The Life of Language: Papers in Linguistics in Honor of William Bright 9783110811155, 9783110156331

Table of contents :
Acknowledgments
Foreword
Studies in language contact and language variation
The revenge of Huitzilopochtli: A tale from Crónica X in Spanish and Nahuatl
Spanish loanwords in Hopi
Discursive convergence with a Tewa evidential
Internal reconstruction in Aymara and Quechua
Otomí loans and creations
Sex differences in Irish Sign Language
Language contact: A case study of French Americans in California and Oregon
Yokuts and Miwok loanwords in Western Mono
Wasei eigo: English “loanwords” coined in Japan
A comparative study of English loanwords: Chicano Spanish and Mexican Spanish
On reconstructing past contact situations
Studies in language change, historical linguistics, and the history of linguistics
Methodology for determining deep genetic relationship in Amerindian languages
Linguistic contributions to Guatemalan prehistory
Surveys of languages of the world
The regression of sibilant harmony through the life of Barbareño Chumash
Studies in text and discourse
Kaawosa plays a trick on a soldier: A Comanche coyote story
Linguistic nuance and the secret music of the text
Layers of meaning in a Wintu doctor song
A Karok narrative dictated by Phoebe Maddux to J. P. Harrington
Metaphor in Indian literature: Some thoughts on a taxonomy
Mesa Grande ’Iipay oratory and narrative
Cherokee stories of the supernatural
Referent tracking in oral Spanish
Transcreating culture and poetics
Studies in language structure
Indefinite pronouns in Kannada
The Witsuwit’en disjunct morphemes: clitics or affixes?
Phonetic studies of American Indian languages
Objecthood and specificity in Gujarati
The Garifuna gender system
Connected speech in Hindi: Implications for sound change
Incompatibilities among theories of Anglo-Saxon metrics
Bibliography of the works of William Bright
Biographical sketch of William Bright
Index of languages

Citation preview

The Life of Language

W G DE

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 108

Editor

Werner Winter

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

The Life of Language Papers in Linguistics in Honor of William Bright

Edited by

Jane H. Hill P. J. Mistry Lyle Campbell

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

1998

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin.

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress

Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

The Life of language : papers in linguistics in honor of William Bright / edited by Jane H. Hill, P. J. Mistry, Lyle Campbell. p. cm. - (Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs ; 108) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 3-11-015633-4 (alk. paper) 1. Linguistics. 2. Bright, William, 1928- . I. Hill, Jane Η. II. Mistry, P. J. III. Campbell, Lyle. IV. Series. P26.B763L54 1997 410-dc21 97-40945 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek —

Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

The life of language ; papers in linguistics in honor of William Bright / ed. by Jane H. Hill ... - Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter, 1998 (Trends in linguistics : Studies and monographs ; 108) ISBN 3-11-015633-4

© Copyright 1997 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printing: Werner Hildebrand, Berlin. Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer, Berlin. Printed in Germany.

Acknowledgments The editors wish to thank all those who have made it possible to present this tribute to William Bright in honor of his seventieth birthday: Werner Winter and the editorial staff at Mouton de Gruyter, all the contributing authors, and, especially, Kenneth C. Hill, who typeset the volume and made the index. We are also much indebted to Lise Menn for her help at the early, conspiratorial stage of planning the volume.

Foreword Murray Β. Emeneau

William Bright came to linguistics in Berkeley with an A.B. in 1949. At that time UC Berkeley did not yet have a linguistics department. There was, however, instruction in the Boas-Kroeber-Sapir tradition, given with encouragement from Kroeber by Mary Haas and myself and other like-minded linguistic scholars such as Madison Beeler (Germanic, Indo-European, and California Indian) and Douglas Chretien (Malayo-Polynesian, statistical methods). Bright's A.B. had an individual linguistics major. Immediately afterwards, he was sent to do fieldwork on the Karok language in northern California and (after Army service in 1952-54) emerged with a dissertation on that language for his Ph.D. in 1955. By that time the Berkeley campus had a linguistics department, and Bill was, to our pleasure, one of our first doctors. The vicissitudes of his career thereafter saw him working, as researcher and teacher, both in India, as to which I am happy to claim him as pupil, and in American Indian, where I am sure that Mary Haas and he would agree that they were teacher and pupil. His mental slant and accomplishments hark back, through us, to Sapir's "view of language as a part of culture, to be fully understood only in the context of other cultural phenomena" (Bright 1984: x), perhaps even to my stand that the linguistic phenomena and achievements in culture (linguistic art, poetry, poetic prose, etc.) are the most important of cultural phenomena. From us in Berkeley he gained too an interest in linguistic areal diffusion and other matters of linguistic history—and, even if his own mental habits were already of that nature, an insistence on accuracy in detail and in thought. His linguistic interests in two widely separated geographical areas were again in the Berkeley habit—Haas in Thai and in American Indian, myself in the IndoEuropean of both Europe and India and in Dravidian (as well as in Vietnamese during the second war), Beeler in Indo-European and in American Indian. His accomplishments are noteworthy in both his areas, two of them entitled respectively American Indian linguistics and literature (1984) and Language variation in South Asia (1990). If I were to pick out the one piece of his work that I enjoy most (a very invidious procedure when all is good), it would be, I think, his treatment in the Trager volume (1972: 220-230) of the Hindi numerals, where (to be over-simplistic) all is "irregular" up to '99', so un-universal a set of data. Among Indologists, of whom we may say Bill Bright is one, it is the pleasant custom to speak in the traditional Hindu way of the gurusisyaparamparä. That is, we trace out our place in the succession (paramparä) of pupils (sisya) and

viii Murray Β. Emeneau teachers (guru).1 It gives me great pleasure, then, to allude to Bill as my sisya and to my own role as his teacher in one of his scholarly interests. I have said nothing about his editorial achievements. The Linguistic Society of America has been blessed with a succession of principled, hard-working editors, a rather short list of names, and Bill Bright's name must surely be high on the list. This of course is to say nothing about his other notable editorial achievements, such as the 4-volume Oxford International encyclopedia of linguistics (1992). We, then, his pupils and colleagues, join in this saptatipürti 'completion of 70 years' volume, wishing Bill long continuing happiness and productivity in the scholarly pursuits from which he and we have already drawn so much profit and pleasure.

Note 1.

See Braj B. Kachru in his introduction to Dimensions of sociolinguistics in South Asia (1992; New Delhi, Oxford & D3H Publishing Co.; memorial volume for Gerald Kelley), xiii ff.

Contents

Acknowledgments Foreword Murray B. Emeneau

ν vii

Studies in language contact and language variation The revenge of Huitzilopochtli: A tale from Cronica X in Spanish and Nahuatl Jane H. Hill

1

Spanish loanwords in Hopi Kenneth C. Hill

19

Discursive convergence with a Tewa evidential Paul V. Kroskrity

25

Internal reconstruction in Aymara and Quechua Peter Landerman

35

Otomi loans and creations Yolanda Lastra

59

Sex differences in Irish Sign Language Barbara LeMaster

67

Language contact: A case study of French Americans in California and Oregon Jacqueline Lindenfeld

87

Yokuts and Miwok loanwords in Western Mono Christopher Loether

101

Wasei eigo: English "loanwords" coined in Japan Laura Miller

123

χ

Contents

A comparative study of English loanwords: Chicano Spanish and Mexican Spanish Claudia Parodi

141

On reconstructing past contact situations Sarah Grey Thomason

153

Studies in language change, historical linguistics, and the history of linguistics Methodology for determining deep genetic relationship in Amerindian languages Catherine A. Callaghan

169

Linguistic contributions to Guatemalan prehistory Lyle Campbell

183

Surveys of languages of the world Peter T. Daniels

193

The regression of sibilant harmony through the life of Barbareno Chumash Marianne Mithun

221

Studies in text and discourse Kaawosa plays a trick on a soldier: A Comanche coyote story Alice J. Anderton

243

Linguistic nuance and the secret music of the text Paul Friedrich

257

Layers of meaning in a Wintu doctor song Leanne Hinton and Alice Shepherd

271

A Karok narrative dictated by Phoebe Maddux to J. P. Harrington Dell H. Hymes

281

Metaphor in Indian literature: Some thoughts on a taxonomy Bh. Krishnamurti Mesa Grande 'Iipay oratory and narrative Margaret Langdon and Dell H. Hymes Cherokee stories of the supernatural Janine Scancarelli Referent tracking in oral Spanish Carmen Silva-Corvaldn Transcreating culture and poetics Anselmo Urrutia and Joel Sherzer

Studies in language structure Indefinite pronouns in Kannada D. N. S. Bhat The Witsuwit'en disjunct morphemes: clitics or affixes? Sharon Hargus Phonetic studies of American Indian languages Peter Ladefoged and Victoria Fromkin Objecthood and specificity in Gujarati P. J. Mistry The Garifuna gender system Pamela Munro Connected speech in Hindi: Implications for sound change Manjari Ohala Incompatibilities among theories of Anglo-Saxon metrics Robert P. Stockwell

xii Contents Bibliography of the works of William Bright

481

Biographical sketch of William Bright

501

Index of languages

505

Studies in language contact and language variation

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli: A tale from Cronica X in Spanish and Nahuatl Jane H. Hill

1. Introduction When speakers of Nahuatl and Spanish first encountered each other in 1519, they shared, for all practical purposes, no history. Yet the two communities were surprisingly similar. Both were dominated by militaristic and imperialist elites, who sought to ratify their projects by producing and citing canonical texts encoded in permanent media, of writing and memory. The Spanish, thus, immediately suspected some functions of the painted manuscripts and traditional learning of the Aztecs, caused new documents in this style to be made (as with the Codex Mendoza), and consulted extensively with indigenous experts. From an early date Spanish scholars sought to make these texts accessible to manipulation and study by Europeans. Equally, indigenous elites discovered that the Spanish, like themselves, held canonical texts to be a source of power. Thus they also sought to make their canon intelligible to Europeans, in order to ratify claims to privilege in the new political order. In this convergence between Spanish and indigenous textual projects, both groups were producing new entextualizations of the same sources, the painted books held in the archives of the several city-states1 of Central Mexico, and the learning that had been memorized by noble exegetes. While these entextualization projects were informed by certain common understandings about the functions of text and writing, and were often accomplished cooperatively between Spanish and Nahua-speaking scholars, collaboration was complicated by clashing presuppositions about human nature, communication, knowledge, and interpretation. In addition, it was constrained by at least two distinct understandings of the relationship between the enduring material manifestation, the written or painted text, and what counted as "reading" it. Here we do not encounter any "reduction to writing" of an oral literature, but a more subtle case, where two systems of writing and reading converged. This convergence is an excellent site at which to explore the problems raised by Bright (1981, 1984), who pointed out that the difference between relatively literate traditions and equally complex relatively oral ones may be subtle, with no clear advantage accruing to either type. The Spanish, of course, were heirs to the Roman alphabet. They recognized that certain kinds of information might be presented through pictures, but most pages of Spanish texts were dominated by the representation of the "sounds" of the Spanish language (although, by the 16th Century, most "reading" was done silently). In contrast, the Nahuatl system of writing was largely pictographic.

2 Jane Η. Hill Paintings in their books, done in bright colors on paper made from tree bark and covered with a white lime surface, represented place names, personal names, dates, and events such as "travel", "war", "death", "enthronement", "marriage", or "delivery of an oration". These pictures, arranged on the pages in several different conventional orders, served as a mnemonic guide for an exegete, who performed the text orally. Such a performance enormously amplified some sections of the painted text, while neglecting others. For instance, a tiny scroll issuing from the lips of a human figure might cue a long memorized oration. However, a painting of a deity, with the headdress, face paint, and war regalia appropriate to the god rendered in exacting detail, might cue only a proper name containing information different from that represented (for instance, Mictlänteuctli 'lord of the land of the dead' was not shown lording it over the land of the dead). The problem faced by the early redactors of such books was, then, to convert this combination of painted text and oral performance to alphabetic writing, either in Nahuatl or in Spanish, and to ascertain that this writing was comprehensible to readers. 2 The historical chronicles of the Nahuatl-speaking city-states were compiled in the form of xiuhämatl 'year-books' and in "cartographic histories" (Boone 1994), schematic maps showing travels and territories. Each indigenous city-state guarded its own annals. While all agreed on a few points of history, incidents that were of great interest to one group might be mentioned only in passing by a second and completely neglected by a third. Seldom do we have more than one surviving version of any local tradition (and of course most were lost altogether). In one case, however, we have an extraordinary opportunity to compare early Spanish and Nahuatl alphabetic entextualizations of performances of painted books. Two chroniclers, the Dominican priest Fray Diego Durän and the Mexican noble Don Fernando de Alvarado Tezozomoc, a grandson of Montezuma the Younger, produced alphabetic texts apparently based on exactly the same set of annals of Mexico/Tenochtitlan, city-state of the Mexihcah ('Mexican') Aztec. 3 These annals treated the origin of the Mexican people, their migration to the Valley of Mexico, the founding of Tenochtitlan, and the history of the city including its defeat by Cortez in 1521. Durän's Historia de las indias de Nueva Espana e islas de la Tierra Firme (1967) was completed in 1581. 4 Tezozomoc wrote two histories, one in Spanish entitled Cronica mexicana (1944), probably completed in 1598, and a second in Nahuatl, the Cronica mexicayotl (1949). The Nahuatl text was completed no earlier than 1609 (a date found on an early page of the surviving manuscript). The Historia, the Cronica mexicayotl, and the Cronica mexicana exhibit detailed similarities, not sporadically, but in most sections and at every level or organization. The same events occur in the same sequence, place names are mentioned in the same order, the same dramatis personae speak in very similar words. Most scholars have accepted the proposal of Barlow (1945), that they all

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli

3

derive from a single redaction, composed in the Roman alphabet, but in the Nahuatl language, of the same painted "year-book". Thus, probably none of the three texts represents the primordial moment of conversion from the Nahuatl textCM/n-performance to an alphabetic version. However, since both authors stated that they examined painted books and consulted with indigenous exegetes, analysis of their writings may help us to understand some details of both convergent and divergent elements in the Spanish and indigenous projects of entextualization noted above. I discuss here the treatments in the three texts of an episode from the history of the migration. The Aztecs, who called themselves Mexihcah 'Mexicans', traveled in search of a promised land, led by the god Huitzilopochtli. The episode begins when a faction of the Mexicans, usually called the Centzonhultznähua 'four hundred southerners', propose that the Mexicans should found their city and build a temple for Huitzilopochtli at Cöätepec 'rattlesnake hill'. One member of the faction is a woman called Coyolxauh or Coyolxauhqui 'cheeks painted with bells'. 5 Huitzilopochtli explodes in anger at this impudent suggestion, kills all who support it, and insists that all the improvements made at Cöätepec—canals, fields, roads—be destroyed. This episode is in a genre for which Leon-Portilla (1985) suggests the term zäzanilli 'fable, tale'. The narrator departs from the telegraphic chronicle style, with its lists of dates, place names, personal names, and minimal statement of event type, elaborating the episode and "evoking particular events in livelier colors and sometimes in a fantasy mode" (Leon-Portilla 1985: 38). This text, however, is no ordinary zäzanilli, but a crucial founding document of the Mexican state. This episode in the migration is a ritual replaying (Davies 1973) of the birth of Huitzilopochtli, the war god and principal deity of the Aztecs. In the first birth, Huitzilopochtli emerges from the womb of his mother as a sun god, and immediately kills his older sister, the moon (Coyolxauhqui), and his older brothers, the stars (the Centzonhultznähua), who had plotted to kill him. The legend of the first birth of Huitzilopochtli was recorded by Sahagiin (1978: 1-5). This trumph of light over darkness is echoed when members of the Mexican faction loyal to Huitzilopochtli and his intention to guide them to Tenochtitlan see him destroy those who dissent from this destiny. The tale of his wrath thus ratifies the Aztec imperial project, and, according to Durän, one of its most important techniques of terror and domination, the practice of sacrificing human hearts. The painted annals were only one version of the legend. It was also represented in three dimensions in the form of the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan. This was a model of Cöätepec, with the sites of the battle between Huitzilopochtli and his enemies, the ball court (teötlachco) and the skull rack (tzompanco) 6 modeled in turn in the temple courtyard. The great Coyolxauhqui stone, with the dismembered body of the goddess carved in relief, lay at the foot of the steep stair-

4 Jane Η. Hill case down which Huitzilopochtli's priests rolled the bodies of victims sacrificed to him. Further, the legend was replayed annually at the great feasts for Huitzilopochtli, when processions, mock battles, and human sacrifice celebrated his triumph.

2. The texts Space does not permit a complete presentation of the three texts of the episode. I give below only the climax of the narrative, starting with Huitzilopochtli's speech in reaction to the seditious proposal by the Centzonhultznähua 'four hundred southerners' and Coyolxauhqui. For each text, I have slightly normalized punctuation and spelling (those concerned can, of course, examine the sources). In addition, I have tried to reveal the structure of the texts through arrangements of the lines. In the case of Tezozomoc's Nahuatl text, I follow the analysis of Bright (1990), arranging the text into binary sequences which are often multiply embedded. Thematic sections in the texts are numbered for ease of comparison, with Tezozomoc's Nahuatl text as a starting point. Not all themes appear in all three texts, or in the same order, since they exhibit different orders, amplifications and condensations relative to one another. Elements that appear in only one version are in parentheses.

Text I. Tezozomoc, Crnnica mexicayotl (pp. 33-35) 1 2 3 4 5 9 10

Auh tiiman oquallan in Huitzilopochtli, niman oquimilhui "tlein anquitohua? cuix amehuan anquimatih? cuix amotequiuh? cuix anexpanahuia? ca nehuatl nicmati in tlein nicchihuaz." Auh niman ye mochichihua in Huitzilopochtli, (in oncan in ichan in teocalticpac in onmochichiuh, inic onmoyaoachichiuh, zan ic onecuitl

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli

12

13

14

15 16 17

18 19 20 21 22

inic onmoxaxauh, in quimixteyayahualti, ihuan ichimal in concuic inic quinnamic in itlahuan, inic micalque) oncan (in inan Huitzilopochtli) itoca Coyolxauhcihuatl in onmoyaochichiuh niman ye huitz, in quinpoloquiuh, in quinmictiquiuh in itlahuan in centzonhuitznahuatl oncan in teotlachco (in quicua in itlahuan auh in yehuatl in inan in quimonantica in itoca Coyolxauhcihuatl catca niman achtopa itech opeuh) in quimicti in oncan teotlachco, quiquechcoton oncan quiqua yehuatl in iyollo in Coyoxauhcihuatl (quicua in Huitzilopochtli. Auh in Coyolxauh ca ihueltiuh catca in centzonhuitznahuatl,) auh in iquac (in oquincua) yohualnepantla, auh in otlathuic tlahuizcalpan, niman oquimittaque (initlahuan in imacehualhuan) in Mexico, za mochi elcoyontoque in Coyolxauh, ihuan in centzonhuitznahua, (in oncan teotlachco) aocmo tley in iyolli mochi oquicua in Huitzilopochtli,

5

6

23

24

Jane Η. Hill

ca cenca huey tzitzimitl, huey collelectli omochiuh in Huitzilopochtli. Auh in Mexica cenca omomauhtique.

1 'And then Huitzilopochtli got angry, 2 and he said to them, 3 "What do you say? Perhaps you know? 4 Perhaps it is your task? 5 Perhaps you surpass me? 9 Indeed it is I who know what I will do." 10 And then Huitzilopochtli arrayed himself there in his house, in his temple, (he arrayed himself, thus he arrayed himself for war, with the color called "child's paint" 7 thus he painted himself, to confront them closely in battle, and he took his shield, with which to meet his uncles, with which they would do battle. There was the mother8 of Huitzilopochtli,) 12 her name was Coyolxauhcihuätl. (when he arrayed himself for war. Then he came, he came to destroy them, he came to kill them his uncles the four hundred southerners.) 13 There at Teötlachco (was where he ate them his uncles, and his mother, she who he had taken for a mother,

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli 7

14

15 16 17

18

21 22 23

24

she who was called Coyolxauhcihuatl, Then for the first time he began)9 He killed her, there in Teötlachco he cut off her head there he ate it, that which was the heart of Coyolxauhcihuatl, (Huitzilopochtli ate it. And as for Coyolxauh she was the sister of the four hundred southerners.) And (when he ate them) it was the middle of the night, and when it was morning, in the house of dawn, then the Mexicans saw them, (his uncles his vassals.) They were all cut open in the chest, (Coyolxauh and the four hundred southerners,) there at Teötlachco. Their hearts were missing, Huitzilopochtli had eaten them all, for indeed he had become a great demon of the air, a great demon of the earth 10 that was what Huitzilopochtli had become. And the Mexicans were very much afraid.'

Text 2. Tezozomoc, Cronica mexicana (p. 13) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

Y alii se enojo (con palabras soberbiosas) Huitzilopochtli y les dijo: ι qui decis vosotros es a vuestro cargo, (sino al mio)? iqueriis ser mayores que yo, queriis aventajaros y ser mds que yo? (Yo no tengo de ello, lo guio, traigo y llevo,) soy sobre todos vosotros,

8

9

11 10

12 13 14

16 17 18 21 22 23 24 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9

Jane Η. Hill

yo lo se y lo entiendo, Qno curäis de mäs?) y asi se fue a su templo y CH: el Huitzilopochtli dijo:) ya me comienzo a esforzar, (que vienen sobre los Zentzon napam,11 y sobre mi que soy Huitzilopochtli, que en el juego de pelota teotlachco comen a sus padres que mira, y divisa contra ellos) una mujer llamada Coyolxauh, y en el propio lugar de Tlachco, (en el agujero del agua que estä en medio) tomo Huitzilopochtli a la (Coyolxauh), la mato, degollo y le saco el corazon: amanecido otro dia muy de manana se vieron los Zentzonapas mexicanos, todos los cuerpos agujerados, que no tenia ninguno de ellos corazon, que todos los comio Huitzilopochtli, quien se tomo gran brujo, donde se atemorizaron los mexicanos. 'And there Huitzilopochtli grew angry (at the seditious talk) and he said to them "What do you say, that it is your task, (not mine)? Do you wish to be greater than I am? Do you wish to raise yourselves up and be more than I am? (I will have nothing of that I guide I carry I bear) I am greater than all of you I know I understand (No longer will you preach).

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli

11 And so he went to his temple and seat. Huitzilopochtli said, 10 "Now I begin to grow strong, (for the Zenzonapas come attacking against me for I am Huitzilopochtli for in the ball game on the ball court they eat their fathers for a woman named Coyolxauh watches and divines against them). 13 And in the place called Tlachco, (at the spring of water that lies in its center,) 14 Huitzilopochtli took Coyolxauh. He killed her. He cut off her head and he took out her heart. 16 When the next day dawned, early in the morning 17 the Zentzonapas, the Mexicans were seen, 18 all of the bodies cut open, 21 not one of them containing a heart, 22 for Huitzilopochtli had eaten them all, 23 he who had become a great wizard, 24 where the Mexicans experienced terror.'

Text 3. Durän, Historia (pp. 33-34) 1 Airado el dios Huitzilopochtli respondio (a los sacerdotes) 2 y dijo: "QQuiines son istos que asi quieren traspasar mis determinaciones y poner objecion y tirmino a ellas?) 5 jSon ellos por Ventura mäs que yo? 6 Decidles que yo tomare venganza de ellos antes de mafiana, porque no se atrevan α dar parecer 7 en lo que yo tengo determinado y para lo que fiii enviado, (y para que sepan todos) 8 que a mi solo han de obedecer." 23 Dicen que vieron el rostro del idolo en aquel punto tan feo y tan espantoso,

9

10 Jane Η. Hill con una figura endemoniada 24 que a todos puso espanto y terror. 15 Cuentan que a media noche, (estando todos en sosiego, oyeron) en el lugar 13 que llamaban Teotlachco, (o por otro nombre, Tzompanco— que eran lugares sagrados dedicados a este dios)— un gran ruido; 20 en el cual lugar, 16 venida la manana, 17 hallaron muertos 19 α los principales movedores de aquella rebelion, juntamente a la senora (12) (que dijimos) se llamaba Coyolxauh, 18 y a todos abiertos por los pechos 21 y sacados solamente los corazones, (de donde se levanto aquella maldita opinion y secta 22 de que Huitzilopochtli no comia sin corazones, y de donde se tomo principio de sacrificar hombres y abrirlos por los pechos y sacarles los corazones y ofrecerselos al demonio y a su dios Huitzilopochtli). 1 'Angry, the god Huitzilopochtli answered the priests 2 and said: "(Who are those people who thus wish to oppose my resolutions and make objections and boundaries to them?) 5 Are they perhaps greater than I am? Tell them that I will take revenge on them before tomorrow, because they may not dare to oppose 7 that which I have resolved and for which I was sent, (and for that reason let all know) 8 that they must obey only me."

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli

11

23 They say that they saw the face of the idol in that moment so ugly and so frightening, with such a demonic aspect, 24 that it shocked and frightened everyone. 15 They recount that at midnight, (when all were quiet, they heard) in the place that they called Teötlachco, (or by another name, Tzompanco —that were sacred places dedicated to this god—) a great noise; 20 in which place, 16 dawn having come, 17 they found dead 19 the principal leaders of that rebellion, together with the woman (12) (who we have said) was called Coyolxauh, 18 all with their chests opened 21 and only the hearts removed, (from which they acquired that accursed opinion and doctrine 22 that Huitzilopochtli ate nothing but hearts, and from which point they began to sacrifice human beings and open their chests and take out the hearts and offer them to the demon and to their god Huitzilopochtli.)'

3. Discussion The three texts are obviously similar in both the broad outlines of the episode and in many details. All three carefully redact the speech of Huitzilopochtli; knowledge of such speeches was an important mark of a trained exegete. Durän not only recognized its importance, but his translation captures admirably a key technique in Aztec oratory, the heavy use of rhetorical questions.12 Instead of focussing on the similarities, however, I wish to attend to the differences, and

12 Jane Η. Hill particularly those which reflect the different traditions of "writing" and "reading" in the two societies. Two important differences derive from distinctive cultural presuppositions about the nature of the "person", the socially relevant dimension of human nature. Only in Tezozomoc's Nahuatl version (it is even more elaborated in Sahagün 1978) is there a detailed treatment of how Huitzilopochtli arrayed himself for battle, painting his face and taking up his shield. War regalia was of obsessive importance to the Aztecs,13 for whom distinctions among persons were marked mainly by external signs, not by inner nature. Battle garb was acquired by inheritance, gift, and tribute, so it signaled the wearer's affiliation to a family line, the importance of his patrons, and the breadth of his conquests and alliances. The elaborate Nahuatl description of how Huitzilopochtli dressed for war is reduced in Tezozomoc's Spanish version to the line at (10): "Now I begin to strengthen myself." Durän collapses two themes that are distinct in Tezozomoc's texts, Huitzilopochtli's donning of battle regalia and his assumption of a terrifying demonic aspect, and moves the latter elements (23) and (24), found at the end of the Tezozomoc texts, to substitute for the battle dress theme. Tezozomoc's neglect of the battle regalia in his Spanish version suggests that he thought that these details would be lost on a Spanish-speaking audience, and Durän's failure to include this material argues that he was correct. A second dimension of difference deriving from the opposing theories of personhood is that only in his Nahuatl version does Tezozomoc carefully indicate the kin relations of the dramatis personae: the Centzonhültznähua ('four hundred southerners') are Huitzilopochtli's "uncles" (actually his older brothers), and Coyolxauhcihuätl is their sister and Huitzilopochtli's "mother" (actually, his older sister). Durän apparently considered this detail irrelevant, and nowhere mentions it. The two authors attend differentially to motion on the part of the dramatis personae. The movement of characters across a ritual landscape is an important narrative trope in Nahuatl, and we find it in both of Tezozomoc's texts. In the Nahuatl version, two lines after (12) we find a very characteristic phrase, niman ye huitz 'then he came', moving Huitzilopochtli to the battlefield. Interestingly, in Tezozomoc's Spanish version, we find the motion is assigned to the Centzonhültznähua, following line (10): que vierten sobre los Zentzon napam, y sobre mi 'for the four hundred southerners come attacking against me'. This treatment is similar to that in Sahagün (1978), where Huitzilopochtli, trapped in his mother's womb, is told that his enemies are on the move. No movement of either type is found in the Durän text. This movement figure is probably not specifically related to the representations in the painted books, where an event of "travel" is shown by small black footprints, because travel as a coherence strategy is very common in Native American narrative even where this is not written down in any manner.

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli

13

I turn now to those differences between the texts that I take to be associated with distinct traditions of entextualization. Most dramatic are the different types of repetition that are found in the materials. I do not want to spend much space here on the very extensive use, in the Nahuatl text, of poetic parallelism of the type discussed by Bright (1990). Examples are: in ichan, in teocalticpac 'in his house, in his temple'; inic quinnamic ... inic micalque 'with which to meet them ... with which to do battle', huey tzitzimitl, huey collelectli 'a great demon of the air, a great demon of the earth', etc. Indeed, some binary expansions are also found in Durän's text, where they emanate from quite a different tradition; note obyecion y tirmino, tan feo y tan espantoso, espanto y terror, opinion y secta. Of more interest here are distinctive patterns of repetition on a larger scale. In both of Tezozomoc's narratives, the scene where Huitzilopochtli slaughters his enemies is repeated twice. The first time, at themes (13) through (15), we are present during the massacre. Here, the killing of Coyolxauhcihuätl is detailed. This is said to take place yohualnepantla 'in the middle of the night'. This scene was apparently represented quite elaborately in the painted books (a version of such an illustration can be found in Sahagun 1978). The second time, in themes (16) through (22), we are present in the early morning as the Mexicans find the dead bodies, and we are told again that Huitzilopochtli had taken out their hearts and eaten them. Durän solves the problem of representation of the events at midnight and at dawn in quite a different way, by having the Mexicans only HEAR the midnight battle. Thus he describes the manner of the killing AS AN EVENT only once, when the bodies are found in the morning light (he gives no special attention to Coyolxauhqui's decapitation). Note, however, that Durän does, in fact, repeat the gruesome details of the slaughter twice! His second repetition occurs when the list of these details is reframed in his didactic aside to the reader about the procedures of human sacrifice. This difference is, I believe, a deeply telling indicator of the differences between the two textual traditions. It is not repetition itself (a strategy sometimes considered to be specifically "oral") that distinguishes them, but the manner of its framing. In the Nahuatl version, repetition at this large-scale level may be driven by the sequence of the pictures, which represent events. The repetition is, in a sense, "flat", as we see two points of view on the same scene. Duran's didactic aside is a radical departure from this tradition. This aside is "intertextual", since elsewhere in his writings Durän discusses authoritatively the details of heart sacrifice. He has made this knowledge his own, and is free to interject it into his entextualization of the episode of the wrath of Huitzilopochtli, redacted from the painted annals. In Durän, the repetition is not flat, but embedded: an entextualization of the knowledge of a learned individual, a self-conscious "author", is layered in the entextualization of the painted book, truth deriving from tradition itself and made manifest through the painted colors and through performance, not authorship. 14 Durän is evidently strongly inclined

14

Jane Η. Hill

to accomplish such layering; his text includes several such didactic interjections (at the highest level, Durän's encyclopedic expertise led him to propose that the Aztec migration stories proved that they were one of the Lost Tribes of Israel (Durän 1967: 14)). At (13) he points out that Teötlachco ('place of the sacred ball court') was also called Tzompanco ('place of the skull rack'), and that these were "sacred places dedicated to this god". Durän also observes that the Aztecs took the events at Cöätepec to ratify their practice of human sacrifice, and that this was an "accursed opinion and doctrine". He included these observations in spite of the fact that he claimed that his texts were nothing but translations, faithful to the Nahuatl originals (Garibay 1971 II: 293). Tezozomoc's Spanish version is less repetitious than is his Nahuatl text; he does not, for instance, repeat twice that Huitzilopochtli ate the hearts of his victims. However, like the Nahuatl version, the Spanish one shows the scene of slaughter both during the night, as it occurs, and again in the morning, when the bodies are discovered. Unlike Durän, Tezozomoc does not embed into the Spanish text any didactic asides. This is true throughout the Cronica mexicana, where the only asides are translations of the meanings of Nahuatl words (Tezozomoc does not always do even this). While his learning was recognized in his own time, he is not an "author" in the way that Durän is, a creator of new intertextual syntheses. Instead, he sees himself as a conduit for "the ancient word". In the introductory sections of the Cronica mexicayotl, Tezozomoc writes down a long, extraordinary passage, rich in parallelisms, that must have been the standard ritual opening for the recitation of annals. It states that the annals are the true word, the ancient word, passed from ancestors to their descendants, such that the glory of the city of Tenochtitlan will never be lost. This passage is immediately followed by a recitation by Tezozomoc of his genealogy: his descent from nobles from whose lips he heard the ancient word ratifies his status as a chronicler. This status is not enhanced by demonstrations of "encyclopedic" knowledge beyond that found in the painted books and the performance tradition. For Tezozomoc, knowledge is manifest in these, not in "explanation". The early redactions of the Cronica X offer a precious glimpse of the confrontation of two traditions of entextualization. The traces of the indigenous forms, highlighted when we compare the texts of Tezozomoc with that of Durän, soon gave way entirely to Spanish language and Spanish discourse style. The 17th-century "histories"—those of Ixtlilxochitl and Torquemada, for example—are dominated by opinion and secondary commentary, while the elaboration of events and especially, of the magnificent orations, is increasingly attenuated. In the literate tradition, "authorship", ratified by baroque demonstrations of encyclopedic knowledge, triumphs. As the painted books disappear into the libraries of European collectors, or are lost at sea, or are burned by zealous priests, performances keyed by these images disappear as well. Their thematic elements survive, but only in oral tradition among a largely illiterate population.15 Alphabetic literacy

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli

15

in Nahuatl continues, but within new institutional frameworks, where the minutes of town councils and recorded wills assume the "ratifying" function once held by the calendrical annals. By the beginning of the 19th century, Nahuatl writing appears only sporadically. Within the last decade, new forms of Nahuatl literacy are emerging, with speakers writing poems, stories, and essays (Montemayor 1992, 1993). At least at this stage, though, these are calqued on Spanish literary genres. They do not manifest, as did the Nahuatl of Tezozomoc, a negotiation between Spanish alphabetic writing and an ancient and independent Mesoamerican relationship between text and context.

Notes 1.

2.

3.

4.

I use this term to translate in ätl, in tepetl 'the water, the mountain', often condensed to ältepetl, the basic unit of Mexican political order at the time of the conquest (Lockhart 1993). Accounts of the format of pre-Columbian Aztec texts are given by Boone (1994) and Leibsohn (1994). Marcus (1992) is the best source on their political function. Karttunen (1982) and Lockhart (1992) give technical summaries of Nahuatl-language alphabetic literacy. X, in orthographic agreement with the Spanish of the time, represents /§/; ch is /£/, tz is Id [Is]; ζ, ς, c (_ i, e) are /s/; qu (_ i, e), c (elsewhere) are /k/; tl is the laterally-released dental stop /λ/; hu, uh are /w/; cu/cuh are /k w /, qua is /kwa/. Vowel length and Ihf (= [h] or [?h]) are usually not represented in running text. Mexihcah /me:5ihkah/ 'Mexicans' has no known etymology beyond the identifiable gentilic plural suffix -cah. Of the related form Mexihco, Karttunen (1983: 145) says, "The etymology of this is opaque. Because of the difference in vowel length, it cannot be derived from ME-TL 'maguey'. The sequence XIH also differs in vowel length from xic-TLl 'navel', which has been proposed as a component element. The final element is locative -C(O)." The so-called Tovar Manuscript is also assigned to the Cronica X group. For the incident that I discuss here, the Tovar Manuscript is virtually a word-for-word copy of Durän. The reason for this is interesting. Juan de Tovar, a Jesuit, explained in a letter to Father Joseph de Acosta that he had worked directly with original painted books and with indigenous interpreters from Tula and Tezcoco. Following an order by the Viceroy, Tovar gave the manuscript containing the results of these researches to a "Doctor Portillo", so that the latter could take them to Spain for copying, one copy to be given to the king, and one returned to Tovar. The original manuscript was lost, and Tovar attempted to reconstruct his work from memory. He notes that, "Quedoseme mucho en la memoria, demäs de que vi un libro que hizo un frayle dominico, deudo mio, que estava el mäs conforme a la libreria antigua que yo he visto, que me ayudo a refrescar la memoria para hazer esa Historia que Vuestra Merced agora ha leydo..." 'Much remained to me in memory, in addition to the fact that I saw a book that a Dominican friar had made, to whom I am indebted, that was

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Jane Η. Hill

precisely in conformity with the old materials that I had seen, such that it helped me to refresh my memory in order to make this History that Your Mercy has now read' (Respuesta del Padre Joan de Tovar, in LaFaye 1972). 5. In the Nahuatl text, her name is given as Coyolxauhcihuätl, the element cihuätl means 'woman'. In the text of Sahagiin mentioned below (and in most sources) she is called Coyolxauhqui. In the great stone showing her dismembered body, found in 1978 by workers excavating an extension of the Mexico City subway, the bell on her right cheek can be seen. 6. Both of these elements are shown in the illustration of the temple in Sahagiin's Primeros memoriales (1993, Codex Matritense fol. 269r). The skull rack is in front of the temple, between the secondary altar and the ball court. The two are next to each other; note Durän's suggestion that Teötlachco 'at the sacred ball court' and Tzompanco 'at the skull rack' were just different names for the same place. 7. In the Leon edition of the Cronica mexicayotl (1949), the Nahuatl material spaced as ico necuitl is translated as "he painted himself with honey." This seems wrong, even though we are told by Durän that the Ixiptla 'material image' of Huitzilopochtli was made of corn flour and amaranth flower held together with honey. While copyist's errors of this magnitude are certainly not unknown, we would expect necuhtli for 'honey'. Dibble and Anderson redact the Sahagiin text (I have not seen the original manuscript) as if it were iconecuitl, from l-cone-cuitl 'his-childish-feces', and translate this as 'his child's offal' (Sahagiin 1978: 3). This colorful translation makes sense, since Huitzilopochtli is emerging from his mother's womb. Matos Moctezuma (1987: 52) gives a new translation of the Sahagiin text by Miguel Leon-Portilla, who suggests, "He painted his face / with diagonal stripes / with the color called 'child's paint'." The Leon-Portilla version reflects more recent scholarship on this point than does the Dibble and Anderson version, so I use it here. The element ico necuitl is of great interest, since it means that in this minute detail the Tezozomoc text matches the Sahagiin version. 8. In the canonical Sahagiin text (1978), Cöätlicue is Huitzilopochtli's mother, and Coyolxauhqui is his older sister. Clendinnen (1991) suggests that the form in Tezozomoc represents a classificatory extension of ϊηαη 'his mother' to 'his older sister'. Similarly, itlahuän 'his uncles' can be understood as extended to 'his older brothers'. 9. The Leon translations (1949) give this as 'he conquered'. However, Molina's dictionary is emphatic in requiring an object for the sense 'conquer', which would yield öquipeuh, not öpeuh, which should translate as 'he began'. This seems reasonable given the element achtopa 'the first time'. The text is, after all, about a ritual rebirth of the deity, and so has to do with 'beginnings'. 10. In their translation of a passage from Book X of the Florentine Codex (Sahagiin 1961: 15), Dibble and Anderson render the same epithet as 'a demon of the air, a demon'. I suggest that the parallelism may be well rendered by 'a demon of the air, a demon of the earth', or 'a flying demon, a crawling demon', a translation suggested by the resemblance of the second element of the pair, colelectli, to the world cölötl 'scorpion'.

The revenge of Huitzilopochtli

17

11. Note that a few lines above Tezozomoc uses the more usual spelling, Zentzon huitznahuaca. The form Zentzon napam may be a copyist's version of an original abbreviation. 12. Durän does miss one important element, the phrase ca nehuatl nicmati 'indeed I know'. This line occurs repeatedly in Sahagun's (1978) version of the text, and Tezozomoc carefully preserves it in his Spanish version. 13. Hill—MacLaury (1994) note that a good example of this obsession is the detailed description, in Sahagun's History of the Conquest, of the cloaks worn by the Aztec war leaders at the moment of their surrender to Cortez. Explicit mention of war regalia is by no means absent from European tales, where a legendary sword, for instance, may be mentioned each time a hero takes it up. Thus it is curious that Durän completely neglects this material. 14. Note that this difference between "flat" repetition and "embedded" repetition occurs at the discourse level oijly. Both of Tezozömoc's texts and the Durän text exhibit very complex syntax, although certain details are of course distinctive. My use of the term "author" here obviously owes much to Foucault (1977). 15. It is not uncommon to encounter oral "folktales" with obvious affinities to the ancient traditional texts; any pass through the Mexican journal Tlalocan will reveal many examples.

References Barlow, Robert H. 1945 "La cronica X", Revista mexicana de estudios antropologicos 7: 65-87. Boone, Elizabeth Hill 1994 "Aztec pictorial histories: records without words", in: Elizabeth Hill Boone— Walter D. Mignolo (eds.), Writing without words. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 50-76. Bright, William 1981 "Literature, written and oral", in: Deborah Tannen (ed.), Analyzing discourse: Text and talk. Georgetown University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 271-283. 1984 "The virtues of illiteracy", American Indian linguistics and literature. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 149-159. 1990 "'With one lip, with two lips': Parallelism in Nahuatl", Language 66: 437-452. Clendinnen, Inga 1991 Aztecs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Davies, Nigel 1973 The Aztecs, a history. New York: Macmillan. Durän, Fr. Diego 1967 Historia de las indias de Nueva Espana e islas de la tierra firme. Mexico: Porrua. Foucault, Michel 1977 Language, counter-memory, practice. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

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Garibay, Angel Maria 1971 Historia de la literatura nähuatl. Segunda parte. Mexico: Pornia. Hill, Jane H.—Robert E. MacLaury 1994 "The terror of Montezuma: Aztec history, vantage theory, and the category of 'person"', in: John R. Taylor (ed.), Language and the construal of the world. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 277-330. Karttunen, Frances 1982 "Nahuatl literacy", in: George A. Collier—Renato I. Rosaldo—John D. Wirth (eds.), The Inca and Aztec states 1400-1800. New York: Academic Press, 396-417. 1983 An analytical dictionary of Nahuatl. Austin: University of Texas Press. Lafaye, Jacques (ed.) 1972 Manuscrit Tovar. Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt. Leon-Portilla, Miguel 1985 "Nahuatl literature", in: Munro S. Edmonson (ed.), Literatures (Supplement to the Handbook of Middle American Indians, HI). Austin: University of Texas Press, 7-43. Leibsohn, Dana 1994 "Primers for memory: Cartographic histories and Nahua identity", in: Elizabeth Hill Boone—Walter D. Mignolo (eds.), Writing without words. Durham: Duke University Press, 161-187. Lockhart, James 1992 The Nahuas after the conquest: A social and cultural history of the Indians of central Mexico, sixteenth through eighteenth centuries. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Marcus, Joyce 1992 Mesoamerican writing systems. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Matos Moctezuma, Eduardo 1987 "The Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan: History and interpretation", in: Johanna Broda—David Carrasco—Eduardo Matos Moctezuma (eds.), The Great Temple of Tenochtitlan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 15-60. Montemayor, Carlos (ed.) 1992 Los escritores indigenas actuates I: Poesia, narrativa, teatro. Mexico: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes. 1993 Situacion actual y perspectivas de la literatura en lenguas indigenas. Mexico: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes. Sahagun, Fr. Bernardino de 1961 Florentine codex bookX: The people, Arthur J. O. Anderson—Charles E. Dibble (trans.). Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. 1978 Florentine codex book III: The origin of the gods, Arthur J. O. AndersonCharles E. Dibble (trans.). Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. 1993 Primeros memoriales. Facsimile edition. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Tezozomoc, Fernando de Alvarado 1944 Cronica mexicana escrita hacia el aho de 1598. Mexico: Leyenda. 1949 Cronica mexicayotl, Adrian Le6n (trans.). Mexico: Imprenta Universitaria.

Spanish loanwords in Hopi Kenneth C. Hill

This brief study is offered in tribute to the long-time interest William Bright has demonstrated in the question of Spanish contacts with Southwestern languages (cf. Bright—Bright 1959, Bright 1960, 1979). The Hopi dictionary (Hill et al. 1997) permits a definitive updating of Dockstader's (1955) preliminary study. Hopi has borrowed vocabulary from its long-time indigenous neighbors as well as from the colonizing languages English, Navajo, and Spanish. Loanwords may exhibit unusual stress or segmental phonology, mimicking the sound of the introduced word. In Hopi, loanwords are inflected according to Hopi grammatical rules and loan material takes Hopi derivational suffixes and participates in compounding and derivation, as seen in the following examples, borrowed from English: kivingta1 'celebrate Thanksgiving' ([Thanks]giving + CAUSATIVE -ta) kweetsti2 'graduate' (grads + realized -ti) pikinurhoya 'kindergartner' (beginners + DIMINUTIVE -hoya)3 pisnislawu 'be doing business' (business + CONTINUATIVE -lawu) tonatsmo'a4 'sweet-talker' (doughnuts 4- mo'a 'mouth') tsolaaylawu 'be celebrating the 4th of July' (July + CONTINUATIVE -lawu) The loaning process from English is on-going and open-ended. Other examples of loans from English are: kapuntu sement kaapoypuuts kdvumen hipi Peski So 'lengki Wdsento

carpenter cement cowboy boots government hippie Prescott (AZ) Salt Lake [City] (UT) Washington (DC)

Loanwords from Spanish are of historical interest. The Spanish period lasted from the mid 1500s to 1680, the time of the Pueblo Revolt. After their expulsion from the Pueblo region, the Spanish managed to return to New Mexico, but they never made it back to Hopi country except for a brief and disastrous mission to Awat'ovi (1692-1700). Only after Mexican independence did the Spanish language return in any official capacity. Almost all Spanish loanwords identified so

20 Kenneth C. Hill far are nouns; there seem to be no borrowed verbs. The following are the Spanish words5 identified as borrowed into Hopi: (1) a la villa 'to town'

Alaviiya6 'Santa Fe' 7 or 'Albuquerque' 8 (NM)

(2) αίαζάη 'sorrel (horse)'

alasani9

(3) Albuquerque

Älavakyeekye

(4) asafrdn 'saffron'

asaprani

(5) bayo 'bay (horse)'

vaayo

(6) boton 'button'

votoona 'nickel (five-cent piece); coin; metal button made from a coin'

(7) burro 'donkey'

mooro10

(8) caballo 'horse'

kawayo11

(9) cabra 'goat'

kapiira12

(10) cachane 'groundsel'

katsaana 'a plant whose root is used for chest pains'

(11) cafi 'coffee'

kaphe13

(12) carnero 'sheep'

kaneelo

(13) carreta 'wagon'

kareeta

(14) Costilla 'Castile'

kastiila14 'Spaniard, Mexican, Spanishspeaker'

(15) chaleco 'vest'

tsaleeko

(16) chile 'chile' 15

tsiili

(17) chino 'kinky-haired' 16

tsiino

(18) chivato 'billy goat'

tsivaato

(19) cilantro 'coriander'

silanro

(20) cincha 'cinch, buckle'

simtsa17

(21) coraza 'armor'

kolaasa 'leather, leather strap' 18

(22) coriandro 'coriander'

koranro, kolanro

(23) cuchara 'spoon'

kotsaala

(24) frazada 'blanket'

pösaala 19

(25) garabato 'hook'

karaväato

Spanish loanwords in Hopi

(26) guaco 'curassow'

kowaako 'chicken' 20

(27) lanza 'spear, lance'

lansa

(28) lima 'file, rasp'

liima

(29) liston 'ribbon'

lestooni

(30) manzana 'apple'

mansäana, mansäala, malsdana

(31) Maria 'Mary'

Mariiya (a place name)

(32) melon 'melon'

melooni 'muskmelon, cantelope'

(33) mocho 'polled [de-horned] mootso animal' (34) morcilla 'blood sausage'

monsiila

(35) mula 'mule'

moola

(36) ino? 'no?'

noo 'isn't that true?, right?'

(37) pinto 'spotted'

pinto

(38) pitzote 'pig, hog' 21

pitsooti

(39) queso 'cheese'

kyeeso 'cheese, butter'

(40) rana 'frog'

raana 'bullfrog'

(41) real (a Spanish coin)

yaali 'quarter (twenty-five cent coin)'

(42) Santa Fe 'Santa Fe (NM)' Santaphe, Santapeeyo (43) saiico 'alder'

sawko 'a bark used to dye buckskin'

(44) sierra 'saw [the tool]'

siyara

(45) soldado 'soldier'

solaawa 'policeman, truant officer'

(46) sota 'jack (with a value of ten in the Spanish deck of cards)'

soota 'ten (in a deck of cards)'

(47) tabaco 'tobacco'

tavaako 'chewing tobacco'22

(48) täpalo 'shawl'

taapalo 'woman's commercially-made

(49) tomate 'tomato' 23

tomaati

(50) uva 'grape'

oova

(51) vaca 'cow'

waakasi 'bovine animal'24

21

22

Kenneth C. Hill

A mysterious word usually regarded as a Spanish loanword is Hopi moosa 'domestic cat' (cf. Bright 1960, Miller 1960: 42). Hopis themselves seem to regard it as a loanword.25 No convincing Spanish source has yet been identified. Colloquial Spanish has a set of words in m- meaning 'cat': micho, micha, mizo, miza, but all with the wrong vowel. Moosa, though, is interestingly similar to Nahuatl miz-tli 'wildcat, mountain lion'. Both moosa and Nahuatl miztli might be from a proto-form *musa. (The sound change Uto-Aztecan *u > Nahuatl i, Hopi ο is quite regular.) The Hopi word for 'wildcat' is tokotsi, a Southern Paiute loanword, suggestive that an earlier lexical category 'wildcat' had been vacated somehow, perhaps (I speculate) by its filler moosa being shifted to the meaning 'domestic cat'. 26 Such a shift might have been motivated by some influence from Spanish mizo, etc., such that Hopi moosa may have a double etymology. Another interesting word dating from the Spanish occupation is a loan directly from Nahuatl: tota'tsi 'tyrant, dictator'. The word tota'tzin 'our honored father' was used in respectful reference to the Spanish priests by their Nahuatl-speaking retainers. Clearly the Hopis had a very different impression.

Notes 1.

Hopi unmarked stress is in accord with the "Southern Paiute rule" (cf. Sapir 1930: 39): disyllabic words are accented on the first syllable, other words are accented on the syllable containing the second mora; exceptions are marked. < n g > represents the unit phoneme /t)/; < v > is bilabial. Kivingta is pronounced ['kißiqta]. 2. represent the unit phonemes /k w , c/; double vowels are used to represent long vowels; kweetsti = /k w ecti/ ['ksitsti], 3. < u > represents the high back unrounded vowel [ui] (the Uto-Aztecanists' " + "); syllable-final Irl is the voiceless apico-alveolar sibilant [ß]; pikinurhoya = [pi'kinuighoja], 4. The apostrophe represents the glottal stop (which is not written in word-initial position); tonatsmo'a = ['tonatsmo?a] 5. I ignore proper nouns of non-Spanish, non-Mexican origin, like Komantsi/Kumantsi 'Comanche', Aakoma 'Acoma Pueblo', Kaywa 'Kiowa', where Spanish (or English?) MIGHT have been an intermediate in the borrowing process. 6. Alaviiya is reminiscent of the origin of the Turkish Istanbul, from Greek eis tin polin 'in the city'. This might be a late loan as evidenced by the treatment of Spanish 11 as y; see note 14. 7. 'Santa Fe (New Mexico)' is either Alaviiya (1) or Santaphe, Santapeeyo (42). 8. 'Albuquerque (New Mexico)' is either Alaviiya (1) or Älavakyeekye (3). 9. The final vowel of alasani is occasioned by the constraint that in Hopi uninflected nouns must end in a vowel. 10. Mooro may be based on Spanish un burro 'a/one donkey'; but more likely, it would seem, this form was received into Hopi through some other, intermediary language in which the substitution of m for Spanish b/v might have been phonologically

Spanish loanwords in Hopi

23

motivated. 11. It is interesting that kawayo has a short vowel in the second syllable. This suggests that the word has been well-integrated within Hopi phonology. 12. Kapiira (for Spanish cabra) shows an epenthetic vowel—presumably to preserve the stop nature of the (orginal) b—but also its lengthening, to match the general pattern in which accented syllables in Spanish loanwords are long. 13. In Second Mesa Hopi, syllable-final /p/ lenites to [φ], such that kaphe would be heard as rkahe]. Spanish loans may have entered Hopi country westward. 14. Kastiila < Castilla and (34) monsiila < morcilla show that at the time of borrowing, Spanish 11 still had the lateral phonetic feature, which it lacks in present-day Mexican Spanish. But the lateral feature must have been rather weak during the borrowing period since Spanish 11 was borrowed as y after a in kawayo < caballo (8). 15. From Nahuatl chilli. 16. Probably from Nahuatl -chinoa 'burn'; NOT < chino 'Chinese'. 17. The dissimilation of η > m here challenges explanation. 18. Spanish armor was often of leather. Perhaps this may account for the semantic shift here. 19. The treatment of Hopi ö [CE] for Spanish ra is interestingly parallel to the perception by American English speakers of the Hopi vowel ö as "r"-colored. 20. The semantic shift, if properly identified here, deserves study. 21. From Nahuatl pitzotl. 22. 'Tobacco (in general)' is piiva, a well-established Uto-Aztecan root. 23. From Nahuatl tomatl. 24. Waakasi likely came to Hopi through some intermediary language, cf. Acoma wd-kaSi (Miller 1960: 42). The initial w for Spanish b/v is unique and the ending -si, presumably a reflection of the plural ending, as in vacas 'cows', is similarly unique. 25. Emory Sekaquaptewa, personal communication. 26. The Hopi word for 'mountain lion/cougar/puma' is tohow, a phonologically interesting word in its own right, but it does not relate to the present discussion.

References Bright, William 1960 "A note on the Southwestern words for cat", International Journal of American Linguistics 26: 167-68. 1979 "Hispanisms in Cahuilla", Journal of California and Great Basin AnthropologyPapers in Linguistics 1: 101-116. Bright, William—Elizabeth Bright 1959 "Spanish words in Patwin", Romance Philology 13: 161-164. Dockstader, Frederick J. 1955 "Spanish loanwords in Hopi: a preliminary checklist", International Journal of American Linguistics 21: 157-159.

24

Kenneth C. Hill

Hill, Kenneth C.—Emory Sekaquaptewa—Mary E. Black—Ekkehart Malotki et al. 1997 Hopi dictionary / Hopiikwa laväytutuveni: A Hopi-English Dictionary of the Third Mesa dialect. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Miller, Wick R. 1960 "Spanish loanwords in Acoma: Π", International Journal of American Linguistics 26: 41-49. Sapir, Edward 1930 Southern Paiute: a Shoshonean language. Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 65.1.

Discursive convergence with a Tewa evidential Paul V. Kroskrity

Introduction1 Areal linguistic surveys of North American Indian languages seldom acknowledge the realm of discourse in their treatment of linguistic convergence (Bright 1973, Sherzer 1976). This is certainly due to the fact that most scholarly attention to Native American languages has focused more on details of language structure than on patterns of usage. My goal here is to explore traditional narratives as a privileged site for the study of grammar in use and for the detection of continuities and discontinuities in narrative use between three languages—Rio Grande Tewa, Arizona Tewa, and Hopi. More specifically, I want to examine the nature and extent of convergence between Arizona Tewa ba and Hopi y a w two quotative/evidential particles that are closely associated with their respective genres of traditional stories, Arizona Tewa peryu'u and Hopi tutuwutsi. After supplying some relevant linguistic and ethnographic background, I will sketch the role of ba in Arizona Tewa grammar and discourse and attempt to create a "before and after" view of ba by first examining its cognate form in Rio Grande Tewa grammar and discourse and then turning to the unrelated but very analogous structure and use of Hopi yaw. In my conclusions I will briefly relate the pattern of findings to issues pertinent to both Arizona Tewa linguistic ideology and culture history. In doing so, I affirm the importance of William Bright's (1976: 266) observation that the appropriate goals of areal linguistic investigation are not our own classifications and categories but rather their sociocultural and historical relevance: The areal groupings which we seek to identify, however, are not to be regarded as ends in themselves, nor as units opposed to those of genetic classification. Rather than simply classifying languages or linguistic features, our aim is to learn what happened in aboriginal American history.

Ethnographic and ethnohistorical background But before confronting the linguistic details, it is necessary to sketch a few pertinent historical, linguistic, and ethnographic details. For a more complete

26

Paul V. Kroskrity

treatment of these topics, readers should consult Dozier (1954) and Kroskrity (1993). Though today the Arizona Tewa live on First Mesa of the Hopi Reservation in Northeastern Arizona, their ancestors formerly inhabited the Galisteo Basin of the Rio Grande River in New Mexico. If we were to turn back the clock to the early 17th century we would find the ancestors of the Arizona Tewa, the Tano or Southern Tewa, inhabiting the eastern frontier of the Rio Grande River Valley. Like the other Tewa, Tiwa, and Towa Pueblos, they spoke a Kiowa-Tanoan language that was remarkably similar to the Rio Grande Tewa of such pueblos as San Juan, San Ildefonso, and Santa Clara. The Southern Tewa played a leading role in resisting the Spanish colonial program through their participation in the Pueblo revolts of 1680 and 1696. Refusing to resettle their former pueblos, the Southern Tewa chose to leave this area of Spanish influence. Following an invitation by Hopi clan leaders at Walpi village, they moved to their present First Mesa location around 1700. The Hopi, speakers of a Uto-Aztecan language, initially proscribed interaction and intermarriage with the Southern Tewa immigrants despite the fact that the Tewa defended the Hopi and their lands from other invading Indian groups in accord with the terms of their invitation. For perhaps 100 years the groups lived as neighbors, but each strictly regulated interaction of its members with the other. But for almost two hundred years since then, increased interaction, accommodation, and cooperation has prevailed. During this period societal bilingualism with Hopi became the norm for the Arizona Tewa. Their kinship and social organization changed in two major ways, moving from patrilineal to matrilineal descent and from a moiety system to a clan system. These changes certainly solidified the position of the Tewa on First Mesa by permitting intermarriage to occur without disruption. Since both groups are now matrilineal and matrilocal, children of Hopi and Tewa intermarriage possess the ethnic identity of their mother and, according to tradition, are primarily raised by her kinsmen. In the modern period this type of intermarriage is the norm. Such developments have not threatened Tewa ethnicity; they have only served to transform it. Rather than assimilating, the Tewa have symbolically transformed their decreasing number of differences into what Barth (1969) might term "diacritica" of ethnic boundary maintenance. Chief among these symbolic resources for maintaining this discrete ethnic identity is the Tewa language. While the Tewa speak Hopi in addition to Tewa, they observe Pueblo linguistic ideology in their compartmentalization and general avoidance of language mixing. Despite at least two hundred years of bilingualism, only two loanwords from Hopi have been documented.2 Thus any account of Tewa and Hopi linguistic convergence must recognize the promotional role of long-standing societal bilingualism and the shaping role of Arizona Tewa linguistic ideology.

Discursive convergence with a Tewa evidential

27

/ba/ in Arizona Tewa grammar and discourse The Arizona Tewa discourse particle ba which is the linguistic preoccupation of this article is an "evidential particle" which disclaims first hand knowledge or novelty on the part of the speaker: he or she is merely repeating "prior text" or "speaking the past". Since I have already described this particle extensively elsewhere (Kroskrity 1993: 144-163), I will limit my observations here to only a few pertinent details concerning its use in everyday speech. One, like many particles, it enjoys a distributional freedom that "bound" forms do not. In example (1), for instance, the evidential can either occur as a sentence initial or medial particle. 3 It can occupy any non-final position as long as it does not interrupt major constituents like postpositional phrases or disrupt verb morphology (e.g., *'i'i-ba-di, *na-ba-mae). Most speakers show a strong preference for either initial position or "second position"—the next available syntactic slot between major constituents. (1) ba 'ί'ί'-di na-mae (AT) 4 EY there-OBL 3sgSTA-go:PST3 'They say he left there.' In addition to observing syntactic position, it is also important to note that ba occurs only once per sentence and that this 'hearsay' evidential is morphologically related to the Arizona Tewa direct quotative illustrated by example (2). (2) 'o-he: gi-ba na-tu (AT) lsgSTA-sick that-EV 3sgSTA-say "'I'm sick," he said.' Example (3) demonstrates that removal of the ba constituent produces an indirect quotative, clearly affirming the linkage between this particle and an authorial source other than the speaker. (3) na-he: gi na-tu (AT) 3sgSTA-sick that 3sgSTA-say 'He said that he's sick.' Since traditional Pueblo narratives, like those of other Native American groups, contain much dialog between characters, we would expect that quotative giba would be productively deployed by Tewa narrators. But narrative conventions for the Arizona Tewa genre p4:yu 'u also require the prolific use of evidential ba. Narrators in this genre use ba quite differently than in everyday speech. In both its enhanced flexibility and its greater frequency, evidential ba, used within

28 Paul V. Kroskrity traditional narratives, assumes the role of a genre-marker. Examples (4-5) 5 represent examples of a typical feature of these stories—the multiple occurrence of ba in the narrated sentences of the text. (4) Y-wae ba, di-powä-di ba, '0:bi-khw0:li-ma:k'a-kanf0-di. (AT) there-at EV, 3plSTA-arrive-suB EV, 3pl/3iNV-fly-teach-INTENTIVE-suB 'From there so, having arrived so, they were being taught to fly.' (5) 'ihaeddm ba, huwa ba, wi' huwa 'i-winu-di ba, di-khaw-kaenu. (AT) then:FOCUS EV, again EV, one again 3sgREFL-stand-SUB EV, 3plAC-sing-start 'And then so, again so, as one stood up again so, they started to sing.' In (4) and (5), ba occurs two and three times respectively. A non-narrative rendering of (4) in casual speech would eliminate all but one of the particles and move that one to either sentence-initial position or immediately after the locative phrase 'i-wae 'there-at'. To illustrate how representative this pattern is, we can consider a convenience sample based on three previously published Arizona Tewa narratives—"Bird story", mentioned above, "Coyote and Bullsnake", and "Coyote woman and the deer children" (Kroskrity—Healing 1978, 1980). In those narratives, there are approximately 228 sentences which contain 225 instances of evidential ba. If we exclude the sentences which consist of quoted dialog (in which the quotative giba occurs) we find that in 171 "narrative" verses there are 226 occurrences of ba—an average of 1.32 per sentence. In more than one third of these sentences (34.5%), ba occurs two or more times. Thus though ba retains its evidential meaning in these narratives, its greater frequency and enhanced syntactic flexibility are evidence of its special role as a genre marker.

Comparisons with Rio Grande Tewa ba How does the Arizona Tewa pattern of structure and use compare to Rio Grande Tewa? Even after three hundred years of physical separation, Arizona and Rio Grande Tewa still share approximately 95 % of their basic vocabulary—a lexical measure of the minimal "linguistic distance" between these closely related languages. Also similar to Arizona Tewa in most details of grammar and phonology, Rio Grande Tewa may help in providing an indirect look at what Southern Tewa narrative practice may have been like prior to migration to First Mesa. Like Arizona Tewa ba, Rio Grande Tewa ba is an evidential particle which is identical in phonological form, syntactic placement in non-narrative use, and semantic interpretation. Significant differences, however, do exist in its distribution and function within traditional narratives. Unlike my sample of Arizona

Discursive convergence with a Tewa evidential

29

Tewa narratives, which is necessarily limited to materials I collected from 19771989, the available narratives from Rio Grande Tewa date from two distinct time periods. One set is from Harrington's (1947) publication of "Three Tewa texts" based on his collaboration with Eduardo Cata of San Juan Pueblo. Of the three texts, only two appear to be traditional narratives comparable to the Arizona Tewa sample. These stories, "God and Montezuma hold a shooting contest" and "The girl and the crow" consist of 104 sentences. In these, only 40 instances of ba occur—an average of .38 per sentence. In 9 narrative sentences, RGT ba occurs two or more times. Example (6), taken from Harrington (1947: 113), illustrates one of these relatively rare occurrences of multiple ba which appear in about 8% of the sample. (6) hembo nqe'i

anyükeyä

ba poye

tyu'e ba nqe-p'iinnqe

wemba'ün-yi'i

whereupon this girl EV three brother EV here mountains some 3sgPOS-have 'And this girl indeed three little brothers indeed here in the mountains somewhere had.' In representing this example I have normalized Harrington's prephonemic transcription. Though frequencies of ba overall and intrasentence multiple ba are much lower than for Arizona Tewa, the syntactic placement of Rio Grande Tewa ba does display a flexibility comparable to that of Arizona Tewa with one exception. (7), also taken from "The girl and the crow" displays an example of sentence-final ba which is not attested in any Arizona Tewa data. (7) heriho

'iwi.gi

ba wi cuge'i

'un-tehwä-ko:

\νά'ά ba

(RGT)

then:and there EV witch 3sgp0s-h0use-lie and EV 'And there indeed a witch had-her-house also indeed.' The other Rio Grande Tewa data come from three relatively brief narratives contained in a 1984 collection of narratives produced by the San Juan Bilingual Program (Martinez 1984)—"Coyote and the prairie dogs", "Coyote and the black ants", and "The bear and the rabbit". Of the 85 narrative sentences in this corpus there is only one example of multiply occurring ba. That example, (8), is presented below in the practical orthography of the original.6

(8)

Owäy wähäQ-anba Sedo nathaa.

yoe owäy thanpiye

K'u TSQWQ Buge wäyba

Fosewhäa

once:upon:a:time-FOCUS-EV far away east K'u Tsawä Büge at:EV coyote old:man 3sgSTAlive. 'Once upon a time, Old Man Coyote lived off in the East at K'u Ts^wä Büge [placename].'

30 Paul V. Kroskrity This example, the introductory sentence from "Old Man Coyote and the little prairie dogs" (Martinez 1984:6), contains one ba placed after the introductory formula and another placed immediately after a locative postposition. Since ba is almost lexicalized in the introductory formula, (8) is a marginal example of multiple intrasentential ba—an exception to a more recent, invariable pattern of one ba per sentence. Otherwise the two Rio Grande Tewa samples are quite similar in overall frequency: .44 in the more recent, .38 per sentence in Harrington's materials. Since the two text corpora are similar I have aggregated them in my tabular presentation below. Collectively, the Rio Grande Tewa data may provide some guidance in reconstructing premigration narrative practices of the ancestors of the Arizona Tewa. Since the contemporary Arizona Tewa pattern has no parallel in the narrative traditions of other Kiowa-Tanoan languages, it is unlikely to represent an inherited pattern. It is therefore probable that the pattern of use regarding evidential ba was once more like the current Rio Grande Tewa pattern. To summarize this pattern: ba is not an expected constituent of every narrative sentence and is rarely employed in multiple instances within the same sentence. Both Tewa languages do agree in making sentence-initial ba a possible, and possibly preferred position in everyday speech yet proscribing this position in traditional narratives.

Comparisons with Hopi yaw As we have seen, though both Tewa languages use a common evidential particle, they employ it in different ways. What about Hopi, the neighboring language for the Arizona Tewa? Does it contain an analogous evidential particle? The answer is yes—Hopi yaw. Though unrelated to Arizona Tewa ba, Hopi yaw is an evidential with the same meaning. Like ba, it is not only an evidential but is also used in quotatives. In order to examine its pattern of use, a Hopi sample of two traditional narratives, Evelyn Seumptewa's "Wren and Coyote" (Seumptewa—Voegelin— Voegelin 1980) and Michael Lomatuway'ma's "Coyote and Owl" (Malotki— Lomatuway'ma 1984), was constructed. In these Hopi tutuwutsi, yaw frequently occurs, slightly exceeding both the rate per sentence and the number of multiple occurrences established for Arizona Tewa ba. Example (9) demonstrates the pattern of multiple occurrence. (9) noq yaw 'ora:yvi 'atka ki:tava yaw piw ticvo ki'yta. (Hopi) and EV Oraibi below:south from:village EV also wren sg:lives 'And wren also below Oraibi, south of the village.'

Discursive convergence

with a Tewa evidential

31

In this example, we find evidential yaw occurring immediately after the sentenceinitial connective and after a locative expression. Though this pattern resembles that of Arizona Tewa, example (10) provides evidence of a significant difference in the distributional pattern. (10) yaw koro aq pam ki'yta. (Hopi) EV in:hole 3rd SG.lives 'Wren lived in a hole in a rock.' In this example, taken from the same narrative as the preceding one, we see evidential yaw occupying sentence-initial position—a pattern unattested in any of the Tewa narrative samples. Table 1. Some comparisons in the use of evidential ba/yaw # Narrative sentences # ba/yaw EV/sentence Multiple occurrences Distribution

AT

RGT

Hopi

171 226 1.32 58 (34%) flexible -final - initial

189 78 .41 10 (5%) flexible +final -initial

231 345 1.49 86 (37%) flexible -final + initial

Table 1 summarizes the similarities and differences observed in the use of evidential ba and yaw in the three languages. Hopi narrators appear to use evidential particles in a manner very similar to that of the Arizona Tewa. Traditional narrators "speak the past" in their respective narrative traditions by adorning each narrative sentence with at least one evidential. In slightly more than one third of both Arizona Tewa and Hopi narrative sentences, the evidential occurs two or more times. The only difference in usage is that Hopi narrators may use yaw in sentence-initial position—a position unused by Arizona Tewa narrators in their placement of ba.

Conclusions Though a complete understanding of the data presented here would require both further sampling of all the narrative traditions involved and a more comprehensive examination of evidentials throughout the Pueblo and adjacent linguistic areas, they strongly suggest a discursive convergence. Though Arizona Tewa

32

Paul V. Kroskrity

narrators use an inherited Tewa particle, the pattern of usage now more strongly resembles that of Hopi narrators than that of a related Tewa discourse tradition. This apparently "new" use of an indigenous particle is especially interesting given the importance of such factors as multilingualism and language ideology mentioned in the introductory section. Societal multilingualism in both Hopi and Tewa, for the Arizona Tewa, has certainly been a promoting factor in the discursive convergence of two evidential particles with very similar meanings. The norm of intermarriage with Hopi and the fact that inmarrying Hopi men do not speak Tewa in their Tewa Village homes has meant that, over the past two centuries at least, Tewa children have heard Hopi traditional narratives from their paternal kinsmen. Many of the Tewa narratives that I collected from the late Dewey Healing were ones that he had first heard, as a child, from his Hopi grandfather Lesou. Like most older adults, Healing was able to fluently perform narratives in either language. Under such social conditions it is not surprising that the two narrative traditions would converge not only in the sharing of actual narratives but also in the sharing of narrative practices and forms. But it is also important to note that this apparent instance of discursive convergence both supports and illuminates Arizona Tewa language ideology. Elsewhere (Kroskrity 1992) I have analytically deconstructed Arizona Tewa language ideology into four discursive preferences which are most vividly embodied in the structure and practice of te'e hi.li 'kiva speech'. Two of these preferences are especially significant here: indigenous purism and strict compartmentalization. These preferences collectively promote native forms and discourage language mixing. It is important to observe that by maintaining Tewa ba, speakers are actually practicing these preferences to the extent that their selective awareness of language permits. Since popular awareness of language is greatest at the level of the lexicon it is no wonder that, for example, the Arizona Tewa did not borrow yaw but rather used their own particle in a similar manner. The changing patterns of usage, however, including the elevation of the evidential to the status of a genre marker in both Tewa p&yu 'u and Hopi tutuwutsi, were not encompassed by the selective awareness of their linguistic resources. In addition to ideological factors, it is appropriate to mention the historical role of the Tewa language as an emblem of ethnic identity in order to fully understand the pattern of discursive convergence without lexical borrowing.

Notes 1.

This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the 1989 Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association in Washington, D.C.

Discursive convergence with a Tewa evidential 2. 3. 4.

5. 6.

33

The two terms which can be securely established are words for 'older sister' and 'shawl'. For discussion of the former, consult Kroskrity (1993: 73). The Tewa evidential system is entirely lexical and does not involve verb morphology; for an example of the latter system, see Bendix (1992). Language abbreviations are: AT = Arizona Tewa, RGT = Rio Grande Tewa. The following abbreviations are used in the morpheme-by-morpheme translations: AC = Active (Prefix Type); EV = evidential; INV = Inverse (Prefix Type); OBL = Oblique case marker; pi = plural (number); POS = Possessive/Dative (Prefix Type); PST =Past (Tense); REFL = Reflexive/reciprocal (Prefix Type); sg = singular (number); STA = Stative (Prefix Type); SUB = subordinator; 1 = first person; 3 = third person. Various combinations of these abbreviations are used especially in the representation of pronominal verb prefixes. In both Arizona Tewa and Harrington's Rio Grande Tewa, I have eliminated superscripts, substituting diagraphs (e.g., ty for f ) . In addition, the apparent vowel cluster ae merely represents a low-mid front vowel /ε/. These are sentences 12 and 35 from a previously published narrative, "Bird story" (Kroskrity 1985, 1993: 163-75). In this practical orthography ä represents the low-mid front vowel /ε/.

References Barth, Fredrik 1969 Ethnic groups and boundaries. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company. Bendix, Edward H. 1992 "The grammaticalization of responsibility and evidence: interactional manipulation of evidential categories in Newari", in: Jane H. Hill—Judith T. Irvine (eds.), Responsibility and evidence in oral discourse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 226-247. Bright, William 1973 "North American Indian language contact", in: Thomas A. Sebeok (ed.), Current Trends in Linguistics 10: North America, 713-726. The Hague: Mouton. Dozier, Edward P. 1954 "The Hopi-Tewa of Arizona", University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 44: 257-376. Berkeley: University of California Press. Harrington, John P. 1947 "Three Tewa texts", International Journal of American Linguistics 13: 112-116. Martha B. Kendall (ed.) 1980 Coyote stories II. International Journal of American Linguistics, Native American Texts Series, Monograph 6. Kroskrity, Paul V. 1985 "Growing with stories: line, verse, and genre in an Arizona Tewa text", Journal of Anthropological Research 41:183-199.

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Paul V. Kroskrity

1992 "Arizona Tewa kiva speech as a manifestation of linguistic ideology", Pragmatics 2: 297-309. 1993 Language, history, and identity: ethnolinguistic studies of the Arizona Tewa. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Kroskrity, Paul V.—Dewey Healing 1978 "Coyote and Bullsnake", in: William Bright (ed.), Coyote stories. International Journal of American Linguistics, Native American Texts Series, Monograph 1, 162-170. 1980 "Coyote woman and the deer children", in: Kendall 1980: 119-128. Malotki, Ekkehart—Michael Lomatuway'ma 1984 Hopi coyote tales / Istutuwutsi. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Martinez, Esther (ed.) 1984 Tewa tuukannin tq'nin [A Tewa reader]. San Juan Pueblo, New Mexico: San Juan Bilingual Program. Seumptewa, Evelyn—Charles F. Voegelin—F. M. Voegelin 1980 "Wren and coyote", in: Kendall 1980: 104-110. Sherzer, Joel 1976 An areal-typological study of American Indian languages north of Mexico. Amsterdam: North-Holland.

Internal reconstruction in Aymara and Quechua Peter Landerman

1. Introduction 1.1 Method The historical method of internal reconstruction seeks to recover aspects of an earlier stage of a language by examining its current structural properties and their anomalies in order to deduce the possible original forms and historical processes that could have given rise to them. On the phonological level, the focus has usually been on morphophonemic alternations, but useful historical inferences can sometimes be made from structural constraints such as the canonical shapes of morphemes and distributional restrictions on structural elements. De Saussure's famous reconstruction of laiyngeals in Indo-European is a good example. Though Quechua and Aymara are not rich in the sort of morphophonemic alternations most useful for internal reconstruction, an examination of their phonotactics can provide insights into aspects of their prehistory, especially when combined with information derived from the comparative method, loanwords, and early colonial sources.1

1.2 Dialectology While all Aymara dialects have a three-way contrast between normal, aspirated, and glottalized occlusives, two quite distinct phonological systems are found among Quechua dialects of the Southern group. 2 The "Ayacucho" dialect area (in the Peruvian Departments of Ayacucho and Huancavelica) has only simple occlusives, all of which occur in coda position. The dialects of Cuzco, Puno (Peruvian Departments), and Bolivia, which are contiguous to the Aymara area (see map, next page), also have the two laryngeal series, but tend to reduce coda occlusives to fricatives.3 A third area, in the Peruvian provinces of Sara Sara (Ayacucho) and Aymaraes (Apurimac), has all three series, yet retains the occlusive codas.4

36

Peter Landerman

Huarce

PAΖ

Cochabamba

AYMARA and S. QUECHUA Aymara β i l l Quechua [+Laryng] | f : j Quechua f-Laryng] [ -1 Quechua: 3rd Area C Peter N. Landemuui, 1997

2. Quechua 2.1 Coda Fricativization and y Loss As noted, most of the dialects exhibiting laryngealization are affected (to varying degrees) by a process in which occlusive codas become fricatives.5 I refer to this as "Coda Fricativization".6 We find k and q becoming h [x] and χ [χ] respectively; ρ goes to [φ], [xw] (and even [χ] or [x]); s results from c ("Deaffrication"), while t merges with s. In a good part of the Cuzco area, s likewise merges with s, ("Depalatalization"). Some examples are given in Table 1.

Internal reconstruction in Aymara and Quechua Table 1. Ayacucho öapra mitkaaöka öuklla öuqllu

3rd Area

Cuzco δ'αφΓα

mitk 'aa£ka i'uklla Cuqllu

misk'aasifa i'uhlla iuxllu

Apolo i'apra mitk'aailda i'uhlla iuxllu

Cochabamba GH7 w

i'ax ra misk 'aaSffa ö'uhlla iuxllu

chhapra mitccaachca chhuclla chocllu

37

gloss 'bush' 'trip' 'much' 'hut' 'ear (corn)'

GH = Gonzälez Holguin 1608.

The component changes of this process took place gradually, at different times in different areas, over a long period of time (see Mannheim 1991a: Ch. 10, 1991b: 118).8 They are not yet evident in Gonzalez Holguin (1608) and begin to appear only by the end of the 17th century, according to Mannheim (1991a: 210), or early in the same century, according to Middendorf (1890: 29).9 Deaffrication may have been complete in Cuzco by the late 1700s, but began to appear in Apolo (northern Bolivia) only fairly recently. Depalatalization certainly had taken place in Cuzco by the second half of the 19th century, and perhaps much earlier.10 Fricativization of t to s, though complete in southern Bolivia for some time, appears to be still in progress in the Cuzco area (all recent dictionaries include forms with coda t). In parts of the Cuzco dialect area are found intervocalic instances of the velar and uvular fricatives, h and x. As seen in Table 2, these dialects seem to have dropped y from the clusters hy and xy, which in turn had resulted from Coda Fricativization, leaving h and χ in intervocalic position such that they now contrast with k and q (e.g., waxa- 'call' vs. waqa- 'cry'). This change will be called "y Loss". 11 Table 2. Ayacucho pukyu takya taqya upya—

Cuzco

others

gloss

puhu taha taxa uxawaxa-

puhyu tahya taxya uhyawaxya-

'spring' 'stable' 'dung' 'drink' 'call'

2.2 The Quechua laryngealization and initial h restrictions The changes dealt with up to this point were recovered by simple direct dialect comparison (the comparative method). Let us now turn our attention to structural constraints in Quechua phonology to see what light they shed on the prehistory of the language (internal reconstruction).

38

Peter Lander man

In the Quechua dialects where they are found, laryngealized occlusives are distributionally restricted in that they can occur: (1) only in roots, not in suffixes; (2) only one per root; (3) only as the first onset occlusive of the root. This will be called the "Quechua Laryngealization Restriction". We see from (3) that the actual position of a laryngealized occlusive in the root is completely predictable. Therefore we may consider the laryngealization to be a feature of the root as a whole and refer to it as a "laryngealized root" (either aspirated or glottalized). Further restrictions apply to such roots in most areas: (A) Glottalized roots may begin with h but not with a vowel. (B) Aspirated roots may begin with a vowel but not with h.n These are the "Initial h Restriction".

2.3 Quechua h Epenthesis The above set of constraints prompts us to ask how this situation could have arisen. With regard to (A), some sort of historical change would seem to be the answer, and the only one fitting the data would be one in which h was added to vowel-initial glottalized roots.13 This has been called "h Epenthesis" (Parker 1969, Cerron-Palomino 1987: 185, Mannheim 1991a: 177, 258). Additional facts support this analysis. A number of glottalized roots with initial h have Ayacucho cognates lacking this segment, an indication that such was the case in Proto-Southern Quechua. Some examples are given in Table 3:14 Table 3. Cuzco

Ayacucho

hak'u hamak 'u hank'u hapt'ay hirq 'i

aku amaku anku aptay irqi

gloss 'flour' 'tick' 'tendon' 'handful' 'child'

Cuzco

Ayacucho

hasp 'ihisp 'ahuC'uy huk'uCa huq'u

aCpiispauiuy ukuöa uqu

gloss 'scratch' 'urinate' 'small' 'mouse' 'wet'

Roots which differ among dialects as to whether they are glottalized or not also differ as to the occurrence of initial h. For example, in the Cuzco area we find

Internal reconstruction in Aymara and Quechua

39

allpa 'land', isqun 'nine', but hank'u 'tendon', while Cochabamba has hallp'a, hisq'un, but anku.15 Could the second part of the Initial h Restriction be due to an analogous change which dropped initial h from aspirated roots? Though theoretically possible, this would presuppose the existence of Λ-initial aspirated roots in ProtoSouthern Quechua. I presently know of no conclusive evidence for such. Forms such as orcfo- 'take out' (Cochabamba) and afun 'big' (Apolo), from ProtoSouthern Quechua *hurqu- and *hatun, are rare, and could be viewed as arising by a process in which the initial h is absorbed into the root as a feature of aspiration.16

2.4 Coda Affricate Aspiration In the Bolivian dialects there is another interesting restriction on roots. All those containing a coda 6 (or i) are also aspirated. This unexpected situation could only be the result of a change which added aspiration to roots containing the affricate c in coda position.17 This is "Coda Affricate Aspiration". Table 4, with modern dialects ordered geographically from west to east, gives some examples. The Bolivian dialects in question are Apolo and Cochabamba. Table 4. 3rd Area

Abancay

Cuzco

Apolo

Cochabamba GH

adka k 'aökakiöka miöka piöqa puöka qaöqa

aSka kf'aSka kiSka miSka piSqa puSka qasqa

askf'a kf'askakiska miska pisqa puska qhasqa qhaswa qisqa qhiswa qhuspa uspha

aökf>a Id'aökak'iöka

ail^a Jfaikak"iSka miSlta phiSqa phuSka (fasqa (faSwa

qiiqa qucpa uipa

quSpauSpa

phiiqa phuika qhacqa

(ficwa (fuöpauöpha

qhiswa (fuSpa uSpha

achca cachcaquichca michca pichca puchca ccachcca kachua quescca qquechhua ccuchpavchpa

gloss 'many' 'gnaw' 'thorn' 'early harvest' 'five' 'whorl' 'rough' 'a dance' 'flint' 'valley' 'wallow' 'ash'

GH = Gonzälez Holguin 1608.

This change is regular to the east in Bolivia and at least some areas of Puno, but does not apply in the west in Abancay (Apurimac). In between, in the Cuzco area, it has exceptions. Thus it fails to apply in kiska 'thorn', miska 'early harvest', pisqa 'five', puska 'whorl', and qisqa 'flint' (in Lira 1945).18 See the "Cuzco" column in Table 4. A possible explanation is that it had not yet gone

40 Peter Landerman to completion when other events (such as Deaffrication and Depalatalization) overtook the affricate.

2.5 Glottal Depalatalization However, not all instances of the Proto-Southern Quechua coda affricate remain 6 in Apolo and become s in southern Bolivia. There is a series of roots in which its reflex is s in both areas. Note the forms in Table 5, where the Ayacucho forms show the original codas. Table 5. Ayacucho

Abancay

Apolo

Cochabamba

GH

gloss

aipikitki lluöka puöqu wiöqa-

hasp 'ik'iSki lluSk'a ρ 'uSqu wiSk 'a-

asp 'ik'iski llusk'a ρ 'usqu wisq'a-

hasp 'ik'iski llusk 'a ρ 'usqu wisq'a-

(h)azppiqquichqui lluchcca ppuchcco vichcca-

'scratch' 'narrow' 'smooth' 'fermented' 'close'

GH = Gonzalez Holguin 1608.

What these roots all have in common is that they are globalized. Furthermore, no globalized root in Apolo contains a coda c. Clearly a separate change is involved, one which reduced coda c to s only in globalized roots. I call this "Glottal Depalatalization". As the Abancay data show, this change has not occurred there. At least in Apolo, and probably elsewhere, it is a separate process from the Depalatalization mentioned earlier. Glottal Depalatalization has long been complete in Apolo, while Deaffrication and ordinary Depalatalization have not affected the speech of older speakers. In Gonzalez Holguin's 1608 Vocabulario, the codas of both globalized and nonglottalized roots are recorded as < c h > ; and there is no unambiguous evidence of aspiration in the latter (see the "GH" columns of Tables 4 and 5). This would indicate that neither Coda Affricate Aspiration nor Glottal Depalatalization had occurred in Cuzco by the beginning of the 17th century, nor had Deaffrication nor ordinary Depalatalization.

2.6 Coda m Glottalization Another change which affects the codas of the Cuzco, Puno, and Bolivian dialects has merged m with η in this position. The original contrast may be seen in Gonzalez Holguin (1608) and is mostly (but not always) preserved in Ayacucho

Internal reconstruction in Aymara and Quechua

41

and the 3rd Area (e.g., Ayacucho kimsa, GH 'three', but Cuzco kinsa). This process is "Nasal Assimilation". When we examine the roots which originally contained a coda m, we find another correlation between codas and laryngealization. Virtually all of their cognates in dialects having laryngeal series are glottalized, as we see from the examples in Table 6. Table 6. Ayacucho

Cuzco

S. Bolivia

(amqa-

ä'anqa-19 Panqaö'unqahank'a hand k'illinsa kinsa llank'allunö'illunö'u21 q'ayma sank'a llant'a

i'anqai'anqaC'unqahank'a hanö'i

iunqa-10 hamka hamii killimsa kimsa llamkallumCillumöuy qamya yanta

GH

kinsa llank'alluni'i-

chamccachhumcahamcca hamchhi qquillimga quim (modern lluht'a, from Quechua llipt'a) exhibits Coda Fricativization of ρ going all the way to a velar h with vowel change. The probable evolution was ip > [ϊφ] > [ixw] > [iwx] > [ux] (uh). < T h a k h a > and < p h u k h u > are evidence of y Loss (y is also absent in GH). 33 In addition, the root < h u a k h a > (modem waha, from Quechua watya) shows that ky and qy were not the only clusters reduced. The glottalization of < k a y m a > and the aspiration of seem to indicate that Coda m Glottalization and Coda t Aspiration had taken place in Quechua not only before 1600 but before these terms were borrowed into Aymara. Even though these changes had all occurred by the end of the 16th century in the Lupaca dialect described by Bertonio, there are Aymara dialects which to this day have not undergone Deaffrication and Depalatalization (note the coda c the Huancane forms in Table 10). Nevertheless, it is clear that Coda Affricate Aspiration, Glottal Depalatalization, and Laryngealization Spreading have occurred there, which points to an earlier date for these changes. 34 Furthermore, the form qha£qha shows that Coda Affricate Aspiration must have occurred before Laryngealization Spreading took place. Why Aymara applied Glottal Depalatalization, Deaffrication, Depalatalization, and Coda Fricativization of k, q, and ρ to Quechua loans is ultimately not too hard to see. They simply serve to eliminate violations of the Aymara Coda Restriction. 35 Since there are no consonant clusters ending in y in Aymara roots, y Loss also serves to bring the loans in line with native patterns.

Internal reconstruction in Aymara and Quechua

47

3.4 Origin of laryngealizations Could Coda m Glottalization, Coda t Aspiration and Coda ρ Laryngealization have occurred first in Aymara, as we found of Affricate Aspiration and Glottal Depalatalization? When we examine a list of the common roots which contain the crucial codas, we do find the expected laryngealization in the Aymara forms. Table 11 gives some of those which are found in Bertonio (1612) (the roots are displayed in columns for easier comparison). Table 11. gloss Quechua Ayacucho Cuzco Bolivia GH

insipid

smear

qamya q'ayma q'ayma ccayma

Aymara Bertonio kayma Β & C q'ayma De Lucca q'ayma

pulp

ash (coca) liver

smell

stride

hamöi killimsa hand llunö'ik'illinsa hand llunö'illumchhi- hamchhi qquillimca

llipta llipt'a llipt'a lliptta

kipöa k'ipöa k'iwöa

muskimusffimuskf'imutqqui-

tanki faski faski tatqui

llucchilluö'illuö'i-

llukhta lluht'a lluht'a

kiucha muqhuik'iwia muk'ik'iwöa muskhi-

coal

hamccha killima k'illima hamö'i k'illima hamö'i

faski

Β & C = Büttner—Condori 1984

The fact that most of the Aymara forms have undergone some sort of simplifying change points to the more complex Quechua forms as being their source rather than the other way around.36 The simplest account of known facts currently available would consider Laryngealization to have occurred in Quechua before the roots affected were borrowed into Aymara. Until we find evidence for a more complex process (as we in fact did for Glottal Depalatalization and Coda Affricate Aspiration), the principle of Occam's razor inclines us toward the theory that the laryngeal changes and the roots are both of Quechua origin.

3.5 Coda Fricative Aspiration and h Epenthesis When we further examine the list of roots common to Aymara and Quechua, we discover that some contain aspiration in both languages, while in others it is found only in Aymara. The reverse, aspiration in Quechua but not Aymara, is not found. This is a strange state of affairs, since one would expect aspiration to be preserved, no matter in which direction the borrowing occurred. Consider the examples in Table 12: Table 12. Cuzco Quechua

La Paz Aymara

Bertonio

gloss

iuxllu iaxlla

uxllu &axlla

chhokhllo chhakhlla

'ear o f corn' 'sticks'

48 Peter Landerman Cuzco Quechua

La Paz Aymara

Bertonio

gloss

öixniöihci kuska phax6a paskapuxtu qispi

tixni-

chhekhnichhikhchhi

'hate' 'hail' 'equal' 'fountain' 'turn loose' 'both hands lull' 'glass'

Id'uskl'a phax£a phaskaphuxtu s change (probably the most recent to occur in Cuzco). Three other changes, Coda m Glottalization, Coda t Aspiration, and Coda ρ Laryngealization, are already evident in the earliest records of both languages, so they are probably the oldest of the changes discovered. The simplest account of the facts currently available would consider them Quechua roots that were borrowed into Aymara after the laryngeal features were added. If this is correct, it would mean that laryngealization was present in Southern Quechua even before Aymara borrowed these terms.

Notes 1.

2.

Quechua and Aymara are spoken in numerous communities in the Andean regions of western South America. Quechua is found in scattered areas all the way from southern Colombia in the north to the Argentine province of Santiago del Estero in the south. The Aymara region centers on the Bolivian altiplano, including areas to the north of Lake Titicaca and as far south as the Bolivian department of Potosi, as well as in contiguous areas of Peru and Chile to the west. It is therefore virtually surrounded by Quechua on all sides except the northeast and southwest corners. "Quechua" is in reality a family of closely related languages and their dialects. To avoid arbitrariness in attempting to distinguish languages from dialects, I follow tradition by referring to "Quechua" as a single linguistic entity and all of its variants as "dialects", though this is admittedly misleading. These "dialects" may be conveniently divided into four geographical-typological groups, Northern, North Peruvian, Central, and Southern. In this paper I refer almost exclusively to the Southern group, more specifically to the dialects of southern Peru and Bolivia, which are in the same general area as Aymara. Bolivian Quechua is divided into two noncontiguous areas separated by Aymara. Apolo is typical of the northern area, while Cochabamba represents the southern one. Among the most important early colonial sources on these languages are two monumental works, the 1608 Vocabvlario de la lengva general de todo el Perv llamada lengua qquichua, ο del Inca by Diego Gonzälez Holguin (abbreviated 'GH' in the tables), and the 1612 Vocabulario de la lengva aymara by Ludovico Bertonio. Aymara and the Southern Quechua dialects discussed here have occlusives at five points of articulation: bilabial p, dental t, alveopalatal (affricate) C [tj], velar k, and postvelar q (realized as a stop [q] in most areas but as fricative [χ] in the Ayacucho and 3rd areas). In the citation of language forms, I employ the following special symbols: £ alveopalatal affricate [tf], $ alveopalatal fricative [fl, 11 palatal lateral [λ],

52

Peter Landerman

h velar fricative ([h] initially, [x] medially and finally), χ uvular fricative [χ]. 3. In this paper I use the term "laryngealized" to refer to aspirated and glottalized occlusives (as in Carenko 1975) and "laryngealization" to designate the phenomenon of their occurrence. The origin of laryngealized occlusives in Quechua dialects is a matter of considerable debate (see Landerman 1994). They are often attributed to Aymara areal influence (Ferrario 1956; Parker 1963; Torero 1964; Stark 1975: 212-213; CerrönPalomino 1982, 1987: 118-120, 183-184, 351-376; Mannheim 1982, 1985, 1991a: 53-57, 177-180; Hardman de Bautista 1985). 4. The actual dialect situation is more complicated than even this tripartite division would suggest. Transitional dialects in various stages are to be found in the Departments of Apurimac, southeastern Ayacucho, and northwest Arequipa. 5. The strong tendency to fricativize coda stops in the highlands of Southern Peru and Bolivia is evident even in the local Spanish where, e.g., concepto, doctor are usually pronounced [kogse (or < q q u > before < e > or < i > ) varies with < k > in representing five different phonemes: k!1, k\ q, (t, and q'. 8. It has been suggested (Mannheim 1982, 1991a: 55-56) that these changes are the result of an internal drift (in Sapir's sense) in which the codas are weakened in response to the "strengthening" of the onsets through the presumed introduction of laryngealization from Aymara. 9. Middendorf was the first to explicitly apply philological principles to Quechua texts. He pointed out many of the phonological changes which had occurred in Cuzco Quechua from the time of Gonzalez Holguin's writings until his own field work in the second half of the 19th century, and the conservative nature of the Ayacucho dialects with respect to these (1890: 27-29). He also noted the progressive appearance of these changes in colonial works and attempted to date them on this basis. 10. The use of < s > on the part of writers may not be conclusive evidence of this change since Spanish orthography after the 16th century provided no means of representing f. Middendorfs transcriptions of the later 1800s are more reliable in that, as a European, he was sensitive to the s : ί distinction and had the means to represent it. He records the reflex of Proto-Southern Quechua *δ only as < s > . 11. The "Cuzco" forms are from Cusihuaman, while the other modern dictionaries retain the y in these. The area covered by this change is not known. The y-less forms are common around Cuzco, and Adelaar (1986: 390) reports them for Puno. 12. Though clearly spelled out by Carenko (1975), Mannheim (1991a: 207) denies this second part, probably because of a variant hafun he reports for hatun 'big' (1991a: 195) and hatfay for haqay 'that' (1991a: 54) for certain speakers. These are not recorded in any of the modern dictionaries, though Cerron-Palomino (1987: 185) cites such forms for the Puno dialect, which shows the most Aymara influence. The re-

Internal reconstruction in Ay mara and Quechua

53

striction in question may not hold for such dialects, but it does for most areas. 13. Though this change has occurred, to my knowledge, in all dialects having glottalized segments, it is not completely regular everywhere. A few exceptional forms have turned up in Apolo and in the speech of certain Cochabamba speakers. 14. Ayacucho has numerous other roots with initial h, so these are not the result of a loss of initial ft, such as occurred in some other dialects, Santiago del Estero (Argentina), for example. 15. Further striking evidence that such a change in fact took place is provided by the Southern Bolivian form hurayk'uy 'get down'. It obviously derives from ura- 'go down'. The suffix -yku has become frozen to this root and the result has acquired glottalization. Other areas have the morphemically regular ura-yku-y. Surprisingly, even after being thus incorporated into the root, the former -yku continues to undergo its normal morphophonemic change to -yka when the suffix -mu 'hither' follows, yielding hurayk'amuy 'come down'. The initial A in both forms can only be the result of a process like ft Epenthesis. 16. It has been suggested that if one considers vowel-initial roots to have a (phonetically unrealized) initial glottal stop, a laryngeal, its mutual exclusivity with glottalization would be explained by the second point of the Quechua Laryngealization Restriction (Carenko, 1975; Mannheim, 1991a: 177). An analogous argument would exclude initial h from aspirated roots. However this would not explain why the initial ft and glottalization (both laryngeals) can coocur, violating the principle. This topic is beyond the scope of the present paper. 17. Note that the aspirated segment is frequently not contiguous to the ö coda. This serves to reinforce the analysis of laryngealization as a feature of whole roots. 18. Mannheim (1991a: 205) describes Coda Affricate Aspiration in the Cuzco area in more limited terms. He claims it to be a "regular" change which applies only to a following occlusive, and then only if it is the first occlusive of the word, i.e., it only applies to C 2 in #(C l )ViC 2 V..., where C, is not an occlusive. This would account for the lack of aspiration in the Cuzco forms kiska 'thorn,' pisqa 'five,' puska 'whorl,' and qisqa 'flint'. It would not, however, explain the aspiration in the forms Id'aska 'gnaw', cpasqa 'rough', qhaswa 'a dance', (feswa 'valley,' qhuspa- 'wallow,' and ιfusqa 'unirrigated land'. In Hornberger—Hornberger (1978) kiska and puska have aspirated variants, Ifiska and phuska; and tfisqa is the only form for 'flint'. Even if all these forms are ignored, Mannheim's formulation still cannot account for the lack of aspiration in miska. 19. This form and the following one are part of a short list of words in which laryngealization is different in the Cuzco and Bolivian dialects. 20. Though we do not find the expected m in Ayacucho form, nor in yanta 'firewood', the forms from Gonzalez Holguin (in the "GH" column) show the original nasal to have been m. 21. This form is found in Farfän (195?). The more common form for Cuzco, Puno, and Bolivia is cfaöun, 22. The consonants have obviously undergone metathesis in this form, even in Gonzalez Holguin (1608), but the Ayacucho form shows the original order.

54

Peter

Landerman

23. In Landerman (1994: 365), I suggested that the change only applied when an occlusive followed the m. This is contradicted by k'illimsa, which, by the way, is excellent confirmation of the analysis of laryngealization as a feature of roots. The second person pronoun qam is also unaffected as is the 3rd Area form kamöa 'toasted corn'. It is important to remember that, although exceptions may invalidate a synchronic rule, they do not prove that a historical change did not take place. 24. This was pointed out by Martin (1970). The complex clusters found in Aymara words only occur between vowels and are due to the morphophonemic effect of a series of suffixes which elide the preceding vowel or lose their own vowel when followed by another suffix. For example, i'axöstwa Ί sprinkled' is morphemically ö'axi-s-t-wa, whose underlying form is { , < t h > , < c h h > , < c c > ) from glottalized consonants ( < p p > , < t t > , < c c h > , < k > ) and fricatives ( < k h > , < j > , < g h > ) from occlusives. He did NOT clearly differentiate velars (k and h) from postvelars q and jc). Here is a summary of Bertonio's spelling conventions for the occlusives and fricatives of Aymara: Ipl

Μ Iii / k/ , /q/ , /_ /_ h h h h h /q / /p / /t / /i / /k / . /_ /_ /p'/ h'l /i'/ Ik'l /q7 Is/ Ihl (initial) IjJ

32. Cusihuaman (1976) writes this (his orthography does not distinguish between χ and h intervocalically). Most modern dictionaries give this form as taqya. 33. Thus Adelaar (1986: 391) was correct in surmising that y Loss occurred first in Aymara and was adopted later by Quechua, but it was only one of at least seven such changes. I have not found evidence in Bertonio for an eighth, Coda Fricativization of t to s. 34. Since Deaffrication and Depalatalization destroy the evidence for an independent change of Glottal Depalatalization, we can only surmise that the latter took place in Bertonio's dialect, based on the following facts: (1) The Huancane and Apolo data show that Glottal Deplatalization is earlier than ordinary Depalatalization in both languages. (2) So far no Aymara dialect has turned up where Glottal Depalatalization has clearly NOT applied. 35. The fact that Deaffrication and Depalatalization have not occurred in Huancane and certain other areas, while the Coda Fricativization of k, q, and ρ have, requires us to distinguish them as separate phenomena even in Aymara. 36. Of course it is possible to argue that these roots were originally Aymara, that they were originally like the Quechua ones, and that in that form they were the source of the latter. There is, however, currently no evidence to support a more complex evolution such as this. 37. De Lucca (1983, 1987) documents the dialect of La Paz but includes many forms from throughout the Bolivian Aymara territory. "B & C" is Büttner—Condori (1984), which contains forms from the Peruvian areas of Puno, south of Lake Titicaca, and Huancane, north of the lake. Ayala (1988) represents the latter community alone. 38. Thus Mannheim's (1982, 1991a: 55-56) theory of internal causation of Lenition (see note 8) must yield to one recognizing external Aymara influence. Nevertheless, Cerrön-Palomino's suggestion of an Aymara substratum (1986: 406) for the dialects undergoing these changes is also not an adequate explanation of the facts, though some Quechua areas were undoubtedly formerly Aymara-speaking. These changes have appeared slowly and successively in what have for some time been monolingual Quechua areas, and thus are a typical areal phenomenon.

56

Peter Landerman

References Adelaar, Willem 1986 "Relaciön quechua-aru: Perspectivas para la separation del lexico", Revista Andina, 4.2: 379-425. 1987 "Relaciön quechua-aru en debate", Revista Andina, 5.1: 83-91. Ayala Loayza, Juan Luis 1988 Diccionario espafiol-aymara, aymara-espafioL Lima: IMSA. Bertonio, Ludovico 1612 Vocabulario de la lengua aymara. Juli. Büttner, Thomas T.—Dionisio Condori Cruz 1984 Diccionario aymara-castella.no. Puno: Proyecto Experimental de Educaciön Bilingüe. Carenko, Ε. I. 1975 "On laryngealization in Quechua", Linguistics 146: 5-14. [translation of "Ο laringalizacii ν jazyke kefiua", Voprosy jasykoznanija 6.1: 97-103 (1972)] Cerrön-Palomino, Rodolfo 1982 "El problema de la relaciön quechua-aru: estado actual", Lexis 6.2: 213-241. 1986 Comments on Adelaar (1986), Revista Andina 4: 403-408. Cusihuaman, Antonio 1976 Diccionario quechua: Cuzco-Collao. Lima: IEP. De Lucca, Manuel 1983 Diccionario aymara-castellano castellano-aymara. La Paz: CALA. 1987 Diccionario präctico aymara-castellano castellano-aymara. Cochabamba: Los Amigos del Libro. Farfän, Jose Μ. B. 195? Diccionario quechua espanol. [Unpublished MS.] Ferrario, Benigno 1956 "La dialettologia ed i problemi interni della Runa-simi (vulgo Quechua)", Orbis 5: 131-140. Gonzalez Holguin, Diego 1608 Vocabvlario de la lengva general de todo el Perv llamada lengua qquichua ο del Inca. Lima [re-ed. 1952, Lima: Imprenta Santa Maria]. Hardman de Bautista, Martha J. 1978 "Jaqi: The linguistic family", International Journal of American Linguistics 44.2: 146-153. 1986 Comments on Adelaar (1986), Revista Andina 4: 408-413. Hardman de Bautista, Martha J.—J. Väsquez—Juan de Dios Yapita Moya (eds.) 1988 Aymara: Compendio de estructura fonologica y gramatical. La Paz: Gramma Impresion. [translation of The Aymara Language Project, Volume ΙΠ. Dept. of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.] Hornberger, Esteban—Nancy Hornberger 1978 Diccionario trilingüe: quechua de CuscoSinglis/'espanol. Cusco. Landerman, Peter 1979 "Sixteenth century sibilants in Spanish, Quechua, and Aymara: a three-sided puzzle", paper presented at the Symposium on Andean Linguistics of the 43rd International Congress of Americanists, Vancouver.

Internal reconstruction in Aymara and Quechua

57

1994 "Glottalization and aspiration in Quechua and Aymara reconsidered", in: Peter Cole et al. (eds.), Language in the Andes. Newark: Latin American Studies, University of Delaware, 332-378. Lara, Jesus 1971 Diccionario qheshwa-castellano, castellano qheshwa. La Paz: Amigos del Libro Lira, Jorge A. 1941 Diccionario kkechuwa-espafiol. Tucumän: Universidad Nacional de Tucumän. [Reprinted in 1982, with slight corrections by the author. Bogota: Cuadernos Culturales Andinos, No. 5.] Mannheim, Bruce 1982 "... a current of its own making: Functional targets in historical phonology", UCLA Conference on Causality and Linguistic Change, May, 1982. 1985 "Contact and Quechua-external genetic relationships", in: Harriet E. Manelis Klein—Louisa Stark (eds.), South American Indian languages: Retrospect and prospect. Austin: University of Texas Press, 644-688. 1986 Comments on Adelaar (1986), Revista Andina 4: 413-418. 1991a The language of the Inka since the European invasion. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1991b "Southern Peruvian Quechua consonant lenition", in: Mary Ritchie Key (ed.), Language change in South American Indian languages. University of Pennsylvania Press, 111-141. Martin, Laura 1970 A phonology of Aymara, M.A. thesis, University of Florida (Gainesville). [Chapter 3 of Hardman de Bautista et al. (1988) is a Spanish translation of a slightly revised version]. Middendorf, Ernst W. 1890 Die einheimischen Sprachen Perus, Vol. 1: Das Runa Simi oder die KushuaSprache. Leipzig: Brockhaus. Parker, Gary J. 1963 "La clasificaciön genetica de los dialectos quechuas", Revista del Museo Nacional (Peru) 32: 241-252. 1969 "Comparative Quechua phonology and grammar IV: The evolution of Quechua A", Working Papers in Linguistics (University of Hawaii) 1.9: 149-204. Stark, Louisa R. 1975 "A reconsideration of Proto-Quechua", Lingiiistica e indigenismo moderno en Amirica (Papers presented at the 36th International Congress of Americanists). Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 209-219. Torero Fernändez de Cördova, Alfredo 1964 "Los dialectos quechuas", Anales cientificos de la Universidad Agraria 2: 446478. Uhle, Max 1910 "Los origenes de los incas", reprinted in: Estudios sobre historia incaica, 1969. Lima: UNMSM, 29-69.

Otomi loans and creations Yolanda Lastra

William Bright's "North American Indian language contact" (1973) has long been familiar to students of languages in contact. The brief comments here on forms of linguistic acculturation in Otomi loans, including loans from Spanish (and Nahuatl), semantic extensions, and creations, follow along the lines of interest of the dear friend we are honoring in this book. When the Spanish conquerors arrived in what was to be called New Spain, the Aztecs had been in control of a large part of the central territory for some time. The Otomi had been subject to the Aztecs since the fourteenth century. The Spanish in turn subjected the Aztecs and easily conquered the peoples that had been under their control. In the conquest of some other areas, such as that of the Purepecha, who had never been under Aztec rule, the Otomi became allies of the Spaniards thinking they were being liberated, but in turn they became subjects of the newly-arrived conquerors. This state of affairs required the expression of new ideas and the naming of hitherto unknown cultural items and institutions. The linguistic evidence for these processes are especially valuable, for it suggests some of the fine details of intellectual adjustment undertaken by indigenous peoples, as well as something of the quality of their relationships with the Spaniards. In this brief study we will list some early loans which are usual in most Otomi dialects and some semantic extensions and creations which illustrate the way the language coped with the contact situation.1

Loans The array of Otomi loans given here displays a variety of familiar processes in language contact. For instance, the transfer of Spanish forms required phonological adaptations such as ρ > b, t > d, k > g, r > I, b > w, as in examples like the following: Spanish

Otomi

pato toro vaca ruda

bädu. doro wägä lodd

'duck' 'bull'

'cow' 'a medicinal herb (rue?)'

60 Yolanda Lastra Some established loans are of interest to hispanic philology in that they reveal pronunciations characteristic of Spanish during the period of early contact. For instance, certain loans in the Otomi of San Andres Cuexcontitlän, Toluca,2 merit additional comment. The word for 'soap' in Spanish had /§/ which in Spanish subsequently became /x/. Nahuatl and Otomi (which probably acquired the word through Nahuatl) sabo indicate that the change in Spanish took place after the loan had already become established in the Indian languages. A similar attestation of the earlier Spanish pronunciation of this sibilant is seen in words for 'orange', Amealco nansa and Mezquital nänsä, from Spanish naranja. A common feature of early loans is that morphological boundaries in the donor language are not honored. Here an example is Toluca barmusi, Ixtenco baromasi 'dove' (Spanish paloma) where the final syllable is probably a reflex of the Spanish plural -s. As noted for the case of sabo 'soap', it is likely that some Spanish loans entered Otomi through an intermediate indigenous language, with Nahuatl being the most likely donor. That Nahuatl speakers were sometimes intermediaries in Otomi linguistic acculturation processes is also attested by loans directly from that language. These include several of the forms meaning 'goat', most clearly Ixtenco ndlncu, from Nahuatl tentzon(-tli) 'goat', literally 'beard'. Several of the words for 'pig' also originate in Nahuatl pitzotl 'peccary'; these include Ixtenco bizu, and probably words in Amealco, Mezquital, and Texcatepec as well. The Spanish loan from Nahuatl pitzotl is pitzote 'pig', and is widespread in Mesoamerica (and in fact is found as far north as the Hopi mesas in Arizona as pitsooti). This is the probable source for the forms ending in -di, -di (Amealco ndobiclidi, Mezquital clidi, Texcatepec clidf), where the Amealco form prefixes the loanword with ndo-, which may mean 'big' while the Mezquital and Texcatepec forms have lost the first syllable bi-. The several Otomi dialects do not always use the same strategy of linguistic acculturation. For instance, 'green bean' in Toluca, for some reason, is not a native word like Texcatepec tlixt 'tender bean', but cicdro, from Spanish chicharo 'pea'. Similarly, Toluca 'blanket' is not dqslyo or silyo (literally 'animal hair or skin') but säbänä, from Spanish sdbana 'sheet'. Many other examples of this type are shown in the appendix. The dialects seem to be rather evenly balanced in their preference among loans, semantic extensions, and new creations, s no conclusions about differential intensity of contact, for instance, can be drawn at this time from these patterns.

Semantic extensions In semantic extensions (often called "loan shifts"), indigenous vocabulary takes on new meanings to accomodate a new semantic context. A classic example from

Otomi loans and creations 61 Nahuatl is the use of ickatl 'cotton' for 'sheep'. Exactly the same is the use of dthti for 'sheep' in Toluca. Texcatepec differentiates dtlyo 'sheep' and dlti 'cotton'. tltgi may have once meant 'metal'; later it became the common word for 'bell'; now it also means 'radio' in Texcatepec, where it may also mean 'car' or 'airplane'. If more precise terms are required, tltgi-lyo-h6i ('iron-walk-earth') is 'car' and tltgi-lyo-masici ('iron-walk-above') is 'airplane'. Irokla means a kind of jaltomate (probably Jaltomata sp., a small, round, black, wild solanaceous fruit [Schoenhals 1988: 63]) in Ixtenco, but the word must somewhere have also meant another kind of fruit or root similar to a potato, because this is the form used for 'potato' in Toluca, Amealco, and the Mezquital. leni means 'chicken'. Presumably in the pre-Conquest period it meant a turkey tender enough to be eaten. The introduction of the Castilian chicken and the consequent semantic extension triggered the use of special words for 'male turkey': dama-leni ('husband-chicken'), Toluca me-hokoni ('mother-turkey'); Ixtenco cu-hokoni 'female turkey', Mezquital nsora 'female turkey', etc. Similarly, the word meaning 'deer' in several of the dialects became the word for 'horse', requiring a new formation for 'deer', as in Toluca pha-thi and Texcatepec phanti-zäte, both literally meaning 'horse of the forest', and in Amealco hogi-phani and Ixtenco hok-phani, which also re-mark the word that now means 'horse' with an additional element in order to refer to 'deer'. This kind of "marking reversal" (Witkowski—Brown 1983) as a strategy for accomodating reference to introduced plants and animals has been widely documented in Mesoamerican languages. A similar process can be seen in the case of tlqbi, which once meant 'digging stick'; now it means 'plow'. In Amealco tlabi-za ('wooden plow') is used for 'digging stick'. Another example of a semantic extension from one animal to another is Toluca and Mezquital zakhwd 'pig'; this may be related to 'rabbit', khwd. Toluca gt-ne and Ixtenco gi-ηέ 'bee', referring to introduced European domestic bees, must be related to forms meaning 'fly'. Another strategy of semantic extension yielding a name for an introduced animal is seen in the words for 'cow', which is waga or baga (from Spanish vaca) in some places, but ndqni 'horn' in Toluca.

Creations Some of the most interesting examples of new semantic creations or coinages are found in words for items that came along with the Catholic religion which the Indian peoples were forced to adopt. These include 'baptize', meaning 'pour on the head' in Texcatepec; 'bless', meaning 'make sacred'; 'confess', meaning

62

Yolanda Lastra

'God's father', is 'one 'priest'

heart'; 'church', meaning 'community of God'; 'godmother' and 'godmeaning 'sacred mother' and 'sacred father' respectively; 'priest', who who sells or specializes in what is sacred'. Note that the word meaning in Mezquital is ίά, literally 'father')

Word list A list of the words mentioned—as well as selected additional ones—, with the forms used in the five Otomi dialects, is provided as an appendix, with loanwords from Spanish in boldface.

Notes 1.

2.

The data for the five dialects under consideration here are from Lastra (1993), Hekking—Andr6s de Jesüs (1989), Wallis (1956), Lastra: field notes for the Veracruz dialects of Ixtenco, Tlaxcala, and Texcatepec. The dialects referred to are: San Andres Cuexcontitlän, Toluca, State of Mexico ("Toluca"); Santiago Mexquititlän, Amealco, Queretaro ("Amealco"); Valle del Mezquital, Hidalgo ("[the] Mezquital"); Ixtenco, Tlaxcala ("Ixtenco"); and Texcatepec, Veracruz ("Texcatepec").

References Bright, William 1973 "North American Indian language contact", in: Thomas A. Sebeok (ed.), Current trends in linguistics 10: 713-726. The Hague: Mouton. Hekking, Ewald—Severiano Andres de Jesus 1989 Diccionario espanol-otomi de Santiago Mexquititlän. Queretaro: Universidad Autonoma de Queretaro. Schoenhals, Louise C. 1988 A Spanish-English glossary of Mexican flora and fauna. Mexico, DF: Institute Lingüistico de Verano. Wallis, Ethel E. 1956 Diccionario otomi-castellano, castellano-otomi. Ixquimilpan, Hidalgo: Patrimonio Indigena del Valle del Mezquital—Insitituto Lingüistico de Verano. Witkowski, Stanley R.—Cecil H. Brown 1983 "Marking-reversals and cultural importance", Language 59: 569-582.

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The regression of sibilant harmony through the life of Barbarefio Chumash Marianne Mithun

In an article entitled "Sibilants and naturalness in aboriginal California" (1978), Bill Bright draws attention to the complexities of sibilants in California languages, alerting us to distinctions between blade-alveolar [s] and apico-alveolar [s] articulations and to the kinds of relations that can link these alveolar sibilants with palatal sibilants such as [δ]. One set of languages in which sibilants interact in intricate ways are those of the Chumash family, originally spoken along the California coast from just north of modern Los Angeles around Malibu up to San Luis Obispo. These languages contain sibilants in all three positions. The alveolar sibilants are in complementary distribution: the retracted apico-alveolar [s], pronounced with the tongue tip behind the upper teeth, appears before apicals t, d, n, and I, while the blade-alveolar [s], pronounced with the tongue tip behind the lower teeth, appears elsewhere. These alveolar sibilants contrast with palatal sibilants, but the two sets alternate with each other in patterns of sibilant harmony, whereby all sibilants within a word match in point of articulation. Sibilant harmony in Ventureno Chumash has been described by John Peabody Harrington (1928, published in 1974), in Barbarefio Chumash by Madison Beeler (1970), and in Ineseno Chumash by Richard Applegate (1972). Implications of the process for phonological theory have been discussed by William Poser (1982). In principle all sibilants within a word in these languages are either alveolar (s, sh, c, ch or c) or palatal (i, $ h , 6, 6 h , or