: see Humbert 1995, 243–248. 354. Al-Alba¯ni¯ 2001, 504. The manuscript is undated, but its title page bears a reading certificate dated Jumådå I 595/1199.

273

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

355. The date DhË al-Qada 596/1200 (or perhaps 576/1181) is included in a final audition certificate written in a different hand (f. 110a). The manuscript, copied on parchment, can be tentatively dated to the early sixth/twelfth century. 356. The original manuscript was restored at a later date and the final folio with the colophon is not original. The colophon states: ‘copied from a manuscript transcribed in Jumådå I 597’, but it is unclear whether the date refers to the original portions of this copy or to the manuscript that served as its model. 357. Ben Larbi 1994, 274, No. 986. I have so far been unable to verify its existence. The manuscript under this shelf mark was originally divided into eight volumes, only four of which have survived, copied on pink paper in 664/1265–6. 358. Lah∙mar 2013, II, pp. 678–679, No. 829. In al-Manu¯ ni¯ 1985, 71, the date of copying is not mentioned. I have so far been unable to verify the date of this manuscript. 359. Al-Mura¯bi¯ t∙ i¯ 2001–2002, 167–168, No. 164. Judging from the type of white, glossy paper, and from the modern script, this manuscript is in fact much later (thirteenth/nineteenth century?). 360. As remarked by Della Vida 1935, 264–265: ‘La data 579 alla fine dell’opera è probabilmente quella del modello di questo codice’. Based on the script and the quality of the paper, this manuscript should be tentatively attributed to the ninth/fifteenth century. 361. Allouche & Regragui 1954, II, 13, No. 1805 and 19–20, No. 1819; Majmu¯ a mukhta¯ ra 1986, 55–56. The script and watermarked paper suggest an eighth/fourteenth-century date. The year 588/1192 was most likely transcribed from ms. D 464 of the Escorial Library, an eastern copy of al-ÓamdånÈ’s anthology of poems: see Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 306–307. 362. Lah∙mar 2009, II, 401, No. 588. The script used in this manuscript shares many features with late Nasrid bookhands, and a closer reading of the colophon reveals the date Mu˙arram 802/1399 and not 502/1108 as stated in the catalogue. The manuscript was copied in Purchena. 363. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, III, 249–250; Maroc médiéval 2014, 225, No. 128. Pace Hartwig Derenbourg, this manuscript cannot possibly date from 514/1120–1. Based on the calligraphic style, its rich polychromy, the quality of the parchment and the type of illumination, it can be attributed to the heyday of Marinid book production in the first half of the eighth/fourteenth century. Comparable illuminated manuscripts are: Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 2011, dated 720/1320, a monumental copy of al-Bayån wa-l-ta˙ßÈl by Ibn Rushd al-Jadd; Rabat, Royal Library, ms. 939, dated 726/1326, a copy of Målik’s Muwa††a produced in Salé; Paris, BNF, ms. arabe 675, dated 726/1326, another copy of Målik’s Muwa††a; San Lorenzo de El Escorial, RBE, ms. árabe 1371, a copy of Ibn Óajjåj’s NaΩm al-durar, a poem in praise of the Prophet; Taza, Library of the Great Mosque, ms. 550, a copy of al-Shifå bi-tarÈf ˙uqËq al-mu߆afå by al-QådÈ Iyå∂, endowed by the Marinid sultan AbË Inån to the Great Mosque of Taza; and Doha, National Library of Qatar, ms. 15748, another copy of the Shifå. 364. Catalogue des Manuscrits 1980, 140. See also Chabbouh 1989, 19, No. 37. This manuscript, though inexplicably dated by Chabbouh to

chapter four: sixth/twelfth century

517/1123–4, was copied on Italian watermarked paper produced after the seventh/thirteenth century. 365. Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, I, 166. Pace Hartwig Derenbourg, the date mentioned in the colophon is Shabån 699/1300, not 599/1203. This manuscript was copied in Ceuta. 366. It should be noted that the earliest instance of a MaghribÈ manuscripts explicitly transcribed for the personal use of its own copyist is item 44, dated 490/1097. 367. See here, 207, n. 171. According to Abd al-Wå˙id al-MarråkushÈ, the books that were burnt included the Mudawwana, the Nawådir and the Mukhtaßar of Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ, the Wå∂i˙a of Ibn ÓabÈb, the Jåmi of Ibn YËnus and the TadhÈb of al-BarådhiÈ. Of the latter work, two dated copies were produced under the Almohads (items 144 and 179) and escaped the destruction ordered by al-ManßËr. 368. Huici Miranda 1956–1957, I, 196–200. 369. An important illuminated copy of al-ShantamarÈ’s Shar˙ is in the BNT, ms. 18656. Although undated, it can also be attributed to the Almohad period: see Chabbouh 1989, No. 71. 370. Leiden University Library, ms. Or. 101, f. 3b. 371. Gacek 2009, 112–113 (‘Ghubår numerals’); 125–126 (‘Hindu-Arabic numerals’). Several AndalusÈ authors mention in their work calculations with ghubår numerals (˙isåb al-ghubår’), including Íåid alAndalusÈ and AbË Amr al-DånÈ: see Kunitzsch 2003, 12. 372. Lemay 1977, 445 ff. The earliest attested instance of Hindu-Arabic numerals in a MaghribÈ manuscript is in Florence, Medicea Laurenziana Library, ms. Or. 152 (mid-seventh/thirteenth century): see Kunitzsch 2003, 11–12. 373. See Chapter Three, 126–127. 374. Gacek 2009, 232 (‘RËmÈ/FåsÈ numerals’); 118 (‘Graeco-Coptic numerals’). 375. RBE, ms. R.II.18, f. 55b: see Aillet 2010, 158–159, 163; Menéndez 1959, 190–191. On the Codex Ovetensis, see Chapter Two, 111–112, n. 128. Surprisingly, neither Aillet nor Menéndez realised that this alphanumeric system differs considerably from the Hindu-Arabic decimal one. 376. González 1926–1930, I, 47–49. 377. Labarta & Barceló 1988, 21–31. 378. Sánchez 1935; Colin 1933. 379. Bennison 2016, 305; Ewert 2005, 225. 380. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 181: see al-Fa¯si¯ 1979–1989, I, 188–192. See also Maroc médiéval 2014, 278, No. 156; al-Abba¯di¯ 2005, 186–189; De l’Empire romain 1991, 425, No. 510; Schacht 1956, 486–489. 381. Bennison 2007; Burési 2008a. See also Chapter Five, 298. 382. Calvo 2020, 90–92; Dessus Lamare 1938, 556–557. 383. On the extant ‘Quråns of ‘Uthmån’, see Déroche 2014, 2–3, Nos 12–15; Déroche 2013; Altikulaç 2007; Rezvan 2000; al-Munajjid 1971, 45–60. 384. Launois 1967; Hazard 1952, 247–262, Nos 958, 1001, 1015, 1022, 1052. 385. See, for instance, Maroc médiéval 2014, 200, 223; Burési 2013, 25; Martínez Nuñez 2005, 7ff.; Fontenla 2005, 53; Fernández 1992, 651 ff. 386. Afa¯ & al-Maghra¯wi¯ 2013, 63–64.

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87. See, for instance, PUA id. 10214; 7279; 6901. 3 388. Marçais 1954 250–251. Three Almoravid buildings featuring stucco decoration with epigraphic bands in MaghribÈ thuluth are: the qubba of Marrakesh, on which see Tabbaa 2008, 141; the dome of the Great Mosque of Tlemcen, on which see Almagro 2015, 222, 228–229; and the prayer hall of the QarawiyyÈn Mosque in Fes, on which see Terrasse 1957, 141, pl. 10, fig. 14b. An ivory inlaid inscription in MaghribÈ thuluth appears on the Almoravid minbar of the QarawiyyÈn Mosque, dated 538/1147: see Maroc médiéval 2014, 198–199. 389. Lévi-Provençal 1955. On the scripts of the Abbasid chancery of Baghdad see Rustow 2020, 173–189. 390. On the script of Fatimid decrees see Rustow 2020, 143–153, 319–318; Stern 1964, 103–106 and passim; on the script of the Arabic documents of the Norman chancery of Palermo, see Johns 2002, 275–277; on the letter from the sultan of Tunis, Abd Allåh b. Abd al-AzÈz Ibn Khuråsån, to the Archbishop and notables of Pisa, dated 552/1157, see Amari 1863, 1–6, No. 1; Banti 1988, pp. 47–50; Ouerfelli 2015, 102, fig. 1. 391. On the intellectual milieu of the Almoravid chancery see Lagardère 1993–1994; Soravia 2005. 392. See here, 172. 393. Prieto y Vives 1915, 23; Fontenla 2005, 62, although Fontenla’s explanation for the introduction of curvilinear scripts in Almohad coinage is far from convincing. 394. Van den Boogert 1989, 31. 395. Van den Boogert 1989, 32. 396. Estève 2015, 259. 397. Al-Qalalu¯ si¯ 2007, 39–40. 398. Al-Jarsi¯ fi¯ 1955, 124: ‘alay-him madår al-dÈn wa-l-dunyå’.

CHAPTER FIVE

Beyond Books: Quranic Manuscripts and Chancery Documents

Maghribı¯ round scripts and the Qura¯ n The earliest evidence for the adoption of MaghribÈ round scripts for copying the Qurån dates from the final years of the Umayyad caliphate of Cordova and the formation of the †åifa kingdoms. Prior to then, the Quranic manuscripts produced in al-Andalus featured angular calligraphic scripts belonging to the family of the so-called ‘ancient Abbasid scripts’, simply referred to as Kufic (‘kha†† KËfÈ’ or ‘KËfiyya’) in medieval AndalusÈ sources.1 For example, the historian Ibn Fayyå∂ (or Ibn AbÈ al-Fayyå∂, d. 459/1066) reports to have seen in Cordova 170 women copying the Qurån ‘in the Kufic script [bi-lkha†† al-KËfÈ]’.2 This important reference attests to the continuation of the AndalusÈ Kufic tradition well into the fifth/eleventh century, alongside the introduction of MaghribÈ round scripts in the aesthetic domain of the muß˙af (pl. maßå˙if, meaning ‘Quranic codex’). The Kufic Quråns of the Islamic West The specificities of the AndalusÈ Kufic tradition, differing from the MashriqÈ one mainly in the system of notation and vocalisation, have recently received some scholarly attention: thanks to Alain George, a small group of fragmentary manuscripts kept in European and Middle Eastern collections has been convincingly attributed to the Islamic West, and probably to Umayyad al-Andalus.3 The study of these early parchment codices in horizontal format, copied in scripts related to Déroche’s groups D.II and D.III, is still at an embryonic stage: the holdings of many North African libraries – first and foremost the QarawiyyÈn (Figure 5.1) – await the systematic survey of specialists in early Quranic palaeography and codicology, which could shed better light on the relation between maßå˙if penned before and after the introduction of MaghribÈ round scripts.4

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Figure 5.1  Folio from a MaghribÈ Kufic Qurån. Al-Andalus, fourth/tenth century. Parchment, 17 × 26 cm. Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 901, f. 4b. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

Meanwhile, the problematic labels of ‘MaghribÈ Kufic’ and ‘Western Kufic’ continue to be applied rather carelessly to different types of angular scripts used in Quranic fragments of North African provenance, but whose actual place of copying is far from clear.5 Needless to say, geographical designations such as these are of little use if not supported by textual or palaeographic evidence. One of these early Quranic scripts – Déroche’s D.Vc – has even been considered a precursor to MaghribÈ round bookhands because of the swooping, semicircular shape of its final nËn and the curved tail of mÈm.6 Its appearance in some of the manuscripts from the ancient library of the Great Mosque of Kairouan (along with a wide array of other styles) may well indicate that this script was employed, or even devised, in IfrÈqiya. However, as discussed in Chapter One, MaghribÈ round scripts did not originate in North Africa but in the Iberian Peninsula and, since they represented a clear break with the tradition of IfrÈqÈ bookhands, there is no reason to believe that a Quranic style used in Kairouan could have influenced their development. In fact, given the mid-fourth/tenth century date generally attributed to D.Vc, it is much more likely that its round features were inspired by those of AndalusÈ bookhands – well-established by that time – and not vice versa. The same can be said for the numerous Quranic fragments in semiMaghribÈ and MaghribÈ round scripts also from Kairouan, datable to the first half of the fifth/eleventh century and still unpublished, which were most likely penned either by visiting AndalusÈ scribes, or by local ones deeply influenced by AndalusÈ modes.7 The most

chapter five: beyond books

interesting among these unbound folios belong to a small horizontal muß˙af endowed to the mosque of MadÈnat Izz al-Islåm (i.e. the palatial city of Íabra al-ManßËriyya) by AbË Bakr b. Abd Allåh alKåtib, treasurer (‘ßå˙ib bayt al-mål’) of the Zirid emir al-Muizz b. BådÈs, in 446/1054.8 Far from demonstrating the existence of a local tradition of round Quranic scripts predating the AndalusÈ one, these fragments simply suggest that the adoption of round scripts in Iberian Quråns had an impact on the IfrÈqÈ manuscript production in the years preceding the sack of Kairouan and the abandonment of Íabra al-ManßËriyya in 449/1057. The use of angular Quranic scripts in Umayyad al-Andalus reflected eastern practices and models with only minor stylistic divergences: precious and ancient maßå˙if coming from the Mashriq were not only revered as relics but probably also considered as ideal models by local calligraphers. ­­­The most important of these imported manuscripts was the so-called ‘Qurån of Uthmån’, an ancient codex ceremonially placed by al-Óakam II in the Great Mosque of Cordova in 354/965.9 Although now lost, it arguably dated from the second/ eighth or early third/ninth century, as most of the extant Quråns falsely attributed to the hand (or the reign) of the third rightly-guided caliph.10 The ‘Qurån of Uthmån’ remained in al-Andalus until 552/1157, when the Almohad ruler Abd al-Mumin brought it to Marrakesh. Here, as mentioned in Chapter Four, it seems to have performed an even more important ceremonial function than it had in Cordova.11 The status of these early Quråns as objects of devotion is reflected in the accounts of the personal copies owned and cherished by the Umayyad caliph Abd al-Ra˙mån III (r. 300/912–350/961) and by the Amirid ruler al-ManßËr (r. 366/976–403/1002). The former, a muß˙af in twelve volumes according to Ibn Óayyån, was lost to the Christian enemy during the battle of Alhándega (327/938) and later retrieved to the great relief of its owner.12 The latter, allegedly penned by al-ManßËr himself, was carried by him on his journeys, so that he could ‘study it and seek blessings from it’.13 Already before the adoption of MaghribÈ round scripts in AndalusÈ Quråns, the biographical dictionaries point to the existence of a distinct category of scribes specialised in copying and vocalising Quranic manuscripts: the so-called nuqqå† (plural of nåqi†, literally ‘dotter’). Because of the nature of their craft, these men and women were trained in Quranic exegesis, recitation and textual variants, as was the case of the Cordovan scholar AbË al-Qåsim Ibn al-Óajjåj (or al-Óajjåm, d. 397/1006), who learnt the Qurån from AbË al-Óasan al-An†akÈ al-Muqri according to the reading of Nåfi and the riwåya of Warsh and QålËn. He was expert in both variants, taught them to other people, and copied and vocalised Quranic manuscripts as he had learnt from al-An†akÈ.14

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Another pupil of al-An†akÈ’s, a certain Ibn SharÈf al-BakrÈ (d. 395/1004), set up a stall (‘dukkån’) near the Great Mosque of Cordova, where he would spend his days vocalising maßå˙if and teaching Quranic recitation to beginners.15 To the ranks of these Umayyad nuqqå† also belonged Óubaysh Ibn AbÈ al-Fawårish, the son of the chief judge of Seville under al-Óakam II, who could transcribe an entire muß˙af in just two weeks;16 the famous Cordovan poetess and polymath Åisha bt. A˙mad (d. 400/1009);17 A˙mad b. Umar Ibn AbÈ al-ShåirÈ al-Warråq al-Muqri (d. after 350/961), also from Cordova;18 and Mu˙ammad b. Wa∂∂å˙ (d. 363/974), from Medina-Sidonia (near Cádiz).19 All these personages are praised not only for their exact vocalisation and exquisite penmanship but also for their piety and moral virtues. Outside of Cordova, the city of Toledo seems to have been a second important centre for the production of Quranic manuscripts in both the Umayyad and the tåifa periods. Here worked the renowned Naßr al-Muß˙afÈ al-Nåqi†,20 the skilled YËsuf b. SaÈd Ibn MashkarÈl (d. 375/985)21 and the prolific Sulaymån Ibn al-Shaykh (347/ 958–440s/1050s), who ‘spent his entire life copying maßå˙if in a beautiful script, from his early years in Cordova until his death in Toledo’.22 The pious activity of transcribing the Sacred Book was also fashionable among the royal élites, from the daughter of Abd al-Ra˙mån II, al-Bahå (d. 305/917), who used to endow her manuscripts probably to a Cordovan mosque founded by herself,23 to the Amirid regent al-ManßËr, to the Zirid king of the tåifa of Granada Abd Allåh b. BuluqqÈn (r. 465/1073–483/1090).24 As already mentioned, the work of the earliest Quranic copyists of al-Andalus only survives in the form of fragmentary codices and dispersed leaves, without any colophon mentioning their place of production or the name of the scribes who penned them. The written sources, for their part, do not make any reference to a distinctively AndalusÈ or MaghribÈ Kufic that may have been employed in these manuscripts, so that the identification of such scripts, if they ever existed, is entirely dependent on the research of Arabic palaeographers.25 A possible example is found in a monumental parchment Qurån today in the BNRM, whose majestic angular script can be dated to the fifth/eleventh century (Figure 5.2).26 The vertical format, extravagant calligraphy, polychrome system of notation and lavish expenditure of parchment in this codex make it a worthy AndalusÈ counterpart to the ‘Nurse’s Qurån’ of Kairouan (Figure 1.17), as well as a likely contemporary of the Zirid manuscript.27 Some sources, however, do mention a distinctive AndalusÈ way of dotting (i.e. vocalising) the Qurån, based on the practice of the people of Medina, which differed from the other systems employed in the Mashriq. This tradition arguably developed in the recitation circles established by Målik b. Anas (d. 179/795) and was later adopted in the lands where the MålikÈ school of jurisprudence

chapter five: beyond books

Figure 5.2  Page spread from a MaghribÈ Kufic Qurån. Al-Andalus, fifth/eleventh century. Parchment, 41 × 34 cm. BNRM, ms. 1 J, pp. 100–101. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère de la culture

became predominant, namely IfrÈqiya and Muslim Iberia.28 The AndalusÈ scholar AbË Amr al-DånÈ (d. 444/1053), in particular, insists on the specificity of the dotting employed by the ‘vocalisers of our country [nuqqå† bilådi-nå]’. In his treatise al-Mu˙kam fÈ naq† al-maßå˙if (‘The Precise on the Vocalisation of Quråns’), al-DånÈ refers to the authoritative model established by ÓakÈm b. Imrån al-Muqri, ‘the vocaliser of the people of al-Andalus [nåqi† ahl al-Andalus]’, in a codex written in 227/842, which he describes as follows: The vowels were indicated by red dots, the hamzåt by yellow [dots], and initial alifåt al-waßl [i.e. the ‘connected’ alif without glottal stop] by green [dots]. Íilåt, sukËn, and tashdÈd were marked with a thin red pen [bi-qalam daqÈq bi-l-˙umra], in the way that we have related about the vocalisers of our land. The ßila was above the alif if preceded by a fat˙a, below it if preceded by a kasra, and along its middle if preceded by a ∂amma. Alifåt omitted in the rasm [al-alifåt al-ma˙dhËfåt min al-rasm] were included in an abbreviated form [ikhtißår] in red. There was a small circle in red for unpronounced letters [˙urËf zawåid] and lightened letters [˙urËf mukhaffafa], as in ‘an[å]’, ‘laaw∂aË’ [Q. 9: 47], ‘a-faÈm mitta’ [Q. 21: 34], ‘Ël[å]ika’ and ‘a-mman huwa q[å]nitun’ [Q. 39: 9], as we have shown about the people of Medina, and as it has become the custom of the people of our land.29

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The extent to which these very detailed norms were actually followed by AndalusÈ copyists is difficult to assess. Among the numerous Kufic fragments that survive, there are indeed some whose notation corresponds almost entirely to that described by al-DånÈ (Figure 5.1), but other manuscripts that may have been copied in the Muslim West depart noticeably from this practice (they can be entirely vocalised in red ink, for instance).30 What is sure is that the ancient vocalisation system of AbË al-Aswad al-DualÈ (d. 69/689), based on coloured dots rather than on the modern symbols of kasra, ∂amma and fat˙a, still appears in the earliest maßå˙if penned in MaghribÈ round scripts, such as Q1 and Q2. In fact, the fifth/ eleventh century was a period of deep transformation for AndalusÈ Quråns, which not only witnessed the abandonment of angular Kufic in favour or round scripts, but also the shift from the horizontal format to the vertical one and the replacement of al-DualÈ’s system of vocalisation with that of al-KhalÈl b. A˙mad al-FaråhÈdÈ (d. 170/786), still in use today. The earliest Quråns in MaghribÈ round scripts The five dated items attesting to this crucial ‘mutation’ in the Quranic tradition of al-Andalus are the following: Q1. 398/1008 [Rajab]. Single folio from a codex in small horizontal format (14.8 × 20.2 cm). Istanbul, Turkish and Islamic Art Museum, inv. S¸E 13216/1 (Figure 5.3);31 Q2. 432/1040 [Íafar]. Single folio from a codex in small horizontal format (14.4 × 17.5 cm). Istanbul, Turkish and Islamic Art Museum, inv. S¸E 13644/1 (Figure 5.4);32 Q3. 470/1078 [Rama∂ån, copied in Cordova]. Single-volume codex in miniature square format (7.9 × 7.9 cm). Auctioned in 2006 and again in 2008;33 Q4. 483/1090 [Jumådå I]. Last volume from an eight-volume set in small rectangular format (17 × 14.5 cm). Uppsala, University Library, ms. O.Bj. 48 (Figures 5.7–5.8, 5.10–5.11);34 Q5. 488/1094–5. Single-volume codex in small square format (15 × 15 cm). Medina, King Abdulaziz Public Library, ms. 19.35 The two single folios of Q1 and Q2, rediscovered in 1991 among the fragments from the Great Mosque of Damascus, are fundamental to establish a chronological frame for the mutation of the aspect, and the notion itself, of the muß˙af in fifth/eleventh-century Iberia (Figures 5.3 and 5.4). Palaeographically, Q1 displays a fully-fledged script with marked calligraphic traits, ‘d’assez grand module’.36 This style may already be defined as mabsˆ (in the sense of ‘dilated’, ‘expanded’), a term generally applied by modern Moroccan scholars only to later Quranic styles.37 The earliest AndalusÈ author employing the

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283

Figure 5.3  End of sËrat al-Jåthiya (corresponding to the end of the 25th juz) and dated colophon (398/1008). Parchment, 14.8 × 20.2 cm. Istanbul, Turkish and Islamic Art Museum, inv. S¸E 13216/1 (Q1). © Türk ve Òslam Eserleri Müze Müdürlü©ü

adjective mabsˆ with reference to calligraphy was the Nasrid secretary Ibn Simåk al-ÅmilÈ (d. after 820/1417), writing about ‘the Quranic script used nowadays’.38 Despite the seeming absence of references to MaghribÈ mabsˆ in earlier sources, I believe this expression to be both sufficiently appropriate and useful, and I have therefore decided to adopt it for the few instances of Quranic (and non-Quranic) calligraphy dating from the fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuries where miniature styles were not employed. The confident and elegant flow of the ductus in Q1 epitomises the attainment of an aesthetic standard that was evidently deemed suitable for conveying the sacred text of the Revelation. As for the reasons behind the adoption of MaghribÈ round scripts for copying the Qurån and the abandonment of the pan-Islamic tradition of Kufic scripts, they can only be speculated. In light of this book’s argument on scripts as vehicles of cultural identity, it is possible to interpret this phenomenon as the AndalusÈ response to the curvilinear Quranic styles employed in the Mashriq at around the same time. However, unlike MaghribÈ round scripts, these eastern styles had developed organically within the local tradition of Quranic

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Figure 5.4  End of the Qurån and dated colophon (432/1040). Parchment, 14.4 × 17.5 cm. Istanbul, Turkish and Islamic Art Museum, inv. ÍE 13644/1 (Q2). © Türk ve Òslam Eserleri Müze Müdürlü©ü

calligraphy and were based on a system of fixed proportions between letters that was not followed in al-Andalus.39 In Q2 the script is also elegant, meticulously traced and well-rounded, but smaller in size and more sober than in Q1. Surprisingly, the colophon of Q2 is written in an angular style related to ancient Abbasid scripts (especially to Déroche’s group D), which attests to the persistence of Kufic in AndalusÈ Quråns until the mid-fifth/eleventh century at least, corroborating Ibn Fayyå∂’s account. Despite their palaeographic maturity, Q1 and Q2 clearly belong to a transitional phase and still present two features typical of earlier Kufic Quråns: the horizontal format and the ancient system of notation of AbË al-Aswad al-DualÈ. In accordance with al-DånÈ’s principles, both fragments show alif al-waßl marked by a bluish-green dot, while tashdÈd is represented by the typical MaghribÈ semicircle. In Q1 one can even see a yellow dot signalling hamza. A parallel can be drawn between these two fragments and two other dispersed

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Figure 5.5  Folio from a Qurån in MaghribÈ round script. Al-Andalus, fifth/eleventh century. Parchment, 12.5 × 20 cm. BAV, ms. Vat. Ar. 1605/73. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

folios, undated, but strikingly similar in terms of style and format: one in the Vatican Library (Figure 5.5)40 and the second in the Lygo Collection (Figure 5.6).41 The fact that these folios are already vocalised according to the modern system of al-KhalÈl b. A˙mad suggests a slightly later date than the Istanbul fragments, namely around or after the mid-fifth/eleventh century. The script of the Vatican fragment is neat but diminutive, cursive and without any particular calligraphic tendency, comparable to the full bookhands of items 20, 29, 30 and 40. The Lygo folio is much larger (19 × 29 cm, versus the 12.5 × 20 cm of the Vatican folio) and presents a bolder mannered script, betraying the frequent lifting of the qalam, comparable to that of Q1. This more solemn and ‘dilated’ style – al-kha†† al-MaghribÈ al-mabsˆ – also appears in Q4 (Figure 5.7), and derives its aspect from the accentuation of some traits already present in the earliest MaghribÈ full bookhands of the fourth/tenth century, which are here developed into calligraphic features: ●

The semicircular tails of sÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, qåf, låm, nËn and alif maqßËra in final or isolated position become even more plunging and their bowls even ampler, to the point that they often overlap each other;

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The tail of final and isolated mÈm becomes longer and more sinuous, and its extremity is always curved leftwards (‘concave’ mÈm);





Q4

Q4

Q4

Q4

Some letters such as ßåd, ∂åd, †å, Ωå and kåf in medial position, or bå, tå, thå and få in final position often present marked elongations. Final bå, tå, thå and få are often left open (bå, tå, thå and få mawqËfa); Q1



Q4

The letters ßåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå appear more frequently in their rectangular or trapezoidal form; Q4



Q4

Q4

Q4

In general, the reed pens employed for this script are thicker than the average, but with a hard, pointed nib that gives the strokes a rounded outline and uniform aspect. However, carefully measured changes of pace and pressure against the writing surface allowed the calligraphers to give rounded serifs to certain letters such as alif, kåf and låm, and graceful tapering hairlines to the long tails of sÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, qåf, låm, mÈm, nËn and alif maqßËra.

It would be a mistake to assume that these calligraphic traits were developed with the specific aim to create a ‘Quranic style’ visually distinct from the scripts used in non-Quranic manuscripts.42 In fact, as discussed in Chapter Two, all these mannered features can already be found in some of the earliest full bookhands from the fourth/ tenth century, such as those of items 4, 7 and 10, and continued to be employed in the most formal scripts of the fifth/eleventh century

chapter five: beyond books

Figure 5.6  Folio from a Qurån in MaghribÈ round script. Al-Andalus, fifth/eleventh century. Parchment, 19 × 29 cm. Image from Kwiatkowski 2013

(e.g. items 32, 38, 40, 43, 52). Here too, the letters ßåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå show archaising trapezoidal bodies instead of standard oval ones, often stretched into flat shapes of varying length. The lack of fixed proportions between these letters, and the coexistence of graphic variants (angular or rounded) used interchangeably, are fundamental features that the AndalusÈ scribes would continue to employ in the following centuries, both in Quranic manuscripts and in the finest copies of important works of fiqh, ˙adÈth, lexicography and poetry. In the †åifa period, even the amanuenses working in Christian scriptoria employed bold round scripts of the same type as Q1, Q2 and Q4, as can be seen in item 23 (Figure 3.17). Especially in those parts of the Canons copied by the priest Vincentius (ff. 229a–280b and 378b–438b) the size of the qalam used for the chapter headings is rather large, elongations abound and the semicircular tails of certain letters are sometimes so long that they intersect those in the next word or even in the following line. This style could not possibly be perceived as ‘Quranic’ in a Christian context, but only as an elegant bookhand intended to embellish a completely different type of muß˙af – in fact, this is the term defining each of the ten chapters of item 23.43 The definitive abandonment of the horizontal format for Quranic manuscripts during the second half of the fifth/eleventh century can

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Figure 5.7 Page spread with beginning of sËrat al-Thaghåbun. Copied and illuminated in 483/1090. Parchment, 17 × 14.5 cm. Uppsala University Library, ms. O.Bj. 48, ff. 31b–32a (Q4). © Uppsala universitet

be clearly seen in Q3–5. The shape of these codices can already be defined as either square for Q3 and Q5, or rectangular, but close to square for Q4 (although the margins are here drastically trimmed and the size of the original folios may have been closer to square). This peculiar format – which would become the norm for AndalusÈ Quråns in the following century – was apparently chosen independently from the type of muß˙af: it could have been a single-volume ‘pocket’ Qurån such as Q3 or Q5, or a set of medium-size volumes such as Q4 (originally eight, probably contained in a case or chest).44 The status of codices such as Q3 and Q4 can be inferred from the little contextual information included in their colophons and, contrary to

CHAPTER FIVE: BEyOND BOOKS

what one may expect, it does not seem to have been proportional to their size: the tiny and relatively modest Q3 was allegedly copied for, and dedicated to, an important personality of Abbadid Cordova, the vizier Abd al-Malik Ibn Siråj (400/1009–489/1096),45 but the eightvolume set to which Q4 originally belonged was apparently produced to be put on the market, as suggested by the closing formula of its colophon: ‘May God have mercy upon its copyist, its buyer [kåsibahu], and its reader, amen, amen’ (Figure 5.8).46 Remarkably, Q3 and Q5 are already penned in the miniature calligraphic style typical of later ‘pocket’ square Quråns. I should note, however, that I have so far been unable to verify the date of these two

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Figure 5.8 Final colophon in round chrysography. Uppsala University Library, ms. O.Bj. 48, f. 77b, detail (Q4). © Uppsala universitet

manuscripts: while they appear authentic in the images available to me, their colophons have not been photographed and may have been misread, or worse, falsified. Therefore, Q3 and Q5 might have been copied later than 470/1078 and 488/1094–5 respectively, even if only slightly so. Nevertheless, this miniature calligraphic style was already used in the fifth/eleventh century in non-Quranic manuscripts, as attested by item 38, and shares significant similarities with the enhanced bookhand of item 43. This suggests that, just like MaghribÈ mabsˆ, miniature MaghribÈ calligraphy was not devised as an exclusively Quranic script. An interesting calligraphic feature of Q3–Q5 is the typically stretched ligature between ˙å and mÈm in the word ra˙mån of the basmala, already remarked on by Déroche in reference to later MaghribÈ Quråns.47 Even this feature, however, does not seem to have had a Quranic origin: basmalåt of the very same kind appear in items 2, 8, 11, 23, 26, 27, 31, 32, 34, 35, 38, 43 and 48, while other basmalåt with an elongation between the letters bå and sÈn of the word bism – i.e. more in line with the MashriqÈ calligraphic tradition – were also employed in items 7, 10, 20, 22, 23, 26, 29, 33, 36 and 46. Even in the same manuscript, a copyist employing the

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former kind of basmala could nonetheless decide to use the latter a few pages later, as did the priest Vincentius in item 23 (Figure 5.9). As already mentioned, the AndalusÈ Quråns dating from the second half of the fifth/eleventh century (Q3–5) abandoned the ancient dotting method of AbË al-Aswad al-DualÈ in favour of the notation system of al-KhalÈl b. A˙mad, featuring horizontal stokes for fat˙a and kasra, and comma-shaped semicircles for ∂amma, all traced in red ink. Horizontal red dashes are also used for madda and ßila, while vertical strokes represent long alif when omitted in the rasm (the so-called ‘dagger alif’). In Q4 and Q5 blue symbols are used for sukËn and tashdid, and the latter is always traced as a miniature letter shÈn, according to the MashriqÈ tradition. The use of blue for sukËn and tashdÈd would become typical of MaghribÈ Quråns in the following centuries, but it is not yet mentioned in the works of al-DånÈ or any other fifth/eleventh-century scholar. Also noteworthy, in all three Quråns, is the use of yellow dots for hamza above or below alif, which was maintained despite the introduction of the new notation system and constitutes another MaghribÈ peculiarity (Figure 5.7).48 In terms of illumination, Q3–5 already show features that would become customary in the following centuries, such as full-page frontispieces (the so-called ‘carpet pages’) featuring geometric ornamentation and one or more round vignettes in the margins (Q3–4), as well as colophons set against a decorated background and enclosed in illuminated frames (Q4). The sËra headings in Kufic chrysography are also provided with marginal foliated vignettes (Q3–5), of the very same kind found in some contemporary non-Quranic manuscripts such as items 38, 43 and 76. The division of the muß˙af into equal canonical parts is also highlighted by illuminated devices, in all three codices: every fifth verse is marked with a gilded Kufic hå (representing the digit 5 in the Arabic alphanumeric system or abjad), and every tenth verse ends with a gilded roundel surrounded by alternating blue and red dots. Illuminated medallions in the margins mark the end of every ˙izb, or sixtieth part of the Qurån, and when these coincide with the beginning of a sËra, the word ˙izb is included in the marginal vignette to the left or right of the sËra heading. In Q4, the text was further divided into twenty-seven equal sections called a˙zåb Rama∂ån, rather than into the canonical thirty ajzå (sing. juz ). These sections refer to the first twenty-seven nights of the holy month of Rama∂ån and allow the recital of the entire Qurån during taråwÈ˙, or night prayer, ending on the twenty-seventh night of the month, known as laylat al-qadr (the ‘Night of the Decree’), when the prophet Mu˙ammad received his first revelation. Two markers signalling the end of a ˙izb Rama∂ån survive in the margins of Q4, consisting of rectangular devices outlined in blue and red, containing the last word of the relevant passage in Kufic chrysography over a cross-hatched background (Figure 5.11). This kind of textual

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Q4

Item 3

Item 2

Item 7

Item 10

Item 20

Item 8

Item 11

Item 22

Item 23 – Anonymous cleric

Figure 5.9  A sample of MaghribÈ basmalåt from the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries. © Umberto Bongianino

Item 23 – Vincentius division, unparalleled in the Mashriq, seems to be specific to a group of Quranic manuscripts produced in al-Andalus and Northwest Africa, and makes here its earliest dated appearance.49 The earliest reference to this practice is found in another treatise by al-DånÈ, specifically dedicated to the textual division of the Sacred Book, titled al-Bayån fÈ add åy al-Qurån (‘Clarification of the Counting 50 of Verses in the Qurån’). Item 27 Item 26 At the end of this overview of the transformations that affected the production of Quranic manuscripts during the fifth/eleventh century, it is important to mention the only aspect of this production Itemnamely 29 that remained unaltered, the almost exclusive use of fine parchment as a scribal support. As suggested by Q4, Gregory’s rule continued to be followed by the Quranic scribes of this period, with ternions becoming the preferred type of gathering. The AndalusÈ Item 32

Item 31

Item 22

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Item 23 – Anonymous cleric

Item 23 – Vincentius

Item 27

Item 26

Item 29

Item 32

Item 31

Item 35

Item 33

Item 38

Item 36

Item 46

Item 43

reluctance to adopt paper for copying Quranic manuscripts may be due to the fact that Målik himself disapproved of ‘writing the Qurån on qarå†Ès’.51 This opinion, transmitted by Ibn al-Qåsim al-UtaqÈ, is mentioned by the jurist Ibn Rushd al-Jadd (d. 520/1126) in his important compendium of MålikÈ fiqh, as part of an answer to a broader question on the permissibility of painting verses of the

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Figure 5.10  Frontispiece inscribed with Qurån 56: 76–80. Uppsala University Library, ms. O.Bj. 48, f. 2a (Q4). © Uppsala universitet

Qurån on the qibla wall of mosques: ‘Since Målik would dislike that the Qurån be written on qarå†Ès,’ declared Ibn al-Qåsim, ‘how could he have allowed it to be written on walls?’52 This passage, however, is ambiguous, since the word qarå†Ès (sing. qir†ås) can be interpreted in at least two different ways. On the one hand, it does translate as ‘papyrus’, ‘paper sheets’ or ‘leaves’ of any scribal support made from vegetable fibres, as opposed to parchment (raqq). On the other hand, the term is used in the Qurån (6:91) in connection with the despicable practice of dividing the Revelation into parts, in order to divulge only some of it and conceal the rest. It can therefore be equally translated as ‘separate leaves’, and to this second meaning Ibn Rushd seems to allude when remarking: ‘Målik’s disapproval extended to writing the Qurån on [in?] qarå†Ès, dividing it into sixths and sevenths’.53 If interpreted this way, Målik’s criticism would have been aimed less at the type of scribal support and more at the way in which inscriptions and incomplete manuscripts could break the unity of the Quranic text. Be that as it may, it is still possible that the ambiguity of the word qarå†Ès led the MålikÈ jurists and copyists of al-Andalus to avoid using paper for transcribing the Sacred Book.

CHAPTER FIVE: BEyOND BOOKS

Figure 5.11 Marginal devices indicating the a˙zåb Rama∂ån. Uppsala University Library, ms. O.Bj. 48, ff. 33a, 55a, details (Q4). © Uppsala universitet

Maghribı¯ Qura¯ ns of the sixth/twelfth century In both Northwest Africa and al-Andalus, the material evidence for the production of Quranic manuscripts during the sixth/twelfth century is mostly limited to codices of relatively small format, in a single volume, featuring the typical square or near-to-square shape which has intrigued scholars for decades (Figures 5.12–5.14).54 This homogeneity begs the question as to how representative the corpus

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Figure 5.12  Double frontispiece, illuminated in 586/1190. Parchment, 18 × 15.5 cm. ÒÜK, ms. A 6752, ff. 1b–2a (Q18). © Òstanbul Üniversitesi

Figure 5.13  End of the Qurån with sËråt al-KåfirÈn, al-Naßr, al-Masad, al-Íamad, al-Falaq, al-Nås. ÒÜK, ms. A 6752, ff. 133b–134a (Q18). © Òstanbul Üniversitesi

of dated MaghribÈ Quråns from this period really is: their compact format is arguably what allowed them to come down to us virtually intact, preserving their original frontispieces and colophons, while larger multi-volume codices that only survive in the form of sparse

chapter five: beyond books

Figure 5.14  Colophon in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography. ÒÜK, ms. A 6752, ff. 134b–135a (Q18). © Òstanbul Üniversitesi

folios or fragments are currently impossible to date accurately on purely stylistic grounds. Moreover, when produced in al-Andalus, these larger Quråns were probably lost or destroyed during the most critical phases of the Reconquista due to their size, which made them impossible to hide or to transport either to North Africa or to the regions of the Peninsula still under Muslim rule. Rather than an actual historical phenomenon determined by political, social or cultural factors, the alleged predilection for small size maßå˙if in this period could thus be just a false impression generated by a problem of survival. A conspicuous codex such as Q19, which, in spite of being in a single volume, measures 31.5 × 26.2 cm, suggests that larger Quråns in MaghribÈ scripts were indeed produced during the sixth/twelfth century, at least on the south shore of the Strait (Ceuta is the city mentioned in its colophon). Moreover, significant portions of two monumental Quråns dated to the first half of the following century are known, each originally comprising twenty volumes, indubitably copied in al-Andalus (more specifically in Malaga and Seville, in 620/1223 and 632/1235).55 Now in Morocco, their history and endowment certificates suggest that they only survived the Castilian conquest and the turmoil ensuing the Almohad retreat from the Peninsula because they were shipped to Marrakesh, perhaps by direct caliphal order. Another extant Qurån associated with the Almohad court – in four volumes, undated, but copied before 635/1238 – measures 48 × 59 cm, and is one of the largest codices ever produced across the Islamic Mediterranean.56 The possibility that these multi-volume Quråns had their antecedents

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in the lost caliphal manuscripts of the late sixth/twelfth century – namely, the ‘golden age’ of AbË YaqËb YËsuf and AbË YËsuf YaqËb ­al-ManßËr – is certainly one worth considering. The sources, for their part, make frequent references to conspicuous Quranic codices employed in Almohad ceremonies. First and foremost among them was the already mentioned ‘Qurån of Uthmån’, which the caliph Abd al-Mumin transferred from Cordova to Marrakesh, where it was subsequently restored, rebound and enriched by order of his successor AbË YaqËb.57 The Almohad historian Ibn Íå˙ib al-Íalå records the name of one of the craftsmen hired by the second Almohad caliph for this purpose, a certain Umar b. MurjÈ al-IshbÈlÈ, who set pearls and precious stones in the muß˙af’s binding, including a massive gem in the shape of a horse’s hoof.58 The ‘Qurån of Uthmån’ was placed in a flamboyant mechanical cabinet and displayed in both the Kutubiyya Mosque of Marrakesh and the mosque of Tinmal, becoming the object of laudatory poems by Ibn Ayyåsh al-BurshånÈ (550/ 1156–618/1221) and other famed intellectuals.59 Another invaluable relic for the Almohad propaganda was the muß˙af personally copied by Ibn TËmart, which, although probably smaller than the ‘Qurån of Uthmån’, was also brought in procession between Tinmal and Marrakesh, as well as on military campaigns: while the ‘Qurån of Uthmån’ was transported by a tall she-camel, the Qurån of Ibn TËmart followed on a mule.60 In the later Almohad period, and more specifically under the penultimate caliph al-Murta∂å (646/1248–665/1266), the practice of endowing rabåt (plural of raba, meaning a ‘Qurån set’ usually enclosed in a box) to mosques and royal tombs in Marrakesh and Tinmal is demonstrated by a number of surviving manuscripts in the Ibn YËsuf Library of Marrakesh.61 These multi-volume Quråns – among which are the Seville and the Malaga ones, mentioned above – were copied in large mabsˆ scripts, with only very few lines of text per page (normally five or six). As we have seen, the use of this calligraphic style is heralded by Q1 and Q4 and attested in the sixth/twelfth century in a non-Quranic manuscript (item 138), but no Quråns featuring mabsˆ scripts can be securely dated to the Almoravid or early Almohad period. Again, this may be due to the inevitable dispersal and destruction of large multi-volume Quråns, as opposed to the single-volume ones copied in diminutive styles. Another way in which the Almohads possibly exploited the symbolic power of Quranic manuscripts was by sending them off as diplomatic gifts to other Muslim rulers. In 585/1189–90, Saladin allegedly donated to YaqËb al-ManßËr two Quråns in proportioned scripts (‘mußhafayn karÈmayn mansËbayn’) as part of a diplomatic mission.62 According to the historian AbË Shåma (d. 665/1268), a letter of the Ayyubid ruler for al-ManßËr was accompanied by ‘a noble

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Figure 5.15  Original binding, made in 538/1143–4 in Cordova. Stamped and gilded leather, 17.5 × 17 cm. ÒÜK, ms. A 6755 (Q8). © Òstanbul Üniversitesi

Qurån in a gold-plated box’, which was deposited in the Almohad khizåna on the twentieth of DhË al-Óijja 586/1191.63 Although the sources are silent on the subject, it is likely that the Almohad caliphs reciprocated these gifts with similar demonstrations of deference and piety. Also, these anecdotes reveal the direct acquaintance of the court of Marrakesh with the finest expressions of coeval eastern calligraphy – epitomised by Ayyubid Quranic manuscripts – which may have played an important role in shaping the Almohad aesthetic of MaghribÈ thuluth. Moving on from the textual to the material evidence, twentytwo dated MaghribÈ Quråns have survived from the sixth/twelfth century, only one of which (Q27) can be securely ascribed to royal patronage.64 What follows is a list of these manuscripts in chronological order: Q6. 533/1138–9. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Munich, Bavarian State Library, Cod. Arab. 4 (Figure 5.30);65 Q7. 534/1139 [Jumådå I, copied in Almería]. Single-volume muß˙af in miniature square format. Madrid, BNE, ms. RES/272 (Figure 5.29);66

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Q8. 538/1143–4 [copied in Cordova]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Istanbul, ÒÜK, ms. A 6755 (Figures 5.15, 5.21);67 Q9. 556/1160–1 [copied in Valencia]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Auctioned in 1992 and 1999;68 Q10. 557/1161–2 [copied in Valencia]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Cairo, DKW, ms. 196 muß˙af (Figures 5.16, 5.19);69 Q11. 558/1162–3 [copied in Valencia]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Tunis, BNT, ms. 18791;70 Q12. 559/1163–4 [copied in Valencia]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Tetouan, Library of the Higher Institute, ms. 1;71 Q13. 564/1168–9 [copied in Valencia]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Tunis, BNT, ms. 13727;72 Q14. 565/1170 [Rajab]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Isle of Bute, Mount Stuart, Collection of the Marquess of Bute, ms. 359;73 Q15. 573/1178 [Rama∂ån]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Kuwait City, Tareq Rajab Museum, QUR.0059.TSR;74 Q16. 578/1182–3 [copied in Valencia]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Istanbul, ÒÜK, ms. A 6754 (Figures 5.17, 5.24, 5.26);75 Q17. 580/1184 [Shabån]. First volume of a two-volume muß˙af in miniature square format. Dresden, Saxon State and University Library, ms. Ea.293 (Figure 5.23);76 Q18. 586/1190 [Shabån]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Istanbul, ÒÜK, ms. A 6752 (Figures 5.12–5.14);77 Q19. 587/1191 [Mu˙arram, copied in Ceuta]. Single-volume muß˙af in large, quasi-square format. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 27 (Figures 5.25, 5.31);78 Q20. 591/1195 [Íafar]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Uppsala University Library, ms. O. Vet. 77;79 Q21. 595/1198 [Mu˙arram]. Single-volume muß˙af in small, quasisquare format. Médéa, private collection, unknown shelf mark;80 Q22. 595/1198 [Íafar, copied in Ceuta]. Final portion of a singlevolume muß˙af in small, square format. Timbuktu, Library of the Ka’ti Foundation, unknown shelf mark;81 Q23. 596/1199 [Mu˙arram, copied in Valencia]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 36;82 Q24. 596/1199–1200 [copied in Valencia]. Single-volume muß˙af in small square format. London & Geneva, Nasser D. Khalili Collection, QUR.318 (Figure 5.20);83 Q25. 598/1202 [DhË al-Qada]. Single-volume muß˙af in small, quasisquare format. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 31;84

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Q26. 598/1202 [DhË al-Óijja]. Single-volume muß˙af in medium, quasi-square format. Rabat, BNRM, ms. 934 J (Figure 5.22);85 Q27. 599/1203 [Jumådå II, copied in Marrakesh]. Single-volume muß˙af in small, quasi-square format. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 33 (Figures 5.18, 5.32).86 With the exception of Q7 – a miniature codex pioneeringly copied on paper – all the surviving Quråns from the sixth/twelfth century are made of parchment. A close examination of the folios of Q11 and Q13 have revealed the use of very fine calfskin, taken from an extremely young animal (i.e. not yet weaned). In these and most of the other Quråns of this period, the very thin parchment bifolia continued to be sown into ternions and arranged according to Gregory’s rule.87 As mentioned in Chapter Four, the MaghribÈ tradition of parchment maßå˙if, briefly challenged by the production of lavish paper codices under the late Almohads, was re-established by the Nasrids and Marinids in the second half of the seventh/thirteenth century and continued for at least 100 more years. The Mamluk author and bureaucrat al-QalqashandÈ (756/1355–821/1418) explained it as a consequence of the poor quality of MaghribÈ paper: ‘Their paper is inferior, it decays quickly and has little substance; for this reason, they mostly write their maßå˙if on parchment, as in the early days, so that they last longer’.88 While this may have been the case at the time of al-QalqashandÈ, the sixth/twelfth century represented the heyday of paper-making for the Maghrib and al-Andalus, as attested in contemporary sources and corroborated by the surviving material evidence; however, that had virtually no impact on the local muß˙af industry. Calligraphers and illuminators: the ‘school’ of Ibn Gha††Ës Many of these manuscripts mention in their colophon the name of their makers, but only a few of these individuals are recorded in the biographical dictionaries. It is only thanks to these ‘signed’ Quråns that we are aware of the existence of the illuminator and bookbinder Zakariyyå b. Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-QurashÈ (who left his name in the colophon of Q6); of A˙mad b. Ghalinduh, active in Almoravid Almería (the copyist of Q7); of Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. AlÈ al-MurrÈ (or al-MarÈ, who penned Q17); of Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Shuayb al-AnßårÈ, who practiced his craft in Almohad Ceuta (Q19); of Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ and his son-in-law YËsuf (Q27), both employed at the Almohad court of Marrakesh. As indicated by his nisba, Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ was originally from Jerez de la Frontera (near Cádiz), and was among the many AndalusÈ calligraphers who settled in Northwest Africa during the second half of the sixth/twelfth century.89 According to the sources, other centres renowned for the production of maßå˙if were Seville, Granada and Fes, but even in smaller towns one can find ­references

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to local scholars celebrated for their mastery in copying and vocalising Quranic manuscripts, such as the preacher Mu˙ammad Ibn Óamanål (d. 633/1235–6), one of the most prominent religious leaders of Almohad Murcia.90 Eight Quråns in the corpus were penned in Valencia, by five different calligraphers, a fact that confirms the pre-eminence attributed to this city by the sources with regard to the muß˙af industry.91 Many are the names associated with the Valencian ‘school’ of calligraphy, but unattested in the colophons of the surviving manuscripts: among them are the kåtib Ibn A†iyya al-Shawwåsh (d. circa 540/1145);92 Mu˙ammad b. Muwaffaq al-Kharrå† al-mukattib (‘the writing teacher’, d. 563/1167);93 the acclaimed Mu˙ammad Ibn Khushayn (d. circa 630/1232);94 and AbË Óåmid Ibn AbÈ Zåhir (d. 632/1235), the imam of the Valencian mosque of Ra˙bat al-Qå∂È.95 Attested in both the sources and the colophons of surviving manuscripts are: Mu˙ammad b. MËså b. Óizb Allåh, known as Ibn Jallåda (the copyist of Q12, active in 559/1163–4);96 YËsuf b. Abd Allåh Ibn KhaldËn (the copyist of Q24, dated 596/1199–1200);97 and the two main members of the Ibn Gha††Ës family, namely Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ (active between 556/1160–558/1163, who copied Q9–11) and his son Mu˙ammad (d. circa 610/1213–4, who copied Q13 and Q16).98 An unnamed brother of Abd Allåh, and possibly a brother of Mu˙ammad, are also known to have been professional copyists. The ‘atelier’ of Quranic calligraphy and illumination established in Valencia by the Ibn Gha††Ës family has received in the past some scholarly attention, due to the sources’ insistence on its unmatched reputation and to the fortuitous survival of five small codices there produced.99 Needless to say, these manuscripts must constitute only a minor fraction of the entire output of the Valencian artists, and should definitely not be taken as representative of their finest work (Figures 5.16–5.17). The AndalusÈ historian Ibn SaÈd (d. 685/1287), quoted extensively in al-MaqqarÈ, famously extolled the Quranic calligraphers of his country in these terms: The principles of eastern calligraphy [ußËl al-kha†† al-MashriqÈ], and the recognition it has won in [our] heart and perception, are indisputable, but the calligraphy of al-Andalus, which I have seen in the maßå˙if of Ibn Gha††Ës, who lived in the East of al-Andalus, and in other scripts ascribed to them [i.e. the Andalusis] is of a superior beauty, of an elegance that enthrals one’s reason, of an order which bespeaks its author’s extreme patience and mastery.100 Ibn SaÈd arguably wrote these lines with an eastern readership in mind, during his travels between Cairo and Baghdad. Although born in Granada and raised in Seville, he remarkably chose to present a Valencian calligrapher as the champion of AndalusÈ penmanship,

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Figure 5.16  Umm al-kitåb and beginning of sËrat al-Baqara. Copied in 557/1161–2 in Valencia, by Abd Allåh Ibn Gha††Ës, for the vizier AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Abd Allåh al-Madh˙ijÈ al-LawshÈ. Parchment, 18.5 × 17.5 cm. DKW, ms. 196 muß˙af, f. 2b (Q10). © Akg-images

which clearly denotes the fame attained by the Ibn Gha††Ës ‘brand’ throughout the Iberian Peninsula and beyond.101 It is Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës, in particular, that the Valencian scholar Ibn al-Abbår (d. 658/1260) extols in his Takmila, reporting that in his youth he had met him and studied calligraphy with him: Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Mufarrij b. Sahl al-AnßårÈ, from the people of Valencia, known as Ibn Gha††Ës; his kunya was AbË Abd Allåh. I believe he transmitted from Ibn Hudhayl. He copied and vocalised Quranic manuscripts, and in that he was unequalled in his time: he had a beautiful handwriting and an exquisite technique of vocalisation. Some say he made a

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Figure 5.17  Fåti˙at al-kitåb and beginning of sËrat al-Baqara. Copied in 578/1182–3 in Valencia, by Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës. Parchment, 18.2 × 17 cm. ÒÜK, ms. A 6754, f. 2b (Q16). © Òstanbul Üniversitesi

thousand copies of the Book of God, which continue to be sought after by kings and others, up to the present day. He had sworn to himself that he would not write a single letter other than those [of the Qurån], with the sole desire to get closer to God and loose his heart from everything earthly through His Revelation. To my knowledge he never sinned, and consecrated his entire life to that, following his father and his brother into the profession that made them famous [hådhih al-ßinåa allatÈ ishtaharË bi-hå]. He was renowned for his work and for its excellence, a miracle of his Creator: he was good, upright, ascetic, and lived withdrawn from the people. I saw him like that, I learnt some of the principles of calligraphy from him, and I met him [again] in the house of my teacher AbË Óåmid, although he did not remember. He died around the year 610.102

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What is also remarkable is the impact that the ‘Ibn Gha††Ës style’ made on other Valencian calligraphers of the sixth/twelfth century, such as YËsuf b. Abd Allåh b. KhaldËn and AbË Óåmid Ibn AbÈ Zåhir, who are explicitly referred to by Ibn al-Abbår and other authors as devoted followers of Ibn Gha††Ës’s teachings and methods.103 This strict adherence to the same aesthetic models is confirmed by material evidence, and becomes obvious when comparing the script and illumination of Q24, copied by YËsuf Ibn KhaldËn, with the calligraphy and frontispieces of Q13, the earlier of the two surviving maßå˙if signed by Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës. Another medieval author who was particularly fond of the work of the Valencian master scribe was Ibn al-Íayyåd al-FåsÈ, on whose account the Levantine historian al-ÍafadÈ (696/1297–764/1363) based his own short biography of Ibn Gha††Ës: I was told by AbË al-Óasan AlÈ b. al-Íayyåd al-FåsÈ in Íafad, in the year 726, that he [Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës] had a room where he kept his writing tools, the parchment sheets, and all the rest, where nobody from his family entered; he would enter there, and they would leave him alone. He also told me that he used to put musk in his ink, and that he would not sell a muß˙af for less than 200 dinars. One day a man came to him from a region that was forty days away or more, and purchased a muß˙af from him. But when some time had elapsed, [Ibn Gha††Ës] realised that he had misplaced the dot or vowel of a certain letter, and he travelled to that country and reached that man, asking for the muß˙af. [The client] thought that he wanted to annul the purchase and protested: ‘You got from me the right price, and then we parted!’. But [Ibn Gha††Ës] insisted: ‘By all means, I must see it!’, and when the muß˙af was brought to him, he erased the mistake, corrected it, returned [the manuscript] to its owner, and headed back home. [Ibn al-Íayyåd al-FåsÈ] also told me: ‘I myself saw a Qurån penned by him, or possibly more, and it was indeed a marvellous thing, for the beauty of its composition and the exquisiteness of the strokes [riåyat al-marsËm]. Each vowel was marked very neatly with one colour: the shadda and the jazm [i.e. the sukËn] with lapis lazuli blue; ∂amma, kasra, and fat˙a with the colour of resin; green was used for hamza with kasra, and yellow for hamza with fat˙a. Everything was executed without blemishes, and there was not a single wåw, or alif, or any other letter or word in the margin [fÈ al-˙åshiya] or outside [the text box]. It was as if every imperfection had been removed’. He died in the year 610, and among those who continued this tradition of Quranic calligraphy [mimman salaka hådhih al-†arÈq fÈ al-maßå˙if] was Ibn KhaldËn al-BalansÈ.104 As explicitly stated in the colophons of Q11 and Q13, both Ibn Gha††Ës the father and his son were also skilled illuminators, who

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personally decorated with gilded and polychrome frontispieces and sËra headings the manuscripts they transcribed. This was also the case for Q17, ‘written, vocalised, and illuminated’ by Mu˙ammad al-MurrÈ, and arguably for most AndalusÈ Quråns in miniature or small square format. A remarkable exception is Q6, where the margins of the final colophon are inscribed with the signature of Zakariyyå b. Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-QurashÈ, who just ‘illuminated and bound’ the codex, while the name of the calligrapher appears to be missing. The slightly larger and even more lavish Q27, made by order of the Almohad caliph in Marrakesh, was also the result of a collaboration between two different artists, both mentioned in the colophon (Figure 5.18): the copyist (‘nåsikh’) Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ, and his son-in-law YËsuf al-mudhahhib, ‘the illuminator’. The finer the muß˙af, the more craftsmen would have been involved in its production. Patronage and functions of the Muß˙af In the Almoravid and Almohad periods, the vast majority of Quranic manuscripts were either put on the market and sold to whomever would buy them or commissioned by local notables and religious scholars. In the latter case, their name would have been included in the colophon, either before (Q10–11) or after (Q24) the name of the scribe. In Valencia, Q10 was copied for AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Abd Allåh al-Madh˙ijÈ al-LawshÈ, called ‘the most glorious vizier’ (Figure 5.19);105 Q11 was dedicated to a certain YåsÈn b. Lubb b. YåsÈn, apparently the son of a man named Lope; Q24 was commissioned by A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Ra˙mån Ibn BȆash al-MakhzËmÈ, an unidentified member of the Valencian family of the BanË BȆash (Figure 5.20). A much more prestigious patron is mentioned in Q27: this codex was copied and illuminated in 599/1203 for the Almohad prince AbË YaqËb, son and heir apparent of the caliph al-Nåßir (r. 595/1199–610/1213). Ibn IdhårÈ claims that AbË YaqËb was about ten years old when he succeeded his father in 610/1213, which suggests that Q27 may have been produced to celebrate his birth.106 On the other hand, Abd al-Wå˙id al-MarråkushÈ reports that the heir to the Almohad throne was born in 594/1198: if that were the case, Q27 may have been intended as a learning tool for the five-year-old prince.107 The practice of commissioning the copy of a muß˙af to commemorate a special familial event such as the birth of a child is confirmed by Q8, where the anonymous calligrapher added two illuminated finispieces inscribed with the words: ‘AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. Ya˙yå al-GhåfiqÈ al-ShårrÈ was born in Murcia, in the month of Shawwål of the year 537. May God make him happy and successful’ (Figure 5.21).108 In this case, we can picture the proud father of Mu˙ammad al-ShårrÈ as the head of an affluent family of

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Almoravid Murcia, looking beyond his home town for a first-rate artist willing to copy and illuminate a Qurån for him and his newborn child, in praise of God and in celebration of his own lineage. He eventually found a suitable calligrapher in Cordova, where Q8 was produced a few months after his son’s birth. Remarkably, the birth record on this codex continues: ‘He is among the descendants of Ghåfiq b. al-Shåhid b. Akk b. Adnån, at which point his genealogy joins that of the noble prophet Mu˙ammad, may God bless him and grant him perfect peace!’ This extraordinary document thus relates the Murcian family of Mu˙ammad al-ShårrÈ to the pre-Islamic figure of Adnån, the legendary ancestor of the Quraysh, the tribe of the prophet Mu˙ammad. It is also a reminder of how crucial the notion of Arabness was for the AndalusÈ elites, at a time when their homeland was ruled by Berber emirs and caliphs. Once in the hands of their owners, these single-volume Quråns probably functioned as personal or travel copies, to be read from during acts of private devotion, especially in the sacred month of Rama∂ån. When they were not being used or carried around, we can imagine them stored in the book cabinets of well-to-do households, as cherished heirlooms whose margins and final folios were sometimes inscribed with birth and death records of family members.109 Miniature codices such as Q7 and Q17 were possibly also employed as talismans to be kept in one’s purse, pocket, sleeve or turban. On the contrary, larger Quråns such as Q19 – the only one of its kind in the corpus – were arguably produced to be endowed to religious institutions for ritual readings or teaching purposes. The didactic nature of some MaghribÈ maßå˙if is demonstrated by two sets of notes at the end of Q6 and Q26, added by the respective illuminators in MaghribÈ thuluth. They give the number of verses of the Qurån according to the ‘first Medinan count’ (6,217 verses), a system transmitted by the early Medinan scholar Nåfi that differs noticeably from the counts employed in the Islamic East.110 Additionally, these notes list the number of letters, groups of ten verses and groups of five verses and, in Q26, also the number of words, dots (‘nuqa†’), prostrations (‘sajdåt’) and chapters (‘suwar’) in the Qurån (Figure 5.22). Naturally, even private copies of the Qurån could have been at some point donated to a mosque by their owners. The already mentioned handbook for notaries written by the AndalusÈ jurist AbË al-Óasan al-JazÈrÈ (d. 585/1189) includes an interesting formulary template for the endowment of copies of the Qurån (‘aqd ta˙bÈs muß˙af’).111 In order for the endowment certificate to be legally binding, a description of the codex and its script was required (‘ßifatu-hu kadhå wa-kha††u-hu kadhå’), including a mention of its decoration and anything accompanying it (‘bi-˙ilyati-hi wa-alåqati-hi’). Also, if the manuscript was a multi-volume set enclosed in a box, the notary had to state it explicitly (‘wa-in kånat rabatan dhakarta-hå’).112

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Figure 5.18  Double finispiece with dedication in MaghribÈ thuluth. Inscribed and illuminated in 599/1203 in Marrakesh by Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ and his son-in-law YËsuf, for the newborn son of the Almohad caliph al-Nåßir. Parchment, 22.3 × 18 cm. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 33, ff. 136b–137a (Q27). © Milli Saraylar Òdaresi Ba∞kanlı©ı

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Figure 5.19  Colophon in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography. Inscribed and illuminated in 557/1161–2 in Valencia, by Abd Allåh Ibn Gha††Ës, for the vizier AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Abd Allåh al-Madh˙ijÈ al-LawshÈ. Parchment, 18.5 × 17.5 cm. DKW, ms. 196 muß˙af, f. 130a (Q10). © The Arab Republic of Egypt, Ministry of Culture.

Textual features and notation marks The main problem with the scholarly literature dedicated to the earliest Quråns in MaghribÈ round scripts is that it deals with them either individually or in small separate groups based on their provenance or format: thus, David James wrote about ‘the Quråns from Valencia’;113 Déroche concentrated on ‘les Corans carrés’ from al-Andalus, i.e. those in which the height of the folios does not exceed the width by more than 10 per cent;114 more recently, Zeren Tanındı discussed ‘quelques Corans maghrébins conservés dans les bibliothèques d’Istanbul’.115 However, it is clear that all these manuscripts form part of a continuum from the point of view of

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Figure 5.20  Colophon in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography. Inscribed and illuminated in 596/1199–1200 in Valencia, by YËsuf b. Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Wå˙id b. YËsuf Ibn KhaldËn. Parchment, 17 × 16 cm. London and Geneva, Khalili Collection, qur.318, ff. 121b–122a (Q24). © The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art

their layout, decoration and calligraphy, and should be treated as expressions of the very same artistic and religious milieu, which encompassed the entirety of the Almoravid and Almohad territories as well as some neighbouring polities normally treated as culturally distinct, such as the second †åifa of Murcia and Valencia under Ibn MardanÈsh (r. 542/1147–567/1172). Before dealing with the stylistic and palaeographic similarities shared by Q6–27, a word should be spent on the distinctive textual features they have in common. As may be expected, these features originated within the AndalusÈ tradition of Quranic scholarship championed and codified by AbË Amr al-DånÈ, and they are specific to the MaghribÈ milieu. Foremost among them is the strict adherence to the Medinan reading of Warsh from NåfÈ and to the first Medinan verse count transmitted by NåfÈ. As explained in the didactic note at the end of Q6, the first Medinan count was ‘attributed to Shayba b. Nißå˙, client to Umm Salama, the wife of the Prophet’. However, another important idiosyncrasy of MaghribÈ Quråns is the use of sËra titles different from those employed in coeval MashriqÈ manuscripts. For instance, in Q6 the title of sËra 26 is al-Ûulla (‘the Shadow’), and not al-Shuarå (‘the Poets’) as in the eastern tradition; sËra 98 is called al-Bariyya (‘the Creatures’), and not al-Bayyina (‘the Clear Evidence’); sËra 104 is titled al-Óu†ama (‘the Crusher’), not al-Humaza (‘the Slanderer’), and so forth.116 As already remarked by Juan Pablo Arias Torres and François Déroche, these apparently trivial variations could help us date and identify regional trends or

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Figure 5.21  Double finispieces and birth record of AbË Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. Ya˙yå al-GhåfiqÈ al-ShårrÈ. Inscribed and illuminated in 538/1143–4 in Cordova. Parchment, 18.2 × 17.8 cm. ÒÜK, ms. A 6755, ff. 146b–147a (Q8). © Òstanbul Üniversitesi

the work of specific scribes just as much as palaeographic and codicological analyses, and are therefore very important to record and compare.117 Some of these specifically MaghribÈ titles are mentioned and employed by al-DånÈ in his treatises, but others seem to be found exclusively in Quranic codices. Finally, as already remarked about Q4, the text of the Qurån is often divided into twenty-seven sections called tajziåt Rama∂ån, rather than into the canonical thirty ajzå.118 In Q6, Q11, Q13, Q19 and Q25 the end of each tajzia is indicated by illuminated triangles or bell-shaped devices decorating the outer margins. In Q26 more elaborate square devices are used, containing a quincunx with the word tajzia inscribed in the central roundel. One of the most noticeable characteristics shared by virtually all the Quråns in the corpus is their polychrome notation. Despite

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the introduction of al-KhalÈl b. A˙mad’s system of vocalisation already in the fifth/eleventh century, the use of coloured dots referred to by al-DånÈ was maintained in two cases: yellow/orange dots mark the hamza above or below alif (Q3–20, Q22–27), and green dots signal alif al-waßl (Q6–11, Q16–18, Q23–24, Q26–27). In addition, the symbols of sukËn and tashdÈd are traced in blue (Q4–19, Q22–27), in contrast with all the other vocalisation marks, which are always in red. This practice, unattested in al-DanÈ’s treatises, is first mentioned in the work of the Sevillian scholar Ibn WathÈq (d. 654/1256) as an alternative to the use of red.119 In Q6, the anonymous calligrapher also used a blue ink to mark every single recitation pause (waqf) with superscript letters: tå for the ‘perfect stop’ (al-waqf al-tåmm), kåf for the ‘sufficient stop’ (al-waqf al-kåfÈ) and ˙å for the ‘good stop’ (al-waqf al-˙asan), according to

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Figure 5.22  Double finispiece with verse, word and letter counts in MaghribÈ thuluth. Inscribed and illuminated in 598/1202. Parchment, 24.6 × 22.5 cm. BNRM, ms. 934 J, ff. 145b–146a (Q26). © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère de la culture

the instructions provided by al-DånÈ in his manual titled al-Muqtafå (‘The Adequate’). Illumination and chrysography The illuminated frontispieces and finispieces of MaghribÈ Quråns (Q4–6, Q8–11, Q13–19, Q23–27) have attracted the attention of a number of scholars, but no detailed analysis of their stylistic elements or technical aspects has been published so far, nor have they been sufficiently compared with the decoration found in undated Quråns from the same period, or in coeval non-Quranic manuscripts (such as items 138, 184, 185, 188).120 Broadly speaking, MaghribÈ illuminators would employ a dry point to trace grids on the first and last folios, which they would then fill with intricate geometric designs of

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interlaced strapwork (Figure 5.24). The vast majority of the patterns they created were based on the octagram, obtained by rotating a square around its centre through forty-five degrees: this fundamental shape was then variously intertwined with a central circle (plain or polylobed), eight circles intersecting its sides, a central cross (straight or diagonal), or a concentric sequence of octagons, circles, crosses and eight-pointed stars. Full-page designs were always framed by elaborate guilloche strips and accompanied by round marginal vignettes (either one or three) filled with arabesque. In the case of rectangular folios, additional bands of guilloche were added above and below the compositions (Figure 5.25), while in Q27 the frontispieces consist of a repetitive pattern of eight-pointed stars within a rectangular frame. All geometries were executed in shell gold, sometimes in reserve, and always outlined in black ink (tarnished silver pigment

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Figure 5.23  Page spread with beginning of sËrat al-Niså. Copied and illuminated in 580/1184 by Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. AlÈ al-MurrÈ. Parchment, 10 × 9.5 cm. Dresden, Saxon State and University Library, ms. Ea.293, ff. 30b–31a (Q17). © Staatsund Universitätsbibliothek Dresden

is also discernible in the frontispieces of Q14, Q16, Q19 and Q26). The empty spaces were filled with palmettes, half-palmettes and guilloche designs painted in a variety of pigments, including lapis lazuli blue (or the less expensive azurite), orpiment yellow, cochineal red, verdigris and white lead, the latter used either pure or combined with the other colorants to obtain lighter hues.121 MaghribÈ illuminators would also carry out the verse separators and all the division markers in the margins, as well as the sËra headings, combining them with a marginal vignette, and sometimes inscribing them in rectangular frames. SËra titles continued to be penned in angular scripts, typically in gold, until the eighth/fourteenth century and beyond. On the contrary, the colophons of AndalusÈ Quråns are nearly always written in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography (Q6–7, Q9–11, Q13, Q15, Q17–18, Q23–27). As discussed in Chapter Four, this bold and winding style, inspired by eastern calligraphy, is also found in the colophons and chapter headings of non-Quranic manuscripts such as items 138, 146, 184, 191 and 207. Just like in Almoravid monumental epigraphy and fractional coins, and more consistently in the reformed Almohad coinage, MaghribÈ thuluth is used in MaghribÈ manuscripts to convey texts of documentary nature, containing names and dates (Figure 5.26). This is among the clues suggesting that this style, inspired by MashriqÈ calligraphy, may have originated in the Almoravid chancery, before becoming widespread in the Almohad period.122

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Figure 5.24  Frontispiece illuminated in 578/1182–3 in Valencia, in the workshop of Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës. Parchment, 18.2 × 17 cm. ÒÜK, ms. A 6754, f. 1b (Q16). © Òstanbul Üniversitesi

The aesthetics of Quranic calligraphy After the seminal analysis published by Mu˙ammad SharÈfÈ in 1982 (Figure 5.27), little progress has been made in the paleographic study of the miniature scripts used by MaghribÈ calligraphers to transcribe the Qurån. Once labelled ‘AndalusÈ’ to distinguish them from other types of MaghribÈ, the diminutive scripts of Q6–27 were equally employed on both sides of the Strait of Gibraltar, hence the wise decision to abandon this misleading geographical designation.123 Despite the opinion of some scholars, the fact that få, qåf and nËn in final position always bear diacritic dots is not a feature exclusively associated with this calligraphic style.124 In fact, what sets it aside from all the other MaghribÈ hands is its angular aspect, obtained through the complete suppression of the oval bodies of ßåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå, and

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Figure 5.25  Finispiece illuminated in 587/1191 in Ceuta. Parchment, 31.5 × 26.2 cm. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 27, f. 196b (Q19). © Milli Saraylar Òdaresi Baßkanlı©ı

of the rounded variant of initial and medial kåf, with its semicircular stem. These elements are all replaced by parallel lines, often extremely elongated, joined together by short strokes, either perpendicular or oblique. The aim of the scribes was arguably that of giving these scripts an archaising aspect, evoking the angularity of Kufic. A crucial problem when studying miniature MaghribÈ calligraphy is the difficulty of telling apart the standardised traits shared by all these scripts from the stylistic departures, variants, embellishments and innovations relatable to individual hands. Before delving into these aspects, it seems useful to present a summary table of

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Figure 5.26  End of the Qurån with sËråt Quraysh, al-DÈn, al-Kawthar, al-KåfirÈn, al-Naßr, al-Masad, al-Íamad, al-Falaq, al-Nås, and colophon in MaghribÈ thuluth chrysography. Copied in 578/1182–3 in Valencia by Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës. Parchment, 18.2 × 17 cm. ÒÜK, ms. A 6754, ff. 130b–131a (Q16). © Òstanbul Üniversitesi

measurements (Figure 5.28), updating those published by David James in 1992 and François Déroche in 2001. All these codices have a considerably high number of lines of text per page – seventeen in the two miniature Quråns (Q7 and Q17), and between twenty-one and thirty in the others – and an interlinear space of between 0.3 and 0.8 cm. The height of the alif ranges between 0.25 and 0.7 cm. This gives the text box a distinctively crammed aspect that could not be avoided in small, single-volume Quråns made of parchment, where the thickness of the support, although perfectly stretched and burnished, would not have allowed binding together more than 130–145 folios. The sole exception is the unusually large Q19, where a higher number of parchment quires could be employed without compromising the proportion between the surface of the folios and the thickness of the codex. Even in the only paper manuscript of the corpus (Q7) the copyist maintained the same script module and layout of parchment Quråns, demonstrating the experimental nature of this early attempt to replace the animal support with the vegetal one (Figure 5.29). The number of folios, however, is twice that of coeval parchment codices. In Q17, which is the first half (nißf) of a Qurån originally in two volumes, the number of folios is slightly lower than the average, probably because the copyist did not have the same constraints of space as in singlevolume codices (Figure 5.23). A key feature shared by all these scripts is the qalam with which they were traced, cut with a particularly hard and pointy nib that

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Figure 5.27 Palaeographic table of letter shapes in Q10, from Shariˉfiˉ 1982

produced thin, threadlike strokes. This lent the calligraphy a very delicate, almost evanescent aspect, whose aesthetic appeal is difficult to appreciate fully from a modern perspective. To the medieval eye, the minute subtlety of these scripts, embellished with a painstakingly accurate apparatus of recitation marks of different shapes and colours, must have represented a wondrous demonstration of bravura, in line with the aesthetic of ajab (‘marvel’, ‘prodigy’) traditionally associated with God and his manifestations.125 Al-QalalËsÈ’s treatise on ink-making – written in the early Nasrid period – mentions a special ink that the scribes of al-Andalus employed for copying Quranic manuscripts such as these, made from macerated darnel and oak bark, with the addition of pomegranate seeds and gum arabic.126

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No. of folios

Page dimensions

Text box dimensions

Lines per page

Interlinear space

Q6

130

17.3 × 16

11 × 10.5

23

0.47

Q7

278

8×7

5.5 × 4.7

17

0.32

Q8

148

18.2 × 17.8

12.5 × 12

25

0.50

Q9

134

17 × 16.5

Q10

140

18.5 × 17.5

10.5 × 11.5

27

0.38

Q11

135

17.5 × 16

12 × 11.5

27

0.44

17 × 12 (?)

21

0.80

Q12

27

Q13

136

16 × 16.5

11.5 × 10.7

26

0.44

Q14

121

15 × 15.7

10.8 × 10.8

26

0.42

Q15

16.2 × 15.5

Name of calligrapher Master of Cordova ? A˙mad b. Ghalinduh Master of Cordova Abd Allåh Ibn Gha††Ës Abd Allåh Ibn Gha††Ës Abd Allåh Ibn Gha††Ës Ibn Jallåda al-BalansÈ Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës?

26

Q16

132

18.2 × 17

12.3 × 12

26

0.47

Q17

121

10 × 9.5

6.7 × 6.7

17

0.39

Q18

135

18 × 15.5

11 × 11

24

0.46

Q19

197

31.5 × 26.2

20 × 18

25

0.80

Q20

133

18.4 × 17.2

13.5 × 12

22

0.61

Q21

133

21.5 × 18

15.5 × 11.5

27

0.57

Q22

Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës Mu˙ammad al-MurrÈ

Ibn Shuayb al-AnßårÈ

Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ?

30

Q23

134

16.5 × 16.5

10 × 10

25

0.40

Q24

122

17 × 16

11.5 × 11.9

25

0.46

Q25

145

20.5 × 17.5

13.5 × 11.5

25

0.54

Q26

144

24.6 × 22.6

17.5 × 15.5

23

0.76

Q27

137

22.3 × 18

13.5 × 11.5

27

0.50

Ibn KhaldËn al-BalansÈ

Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ

Figure 5.28  Synoptic table of dated MaghribÈ Quråns from the sixth/twelfth centuries. © Umberto Bongianino

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Figure 5.29  Disbound bifolio with beginning of sËrat Sub˙ån; marginal device indicating one ˙izb. Copied in 534/1139 in Almería by A˙mad b. Ghalinduh. Paper, 8 × 7 cm. Madrid, BNE, ms. RES/272, ff. 125a (left) and 133b (Q7). © Gobierno de España, Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte

Easier to explain is the probable reason behind the markedly angular aspect of some letter shapes: Ibn Gha††Ës and the other Quranic calligraphers of this period seem to have intentionally enhanced the angular elements already present in MaghribÈ bookhands – ßåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå with a trapezoidal body, initial and medial kåf traced as two parallel lines topped by a diagonal stroke and linked by a vertical one, etc. – in order to give an archaising feel to their script and evoke the austerity of Kufic. In addition, they peppered the words of the Qurån with frequent elongations of both individual letters (especially final bå, ßåd, ∂åd, †å, Ωå and kåf) and the baseline strokes between them (most notably in the basmala, between the ˙å and mÈm of the word ‘ra˙mån’, but also in the final word of each sËra, to fill the last line of text up to the left margin). This marked ‘horizontalism’ harked back to the mashq, madd or ma†† (‘elongations’) of ancient Abbasid scripts, and must have also functioned as a visual encouragement to pronounce each word carefully, thus adding solemnity to the recitation (Figure 5.30). Already remarked by SharÈfÈ in Q15 is the appearance of multiple baselines in some words, obtained through the rightward elongation of the body of medial and final jÈm, ˙å and khå, in the shape of a line stretching below the preceding letters.127 The same effect is sometimes achieved through the extension of the horizontal stroke of yå råjia. This feature, already found in the enhanced bookhands

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Figure 5.30  Page spread with beginning of sËrat al-Zukhruf; marginal devices indicating groups of ten verses, one ˙izb and one tajziat Rama∂ån. Copied in 533/1138–9, illuminated and bound by Zakariyyå b. Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-QurashÈ, possibly in Cordova. Parchment, 17.3 × 16 cm. Munich, Bavarian State Library, Cod. Arab. 4, ff. 100b–101a (Q6). © Bayerische Staatsbibliothek

of items 43 and 121, was employed in Quranic calligraphy by both AlÈ and Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës as well as by their disciples and the adherents to their school (‘†arÈqa’), such as YËsuf Ibn KhaldËn (Q24) and Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ (Q27). Other calligraphic traits observable in the scripts of Q6–27 are: ●









The leftward inclination of the head serifs in the vertical stems of alif, låm and kåf; Final bå and få are almost always left open, with a long terminal stroke; MÈm always has a long, plunging tail curled leftwards (concave mÈm); Låm-alif is always drawn in two separate strokes, both curved, intersecting near the baseline; The baseline ligatures between the letters bå, tå, thå, sÈn, shÈn, ayn, ghayn, få, qåf, låm, nËn and yå present an accentuated saw-toothed profile. The same can be observed in the lower part of medial ayn and ghayn, often rendered as an open space in the shape of a triangle.

These mannered features, introduced by some copyists to give their scripts a more stylised appearance, were not equally mastered by others, who wrote the Qurån in rounder and more cursive styles,

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

closer to ordinary bookhands. In general, this disregard for the canons of formalised calligraphy is matched by a poorer quality of the manuscript as a whole (illumination, preparation of the parchment, etc.), as exemplified by Q20. A few considerations can also be made concerning the difference between the hands of Ibn Gha††Ës the Elder and the Younger, and the ‘evolution’ of Quranic calligraphy as represented in the work of later scribes. If one compares the script of Abd Allåh Ibn Gha††Ës during the 550s/1160s (Q9–11) with that of his son Mu˙ammad in 578/1182–3 (Q16), the former immediately appears suppler, more irregular and traced at a faster pace. Mu˙ammad’s script, on the contrary, is impeccably measured, with the horizontal strokes of elongated ßåd, ∂åd, †å, Ωå and kåf perfectly straight and parallel to each other. Also, the initial ayn is ampler, and låm-alif is always closed at the bottom by a short horizontal stroke. In the work of both Valencian artists the script looks particularly compressed due to the many elongations and high number of lines per page. While the same effect was achieved by some scribes (Q15, Q24), others preferred to increase slightly the interlinear space, reduce the module of the script, and give it a vertical boost by accentuating the height of the curls of initial ayn and the plunge of the tails of final sÈn, shÈn, ßåd, ∂åd, qåf and nËn (Q6, Q8, Q26). The pinnacle of this effect was attained by Ibn Shuayb al-AnßårÈ in Q19, a muß˙af coeval with the apogee of the Ibn Gha††Ës atelier, where the increased dimensions of the writing surface encouraged the calligrapher to employ a slightly more expansive script (Figure 5.31). Towards the very end of the sixth/twelfth century, two manuscripts attest to a possible stylistic development brought about by a new generation of Quranic copyists: in both Q21 and Q27 all the elongated letters (especially ßåd, ∂åd, †å, Ωå and kåf) share the exact same dimensions, thus giving unprecedented rhythm and consistency to the calligraphy (Figure 5.32), contrary to what can be seen in the Quråns written in the manner of Ibn Gha††Ës. As a matter of fact, the scripts of these two codices are so similar that they could well be the work of the same copyist, i.e. Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ, a hypothesis supported by the fact that both manuscripts feature the same number of lines per page. This innovative element will persist in the finest miniature scripts of the following centuries, combined with the introduction of ßåd, ∂åd, †å and Ωå traced with oval bodies as in bookhands, a feature that is never found in sixth/twelfth-century Quråns. Of course, these are but preliminary remarks, and it will only become possible to refine our chronological and geographical attributions by comparing and contrasting these twenty-seven maßå˙if with the many more undated codices and fragments that have survived, bringing together their palaeographic analysis with the study of their style and technique of illumination.128

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Figure 5.31  Fåti˙at al-kitåb and beginning of sËrat al-Baqara. Copied in 587/1191 in Ceuta by Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Shuayb al-AnßårÈ. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 27, f. 2b (Q19). © Milli Saraylar Òdaresi Ba∞kanlı©ı

Figure 5.32  Fåti˙at al-kitåb and beginning of sËrat al-Baqara. Copied and illuminated in 599/1203 in Marrakesh by Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ and his son-in-law YËsuf, for the newborn son of the Almohad caliph al-Nåßir. Parchment, 22.3 × 18 cm. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 33, ff. 2b–3a (Q27). © Milli Saraylar Òdaresi Ba∞kanlı©ı

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Documentary hands and chancery scripts So far, this book has focused on the origin and development of scripts belonging to the family of bookhands, and on the two main calligraphic styles directly derived from them: the ‘monumental’ mabsˆ style and the miniature Quranic style. However, there exists another category of scripts that share the same stylistic substrate of MaghribÈ bookhands and yet depart from them noticeably. In the following pages, I shall discuss the earliest evidence of MaghribÈ documentary hands, and of their calligraphic version: chancery scripts. The distinct nature of these scripts is due to the fact that they were developed by groups of specialised scribes, who possessed an additional level of training and performed social and political functions profoundly different from those of coeval book copyists and Quranic calligraphers. The choice of discussing Quranic codices and chancery documents in the same chapter may seem arbitrary, but it is possible, and perhaps even useful, to conceptualise these two classes of artifacts not only as profoundly different from all other kinds of manuscripts, but also as antithetical to one another: while MaghribÈ maßå˙if transmitted an atemporal text though archaising, meticulously traced calligraphy, the script of notaries and secretaries was characterised by a flowing cursiveness that conveyed the temporal and worldly dimensions of their work. Two sale contracts As far as documentary hands are concerned, very little is known about the activities of AndalusÈ and MaghribÈ notaries (waththåqËn or muwaththiqËn, sing. waththåq or muwaththiq), whose job was to draft contracts of private nature concerning sales, loans, donations, testaments, dowries and the like, during the period under discussion.129 Writing at the end of the eighth/fourteenth century, Ibn KhaldËn reports that ‘in every city, [notaries] have their own shops [dakåkÈn] and stalls [maßå†ib] where they usually sit, so that people who have transactions to make can engage them as witnesses and have them register [their testimony] in writing [taqyÈd bi-l-kitåb]’.130 The Nasrid vizier Ibn al-Kha†Èb (713/1313–776/1374), in his satirical epistle on the subject of notaries and their corruption, expresses his aversion to the commodification of notarial practices represented by the proliferation of such shops, which reduced the muwaththiq to the status of a tradesman or artisan.131 In fact, the Sevillian market inspector Ibn AbdËn (early sixth/twelfth century) considers the job of the notary as one of the trades and crafts he has a duty to regulate.132 The location of a notary’s workspace was dictated by its accessibility and proximity to the judge’s court (often coinciding with the city’s congregational mosque), although some notaries would receive the parties and draw up contracts in their own homes.133

327

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Ibn AbdËn sums up the qualities of the good muwaththiq as follows: Deeds should not be drafted except by someone who demonstrates to possess a beautiful handwriting [˙usn al-kha††] and an articulate prose [...] so as to spare the judge and the auxiliary magistrate the trouble of deciphering his handwriting and his prose, since there should be no deception or ambiguity.134 Indeed, some sixth/twelfth-century AndalusÈ notaries are praised in the biographical dictionaries as particularly skilled calligraphers.135 Unfortunately, no private Arabic documents written before the eighth/fourteenth century in either Muslim Iberia or the Far Maghrib have survived in the original, with only two exceptions: D1. 475/1083 [Rama∂ån, written in Toledo]. Sale contract concerning the purchase of a vineyard for the price of 300 mithqål, on parchment. Madrid, AHN, Clero, Carpeta 3033, No. 1 (Figure 5.33);136 D2. 510/1117 [DhË al-Óijja, written in Zaragoza]. Sale contract concerning the purchase of a field for the price of 1 dÈnår and 4 dirhams, on paper. Zaragoza, Archive of Nuestra Señora del Pilar, unknown shelf mark.137 Interestingly, both documents are sale contracts that broadly share the same structure and formulae, and they both date from the years immediately preceding the Christian conquest of the cities where they were produced, namely Toledo – seized by Alfonso VI of Castile in 477/1085 – and Zaragoza – captured by Alfonso I of Aragon in 512/1118. Palaeographically, however, they show a marked difference. D2 was drafted in a very cursive, casual hand, by someone who either had no training in any particular notarial style or had no interest in displaying his penmanship. Conversely, D1 appears to have been written carefully, in a script that already shows a number of typically notarial traits, departing from the regular ductus of coeval bookhands: the baseline strokes between the letters of certain words are frequently elongated (e.g. between the shÈn and tå of the initial word ishtarå, meaning ‘he purchased’); angular letter variants are systematically avoided; final rå and zå have plunging tails ending with hooks, often connected with the following letter through abusive ligatures; alif maqßËra is cursively rendered as a wåw with a plunging bowl-shaped tail. During the following two centuries, the unique social and cultural milieu of Toledo produced hundreds of Arabic (‘Mozarabic’) private documents that were preserved in the archive of the city’s cathedral and are still awaiting a serious palaeographic study.138 Although a discussion of this corpus lies beyond the scope of the present

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work, it should be remarked here that the notaries active in sixth/ twelfth- and seventh/thirteenth-century Toledo often show a level of scribal training and technical mastery which can only be explained if we assume that a direct channel of communication with their colleagues working in Muslim territories continued to exist under the new Christian rulers. In particular, some of the finest scripts

Figure 5.33  Sale contract written in 475/1083 in Toledo. Parchment, 76.8 × 24 cm. AHN, Clero, Carpeta 3033, No. 1, detail (D1). © Gobierno de España, Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

employed in the Toledan Arabic contracts are surprisingly close to the ornate and winding styles typical of the chancery hands of the Almohads and BanË Ghåniya: they feature, for instance, the same complex ligatures in the basmala, the same accentuated roundness of most letter tails, often arranged in tightly knit sequences, and the same shorthand rendering of letters such as kåf, hå and tå marbˆa. Even more noticeably, and in contrast with the Arabic documentary hands employed in the East, these scripts are characterised by a distinctively rectilinear orientation, with lines of texts tidily and tightly arranged at regular intervals (Figure 5.33). The diachronic study of these palaeographic traits would no doubt make it possible to chart the development of certain elements and the specificities of individual hands, as well as to recognise the particular ‘flavour’ of these scripts when they appear in non-documentary contexts, such as the glosses of a Latin manuscript.139 Calligraphy in the chanceries of the Maghrib We are much better informed about the role of MaghribÈ chanceries and the issuing of documents related to administrative practices and diplomacy during the sixth/twelfth century. The recent work of Pascal Burési and Hicham El Aallaoui has focused on the scrutiny of medieval textual sources dealing with the instruction of the secretaries (kuttåb, sing. kåtib) employed at the court of Marrakesh, the functions of their office (dÈwån al-inshå) and the activity of the bureaucrats attached to governors of provinces and major cities (kuttåb al-umarå, kuttåb al-wulåt).140 Substantial effort was also invested in the critical edition of around 160 Almohad letters, whose text has been preserved in chronicles and historical anthologies, due to their documentary as well as literary value.141 However, the dearth of original documents has so far hindered most scholars from venturing into a discussion of the material and palaeographic aspects of MaghribÈ chancery practices. According to Ibn al-ÍÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ’s Iqti∂åb, a respectable secretary had to be a warråq as well as mu˙arrir (‘calligrapher’), and possess a handwriting both graceful and vigorous (‘ma ˙alåwat al-kha†† wa-quwwati-hi’).142 References such as these are admittedly too vague to yield any technical insight, and it would indeed be unfair to demand more specificity from a medieval literary source. After all, the practicalities of calligraphy, like all the arts ‘achieved by training the limbs of the human body’, occupied a low rank on the scale of the fields of knowledge in the mindset of AndalusÈ intellectuals.143 Authors such as Ibn Óazm perceived the calligraphy of chancery documents as an immoral expression of earthly interests and the arrogance of the State: The excesses in the art of calligraphy are not a virtue, but an enticement into earthly power [dåiya ilå taalluq bi-l-sul†ån] and

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a waste of time, whether one aims to lord it over people or to scribble down absurd documents [tawåqÈ baÈda min al-˙aqq] filled with outright lies. In this way [the scribe] throws away his time and his labour is spoiled, and he will regret it when it is too late. He is like one who owns a large amount of musk and does not use it to perfume himself or to lift others’ spirits with its aroma and fragrance, but sprinkles it on animals and pours it on the ground, so that it is lost without doing good to anyone.144 Despite the reticence (or outright censure) of textual sources, the penmanship of chancery clerks during the sixth/twelfth century can be appreciated from eight original documents fortuitously preserved in European archives, written not only in the Almohad cities of Marrakesh, Ceuta and Tunis, but also in Majorca, in the chancery of the BanË Ghåniya and in Mahdia, during the latter’s military occupation of the city. While these eight items were all penned in MaghribÈ round scripts by secretaries trained in al-Andalus or the Far Maghrib, other surviving documents from Khurasanid and Almohad Tunis were evidently written by local scribes in chancery styles based on eastern models, and therefore have not been included in the following list: D3. 577/1181 [Íafar, written in Majorca]. Peace treaty stipulated between Is˙åq b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Ghåniya and the Genoese, on parchment. Genoa State Archive, Archivio Segreto, Materie Politiche, B. 2737 D, doc. I (Figure 5.34);145 D4. 1182 ce [April and July]. Arabic translation of two complaint letters addressed to the Almohad caliph AbË YaqËb by the bishop of Pisa, on paper. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 23rd April and 1st July 1181;146 D5. 580/1184 [Íafar, written in Majorca]. Diplomatic letter attached to a peace treaty stipulated between Is˙åq b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Ghåniya and the Pisans, on paper. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 1st June 1184 (Figure 5.37);147 D6. 582/1186 [Rama∂ån, probably written in Marrakesh]. Peace treaty stipulated between the Almohad caliph AbË YËsuf YaqËb al-ManßËr and the Pisans, on paper. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 15th November 1186 (Figure 5.35);148 D7. 584/1188 [Jumådå II, written in Majorca]. Peace treaty stipulated between Abd Allåh b. Is˙åq Ibn Ghåniya and the Genoese (with interlinear Latin translation), on parchment. Genoa State Archive, Archivio Segreto, Materie Politiche, B. 2737 D, doc. II (Figure 5.36);149 D8. 597/1201 [Jumådå I, written in Ceuta]. Diplomatic letter sent by Nåßi˙ b. Abd Allåh to the Pisans, on behalf of the Almohad caliph al-Nåßir, on paper. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 11th February 1201;150

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

D9. 597/1201 [Rama∂ån, written in Tunis]. Diplomatic letter sent by the Almohad prince AbË Zayd Abd al-Ra˙mån to the Pisans, on paper. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 5th June 1201 (Figures 5.38–5.39);151 D10. 600/1204 [Rama∂ån, written in Mahdia]. Diplomatic letter sent by AlÈ b. GhåzÈ b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Ghåniya to the Pisans, on paper. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 17th May 1204 (Figure 5.40).152 A first remark to be made concerns the use of parchment in the treaties of peace and commerce issued by the dÈwån al-inshå of the BanË Ghåniya (D3, D7), in the same years when the Almohads had already switched to paper for the production of such documents (D6). This aspect is consistent with the Almohads’ adoption of the new support in scribal contexts previously dominated by parchment, while the chancery of Majorca may have intentionally persisted in the tradition of earlier Almoravid practices, of which no material evidence survives. However, it should be noted that the BanË Ghåniya did employ paper (perhaps locally produced) for their diplomatic letters, as shown by D5 and D10. While the layout of the three commercial treaties in the corpus (Figures 5.34–5.36) does not show any particularly remarkable feature (apart from the conspicuous sign-manual at the beginning of D6, discussed further below), the diplomatic correspondence of MaghribÈ rulers was written in a highly distinctive manner: the right margin of the text was scored on the slant, with the beginning of each line increasingly shifted leftwards, so that a triangular blank space was created to the right of the page (Figures 5.37–5.40). The folio was then turned upside down, and the triangular void was filled with the remaining portion of text.153 This idiosyncratic practice – already attested in D4, D5, D8, D9 and D10 – would later become characteristic of Marinid and Nasrid missives, and as such is mentioned in al-QalqashandÈ’s encyclopaedic treatise Íub˙ al-ashå fÈ ßinåat al-inshå (‘Daylight for the Dim-Sighted in the Art of LetterWriting’), completed in Cairo in 814/1412: The practice established in the letters issued by the kings of the Maghrib is to use one sheet of paper of a standard format, [always] with a similar layout. […] The lines start at a lower level, and slant upwards towards the end […]. Each line is slightly shorter than the preceding one, gradually tapering to the right so that the last line only occupies a portion of the bottom left corner. The text then continues in the [right] margin, from the bottom of the sheet towards the top, beginning at the same level as the last line. […] The first line is very short, slanting upwards at the end. The second is slightly longer and so on, until the maximum length is attained and full lines are written. Then, the lines become gradually shorter

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Figure 5.34  Peace treaty written in 577/1181 in Majorca, in the chancery of the BanË Ghåniya. Parchment, 62 × 34 cm. Genoa State Archive, Archivio Segreto, Materie Politiche, B. 2737 D, doc. I (D3). © Archivio di Stato di Genova

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Figure 5.35  Peace treaty written in 582/1186, probably in Marrakesh, in the Almohad caliphal chancery. Paper, 59 × 21 cm. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 15th November 1186 (D6). © Archivio di Stato di Pisa

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Figure 5.36  Peace treaty written in 584/1188 in Majorca, in the chancery of the BanË Ghåniya. Parchment, 85 × 61.5 cm. Genoa State Archive, Archivio Segreto, Materie Politiche, B. 2737 D, doc. II (D7). © Archivio di Stato di Genova

Figure 5.37  Diplomatic letter written in 580/1184 in Majorca, in the chancery of the BanË Ghåniya. Paper, 16.5 × 24 cm. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 1st June 1184 (D5). © Archivio di Stato di Pisa

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Figure 5.38  Diplomatic letter written in 597/1201 in Tunis, in the chancery of the Almohad governor AbË Zayd Abd al-Ra˙mån. Paper, 28 × 20 cm. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 5th June 1201 (D9). © Archivio di Stato di Pisa

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Figure 5.39  Verso of the letter with the alåma of AbË Zayd Abd al-Ra˙mån. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 5th June 1201 (D9). © Archivio di Stato di Pisa

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Figure 5.40  Diplomatic letter written in 600/1204 in Mahdia, in the chancery of AlÈ b. GhåzÈ b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Ghåniya. Paper, 30 × 26 cm. Pisa State Archive, Atti Pubblici, 17th May 1204 (D10). © Archivio di Stato di Pisa

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again, so that that the last one is minuscule, written in the [upper right] corner [of the folio], next to the basmala.154 The earliest reference to the use of asymmetrical margins in AndalusÈ missives is found in the work of the Almoravid kåtib Ibn Abd alGhafËr (d. after 542/1148), titled I˙kåm ßanat al-kalåm (‘Mastery of Literary Prose’).155 In a passage of his treatise, Ibn Abd al-GhafËr defends the scribal practices of his homeland against the scorn of an eastern intellectual, in the following terms: I was at a gathering with a scholar who had come to our country [from abroad] and needed to score the margins of a letter [i˙tåja ilå taswiyat bi†åqa]. He threw it at the person who was doing it for him, protesting that the slant [ta˙rÈf] on it was one of the many deviations [jumlat al-in˙iråf] from good practice of the people of al-Andalus, and that it was unheard of in his country, since it had no meaning or purpose. So I said to him: ‘As for its purpose – may God honour you – there is definitely one, and that is protection: thanks to this slant, the margins of the text remain within the fold, and this preserves them better and protects them from effacement. And what you have said about the deviations of the people of al-Andalus, that is unseemly, and it is nothing but empty words. In fact, they are people of skill and penmanship, [known for their] intellect and precision’.156 This distinctive MaghribÈ layout allowed a number of possible variants: in the letters of the BanË Ghåniya (D5 and D10), for instance, the lines of text written in the right margin of the folio run along its height (i.e. they are arranged perpendicularly to the main body of the text), while in Almohad letters they are always roughly parallel to the base of the folio (i.e. at a 160–180-degree angle with the main body of the text). As opposed to the strictly horizontal lines of peace treaties, the diplomatic letters in the corpus are characterised by an overall writing angle inclined upwards (as remarked by al-QalqashandÈ), with the possibility of stacking words at the end of each line. The hands who wrote all these documents share a remarkable number of common traits, which are essentially the same employed by the most skilled Mozarab notaries of coeval Toledo. Although winding and cursive, the chancery scripts in the treatises and letters of the BanË Ghåniya are particularly polished and accurately vocalised (especially D7 and D10), with frequent recourse to alåmåt al-ihmål and the consistent use of eastern tashdÈd when combined with fat˙a, while the MaghribÈ one appears in the presence of kasra or ∂amma. The abundance of vocalisation and diacritic symbols in these documents contrasts with coeval MashriqÈ practices: eastern chancery manuals saw these elements typical of bookhands as superfluous and an insult the reader’s intelligence.157 In D3 and D7 one can even notice

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the exceptional use of circles enclosing a dot to separate the two main sections of both treaties: this punctuation mark was clearly borrowed from contemporary MaghribÈ manuscripts. As noted by Frédéric Bauden, the two Majorcan secretaries who penned D3 and D7 demonstrate a certain familiarity with the rules of Quranic orthoepy in their notation of the euphonic tashdÈd (also known as idghåm), marking the assimilation of final nËn with the initial rå, låm, mÈm, nËn, wåw and yå of the following word.158 In the Almohad peace treaty (D6) the script of the main text is smaller and plainer, and only the MaghribÈ semi-circular tashdÈd is used, with the exception of the basmala and the monumental sign-manual at the top of the document. Among the most significant palaeographic features of the chancery script of D3–10 are: ●





The abusive ligature between alif and låm, sometimes joined at the top when followed by another alif; D5

The bowl-shaped lower spur of alif, often connecting it with the following letter; D3



D8

D5

D10

D9

Final rå and zå traced without denticle above the baseline, in the shape of a sloping tail, often ending in a very accentuated hook, connected to the following letter; D3



D10

D5

D9

D10

Final dål, dhål, nËn and wåw similarly connected to the following letter; D8

D9

D10



Medial sÈn and shÈn with short and rapidly traced denticles, sometimes clustered in a single thick denticle resembling a blur, created by the lingering of the qalam (most notably in the sÈn of the initial basmala);

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D3



D5





D9

Final mÈm with a particularly long and accentuated tail turned backwards (‘convex’ mÈm), traced as a continuation of the loop of the letter’s body;





D8

D5

D10

D6

D5

Låm-alif ligature consisting of an obliquely traced låm followed by a vertical alif with split shaft and bowl-shaped spur; D6

D8

D10

D9

The connection and superimposition of various tails and bowls of final letters. D5

D3

D10

Overall, it is clear that the ultimate purpose of these chancery hands was to convey the same sense of fluency and gracefulness preached by the AndalusÈ treatises on the instruction of scribes, such as Ibn Abd al-GhafËr’s I˙kåm.159 However, the distinctive ductus and ligatures developed within this scribal context did not remain a prerogative of official documents for long: during the seventh/ thirteenth century these features gradually began to seep out of the chanceries and affect the appearance of later MaghribÈ bookhands, giving rise to what modern Moroccan scholars have labelled

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mujawhar scripts (in the sense of ‘ornate’, ‘flowery’).160 Already in the late sixth/twelfth century, the script of some manuscripts in the corpus (e.g. items 149 and 202) suggests that some book copyists had been trained in chancery styles and did not hesitate to show their calligraphic prowess in other contexts (Figure 4.24). One last feature deserving attention is the authentication formula and sign-manual (alåma) appearing in the heading of official Almohad documents, as shown in D6. It reads ‘wa-l-˙amd li-llåh wa˙da-hu’, meaning ‘and praise be to God alone’, and it was written with a particularly thick qalam, in a much darker ink than the rest of the text (Figure 5.35). The ratification of treaties and rescripts through a sign-manual consisting of a religious motto was common practice in medieval Arabic chanceries, as explained by the Nasrid prince and historian AbË al-WalÈd Ibn al-A˙mar (d. 807/1405) in his short treatise on the subject, titled Mustawda al-alåma wa-mustabdi al-allåma (‘Depositary of the Alåma and Astonishment of the Erudite’).161 In D3 and D7, the alåma of the BanË Ghåniya of Majorca is well visible at the end of the documents, penned in a bolder and more winding script than the rest of the text: ‘al-amr kullu-hu li-llåh jalla wa-azza’, which translates as ‘power belongs entirely to God, the most exalted’. Just as in this case, the content of the Almohad sign-manual is hardly original – that is, the formula can be found in other contexts and earlier periods – but it is characteristic of this dynasty: it was probably chosen in reference to the strict unitarianism (taw˙Èd) professed by Ibn TËmart and upheld by the Almohads as part of their doctrine.162 Unlike the alåma of the BanË Ghåniya, the Almohad alåma was penned in monumental MaghribÈ thuluth. As already mentioned, this reinforces the impression that the Berber caliphs used this calligraphic style as a dynastic ‘brand’ and an important visual component of their ideology. Indicative is also the fact that several sources – including Ibn al-A˙mar – insist that the Almohads would always add their sign-manual onto chancery documents in their own hand, unlike other rulers who appointed special clerks for the purpose.163 In Chapter Four, I argued that the MaghribÈ thuluth employed in Almohad coinage, monumental epigraphy and illuminated manuscripts may have derived from Almoravid chancery scripts, examples of which we deplorably lack. Although the word thuluth is never employed in the sources with reference to either Almoravid or Almohad documents, it is worth noting al-Ba†alyawsÈ’s mention of two eastern chancery styles called ‘qalam al-thulthayn’ and ‘qalam al-thulth’, which he derives from Ibn Muqla, showing that these terms were probably familiar to AndalusÈ secretaries in the sixth/ twelfth century.164 According to Ibn AbÈ Zar, it was the Almohad caliph al-ManßËr (r. 580/1185–595/1198) who first established that the alåma should always be penned personally by the ruler.165 It is therefore likely that

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the sign-manual appearing in D6 was indeed written by al-ManßËr himself, in what is clearly a very different ink from the main text of the treaty, and with a special implement possibly designed for this specific purpose: Ibn al- A˙mar calls it ‘qalam ghalÈΩ al-qa††a [thick-nibbed pen]’. The Nasrid historian, however, reports that this ­practice had already been introduced by al-ManßËr’s grandfather Abd al-Mumin (r. 527/1133–558/1163).166 In his history of the Berber dynasties, Ibn KhaldËn positions himself between the two views and states that it was in fact AbË YaqËb (r. 558/1163–580/1185) who devised the caliphal alåma, on the basis of what ‘had been found written by the mahdÈ Ibn TËmart in some of his speeches [fÈ ba∂ mukhåtabåti-hi]’.167 Ibn IdhårÈ adds that the first missive where the Almohad sign-manual made its appearance was written in Rama∂ån 561/1166, and was addressed by AbË YaqËb to his brother AbË SaÈd, then governor of Cordova.168 Both Ibn KhaldËn and Ibn IdhårÈ seem to rely on the information contained in Ibn Íå˙ib al-Íalå’s al-Mann bil-imåma (‘The Gift of the Imamate’, completed in 594/1197), where AbË YaqËb is credited with establishing the convention (‘ittifåq’) of personally writing the ‘blessed’ alåma (‘al-alåma al-mubåraka’) on top of his official correspondence.169 However, Ibn al-A˙mar’s opinion is supported by a letter sent by Abd al-Mumin from Tinmal in 543/1148, preserved in the chronicle of the Almohad historian Ibn al-Qa††ån (d. 628/1230), in which the caliph explicitly states: ‘We have decided to place in this letter of ours a alåma written in our own hand [raaynå an najal fÈ kitåbi-nå hådhå alåmatan bi-kha†† yadi-nå]’.170 The distinctive style and wording of the Almohad sign-manual remained unaltered until the final years of the dynasty’s rule in Marrakesh. This is demonstrated by two other original documents emanated from the caliphal chancery during the first half of the seventh/thirteenth century: a decree in favour of the monks of the Catalan abbey of St Mary of Poblet, issued by AbË YaqËb YËsuf alMustanßir in 614/1217;171 and a letter sent by the penultimate caliph AbË Óafs Umar al-Murta∂å to Pope Innocent IV in 648/1250.172 Besides being a bureaucratic device, the Almohad alåma functioned as a metonymic reference to the presence of the ruler, an ‘auraproducing mechanism’ that symbolically conveyed the supreme authority of the caliph, bestowed on him by the very God praised in the motto.173 While various kinds of state officials may have used similar sign-manuals to validate documents and sign letters, the unique prestige of the caliphal alåma is confirmed by Abd al-Wå˙id al-MarråkushÈ in his treatise al-Mujib fÈ talkhÈß akhbår al-Maghrib (‘Admirable Summary of the History of the Maghrib’, completed around 621/1224): writing about al-ManßËr’s execution of a traitorous uncle and two of his own brothers, the Almohad historian declares: ‘Before then, there was almost no difference between the [caliph’s close relatives] and the caliph himself, save for the efficacy of the alåma [siwå nufËdh al-alåma]’.174

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The ‘iconic’ status of the Almohad alåma in MaghribÈ culture is also evident from the number of poets referring to it in their panegyrics. To mention but one instance, Óafßa bt. al-Óåjj al-RakËnÈ (d. 580/1185), the most celebrated AndalusÈ poetess of the sixth/twelfth century, improvised the following verses in the presence of AbË YaqËb, asking him to grant her enough means to live independently after the death of her lover: O Lord of the people, whose aid the people seek, grant me a rescript that would serve as perennial provision on which your right hand should pen ‘and praise be to God alone’.175 AbË YaqËb was apparently so impressed by Óafßa’s eloquence that he remunerated her generously, and eventually hired her as a teacher for the women of the caliphal palace in Marrakesh.176 Just as al-ManßËr’s alåma in D6, the sign-manuals used by alMustanßir and al-Murta∂å are traced in a bold, calligraphic thuluth script, fully vocalised (Figure 5.41). The letters are provided with diacritic symbols in the shape of two miniature ˙å, and the end of the formula is marked by a characteristic isolated hå with a long tail curving to the right (hå mashqËqa), an abbreviation of the word intahå (‘it is finished’). While all three alåmåt were penned in a black ink, it seems that on occasion the Almohad caliphs would have used a special red ink, as reported in a passage of Ibn IdhårÈ’s al-Bayån almughrib (‘Wondrous Elucidation’), with reference to the chancery of AbË Zakariyyå Ya˙yå al-Mutaßim b. al-Nåßir (r. 624/1227–626/1229): Ya˙yå’s chamberlain and personal secretary […] was a eunuch named AbË al-Óamåma Bilål, a renowned shaykh who had studied the Qurån in his youth. He was bright-minded and cunning, and Ya˙yå’s affairs depended entirely on him, to the point that he came to write the opening formula ‘al-˙amd li-llåh wa˙da-hu’ on the official decrees, in eastern script [bi-kha†† MashriqÈ]. Before then, it was out of the question that someone else would write this formula instead [of the caliph], until it was accepted that a woman would write it because Ya˙yå had a withered right hand. This was noticeable since he could not even fasten the cords of his cloak, or hold the sceptre in his hand as caliphs usually do. The people’s petitions containing their requests were submitted to him in countless numbers, and the eunuch AbË al-Óamåma Bilål would write on all of them […] in an almost white ink, with a thin pen and letters well spaced out, and Ya˙yå would retrace those letters in a feeble script. Sometimes he would forget some of those signatures and would not retrace them, until [the eunuch] realised

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the disgraceful fact, concealed it, and begun to write them with the red caliphal ink [al-midåd al-a˙mar al-marËf li-l-khulafå].177 In his treatise on ink-making, al-QalalËsÈ transmits a special recipe used by MaghribÈ rulers to write their sign-manuals (‘midåd al-alåma, wa-huwa al-midåd alladhÈ yaktab bi-hi al-salå†Èn al-alåma’), which indeed contained ‘a touch of red’. According to the Nasrid author, this recipe was especially recommended by Ibn AbÈ al-Khißål, the already mentioned secretary of the Almoravid emir AlÈ b. YËsuf, who described the ink as follows: It should have a shiny black colour with a touch of red; it should be pleasantly brilliant and somewhat runny, since it is supposed to enliven the handwriting, second the movement of the hand, and facilitate the swiftness of the qalam. To make it, one takes three ounces of good, dark gallnuts, tannic, intact, and compact […]. They are crushed in a copper mortar finely, until they reach the same texture as kohl; then very hot water is poured on the powder, half a ra†l of water for three ounces of gallnuts. The mixture is placed in a piece of thickly woven cloth, and the bundle is manipulated until its content feels like dense jam. The bundle is then squeezed, and the juice is filtered, at which point one adds to the mixture some green vitriol of good quality, oxidised, of the kind called qulqu†år, as much as one wishes. Finally, one adds two dirhams of SulaymånÈ sugar, leaves the mixture to sit overnight, and then filters it. In the winter, the ink is placed in a jug and stored away, while during the summer the air does not spoil it, and it can be used to write when necessary.178 What is also interesting in Ibn IdhårÈ’s passage is the explicit mention of the distinctively MashriqÈ aspect of the style employed for the alåma, which was (and still is) the most significant feature of MaghribÈ thuluth (Figure 5.41). As already remarked by Samuel Stern with regard to al-Murta∂å’s missive to Pope Innocent IV: ‘It is worthy of note that whereas the body of the letter is in the MaghribÈ script, the alåma is in “eastern” ductus, perhaps because the style was traditional’.179 It is indeed difficult to fathom why it was deemed important to include this conspicuous reference to the eastern calligraphic tradition in the official documents of the Almohad chancery. We know that the Almohads inherited the notion of a dynastic motto used as a sign-manual from their predecessors, though they changed its wording to convey their unitarian doctrine.180 It is equally possible, then, that they appropriated MaghribÈ thuluth from the Almoravids, endowing it with new ideological connotations: by expressing their mastery of eastern calligraphy, the Almohads could have bolstered their claim to universal authority over the whole Islamic world, as caliphs of the Maghrib as well as the Mashriq.

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D6 – Alaˉma of the caliph Abuˉ Yaquˉb Yuˉsuf al-Mans.uˉr (582/1186)

Alaˉma of the caliph Abuˉ Yaquˉb Yuˉsuf II al-Mustans.ir (614/1217)

Alaˉma of the caliph Abuˉ H . afs. Umar al-Murtad.aˉ (648/1250)

D9 – Alaˉma of the prince Abuˉ Zayd Abd al-Rah.maˉn (597/1201)

Figure 5.41  Almohad alåmåt in MaghribÈ thuluth. © Umberto Bongianino

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Figure 5.42  Ex libris of the Almohad prince AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm b. al-ManßËr on the title page of item 32. BNF, ms. arabe 6090, ff. 1b–2a. © Bibliothèque nationale de France

Under the supervision of their AndalusÈ teachers, the Almohad princes were arguably trained to master MaghribÈ thuluth as the calligraphic style that they would have later used to validate decrees and sign official letters as caliphs or governors of important cities. The missive sent to the Pisans by the governor of Tunis AbË Zayd Abd al-Ra˙mån b. AbÈ Óafß b. Abd al-Mumin (D9) bears on its verso a dating formula penned in bold eastern calligraphy, functioning as the sign-manual of the Almohad prince, which he probably wrote in his own hand. Another fascinating snippet of Almohad calligraphy is the ownership note on the title page of item 32, featuring the name of AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm (d. 616/1219–20), a son of al-ManßËr and governor of Seville (Figure 5.42).181 The ex libris is penned in a skilled MaghribÈ thuluth, and it is tempting to imagine that the Almohad prince may have inscribed it personally. At the end of it – just as in the alåma of his cousin Abd al-Ra˙mån – is a bold hå mashqËqa, entirely similar to those found in caliphal signmanuals. This detail suggests that both princes were impeccably trained in chancery practices, though neither of them ever ascended the throne.

Notes 1. See, for instance, Ibn al-At∙ t∙ a¯r 1983, 206–207. See also ‘Kufic’ and ‘Early Abbasid script’ in Gacek 2009, 97–98, 138. 2. Ibn Fayyå∂’s passage (taken from his lost work TarÈkh Qur†uba) is quoted by the Almohad historian Abd al-Wå˙id al-MarråkushÈ: see al-Marra¯kushiˉ 1963, 456–457. 3. George 2015, II, 81–92. 4. Some of the earliest Kufic Quråns in the QarawiyyÈn and other Moroccan libraries are published in Daliˉl marid ∙ mas∙ a¯ h∙ if al-Maghrib 2011. All references to Déroche’s taxonomy are based on Déroche 1983, Déroche 1992 and George 2010, 147–161. 5. See, for instance, Afa¯ & al-Maghra¯wiˉ 2013, 36–37; Puerta 2007, 49; Lings 2005, 51; Tabbaa 2001, 36; Khemir 1992, 115; Lings & Safadi 1976, 29–30. 6. Lings & Safadi 1976, 29–30; Schimmel 1984, 8; Blair 2006, 121–122. On some manuscript fragments featuring this script see Rammah

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2009, 40; Déroche 1992, 109, No. 58; De Carthage à Kairouan 1982, 274–275, No. 358. 7. I wish to thank Mourad Rammah for having provided me with several images of these folios. 8. Bongianino 2017, 161–162. The name of this important functionary of the Zirid administration is only known through the endowment note in this manuscript, which reads: ‘Amara bi-awqåf hådhih al-raba bi-jåmi MadÈnat Izz al-Islåm Thiqat al-Dawla AbË Bakr ibn Abd Allåh al-kåtib ßå˙ib bayt al-mål ibtighåan li-thawåb Allåh al-aΩÈm fÈ Mu˙arram sanat sitt wa-arbaÈn wa-arbaimia’. 9. Al-Marra¯kushiˉ 2012, I (I), 341; Ibn MarzËq 1981, 456. Both authors quote the lost work of the Umayyad court chronicler Ïså al-RåzÈ, a contemporary of al-Óakam II. The ‘Qurån of Uthmån’ is also mentioned in Ibn Óayyån’s Muqtabas with reference to the Umayyad emir Mu˙ammad (r. 238/852–273/886): see Ibn Óayya¯n 1973, 113, 115. The aspect of the manuscript and the rituals centred upon it in the Great Mosque of Cordova are described in al-Idriˉsiˉ 1970–1984, V, 577–578. On the history of the ‘Qurån of Uthmån’ and its ideological use under the Umayyads and their successors in the Maghrib, see Zadeh 2008; Burési 2008a; Bennison 2007; Dodds 1990, 100–101. 10. On the extant ‘Quråns of ‘Uthmån’ in Istanbul, Cairo, Tashkent, St Petersburg and Dublin, see Déroche 2014, 2–3, nn. 12–15; Déroche 2013; Altikulaç 2007; Rezvan 2000; al-Munajjid 1971, 45–60. 11. Bennison 2007; see also Chapter Four, 249–251. 12. Ibn Óayya¯n 1979, 436, 475. The passage is mentioned in Bennison 2007, 139; al-Abba¯diˉ 2005, 75. 13. Ibn Idha¯riˉ 1983, II, 288: ‘Inna-hu kha††a bi-yadi-hi muß˙afan kåna ya˙milu-hu maa-hu fÈ asfåri-hi, yadrus fÈ-hi wa-yatabarrak bi-hi’. 14. PUA id. 3120; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 162, No. 356. 15. PUA id. 184; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 91, No. 190: ‘Kåna […] yunqa† al-maßå˙if wa-yuallim al-mubtadiÈn’. 16. PUA id. 8562; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 108, No. 364. 17. PUA id. 4066; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, II, 630, No. 1412. 18. PUA id. 1425; mentioned in Puerta 2007, 148–149. 19. PUA id. 10646; Ibn al-Farad.iˉ 1891–1892, I, 367, No. 1304. 20. PUA id. 11212; mentioned in Puerta 2007, 154. 21. PUA id. 11836. 22. PUA id. 3833; Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 198, No. 443: ‘Kåna kha††å†an båri al-kha†† fÈ al-maßå˙if wa-afnå umra-hu fÈ kitåbati-hå min awwal nashåti-hi bi-Qur†uba ilå an måta bi-Êulay†ula’. 23. Ávila 1989, 155, No. 19. 24. Ibn al-Khat.iˉb 1973–1977, III, 379–380: ‘Kåna [...] ˙asan al-kha††. Kåna bi-Gharnå†a raba muß˙af bi-kha††i-hi fÈ nihåyat al-ßana wa-l-itqån’. 25. The only exception, as we have seen, is the laconic reference to an ‘AndalusÈ Kufic’ style in al-Taw˙ÈdÈ’s Risåla (see Chapter Two, n. 26). 26. BNRM, ms. 1 J, in two volumes; see Daliˉl marid. mas. aˉ h. if al-Maghrib 2011, 34–35; De l’Empire romain, 78, 248–249. 27. See Chapter One, 48, n. 130. 28. George 2015, I, 7–11; Dutton 1999, 117–120. 29. Al-Da¯niˉ 1960, 87. This passage is also translated and discussed in George 2015, I, 8–9. See also Dutton 1999, 119.

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30. George 2015, II, 90 ff.; Daliˉl marid. mas. aˉ h. if al-Magrib 2011, 86–87. 31. Déroche 1991, 230–231. This was probably a multi-volume set. 32. Déroche 1991, 231–232. This was probably a multi-volume set. 33. Bonham’s 12/10/2006, lot 5; Christie’s 7/10/2008, lot 97. The date allegedly given in the colophon remains to be ascertained. 34. Available at https://alvin-portal.org/alvin/attachment/document/alv in-record:152749/ATTACHMENT-0170.pdf (last accessed: June 2021). Tornberg 1849, 245–246, No. CCCLXXI; Maroc médiéval 2014, 224, No. 127; Déroche 2001, 608; Andalousies 2000, 158, No. 179. Barrucand 2005, 76, No. 11, gives for this manuscript the shelf mark No. 371, which is its number in Tornberg’s catalogue. 35. Al-Óarbiˉ 2017, 33–35 (the manuscript was formerly in the Arif Hikmet Bey Library). The date allegedly given in the colophon remains to be ascertained. I wish to thank Abd Allåh al-MunÈf for kindly providing me with some images of this manuscript. 36. Déroche 1991, 230. 37. On the calligraphic style called MaghribÈ mabsˆ, see Afa¯ & al-Maghra¯wiˉ 2013, 62–63. For a definition of mabsˆ scripts in general, see Bahnassi 1995, 137. 38. Ibn Sima¯k 2004, 48 (also quoted in Jaouhari 2015, 44). 39. On the curvilinear styles of Quranic calligraphy developed in the Mashriq see George 2010, 115–146 (‘cursive’); Blair 2006, 143–237 (‘round scripts’). 40. BAV, ms. Vat. Ar. 1605/73; Levi della Vida 1947, 51, pl. XIX. 41. Kwiatkowski 2013, 84, No. 45. Two folios most probably from the same manuscript were auctioned in 2005: see Sotheby’s 13/10/2005, lot 5. 42. Bongianino 2017, 169–171. 43. Abu Haidar 1987, 228. 44. On the origin of the square format, see Déroche 2001, 613 ff. 45. PUA id. 5752. 46. Uppsala, University Library, ms. O.Bj.48, f. 77b. An identical invocation of mercy for the copyist, the buyer and the reader – ‘ra˙ima Allåh kåtiba-hu wa-kåsiba-hu wa-qåria-hu’ – is found in the colophons of Q2 and Q18, as well as in items 38, 75, 112, 118, 172, 195 and 213. 47. Déroche 2011, 375. 48. Al-Idriˉsiˉ 2009, 65–66. 49. On this kind of textual division in later AndalusÈ Quråns see Anzuini 2001, 412; Espejo & Arias 2009, 84–85. 50. Al-Da¯niˉ 1994, 311–312. Al-DånÈ refers to the IråqÈ scholar Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh al-IßbahånÈ (fourth/tenth century) as the source of this tradition. I wish to thank Juan Pablo Arias Torres for bringing this passage to my attention. 51. Jahdani 2006, 276–277. 52. Ibn Rushd 1984–1987, II, 107. 53. Ibn Rushd 1984–1987, II, 108. 54. See especially Lings 1961; James 1992, 89–91; Stanley 1995, 20–26, 111–114, Nos 18–19; Déroche 2001; Barrucand 2005; Espejo & Arias 2009, 90–93. 55. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, mss 429 and 430; Ben Larbi 1994, 37–38, Nos 46–47. See also Chapter Four, 209, n. 177. 56. Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, mss R. 21–24; Karatay 1962, I, 86–87, Nos 306–309. See also Chapter Four, n. 177. Extraordinarily,

chapter five: beyond books

the four volumes of this Qurån have been preserved in their original leather binding, exquisitely tooled and partly gilded. 57. Burési 2008a, 278–280; Bennison 2007, 149–152. See also Chapter Four, 249–251. 58. Ibn Ía¯h∙ ib al-Íala¯ 1964, 440. 59. PUA id. 9410; Zadeh 2008, 341–344. On the mechanical cabinet where the ‘Qurån of Uthmån’ was kept and its impressive decorative apparatus, see Dessus Lamare 1938. 60. Al-Manu¯ niˉ 1989a, 179–180; Bennison 2007, 150. 61. See Chapter Four, n. 177. 62. Al-Na¯ßiriˉ 1997, II, 182. On the correspondence and diplomatic exchanges between Saladin and al-ManßËr, see Baadj 2015, 146 ff. 63. Abu¯ Sha¯ma 1997, IV, 204–205: ‘Khatma karÈma fÈ raba mukhayyasha’. The term mukhayyash is glossed as ‘al-mughashshå bi-l-dhahab’ by the editor. 64. Four manuscripts have been excluded from the corpus: • Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 2, a paper codex in vertical format dated 509/1115 and 532/1137, which was not written in MaghribÈ script, despite what stated in Karatay 1962, I, 84–85, No. 302. • Topkapı Palace Library, ms. R. 29, a paper codex in MaghribÈ script that, although mentioning the date 555/1160 in its colophon, should be dated to the tenth/sixteenth century based on its calligraphy and style of illumination: Karatay 1962, I, 83, No. 297. • IÜK, ms. A 6756, a miniature paper muß˙af (10.5 × 10 cm) with a colophon dated 500/1107, but which is in fact a nineteenth-century copy of an earlier manuscript: Karatay 1951, I, 4, No. 12. This muß˙af was written by a certain Iyå∂: ‘Kataba-hu al-˙aqÈr Iyå∂ ghafara Allåh la-hu’. • RBE, ms. árabe 1397, copied in Malaga by Mufa∂∂al b. Mu˙ammad b. Mufa∂∂al in the year 701/1302, but repeatedly misdated to 500/1106–7 (Derenbourg, Renaud & Lévi-Provençal 1884–1928, III, 62; Déroche 2001, 611) and to 601/1204 (Maroc médiéval 2014, 360, No. 213). A correct reading of its date has been provided in Arias & Déroche 2011. 65. Available at https://opacplus.bsb-muenchen.de/title/BV035403092 (last accessed: June 2021). Aumer 1866, 2. See also Bongianino 2020; Das Buch im Orient 1982, 125, No. 57. 66. Available at http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000151534&page=1 (last accessed: June 2021). It was originally auctioned at Christie’s 9/10/1990, lot 46. See also Bongianino 2017, 176–178; Alarcos 1995, 292, No. 136. 67. Karatay 1951, I, 5, No. 13. See also Khemir 1992, 304–305, No. 75. 68. Sotheby’s 30/4/1992, lot 336; Sotheby’s 22/4/1999, lot 12. See also Dandel 1993, 13–15. 69. Daˉ r al-Kutub 1924, p. 7; Moritz 1905, pl. 47; Shariˉfiˉ 1982, 259–265. See also Dandel 1993, 15; Khemir 1992, 306, No. 76. 70. Mansour 1975, 5; Shariˉfiˉ 1982, 266–269. See also Maroc médiéval 2014, 354, No. 208; Dandel 1993, 15–16. 71. Daliˉl makht. uˉ t. aˉ t 2001, I, 375, No. 1; Shariˉfiˉ 1982, 259–265; al-Manu¯ niˉ 1969, 6. According to A˙mad ShawqÈ BinbÈn, this manuscript has disappeared from the Library of the Higher Institute.

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72. Maktu¯ b bilyad 1968, No. 4; Shariˉfiˉ 1982, 272–274; Chabbouh 1989, 9, No. 1. See also Maroc médiéval 2014, 354–355, No. 209; Dandel 1993, 18. 73. Mentioned in James 1992, 89. The manuscript appears in the typewritten checklist compiled for the 4th Marquess of Bute, titled A Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Library at 5, Charlotte Square, Edinburgh (August 1935). 74. Tareq Rajab Museum 1994, 27. The manuscript was acquired by the TRM from the Royal Library of Rabat, where it was previously kept under the shelf mark 12609: see Shariˉfiˉ 1982, 275–277; Muntakhabaˉ t 1978, 67. See also Khemir 1992, 308, 78; De l’Empire romain 1990, 250–251, No. 496. 75. Karatay 1951, I, 5, No. 14. See also Lings 2005, 83, Nos 155–157; Derman & Çetin 1998, 204, No. 18; Dandel 1993, 18–19; Lings 1976, 214–215, pls 100–101; Lings 1961, 95, pl. XXXII. 76. Ebert & Fleischer 1831, p. 44, No. 293. 77. Karatay 1951, I, 6, No. 15. 78. Karatay 1962, I, 83, No. 298. See also Derman & Çetin 1998, 205, No. 21; Tanindi 2015, 249, fig. 4. 79. Available at https://alvin-portal.org/alvin/attachment/document/alvi n-record:153400/ATTACHMENT-0283.pdf (last accessed: June 2021). Tornberg 1849, 245, No. CCCLXX. See also Andalousies 2000, 58, No. 180. 80. Shariˉfiˉ 1982, 278–280. 81. Fondo Kati 2002, 46. The red pigments employed in this manuscript are analysed in Vieira et al. 2019. I thank Juan Pablo Arias Torres for sharing with me a few images of this manuscript. 82. Karatay 1962, I, 84, No. 300. See also Tanındı 2014, 538, fig. 2. 83. James 1992, 92–95. 84. Karatay 1962, I, 83, No. 296. 85. Shariˉfiˉ 1982, 281–285. The results of the pigment analyses carried out on this manuscript have been presented in Roger, Serghini & Déroche 2004. 86. Karatay 1962, I, 83, No. 299. See also Lings 2005, 83, Nos 158–159; Khemir 1992, 309, No. 79; Lings 1976, 216–219, pls 102–103. 87. I wish to thank Aurélia Streri, parchment and paper conservator, for her expertise on this matter. 88. Al-Qalqashandiˉ 1913–1922, II, 477. 89. On two Sevillian calligraphers specialised in copying the Qurån who emigrated to Fes and Marrakesh, see al-Manu¯ niˉ 1969, 4–6, Nos 1 and 4. 90. PUA id. 9268; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 342, No. 1001: ‘Kåna yaktub al-maßå˙if wa-yujayyid naq†a-hå wa-yarif rasma-hå maa baråat al-kha†† wa-˙usn al-wiråqa’. 91. Ribera y Tarragó 1928c; Puerta 2007, 164. 92. PUA id. 10024; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 178, No. 629. 93. PUA id. 10598; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 221, No. 739: ‘Kåna ßanå al-yad årifan bi-marsËm al-kha†† fÈ al-maßå˙if marËfan bi-l-∂ab† wa-˙usn al-wiråqa’. 94. PUA id. 10499; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 340, No. 994: ‘Kåna yaktub al-maßå˙if wa-lam yakun a˙ad min ahl zamåni-hi yudånÈ-hi fÈ al-marifa bi-naq†i-hå wa-l-baßr bi-rasmi-hå maa ˙usn al-kha†† wa-l-itqån’.

chapter five: beyond books

95. PUA id. 10418; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 343, No. 1003. 96. PUA id. 10583; Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 213, No. 726: ‘Kåna yaktub al-maßå˙if wa-ya∂bi†u-hå wa-yutanåfas fÈ må yËjad bi-kha††i-hi min-hå ilå al-yawm, wa-waqaftu alå ba∂i-hå bi-∂ab†i-hi fÈ sanat 559’. 97. Mentioned in al-Íafadiˉ 2000, III, 281. See also Binshariˉfa 1994, 83. 98. PUA id. 5504 and 9690 respectively. On the former, see Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 475, No. 1370. On the latter, see Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 307–308, No. 927; al-Marra¯kushiˉ 2012, IV (VI), 343–344, No. 812. 99. Dandel 1993; Barrucand 2005, 75–69; James 1992, 89–91. 100. Al-Maqqariˉ 1968, III, 151. 101. Puerta 2007, 169. 102. Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 307–308, No. 927. This passage was translated in French by Dandel 1993, 20, and in Spanish by Puerta 2007, 165, with one mistake: both translations imply that Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës was the only member of his family who devoted himself exclusively to copying the Qurån, which is not what Ibn al-Abbår writes. A very similar biographical note is found in al-Marra¯kushiˉ 2012, IV (VI), 343–344, No. 812. 103. Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 343, No. 1003; al-Íafadiˉ 2000, III, 281. 104. Al-ÍafadÈ 2000, III, 280–281, No. 1433. For a Spanish translation and discussion of this passage, see Puerta 2007, 165–167. 105. Possibly identifiable with PUA id. 6013. This member of the BanË Saåda al-Madh˙ijÈ may have served as vizier under Ibn MardanÈsh, who ruled over Murcia and Valencia when Q10 was produced. 106. Ibn Idha¯riˉ 1960, 243. 107. Al-Marra¯kushiˉ 1963, 404. 108. On Mu˙ammad al-GhåfiqÈ al-ShårrÈ see PUA id. 10090. 109. The dedication at the end of Q8 finds a close parallel in Ms. Or. 1270 of the British Library, an undated AndalusÈ Qurån copied and illuminated in the style of Ibn Gha††Ës, whose final folio (f. 134a) is inscribed with a birth record dated Shabån 652/1254, also in Kufic chrysography. In this case, however, the birth record is not contemporary with the muß˙af, which was copied about a century earlier: see Wright 1875–1883, pl. LXI; Lings 1961, pl. XXX; Dandel 1993, 16. Another undated square Qurån bearing two birth records dated 646/1248 and 648/1250 is in Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, ms. E. H. 40 (f. 139b). 110. Al-Da¯niˉ 1994, 139 ff. 111. García Sanjuan 2007, 14. 112. Al-JazÈriˉ 1998, 288. 113. James 1992, 89–91. 114. Déroche 2001, 610 ff. 115. Tanindi 2014. 116. Bongianino 2020, 280–283. 117. Arias & Déroche 2011, 248–250. For a discussion of sËra titles in the Islamic tradition and a useful list of variants based on medieval sources, see Kandil 1992. 118. See here, 291–292. The expression a˙zåb Rama∂ån, only attested in Q4, was seemingly abandoned in the sixth/twelfth century. 119. Al-Idriˉsiˉ 2009, 68. 120. Dandel 1994; Barrucand 1995; Barrucand 2005. 121. These, at least, are the pigments employed in Q26: see Roger, Serghini & Déroche 2004.

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22. See Chapter Four, 252–253. 1 123. Gacek 2009, 8–9; Stanley 1996, 21–22. 124. See, for instance, al-Manu¯ niˉ 1969, 16; James 1992, 89–91. 125. For a discussion of the aesthetics of ajÈb and gharÈb in medieval Arabic sources, see Rabbat 2006. 126. Al-Qalalu¯ siˉ 2007, 23; Fani 2013, 139–140. 127. Shariˉfiˉ 1982, 277. 128. Undated Quranic manuscripts in miniature MaghribÈ calligraphy that can be tentatively attributed to the sixth/twelfth century are: BAV, Vat. Arab. 212 (possibly by AlÈ Ibn Gha††Ës); London, BL, ms. Or. 1270 (possibly by Mu˙ammad Ibn Gha††Ës); Cairo, DKW, ms. 214 muß˙af; Lyon, Municipal Library, ms. 1694; Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Library, mss E. H. 40 and E. H. 47; Istanbul, Turkish and Islamic Art Museum, ms. 536; Dublin, CBL, mss 1443 and 1444; Kuwait, Dår alÅthår al-Islåmiyya, mss LNS 111 and LNS 322; Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 619/8; Berlin, German State Library, mss or. quart. 428 and Landberg 823. 129. On the social status of AndalusÈ notaries, see Cano 1992. On the genre of notarial formularies, see Aguirre 2000. On the norms regulating the drafting of endowment deeds in al-Andalus, see García Sanjuan 2007. 130. Ibn Khaldu¯ n 1999, I, 398. 131. Turki 1982, 295–331. 132. Ibn Abdu¯ n 1934, 203, 246. 133. Cano 1992, 96. On AndalusÈ mosques as venues for the administration of justice, see Calvo 2014, 209–215. 134. Ibn Abdu¯ n 1934, 203. 135. See, for instance, PUA id. 2766 and 8504. 136. González 1926–1930, I, 1. 137. García de Linares 1904, 174, No. I. 138. Most of them were brought to the National Archive of Madrid in the nineteenth century. The only palaeographic notes on the scripts of the Mozarabic documents of Toledo are found in González 1926–1930, IV, 44–47. 139. Such is the case of ms. Ripoll 49, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, a Latin codex containing the Sententiae of Taius, bishop of Zaragoza, copied within a Christian milieu in the east of al-Andalus. The manuscript features numerous Arabic glosses written in what appears to be a documentary script, on ff. 48a, 58a, 83b, 86b, 88b: see Millàs 1932. 140. Al-Allaoui & Burési 2005. 141. See Lévi-Provençal 1941 and Azza¯wiˉ 1995–2001. A group of seventyseven Almohad appointment letters (taqådÈm) of provincial officials, preserved in a seventeenth-century manuscript in the Royal Library of Rabat, has been recently edited and discussed in Burési & El Aallaoui 2013. 142. Al-Bat∙ alyawsiˉ 1973, 67. On al-Ba†alyawsÈ’s views on calligraphy see Puerta 2017, 228–233. 143. Puerta 2017, 111 ff. 144. Ibn Óazm 1980–1983, IV, 65. 145. Amari 1867, 593–600 (doc. I); Bauden 2011, 48–67, pl. I. 146. Amari 1863, Prima Serie, II–III; Burési 2011 (note that Amari’s date is incorrect). 147. Amari 1863, Prima Serie, IV. The original treaty which this letter accompanied (Prima Serie, XLVI), written on parchment, was destroyed

chapter five: beyond books

in 1944 in the fire of the State Archive of Naples, where it had been sent for an exhibition. 148. Amari 1863, Prima Serie, V. According to Ibn IdhårÈ, al-ManßËr spent the Rama∂ån of 582/1186 between Marrakesh and Tinmal, before leaving for Tunis the following month: see Ibn Idha¯riˉ 1960, 157. 149. Amari 1867, 600–606 (doc. II); Bauden 2011, 68–81, pl. II. 150. Amari 1863, Prima Serie, X. A certain Nåßi˙ from Ceuta, mawlå (‘client’, ‘freedman’) of the Almohad caliph al-Nåßir, is mentioned by Ibn KhaldËn in his account of al-Nåßir’s takeover of Mahdia from AlÈ b. GhåzÈ Ibn Ghåniya in 602/1206. However, the passage differs between manuscripts, some of which give Wåßil instead of Nåßi˙: see Ibn Khaldu¯ n 1999, XI, 406. 151. Amari 1863, Prima Serie, XIII; Burési 2013, fig. 5a–b. 152. Amari 1863, Prima Serie, XXIV. On AlÈ b. GhåzÈ see Baadj 2015, 161–162. 153. Burési 2008b, 299–300. 154. Al-Qalqashandiˉ 1913–1922, VIII, 78–79. 155. Soravia 2005. 156. Ibn Abd al-Ghafu¯ r 1966, 50–51. 157. Rustow 2020, 138, 186–187. 158. Bauden 2011, 45–46. 159. Soravia 2005. 160. For a definition of mujawhar scripts, see Afa¯ & al-Maghra¯wÈ 2013, 67–68. 161. Latham 1981. 162. García-Arenal 2006, 174–175. 163. Ibn al-Ah ∙ mar 1964, 20–21. See also al-Manu¯ niˉ 1989a, 180. 164. Al-Bat∙ alyawsiˉ 1973, 87–88. 165. Ibn Abiˉ Zar 1972, 217: ‘Wa-huwa awwal man kataba al-alåma bi-yadi-hi min al-Muwa˙˙idÈn, al-˙amd li-llåh wa˙da-hu, fa-jarå amalu-hum alå dhålik’. 166. Ibn al-Ah ∙ mar 1964, 20–21. 167. Ibn Khaldu¯ n 1999, XII, 497–498. 168. Ibn Idha¯riˉ 1960, 69. For a discussion of these sources, see Latham 1981, 318. 169. Ibn Ía¯h ∙ ib al-Íala¯ 1964, 302. 170. Azza¯wiˉ 1995–2001, I, 69. 171. Madrid, AHN, Clero, Carpeta 4011, No. 8: see Dagorn 1981. 172. Rome, Vatican Apostolic Archive, unknown shelf mark: see Tisserant & Wiet 1926. ‘Il s’agit du seul écrit d’un souverain maghrébin qui ait été conservé par les papes’: thus Maillard 2014, 107. 173. Rustow 2020, 366, 372–373. Rustow’s observations concern the Fatimid caliphal alåma, but can be applied to the Almohad alåma as well. 174. Al-Marra¯kushiˉ 1963, 358. 175. PUA id. 2966; see Di Giacomo 1947, 64–65. These verses are recorded by many sources, according to different variants: I have translated here the version given by al-Zarkashiˉ 1966, 11. Al-ZarkashÈ identifies the poem’s addressee as Abd al-Mumin, but since the verses refer to the indefinite extension of Óafßa’s idda, i.e. a legally prescribed period of waiting during which a woman may not remarry after being widowed, they must date from after the execution of Óafßa’s beloved in 559/1163–4. Therefore, the recipient of these verses must have

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been the caliph AbË YaqËb (r. 558/1163–580/1185). Ibn al-Khat∙ iˉb 1973–1977, I, 501, identifies the addressee as al-ManßËr, but this is unlikely, since he ascended the throne only a few months before Óafßa’s death. 176. Another poet that praised the Almohad alåma was Ibn Marj al-Ku˙l (d. 634/1236, PUA id. 8522): see Ibn al-Ah ∙ mar 1964, 23. 177. Ibn Idhåri¯ 1960, 319–320. For a discussion of this passage and the Almohad alåma in general, see Latham 1981, 317–319. 178. Al-Qalalu¯ siˉ 2007, 25. See also Fani 2013, 142. 179. Stern 1964, 135. 180. On the Almoravid alåma see Latham 1981, 324–325. 181. See also Chapter Four, 208.

CONCLUSION

Inscribed Identities

It is thanks to the early modern historian al-MaqqarÈ – once again – that the memory of a telling episode that occurred in Almohad Seville at the beginning of the seventh/thirteenth century has been preserved and transmitted.1 The protagonist of this anecdote is a scholar and member of an aristocratic family from nearby Niebla, AbË al-Kha††åb Ibn al-KhalÈl al-SakËnÈ (d. 652/1254).2 The setting is the old Umayyad mosque of Ibn Adabbas, the first congregational mosque of Seville. Here, Ibn al-KhalÈl reports to have seen a multivolume copy of the Qurån, ‘written in a style resembling the scripts of Kufa, but better, clearer, more splendid, and more skilful’. Noticing Ibn al-KhalÈl’s wonderment, a Sevillian Quranic reader apparently employed in the mosque, AbË al-Óasan Ibn AΩÈma, revealed to him that that was the script of Ibn Muqla.3 He then recited from memory a staple verse in praise of the IråqÈ calligrapher, featuring a pun on the word muqla (‘eyeball’): Ibn Muqla’s calligraphy! One beholds it, and his limbs wish they were his eyeballs.4 Finally, Ibn al-KhalÈl and Ibn AΩÈma proceeded to examine each and every letter of Ibn Muqla’s script, measuring them with a small compass (‘bi-l-∂åbi†’). As a result, they could ascertain that ‘all letter shapes were consistent in proportion and execution, so that all the alifs tallied exactly with each other, and so did all the låms, the kåfs, the wåws, and all the other letters’. There are several reasons why this anecdote can be taken to epitomise the manuscript culture of al-Andalus. Firstly, the two men involved were both religious scholars from important AndalusÈ families, who, like so many of their peers, showed a keen interest in penmanship and, in this particular case, a profound appreciation of the Qurån as an artefact. Secondly, it is evident that their education

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presupposed more than a passing acquaintance with Abbasid culture and its leading exponents, such as the legendary vizier Ibn Muqla, even though neither of them seem to have ever travelled outside the Maghrib. Thirdly, their understanding of the eastern principles of proportioned calligraphy, as well as their confident and successful attempt to prove them empirically, are especially surprising given that the calligraphic tradition of their homeland had developed in a completely different direction from the canons established by Ibn Muqla. Nothing could demonstrate this more persuasively than what remains of a lavishly illuminated Qurån, originally in twenty volumes, copied in Seville in 632/1235, featuring an outsize MaghribÈ mabsˆ script that only allowed very few letters per line (Figure C.1).5 The anonymous calligrapher who penned this ­manuscript – most likely for one of the mosques of Seville, perhaps for the very mosque of Ibn Adabbas – was a contemporary of Ibn al-KhalÈl and Ibn AΩÈma, the admirers of Ibn Muqla’s penmanship. The patrons for whom he worked must have been prominent figures within the society of Almohad Iberia, sharing the same cultural and aesthetic values as the two scholars mentioned by al-MaqqarÈ, and yet his style could not be further from the forms and proportions of MashriqÈ calligraphy. Such is the fascinating paradox of the AndalusÈ identity: a conscious and well-informed admiration for eastern models, combined with the proud, even defiant cultivation of distinctive artistic practices. It has been this book’s main contention that calligraphy should be regarded as one of the keys to understanding the complexity of the AndalusÈ identity, as well as one of its most important and successful expressions. It is hoped that the historical and cultural significance of scribal practices in the Islamic West has become evident to the reader, at the end of this investigation into the origin, development, diffusion and diversification of MaghribÈ scripts, based on the earliest material evidence in our possession. Tracing and examining the bulk of the surviving MaghribÈ manuscripts and documents written before 600/1204 was no easy task, but it was the only sensible way to tackle a fragmented and largely uncharted field, thus filling a disconcerting gap in modern scholarship. The discussion of this material, which has been here broadly outlined, will hopefully be continued and developed in the future, and many more aspects of MaghribÈ written culture will be revealed on the basis of (or in contrast to) the evidence presented in this book. The groundwork I have attempted to lay through my research comprises the new definition of MaghribÈ round scripts, a detailed discussion of their original features and evolution, and some practicable distinctions among different MaghribÈ sub-styles: early and mature casual scripts, early half-bookhands and full bookhands, mature bookhands, enhanced bookhands, documentary hands and chancery scripts, large mabßËt script and miniature Quranic calligraphy, MaghribÈ round chrysography and MaghribÈ

conclusion

359

Figure C.1  Page from a Qurån in MaghribÈ mabßËt script, beginning of sËrat Íåd. Copied in 632/1235 in Seville. Paper, 35 × 22 cm. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 429. © Royaume du Maroc, Ministère des habous et des affaires islamiques

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thuluth. It is now up to the scholarly community to decide whether this taxonomy should be adopted or reconsidered. A significant outcome of my investigation has been that of delimiting in space and time the origin of MaghribÈ round scripts, which should now undoubtedly be traced to Umayyad Cordova, between the end of the third/ninth and the early fourth/tenth century. As for the root cause of this writerly revolution, a definitive explanation still eludes us. Writing more than 500 years after the events, Ibn KhaldËn insightfully declares: With the Umayyads, al-Andalus became a separate political entity [tamayyaza mulk al-Andalus bi-l-UmawiyyÈn]. They developed distinctive conditions as to sedentary culture, the crafts, and writing styles [fa-tamayyazË bi-a˙wåli-him min al-˙a∂åra wa-lßanåi wa-l-khu†Ë†]. As a result, their AndalusÈ script, as it is known today, also became special [tamayyaza].6 Ibn KhaldËn’s insistence on the idiosyncratic, self-contained nature of the AndalusÈ scribal milieu under the Umayyad dynasty, which he contrasts with the calligraphic traditions developed under the Abbasids and Fatimids, is the only tentative explanation that we can advance for the birth of such a distinctive family of scripts, an event without parallel in the history of Arabic written culture. Leaving the ‘why’ aside, this book has attempted to show how a script could gain currency so swiftly and effectively in the pre-print era. While the centre-to-periphery model seems suitable to frame the rise of MaghribÈ round scripts during the fourth/tenth century, with Cordova acting as the key centre of diffusion, this does not mean that a writing reform was conceived and implemented from on high, i.e. by direct intervention of the caliphs and their administration. As we have seen, the Umayyad court culture revolved around scribal modes and models anchored in the eastern tradition, and the library of al-Óakam II was a cosmopolitan institution characterised by a variety of stylistic influences: a pole of attraction rather than a centre of diffusion. What really triggered the spread of MaghribÈ round scripts, the evidence suggests, was their adoption by the thousands of professional copyists, religious scholars, men and women of science and letters, notaries, clerks and members of the intermediate levels of the AndalusÈ society who saw and employed this new style as an expression of their cultural identity. Being a vital component of that society, the Christian communities living in Muslim Iberia adopted the very same type of scripts for copying their codices, preserving certain scribal practices of the Latin-Visigothic tradition, and setting themselves apart from the Arabic-speaking Christians of Egypt and the Levant. The LatinVisigothic substrate in the codicology of AndalusÈ manuscripts and in the ductus of MaghribÈ round script is among the clues pointing

conclusion

to a much broader social involvement in this phenomenon than previously assumed. For these reasons, what rapidly became the sole vehicle for the written culture of al-Andalus can best be defined as a Cordovan, and yet not an Umayyad, script. During the first two centuries after their appearance, the new round bookhands remained confined to the Arabic-speaking regions of the Iberian Peninsula and their Muslim, Christian and Jewish inhabitants. Nonetheless, I have argued the case for upholding the more inclusive adjective ‘MaghribÈ’ in relation to this entire family of scripts, first introduced to Northwest Africa during the sixth/twelfth century. This transcontinental expansion was not just a spontaneous development, brought about by the increased socio-economic interconnection between the two shores of the Alboran Sea. In fact, the textual and material evidence here discussed shows that this major change was also actively promoted by the new Berber rulers, and especially by the Almohad caliphs, who employed AndalusÈ secretaries and calligraphers as instruments of legitimation and propaganda. Royal illuminated manuscripts and chancery documents represented, and indeed proclaimed, the complete assimilation of AndalusÈ calligraphic styles and scribal practices, as a way of making the Almohad doctrine palatable to the AndalusÈ elites and portraying the new rulers less as Berber fanatics and barbarians and more as cultivated revivers of religious belief, an aim that the Almoravids before them never quite managed to achieve. The military expansion of the Almohads towards IfrÈqiya coincided with this phase of ideological deployment of MaghribÈ round scripts, which became the norm for copying books in cities such as Tlemcen and Bougie and first appeared in diplomatic letters drafted in the chanceries of Tunis and Mahdia, probably by secretaries trained in the Far Maghrib or al-Andalus. In luxury manuscripts, chancery documents and on coinage, the dissemination of MaghribÈ thuluth as the calligraphic emblem of Almohad rule was just another indicator of how much the choice of script mattered in the construction of political and identitarian discourses, although this particular style was derived from eastern calligraphy and did not originate within the family of MaghribÈ round bookhands. The success of MaghribÈ round scripts was obviously due to the fact that so many scholars learnt to use them, but that does not mean that in the medieval Maghrib calligraphy was ‘taught’ in the modern sense of the word. There is no evidence to suggest that penmanship was ever conceived of as a discipline independent from the study and transmission of written texts, or that a warråq or kåtib would receive special instruction in calligraphy as part of their training. Rather, the sources seem to agree that acquiring a good handwriting was done by means of imitating the style of a specific scholar or scribe whilst transcribing their work, not necessarily under their supervision. To write in someone’s manner (maslak) or in a particular tradition (†arÈqa, †arÈq) thus simply meant to follow the model

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established by a recognised master in a certain city or region, within a certain field or professional order.7 This learning method did not require the application of any theoretical framework or abstract rules to the act of writing, in contrast with the principles of proportionality and the discourses on calligraphic harmony developed in the contemporary Islamic East. Based on the palaeographic observations contained in this book, it will hopefully become possible to date many of the surviving undated manuscripts copied in al-Andalus and the Maghrib during this period, ascribing them to specific scribal contexts and, perhaps, hands. The ductus, letter shapes, ligatures, notation marks, punctuation systems, colour schemes and decorative elements featured in the corpus conclusively show certain patterns of development that become particularly evident when considered within the parameters of individual genres and codicological families: illuminated Quråns, multi-volume works of MålikÈ jurisprudence, reference books of grammar and lexicography, copies of medical treatises made for personal use, neat recensions of works of adab and poetry, etc. While certain aspects of this stylistic evolution may have not been taken into sufficient consideration here, it is hoped that this book will serve as a sound point of departure for future research, in the same way as palaeographic albums were used in the past century by Orientalists from different backgrounds and fields of study. Evolution, however, is a problematic concept when applied to Arabic palaeography: the manuscripts here discussed reflect a complex network of material practices and textual traditions that did not always develop in linear ways. The act of copying a text is itself, for obvious reasons, a profoundly conservative one, and any new development in scribal practices could have been perceived as a risky deviation from the exemplar. It is therefore essential to always bear in mind the fundamental difference between archaic and archaising features, especially important for the analysis of those scripts that, just like MaghribÈ bookhands, constantly retained a number of vestigial elements derived from earlier angular styles, that could be either accentuated or avoided depending on the scribe’s models and intentions. In the same way, I hope to have demonstrated that some scribal milieux were more conservative than others, and that the manuscripts copied within certain religious circles tended to reproduce the scripts, layout and format of their prototypes with very little variation. This is why, especially in the presence of undated MaghribÈ fragments of works of ˙adÈth and MålikÈ fiqh (which form the majority of the surviving material from this earlier period), the palaeographic study of scripts should always be combined with codicological remarks on the type and quality of materials and supports, the way pages were scored or ruled, the structure of quires and gatherings, the presence and nature of zigzag marks in the paper, the type of inks employed, and so forth, which I have only partially been able to include here.

conclusion

Much as this book is structured around the themes of scribal practices and calligraphy, it has also turned out to be a book about people. One cannot even begin to unravel the complexity of the AndalusÈ identity without first recognising the extraordinary success enjoyed by certain MashriqÈ authors in the Maghrib: celebrated figures such as the Syrian poet AbË Tammåm, or the IråqÈ polymaths Ibn Qutayba and al-Mubarrad, deserve a special mention amid the obvious names of the great ˙adÈth transmitters and religious scholars of the Abbasid era. No less than six dated copies of al-Mubarrad’s encyclopaedic work of adab have survived from the medieval Maghrib (items 29, 67, 93, 115, 133, 190), in addition to several undated ones, as well as an early copy of an AndalusÈ commentary thereupon (item 199). These manuscripts alone could provide enough material for a booklength study on the reception of al-Mubarrad’s work in the Islamic West, and the same could be said of many other MaghribÈ copies of eastern works in the corpus. Let us think, for instance, of the many extant manuscripts of al-BukhårÈ’s Ía˙È˙ transmitting the recension of AbË Dharr al-HarawÈ (d. 434/1043), which became predominant in the Maghrib thanks to the AndalusÈ scholars who had studied under the Afghan traditionist in the Great Mosque of Mecca (see especially items 46, 107, 123, 188). The eventual transfer of AbË Dharr’s master copy of the Ía˙È˙ to Seville in the early sixth/twelfth century put a definitive stamp on the MaghribÈ appropriation of this authoritative riwåya and its inclusion within the AndalusÈ canon.8 A paramount figure for the transmission of eastern works of poetry, adab, grammar and lexicography in Umayyad Cordova was AbË AlÈ al-QålÈ, known in al-Andalus as al-BaghdådÈ, to whom the prefaces, colophons and marginalia of so many manuscripts make constant reference (items 40, 42, 76, 88, 125, 126, 132, 163, 189). Like no other, al-QålÈ embodied the very link between MashriqÈ and MaghribÈ literary culture, and through his association with the glorious names of Abd al-Ra˙mån III, al-Óakam II, and the latter’s legendary library, he came to epitomise the golden age of al-Andalus in the mind of generations of scholars. A good example of this is found in a long note at the end of item 126: End of the whole poems of AbË Tammåm ÓabÈb b. Aws al-ÊåÈ, according to the recension of AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl b. al-Qåsim alBaghdådÈ. […] At the end of the exemplar written by the venerable master AbË al-Qåsim [Ibn al-IflÈlÈ], God rest his soul, I found [the following colophon]: ‘This is the end of what was contained in the loose leaves [al-qarå†Ès] brought [to al-Andalus] by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl b. al-Qåsim al-BaghdådÈ […], which he said were written in AbË Tammåm’s own hand. These leaves remained with the chief of police and court secretary AbË al-Qåsim Ibn Sayyid, and through him they came to me. Here also ends the compilation of AbË Tammåm’s poems that AbË AlÈ wrote down in a paper book [fÈ sifr

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al-kåghidh] that he read before AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn Jafar b. Durustawayh, who instructed him in the recension of AlÈ b. MahdÈ al-KisrawÈ, [who received the text] from AbË Tammåm. This book remained with the chamberlain Jafar b. Uthmån, and from him it passed to the chief of police and court secretary AbË Óafß Ibn Ma∂å, and I obtained it from his son. I have added to it what I found in the books deposited in the library of al-ManßËr AbË Åmir Mu˙ammad Ibn AbÈ Åmir, written by AbË AlÈ and containing his recension, which AbË al-Qåsim al-Óusayn b. al-WalÈd, known as Ibn al-ArÈf, brought out for me [from the Amirid library]. May God have mercy upon all the people I have mentioned’.9 More than a colophon, this is a distillate of AndalusÈ history, and an invaluable witness to the religious care with which certain literary masterworks from the Islamic East were preserved at the very heart of AndalusÈ culture (Figure C.2). On the other hand, the many surviving manuscripts of religious and secular works authored by AndalusÈ scholars bespeak the extreme vitality of the local intellectual circles, animated by a considerable amount of ‘national’ pride so eloquently conveyed by the introductions and colophons of many items in the corpus. Without personalities such as the lexicographer AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ, the Quranic scholar AbË Amr al-DånÈ, the MålikÈ jurist Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ, the traditionist AbË AlÈ al-ÍadafÈ, the grammarian and philologist Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ, the physicians Ibn Zuhr and Ibn Rushd al-ÓafÈd, and countless others, there would simply not have been an AndalusÈ identity to uphold and export throughout the medieval Mediterranean. Since manuscripts were both the substance and the vehicle of this identity, some of these celebrated scholars were also skilled penmen, and on occasion masters of calligraphy, as in the case of the traditionist Ibn Khayr al-IshbÈlÈ. As we have seen, a school of calligraphy that made the Andalusis particularly proud was the Quranic one established in Valencia by the Ibn Gh円Ës family. However, other equally important figures for the development of MaghribÈ scripts were the refined bureaucrats employed at the court of the Berber emirs and caliphs of the sixth/twelfth century, such as the famed secretary of AlÈ b. YËsuf b. TåshifÈn, Ibn AbÈ al-Khißål, brutally murdered when the Almoravids were expelled from Cordova in 540/1146. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, we should not forget the often troubled life of thousands of warråqËn who devoted themselves to the taxing craft of bookmaking, and whose contribution to the civilisation of the medieval Maghrib can be tangibly appreciated through what survives of their work. Of many of them we do not even know the name, as in the case of the anonymous copyist who penned the exemplar of Ibn A†iyya’s Fahrasa, from which we started our journey. To conclude, in this book I have tried to portray the MaghribÈ manuscript tradition as a cultural phenomenon as rich and dynamic

conclusion

as the MashriqÈ tradition, despite the almost exclusive focus of both scholarly research and popular interest on the latter. Just like their eastern equivalents, MaghribÈ round scripts originated and developed at a time when new forms of cursiveness were being devised throughout the Arabic-speaking world, to suit the needs of increasing numbers and new categories of book users, living in what have been called ‘the world’s most bookish societies’.10 The material presented here, whose importance clearly goes beyond its palaeographic features, will hopefully attract the attention of intellectual and textual historians, and more data concerning the transmission, production and consumption of MaghribÈ manuscripts will emerge also thanks to the evidence here collected. This modest, yet necessary contribution to the understanding of one of the many facets of Arabic written culture has been driven by the conviction that, as Van Koningsveld put it, ‘[…] manuscripts are much more than texts only. They are human artefacts and documents as well, reflecting the cultural history of the groups among which they were copied, studied, bought, and sold’.11 As the age of handwriting draws to a close, may the superior craftsmanship and scholarly rigour that radiates from some of these manuscripts make us feel a little less certain, as modern people, of our technical and intellectual superiority.

Notes 1. Al-Maqqariˉ 1968, IV, 304. 2. PUA id. 8151. 3. On Ibn AΩÈma see PUA id. 10183. 4. A variant of this verse is attributed to AbË Ubayd al-BakrÈ by Ibn Khallika¯n 1972, III, 342. 5. Marrakesh, Ibn YËsuf Library, ms. 429: see Ben Larbi 1994, 37, No. 46; Maroc médiéval 2014, 359, No. 212. 6. Ibn Khaldu¯ n 1999, II, 750. 7. See Chapter Three, 137, Chapter Four, 172, 174, Chapter Five, 305. 8. See Chapter Four, 179. 9. RBE, ms. árabe 415, ff. 135b–136a. Some of these names belong to important scholars who were also members of the Umayyad establishment: the chief of police Ibn al-IflÈlÈ (d. 441/1050, PUA id. 239); the chief of police and kåtib AbË al-Qåsim Ibn Sayyid (d. 382/992, PUA id. 684); the powerful vizier of al-Óakam II, Jafar b. Uthmån al-Muß˙afÈ (PUA id. 2791); another chief of police and kåtib named AbË Óafß Ibn Ma∂å (possibly identifiable with PUA id. 7136); the regent and de facto ruler of al-Andalus, al-ManßËr Ibn AbÈ Åmir (r. 366/976–392/1002) and his courtier AbË al-Qåsim al-Óusayn Ibn al-ArÈf (d. 390/1000, PUA id. 2938). 10. Hirschler 2012, 1. 11. Van Koningsveld 1991, 94–95.

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Figure C.2  AbË Tammåm, Al-Óamåsa, final colophon and transmission note. Copied in 556/1161 by AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b.  Ïså al-QaysÈ. Paper, 18.2 × 14 cm. RBE, ms. árabe 415, ff. 135b–136a (item 126). © Patrimonio Nacional

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367

APPENDIX I

List of Dated Manuscripts

Agrigento – Lucchesiana Library (Biblioteca Lucchesiana) Ms. arabo I ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 106 Ms. arabo VIII �������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 134 Aït R’zine – Private Collection Unknown shelf mark ��������������������������������������������������������������������������54 Alexandria – Bibliotheca Alexandrina (Maktabat al-Iskandariyya) Ms. 532/B fiqh Maˉlikiˉ ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 Ms. 1594 siˉra �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 153 Algiers – National Library of Algeria (Al-Maktaba al-Wat. aniyya al-Jazaˉ iriyya) Ms. 368 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 191 Ms. 424 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 184 Unknown shelf mark ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 88 Ankara – Ankara University Library (Di˙l .ve Tarih-Cog˘ rafya Fakültesi˙ Kütüphanesi˙) . . . Ms. Ismail Saib Sencer Efendi 2164 ��������������������������������������������������� 3 Berlin – German State Library (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin) Ms. Wetzstein I 173 �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 168 Bute – Library of the Marquess of Bute (Mount Stuart House) Ms. 359 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q14

appendix i

Cairo – Al-Azhar Library (Al-Maktaba al-Azhariyya) Ms. 190 adab �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 169 Ms. 1671 lugha ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 Ms. 1743 fiqh Maˉlikiˉ (juz IX) ������������������������������������������������������������ 54 Ms. 223 taqwiˉm al-buldaˉn ��������������������������������������������������������������� 202 Cairo – National Library of Egypt (Daˉ r al-Kutub wa-l-Wathaˉ iq al-Qawmiyya) Ms. 94 adab ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 212 Ms. 1859 adab �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Ms. 184 lugha ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 125 Ms. 196 mus. h. af ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q10 Ms. 78 qiraˉaˉt ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Ms. 11 us. uˉ l al-fiqh ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 203 Unknown shelf mark ������������������������������������������������������������� 17, 83, 87 Cambridge – Cambridge University Library Ms. Qq 42 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 133 Damascus – Al-Assad National Library (Maktabat al-Asad al-Wat. aniyya) Ms. Ûa¯hiriyya 1079 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Ms. Ûa¯hiriyya 1301 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 124 Dresden – Saxon State and University Library (Sächsiche Landesbibliothek – Staats- und Universitetsbibliothek) Ms. Ea.293 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q17 Doha – Museum of Islamic Art (Math. af al-Fann al-Islaˉ mı¯ ) MS.320.1999 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 121 MS.553.1999 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 136 MS.513.1999 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 141 MS.624.2007 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Dublin – Chester Beatty Library Ms. Ar. 3006 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 Ms. Ar. 3016 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 160 Ms. Ar. 3952 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������144 Ms. Ar. 4475 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 Ms. Ar. 4835 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 Ms. Ar. 5266 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 180

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Fes – Qarawiyyı¯ n Library (Khizaˉ nat al-Qarawiyyı¯ n) Ms. 130 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 152 Ms. 148 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 145 Ms. 152 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 186 Ms. 164 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 99 Ms. 210/1 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 170 Ms. 320 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 112 Ms. 370/3 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Ms. 574/1/5–8/55 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Ms. 574/2/26 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Ms. 574/5/28 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 Ms. 574/5/30 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Ms. 574/6/39 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 52 Ms. 574/8/50 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Ms. 539/2 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 213 Ms. 605 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Ms. 645 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 103 Ms. 730 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 101 Ms. 791/7 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Ms. 794 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 103 Ms. 796/1/1–9 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Ms. 796/2/10–18 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Ms. 796/5/5, 26 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Ms. 796/5/45, 47 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Ms. 798/4/17 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66 Ms. 799/1/2 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 30 Ms. 800/3/6 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Ms. 800/3/11 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Ms. 828 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Ms. 938 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 63 Ms. 983 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 147 Ms. 991 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Ms. 996 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 139 Ms. 1001/1 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 183 Ms. 1001/2 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 114 Ms. 1033 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 195 Ms. 1054 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 79 Ms. 1061 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 27 Ms. 1079 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 201 Ms. 1144 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 62 Ms. 1238 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 76 Ms. 1873 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 Ms. 1968 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1, 6 Ms. 2005 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 57 Ms. 2023 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 85

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Granada – Sacromonte Library (Biblioteca de la Abadía del Sacromonte) Ms. árabe 1 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 165 Ms. árabe 2 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12 Istanbul – Istanbul University Library ∙ . . . (I stanbul Üniversi tesi Kütüphanesi ) Ms. A 6752 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q18 Ms. A 6754 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q16 Ms. A 6755 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q8 Istanbul – Köprülü Library . (Köprülü Kütüphanesi ) Ms. Fazıl Ahmet Pa∞a 20 ������������������������������������������������������������������ 111 Mss Fazıl Ahmet Pa∞a 343, 347–351 ����������������������������������������������� 142 Istanbul – Millet Library . (Millet Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi ) . Ms. Feyzullah Efendi 344 ���������������������������������������������������������������� 162 . Ms. Feyzullah Efendi 1471 �������������������������������������������������������������� 128 . Ms. Feyzullah Efendi 1580 �������������������������������������������������������������� 175 . Istanbul – Süleymaniye Library . . (Süleymani ye Kütüphanesi ) Ms. Murad Molla 577 ��������������������������������������������������������������������� 123 Ms. Mustafa Â∞ir Efendi 69 ��������������������������������������������������������� 207 . . Ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 145 ������������������������������������������� 45 . . Ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 157 ������������������������������������������� 64 . . Ms. Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 742 ����������������������������������������� 163 . . Mss Reisülküttap Mustafa Efendi 870–871 ����������������������������������� 93 . . . Ms. Veliyyüddin Cârullah Efendi 1963 ������������������������������������� 211 Ms. Yazma Bag˘ı∞lar 1885/1 ������������������������������������������������������������� 151 Istanbul –Topkapi Palace Library . . (Topkapi Sarayi Müzesi Kütüphanesi ) Ms. A. 240 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������188 Ms. A. 3508 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 50 Ms. R. 27 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q19 Ms. R. 31��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q25 Ms. R. 33 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q27 Ms. R. 36 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q23 Istanbul – Turkish and Islamic Arts Museum ∙ . . (Türk ve I slam Eserleri Müzesi ) S¸E 13216/1 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q1 S¸E 13644/1 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q2 Inv. No. 1588 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 4

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Kuala Lumpur – ISTAC, Syed M. Naquib al-Attas Library (International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilisation) Ms Arabic 337 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Kuwait City – Tareq Rajab Museum (Math. af T . a¯ riq Rajab) Qur.0059.Tsr ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ Q15 Mss.0501.Tsr �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 185 Unknown shelf mark ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 138 Leiden – Leiden University Library (Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden) Ms. Or. 101 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 Ms. Or. 632 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 209 London – Arcadian Library Ms. L:04 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 86 London – British Library Ms. Or. 6771 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 London & Geneva – Nasser D. Khalili Collection Qur.318 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q24 Madrid – Library of the Centre for Human and Social Sciences (Biblioteca del CCHS “T. Navarro Tomás”) Ms. Resc/11 �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������110 Ms. Resc/35 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 20 Madrid – Library of the Royal Academy of History (Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia) Ms. Gayangos XXVI ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 72 Ms. Gayangos XLIV1 ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 116 Madrid – National Library of Spain (Biblioteca Nacional de España) Res/272 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q7 Mss/4886 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 192 Mss/5012 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 39 Mss/5043 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Mss/5231 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26 Mss/5255 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109

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Marrakesh – Ibn Yu¯ suf Library (Khiza¯ nat Ibn Yu¯ suf) Ms. 134 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 Ms. 270/1 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 214 Ms. 301/21.1 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 Ms. 403 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 140 Ms. 578 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Ms. 596 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 122 Unknown shelf mark ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 Médea – Private Collection Unknown shelf mark ���������������������������������������������������������������������� Q21 Medina – King Abdulaziz Public Library (Maktabat al-Malik Abd al-Azı¯ z al-A¯ mma) Ms. 19 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q5 Ms. 222 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Medina – Library of the Prophet’s Mosque (Maktabat al-H . aram al-Nabawı¯ al-A¯ mma) Mss 108–109/213 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 155 Meknes – Library of the Great Mosque (Khiza¯ nat al-Ja¯ mi al-Kabı¯ r) Ms. 379 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 Ms. 389 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 98 Milan – Ambrosiana Library (Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana) Ms. A 86 inf. ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 161 Munich – Bavarian State Library (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek) Cod. Arab. 4 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q6 Cod. Arab. 802 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 31 Muscat – Sheikh Ahmed bin Hamed Al Khalili Library (Khiza¯ nat al-Shaykh Ah. mad ibn H . amad al-Khalı¯ lı¯ ) Ms. 61 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 137 New Haven – Yale University Library (Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library) Landberg Mss 116 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 42 Landberg Mss 568 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 194

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Ouazzane – Library of the Great Mosque (Khiza¯ nat al-Masjid al-Az. am) Ms. 130 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Oxford – Bodleian Library Ms. Huntington donat. 3 �������������������������������������������������������������� 181 Palermo – Regional Library of Sicily (Biblioteca Centrale della Regione Sicialiana “A. Bombace”) Ms. III.D.10 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 Paris – National Library of France (Bibliothèque nationale de France) Ms. arabe 1451 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 158 Ms. arabe 2086 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 135 Ms. arabe 2960 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 129 Ms. arabe 3273 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 143 Ms. arabe 4007 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 56 Ms. arabe 5908 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 Ms. arabe 6090 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Ms. arabe 6499 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 Princeton – Princeton University Library Ms. Garrett 773 H ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 206 Ms. Garrett 4999 Yq ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 182 Rabat – National Library of Morocco (Al-Maktaba al-Wat. aniyya li-l-Mamlaka al-Maghribiyya) Ms. 929 D ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������102 Ms. 1294 D ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 167 Ms. 1332 D �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46 Ms. 586 J ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 146 Ms. 933 J ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 208 Ms. 934 J ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q26 Ms. 1222 J �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 204 Ms. 1281 J �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 208 Ms. 337 K ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 38 Ms. 343 K �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������54 Ms. 6 Q ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������89 Ms. 98 Q (1) ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108 Ms. 98 Q (3) ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Ms. 188 Q ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������154 Ms. 141 Q ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������190 Ms. 199 Q ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 34 Ms. 332 Q ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������205 Ms. 333 Q ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 7

appendix i

Ms. 409 Q ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������197 Ms. 1214 Q �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������198 Rabat – Royal Library (Al-Khiza¯ na al-H . asaniyya al-Malikiyya) Ms. 180 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 189 Ms. 6916 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 37 Riyadh – King Abdulaziz Public Library (Maktabat al-Malik Abd al-Azı¯ z al-A¯ mma) Ms. 4465 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 49 Ms. 4472 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 18 Ms. 4474 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 13 Ms. 4481 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 53 Ms. 4488 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 49 Ms. 4491 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 49 Ms. 4492 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 85 Ms. 4521 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 57 Riyadh – King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies (Markaz al-Malik Fays. al li-l-Buh. u¯ th wa-l-Dira¯ sa¯ t al-Isla¯ miyya) Unknown shelf mark ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 San Lorenzo de El Escorial – Escorial Library (Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial) Ms. árabe 221 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 67 Ms. árabe 357 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 187 Ms. árabe 415 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 126 Ms. árabe 503 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 71 Ms. árabe 573 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 193 Ms. árabe 575/1 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 210 Ms. árabe 605 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Ms. árabe 752 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 24 Ms. árabe 760 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 196 Ms. árabe 791 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48 Ms. árabe 799 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 Ms. árabe 819 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������149 Ms. árabe 844/3–4 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 130 Ms. árabe 844/5–6 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 131 Ms. árabe 850 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 117 Ms. árabe 852/4 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 148 Ms. árabe 855 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 Ms. árabe 986 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33 Ms. árabe 1007 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 127 Ms. árabe 1272 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 Ms. árabe 1435 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Ms. árabe 1623 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 23

375

376

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Ms. árabe 1636/2 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 176 Ms. árabe 1733 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Sofia – National Library of Bulgaria (Nazyonálna Bibliotéka Sv. Sv. Kiril i Metodij) Ms. Or. 1638 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 174 St. Petersburg – Russian Academy of Sciences (Rossijskaya Akadémiya Naúk, Institut Vostocˇ nykh Rukopisej) Ms. C-674 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 115 Tamgrout – Nasiriyya Library (Da¯ r al-Kutub al-Na¯ s. iriyya) Ms. 4 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 36 Ms. 69 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 150 Taroudant – Imam Alı¯ Library (Khiza¯ nat al-Ima¯ m Alı¯ ) Ms. K 149 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 44 Taza – Library of the Great Mosque (Khiza¯ nat al-Masjid al-Az. am) Ms. 139 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Ms. 220 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 179 Tetouan – Library of the Higher Institute (Maktabat al-Mahad al-A¯ lı¯ ) Ms. 1 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q12 Tichitt – Unknown Collection Unknown shelf mark������������������������������������������������������������������������ 172 Tidsi Nissendalene – Library of Mus. t. afa¯ al-Ans. a¯ r¯ı al-Tids¯ı (Khiza¯ nat Mus. t. afa¯ al-Ans. a¯ rı¯ al-Tidsı¯ ) Unknown shelf mark ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Timbuktu – Library of the Ka’ti Foundation (Fondo Ka’ti – Biblioteca Andalusí de Tombuctú) Unknown shelf mark ���������������������������������������������������������������������� Q22 Tolga – Library of the Za¯ wiya Uthma¯ niyya (Al-Maktaba al-Uthma¯ niyya) Ms. 749 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Turin – Turin National University Library (Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria) Ms. a.IV.18 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 107

appendix i

Tunis – National Library of Tunisia (Da¯ r al-Kutub al-Wat. aniyya) Ms. 7116 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 35 Ms. 7447 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 8 Ms. 13727 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q13 Mss 15054–5 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 68 Ms. 15058 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 200 Ms. 16412 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 90 Ms. 18476 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 177 Ms. 18791 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q11 Ms. 19045 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 Uppsala – Uppsala University Library (Uppsala Universitetsbibliotek) Ms. O.Bj.48 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q4 Ms. O.Vet.77 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q20 Vatican City – Vatican Library (Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana) Ms. Vat. ar. 310 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2 Zaouiat Sidi Hamza – Library of the Za¯ wiya Ayya¯ shiyya (Khiza¯ nat al-Zaˉ wiya al-H . amziyya al-Ayya¯ shiyya) Ms. 14 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 74 Ms. 24/1–2 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 157 Ms. 48 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 178 Ms. 49 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 29 Ms. 64/2, 4 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 77 Ms. 111 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81 Ms. 114 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 120 Ms. 116 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 100 Ms. 144 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 164 Ms. 160 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 159 Ms. 189 A �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 199 Ms. 208 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 15 Ms. 508 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 173 Ms. 753 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������215

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APPENDIX II

Titles and Genres of Dated Manuscripts

Adab Maqåmåt, by AbË MË˙ammad al-ÓarÈrÈ ����������������������������� item 209 Al-Risåla al-shÈniyya, by AbË MË˙ammad al-ÓarÈrÈ ������������������ 209 Al-Risåla al-sÈniyya, by AbË MË˙ammad al-ÓarÈrÈ ��������������������� 209 Adab and Botany Kitåb al-nakhl, by AbË Óåtim Sa˙l al-SijistånÈ ����������������������������� 11 Adab and Meteorology Al-Anwå wa-l-azmina, by AbË Bakr Ibn Åßim al-QaysÈ ������������� 50 Adab and Philology Adab al-kuttåb, by AbË Mu˙ammad Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������163, 193 Al-AmålÈ, by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl al-QålÈ al-BaghdådÈ ������������������������� 40 Al-Bayån wa-l-tabyÈn, by AbË Uthmån al-Jå˙iΩ .������������������������ 175 Al-Kåmil fÈ al-lugha, by AbË al-Abbås al-Mubarrad �������� 29, 67, 93, 115, 133, 190 Zahr al-ådåb wa-thamar al-albåb, by AbË Is˙åq al-ÓußrÈ al-QayrawånÈ ������������������������������������������������������������ 77, 87 Adab and Philology – Commentaries Al-Êurar alå al-Kåmil, by Ibn Sad al-Khayr al-BalansÈ ���������������199 Al-Iqti∂åb fÈ shar˙ Adab al-kuttåb, by Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������� 71, 90, 169 Almohad Doctrine Aazz må yu†lab, by Mu˙ammad Ibn TËmart ������������� 158, 185, 198 Muwa††a al-imåm al-mahdÈ, by Mu˙ammad Ibn TËmart �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 184, 204 TalkhÈß S.a˙È˙ Muslim, by Mu˙ammad Ibn TËmart .������������������� 140

appendix ii

Astronomy Al-Majis†È, by Claudius Ptolemy, translated by Is˙åq b. Óunayn �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35 Bibliography Fahrasa, by Ibn A†iyya al-Mu˙åribÈ ��������������������������������������������� 104 Biographical dictionaries Akhbår al-fuqahå wa-l-mu˙addithÈn, by AbË Abd Allåh al-KhushanÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Akhbår al-niså, by AbË al-Óasan al-MaåfirÈ al-MålaqÈ �������������� 160 Al-S.ila fÈ tårÈkh aimmat al-Andalus, by AbË al-Qåsim Ibn Bashkuwål ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 128 TårÈkh ulamå al-Andalus, by AbË al-WalÈd Ibn al-Fara∂È al-AzdÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 200 Biographical Dictionary and Poetry Qalåid al-iqyån wa-ma˙åsin al-ayån, by Ibn Khåqån al-IshbÈlÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 100, 187 Christian texts Al-Qawåni¯n al-muqaddasa ����������������������������������������������������������� 23 Al-Inji¯l ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Formularies for Notaries Al-Muqni fÈ ilm al-shurˆ, by Ibn MughÈth al-S.adafÈ .���������������� 116 Al-Wathåiq wa-l-masåil, by AbË Mu˙ammad Ibn Abd al-Wå˙id al-FihrÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Al-Wathåiq wa-l-sijillåt, by AbË Abd Allåh Ibn al-A††år ������������55 Formularies for Notaries – Commentary Ißlå˙ al-ghala†, by AbË Abd Allåh Ibn al-Fakhkhår ���������������������� 55 Grammar Al-Afål al-thulåthiyya wa-l-rubåiyya, by Ibn al-Qˆiyya ��������� 106 Al-Ï∂å˙ fÈ al-na˙w, by AbË AlÈ al-Óasan al-FårisÈ ������������������������ 70 Al-Kitåb fÈ al-na˙w, by AbË Bishr SÈbawayh ���������������������� 132, 178, 211 Tabßirat al-mubtadi, by AbË Mu˙ammad al-ÍaymarÈ ��������� 56, 161, 205 H . adı¯ th A˙ådÈth musalsalåt, by AbË Bakr al-ÊuraythÈthÈ ������������������������ 124 Jåmi al-TirmidhÈ �����������������������������������������������������������118, 162, 174, 181, 197 Jåmi fÈ al-˙adÈth, by Mamar b. Råshid al-YamanÈ ������������������������� 3 Al-Maråsil, by AbË DåwËd al-SijistånÈ ����������������������������������� 45, 182

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S.a˙È˙ al-BukharÈ ����������������������������������������������������� 17, 44, 46, 59, 69, 107, 113,123, 141, 150, 152, 156, 188 S.a˙È˙ Muslim ���������������������������������������������������������������� 127, 145–147, 177 Al-Shihåb, by AbË Abd Allåh Ibn Salåma al-Qu∂åÈ ������������138, 207 Sunan AbÈ DåwËd al-SijistånÈ ��������������������������������������� 45, 114, 139, 181, 182 Sunan al-Dåraqu†nÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 64 Al-Sunan al-kubrå, by AbË Abd al-Ra˙mån al-NasåÈ ���������������� 173 Al-Zuhd wa-l-raqåiq, by Ibn al-Mubårak al-TamÈmÈ ������������������� 27 H . adı¯ th and Islamic Law Al-A˙kåm al-ßughrå, by Ibn al-Kharrå† al-IshbÈlÈ ���������������� 195, 201 H . adı¯ th Sciences Asmå rijål S.a˙È˙ al-BukhårÈ, by AbË Naßr A˙mad al-KalåbådhÈ �������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 135 Al-Dalåil fÈ gharÈb al-˙adÈth, by AbË Mu˙ammad Ibn Thåbit al-Saraqus†È ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 51 GharÈb al-˙adÈth, by AbË Ubayd al-Qåsim b. Sallåm ������������������� 18 Ikmål al-Mulim fÈ shar˙ Muslim, by Iyå∂ b. MËså al-SabtÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 208 Al-Kåmil fÈ ∂uafå al-rijål, by AbË A˙mad Ibn AdÈ al-JurjånÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83 Al-Kunå wa-l-alqåb, by AbË AlÈ al-GhassånÈ al-JayyånÈ ������������ 206 Al-Mulim bi-fawåid S.a˙È˙ Muslim, by AbË Abd Allåh al-MåzarÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 99, 155, 186 Musnad al-Shihåb, by AbË Abd Allåh Ibn Salåma al-Qu∂åÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 24 Risåla, by AbË DåwËd al-SijistånÈ ������������������������������������������������ 182 Shar˙ GharÈb al-ÓadÈth, by AbË Mu˙ammad Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 74 Al-TårÈkh al-kabÈr, by Mu˙ammad al-BukhårÈ ������������������������������ 14 Tasmiyyat shuyËkh al-SijistånÈ, by AbË AlÈ al-Óusayn al-JayyånÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 182 History Al-Ghazawåt, by AbË al-Qåsim Ibn Óubaysh �������������������������������168 TårÈkh, by KhalÈfa b. Khayyå† al-ShaybånÈ ������������������������������������� 34 History and Genealogy Jamharat ansåb al-Arab, by Ibn Óazm �����������������������������������������137 Islamic Law – Ma¯ liki¯ School Al-Dhabb an madhhab Målik, by Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5

appendix ii

Al-FußËl fÈ ilm al-ußËl, by Ibn WaßËl al-TarjålÈ ��������������������������� 108 Ikhtißår al-Mabsˆa, by Ibn Rushd al-Jadd ������������������������������������� 78 Al-Ilåm bi-nawåzil al-a˙kåm, by AbË al-Aßbagh Ibn Sahl al-JayyånÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81 Al-Istidhkår li-madhåhib ulamå al-amßår, by Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 Al-Kitåb al-kabÈr, by Abd al-Óaqq al-S.iqillÈ ���������������������������������� 62 Al-Masålik fÈ shar˙ al-Muwa††a, by AbË Bakr Ibn al-ArabÈ al-IshbÈlÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 157 Al-Mudawwana al-kubrå, by Sa˙nËn ������������������� 30, 47, 49, 52–54, 61, 66, 75, 85, 92 Mukhtaßar al-Mudawwana ��������������������������������������������������������������65 Mukhtaßar al-Mudawwana, by Ibn AbÈ Zayd al-QayrawånÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96, 103 Muntakhab al-a˙kåm, by Ibn AbÈ ZamanÈn al-IlbÈrÈ ��������������������� 91 Al-Muqtafå fÈ shar˙ al-Muwa††a, by AbË al-WalÈd al-BåjÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33 Muwa††a al-imåm Målik ��������������������������������������� 10, 15, 22, 36, 43, 57, 121, 172 Al-Nukat wa-l-furËq, by Abd al-Óaqq al-S.iqillÈ �����������������������������26 Al-Tabßira, by AbË al-Óasan al-LakhmÈ al-QayrawånÈ ������������������ 84 Al-TahdhÈb li-masåil al-Mudawwana, by AbË SaÈd al-BarådhiÈ �������������������������������������������������������������������112, 144, 179 Al-TamhÈd li-må fÈ al-Muwa††a, by Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 58, 142 Al-TaqaßßÈ li-˙adÈth al-Muwa††a, by Ibn Abd al-Barr al-NamarÈ �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Islamic Law – Other Schools Al-I˙kåm fÈ-ußËl al-a˙kåm, by Ibn Óazm al-ÛåhirÈ �������������������� 203 Al-Siyar, by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-FazårÈ �������������������������������������� 1, 6 Lexicography Al-Farq bayn al-˙urËf al-khamsa, by Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ ����� 73 Fiqh al-lugha, by AbË ManßËr al-NishåbËrÈ al-ThaålibÈ ������������ 159 Al-GharÈb al-mußannaf, by AbË Ubayd al-Qåsim b. Sallåm ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 42 Khalq al-insån, by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-Zajjåj ��������������������������� 102 Kitåb al-farq, by Thåbit b. AbÈ Thåbit al-LughawÈ ���������������������� 213 Al-MaqßËr wa-l-mamdËd, by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl al-QålÈ al-BaghdådÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 125 Al-Mukhaßßaß fÈ al-lugha, by Ibn SÈda al-MursÈ ���������������������������.210 Mukhtaßar Kitåb al-ayn, by AbË Bakr al-ZubaydÈ ����������� 12, 20, 76, 89, 166, 214 Al-Muthallath, by Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ ���������������������������������� 194 Al-Nawådir, by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl al-QålÈ al-BaghdådÈ �������������������� 88

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Lexicography and Poetry Al-Tashbihåt, by Ibn AbÈ Awn al-AnbårÈ ��������������������������������������� 28 Lexicography and toponimy Mujam må istajam, by AbË Ubayd al-BakrÈ ��������������������� 167, 202 Linguistics and Phonetics Al-AwÈß, by Ibn SÈda al-MursÈ ������������������������������������������������������ 122 Ißlå˙ al-man†iq, by AbË YËsuf YaqËb Ibn al-SikkÈt ��������������������189 Al-Munakhkhal, by AbË al-Qåsim al-WazÈr al-MaghribÈ �������������� 41 Sirr al-ßinåa wa-asrår al-balågha, by AbË al-Fat˙ Ibn JinnÈ ������� 136 Medicine Al-Aghdhiya, by Abd al-Malik Ibn Zuhr ������������������������������������� 129 Al-A∂å al-ålima, by Galen, translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq �������171 Al-Adwiya al-mufrada, by YËnus Ibn Baklårish al-IsråÈlÈ ������������ 86 Al-AsåbÈ li-l-Ibukråt, shar˙ JålÈnËs, translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 31 Dhikr al-Adwiya ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 129 Al-FußËl li-Ibuqråt, tafsÈr JålÈnËs, translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 48 Al-ÓåwÈ fÈ al-˙amiyyåt, by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad al-RåzÈ ����������� 82 Al-Ilal wa-l-arå∂, by Galen, translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq ������ 171 Kåmil al-ßinåa al-†ibbiyya, by AlÈ b. al-Abbås al-MajËsÈ ����������� 72 Kitåb al-†ibb al-ManßËrÈ, by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad al-RåzÈ ������� 149 Al-Kulliyåt fÈ al-†ibb, by AbË al-WalÈd Ibn Rushd ����������������������� 165 Al-Maida wa-amrå∂u-hå, by A˙mad b. IbråhÈm Ibn al-Jazzår ��� 148 Marifat al-bawl, by Is˙åq b. Sulaymån al-IsråÈlÈ ���������������������������� 2 Al-Mujarrabåt, by AbË al-Alå Ibn Zuhr �������������������������������������� 130 Mukhtaßar fÈ al-adwiya al-qalbiyya ��������������������������������������������� 131 Manåfi al-a∂å, by Galen, translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 117 Tadhkira, by AbË al-Alå Ibn Zuhr ��������������������������������������� 129, 130 Al-TaysÈr fÈ al-mudåwåt wa-l-tadbÈr, by Abd al-Malik Ibn Zuhr �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 129 Natural Sciences Al-Madd wa-l-jazr ���������������������������������������������������������������������������176 Perfumery S.anat al-ghawålÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 116 Philosophy ÓudËd al-ashyå, by AbË AlÈ al-Óusayn Ibn SÈnå ����������������������� 131 Sirr al-khalÈqa, by Apollonius of Tyana, translated by Óunayn b. Is˙åq ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 39

appendix ii

Philosophy and Ethics Ådåb al-falåsifa, by Óunayn b. Is˙åq al-IbådÈ ����������������������������� 196 Poetry Al-Óamåsa, by AbË Tammåm ÓabÈb al-ÊåÈ ����������������������� 126, 212 DÈwån al-shir, by AbÈd b. al-Abraß �������������������������������������������������19 DÈwån al-shir, by Alqama b. Ubada ��������������������������������������������143 DÈwån al-shir, by Åmir b. al-Êufayl ��������������������������������������������� 19 DÈwån al-shir, by Antara b. Shaddåd ������������������������������������������ 143 DÈwån al-shir, by Imru al-Qays ��������������������������������������������������� 143 DÈwån al-shir, by al-Nåbigha al-DhubyånÈ ��������������������������������� 143 DÈwån al-shir, by Êarafa b. al-Abd �����������������������������������������������143 DÈwån al-shir, by al-Êirimmå˙ b. ÓakÈm ������������������������������������� 19 DÈwån al-shir, by Êufayl b. Awf ���������������������������������������������������� 19 DÈwån al-shir, by Zuhayr b. AbÈ SËlmå ��������������������������������������� 143 Poetry – Commentary Shar˙ Óamåsat AbÈ Tammåm, by al-Alam al-ShantamarÈ ���������� 68 Prosody and Rhymes – Commentary Al-Murib fÈ tafsÈr QawåfÈ al-Akhfash, by Abu al-Fat˙ Ibn JinnÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 13 Quranic Sciences GharÈb al-Qurån, by AbË Mu˙ammad Ibn Qutayba al-DÈnawarÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 25 Al-Ïbåna fÈ al-waqf wa-l-ibtidå, by AbË al-Fa∂l al-KhuzåÈ ��������� 79 Al-Ï∂å˙ li-nåsikh al-Qurån wa-mansËkhi-hi, by MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 63 Ïjåz al-bayån an ußËl qiråat Nåfi, by AbË Amr al-DånÈ ������������ 80 Ijåz al-Qurån, by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad al-BåqillånÈ ������������������ 16 Al-Miftå˙ fÈ ikhtilåf al-qirååt al-saba, by Ibn Abd al-QaddËs ��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Al-Mu˙tasab fÈ tabyÈn al-qirååt, by AbË al-Fat˙ Ibn JinnÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95, 120 Mukhtaßar iråb al-Qurån, by AbË Is˙åq IbråhÈm al-Zajjåj �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Mushkil iråb al-Qurån, by MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib ����������������������� 134 Shar˙ al-Óidåya fÈ al-qirååt al-saba, by AbË al-Abbås al-MahdåwÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 111 Al-TaysÈr li-˙ifΩ madhåhib al-qurrå al-saba, by AbË Amr al-DånÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 191 Sı¯ ra SÈrat Ibn Hishåm ������������������������������������������������������������������������������94

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Sı¯ ra – Commentary Al-Raw∂ al-unuf fÈ shar˙ al-sÈra, by AbË al-Qåsim al-SuhaylÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������153, 170, 215 Tafsı¯r Al-Hidåya ilå bulËgh al-nihåya, by MakkÈ Ibn AbÈ Êålib ������������� 38 Jåmi al-bayån an tawÈl åy al-Qurån, by AbË Jafar al-ÊabarÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 9 Kanz al-YawåqÈt ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 192 MaånÈ al-Qurån, by AbË Jafar A˙mad al-MurådÈ ����������������������� 98 MaånÈ al-Qurån, by AbË Zakariyyå al-Farrå������������������������������154 Qaßaß al-Qurån wa-tafsÈri-hi, by AbË Abd Allåh Ibn Mufarrij al-FuntawrÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������� 4 TafsÈr al-Qurån, by Ya˙yå Ibn Sallåm ���������������������������������������������� 8 Al-Ta˙ßÈl li-fawåid kitåb al-tafßÈl, by AbË al-Abbås al-MahdåwÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 Theology Al-AqÈda al-Ashariyya, by AbË Bakr Abd Allåh al-YåburÈ ������ 119 Al-ArbaÈn fÈ ußËl al-dÈn, by AbË Óåmid al-GhazålÈ ������������������� 180 Jawåhir al-Qurån, by AbË Óåmid al-GhazålÈ ������������������������������ 180 Al-Maqßad al-asnå fÈ shar˙ asmå Allåh al-˙usnå, by AbË Óåmid al-GhazålÈ ���������������������������������������������������������� 180 Nihåyat al-aqdåm fÈ ilm al-kalåm, by Tåj al-DÈn al-ShahrastånÈ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 164 Al-TamhÈd fÈ al-radd alå al-mul˙ida, by AbË Bakr al-BåqillånÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 32 Al-TasdÈd fÈ shar˙ al-TamhÈd, by Abd al-JalÈl al-DÈbåjÈ al-RabaÈ �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 151

APPENDIX III

Copyists and Illuminators of Dated Manuscripts*

*Abbås b. Aßbagh b. Abd al-AzÈz al-HamdånÈ ���������������������� item 6 AbË Bakr. PUA id. 4121: Cordova, 306/918–386/996. Scholar of ˙adÈth, accurate in his writing (‘∂åbi† fÈ må kataba’): see Ibn alFarad . È 1891–1892, I, 246–247, No. 883. Abd al-AzÈz b. Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå b. Muåwiya al-AnßårÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Abd Allåh b. A˙mad ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 43 Abd Allåh b. A˙mad b. YarbË al-IshbÈlÈ ���������������������������������������� 69 AbË Mu˙ammad. PUA id. 4957: Seville, Cordova, 444/1052– 522/1128. Scholar of ˙adÈth, accurate in his writing (‘∂åbi† fÈ må kataba’), prolific copyist (‘kataba bi-kha††i-hi ilman kathÈran’): see Ibn Bashkuwa¯l 1882–1883, I, 287–288, No. 640. Abd Allåh b. Ïså b. Ubayd Allåh b. Ïså al-MurådÈ al-AndalusÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 127 Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ [Ibn Gha††Ës] ���������������������� Q9–11 AbË Mu˙ammad. PUA id. 5504: Valencia, active between 556/1160– 558/1163. Quranic calligrapher and illuminator, famous for his perfect vocalisation (‘shuhira bi-l-itqån li-∂ab† al-maßå˙if’) and for his proficient calligraphy (‘ma  baråat al-kha†† wa-˙usni-hi’): see Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, II, 475, No. 1370. Abd Allåh b. Mu†arrif ��������������������������������������������������������������������� 25 Abd al-JalÈl b. A˙mad b. Abd Allåh b. Sallåm al-AnßårÈ �������������� 85 *Abd al-KarÈm b. Kh‹å›lid b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Bishr al-YamarÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 62

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Abd al-Malik b. Masarra b. Khalaf b. Faraj b. AzÈz al-Ya˙ßubÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Mu˙ammad b. ... al-ÓimmånÈ ����������������������� 194 Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Mu˙ammad Ibn al-Warråq al-QaysÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������� 209 Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Mu˙ammad b. IbråhÈm al-KhazrajÈ ��������������� 178 Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Abd Allåh Ibn Ufayr al-UmawÈ al-LablÈ ������ 145 AbË al-Qåsim. PUA id. 4413: Seville, Fes, Cordova, active between 528/1133–573/1178. Scholar of ˙adÈth and preacher in the old mosque of Seville. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. A˙mad b. IbråhÈm Ibn AbÈ Laylå ��������������������� 64 AbË Bakr. PUA id. 4260: Murcia, Cordova, Seville, 490/ 1096–567/1172. Scholar of ˙adÈth and secretary to the Almoravid prince AbË Is˙åq b. TåshifÈn, he suffered great distress when his books were stolen. He was a skilful copyist and vocaliser (‘˙asan al-taqyÈd wa-l-∂ab†’): see Ibn al-Abba ˉ r 1887–1889, II, 566–567, No. 1603. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. H‹å›rËn ���������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Abd al-Íamad b. Abd al-Ra˙mån [Ibn AbÈ al-Rajå] al-BalawÈ �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 150 AbË Mu˙ammad. PUA id. 4683: Guadix, Fes, Ceuta, Granada, 534/1139–619/1222. Scholar of Quranic readings, tafsÈr and ˙adÈth. A˙mad b. Abd Allåh b. Sulaymån ������������������������������������������������ 212 A˙mad b. Abd al-AzÈz b. Ayman al-MaåfirÈ �������������������������������� 77 A˙mad b. Abd al-Malik b. Jahwar b. Ma˙lËn (?) al-AnßårÈ ����������� 91 A˙mad b. AlÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 128 A˙mad b. AlÈ b. A˙mad b. Khalaf [Ibn al-Bådhish] al-AnßårÈ ������� 79 AbË Jafar. PUA id. 1357: Granada, 491/1097–542/1147. Scholar of Quranic readings and preacher, presumably in the congregational mosque of Granada. A˙mad b. AlÈ b. Fåti˙ b. A˙mad b. SahlËn ���������������������������������� 191 A˙mad b. AlÈ b. Mar†Èn ����������������������������������������������������������������� 171 A˙mad b. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad ���������������������������������������������������������214 A˙mad b. Ghalinduh����������������������������������������������..........................Q7 A˙mad b. IbråhÈm b. A˙mad b.AlÈ [Ibn Kulayb] al-ÍadafÈ ���������� 200 AbË Jafar. PUA id. 694: Cordova, Seville, active between 596/1199–630/1233. Scholar of adab with a beautiful handwriting

appendix iii

and skilled in vocalisation (‘båri al-kha†† jayyid al-∂ab†’): see al-MarråkushÈ 2012, I (I), 228, No. 22. A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad b. Da˙yËn b. MarÈn ����������������������������������� 90 PUA id. 1737: Malaga, Marrakesh, active in 526/1132. A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad b. Ya˙yå al-AnßårÈ ������������������������������������ 215 A˙mad b. MËså b. YaqËb al-KinånÈ ����������������������������������������������� 78 PUA id. 2017: Lorca, active in 520/1126. A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh ������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 **A˙mad b. Uthmån b. HårËn al-LakhmÈ ������������������������������������� 73 AbË al-Abbås. PUA id. 1340 and/or 1341: Granada, Valencia, Almería, active between 515/1121–564/1168. A˙mad b. YËsuf b. Abd al-AzÈz b. Mu˙ammad b. Rushd al-QaysÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 139, 146 AbË al-Qåsim. PUA id. 2101: Cordova, Murcia, Marrakesh, 513/1119–582/1186. Scholar of ˙adÈth and warråq, for some time at the service of the Almohad prince AbË al-RabÈ Sulaymån. A˙mad b. YËsuf b. AlÈ al-SulamÈ ������������������������������������������������� 180 *A˙mad b. Zayd b. Hishåm b. Ziyåd al-AwfÈ ������������������������������ 141 AbË Jafar. PUA id. 992: Guadix, Almería, died in 586/1190. Jurist and ascetic. AlÈ b. Abd Allåh b. Khalaf b. Mu˙ammad Ibn al-Nima al-MarÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 67 AbË al-Óasan. PUA id. 6579: Almería, Valencia, 491/1098–567/ 1172. Jurist and scholar of ˙adÈth, tafsÈr and adab, preacher in the congregational mosque of Valencia. He would spend the night in his library (‘bayt kutubi-hi’) and put out the lamp, and he would only light it when he had a thought or a book to check, as he found his concentration in the darkness: see al-Marra¯kushÈ 2012, III (V), 190–195, No. 455. AlÈ b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. al-Ói∂r al-KhazrajÈ �������������� 187 AlÈ b. A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad b. Zurqål al-AnßårÈ al-ShåmÈ ���������183 AlÈ b. Amr b. Mu˙ammad al-KhazrajÈ ���������������������������������������� 166 AlÈ b. Ghålib b. Mu˙ammad b. ÓazmËn al-KalbÈ ����������������������� 113

387

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PUA id. 6651: Priego de Córdoba, active between 530/1136–535/ 1141. He travelled to the Mashriq and while in Mecca he transcribed a religious work titled Subul al-khayr. He was a skilled penman and a meticulous vocaliser (‘nabÈl al-kha††, ∂åbi† mutqan’): see al-Marra¯kushiˉ 2012, III (V), 228, No. 541. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad al-Ba†alyawsÈ ��������������������������������������������������� Q5 AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ Ibn JamÈl al-MaåfirÈ al-MålaqÈ ���������� 160 AbË al-Óasan. PUA id. 6675: Malaga, Damascus, Jerusalem, d. 605/1208–9. Scholar of ˙adÈth, Quranic readings and grammar, expatriate in the Mashriq, imam in the Aqßå Mosque in Jerusalem, ascetic, esteemed by Saladin. He had a beautiful handwriting (‘˙asan al-kha††’): see al-Marra¯kushiˉ 2012, III (V), 265–267, No. 627. *AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Ra˙mån al-AnßårÈ ����������������������� 105 AbË al-Óasan. PUA id. 6758: Valencia, d. 574/1178. Scholar of Quranic readings, Quranic reciter, preacher in some towns of the Valencian hinterland and teacher of the sultan’s children. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. Ïså al-QaysÈ ������������������������������������������������ 126 AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad Ibn KharËf [al-Duraydanuh] �������������������������� 132 AbË al-Óasan. PUA id. 6806: Seville, d. 609/1212. Grammarian and scholar of Quranic readings. While in Fes, he was in the service of his teacher AbË Bakr Ibn Êåhir, apparently transcribing books for him, until he neglected his duties and was consequently put in prison for a short while. He offered to the Almohad caliph al-Nåßir an autograph of his own commentary on SÈbawayh’s Kitåb, in four volumes, for which he received 4,000 dirhams. He transcribed many books for himself and for the great and the good of his time: see al-Marra¯kushiˉ 2012, III (V), 269–272, No. 635. AlÈ b. Ya˙yå b. Abd al-Íamad al-QaysÈ ��������������������������������������� 172 BinjinshÈsh al-qiss ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 23 Faraj b. Ammår ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 129 Al-Fat˙ b. Êal˙a b. al-Fat˙ b. MarzËq b. al-Óusayn al-MaåfirÈ al-MinurqÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 134 Óamad b. Mu˙ammad b. Najå˙ ������������������������������������������������������ 72 Al-Óasan b. YËsuf Ibn al-Abbår al-AzdÈ ������������������������������������������ 58 Hishåm b. Sad b. Khalaf al-GhassånÈ ��������������������������������������������121 Al-Óusayn b. Is˙åq �������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q3 *IbråhÈm b. A˙mad b. IbråhÈm b. UbaydËn al-IyyådÈ ������������������� 29 IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad b. IbråhÈm b. ÓadhÈr Allåh ����������������������� 54

appendix iii

Ïså b. A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad b. Nådir al-UmawÈ al-Qur†ubÈ ������ 165 Jumåhir b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Jumåhir al-AndalusÈ ����������������������� 24 AbË Bakr. PUA id. 2809: Toledo, Fustat, d. 466/1074. Jurist and scholar of ˙adÈth, he travelled to the Mashriq in pursuit of knowledge. KathÈr b. Khalaf b. Sad al-MurådÈ ����������������������������������������������������� 3 Khayr b. Umar b. KhalÈfa �������������������������������������������������������������� 107 Marw‹å›n b. Mu˙ammad b. AtÈq al-MaåfirÈ al-QurashÈ al-Qur†ubÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 174 Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad al-BakrÈ ��������������������������������������������� 208 Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad al-SharÈshÈ al-nåsikh ���������������������� Q27 Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. A˙mad al-Wåsi†È ���������������������������� 131 Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. A˙mad Ibn al-Qå∂È �������������������������� 44 Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. AlÈ al-MurrÈ ���������������������������������� Q17 Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ Ibn Gha††Ës ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� Q13, Q16 AbË Abd Allåh. PUA id. 9690: Valencia, active from 564/1168–9, d. circa 610/1213–4. Quranic calligrapher and illuminator, unequalled in his time: he had a beautiful handwriting and an exquisite technique of vocalisation (‘baråat kha†† wa-jËdat ∂ab†’). Some say he made 1,000 copies of the Qurån: see Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 307–308, No. 927. Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf al-AndalusÈ ����� 5 *Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Malik b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. ShahbËn b. Qåsim al-TamÈmÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Íamad al-AghmåtÈ ����������������������������������� 156 *Mu˙ammad b. A˙mad b. Sulaymån [Ibn al-Íaffår] al-TujÈbÈ ������� 50 AbË Abd Allåh. PUA id. 8181: Orihuela, Murcia, Marrakesh, active between 486/1093–497/1104. Scholar of ˙adÈth and adab, historian and supervisor of the endowments (ßå˙ib al-a˙bås) in Orihuela. *Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. IbråhÈm b. A˙mad b. Mu˙ammad al-AnßårÈ �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 196 Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Malik b. Abd al-AzÈz al-LakhmÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 137 AbË Bakr Ibn al-MurkhÈ. PUA id. 9914: Seville, d. 615/1218. Lexicographer and scholar of adab, secretary to the Almohad caliph AbË YaqËb YËsuf and then to his son AbË Ya˙yå. He authored a compendium of Ibn Sallåm’s al-GharÈb al-mußannaf for AbË YËsuf al-ManßËr before he ascended the throne, and he

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also dedicated a work on horses to the caliph al-Nåßir. He was a skilled calligrapher (‘råiq al-kha††’): see al-Marra¯kushiˉ 2012, IV (VI), 532–533, No. 1259. Mu˙ammad b. Óakam b. SaÈd �������������������������������������������������������� 11 Al-Khål. PUA id. 8845: Cordova, active between 394/1004–397/ 1006. He transcribed many books and was a skilled warråq (‘anÈq al-wiråqa’). People used to vie for his work: see Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 110, No. 379. Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan b. Mu˙ammad b. SaÈd al-Muqri al-AndalusÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 95 AbË Abd Allåh Ibn Ghulåm al-Faras. PUA id. 8633: Dénia, Alexandria, 472/1080–547/1152. Jurist and Quranic reciter, he travelled to the Mashriq in pursuit of knowledge, and later became preacher in the congregational mosque of Dénia. He was a skilled calligrapher and warråq (‘˙asan al-kha†† anÈq al-wiråqa’), and he transcribed al-TirmidhÈ’s Jåmi in a single volume: see Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 193–195, No. 669. Mu˙ammad b. Khalaf �������������������������������������������������������������������� 202 Mu˙ammad b. Makhlad b.Abd Allåh b. Makhlad b. Ïså al-TamÈmÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad b. AlÈ b. Shuayb al-AnßårÈ ������������ Q19 Mu˙ammad b. MËså b. Óizb Allåh [Ibn Jallåda] ������������������������� Q12 AbË Abd Allåh. PUA id. 10583: Valencia, active in 559/1163–4. Quranic calligrapher and vocaliser, imam at one of the mosques of Valencia. People would vie for his work. Ibn al-Abbår reports having seen a Qurån vocalised by him in 559/1163–4, which could be the very Q12: see Ibn al-Abba¯r 1887–1889, I, 213, No. 726. Mu˙ammad b. Umar Ibn AbÈ al-HawzanÈ (?) ��������������������������������� 59 Mu˙ammad b. Ya˙yå b. Dåwud al-TådilÈ ������������������������������������� 205 AbË Abd Allåh. PUA id. 10698: Marrakesh, Alzira, active in 597/1202. Grammarian and judge. Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf al-ZawåghÈ ���������������������������������������������������� 52 Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf b. IbråhÈm b. Qu˙†aba al-KhazrajÈ ������������� 143 Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf b. Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf b. Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf b. Óajjåj b. Zuhayr al-LakhmÈ ����������������������������������������� 175 MËså b. Abd al-Malik b. Sahl b. Zakariyyå b. Sahl al-BakrÈ �������� 53 **MËså Ibn Saåda ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46

appendix iii

AbË Imrån. PUA id. 11100: Valencia, Dénia, Murcia, d. 522/1128. Jurist and scholar of ˙adÈth. He travelled to the Mashriq in pursuit of knowledge. He transcribed the two Ía˙È˙ by al-BukhårÈ and Muslim after studying them under his son-in-law AbË AlÈ Ibn Sukara al-ÍadafÈ. His manuscripts (including item 46) became important exemplars, unmatched in their correctness. Råfi b. AlÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Sad Allåh b. Wåjib b. Abd Allåh b. Ma˙fËΩ b. IbråhÈm b. Is˙åq al-QaysÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108 AbË Mu˙ammad. PUA id. 3401: Beja, active in 534/1139. Sad b. YËsuf b. SurlÈs �������������������������������������������������������������������� 184 Sulaymån b. A˙mad b. AlÈ b. Faraj ����������������������������������������������� 179 Sulaymån b. DåwËd b. YËsuf b. AlÈ Ibn FurtubÈb al-AslamÈ al-IlshÈ ���������������������������������������������������������������� 182, 197 AbË DåwËd. PUA id. 3774: Elche, active between 589/1193–594/ 1198. Scholar of ˙adÈth, he travelled to the Mashriq in pursuit of knowledge. Sulaymån b. Khalaf b. Sulaymån b. Mu˙ammad al-Óa∂ramÈ ������� 88 AbË al-Óasan al-MaqËqÈ. PUA id. 3816: Seville, d. in the 580s/1184–1193. Jurist and Quranic reader. *Sulaymån b. Mu˙ammad Ibn al-Shaykh al-KhazrajÈ ������������������ 116 PUA id. 3824: active in 538/1143. *Ubayd Allåh b. Abd al-Malik b. Mu˙ammad b. ... al-MaåfirÈ �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 31 Ubayd Allåh b. SaÈd al-warråq ������������������������������������������������������ 10 Umar b. Óasan al-KalbÈ ����������������������������������������������������������������� 153 Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Abbåd al-LakhmÈ ������������������������������������ 57 AbË Bakr Sharaf al-Dawla. Seville, Marrakesh, d. after 502/1109. Bibliophile and calligrapher, among the youngest sons of the Abbadid king of Seville al-Mutamid. He followed his father into exile in Almoravid Marrakesh, where he earned his living as a notary (‘taayyasha min katb al-wathåiq’). When the judge AbË Mu˙ammad Ibn AbÈ UrjËn requested him to to act as a scribe for an illiterate market inspector, he composed some piqued verses: see Ibn al-Abbaˉ r 1962, II, 66–67, No. 123.

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Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Thåbit al-KhazrajÈ al-ShilbÈ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 100 Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. MËså al-TujÈbÈ ���������������������������������������� 147 Ya˙yå b. SaÈd b. MasËd b. Sahl al-AnßårÈ ������������������������������������ 125 AbË Zakariyyå. PUA id. 11541: Badajoz, Tlemcen, active between 556/1151–600/1203. Grammarian and Quranic reciter. Ya˙yå b. YËsuf b. Mu˙ammad Ibn Óajjåj al-LakhmÈ ������������������� 163 YËnus b. ... ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 89 YËsuf b. Abd al-Jabbår b. Amr al-AbdarÈ �������������������������������������� 61 YËsuf b. Abd Allåh b. Abd al-Wå˙id Ibn KhaldËn �������������������� Q24 Valencia, active in 596/1199–1200. Quranic calligrapher who followed the manner of Ibn Gha††Ës: see al-ÍafadÈ 2000, III, 281. YËsuf b. Yakhlaf al-kåtib ����������������������������������������������������������������� 63 YËsuf b. ... al-mudhahhib ������������������������������������������������������������� Q27 YËsuf b. Mubårak ��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 115 YËsuf b. Sulaymån al-ÏlÈ ������������������������������������������������������������������ 66 Zakariyyå b. Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-QurashÈ ��������������������� Q6

Note * Names marked by (*) only appear on the title page of the manuscripts and not in their colophons, introduced by the preposition li- (‘for’). Names marked by (**) are mentioned in ijåzåt as owners of the manuscripts and are most likely to have copied them.

APPENDIX IV

Places of Copying*

Alexandria ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 95 Almería ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� items 141, Q7 Badajoz ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 32 Baghdad ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 118 Barcelona ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 129 Bougie ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 136 Calatrava la Vieja �������������������������������������������������������������������� item 61 Ceuta ����������������������������������������������������� items 175, 208, Q19, Q22, D8 Cordova ����������������������������������������������� items 51, 69, 128, 165, Q3, Q8 Damascus ������������������������������������������������������������������������ items 127, 160 Elche ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ item 197 Fustat �������������������������������������������������������������������������������� items 24, 194 Granada ��������������������������������������������������������� items 100, 109, 121, 183 Kairouan ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 5 Mahdia ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� D10 Majorca ���������������������������������������������������� items 134, 159, D3, D5, D7 Marrakesh ������������������������������������������������������������������������ item 57, Q27 Mecca ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 156 Murcia ����������������������������������������������������������������������� items 46, 146, 210 Pechina ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 54 Priego de Córdoba ���������������������������������������������������������������� item 113 Seville ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 166 Sijilmasa ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 140 Tlemcen ����������������������������������������������������������������� items 60, 94, 96, 204 Toledo ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� item 3, D1 Tunis ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� D9 Valencia �������������������������������� items 73, 85, 138, Q9–13, Q16, Q23–24

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Xàtiva ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 68 Zaragoza �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� D2

Note * Only places that are explicitly mentioned in the colophons are listed here.

APPENDIX V

Remarkable Colophons and Notes

Structure of Maghribi¯

colophons

Verb of completion tamma / kamala / najiza + Mention of the work al-kitåb / al-dÈwån / Kitåb [title] / al-juz / al-sifr [numeral] min Kitåb [title] + Óamdala bi-˙amd Allåh (wa-[˙usn] awni-hi [wa-tayÈdi-hi / i˙såni-hi / quwwati-hi / naßri-hi / nimati-hi]) + (wa-bi-tamåmi-hi tamma / kamala [jamÈ] al-dÈwån / al-kitåb [+ Óamdala]) + Taßliyya wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad (nabÈ-hi / abdi-hi / rasËli-hi / khåtim al-nabiyyÈn / sayyid al-mursalÈn / khayr khalqi-hi / khayr al-bashar) wa-åli-hi (al-†ayyibÈn / al-†åhirÈn) (wa-sa˙bi-hi / azwåji-hi / dhurriyyati-hi) wa-sallama (taslÈman) (wa-sharrafa wa-karrama) + wa-dhålik (fÈ) / wa-kåna al-farågh min-hu / fÈ + Date of copying (yawm / laylat [name of the day] li-[number] khalËn / baqÈn min)

396

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

(fÈ al-ushr al-awwal / al-wasa† / al-åkhir min) (fÈ ghurrat / mustahall / insilåkh / munsalakh) (shahr +) name of the month (+ al-muaΩΩam / al-mukarram / alladhÈ min) (fÈ) sanat / åm [year] + Name of the copyist wa-kataba-hu / intasakha-hu / alå yad(ay) [name of the copyist] (bi-kha†† yadi-hi [al-fåniya] / li-nafsi-hi [wa-li-ibni-hi / wa-liman shåa Allåh min badi-hi]) + Place of copying fÈ / bi-madÈnat / ˙a∂rat [name of the city] ˙arasa-hå / ˙amå-hå / kalaa-hå Allåh + Conclusive blessings fa-ra˙ima Allåh kåtiba-hu / kåsiba-hu / qåria-hu / al-mustami la-hu / man daå la-hum (bi-l-ra˙ma / bi-l-maghfira) / jamÈ al-MuslimÈn [+ Tas. liyya] amÈn / rabb al-ålamÈn

Item 1 (Colophon on f. 17b) Tamma al-kitåb wa-l-˙amd li-llåh rabb al-‹å›lamÈn kathÈran lå sharÈk la-hu / wa-dhålik fÈ shahr RabÈ al-Åkhir sanat sabÈn wa-miatayn End of the book, much praise be to God, Lord of the Worlds: he has no associate. That occurred in the month of RabÈ II of the year 270. Item 3 (Colophon on f. 79a) Tamma al-kit‹å›b bi-˙amd Allåh al-muayyid wa-huwa åkhir kitåb al-Jåmi wa-dhålik fÈ aqib RabÈ al-Awwal sanat arba / wa-sittÈn wa-thalåth mia wa-kataba KathÈr ibn Khalaf bi-madÈnat Êulay†ula. End of the book, with the praise of God the Helper, and that is the end of the Jåmi. That occurred at the end of RabÈ I of the year 364. Written by KathÈr b. Khalaf in the city of Toledo. Item 5 (Colophon on f. 49b) Tamma al-juz al-awwal / bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi wa-tayÈdi-hi yatlË-hu [...]. Wa-kataba Mu˙ammad ibn Abd Allåh / ibn Mu˙ammad al-AndalusÈ min kitåb al-shaykh AbÈ Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh ibn AbÈ Zayd bi-madÈnat / al-Qayrawån fÈ Shabån min sanat i˙då wa-sabÈn wa-thal‹å›th mia.

appendix v

End of the first part, with the praise, help, and assistance of God. It is followed by [...]. Written by Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad al-AndalusÈ from the book of the venerable AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn AbÈ Zayd, in the city of Kairouan, in Shabån of the year 371. Item 9 (Colophon on f. 36a) Tamma al-juz al-a˙ad wa-l-thalåthËn wa-l-˙amd li-llåh kathÈran wa-ßallå Allåh /alå Mu˙ammad wa-åli-hi. YatlË-hu [...]. Kataba / Abd al-Ra˙mån ibn H‹å›rËn fÈ insilåkh al-Mu˙arram min sanat / i˙då wa-tisÈn wa-thal‹å›th mia End of the thirty-first part, much praise be to God. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his family. It is followed by [...]. Written by Abd al-Ra˙mån b. HårËn at the end of Mu˙arram of the year 391. Item 10 (Colophon on f. 77a) Tamma Kitåb al-jåmi min al-Muwa††a / wa-l-˙amd li-llåh rabb al-‹å›lamÈn kathÈran ... / wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad khåtim al- … wa-åli-hi wa-ßallama taslÈman / wa-dhålik fÈ al-nißf min Rajab sanat i˙då wa-tisÈn wa-thal‹å›th / mia kataba-hu Ubayd Allåh ibn SaÈd al-warråq End of the Book of General Matters from the Muwa††a, much praise be to God, Lord of the Worlds ... May God pray upon Mu˙ammad, the seal of the ... and his family, and grant him perfect peace. That occurred in the middle of Rajab of the year 391. Written by Ubayd Allåh b. SaÈd the scribe. Item 11 (Colophon on f. 27a) Tamma al-kitåb wa-l-˙amd li-llåh ˙amdan yaq∂È ˙aqqu-hu wayËjib al-mazÈd min niami-hi / wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad khåtim rusuli-hi wa-kataba Mu˙ammad ibn Óakam ibn SaÈd / yawm al-A˙ad li-laylatayn khalatå li-shahr Jum‹å›då al-Åkhira wali-khams baqÈn min Adhår / sanat arba wa-tisÈn wa-thal‹å›th mia End of the book, much praise be to God, fulfilment of His truth and bestowal of His abundant favours. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad, the seal of His messengers. Written by Mu˙ammad b. Óakam b. SaÈd on the Sunday before two nights had passed of the month of Jumådå II, when five nights were left of [the month of] Adhår, in the year 394. Item 12 (Colophon on f. 181a) Tamma Mukhtaßar al-Ayn min al-nuskha al-kubrå min talÈf / Mu˙ammad ibn Óasan al-ZubaydÈ ra˙ima-hu Allåh bi-˙amd Allåh / wa-awni-hi wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad khayr al-bashar wa-sallama taslÈman wa-dhålik fi RabÈ al-Awwal / min sanat tis wa-tisÈn wa-thal‹å›th mia. Óasbu-nÈ Allåh alay-hi tawakkaltu

397

398

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

End of the Mukhtaßar al-Ayn, [taken] from the extended version authored by Mu˙ammad b. Óasan al-ZubaydÈ – may God have mercy on him – with the praise and help of God. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad, the best of mankind, and grant him perfect peace. That occurred in RabÈ I of the year 399. God is sufficient to me, in Him I put my trust. Item 16 (Colophon and collation note on f. 125a) […] Wa-kåna al-farågh min-hu fÈ ghurrat DhÈ al-Óijja sanat thal‹å›th wa-ishrÈn wa-arba mia / nasakhtu-hu min aßl al-faqÈh al-imåm AbÈ al-Óajjåj YËsuf ibn Abd al-AzÈz al-LakhmÈ / alladhÈ alay-hi kha†† shaykhi-hi umdat ahl al-˙aqq AbÈ Abd Allåh al-TamÈmÈ wa-akhbara-nÈ / anna-hu nasakha-hå min nuskha ßa˙È˙a alay-hå maktËb faragha min naskhi-hå fÈ Jumådå / al-Åkhira sanat i˙då wa-arba mia. [...] Wa-åra∂tu nuskhatÈ hådhih bi-l-aßl / wa-qaratu-hå alay-hi wa-huwa yumsik aßla-hu wa-l-˙amd li-llåh rabb al-‹å›lamÈn […] Finished on the first day of DhË al-Óijja of the year 423. I transcribed it from the original of the jurist and imam AbË al-Óajjåj YËsuf b. Abd al-AzÈz al-LakhmÈ, on which was the handwriting of his teacher, the support of the people of truth, AbË Abd Allåh alTamÈmÈ. [AbË al-Óajjåj YËsuf] informed me that he had transcribed it from a sound copy on which was written: “Finished in Jumådå II of the year 401”. [...] I collated this copy of mine with the original, and I read it before [AbË al-Óajjåj YËsuf] while he held his original [before his eyes], praise be to God, Lord of the Worlds. Item 23 (Colophon and dedication on f. 333a) Tamma al-muß˙af al-såbi bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi wa-tayÈdi-hi / wa-dhålik yawm al-Thul‹å›thå li-arba ashrata laylat baqiyat min shahr UktËbar / alladhÈ min sanat alf wa-sabÈn wa-thamånÈn min al-tarÈkh al-ßufrÈ / yatlË-hu al-muß˙af al-thåmin alå barakat Allåh al-muayyid li-man yashå. Kitåbun li-Abdi ’l-Måliki ’l-usqufi ’l-nadbÈ / jawådin yunÈlu ’l-rifda fÈ ’l-zamani ’l-jadbÈ Humåmin dhakiyyi ’l-˙adsi wå˙idi aßri-hÈ / alÈmin karÈmin dhÈ ˙ulËmin wa-dhÈ lubbÈ Tajaddada fa∂lu ’llåhi fÈ-nå bi-fa∂li-hÈ / wa-amma bi-hÈ kulla ’l-anåmi hudå ’l-rabbÈ Fa-lå zåla fÈ izzin mina ’llåhi shåmilin / madå ’nhalla muznun fÈ qirå ’l-ar∂i bi-l-sakbÈ End of the seventh book, with the praise, help, and assistance of God. That occurred on the Tuesday, when fourteen nights were left of the month of October of the year 1078 of the Bronze Era. It is f­ollowed

appendix v

by the eighth book, with the blessing of God, helper of whom He wills. A book for the bishop Abd al-Malik the clever, Generous and magnanimous in times of need, High-minded, intelligent, unique in his time, Learned, noble, clement, and discerning, Thanks to him the grace of God is renewed among us, And the Lord’s guidance extends to all mortals. May he remain in God’s complete glory, For as long as the clouds fill the earth’s cisterns with rain. (Colophon on f. 394a) Tamma al-mußhaf. Tammamtu wa-akmaltu anå BinjinshÈsh al-qiss al-khå†i abd abÈd al-MaßÈh hådhå al-juz al-thåmin / min al-qånËn al-muqaddas yawm al-A˙ad fÈ al-waqt al-thåmin min dhålik al-nahår wa-huwa awwal A˙ad min al-ßiyåm / al-ArbaÈnÈ alladhÈ yutlå fÈ-hi khabar al-mara al-Såmariyya allatÈ istasqå-hå sayyidu-nå al-MaßÈh al-må fÈ bir / YaqËb. Katabtu wa-ayqantu lå shakka anna-nÈ satablå yadÈ yawman wa-yabqå kitåbu-hå Fa-immå naÈmun fÈ ’l-khulËdi / wa-rå˙atun wa-immå ja˙Èmun lå yu†åqu adhåbu-hå Fa-aËdhu bi-llåhi min-hå wa-abghÈ laday-hi ’lladhÈ [sic] †åbat / wa-†åba thawåbu-hå Fa-man qaraa kitåba-nå min badi-nå fa-l-yadË [sic] ’llåha dawatan kåinatin [kåtibi-hi?] yawman aså-hË yunjå bi-hå End of the book. I, the priest Vincentius, the sinner, servant of the servants of the Messiah, have finished and brought to completion this eigthth part of the Holy Canon, on the Sunday, at the eighth hour of the day, being the first Sunday of the Lent fasting, during which is recited the story of the Samaritan woman, to whom our Lord the Messiah asked for water at the well of Jacob. I wrote [this] being certain beyond doubt that, even though my hand will perish, its writing will remain. There will either be bliss and repose in Paradise, or hellfire with its unbearable torment. And I invoke God’s protection against it and seek, in His presence, that which is pleasant, with its pleasant rewards. May those who read our book after us pray God for what a created soul [this scribe ?] prays, and perhaps one day he will be saved. Item 24 (Colophon on f. 22b) Tamma al-juz al-thånÈ min Musnad al-Shihåb / bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi wa-awni-hi [sic] wa-kataba Jumåhir ibn Abd al-Ra˙mån ibn Jumåhir al-AndalusÈ / bi-kha†† yadi-hi bi-Fus†å† Mißr fÈ Dår Qayßar li-SËq Barbar fÈ al-nißf / min shahr Jumådå alAwwal [sic] alladhÈ min sanat thal‹å›th wa-khamsÈn wa-arba mia / yatlË-hu […]

399

400

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

End of the second part of the Musnad al-Shihåb, with the praise, help, and help of God. Written by Jumåhir b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Jumåhir al-AndalusÈ, in his own hand, in Fus†å† Mißr, in the House of Qayßar in the Market of Barbar, in the middle of the month of Jumådå I in the year 453. It is followed by […] (Audition certificate-cum-ijåza on f. 23a) Samia min-nÈ hådhå al-juz min awwali-hi ilå åkhiri-hi al-shaykh al-faqÈh AbË Bakr Jumåhir ibn / Abd al-Ra˙mån ˙arasa-hu Allåh bi-qiråati-hi alayya wa-kataba Mu˙ammad ibn Salåma ibn Jafar Samå min-hu li-l-shaykh AbÈ Bakr Jumåhir / ibn Abd al-Ra˙mån ibn Jumåhir al-AndalusÈ wa-li-ibn akhÈ-hi / Mu˙ammad ibn Mu˙ammad nafaa-humå Allåh bi-hi bi-ra˙mati-hi This part, from its beginning to its end, was audited by the venerable jurist AbË Bakr Jumåhir b. Abd al-Ra˙mån – may God protect him – from myself, and he read it back to me. Written by Mu˙ammad b. Salåma b. Jafar. Audition certificate for the venerable AbË Bakr Jumåhir b. Abd al-Ra˙mån b. Jumåhir al-AndalusÈ and for his nephew Mu˙ammad b. Mu˙ammad. May God make them profit from it with His mercy. Item 32 (Colophon and dedication on f. 97b) Tamma kitåb al-TamhÈd bi-awn Allåh wa-tayÈdi-hi wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-åli-hi / wa-sallama taslÈman wa-kåna tamåmu-hu fÈ ghurrat Shab‹å›n min sanat ithnatayn wa-sabÈn wa-arba mia. / Kataba-hu li-khizånat al-Mutawakkil alå Allåh AbÈ Mu˙ammad Umar ibn Mu˙ammad ibn Abd Allåh / ibn Mu˙ammad ibn Maslama ayyada Allåh amra-hu wa-aazza naßra-hu wa-alå yada-hu wa-a†åla amada-hu / mamlËku-hu wa-nimatu-hu [sic] al-munqa†i ilay-hi A˙mad ibn Ubayd Allåh End of al-TamhÈd, with the help and assistance of God. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his family, and grant him perfect peace. Its completion occurred on the first day of Shabån of the year 472. Written for the library of al-Mutawakkil alå Allåh AbË Mu˙ammad Umar b. Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad b. Maslama – may God support his command, strengthen his victory, further his authority, and lengthen his lifespan – by his slave, the devoted recipient of his generosity, A˙mad b. Ubayd Allåh. Item 35 (Transcription note on f. 1a) Nasakhtu hådhå al-kitåb min kitåb al-wazÈr al-jalÈl AbÈ Mu˙ammad al-ArawshÈ adåma Allåh izza-hu wa-huwa kitåb muqåbal bi-kitåb al-shaykh AbÈ al-Qåsim al-Munajjim / alladhÈ kåna qad kataba-hu

appendix v

wa-ßa˙˙a˙a-hu min kitåb al-shaykh AbÈ al-Óusayn al-ÍËfÈ ra˙imahumå Allåh wa-kåna tamåmu-hu fÈ mustahall Shawwål sanat thamån wa-sabÈn wa-arba mia I transcribed this book from the book of the glorious vizier AbË Mu˙ammad al-ArawshÈ – may God prolong his might – which was collated with the book of the venerable AbË al-Qåsim al-Munajjim. The latter had been written and corrected from the book of the venerable AbË al-Óusayn al-ÍËfÈ – may God have mercy on them. The completion [of this book] occurred at the beginning of Shawwål of the year 478. (Colophon on f. 237b) Tammat al-maqåla al-thålitha ashra min kitåb Ba†lamyËs / al-mansËb ilå al-taålÈm wa-hiya 11 qawlan wa-bi-tamåmi-hå tamma jamÈ / al-kitåb wa-huwa al-kitåb al-marËf bi-l-Majis†È / wa-li-wåhib al-aql al-˙amd bi-lå ghåya wa-l-shukr bi-lå nihåya ka-må huwa ahlu-hu / wa-dhålik fÈ nißf Jum‹å›då al-Åkhira sanat thamånÈ [sic] wa-sabÈn wa-arba mia / nusikha min kitåb Ëri∂a bi-nuskhat al-shaykh AbÈ al-Qåsim al-Munajjim alladhÈ katabahu wa-ßa˙˙a˙a-hu min nuskhat al-shaykh AbÈ al-Óusayn al-ÍËfÈ ra˙ima-hu Allåh End of the thirteenth treatise of the book of Ptolemy relating to [his] teachings, which contains 11 sections. With it ends the entire book known as al-Majis†È – praise witout limit and thanks without end to the Dispenser of intellect as is His due. That occurred in the middle of Jumådå II of the year 478. Transcribed from a book collated with the copy of the venerable AbË al-Qåsim al-Munajjid, which was written and corrected from the book of the venerable AbË al-Óusayn al-ÍËfÈ – may God have mercy on him. Item 44 (Colophon on f. 188b) Tamma al-dÈwån bi-asri-hi bi-awn Allåh wa-yusri-hi wa-huwa alMusnad / al-ßa˙È˙ li-l-BukhårÈ Allåh ma˙mËd alå dhålik kathÈran lå sharÈk la-hu wa-dhålik / fÈ ghurrat shahr Rama∂ån al-muaΩΩam min sanat tisÈn wa-arba mia. / Wa-intasakha-hu Mu˙ammad ibn Abd Allåh ibn A˙mad ibn al-Qå∂È li-nafsi-hi nafaa-hu / Allåh bi-hi […] End of the whole book, with the help and comfort of God, which is al-Musnad al-ßa˙È˙ of al-BukhårÈ, much praise be to God for it, He has no associate. That occurred on the first day of the month of Rama∂ån the exalted of the year 490. Transcribed by Mu˙ammad b. Abd Allåh b. A˙mad Ibn al-Qå∂È for himself, may God make him profit from it […].

401

402

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Item 45 (Colophon and collation note on f. 363b) Tamma Kitåb al-fitan wa-l-malå˙im bi-tamåm jamÈ al-Mußannaf mußannaf / AbÈ DåwËd al-SijistånÈ wa-l-˙amd li-llåh kathÈran waßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-alå åli-hi wa-sallama taslÈman / wa-kåna al-farågh min-hu insilåkh DhÈ al-Óijja åkhir åm ithnayn wa-tisÈn wa-arba mia Balaghat al-muåra∂a bi-aßl al-shaykh al-faqÈh al-˙åfiΩ AbÈ AlÈ ra∂iya Allåh an-hu wa-kåna aßlu-hu qad åra∂a-hu bi-aßl AbÈ Bakr ibn Dåsa wa-AbÈ al-AråbÈ wa-AbÈ Ïså al-RamlÈ / wa-l-˙amd li-llåh alå dhålik wa-kåna al-farågh min-hu fÈ aqib shahr Shabån min sanat khams wa-tisÈn wa-arba mia End of the Book of Tribulations and Wars, and of the whole Mußannaf, the compilation of AbË DåwËd al-SijistånÈ, much praise be to God, and may God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his family, and grant him perfect peace. Its completion occurred at the end of DhË al-Óijja, on the last day of the year 492. End of the collation with the original of the venerable jurist and memoriser [of the Qurån] AbË AlÈ – may God be pleased with him. His original had been collated with the original of AbË Bakr Ibn Dåsa, AbË al-AråbÈ, and AbË Ïså al-RamlÈ, praise be to God for that. The completion [of the collation] occurred at the end of the month of Shabån of the year 495. Item 46 (Reading certificate-cum-ijåza on vol. II, f. 1a) Qaraa alayya jamÈ hådhå al-sifr ßå˙ibu-hu al-faqÈh al-få∂il AbË Imrån MËså ibn Saåda akrama-hu Allåh … / samitu jamÈ alkitåb alå al-qå∂È al-imåm AbÈ al-WalÈd Sulaymån ibn Khalaf ibn Sad ibn AyyËb al-BåjÈ … / an al-shaykh al-˙åfiΩ AbÈ Dharr Abd ibn A˙mad al-HarawÈ an shuyËkhi-hi al-thalåtha … / … an alFirabrÈ an AbÈ Abd Allåh al-BukhårÈ ra∂iya Allåh an jamÈi-him wa-kataba Óusayn ibn Mu˙ammad ... / bi-kha††i-hi fÈ shahr RabÈ al-Awwal min sanat thalåth wa-tisÈn wa-arba mia ˙åmidan Allåh ta‹å›lå … This entire book was read back to me by its owner, the distinguished jurist AbË Imrån MËså Ibn Saåda – may God honour him ... I have audited the entire book from the judge and imam AbË al-WalÈd Sulaymån b. Khalaf b. Sad b. AyyËb al-BåjÈ ... / from the venerable memoriser [of the Qurån] AbË Dharr Abd b. A˙mad al-HarawÈ, from his three teachers ... / from al-FirabrÈ, from AbË Abd Allåh alBukhårÈ – may God be pleased with all of them. Written by Óusayn b. Mu˙ammad ... / in his own hand, in the month of RabÈ I of the year 493, praising God the exalted ...

appendix v

(Colophon and dedication on vol. V, f. 171b Tamma al-sifr al-khåmis wa-bi-hi tamma jamÈ al-dÈwån min al-Jåmi / al-ßa˙È˙ wa-l-˙amd li-llåh alladhÈ hadå-nå li-hådhå wamå-kunna la-nahtadÈ lawlå an hadå-nå / Allåh wa-kåna tamåmuhu fÈ al-ushr al-åkhir min DhÈ al-Qada sanat ithnatayn wa-tisÈn / wa-arbamia wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-alå åli-hi wasallama taslÈman. End of the fifth volume, and of the whole al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙, praise be to God who has guided us, and we would have never been guided if God had not guided us. Its completion occurred in the last ten days of DhË al-Qada of the year 492, may God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his family, and grant him perfect peace. Item 51 (Colophon on f. 179b) Tamma kitåb JamÈ al-dalåil wa-l-˙amd li-llåh kathÈr [sic] alå awni-hi wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad nabÈ-hi wa-alå ahli-hi wa-sallama / wa-kåna tamåmu-hu bi-madÈnat Qur†uba fÈ shahr Jumådå al-◊lå alladhÈ min åm tisa wa-tisÈn wa-arba mia End of the book JamÈ al-dalåil, much praise be to God for his help, and may God pray upon Mu˙ammad, His prophet, and upon his family, and grant him peace. Its completion occurred in Cordova in the month of Jumådå I of the year 499. (Transmission note on f. 180a) Katabtu jamÈa-hu min kitåb qËbila bi-kitåb Thåbit ibn Qåsim ibn Thåbit ibn Óazm al-AwfÈ al-Saraqus†È alladhÈ bi-kha††i-hi / wa-kåna kataba-hu li-l-Óåkam amÈr al-muminÈn min al-kitåb alladhÈ amala fÈ-hi abË-hu Qåsim ibn Thåbit. I transcribed the whole of [this book] from a book that was collated with the book of Thåbit b. Qåsim b. Thåbit b. Óazm al-AwfÈ al-Saraqus†È, written in his own hand. He had transcribed it for the commander of the faithful al-Óakam, from the original prepared by his father, Qåsim b. Thåbit. Item 52 (Colophon on f. 24a) Tamma kitåb al-Sharika min al-Mudawwana bi-˙amd Allåh / wa-awni-hi wa-i˙såni-hi wa-tayÈdi-hi wa-kataba / Mu˙ammad ibn YËsuf al-ZawåghÈ wa-kåna farågha [sic] min-hu nahår al-Juma li-tis layål baqÈn / min shahr Shab‹å›n alladhÈ huwa min åm tis wa-tisÈn wa-arba mia / ra˙ima Allåh kåtiba-hu wa-l-dåÈ la-hu wa-li-wåliday-hi bi-l-maghfira wa-l-ra˙ma amÈn amÈn / wa-ßallå Allåh alå al-nabÈ Mu˙ammad wa-åli-hi wa-sallama taslÈman

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End of the Book of Partnership from the Mudawwana, with the praise, help, bounty, and assistance of God. Written by Mu˙ammad b. YËsuf al-ZawåghÈ. Its completion occurred in the daytime of Friday, when nine nights were left of the month of Shabån of the year 499. May God have mercy on its copyist, and on whoever prays for him and his parents, through His clemency and mercy, amen, amen. May God pray upon the prophet Mu˙ammad and his family, and grant him perfect peace. Item 57 (Title page of ms. 605/11, f. 1a) Kitåb al-Íiyåm wa-huwa al-juz al-˙ådÈ ashara / min Muwa††a M‹å›lik ibn Anas al-Aßba˙È / riwåyat Ya˙yå ibn Ya˙yå al-LaythÈ / mimmå kataba-hu li-khizånat amÈr al-MuslimÈn wa-nåßir / al-dÈn AlÈ ibn YËsuf ibn TåshifÈn adåma / Allåh tayÈda-hu wa-naßra-hu / Ya˙yå ibn Mu˙ammad ibn Abbåd al-LakhmÈ Book of Fasting, which is the eleventh part of the Muwa††a of Målik b. Anas al-Aßba˙È, recension of Ya˙yå b. Ya˙yå al-LaythÈ. Written for the library of the commander of the Muslims and protector of religion, AlÈ b. YËsuf b. TåshifÈn – may God continue to support and assist him. [Written] by Ya˙yå b. Mu˙ammad b. Abbåd al-LakhmÈ. (Collation note of ms. 605/13, f. 24a) Balagha al-ar∂ bi-l-umm fa-ßa˙˙a bi-˙amd Allåh / tamma al-kitåb bi-˙amd Allåh wa-˙usn awni-hi wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-åli-hi wa-sallama / wa-kutiba kullu-hu bi-Marråkush ˙arasa-hå Allåh sanat ithnatayn wa-khamsimia / yatlË-hu […] End of the collation with the exemplar, and it proved correct, with praise to God. End of the book, with the praise and generous assistance of God, may God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his family, and grant him peace. All of it was written in Marrakesh – may God protect it – in the year 502. It is followed by […]. Item 61 (Colophon of ms. Ar 4835, f. 49b) Tamma kitåb al-Waßåyå al-thånÈ min al-Mudawwana bi-˙amd Allåh wa-˙usn awni-hi wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad nabÈ-hi / bi-madinat Qalat Rabå˙ ˙amå-hå Allåh alå yaday YËsuf ibn Abd al-Jabbår ibn Amr al-AbdarÈ / wa-dhålik fÈ Mu˙arram sanat ashar wa-khams mia End of the Second Book of Bequests from the Mudawwana, with the praise and generous assistance of God, may God pray upon His prophet, Mu˙ammad. That occurred in the city of Calatrava – may God defend it – at the hands of YËsuf b. Abd al-Jabbår b. Amr al-AbdarÈ, in Mu˙arram of the year 510.

appendix v

Item 63 (Colophon and dedication on f. 75a) Tamma ’l-kitåbu wa-a˙madu ’l-Ra˙månå / ˙amdan kathÈran idh alay-hÈ aånå må zåla bÈ barran muÈnan mu˙sinan / sub˙åna-hË wa-bi˙amdi-hi sub˙ånå Wa-kataba-hu YËsuf ibn Yakhlaf al-kåtib li-l-faqÈh al-qå∂È AbÈ Mu˙ammad Måksin / ibn KhalËf waffaqa-hu Allåh wa-kåna alfarågh min-hu ghurrat shahr Rama∂ån al-muaΩΩam / min sanat ashar wa-khamsimia wa-bi-llåh al-tawfÈq. End of the book, and I praise the Merciful with many a praise, since He has assisted me. He continues to be a beneficent support to me, May he be praised and glorified. Written by YËsuf b. Yakhlaf the secretary, for the jursist and judge AbË Mu˙ammad Måksin b. KhalËf – may God grant him success. Its completion occurred on the first day of the month of Rama∂ån the exalted of the year 510, and success is in God. Item 64 (Colophon on f. 159a) Kamula jamÈ kitåb al-Sunan li-l-Dåraqu†nÈ wa-l-˙amd li-llåh rabb al-ålamÈn wa-ßalawåtu-hu alå nabÈ-hi Mu˙ammad khåtim al-nabiyyÈn / wa-kataba Abd al-Ra˙mån ibn A˙mad ibn IbråhÈm ibn AbÈ Laylå li-nafsi-hi fÈ shahray Jumåday min sanat i˙då ashara wa-khams mia End of the whole Sunan of al-Dåraqu†nÈ, praise be to God, Lord of the Worlds, and prayers upon His prophet Mu˙ammad, seal of the prophets. Written by Abd al-Ra˙mån b. A˙mad b. IbråhÈm b. AbÈ Laylå for himself, in the two months of Jumådå of the year 511. Item 67 (Colophon, reading certificate and collation note on f. 171a) Tamma jamÈ kitåb al-Kåmil bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi alå yaday AlÈ ibn Abd Allåh / ibn Khalaf ibn Mu˙ammad ibn al-Nima al-MarÈ wa-ikhta††a-hu li-nafsi-hi wa-li-man yËrithu-hu bada-hu wa-kåna / ikmålu-hu wa-tamåmu-hu fÈ al-ushr al-åkhir min Shawwål sanat ithnay ashara wa-khamsimia Balaghat al-qiråa alå al-faqÈh al-ajall al-ustådh ... / AbÈ Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh ibn Mu˙ammad al-Ba†alyawsÈ ra∂iya Allåh an-hu / wa-kåna al-farågh min-hå fÈ al-ushr al-åkhir min Íafar / sanat thal‹å›th ashara wa-khamsimia. / Balagha al-ar∂ fÈ al-tarÈkh thåniyyatan bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi / bi-aßli-hi al-muntaqå kalaa-hu Allåh wa-nafaa-hu

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End of the whole Kåmil with the praise and help of God, at the hands of AlÈ b. Abd Allåh b. Khalaf b. Mu˙ammad Ibn al-Nima al-MarÈ. He transcribed it for himself and for those who will inherit it after him. Its end and completion occurred in the last ten days of Shawwål of the year 512. Read before the most distinguished jurist and master AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Mu˙ammad al-Ba†alyawsÈ – may God be pleased with him – and that was achieved in the last ten days of Íafar of the year 513. End of the collation, on the [same] date, with [al-Ba†alyawsÈ’s] prestigious exemplar – may God guard him and benefit him. Item 68 (Colophon of vol. 1, f. 174b) Kamala al-sifr al-awwal min kitåb al-Óamåsa shar˙ / al-ustådh AbÈ al-Óajjåj YËsuf ibn Ïså al-na˙wÈ ra˙ima-hu Allåh wa-dhålik / fÈ aqib Shawwål min sanat thal‹å›th ashara wa-khams mia wa-l˙amd li-llåh kathÈran ka-må huwa ahlu-hu / wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-alå ahl bayti-hi wa-sallama taslÈman End of the first volume of the Óamåsa, expounded by the master AbË al-Óajjåj YËsuf b. Ïså the grammarian – may God have mercy on him. That occurred on the first day of Shawwål of the year 513. Much praise be to God as is His due, and may God pray upon Mu˙ammad and the people of his house, and grant him perfect peace. (Colophon of vol. 2, f. 157b) Kamala naskh hådhå al-dÈwån bi-˙amd Allåh wa-˙usn awni-hi yawm al-Arbaå al-sådis ashar / min RabÈ al-Åkhir sanat arba ashara wa-khams mia wa-dhålik bi-madÈnat Shå†iba wa-l-˙amd li-llåh wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad khåtim al-nabiyyÈn End of the copying of this book, with the praise and generous assistance of God, on the Wednesday, the sixteenth of RabÈ II of the year 514. That occurred in the city of Xàtiva, praise be to God, and may God pray upon Mu˙ammad, the seal of the prophets. Item 73 (Ijåza on f. 1a) Qaraa alayya al-faqÈh AbË al-Abbås A˙mad ibn Uthm‹å›n ibn H‹å›rËn al-LakhmÈ jamÈ hådhå al-sifr wa-ajaztu-hu fa-liyarwi-hi an-nÈ wa-kataba Abd Allåh ibn Mu˙ammad ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ muallifu-hu / bi-kha††i-hi fÈ DhÈ al-Qada sanat khams ashara wa-khams mia This entire book was read back to me by the jurist AbË al-Abbås A˙mad b. Uthmån b. HårËn al-LakhmÈ, and I granted him permission to transmit it from me. Written by its author, Abd Allåh

appendix v

b. Mu˙ammad Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ, in his own hand, in DhË al-Qada of the year 515. (Preface on f. 1b) Bism Allåh al-ra˙mån al-ra˙Èm wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-åli-hi wa-sallama taslÈman / Qaratu alå al-faqÈh al-af∂al alustådh al-ajall al-na˙wÈ al-lughawÈ AbÈ Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh / ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ ra∂iya Allåh an-hu fÈ dåri-hi bi-madÈnat Balansiyya ˙amå-hå Allåh fÈ / Shab‹å›n sanat khams ashara wakhams mia wa-huwa yumsik kitåba-hu alladhÈ intasakhtu kitåbÈ min-hu [...] In the name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate, may God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his family, and grant him perfect peace. I have studied [this book] under the most excellent jurist and most exalted master, the grammarian, the linguist, AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ – may God be pleased with him – in his house in the city of Valencia – may God defend it – in Shabån of the year 515, while he held his book [before his eyes, the book] from which I transcribed this book of mine [...] Item 76 (Colophon and collation note on p. 331) Tamma Mukhtaßar al-Ayn min al-nuskha al-kubrå min talÈf AbÈ Bakr Mu˙ammad ibn Óasan / al-ZubaydÈ ra˙ima-hu Allåh wadhålik fÈ al-yawm al-thålith min Mu˙arram sanat thamån ashara / wa-khams mia ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-alå åli-hi al-†åhirÈn wa-sallama taslÈman / alfaytu fÈ åkhir kitåb al-shaykh al-jalÈl AbÈ Mu˙ammad al-Ba†alyawsÈ alladhÈ qåbaltu bi-hi kitabÈ hådhå balaghat al-muqåbala bi-kitåb al-Óakam ra˙ima-hu Allåh alladhÈ qåbala-hu al-ZubaydÈ wa-fÈ-hi kha††u-hu wa-taß˙È˙u-hu End of the Mukhtaßar al-Ayn, taken from the extended version, authored by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. Óasan al-ZubaydÈ – may God have mercy on him. That occurred on the third of Mu˙arram of the year 518, may God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his pure family, and grant him perfect peace. At the end of the book of the venerable master AbË Mu˙ammad al-Ba†alyawsÈ, against which I have collated this copy of mine, I have found [written]: “Collated against the Book of al-Óakam [II] – may God have mercy on him – which was collated by al-ZubaydÈ, and contained corrections in his handwriting”. (Transmission note on p. 333) Alfaytu fÈ åkhir kitåb al-ustådh AbÈ Mu˙ammad ibn al-SÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ ra∂iya Allåh an-hu bi-kha†† akhÈ-hi / ra˙mat Allåh alay-hi alfaytu fÈ åkhir kitåb al-Óakam al-Mustanßir bi-llåh ra∂iya Allåh an-hu bi-kha†† AbÈ Bakr Mu˙ammad ibn Óasan al-ZubaydÈ / ra˙ima-hu Allåh badatu bi-talÈf hådhå al-dÈwån fÈ RabÈ al-Awwal

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sanat ithnatayn wa-sittÈn wa-thal‹å›th mia wa-kamula amalu-hu / wa-naskhu-hu marratan wa-naqlu-hu thåniyatan fÈ Shawwål min al-tarÈkh al-madhkËr wa-tawallå naskh al-dÈwån abd amÈr al-muminÈn abqå-hu Allåh / al-Fat˙ ibn Amr ibn Ma†ar al-IshbÈlÈ At the end of the manuscript of the master AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh Ibn al-ÍÈd al-Ba†alyawsÈ – may God be pleased with him – I found written by his brother – may God have mercy on him: “At the end of the Book of al-Óakam [II] al-Mustanßir bi-llåh – may God be pleased with him – I have found written by AbË Bakr Mu˙ammad b. Óasan al-ZubaydÈ – may God have mercy on him: “I began to write this work in RabÈ I of the year 362, and I completed it and transcribed it for the first time, then collated it a second time, in Shawwål of the same year. The copying of the work was then entrusted to the servant of the commander of the faithful, may God preserve him, al-Fat˙ b. Amr b. Ma†ar al-IshbÈlÈ”. Item 79 (Colophon on p. 212) Kamula kitåb al-Ïbåna fÈ al-waqf wa-l-ibtidå ßanat al-shaykh al-imåm AbÈ al-Fa∂l al-KhuzåÈ / ra˙ima-hu Allåh wa-l-˙amd li-llåh rabb al-ålamÈn kataba-hu talÈqan A˙mad ibn AlÈ ibn A˙mad ibn Khalaf / al-AnßårÈ fÈ shahr Rama∂‹å›n al-muaΩΩam min sanat ishrÈn wa-khams mia wa-kåna ibtidåu-hu / bi-hi awwal yawm min al-shahr al-madhkËr wa-ikmålu-hu la-hu [sic] ghurrat yawm al-KhamÈs al-˙ådÈ ashar / min-hu fa-kamula katb al-dÈwån fÈ ashara ayyåm wa ßadr min al-˙ådÈ ashar wa-dhålik bi-awn Allåh ta‹å›lå / ... wa-l-˙amd li-llåh rabb al-ålamÈn wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad nabÈ-hi wa-alå åli-hi wa-sallama taslÈman kathÈran. End of the book al-Ïbåna fÈ al-waqf wa-l-ibtidå, the work of the venerable imam AbË al-Fa∂l al-KhuzåÈ – may God have mercy on him. Praise be to God, Lord of the Worlds. Transcribed by A˙mad b. AlÈ b. A˙mad b. Khalaf al-AnßårÈ in the month of Rama∂ån the exalted of the year 520. Its inception occurred on the first day of the said month, and its completion at the gleam of dawn of Thursday, the eleventh day of the month. The copying of the book was achieved in ten days, plus the dawn of the eleventh [day], with the help of God the exalted ... Praise be to God, Lord of the Worlds, and may God pray upon Mu˙ammad, His prophet, and upon his family, and grant him perfect peace. Item 85 (Colophon of ms. 800/3/11, f. 28a) Tamma kitåb Jinåyåt al-abÈd / bi-˙amd Allåh wa-˙usn awni-hi wa-ßallå Allåh alå / Mu˙ammad wa-åli-hi wa-sallama taslÈman wa-kataba / Abd al-JalÈl ibn A˙mad ibn Abd Allåh ibn Sallåm / al-AnßårÈ bi-Balansiyya ˙amå-hå Allåh / wa-dhålik fÈ sanat arba wa-ishrÈn wa-khams mia

appendix v

End of the Book of Crimes Committed by Slaves, with the praise and generous assistance of God. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his family, and grant him perfect peace. Written by Abd al-JalÈl b. A˙mad b. Abd Allåh b. Sallåm al-AnßårÈ in Valencia – may God defend it – in the year 524. Item 88 (Colophon) Tamma al-sifr al-awwal min kitåb al-Nawådir imlå AbÈ AlÈ IsmåÈl ibn al-Qåsim / al-BaghdådhÈ bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi wa-tayÈdi-hi wa-naßri-hi wa-sallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad nabÈ-hi wa-abdi-hi / wa-dhålik fÈ shahr RabÈ al-Awwal alladhÈ min sanat arba wa-ishrÈn wa-khams mia / alå yaday Sulaymån ibn Khalaf ibn Sulaymån ibn Mu˙ammad al-Óa∂ramÈ waffaqa-hu Allåh wa-saddada-hu wa-˙amå-hu / wa-arshada-hu wa-l-˙amd li-llåh kathÈran. YatlË-hu [...] End of the first volume of al-Nawådir, according to the dictation of [its author] AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl b. al-Qåsim al-BaghdådhÈ, with God’s praise, help, assistance, and support. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad, His prophet and servant. That occurred in the month of RabÈ I of the year 524, at the hands of Sulaymån b. Khalaf b. Sulaymån b. Mu˙ammad al-Óa∂ramÈ – may God assist him, guide him, defend him, and direct him. Much praise be to God. It is followed by […]. Item 95 (Colophon and transmission note on f. 169b) Kamala kitåb al-Mu˙tasab fÈ tabyÈn wujËh shawådhdh al-qirååt wa-l-È∂å˙ an-hå talÈf / AbÈ al-Fat˙ Uthmån ibn JinnÈ al-na˙wÈ ra˙ima-hu Allåh wa-l-˙amd li-llåh kathÈran alå dhålik waßalawåtu-hu alå khayr khalqi-hi / Mu˙ammad al-nabÈ wa-alå ahli-hi wa-sallama taslÈman. Kataba-hu Mu˙ammad ibn al-Óasan ibn Mu˙ammad ibn SaÈd al-muqri al-AndalusÈ / bi-thaghr alIskandariyya ˙arasa-hu Allåh fa-tamma ashiyyat yawm al-A˙ad al-tåsi ashar min shahr al-Mu˙arram åm thamåniyya / wa-ishrÈn wa-khams mia. Nafaa-hu Allåh bi-hi wa-jamÈ man yaqrau-hu bimanni-hi wa-†awli-hi. Naqala-hu min kitåb al-faqÈh / al-muqri AbÈ al-Óusayn Naßr ibn Abd al-AzÈz ibn A˙mad ibn NË˙ al-ShÈråzÈ wa-bi-kha††i-hi wa-qaraa-hu alå AlÈ ibn / Zayd al-QåsånÈ wakataba la-hu al-QåsånÈ bi-l-qiråa alå Ωuhr al-kitåb ... fÈ DhÈ alÓijja sanat i˙då / ashara wa-arba mia wa-samia-hu al-QåsånÈ min muallifi-hi shaykhi-hi AbÈ al-Fat˙ Uthmån ibn JinnÈ ra˙mat Allåh alay-him ajmaÈn. End of the book al-Mu˙tasab fÈ tabyÈn wujËh shawådhdh al-qirååt wa-l-È∂å˙ an-hå, authored by AbË al-Fat˙ Uthmån Ibn JinnÈ the grammarian – may God have mercy on him. Much praise be to God for that, and His prayers upon the best of His creation, the prophet

409

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

Mu˙ammad, and upon his family, and perfect peace. Written by Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan b. Mu˙ammad b. SaÈd al-AndalusÈ, the [Quranic] reader, in the frontier port of Alexandria – may God protect it. Completed in the evening of Sunday, the nineteenth day of the month of Mu˙arram of the year 528. May God make it profitable for him and for all those who read it, with His favour and might. [Al-AndalusÈ] transcribed it from the book of the jurist and [Quranic] reader AbË al-Óusayn Naßr b. Abd al-AzÈz b. A˙mad b. NË˙ al-ShÈråzÈ, who wrote it in his own hand. [Al-ShÈråzÈ] had studied [the work] under AlÈ b. Zayd al-QåsånÈ, who certified it on the first page of [al-ShÈråzÈ’s] book ... in DhË al-Óijja of the year 411. Al-QåsånÈ had audited [the work] from its author, his teacher AbË al-Fat˙ Uthmån Ibn JinnÈ – may the mercy of God be on all of them. Item 104 (Colophon and reading certificate on f. 56b) Intahat Fahrasat al-faqÈh al-mushåwar / al-qå∂È AbÈ Mu˙ammad Abd al-Óaqq ibn A†iyya / ra∂iya Allåh an-hu wa-an aslåfi-hi bimanni-hi. / Wa-kåna al-farågh min-hå yawm al-A˙ad al-tåsi min / Rajab al-fard åm thal‹å›tha wa-thal‹å›thÈn wa-khams mia. Qaraa Mu˙ammad ibn Abd al-Malik ibn Mu˙ammad ibn Êufayl al-QaysÈ hådhih al-Fahrasa alå muallifi-hå / al-faqÈh al-ajall al-˙åfiΩ al-qå∂È AbÈ Mu˙ammad Abd al-Óaqq ibn A†iyya ra∂iya Allåh / an-hu bad an kataba-hå bi-kha††i-hi wa-ajåza-hu ra∂iya Allåh an-hu iyyå-hå wa-abå˙a / la-hu an yu˙addith an-hu bi-jamÈ må fÈ-hå min al-asånÈd wa-kataba la-hu bi-dhålik bi-kha†† / yadi-hi alå Ωuhr al-nuskha allatÈ kataba-hå Mu˙ammad ibn Êufayl almadhkËr waffaqa-hu Allåh fÈ åm / thalåtha wa-thal‹å›thÈn wakhams mia. End of the Fahrasa of the jurist, counsellor, and judge AbË Mu˙ammad Abd al-Óaqq Ibn A†iyya – may God be pleased with him and his ancestors through His bounty. Its completion occurred on Sunday, the ninth of Rajab of the year 533. Mu˙ammad b. Abd al-Malik b. Mu˙ammad b. Êufayl al-QaysÈ read this Fahrasa back to its author, the most excellent jurist, memoriser (of the Qurån), and judge AbË Mu˙ammad Abd al-Óaqq Ibn A†iyya – may God be pleased with him – after he had transcribed it in his own hand. Then [Ibn A†iyya] – may God be pleased with him – granted him permission to transmit it, with all the chains of authorities included in it, and inscribed [this license] in his own hand on the first page of the copy made by the above-mentioned Mu˙ammad b. Êufayl – may God grant him success – in the year 533.

appendix v

Item 107 (Colophon on f. 172a) [Tamma] al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙ wa-l-˙amd li-llåh rabb al-ålamÈn alå awni-hi wa-i˙såni-hi / wa-ßallå Allåh alå al-nabÈ Mu˙ammad wa-alå åli-hi wa-sallama taslÈman / wa-kåna al-farågh min-hu fÈ mustahall RabÈ al-Awwal min / sanat arba wa-thalåthÈn wakhams mia wa-bi-llåh al-tawfÈq / [Kataba-hu] bi-kha†† yadi-hi Khayr ibn Umar ibn KhalÈfa li-ibni-hi Mu˙ammad waffaqa-hu Allåh wa-nafaa-humå bi-hi bi-ra˙mati-hi. End of al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙, praise be to God, Lord of the Worlds, for his help and his beneficence, and may God pray upon the prophet Mu˙ammad and his family, and grant him perfect peace. Its completion occurred at the beginning of RabÈ I of the year 534, and success is in God. Written by Khayr b. Umar b. KhalÈfa in his own hand, for his son Mu˙ammad – may God grant him success, and may He make it profitable for them, with His mercy. Item 109 (Colophon on f. 102a) Tamma al-kitåb bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi wa-ßallå / Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-alå åli-hi al-†ayyibÈn wa-sallama taslÈman / wakutiba hådhå al-kitåb fÈ nißf shahr Rajab sanat arba / wa-thalåthÈn wa-khams mia. FÈ ˙a∂rat Gharnå†a ˙amå-hå Allåh Amåta ’llåhu kåtiba-hË mu˙ibban / li-aß˙åbi ’l-nabiyyi maa ’l-nabiyyÈ Wa-sakkana-hË bi-dhålika dåra Adnin / jawåra ’llåhi dhÈ ’l-arshi ’l-aliyyÈ End of the book, with the praise and help of God. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his good family, and grant him perfect peace. This book was copied in the middle of the month of Rajab of the year 534, in the city of Granada – may God defend it. May God let the copyist die in the affection of the prophet and his companions, And by that make him dwell in Paradise, close to God and His lofty throne. Item 113 (Colophon of Fes, QarawiyyÈn Library, ms. 1873, f. 160b) Tamma al-sifr al-såbi wa-bi-tamåmi-hi kamala jamÈ al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙ li-l-BukhårÈ / bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad nabÈ-hi wa-alå åli-hi … ˙usn al-å … / … wakataba-hu li-nafsi-hi AlÈ ibn Ghålib ibn Mu˙ammad ibn ÓazmËn al-KalbÈ nafaa-hu / Allåh bi-hi wa-shara˙a la-hu ßadra-hu waghafara la-hu wa-li-abway-hi wa-li-man daå la-hum / bi-l-maghfira wa-li-jamÈ al-MuslimÈn min aßl qËbila bi-aßl al-faqÈh AbÈ Abd Allåh / ibn Abbåd alladhÈ naqala-hu bi-kha††i-hi min kitåb al-AßÈlÈ

411

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MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

wa-kåna farågh alayya / min-hu bi-madÈnat Båghuh ˙arasa-hå Allåh fÈ ashiyyat yawm al-Thulåthå al-khåmis wa- / al-ishrÈn min RabÈ al-Awwal sanat sitt wa-thal‹å›thÈn wa-khams mia / al-˙amd li-llåh lå sharÈk la-hu. End of the seventh volume, which is the end of the entire al-Jåmi al-Ía˙È˙ of al-BukhårÈ, with the praise and help of God. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad, His prophet, and upon his family ... bounty of ... Written by AlÈ b. Ghålib b. Mu˙ammad b. ÓazmËn al-KalbÈ for himself, may God make him profit from it, open his heart to Him, and forgive him, his parents, those who pray for them with mercy, and all the Muslims. Copied from an exemplar that was collated against the original of the jurist AbË Abd Allåh Ibn Abbåd, who transcribed it in his own hand from the book of al-AßÈlÈ. I have completed it in the city of Priego – may God protect it – in the evening of Tuesday, the twenty-fifth of RabÈ I of the year 536. Praise be to God, he has no associate. Item 114 (Colophon and collation note on f. 209b) Åkhir kitåb Shar˙ al-sunna wa-huwa åkhir al-dÈwån / wa-l-˙amd li-llåh rabb al-ålamÈn wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad khåtim / al-nabiyyÈn wa-l-mursalÈn wa-alå åli-hi al-†ayyibÈn wa-al-salåm / alay-him ajmaÈn / wa-dhålik fÈ Shabån al-mubårak åm sitta wathalåthÈn wa-khams mia / Tamma al-muqåbala fa-ßa˙˙a bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi min al-umm allatÈ huwa mansËkh min-hå wa-hiya al-umm al-madhkËra li-l-faqÈh al-imåm al-QurashÈ Ya˙yå ibn al-Óasan ibn Mu˙ammad al-Q… / … tamåmu-hu bi-lmuqåbala ka-må dhukira fÈ yawm al-Sabt må∂È li-shahr Rama∂‹å›n al-muaΩΩam tisat ashar yawman åm sitta wa-thalåthÈn wa-khams mia. End of the Book of Explanation of the Tradition, which is the last [chapter] of the book, praise be to God, Lord of the Worlds. May God pray upon Mu˙ammad, the seal of the prophets and messengers, and upon his good family, and peace be upon all of them. That occurred in the blessed Shabån of the year 536. End of the collation, and it proved correct, with the praise and help of God, against the exemplar from which it was transcribed. That is the above-mentioned exemplar of the jurist and imam al-QurashÈ Ya˙yå b. al-Óasan b. Mu˙ammad al-Q... completed with the collation, as we have said, on Saturday the thirteenth of the month of Rama∂ån the exalted of the year 536. Item 118 (Preface on f. 3b) Bism Allåh al-ra˙mån al-ra˙Èm wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad wa-ahli-hi wa-sallama / Qaratu alå al-shaykh al-imåm al-ßåli˙ al-thiqa AbÈ al-Fat˙ Abd al-Malik ibn AbÈ al-Qåsim ibn AbÈ Sahl

appendix v

/ al-HarawÈ al-KarËkhÈ ra∂iya Allåh an-hu fÈ Ribå† al-Bur˙ån alå shå†i Dijlat Baghdådh fÈ ashhår min sanat arbaÈn wa-khams mia [...]. In the name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate, may God pray upon Mu˙ammad and his people, and grant him peace. I have studied [this book] under the venerable, trusted, and honorable imam AbË al-Fat˙ Abd al-Malik b. AbÈ al-Qåsim b. AbÈ Sahl al-HarawÈ al-KarËkhÈ – may God be pleased with him – in the Ribå† al-Bur˙ån, on the shore of the Tigris, in Baghdad, during the months of the year 540 [...]. (Colophon on f. 90b) Tamma bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi fÈ madÈnat Baghdådh ˙arasahå Allåh fÈ mustahall Rajab al-fard min åm arbaÈn wa-khams mia / fa-ra˙ima Allåh kåtiba-hu wa-kåsiba-hu wa-l-qåri fÈ-hi wa-l-dåÈ la-hum amÈn wa-kataba al-abd al-faqÈr / li-ra˙mat Allåh Mu˙ammad ibn Makhlad ibnAbd Allåh ibn Makhlad ibn Ïså alTamÈmÈ li-nafsi-hi wa-l-˙amd li-llåh ˙aqq ˙amdi-hi / yatlË-hu […] It is finished, with the praise and help of God, in the city of Baghdad – may God protect it – at the beginning of Rajab of the year 540. May God have mercy on its copyist, its acquirer, its reader, and on those who pray for them, amen. Written by the poor servant Mu˙ammad b. Makhlad b.Abd Allåh b. Makhlad b. Ïså al-TamÈmÈ for himself, seeking God’s mercy. Praise be to God as is due to Him. It is followed by […]. (Colophon on f. 112b) Tamma naskhu-hu bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi min kitåb alshaykh al-KarËkhÈ al-råwÈ / fÈ Jumådå al-Åkhira fÈ MadÈnat alSalåm Baghdådh åm arbaÈn wa-khams mia wa-ßallå Allåh alå Mu˙ammad / yatlË-hu […]. Its transcription is finished, with the praise and help of God, from the book of the venerable transmitter al-KarËkhÈ, in Jumådå II, in MadÈnat al-Salåm Baghdad, in the year 540, may God pray upon Mu˙ammad. It is followed by […]. Item 123 (Colophon and collation note on f. 267a) Tamma jamÈ al-dÈwån al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙ / wa-l-˙amd li-llåh ˙aqq ˙amdi-hi wa-ßalawåt alå Mu˙ammad nabÈ-hi wa-abdi-hi wa-ßa˙åbati-hi al-akramÈn wa-man tabaa-hum bi-i˙sån ilå yawm al-dÈn laylat al-Ithnayn al-thålith min Shab‹å›n al-mukarram sanat kamsÈn wa-khams mia / intasakhtu muΩama-hu min kitåb untusikha min aßl al-qå∂È AbÈ al-WalÈd al-BåjÈ ra∂iya Allåh an-hu wa-ßu˙˙i˙a bi-hi wa-qåbaltu jamÈa-hu bi-hi marratayn juhd al-†åqa

413

414

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

thumm qåbaltu min kitåb al-BuyË ilå åkhiri-hi marratayn / bikitåb al-faqÈh al-ajall al-mushåwar al-kha†Èb al-af∂al al-mu˙addith al-akmal AbÈ Abd Allåh ibn Saåda waßala Allåh tawfÈqa-hu wa-huwa al-aßl al-atÈq alladhÈ kåna al-qå∂È al-imåm AbË AlÈ ibn Sukara ra˙ima-hu Allåh yarwÈ-hi wa-alay-hi itamadtu wa-ilay-hi fÈ-må ashkala rajatu wa-qåbaltu ay∂an min awwali-hi ilå kitåb al-BuyË thalåth marråt bi-aßl al-qå∂È AbÈ al-WalÈd ibn al-Dabbågh al-muntasakh min al-kitåb alladhÈ intasakhtu anå min-hu hådhå al-mußa˙˙a˙ bi-kitåb al-qå∂È AbÈ AlÈ al-madhkËr fa-ßa˙˙a in shåa Allåh ta‹å›lå wa-l-˙amd li-llåh alå må awlå. End of the whole book of al-Jåmi al-ßa˙È˙. Praise be to God as is due to Him, and prayers upon Mu˙ammad, His prophet and servant, upon his noble companions, and upon those who follow him in performing good deeds until the Day of Judgement. That occurred in the night of Monday, the third day of the honoured Shabån of 550. I transcribed most of it from a book that was transcribed from the original of the judge AbË al-WalÈd al-BåjÈ – may God be pleased with him – and that was checked against it. I collated all of it twice, to the best of my abilities. Then I collated part of it, from the Book of Transactions to the end, twice, against the book of the most exalted jurist, the most excellent preacher, the most perfect traditionist AbË Abd Allåh Ibn Saåda – may God bestow His success [upon him. Said book] is the ancient original transmitted by the judge and imam AbË AlÈ Ibn Sukara – may God have mercy on him – and I relied on it, and I referred to it whenever I found something problematic. I have also collated part of [this book], from the beginning to the Book of Transactions, thrice, against the original of the judge AbË al-WalÈd Ibn al-Dabbågh, which was transcribed from the same book as this one, and it proved correct, and against the book of the abovementioned judge AbË AlÈ, and it proved correct, God willing, and praise be to God for [the benefits] He conferred. Item 126 (Colophon and transmission note on ff. 135b-136a) Kamala jamÈ shir AbÈ Tammåm ÓabÈb ibn Aws al-ÊåÈ / riwåyat AbÈ AlÈ IsmåÈl ibn al-Qåsim al-BaghdådhÈ / wa-dhålik fÈ al-thåmin wa-l-ishrÈn min Jumådå / al-Åkhira sanat sitt wa-khamsÈn wakhams mia / wa-l-˙amd li-llåh alå dhålik kathÈran wa-ßalla Allåh alå / Mu˙ammad nabÈ-hi wa-sallama taslÈman / kataba-hu li-nafsihi bi-kha†† yadi-hi AlÈ ibn Mu˙ammad ibn Ïså al-QaysÈ nafaa-hu Allåh bi-hi intasakha-hu / min kitåb al-shaykh al-ajall al-wazÈr al-ustådh AbÈ al-Qåsim IbråhÈm ibn Mu˙ammad ibn Zakariyyå al-ZuhrÈ / al-marËf bi-ibn al-IflÈlÈ al-maktËb bi-kha†† yadi-hi almanqËl min al-qarå†Ès allatÈ ijtalaba-hå / AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl ibn al-Qåsim al-BaghdådhÈ wa-dhakara anna-hå bi-kha†† yad AbÈ Tammåm ÓabÈb / ibn Aws al-ÊåÈ.

appendix v

Wa-alfaytu fÈ åkhir al-aßl al-madhkËr bi-kha†† al-shaykh al-ustådh AbÈ al-Qåsim al-madhkËr / ra˙ima-hu Allåh: “Kamala fÈ hådhå al-sifr jamÈ må ta∂ammanat-hu al-qarå†Ès allatÈ ijtalaba-hå AbË AlÈ / IsmåÈl ibn al-Qåsim al-BaghdådhÈ min shir AbÈ Tammåm ÓabÈb ibn Aws al-ÊåÈ wa-dhakara / AbË AlÈ anna-hå bi-kha†† yad AbÈ Tammåm / wa-istaqarrat ind ßå˙ib al-shur†a al-kåtib AbÈ al-Qåsim / ibn Sayyid wa-ßårat ilayya min jihati-hi. Wa-kadhålik kamala fÈ-hi jamÈ må qayyada-hu AbË AlÈ min shir AbÈ Tammåm fÈ sifr al-kåghidh alladhÈ qaraa fÈ-hi alå AbÈ Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh ibn Jafar ibn Durustawayh / wa-aqraa-hu dhålik riwåyatan an AlÈ ibn MahdÈ al-KisrawÈ an AbÈ Tammåm ÓabÈb ibn Aws / waistaqarra al-sifr al-madhkËr ind al-˙åjib Jafar ibn Uthmån wa-ßåra min jihati-hi ilå ßå˙ib al-shur†a / al-kåtib AbÈ Óafß ibn Ma∂å wa-istaartu-hu min ibni-hi wa-a∂aftu ilå dhålik må alfaytu-hu / zåidan fÈ al-kutub allatÈ istaqarrat bi-kha†† AbÈ AlÈ wa-riwåyati-hi fÈ khizånat al-ManßËr AbÈ / Åmir Mu˙ammad ibn AbÈ Åmir, waakhraja ilayya al-kutub al-madhkËra AbË al-Qåsim al-Óusayn ibn al-WalÈd al-marËf bi-Ibn al-ArÈf ra˙ima Allåh jamÈ ­al-madhkËrÈn wa-afå an-hum / wa-a∂aftu ilå må naqaltu-hu min al-ußËl almadhkËra må alfaytu-hu zåidan fÈ riwåyat / Mu˙ammad ibn Ya˙yå al-ÍËlÈ mimmå ashbaha må taqaddama fÈ ˙ußn al-ßinåa wa-ikhtiyår al-alfåΩ / wa-l-˙amd li-llåh alå awni-hi wa-jamÈl tayÈdi-hi kathÈran ka-må huwa ahlu-hu wa-ßallå Allåh / alå Mu˙ammad wa-sallama. Allåhumm ajal-hu duåan nåfian wa-sayan mashkËran”. Naqaltu-hu ka-må alfaytu-hu fÈ al-aßl al-madhkËr ˙arfan bi-˙arf End of the whole poems of AbË Tammåm ÓabÈb b. Aws al-ÊåÈ, according to the recension of AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl b. al-Qåsim al-­ BaghdådÈ. That occurred on the twenty-third of Jumådå II of the year 556. Much praise be to God for that, and may he pray upon His prophet Mu˙ammad and grant him perfect peace. Written by AlÈ b. Mu˙ammad b. Ïså al-QaysÈ for himself, in his own hand, may God make him profit from it. Transcribed from the book of the venerable master and most excellent vizier AbË al-Qåsim IbråhÈm b. Mu˙ammad b. Zakariyyå al-ZuhrÈ, known as Ibn al-IflÈlÈ, which was written in his own hand and copied from the loose leaves brought [to al-Andalus] by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl b. al-Qåsim al-BaghdådÈ, said to be written by AbË Tammåm ÓabÈb b. Aws al-ÊåÈ himself. At the end of the above-mentioned exemplar written by the venerable master AbË al-Qåsim – may God have mercy on him – I found [the following colophon]: “This is the end of what was contained in the loose leaves brought [to al-Andalus] by AbË AlÈ IsmåÈl b. al-Qåsim al-BaghdådÈ, containing the poems of AbË Tammåm ÓabÈb b. Aws al-ÊåÈ, which AbË AlÈ said were written in AbË Tammåm’s own hand. These leaves remained with the chief of police and court secretary AbË al-Qåsim Ibn Sayyid, and through him they came

415

416

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION OF THE ISLAMIC WEST

to me. Here also ends the compilation of AbË Tammåm’s poems that AbË AlÈ wrote down in a paper book that he read before AbË Mu˙ammad Abd Allåh b. Jafar Ibn Durustawayh, who instructed him in the recension of AlÈ b. MahdÈ al-KisrawÈ, [who received the text] from AbË Tammåm. This book remained with the chamberlain Jafar b. Uthmån, and from him it passed to the chief of police and court secretary AbË Óafß Ibn Ma∂å, and I obtained it from his son. I have added to it what I found in the books deposited in the library of al-ManßËr AbË Åmir Mu˙ammad Ibn AbÈ Åmir, written by AbË AlÈ and containing his recension, which AbË al-Qåsim al-Óusayn b. al-WalÈd, known as Ibn al-ArÈf, brought out for me [from the Amirid library]. May God have mercy upon all the people I mentioned and forgive them. I have also appended some additional [poems] I found in the recension of Mu˙ammad b. Ya˙yå al-ÍËlÈ, namely those which resemble the rest in terms of poetic quality and refined language. Much praise be to God for His help and beneficial assistance, as is His due, and may God pray upon Mu˙ammad and grant him peace. O God, render [this book] a beneficial prayer and a praiseworthy endeavour”. I transcribed [this colophon] as I found it in the abovementioned original, word by word. Item 127 (Colophon and reading-cum-transmission certificate on ff. 293b-294a) Kamala jamÈ al-dÈwån bi-˙amd Allåh wa-awni-hi wa-dhålik yawm al-Arbaå li-thal‹å›th baqÈn li-Rama∂‹å›n al-muaΩΩam min sanat tis wa-khamsÈn wa-khams mia / wa-kataba-hu al-faqÈr ilå ra˙mat Allåh Abd Allåh ibn Ïså ibn Ubayd Allåh ibn Ïså al-MurådÈ alAndalusÈ thumm al-IshbÈlÈ ˙åmid [sic] Allåh wa-mußalliyan alå nabÈ-hi. YaqËl al-faqÈr ilå ra˙mat Allåh Abd Allåh ibn Ïså ibn Ubayd Allåh ibn Ïså al-MurådÈ al-AndalusÈ thumm al-IshbÈlÈ: “Qaratu jamÈ hådhå al-kitåb wa-huwa al-Musnad al-ßa˙È˙ / li-l-imåm al-˙åfiΩ AbÈ al-Óusayn Muslim ibn al-Óajjåj al-QushayrÈ alNÈshåbËrÈ ra∂iya Allåh an-hu alå al-shaykh al-imåm al-faqÈh alzåhid al-kabÈr AbÈ AlÈ al-Óasan ibn AlÈ ibn / al-Óasan al-AnßårÈ al-Ba†alyawsÈ ghafara Allåh la-hu wa-waffaqa-hu li-mar∂åti-hi wa-huwa nåΩir fÈ aßl samåa-hu min al-shaykh al-imåm al-˙åfiΩ AbÈ Abd Allåh Mu˙ammad ibn Íåid al-FarråwÈ al-Íå / idÈ wal-shaykh al-imåm al-˙åfiΩ WajÈh ibn Êåhir al-Sha˙˙åmÈ bi-˙aqq riwåyati-himå an al-shaykh al-imåm Abd al-Ghåfir ibn IsmåÈl al-FårisÈ bi-˙aqq riwåyati-hi an al-shaykh al-imåm / al-˙åfiΩ AbÈ Mu˙ammad Mu˙ammad ibn Ïså al-JalËdÈ bi-˙aqq riwåyati-hi an