The Manipulative Mode: Political Propaganda in Antiquity: A Collection of Case Studies 9004142916, 9789004142916

Table of contents :
THE MANIPULATIVE MODE: POLITICAL PROPAGANDA IN ANTIQUITY A COLLECTION OF CASE STUDIES
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Propaganda in Pindar's First Pythian Ode
Choral Agons in Democratic Athens, 510-400 BC
Propaganda and Competition in Athenian Oratory
Kings against Celts: Deliverance from Barbarians as a Theme in Hellenistic Royal Propaganda
Who Are 'We'? Towards Propagandistic Mechanism and Purpose of Caesar's Bellum Gallicum
Epic Prophecy as Imperial Propaganda?
Jupiter's First Speech in Virgil's Aeneid
The Creation of an Imperial Tradition: Ideological Aspects of the House of Augustus
The Propagation of fortitudo: Gladiatorial Combats from ca. 85 BC to the Times of Trajan and Their Reflection in Roman Literature
The Panegyrical lnventio: A Rhetorical Analysis of Panegyricus Latinus V
SUPPLEMENTS TO MNEMOSYNE

Citation preview

THE MANIPULATIVE MODE

MNEMOSYNE BIBLIOTHECA CLASSICA BATAVA COLLEGERUNT H. PINKSTER • H. S. VERSNEL I.J.F. DE JONG • P. H. SCHRIJVERS BIBLIOTHECAE FASCICULOS EDENDOS CURAVIT H. PINKSTER, KLASSIEK SEMINARIUM, SPUISTRAAT 134, AMSTERDAM

SUPPLEMENTUM DUCENTESIMUM SEXAGESIMUM PRIMUM KARL A.E. ENENKEL ILJA LEONARD PFEIJFFER

THE MANIPULATIVE MODE

THE MANIPULATIVE MODE POLITICAL PROPAGANDA IN ANTIQUITY A COLLECTION OF CASE STUDIES

EDITED BY

KARL A.E. ENENKEL ILJA LEONARD PFEIJFFER

BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2005

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ISSN 0169-8958 ISBN 90 04 14291 6 © Copyright 2005 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands

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CONTENTS

Introduction....................................................................................

1

Propaganda in Pindar's First Pythian Ode .. .. .. .. ................... Ilja Leonard Pfeijffer

13

Choral Agons in Democratic Athens, 510-400 BC ................... Simon R Slings

43

Propaganda and Competition in Athenian Oratory ............... C. Carey

65

Kings against Celts. Deliverance from Barbarians as a Theme in Hellenistic Royal Propaganda .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . Rolf Strootman

101

Who Are 'We'? Towards Propagandistic Mechanism and Purpose of Caesar's Bellum Gallicum ............................ Stephan Busch

143

Epic Prophecy as Imperial Propaganda? Jupiter's First Speech in Virgil's Aeneid ................................. Karl A.E. Enenkel

167

The Creation of an Imperial Tradition Ideological Aspects of the House of Augustus Paul G.P. Me y boom

219

The Propagation of Jortitudo Gladiatorial Combats from ca. 85 BC to the Times of Trajan and Their Reflection in Roman Literature .... .... .. Karl A.E. Enenkel

275

vi

CONTENTS

The Panegyrical lnventio A Rhetorical Analysis of Panegyricus Latinus V .................. Susanna de Beer

295

INTRODUCTION

We live in an age of propaganda. The ever increasing perfection of the means of communication as for technology, marketing and logistics has produced ever growing opportunities for governments and companies to manipulate, control and even shape our minds. The mass media are literally omnipresent and all-pervasive. In fact, it is hard to pass a single day without being exposed to their manipulative stream of information.1 While other parameters that constitute personal identity are rapidly losing relevance, identity and identification created by the mass media become more and more decisive. Wars are lost and won on the battle-field of the television screen, where mondial sympathy for one's cause is at stake. Elections, too, are decided on television, and media awareness is a pivotal part of a politician's skill. Recent developments in several democratic countries have shown that spectacular changes in the political spectrum can be achieved by skilful manipulative campaigns. The techniques of manipulation have become more and more subtle and elaborate. Campaign leaders know that the success of a campaign is determined more by the way in which a certain message is presented than by its content. Mutatis mutandis, the same is true for marketing. The success of a certain product depends less on its quality than on a convincing commercial campaign. And these are but a few examples among many. Against this background, it makes sense that in recent years the topic of propaganda received much attention in the hu1 This is especially true, of course, for the Western world, but has in fact become a universal phenomenon. A.P. Foulkes (Literature and Propaganda, London and New York 1983, l) remarks: "Remote communities in Mrica and Latin America, although they may lack schools, medical facilities, drinking water and agricultural implements, need possess only a transistor radio in order to tune themselves in to the advertising jingles and political slogans which [ ... ] desire to shape their social and economic reality [ ... ] ".

2

INTRODUCTION

mamtles, not only in modern history, but also in classical studies. As for the latter, the ghost of anachronism is always near, for especially with a concept like propaganda it is all too tempting to apply our modern experiences to a period of the remote past. This has been done several times, mostly without making the peculiarities of either modern or antique propaganda explicit. On the other hand, scholars like Tonio Holscher and Armin Eich insist that the transmission of political ideas in antiquity cannot be described in terms of propaganda.2 Karl Galinsky, in his monumental Augustan Culture, takes a sceptical stand with respect to propaganda, but does not entirely deny the applicability of the concept. 3 Gregor Weber and Martin Zimmermann, who recently organised a conference on propaganda, self-fashioning and representation in the Early Roman Empire, 4 provide a revision of the definition of propaganda and a discussion of its applicability to Roman politics. 5 The editors of this book subscribe to many considerations and doubts expressed in Weber's and Zimmermann's paper. Surely it will not do to simply without question project the modern concept of propaganda on political communication in antiquity. Three alleged characteristics of modern propaganda are especially problematic if one applies them to the situation in the ancient world. First and foremost, there is the widely held idea that modern propaganda is in principal centrally organised by the leaders of the state or other central institutions 2 T. Holscher, 'Die Alten vor Augen. Politische Denkmaler und offentliches Gedachtnis im republikanischen Rom', in: G. Melville (ed.}, Instutionalisierung und Symbolisierung. Verstetigung kultureller Ordnungsmuster in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart, Cologne 2001; idem, 'Augustus und die Macht der Archaologie', in: Giovannini, La revolutione Romain apres Ronald Syme, 237281; A. Eich, Politische Literatur in der Romischen Gesellschaft. Studien zum Verhiiltnis von politischer und literarischer Offentlichkeit in der spiiten Republik und in der Jrilhen Kaiserzeit, Cologne 2000. 3 K. Galinsky, Augustan Culture. An Interpretive Introduction, Princeton U.P., 1996 (paperback edition Princeton 1998); see especially his discussion on 3941. 4 'Propaganda, Selbstdarstellung und Reprasentation', held at Tiibingen, 2000. 5 'Propaganda, Selbstdarstellung und Reprasentation. Die Leitbegriffe des Kolloquiums in der Forschung zur Friihen Kaiserzeit', in: iidem (eds.), Propaganda - Selbstdarstellung - Repriisentation im Romischen Kaiserreich des 1. jhs. n. Chr., Wiesbaden and Stuttgart 2003.

INTRODUCTION

3

(German scholars speak of "zentrale Lenkung"), often so systematically that one can speak of 'propaganda machines', and that the machinery functions on the basis of clear orders given to the actual producers of propaganda, such as text writers, speakers and artists. The second alleged characteristic of modern propaganda is closely related to the idea of the centrally organized propaganda machine, and consists in the implantation of information by force, for which Nazism and Soviet Communism figure as archetypical examples. A third aspect with far reaching consequences is that modern propaganda is, by definition, considered to address very large audiences, the mass. Implicitly or explicitly the modern mass media are regarded as crucial instruments for effective political manipulation. Their quantitative potential has deeply affected our ideas on propaganda. It has become difficult for us to imagine a kind of propaganda that is imparted through different channels and works in a different way. Unfortunately, many scholars imported the modern concept of propaganda into classical studies without questioning these three problematic features. Sir Ronald Syme, in his very influential The Roman Revolution, written with the experience of Nazi Fascism, applied the idea of centrally organised propaganda ("zentrale Lenkung") to the reign of Augustus. 6 Mter Syme, many scholars departed from the implicit assumption that there were governmental propaganda machines in antiquity that shaped political opinion in a way similar to twentiest century propaganda. In the same implicit manner it was taken for granted that equivalents of the modern mass media existed in antiquity, and that they functioned in a similar way. Coins were identified as antiquity's mass medium par excellence. Many scholars believed that one of the most important functions of coins was to make political ideas acceptable to the people. 7 H. Voit, for instance, calls the reverse of a coin 6 See especially 7 Among many

Syme's chapter on 'The organisation of opinion'. others, e.g., M. Kemkes, 'Politische Propaganda zur Zeit Traians im Spiegel der Miinzen und historischen Reliefs', in: E. Schallmeyer (ed.), Traian in Germanien- Trajan im Reich, Bad Homburg 1999, 127-136; R. Gobi, Die Miinzpriigung des Kaisers Aurelian, Wien 1993; H. Voit, 'Geld und Politik, Propaganda auf romischen Miinzen', in: Geschichte lernen 21,1991,4449; G. Lahusen, Die Bildnismiinzen der romischen Republik, Munich 1989; W.

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INTRODUCTION

'the side of propaganda', and says that since Augustus emperors prefer to use this instrument to impart political information to the people, because in an age without radio and television this was the only means available to communicate political programs to the remote provinces. 8 Others, including A.H.M. Jones, M.H. Crawford and R. Wolters, objected to this idea. 9 They considered it as decisive that in many cases it was not the emperor himself who invented the message or ordered the coinage, and that coins allow for clarification of political programmes only to a fairly limited degree. Wolters, moreover, has pointed out practical problems, such as the fact that coins reached the people with considerable delay, and he concluded that they were therefore not intended as means of propaganda.10 Karl Galinsky, too, doubts that coins functioned as propagranda: "Coinage at best can reaffirm 'propaganda' though not create it. At most, coin types can serve as a refle ction on, and as a record and affirmation of, something that is already known through other sources". 11 A similar discussion arose in archaeology. Paul Zanker made an important effort to understand Augustus' building and pictorial programmes as propaganda, as a means to legitimate and promulgate his polit-

Trillmilch, Familienpropaganda der Kaiser Caligula und Claudius. Agrippina Maior und Antonia Augusta auf Miinzen, Berlin 1978; A. Alfoldi, 'The main aspects of Political Propaganda on the Coinage of the Roman Republic', in: R.A.G. Carson and C.H.V. Sutherland (edd.), Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to H Mattingly, Oxford 1956, 63-95. 8 "Die Riickseite einer Miinze ist die 'Propagandaseite'. Seit Augustus benutzten die Kaiser mit Vorliebe dieses Mittel, urn Informationen unters Volk zu bringen. In einer Zeit ohne Femsehen, Rundfunk und Zeitungen [... ] war das das einzige Mittel, Regierungsprogramme [... ] bis in die abgelegensten Provinzen zu verkiinden," 'Geld und Politik, Propaganda auf romischen Miinzen', 45 (emphasis added). 9 A.H.M. Jones, Numismatics and History, in: Carson and C.H.V. Sutherland (edd.), Essays in Roman Coinage, 13-33; M.H. Crawford, 'Roman Imperial Coin Types and the Formation of Public Opinion', in: C.N.L. Brooke et al. (edd.), Studies in Numismatic Methods, Cambridge 1983, 47-64; R. Wolters, Nummi signati. Untersuchungen zur Romischen Miinzpriigung und Geldwirtschaft, Munich 1999. Cf. Karl Galinski's sceptical stand with respect to profoaganda on coins in his Augustan Culture, 39-41. Cf. Weber and Zimmermann, Propaganda, Selbstdarstellung und Refr!iisentation, 24-28. 11 Augustan Culture, 39.

°

INTRODUCTION

5

ical ideas. 12 Zanker's views convinced many, but Tonio Holscher 13 and others have questioned his ideas. One of the main arguments brought forward, e.g. by Holscher and Bergmann, is that it must have been extremely difficult, in fact too difficult for ordinary spectators, to fully grasp the political message of pictorial programmes because of their encoded character and their 'iconographical blur.' 14 Taking these objections into account, it does in fact seem questionable whether it makes sense at all to speak about propaganda in antiquity. Weber and Zimmermann are inclined to deny that. As, for them, propaganda is indissolubly connected with central organization and vertical direction, and apparently much less with social interaction or an upward movement, 15 they do not subscribe to the applicability of the notion to the politics of antiquity. 16 They formulate the following criteria for political communiaction to be described in terms of propaganda. First, it must be possible to discern with certainty the political message of a work of art or literature. Second, it must be possible to fully understand the intentions of the rulers. Third, it must be possible to provide a positive answer to the question whether the political messages were actually understood by the contemporary audience. Fourth, it must be pos12

Augustus und die Macht der Bilder, Munich 1987. 'Augustus und die Macht der Archaologie', in: Giovannini, In revolutione Romain apres Ronald Syme, 237-281. For the discussion with respect to archeology, cf. Weber and Zimmermann, 'Propaganda, Selbstdarstellung und Reprasentation', 28-30. 14 "Ikonographische Unscharfe", M. Bergmann, Die Strahlen der Herrscher. Theomorphes Herrscherbild und politische Symbolik im Hellenismus und in der romischen Kaiserzeit, Mainz 1981, 98. 15 Weber and Zimmermann follow Holscher in this respect. For the results of the misleading identification of modern propaganda with central organisation and downward orientation, see for example Holscher, 'Augustus und die Macht der Archaologie', 258: "Das alles ist weit entfernt von Praktiken und Strategien totalitarer Meinungslenkung in Neuzeit und Gegenwart. Der Begriff der 'Propaganda' trifft darum schlecht. Augustus hat im wesentlichen nicht auf Verordnungen, Meinungszwang und Gesinnungskontrolle gesetzt." 16 "Die Kaiser waren namlich auf ganz unterschiedlichen Ebenen mit Erwartungen der Beherrschten konfrontiert, die es zu erfullen galt [ ... ] Der Kaiser musste demnach immer darauf bedacht sein, Zustimmung zu seinem Herrschaftsverstandnis einzuholen oder in seinen Handlungen zu antizipieren," 'Propaganda, Selbstdarstellung und Reprasentation', 35. 13

6

INTRODUCTION

sible to discern the effect of the propagandistic message. 17 Since, in their view, these criteria are not met, they state that propaganda was not useful for the rulers of antiquity and that they lacked motivation to propagate their political ideas. 18 Instead, they prefer the concept of representation, mirroring their view that emperors did not need propaganda in order to increase the acceptance of their politics, and that it was sufficient for them to 'represent' their power. The crucial point, however, is that Weber and Zimmermann, as well as those they criticize, depart from the alleged characteristics of twentiest century propaganda and that their ideas about the concept of propaganda are shaped predominantly by Nazi Fascism and Stalinism. The present book takes its starting point from the conviction that this concept of propaganda is too limited, for antiquity as well as, for that matter, for our modern society. In order to arrive at a better understanding of political manipulation in antiquity, as well as, for that matter, in our present day, it is necessary to depart from a more balanced concept of propaganda, taking the three problematic features of the modern concept of propaganda into account. In the first place, it is necessary to abandon the presupposition that propaganda is by definition based on a central organization and characterised by a downward movement and, consequently, the idea of propaganda consisting in the implantation of information by force. To understand its aims and effects, it is important to be aware of interaction, integration, horizontal orientation and upward movement. This is true for modern propaganda, too, even for the propaganda of dictatorial regimes. It is a telling detail that the archetypical exponent of vertical propaganda, Joseph Goebbels, the director of the Reichsministerium fur Volksaufkliirung und Propaganda, had an outspoken preference of integrative and horizontal propa-

17 'Propaganda, Selbstdarstellung und Reprasentation', 13. To this they add one other item on the 'Verbreitung' of the medium. 18 Thus, in Weber's and Zimmermann's view, ''war Propaganda also zur Durchsetzung der Herrscherideologie nicht niitig" ('Propaganda, Selbstdarstellung und Reprasentation', 35).

INTRODUCTION

7

ganda, 19 of which he has given numerous examples in his own speeches. When he says, e.g., that "this time is our time. W e give it all the strength of our hearts en of our minds, because it abolishes causes for conflict and thus brings true peace, because it provides a challenge for true talent,"20 he tries to drive his point home by a maximum of identification with his audience. Who of his listeners would not have subscribed to the splendour of these common ideals? Who would not like to live in peace, to solve conflicts, to be modern, dynamic and cool? Who would not like to be regarded as a talented person and to prove his talent by challenge and response? It goes without saying that in modern Western democracies horizontal propaganda is at least of equal importance. Interaction, integration, horizontal orientation and upward movement are especially relevant to propaganda in antiquity. The reason for this lies, not in the last place, in the parameters set by the various forms of political organisation. For Athenian democracy, for instance, "propaganda is horizontal or upward in movement, not downward. And though it inevitably involves a selective use, biased presentation or even invention of 'facts' about past and present, it is rarely based on control of information," as Carey states at the outset of his paper on 'Propaganda and Competition in Athenian Oratory', in this volume. 21 Similar considerations are relevant to the Roman Empire with its extremely complex and, in fact, double edged political outlook. On the one hand, the Roman Empire is organized as a monarchy; on the other, republican structures are maintained and even emphasised. This means that blunt downward propaganda and absolute control of a propaganda machine (let alone the implantation of political information by force), would have been utterly counter-effective. Almost all 19 The notions of horizontal and vertical propaganda were coined by Jacques Ellul, Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes (trsl. by K Kellen and ]. Lerner), New York 1973. For Goebbels' views cf. M. Balfour, Propaganda in War 1939-1945, London 1979. 'ID "Diese Zeit ist unsere Zeit. Wir leihen ihr aile Kriifte unseres Herzens und unseres Verstandes, weil sie Konfliktstoffe beseitigt und damit den wahren Frieden bringt, weil sie ein Bewahrungsfeld fiir echte Talente [... ] darstellt," Gesammelte Reden und Aufsiitze, 75 (emphasis added). 21 See below.

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INTRODUCTION

successful emperors were fully aware of this situation and acted accordingly. The real power of propaganda, as Foulkes aptly puts it, "lies in its capacity to appear natural, to coalesce completely and invisibly with the values and accepted power symbols. "22 This is of special relevance to the Roman Empire. Karl Galinsky is entirely right when he says that it was of pivotal importance for imperial propaganda to conceal itselj.Z3 This sheds a different light on the four criteria for propaganda formulated by Weber and Zimmermann and the complaints of others that, because of 'iconographical blur' or other disturbing interference, it is sometimes difficult to determine the precise message that is propagated. Apart from the fact that it is exactly our job to decipher difficult messages from the distant past and that the difficulty in deciphering this message is more a problem of historical research in general than of propaganda in particular, the alleged vagueness and inconspicuousness of the propagated message may very well be the result of a successful attempt on the part of the ruler to conceal his manipulative message in order to make it appear natural and to make it coalesce completely and invisibly with the values and accepted power symbols. With respect to the third problematic characteristic of modern propaganda identified above, too, a more balanced view is needed. Mass media are not an absolute condition for propaganda to reach its goals. Propaganda does not by definition address the masses. This is true for the dictatorial propaganda of Nazi Fascism and Stalinism, where mass rallies, parades, films, pamphlets, posters, news papers, novels, poems, and speeches held at the parade ground, for party members, in parliament, or at an official state banquet, all address partly overlapping audiences of different sizes. This is especially true for propaganda in antiquity, which often does not address the masses, but much smaller audiences. This is, of course, partly due to the limitations of the media, but it is not simply caused by it. Addressing a smaller audience was often a matter of conscious choice. The ruler had always to bear in mind who 22 Literature and Propaganda, 3.

Z3 Augustan

Culture, 40.

INTRODUCTION

9

was to be persuaded of his programme and ideas. The choice of the specific medium was tuned to the intended audience. Since it was of crucial importance for rulers in antiquity to persuade the elite, the media chosen to propagate the political message were often media to which mainly the elite had access. Against this background, it can be understood why literature played an important role for propagating political ideas in antiquity. Literature was the privileged means of communication of the elite. Therefore, this book puts emphasis on the investigation of political manipulation in literature in various genres and contexts. The editors and contributors of this volume are fully aware of the complexity of the notion of propaganda, or, as one of our authors puts it, of the fact that to "define propaganda is a bit like trying to catch a greased pig: slippery." Given the complexity of propaganda, the consideration of details is of vital importance. "Instead of sweeping general statements," as Karl Galinsky rightly remarked, "we need to proceed on a case-bycase basis. "24 This book offers a number of case studies, investigating into the strategies, contexts and various parameters of specific examples of ancient propaganda. The dominant focus on the Roman Empire has eclipsed the fact that propaganda is by no means a Roman privilege. In order to counter-balance this all but exclusive attention for the Roman Empire, this book offers a much more generous treatment of political manipulation in ancient Greek culture than is usual in studies on propaganda in antiquity, ranging from archaic Sicily to the Hellenistic kingdoms. Since the Roman Empire remains of central importance for the topic, the other half of the book deals with various examples of polical propaganda in imperial Roman literature and architecture. Ilja Leonard Pfeijffer's essay on Pindar's first Pythian ode, commemorating a victory won in the chariot race by the great tyrant Hieron of Syracuse (470 BC), demonstrates that Hieron seized the opportunity of the public celebration of his victory in Aetna to commission an ode designed to support his political agenda and that the ode as a whole, including its much ad24 Augustan Culture, 40.

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INTRODUCTION

mired proem, legitimates his position and propagates recognition of his status as the king of kings and the saviour of Greece. Where Pfeijffer investigates into the specifics of propaganda in the context of archaic tyranny in Sicily, Simon Slings focusses on contemporary Athens, where democracy had just been established. His essay offers a detailed investigation into the problems concerned with the early fifth century choral agon, especially its chronology, and Slings demonstrates that the new democratic leaders of Athens made use of the institution of the choral agon in order to propagate the political structures after the Clisthenic reforms by visualizing tribal bonds. To our great grief, Simon Slings has not lived to witness the publication of this book. The editors remember him with admiration, affection and gratitude and hope that the book in which his essay is included does some justice to his exemplary scholarship. The third essay focusses on the hey-days of Athenian democracy. Christopher Carey investigates into the specifics of the propaganda of Athenian oratory, characterised by its upward and horizontal movement. He discusses some of its hot topics, rhetorical situations and argumentations in their historical context. For Carey, it is of pivotal importance for the functioning of propaganda that "the individual output fits into a larger process, that is when themes and images are developed consistently or a message is promulgated on multiple occasions and/ or by a plurality of persons." The fourth essay takes us into the Hellenistic era. Rolf Strootman focuses on the specific way in which the Celts were used in the propaganda of the Hellenistic kingdoms. The propagandistic concept of the "deliverance from barbarians" enabled the kings, e.g., Ptolemy Keraunos, Antigonos Gonatas and Attalos of Pergamon, to legitimate their royal power by presenting themselves as saviours (Soteres) and benefactors (Euergeteis). The first essay on propaganda in Rome focusses on the preAugustan era. Stephan Busch deals with the propagandistic mechanisms of Caesar's Commentarii de bello Gallico, closely analyzing its narrative structure. Focusing on the specifics of

INTRODUCTION

11

the narrator, who presents the events in a homodiegetic position, Busch argues that the mainstream interpretation of the Caesar philology cannot be correct. In Busch's view, Caesar addressed his Commentarii de bello Gallico predominantly to a much smaller audience than is generally believed. Karl Enenkel undertakes a close analysis of Jupiter's first speech in Vergil's Aeneid, which is of special importance in the discussions on the political tendency of the work. In recent years the Roman prophecies of the Aeneid have been much debated, and we are far from consensus. Examining the manifold detail questions regarding this speech Enenkel puts together the mosaic stones of the various strains of arguments into a new overall interpretation. For his interpretation he aims at reconstructing the expectations of Vergil's audience, with regard to epic intertextuality, rhetorical composition and historical context. Enenkel demonstrates that Jupiter's speech is closely related to the propaganda events and festivals that took place in Rome in the summer of 29 BC. Paul Meyboom, too, discusses Augustan propaganda. He investigates into an aspect of Augustus' building policy that scholarship has at large neglected: Augustus' house on the Palatine. Meyboom shows how a seemingly innocent initiative like building a 'private' house can contribute to the propagandistic legitimisation of a regime. In doing so, Meyboom aims at understanding the ideological aspects of the house of Augustus in the larger context of his propagandistic building programme on the Palatine, including the Casa Romuli, the temple of Magna Mater, the temple of Victoria, the temple of Apollo and the temple of Vesta. In his second contribution, Karl Enenkel draws attention to a less known aspect of the gladiatorial shows: the shows as a means of propagandistic transmission of values. He demonstrates in which way Roman writers from Cicero to Pliny the Younger have presented the gladiator as a moral example to the leading class, against the background of changes in the system of values that took place in those two centuries. Susanna de Beer gives a thorough analysis of the rhetorical inventio of the filth Latin Panegyric, addressed to Constantine the Great and held on the festival of his Quinquennalia (311

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INTRODUCTION

AD). She offers a new interpretation of the speech by comparing it to its predecessor, the puzzling sixth Panegyric. As it is the case with the sixth, the fifth Panegyric should not be understood as a product of the 'official', viz. vertical imperial propaganda, but as a specimen of the 'upward movement.' De Beer shows that the inventio of the speech, in fact, is tuned more to the ideological wishes of the Emperor than to the requirements of vertical imperial self-presentation.

PROPAGANDA IN PINDAR'S FIRST PYTHIAN ODE Ilja Leonard Pfeijffer

Pindar's first Pythian, by the ancient editors found worthy of forming the proud incipit of the second scroll of the collection of his epinicia, is one of his most widely read and admired odes. Yet, it is mainly read and admired for one specific reason: its majestic proem about the power of Olympian music. It is, to the best of my knowledge, the only Pindaric proem that has been granted the exceptional honour of having been commented upon separately in a book. 1 It is easy to understand why people like this proem. It lends itself for being read as a self-contained piece of highly sophisticated poetry on an appealing theme and, thus read, it is pleasantly void of all the elements of a Pindaric ode that many readers tend to accept only reluctantly, such as the praise of athletes and the propagation of their aristocratic values. Then it is almost the kind of timeless, eternal poetry we came to like since Romanticism. Unfortunately, the almost universal admiration for the proem of the first Pythian runs the risk of eclipsing the obvious fact that it is just that: a proem, designed to be an integral part of the ode as a whole. However, the question as to the function of the proem in connection with the ode as a whole has never been satisfactorily answered.2 I shall demonstrate that, as is a priori very likely, the proem has close relevance to the ode as a whole and that it contributes to the primary aim of the ode as a whole, which is to praise Hieron of Syracuse and commemorating his victory in the chariot race at the

1 0. Kollmann, Das Prooimion der ersten Pythischen Ode Pindars. Ein sprachlich-poetischer Kommentar, Wien and Berlin 1989. 2 A select bibliography is given at the end of this contribution.

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ILJA LEONARD PFEIJFFER

Pythian Games of 470 BC. 3 Moreover, I shall demonstrate that Hieron seized the opportunity of the public celebration of his victory in Aetna to commission an ode 4 designed to support his political agenda and that the ode as a whole, including the proem, legitimates his position and propagates recognition of his status as the king of kings and the saviour of Greece.

The Proem (1-28)

5

Xpucea