The Making of Indo-Persian Culture: Indian and French Studies

Citation preview

The ~~aking of

Indo-Persian Culture INDIAN AND FRENCH STUDIES

Edited by

Muzaffar Alam Fran~oise

'Nalini' Delvoye

Marc Gaborieau

\\\ 0

MANOHAR .

' .

CENTRE DE SCIENCES HUMAINES 2000

j

_];:>5 y~ 3 · M ~b ~ ) ().._oo o

First published 2000 © Centre de Sciences Humaines, 2000

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior permission of the Centre de Sciences Humaines and the publisher ISBN 81-7304-210-1 PublisMdby

Ajay Kumar Jain for Manohar Publishers & Distributors 4753123 Ansari Road, Daryaganj New Delhi 110002 Typeset by

A J Software Publishing Co. Pvt Ltd. 305 Durga Chambers 1333 D.B. Gupta Road Karol Bagh, New Delhi 110005 Printed at

Rajkamal Electric Press B 3519 G T Kamal Road lndl. Arca

Delhi 110033

c:, -... .,. , -

G ,

!

{

.,..

:.... .... ~ ···

· -·

If ,I

•

J,:.;--J•-...,/ .. _. .,., . .

'-1 - )~)

0)

To the memory of Jean Aubin and S. Nurul Hasan

Contents

Illustrations

9

Acknowledgements

13

Contributors

15

Note on Transliteration

21

Introduction MUZAFPAR ALAM, FRANCOISE

'NALINI' DELVOYE

AND MARC GABORJEAU

23

I. POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND IDEAS

1. Assertions of Authority: A Study of the Discursive Statements of Two Sultans of Delhi 37

SUNIL KUMAR

2. Akhlaqi Norms and Mughal Governance MUZAFPAR

67

ALAM II. RELIGIOUS TRADmONS

3. Central Asian Influence on the Early Development of the Chishtiyya Sufi Order in India THIERRY ZARCONE

99

4. A Persian Treatise for the lsma'1li Khojas of India: Presentation of the Pandiyat-i Jawanmartfi MICHEL BOIVIN

117

5. The Rishi Movement as a Social Force in Medieval Kashmir MOHAMMAD lsHAQ KHAN

129

6. Sufism in the First Indian Wahhabi Manifesto: $ira.t.u'l mustaqim by Isma'll Shahid and cAbdu'l }:layy MARC GABORIEAU

149

J

8

CONTENTS

ill. PAINTING

7. New Data on the Dawn of Mughal Painting and Calligraphy 167

CHAHRYAR ADLE

8. Illustrations of Persian Classics in Persian and Imperial Mughal Painting SOM PRAKASH VERMA

223

9. Some Sixteenth-Century Deccani Persian Manuscripts in the Bibliotheque nationale de France FRANCIS RICHARD

239

IV. MUSIC

10. Indo-Persian Accounts on Music Patronage in the Sultanate of Gujarat FRAN~OISE 'NALINI' DELVOYE

253

11. Hindustani Music and Dance: An Examination of Some Texts in the Indo-Persian Tradition MAOHU TRIVEDI

281

V. LITERATURE, HISTORIOGRAPHY AND ARCHIVES

12. Development of lnshii Literature till the End of Akbar's Reign ISHTIYAQ AHMAD ZILLI

309

13. Safavid Persia in lndo-Persian Sources and in Timurid-Mugbal Perception JEAN CALMARD

351

14. Persian Sources of the Social and Cultural History of Medieval Gujarat ZIYAUDDIN A. DESAI

393

15. Persian Chronicles in the Nineteenth Century SHARIF HUSAI~ QASEMI

407

16. Persian Manuscripts in an Indian Collection SHAUKAT Au KHAN

417

Index

431

Illustrations

New Data on the Dawn of Mughal Painting and Calligraphy Chahryar Adle Plates

Between pages 208-9

1. Frontispiece (fol. 1a) of the Shizh-nama of Ulu8!! Beg II, Kabul, 87390711469-1502. Private collection, France. 2. 'Goshtasp slaying the Dragon of Mount Saqila', fol. 9a of the Shiihnama of Ulu8!! Beg II, painting attributed to the second quarter of the sixteenth century. Private coUection, France. 3. 'Faramarz leaving for Kabul to avenge Rostam', fol. 61aoftheShiihnama of Ulu8!! Beg II, painting attributed to the second quarter of the sixteenth century. Private coUection, France. 4. 'A message, sent on an arrow, reveals to Ardashir the secret of Haftwad's City', fol. l l 3b of the Shiih-nama of Ulu8!! Beg II, painting attributed to the second quarter of the sixteenth century. Private collection, France. 5. The gigantic Plane Tree (chenar-e kalan) seen from above Babur's grave in his garden in Kabul and Shah Jahan's mosque (for the illustration see Babur-nama, transl., Beveridge, facing p. 367; Atkinson's Sketches in Afghanistan, 1.0.L. and B.M.). 6. Colophon of Prince Kamran's Yusof va Zoleykhii, copied by cAbdAllah Shirazi, probably Kabul, 1530-40. Ex Hagop Kevorkian Foundation, now in the New York Public Library (Spencer, Pers. MS. 64). 7. 'Yusof meeting Zoleykha in her old age', Bukhara, c. 1550-75, stuck on fol. 120b of Prince Kamran's Yusofva Zoleykha probably around the fourth quarter of the sixteenth or in the early seventeenth century. ' Transliterations in the titles of the plates conform to the ones given in the relevant papers.

10

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

8. Portrait of Shih Abu'l Macfili Kashghari by Dust-Mof:lammad Mo~avver (the Painter), India, 1556-c. 1560. Sadruddin Aga Khan's Collection, M. 126. 9. Calligraphic qe,r::a from the Fitzwilliam Album, written in nasufliq by Maf:lmud b. Mowlana Khwaja, dated Kabul 953/1546-7. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, P.D. 162-1948. 10. 'An autumn excursion: the Emperor Homayun, his brother Hendfil and the ladies of the harem in the Bas!!-e Narenj (Orange Grove) of a Kabul mountain pass', attributed to Dust-Mof:lammad the Painter, Kabul, c. 1550. Jahangir's Album, fol. 15a, Berlin (West), Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Orientabteilung, Libr. Pict. A 117. 11. 'Homayun in the guise of Nawfal', Kabul, c. 1550 (prior to 1554), Ne~ami's Khamsa at the Bibliotheque nationale de France, Paris, Smith-Lesouef 216, fol. l l 2a. 12. 'Akbar in the guise ofBahram-e Our', Kabul, c. 1550 (prior to 1554), Ne~ami's Khamsa at the Bibliotheque nationale de France, Paris, Smith-Lesouef 216, fol. l 69a. 13. 'Farhad carrying Shirin and her tired horse on his shoulders', Kabul, c. 1550 (prior to 1554), Ne~ami's Khamsa at the Bibliotheque nationale de France, Paris, Smith-Lesouef 216, fol. 65b. 14. 'The Ascension of Mof:lammad (Meraj)' bearing an attribution to Mowlana Darwish Mol)ammad, Kabul, end of 1540s. Ne~ami's Khamsa at the Bibliotheque nationale de France, Paris, Smith-Lesouef 216, fol. 4a. 15. 'Two seated Mughal musicians', Kabul, 1545-54, MoraqqQji, son of Diwan Amal]1 of Junagarh36 and by the Parsis; for, the existence of this literature even three hundred years after the Sultanate period is also a valuable testimony to the vitality of Persian in the culture of the region till recently.

lndo-Persian Music Patronage in the Sultanate of Gujarat Though lndo-Persian patronage of performing arts was an important aspect ofcourt-culture in medieval Gujarat, it has been generally neglected by modem writers and musicologists. 37 This has happened in spite of the fact that there is ample historical evidence on and around this subject. Among historical sources in Persian written as universal or dynastic histories, as monographic accounts of a particular Sultan or literary encomia, etc., a number of important texts produced in India, relate to the Sultanate of Gujarat. 38 Historiographical and literary sources in Persian and vernacular languages provide the main documentation on music patronage by the Sultans of Gujarat. However, the major lndo-Persian chronides which deal specifically with the history of the Sultanate of See for instance S.A.A. Tinnizi. 'The Contemporary Persian Chronicles of the Sultans of Gujarat-A Study (AH 810 to 980 = AD 1407 to 1573)', Islamic Culture, vol. XXXII, no. 2, April 1958, pp. 121-34; idem, 'Chronicles of the Later Sultans of Gujarat', Islamic Culture, vol. XXXII, no. 3. July 1958, pp. 221-31; idem, 'Historiographical Activities under the Sultanate of Gujarat', Islamic Culture, vol. XLI, no. I, Jan. 1967, pp. 21-9. 36 See Tiiiikh-i Sora{h by Diwan Rancho4ji, in Storey, Persian Literature: A Biobibliographical Survey; vol. I, part I, section II, fasc. 3, 'History of India', London, 1939, (cc) 'Gujrit', Notice no. 985, pp. 731-2; English transl., E. Rehatsek, revd by J.W. Watson, Tarikh-i-Sorath: a History of the Provinces of Sorath and Haliir in Kiithiiiwad, Bombay, 1882; and Gtlletteer of the Bombay Presidency, vol. VIll, Kathiawar, Bombay, 1884. See also Naik, Gujariitna Niigaronum Farsi b~ii ane siihityanum khedan, Ahmedabad, 1959. Also S. Mehta, 'Cultivation of Persian by Hindus', Journal ofthe Oriental Institute, vol. XV, 1965-6. pp. 127-34. 37 In a series of lectures delivered at the University of Bombay (8-12 January 1962) on the music of 'Mahi Gujarat' (i.e. Greater Gujarat, including Gujarat, Cutch and Saurashtra), Pandit Omkamath 1bakur makes only a passing reference to the lndo-Muslim patronage to music during the Sultanate, in his account of Baijanith, alias Baijii Davari, meeting Sultan Bahidur Shih and the Mughal Emperor Humiyiln in Champaner [sic, actually in Mandu], see O.N. 'fhikur, 'Mahigujarit ka sangit-satva', in P.K.B. Oiqit, ed., Viiggeyalcar PU. Pam. Omkarnath 'fhiilcur, Varanasi, n.d.• pp. 47-58. 31 See Storey, op. cit., 'History of India': (cc) 'Gujrit', Notice nos. 977-87, pp. 725-33. H

262

FRANCQISE 'NALINI' DELVOYE

Gujarat have been examined from a political, economic or socio-historical point of view by a number of scholars.39 From the foundation of the Muzaffarid dynasty by ?-afar Khin, alias Muµffar Shih, in 1407, the history ofcourt-music in Gujarat is documented through a number ofaccounts scattered in contemporary and laterchronicles in Persian, and accessorily in Arabic. These accounts refer to. musical genres, exponents, performance and patronage. Special references to some important hagiographical accounts of Sufi saints, known as malfU!r must be made in this context. I did not include that particular literary genre in my previous survey oflndo-Persian sources on music, in spite of the fact that some texts provide rare information on the place of music in the saints' daily life and also on the controversial link between music and Islam, more specifically on music patronage in an

Islamic context, not considered from a purely Shanca point of view, but based on the life experience of mystics, generally through the eyes of a close disciple. 40 Sufi hagiographical literature provides interesting information on music for the Sultanate of Gujarat, particularly in its link with the royal court. One representative example is found in the malfU!r called Tul;ifat alMajalis by Shaikh Mu~ammad b. Sa~d b. ~adr ~ufi Iraji, which is a collection of the conversations of Shaikh Al)mad Khattu (1336-1445), a great scholar and poet, disciple of Bibi Is~iq Mas!!rlbi, who was close to three Tughluq and five Gujarat Sultans.41 His taste for poetry and his ability to compose verses in Persian, Hindi and Gujari were remarkable. He was also noted for his melodious voice and his musical skill and he wrote about himself 'This derwish has great aptitude for music (cilm-i mflsiqi) and

Sec some classical histories of Gujarat, J.M. Campbell, ed., History of Gujaral (Ancient, Medieval, Modem), Gurgaon, 1989, rpt. of Gazetteer of the Bombay PresUkncy, vol. I. part l, History of Gujarat. Bombay, 1896; and M.S. Commissariat. A History of Gujarat, Including a Survey of its Chief Architectural Monuments and Inscriptions, vol. I, From AD 1297-8 to AD 1573, Bombay, 1938. More recently published, M.I. Dar, Literary and Cultural Activities in Gujarat under the Khaljis and the Sultanate, ed. Z.H. Madani, Bombay, 1960; and J. Chaube, History of the Gujarat Kingdom, 1458-1537, New Delhi, 1975. 4Cl Sec Desai, Malfuz Literalure As A Source of Political, Social &: Culrural History of Gujarat and Rajasthan in I 5th Century, Patna, 1991. 41 Ibid., and idem, 'Persian Sources of the Social and Cultural History of Medieval Gujarat', in the present volume, pp. 393-405. Sec also K.A. Niz.ami, 'Shaikh Ahmad Maghribi ~ a Great Historical Personality of Medieval Gujarat', in Medina/ India: A Miscellany, vol. 3, Aligarh and New York, 1975, pp. 234-59. 3,.

MUSIC PATRONAGE IN lllE SULTANATE OF GUJARAT

263

during my youth whoever heard my musical tones (all;iiin-i man) fell in love with me. ' 42 Another important malfa~ of Shaikh Af:unad is the Mirqatu'l Wu~ill ilallah-i wa 'r-Rasulby MaulinaMul:tammad bin Qisim, in which the Sufi's poetic skill in Arabic, Persian and 'Hindi' is referred to, along with accounts of his fondness for music from childhood.43 Some incidents involving music are vividly reported, for instance, how he was moved by a sohla sung by a woman at a step-well or by a 8!!.azal sung at the door of his master Baba Ist,aq's place, etc., with other references to music assemblies which used to take place at the gate of his residence in Sarkhej in the outskirts of Ahmedabad.44 Such references to music should encourage a systematic and thorough study of contemporary or later malfa~ literature in any research-work involving historical figures who have been somehow connected with Sufi saints.

Music Patronage by Three Sultans of Gujarat I will now give examples selected from a well-known historical work focusing on the history of Gujarat, tbeMir'at-i Sikandan(l6l3) of Shaikh Sikandar, son of Mut,ammad cuif Manjhu.4s His father was the librarian of the Mughal Emperor Humayiin (r. 1530-43 and 1555-6) and witnessed a number of events recorded in the Mir'at-i Sikandan, including one interesting episode relevant to music patronage. Along with these historical examples, I will also refer to some other Indo-Persian chronicles and to a literary work in Sanskrit.46 As quoted from Tu~fat al-Majillis, fols. 66a, by Nizami in 'Shaikh Ahmad Maghribi ... ', p. 255. 43 See Maulana Mu~ammad bin Qasim, Mirqiltu'l W~ul ilallilh-i wa'r-Rasill, malfa?. of Shaikh A~mad Khattii of Sarkhej (near Ahmedabad, Gujarat), MS. at the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, under the title Malfa?,at-i Shaikh AQmad Ma&!J.ribi. See also Desai, 42

Malfuz Literature.... 44 See Desai, Malfuz Literature .... pp. 20-1 and 52. 4 j See Shaikh Sikandar b. Mu~ammad 'uif Manjhii b. Akbar, Mir'ilt-i Sikandari, eds. S.C. Misra and M.L Rahman, Baroda, 1961; English transl., E.C. Bayley, The Local Muhammadan Dynasties: Gujarat, London, 1886; 1st Indian rpt., Delhi, 1970; and F.L. Faridi,MiratiSikandariorTheMirroro/Sikandar,bySikandar,theSono/Muhammad,alias Manjhu. Gujarati, Dbarampur, 1899; rpt., Gurgaon, 1990. Sec also Desai, 'Mir'at-i Sikandari

as a Source for the Study of Cultural and Social Conditions of Gujarat under the Sultanate (1403-1572)', Journal of the Oriental Institute, vol. X. 1961. pp. 235-78. 46 Contemporary and later lndo-Persian chronicles produced by authors close to the Mughal emperors and some other lndo-Persian accounts on music and its patronage will be ·Considered and examined, along with manuscript collections: of lyrics, for a monograph in preparation on Niyalc Balchshii and lesser known court-musicians.

264

FRANf;OISE ' NALINI' DELVOYE

SULTAN MAl:fMUD BEGARH

Sultan Maf:uniid Begarh (r. 1458-1511) of the Muzaffarid dynasty is well known, for his qualities, both as a conqueror and an administrator. Though illiterate, he enjoyed the company of learned scholars and dervishes. This larger-than-life figure is also remembered for his extensive building activities around Ahmedabad and his fondness for pleasure gardens and Orchards. He displayed a particular interest in crafts and arts, such as · music, and he was supposed to play the lute rabilb as is inferred from one entertaining anecdote recorded in the Mir'iit-i Sikandari, which is summarized here. A jeweller was given the task of decorating Sultan MaJ:imud's rabilb with precious stones. On his way to deliver the lute, he met Q~i Najm alDin, the chief Islamic judge of Ahmedabad, who saw the instrument and enquired about its owner. When he came to know that it was the Sultan's rabilb, he broke it and smashed its costly gems, presumably because be judged music to be unlawful. The jeweller complained to the Sultan, who suggested that instead of preaching about what is lawful and what is not, the Q~i should tell Miyan Manjbli, alias Shih cAlam (d. 1475-6), a revered and powerful Suharavardi saint living in Rasulabad, who used to wear silk dresses and listen to music (surod). The chronicler goes on to describe in some detail how the Q~i planned to reform Shih cAlam. For that purpose, he wrote down on a piece of paper which be put in his turban, some authoritative Islamic verses condemning the act of listening to vocal and instrumental music (samff-i surod va maziimir) and wearing improper clothes. The Q~i met Shih c Alam the following Friday-the only day of the week he would come out of seclusion and meet people-and he was transformed by the mere sight of the saint who immediately questioned him about a piece of paper kept in his turban. The embarrassed Q~ handed it to Shih cAlam who remarked that it was blank. Later the bewildered Q~i refused the gold produced by miracle from a piece of wood and presented to him by the saint, and claimed bis longing for God only. The saint said that 'at my place, there is music (surod), instruments (maziimir) and silk dresses; whoever accepts them all will sit here in friendship'. Ashamed, the Q~i repented for his act and after witnessing more miracles on that day, he became a close disciple and later the kharifa of Shih cAlam. 47 According to this edifying account, playing and patronizing music was 47

SeeMir'at-i Sikandati, Persian text. pp. 140-4; F.nglisb transl., Bayley.pp. 214-16; and Faridi, pp. 70-2. See also Desai, 'Persian Sources ... ' .

MUSIC PATRONAGE IN THE SULTANATE OF GUJARAT

265

a wholly licit activity for M~miid Begarh and his successors, as will be seen later. Parallel to Indo-Persian sources referring to music, an encomium in the kilvya genre written in Sanskrit should be mentioned here. Interestingly, music plays a central and important role in the Rajavinoda also known as MahamUdasuratratµJ caritra ( 1463-9) of Udayarija, a court-poet and chronicler of Sultan Maf:uniid Begarh.48 In the exaggerated praise of the Sultan, whom he compares to a cakravart'i or emperor, the author borrows some Puranic metaphors. The text is divided into seven cantos (sapta sarga). The first one describes a dialogue between Sarasvati, the Hindu Goddess of Leaming and Music, and Surendra (i.e. Indra), the king of the gods, and how Brahma, the Creator, sends Surendra to bring back Sarasvati, who was missing from the heavens and whom he finally finds in the company of the scholars of Sultan M~miid's court.49 She does not want to come back to the heavens, since the court of the Sultan surpasses that of Indra. The fourth and fifth cantos describe the festivities-especially music performances-at the court of M~mud who sits on the throne ~ike Mahivi~QU riding GaruQa. so In spite ofthe exaggerations inherent in this literary genre, the Rajavinoda provides valuable information and is hence relevant to the socio-cultural history of Gujarat and to music patronage in particular. It deserves a closer textual study, concerning the genres of music, the performers, the musical instruments, etc., which were in fashion in those days and which Sultan Mat:imud was expected to appreciate, in spite of being illiterate. The fact that Udayarija, a Hindu Sanskrit poet and scholar, was appointed by Sultan M~mud, who otherwise was not particularly remembered for his tolerant religious policy, raises the fascinating question ofartistic patronage and politics. Information is scarce about who the actual court-musicians of M~mud Begarh were. Some later Indo-Persian texts are even somewhat misleading in this respect. While presenting the Dhrupad genre of music, in a survey of Indian culture in his Aln-i Akbari, the most famous chronicle of the reign of Akbar, Abu'l F~l describes it as the pre-eminent vocal form 41

See the edited text (Mahiikavi Udayariija viracitam) Riijavinodamahakiivyam, ed. G.N. Bahuri, Jaipur, 19S6. See also Tirmizi, 'Sanskrit Chronicler of the Reign of Mahmud Begarah', in Tirmizi, ed., Some Aspects of Medieval Gujarat, Delhi, 1968, pp. 4S-S4; and P.K. Gode, 'Dates of Udayaraja and Jagaddhara', Journal of the University of Bombay, vol. IX (n.s.), part 2, Sept. 1940, pp. 101-15. 49 See Bahuri, edn cit., pp. 1-3. 50 Ibid., pp. 9-11.

266

FRANc;OISE 'NAUNI' DELVOYE

(na&!.!:ma-i buzurg sara 'ylda) of the regions of Agra. Gwalior and Bari. 51 The official chronicler also informs us that Man Singh [Tomar] RajaofGwalior[r.148~1516), benefiting from the assistance of marvelous musicians, such as Nayak Bakhshu, Machu and Bhinu, the most extraordinary musicians of their time, raised up [Dhrupad. as a form of singing] liked by the common man and favoured by the elite ({an-i ciimpasand, lchaF guiin).'2 When he [Raja Man Singh] died, Bakhshu and Machu came to gain employment in the kingdom of Sultan M~ud Gujariti, where their style (rawish) attained an exalted height. 53

However, it seems somewhat unlikely that musicians who flourished at the court of Man Singh Tomar (d. 1516), would then have gone to the court of Sultan Ma}_lmiid Begarh, who died in 1511 ! It is more likely that they went to Sultan Bahidur Shah, who reigned during the second quarter of the sixteenth century. Among the names of musicians at the court ofRiji Min

Singh Tomar, who were close to the origin of Dhrupad, which have been given by Abu' l F~l. Nayak Bakhshii is the most famous. His patronage by Sultan Bahadur Shah is mentioned in later lndo-Persian writings.54 MUZAFFAR SHAH 11

Ma}_lmiid Begarb's son, Mu~affar Shah II (r. 1511-26) was also a musician and a great connoisseur of the science of music (cilm-i musiqi), as testified by the author of the Mir'at-i Sikandan. 55 The Sultan is praised for his extremely pleasant voice and his skill in playing any instrument which he 51

See Abu'I F~I . A7n-i Akbari, Persian edn, H. Blochmann, 2 vols., Calcutta, 1877;

English transl., H. Blochmann (vol. I); and H.S. Jarrett (vols. II and ID), Calcutta, 1867-77; rpt., New Delhi, 1977-8; text. vol. II. p. 138; transl., vol. m, pp. 265-6. 52 For the variety of inspiration of medieval dhrupad songs. see Delvoye, 'The Thematic Range of Dhrupad Songs Attributed to Tansen, Foremost Court-Musician of the Mugbal Emperor Akbar'. in A.W. Entwistle and F. Mallison, eds., Studits in South Asian Dtvotional Literature: Research Papers, J988· J99J, presented al the Fifth Conftrtnct on Dtvotional

Literature in New lndo-Aryan languages (Paris, EFEO, 9-12 July 1991), New Delhi and Paris, 1994, pp. 406-27. n Ibid. This is my translation. S4 On Nayak Bakhshil. see P.L. Sarrna, Sahasarasa: Nayalc Balchiu u dhrupadom lea sangrah, New Delhi, 1972; see also Delvoye. 'The Verbal Content ofDbrupad Songs from the Earliest Collections: I. The Hazifr Dhurpad or Sahasras, a Collection of 1004 dhrupads attributed to Nayak BakMil' . Dhrupad Annual 1990 (Varana8i), pp. 93-109; and Delvoye, 'Music Patronage in the Sultanate of Gujarat .. .'. See also pp. 269-70 and the work in preparation, n. 46. H See Mir'iit-i Sikandari, Persian text, p. 222; English transl., Bayley, pp. 294-5; and Faridi, pp. 130.

MUSIC PATRONAGE IN THE SULTANATE OF GUJARAT

267

would take in his hand: lutes like rabiib,jantar,jantafi, drums like iiviij, surmandal, mandal, etc. In a typical eulogistic expression, 6ikandar notes that the masters of the art (of music) were like students in front of the Sultan, who is also described as a composer (n11L1annif) in all branches of music, such as melody (svariufhyii), rhythm (tiiladhyii) and various genres andforms,suchasbediigit,suriula,jand(forchand?),dhaT'Uanddhrupad. The praise of the artistic qualities of the Sultan is followed by a particularly lively account of a music and dance performance in which the young ruler was thoroughly involved. He enquired among the masters of the art (of music) if there was presently a dancing-girl (piitur) who could act, i.e. imitate (saviing) Sarasfi (for Sarasvati), with the same beauty and eloquence as is described in 'the book of the Hindus•. She should be a good singer with a pleasant voice, who could also play all instruments and dance with elegance, blessed. by the grace and following the guidance of the Goddess herself. In the present time, such a combination of excellent qualities was difficult to find in one person, except for a dancing-girl named Bai Jabau,S6 who was then summoned for the performance. The problem of the swan (hans) which is the vehicle (bahan for viihana in Sanskrit, i.e. markab in Arabic) of the Goddess arose then. The Sultan ordered all the jewellers of the city to make one, with the gold and jewels he provided them. After six months of preparation, the entertainment took place, in which Bai Jabau performed like an incarnation of Sarasvati. She first recited some poetry, then played a musical instrument, creating great excitement (mast) in the audience. She then started dancing to the bewilderment (~iriin) of the viewers, since such a performance had never taken place in the world earlier. Such an account is extremely interesting, since it shows the familiarity the Sultans had with Hindu mythology and with Sarasvati in particular. Sultan Muµffar II must have been brought up in a cultural background in which texts such as theRajavinoda ofUdayaraja provoked bis imagination.fl SULTAN BAHADUR SHAH

Sultan Babadur Shih (r. 1526-37), son and successorofMu~affar Shih II, is also known for his interest in music. An interesting passage is found in the Mir'at-i Sikandari and in the Arabic version given by cAbdallih l:liijl al-Dabir in his '{.afar ul-Wiilih bi .l6 For some strange reason, both translators, Bailey and Faridi call her Champa and Bii Champa respectively.

s7 Seen. 48.

268

FRANhaps• respectively. The techniques of pure dance (nritt) were preserved in the Pillmiru·. which was a composite dance item of agha( and Sudhang•. Tiil patterns were numerous·and Mirza Khin, the author of the Tul)fat al-Hind, provides details of the common tals of his time. His list includes some of the early medieval tal patterns mentioned in the Sangita-ratnakara of Samgadeva (fourteenth century), such as the gaj-tiil andsaras-tal. Karakka, Siddi or Sadhra, aagad and Bid were composed in lcah3fll, as later sources show, ~gan to be employed for the training of dancing girls in classical music. Khayal acquired a distinct status, while Qaul, Tarana and the allied forms were integrated into a more composite style, known .as Qawwili. The Qawwili also developed on the pattern of Khayil. One of the characteristic features of this phase was that music and dance, by and large, came into the domain of dancing girls and courtesans. Besides, due to a marked decline in the fortunes of the established nobility, artists were obliged to seek employment with those who had newly come

mat

TuJ:ifat al-Hind, vol. I, pp. 324, 359, 442-55; Riig Darpan, pp. 34-5, 41. For a detailed study of tals, see M.R. Gautam, Evolution of Raga and Tala in Indian Music, Delhi, 1989. 'I am obliged to Dr Shri Ni was Shanna, Department of Hindi, University of Delhi, for this information. 6 TulJ.fat al-Hind, vol. I, pp. 353-4; Riig Darpan, pp. 40-1 . 4

284

MAOHU TRIVEDI

into prominence in the changed socio-political conditions. The latter insisted on their own traditional preferences and demanded an art which had the impress of their folk traditions. In the third phase, the regional patterns were strengthened by the classical traditions. As a result Tappa, Thumri, Didra, and Chaiti were elevated to a semi-classical status. The Mar~iya-khwaru was standardized and codified in Lucknow. In dance too, the Agha~. Sudhailg and Ras• were synthesized in the form of Kathak; Kaharvi was elevated to a semiclassical status. Classical music no longer remained confined to the professional communities; the I;)haps, who were the Gandharps and Gulikars of the seventeenth century, seem to have lost their eminence. At the professional level the I;)haps were rivalled by the courtesans, some of whom were equally well versed in music and poetry. Many of the new patrons excelled in music and some were so outstanding that their superiority was acknowledged by the professionals. An important development of this period was the establishment of the Parikhana by the Nawab of Awadh, Wijid cAli Shah. This institution was founded to train women artists, called Pans. Many public women ofrepute sent their daughters to the Pafikhiina, and more than a hundred accomplished musicians, dancers and instrumentalists were associated with it. This institution reminds us of the Gandharvasala of the age of Vitsyiyana (c. AD 500), where Gai:tikas were imparted training in the sixty-four arts, for instance acting, sleight of hand, knowledge of proper behaviour, verse competition, etc.7

The Forms of Vocal Music On the basis of the earlier mentioned sources the characteristics of the vocal forms can be delineated to a large extent. One can also have an idea, from this discussion, of the circumstances that led to the popularity, or decline in the clientele, of a particular musical genre. DHRUPAD

Dhrupad was a classical form: a music for the elite, strong in form, pure (i.e. not ornate) and restrained. It is associated with Rija Min Singh (r. 1486-1516) of Gwalior, under whom it acquired a crystallized structure and an identity of its own, and represented the best characteristics of desi 7

Kama Surra of Vatsyayana, transl.. S.C. Upadhyaya, Bombay, 1961, Sutra 16, pp. 74-7.

HINDUSTANI MUSIC AND DANCE

285

and milrg music.8 The names of its four tuks (strains), as mentioned by Mirza Khin in Tul,ifat al-Hind, are sthal (also known as paidilband), antara, bhog and abhog. In the opinion of some scholars, Mirzi Khin observed, abhog was the third strain and bhog the last.9 Rija Min Singh Tomar of Gwalior, in collaboration with the musicians Niyak Bhinnu, Niyak Bakhshii, Niyak Pindavi, Niyak Mal;uniid, Niyak Lobing and Niyak Karan evolved a musical genre which rapidly acquired a following among the elite and the populace alike. 10 The popularity of Dhrupad was such that all sudh rags 11 and t~anif-i milrg (classical compositions) lost their client~le, except for a few which retained their originality. These began to be rendered by the people of Sudes in deswali dialect. 12 While discussing Dhrupad songs Nawab Faqirullih Saif Khin, author of Rag Darpan, mentions that the language ofDhrupad was desi; however, phrases of milrg, in Sanskrit, are also found at some places. 13 Faqirullih defines the region of Sudes (where desi is spoken) in geographical terms as 'the region from Gwalior, with the capital city Akbarabad (Agra) in the centre, upto Mathura in the north, Etawah in the east, Onchha (Orchha?) in the south and Bhusawar and Bayana in the west' . 14 The language of the towns mentioned earlier was considered the most eloquent, like that of Shiraz in Persia. 1s Obviously, Faqirullih was referring to a region where bhiikhii (Brajbh~i) is spoken, a dialect admired for its elegance and poetic potential. Mirzi Khin clearly wrote that the bulk ofDhrupad was composed in bhiikhiz. 16 Mirza Khin described several ~inds of Dhrupad. When the constituent units of the tals (alfar,-i U$U/) played on the mridang were incorporated, it was known as taivat or tirvat. 17 Dhrupads in which meaningless rhythmic •Rag Darpan, p. 34; also see Sarmadee, op. cit., p. 99; Tul!fat al-Hind, vol. I, p. 351. 9 Tul!fat al-Hind, vol. I, p. 351. 10 Rag Darpan, pp. 34, 35. See also Abu'l F~l. A7n-iAkbari, 3 vols., vol. m. transl., H.S. Jarrett, Delhi, rpt, 1978, pp. 266-7. Also sec S. Mutatkar, 'Dhrupada: Its Legacy and Dynamics', in S. Mutatkar, ed., Aspects ofIndian Music: A Collection ofEssays, New Delhi, 1987, pp. 76-83; F.'N'. Delvoye, 'The Thematic Range of Dhrupad Songs attributed to Tansen, Foremost Court-Musician of the Mughal Emperor Akbar', in A.W. F.ntwistle and F. Mallison, eds., Studies in South Asian Devotional Literature, New Delhi and Paris, 1994, pp. 406-27. 11 Faqirullih is probably referring here to the tradition of gram rags. 12 Rag Darpan, pp. 34, 35. 13 Ibid .. p. 35. 14 Ibid. "Ibid. 16 Tul.ifat al-Hind. vol. I. p. 35 I. 17 Ibid. See also Rag Darpan, pp. 40, 41.

286

MAOHU TRIVEDI

syllables 'dumkat', 'kitlag 'or 'thungil' were sung, werecalledbol-bandh; when names of flowers, such as champii, chameli, etc., were introduced, it was called phul-bandh. 18 Dhrupad compositions set in yak-ta/, and rendered by two performers in perfect unison, were called jugal-bandh; and Dhrupads in which names of riig-riigini and details of sur were described, were called riig-siigar. 19 The popularity of Dhrupad declined towards the middle of the eighteenth century because it was considered difficult and rigid, as compared to Khayfil, which had greater potential for individual flexibility. It is, therefore, no surprise that in the Muraqqtf-i Dehli, Dargih Quli Khin refers to only two Dhrupad singers of his time. 20 However, Dhrupad did not disappear: it only lost large-scale patronage in Delhi. It regained its popularity at the Awadh court towards the second half of the eighteenth century under the influence of Khwaja l:lasan Maudiidi, who was an outstanding musician.21 In the early nineteenth century, besides SaiyidMir cAli Soz-khwan Dhrupadiya, there were several other Dhrupad maestros, but they remained a small and elite group with some high class courtesans.22 Dhrupad may have in time, acquired a stereotypical image, for in 1834 Captain N.A. Willard described it as ~masculine' and almost 'devoid of studied ornamental flourishes. ' 23 lg!AYAL

Khayfil was the leading musical form of the early eighteenth century. Faqirullih attributed its origin to Amir Khusrau, and said that Khayil was composed in desi, the spoken language of Delhi in the early fourteenth See Captain N.A. Willard, A Treatise on the Music of Hindoostan ..., as reproduced in Hindu Music from Various Authors, compiled by Raja Sir S.M. Tagore(l 875), Varanasi; rpt., 18

1965, p. 67. Captain Willard was a commanding office{ in the service of the Nawab of Banda. His observations display an intense knowledge of contemporary musical arts of India. Also see J. Bor, 'The Rise of Ethnomusicology: Sources on Indian Music, c. 1780-c. 1890', 1988 Yearbook/or Traditional Music, New York, 1988. pp. 51-73. 19 TuJ:z.fat al-Hind, vol. I. pp. 351, 352. 20 Muraqqa