The legend of Miaoshan 9780199266715

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations (page ix)
List of Abbreviations (page x)
1. Introduction (page 1)
2. The Guanyin Cult at Xiangshan Monastery (page 5)
3. The Original Story (page 21)
4. Versions of the Story to 1500 (page 36)
5. The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (page 57)
6. Anatomy of the Story (page 88)
7. Interpretations (page 102)
Appendix A The Xiangshan Monastery Inscription of 1100 (page 119)
Appendix B The Versions by Zuxiu and Juelian (page 134)
Appendix C The Mythical Oxford Exhibition (page 142)
Appendix D Table of Names and Features in the Story (page 144)
List of Works Cited (page 147)
Index (page 155)

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Oxford Oriental Monographs

This series of monographs from the Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford, makes available the results of recent research by scholars connected with the Faculty. Its range of subject matter

includes language, literature, thought, history, and art; its geographical scope extends from the Mediterranean and Caucasus to East Asia. The emphasis is more on specialist studies than on works of a general nature.

Editorial Board

John Baines Professor of Egyptology James McMullen University Lecturer in Japanese Robert Thomson Formerly Calouste Gulbenkian Professor of Armenian Studies

Geert Jan van Gelder Laudian Professor of Arabic

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THE LEGEND OF MIAOSHAN

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FRONTISPIECE. Painted cloth from Fanzhuang Village in Zhao County, Hebei. PHOTOGRAPH: Dong Xiaoping (2003)

The Legend of Miaoshan Revised edition GLEN DUDBRIDGE

OXFORD

UNIVERSITY PRESS

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© Glen Dudbridge 1978, 2004

The moral rights of the author have been asserted , Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 1978 Revised edition first published 2004 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available ISBN 0o-19-926671-9

13579108642 Typeset by SNP Best-set Typesetter Ltd., Hong Kong Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by Biddles Ltd., King’s Lynn

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations 1X List of Abbreviations x

1. Introduction I

2. The Guanyin Cult at Xiangshan Monastery 5

The Monastery and Jiang Zhiqi 5

The Birth of the Legend 14

3. The Original Story 21

4. Versions of the Story to 1500 36 The Idea of A Written Tradition 36 Thirteenth-Century References 38 The Version by Guan Daosheng 4I

The Early Growth of a Baojuan Tradition 47 5. The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries 57

The Nan Hai Guanyin Quan Zhuan 57 Calendars of Gods and Saints | 67 First Signs of a Theatrical Tradition 73

The Spanish Evidence 79 Reinterpretations 82 6. Anatomy of the Story 88

Annotations 89 King Lear 95 Development Before and After 1100 98

7.A Interpretations 102 Charter for Celibacy 102

A Supreme Act of Filial Piety 107 Miaoshan in the World of the Dead IIo

Concluding Remarks 117

V1ll Contents

of 1100 119

Appendix A The Xiangshan Monastery Inscription

Appendix B The Versions by Zuxiu and Juelian 134 Appendix C The Mythical Oxford Exhibition 142

Index 155

Appendix D Table of Names and Features in the Story 144

List of Works Cited 147

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Frontispiece. Painted cloth from Fanzhuang Village in

Zhao County, Hebei. Photograph: Dong Xiaoping (2003). il The image is in three registers. The top represents petitioners before a tribunal of three goddesses, said to be Miaoshan and her two sisters. The middle register, containing ten scenes, is used to give guidance to women in the imitation of Miaoshan’s religious life. The lower register contains thirty scenes representing the life story of Miaoshan. The icon which links the middle and lower registers in the centre of the image represents Guanyin

of the Thousand Hands and Thousand Eyes. This cloth scroll, measuring 220 X 1§3 cm, is kept in turn by female lay Buddhists in the village, changing hands once a year. The transmission is believed to have lasted several

generations, renewing and repainting the cloth as it wears out. Each year on the roth of the second lunar month, the date of Guanyin’s Birthday, the villagers hang up the cloth for ritual sacrifice and worship.

I. The environs of Baofeng, from a map in the 1797

gazetteer of Baofeng County. 7

Zhao Chao (1997). 8

Il. The Xiangshan Monastery. Photograph:

Zhu Li (1999). 9

III. The pagoda at Xiangshan Monastery. Photograph: IV. Rubbing of the 1308 inscription at Xiangshan

Monastery. Photograph: Zhao Chao (1997). 120

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

T. Taisho shinshu daizokyo KiE#MNEKIRE (Tokyo 1924-9). Z. Dai Nibon zokuzokyo KH AABIRAE (1905-12).

I

Introduction IN 1575 the Spanish Augustinian friar Martin de Rada (1533-78) spent two months in Fujian as head of a mission which we now regard as one of the significant early contacts between Europe and China. At one point in his report on the visit, commenting on those whom the Chinese ‘revere as saints’, he noted that ‘the one whom they honour most is a woman called Quanyin, daughter of a king

called Toncou, who led a solitary life and a holy one after her fashion’.’ He had heard a legend of Guanyin which we find set out at greater length by one of the military officers in his party, Miguel de Loarca: Quanim... was daughter of the king Tzitzonbon, who had three daughters, and married off two of them. He wanted to have Quanim married too, but she would never consent, saying that she was bound to live in chastity. Upon this her father grew angry and put her in a monastery. There

she was made to carry water and firewood, and to clear up a kitchen garden that was in the monastery. But the Chinese relate that the monkeys came from the mountain and helped her, the saints of the monastery carried

the water, the birds cleared up the garden with their beaks, and the great beasts came to carry the wood for her. Her parents, seeing this and imagining that it was witchcraft, as indeed it must have been, gave orders

to set fire to the monastery. And she, seeing that because of her they were burning it and the statues of the saints that were there, would have

cut her throat with a silver pin which she was wearing to tie up her hair, but then there came about a great storm of rain which put out the fire, and she went and hid herself in a mountain where they say she did great penance. And the king her father, for the sin which he committed against her, was consumed by leprosy and worms. Seeing himself thus, he made a proclamation throughout all his kingdom. And, no physician having been able to heal him, the daughter, who learned of it, came from the mountain where she had been to heal him, without his recognizing her.

* C. R. Boxer (ed.), South China in the sixteenth century (London, 1953), , 305:

2 Introduction And as all his limbs were putrid she removed one of her own limbs and herself put it on him in the diseased place. And when she had healed him in this way she was left lacking her main limbs, and the father, now well, at last came to recognize her and felt grief to see her thus without her limbs. But she consoled him and became whole again as before. Then the

father, seeing this miracle, bowed down to the ground and began to worship her. She would not allow it, but seeing that her father persisted in his worship she took an image of a saint and put it on her head, so that they would understand that her father was worshipping the saint’s image and not herself. And immediately she returned to the wilderness, where she died leading a solitary life. They esteem her as a great saint and petition her to get them pardon for their sins from heaven, for that is where she is.*

When, a few years later, Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza substantially copied this passage into his famous History of China’ (discreetly suppressing details of the miraculous act of healing), the legend of Miaoshan for the first time took its place in the Western

picture of China, a place which, despite its uncertain background and literary credentials, it has continued to hold through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.* Western scholarly interest in this story has been characteristically bound up with the long-standing search for origins of the Chinese female Avalokitesvara—a search still in progress and still awaiting * Miguel de Loarca, Verdadera relacion de la grandeza del reyno de China (1575),

Pt. II, ch. 7. The late Piet van der Loon drew my attention to this source and lent me his copy of Boxer’s transcript of this passage from MS 2902 in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. Mr E W. Hodcroft of Oxford University kindly clarified certain points in the original Spanish. A full Spanish edition of Loarca’s work has been prepared by Dolors Folch, but still awaits publication. > Historia de las cosas mds notables, ritos y costumbres del gran Reyno de la China (Rome, 1585). For the relevant passage in the 1588 English version by Robert Parke, edited by Sir George T. Staunton, see Hakluyt Society, rst ser., vol. 14 (1853),

41-2. On Mendoza’s debt to the Loarca text, see Boxer (ed.), South China in the sixteenth century, pp. |xxix and Ixxxix. * In the early twentieth century the legend was regularly cited as a standard item in both specialized and popular accounts of Chinese mythology—see, for instance, J. J. M. de Groot, Les fétes annuellement célébrées a Emoui (Paris, 1886), 188-97; Henri Doré, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, Wiéme partie: Le panthéon chinois, vol. 6 (Shanghai, 1914), 94-138; Henri Maspero, ‘Mythologie de la Chine moderne’, in Le Taoisme et les religions chinoises (Paris, 1971), 191-2; Alice Getty, The gods of Northern Buddhism (Oxford, 1928), 83-4; E. T. C. Werner, Myths and legends of China (London, 1922), 253-87, and A dictionary of Chinese mythology (Shanghai, 1932), 226. By now a new generation of scholarship has taken up the subject, most recently Chiin-fang Yui, Kuan-yin: the Chinese transformation of Avalokitesvara (New York, 2001), 293-350.

Introduction 3 a definitive conclusion.’ There has been no serious attempt to clarify the origins and growth of the story itself. The subject has been considered with absurd credulity and with casual scepticism,° but Western scholarship has cast little or no light upon it. In China and Japan a number of documented studies have traced the story to its earliest appearances and identified some of its characteristic versions. But here too the traditional focus of attention has been the question of the female Guanyin in China.’ The present work does not seek to extend the discussion of that well-worn and obstinate problem. It attempts rather to show that, although not the best known of Chinese popular legends, the story of Miaoshan deserves close study in its own right, and for various reasons. It can be traced virtually to the very day of its first appearance before the Chinese public, and its growth from that point on can be followed through a succession of written versions in a wide range of popular forms. So it offers a unique opportunity to examine how in the traditional Chinese world a story could be shaped and modified in response to the interests and preoccupations of different parts of society. It also appears that the Miaoshan legend was not an isolated or random phenomenon, but stood in a clear relationship to other important legends and themes in the Chinese religious tradition. Study of these matters takes us deep

into the corpus of popular writings which span the uncertain boundaries between religion, literature, and entertainment: stories, _ plays, liturgies, and ballads which, important or not in themselves,

often articulate for us the mythological and ritual themes more dimly implied in conscious literary creations. This study therefore undertakes the following tasks: to give an account, based on epigraphical evidence, of the background and

early history of the Miaoshan story from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries; to discuss versions of the story in later centuries, > The most recent substantial studies of this are by Rolf A. Stein, ‘Avalokitesvara/ Kouan-yin—exemple de transformation d’un dieu en déesse’, Cahiers d’ExtrémeAsie, 2 (1986), 17-80; and by Chiin-fang Yu, Kuan-yin, loc. cit. They take different approaches and reach different conclusions. © Respectively by de Groot, Les fétes, 197-8, and Arthur Waley, ‘Avalokitesvara and the legend of Miao-shan’, Artibus Asiae, 1 (1925), 130-2. ’ The outstanding contributions are by Yu Zhengxie, Guisi lei gao 15.570-6 (discussed below, pp. 41ff.), and by Tsukamoto Zenryi, ‘Kinsei Shina taishi no joshin Kannon shinko’, in Yamaguchi hakushi kanreki kinen Indogaku Bukkyogaku ronshu (Kyoto, 1955), 262-80.

4 Introduction and to point out certain patterns of relationship; to examine the story’s source material, its pattern of development, and its range of social and literary contexts; to propose, finally, an interpretation which seeks to integrate those elements into a single framework. When these pages first appeared in 1978 much of the material they presented came to the attention of modern readers for the first time. In due course other scholars contributed new evidence to the discussion. Chief among these was Lai Swee-fo #444, who made certain epigraphical discoveries detailed here in Chapters 3 and 4.° The result was to confirm and fill out much more definitively the

hypothetical reconstruction in the original third chapter of this book, and to enrich and refine the discussion in part of the fourth. A rewritten version of those two chapters now comes before the reader, taking account of the new evidence, while a critical text of the inscription at Baofeng County so crucial in Chapter 3 appears in Appendix A. The late Piet van der Loon, to whom this study was already indebted in its first edition, drew new attention to dramatic texts which are now discussed in Chapter 5. I have expanded Chapter 6 with more Buddhist references, some of which are also discussed by Chiin-fang Yui in her recent major study of Guanyin.’ Meanwhile the new conditions in China, so much in contrast with

the Cultural Revolution years during which this book was first researched and written, have made available rich new data about the monastery sites in Baofeng County: three scholars, Zhao Chao ##, Zhu Li AE, and Dong Xiaoping BEY, have helped to bring

the information within my reach, and it can now play a part in Chapters 2 and 3. At many points throughout the book I have added additional items of information, particularly in footnotes, to bring documentation up to date.

These additions, introduced for the sake of a more complete picture, leave the original study, its argument, and its conclusions

still essentially intact. No attempt has been made to review or incorporate new interpretations developed in the rapidly expand-

ing field of Miaoshan studies, since these can speak for themselves.'° More will surely follow in the years to come. ® His discoveries, published by himself in Zhongwai wenxue, were also analysed in Glen Dudbridge, ‘Miao-shan on stone: two early inscriptions’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 42 (1982), 589-614. ’ Chiin-fang Yu, Kuan-yin, 313 ff. '© See in particular Yi, Kuan-yin, and Wilt Idema, ‘Some comments on the Xiangshan baojuan’, Journal of Central and East-Asian Religions, 12-13 (2001-2), I-41.

2.

The Guanyin Cult at

Xiangshan Monastery THE MONASTERY AND JIANG ZHIQI In the early days of the year 1100 Jiang Zhiqi #2 4} (1031-1104), statesman, administrator, and academician of the Northern Song dynasty, was transferred to the prefecture of Ruzhou 7&)i, near what is now Linru fay in central Henan. It was a temporary demo-

tion in the wake of a political setback in the capital, and Jiang remained at the post for a mere month or less before being moved on to another.’ During his brief period of office he still found time to visit a Buddhist monastery in his territory, and from this visit there stemmed the first presentation of Miaoshan #)3% and her story to the Chinese world. The significance of Jiang’s experience and of

its short- and long-term effects emerges more clearly when we examine its immediate context. On a small range of hills some few miles south-east of the county town Baofeng @ %,* within the Ruzhou territory, there stood and ' For Jiang’s career, see Song shi 343.10915-17. His posting to Ruzhou was announced on 21 December 1099 (Yuanfu 704 2/11/7): see Song hutyao ji gao, Zhi guan IRE, 67.28b, and Xu zi zhi tong jian chang bian 518.6a. On 26 January 1100 (Yuanfu 2/12/14) he was transferred on to Qing zhou BEI): Xu zi zhi tong jian chang

bian 519.4b, and Song shi 343.10917. He would thus appear to have moved to Ruzhou in the last days of ro99 or first days of 1100. This accords well with the ‘12 January’ date given by Jiang himself below, particularly if allowance is made for preparation and travelling time. * This line of three hills is an outcrop of the Waifang S}J7 range. On the modern map it stretches north-west from the industrial city Pingdingshan >4J8 Wii in Henan.

The county town Baofeng lies some 1tokm. further north-west. The tallest hill (464.3 m.), known as Dragon Mountain or Greater Dragon Mountain (Da long shan ACBELLI), stands at the south-east end; the hill at the north-west end (322m.) is Lesser

Dragon Mountain (Xiao long shan /)##il)) or Red-stone Mountain (Hong shi shan

6 The Guanyin Cult at Xiangshan Monastery still stands a sacred building known as the ‘All-Compassionate Pagoda’ (K##1#).° The term Dabei K#, ‘greatly compassionate’,* carried a specific reference. It was the name of that Tantric representation of the Bodhisattva Guanyin with a thousand hands and (in the palms of the hands) a thousand eyes which had been introduced to China in the early years of the Tang period and had come to dominate the cult and iconography of Guanyin for the next three or four hundred years.” There was indeed such a statue at this site, and it is likely, although no documentary source says so explicitly,

that it was housed in the pagoda.® Later sources claim that the pagoda was built during the Tang. Kobayashi has also suggested that the Bodhisattva image itself, viewed in the context of the spreading cult of Dabei in China, may well have been built in the late eighth or early ninth century.’ But these claims remain undocumented, and it is only in the eleventh century that signs appear of

, the All-Compassionate Pagoda as an object of devout attention. Among the locally preserved inscriptions on stone which were selectively transcribed in the 1797 gazetteer of Baofeng county is 47411); between them stands Fragrant Mountain (Xiangshan #1: 282.1m. and 239m.), also known as Fire-pearl Mountain (Huozhu shan -k#1)) and Spider Mountain (Zhizhu shan #)#kil). See Pingdingshan shi zhi (1994), vol. 1, p. 99,

and Baofeng xian zhi (1996), 132. Compare below, p. 25. ,

> The structure now standing on Xiangshan is a nine-storeyed octagonal tower of brick, 33 m. high: see Pl. III. Damaged in the Cultural Revolution, it was restored at public expense in 1982: Pingdingshan shi zhi, vol. 2, p. 1294.

* I have chosen to follow the practice in the first edition of translating this as ‘All-Compassionate’, since the reference is to the bodhisattva’s universal compassion.

> See the monograph on this subject by Kobayashi Taichiro, “T6dai no Daihi Kannon’, Bukkyo geijutsu, 20 (1953), 3-273 21 (1954), 89-109; 22 (1954), 3-28;

and Getty, The gods of Northern Buddhism, 68, 77, 93. ,

° A parallel case exactly contemporary with the developments described below

would be the Sakyamuni Pagoda of the Fogong Monastery (#37 in Yingxian 8%, Shanxi, which dates from the year 1056, under the Liao dynasty. The position of the image in relation to the total structure is illustrated in Zhongguo jianzhu HH py tS% (Beijing: Wenwu, 1957), 8, fig. 3 and pl. 54. In Buddhist tradition there was a canonical distinction between the stupa (1%), housing sacred relics, and the caitya (#), which marked sites of religious significance or housed bodhisattva images and other sacred objects: see Mahdsanghikavinaya (T., vol. 22, no. 142.5), 33.498b. But in Chinese usage the distinction faded, and the word ta i# will be rendered as ‘stipa’ when there is specific reference to the conservation of relics, and ‘pagoda’ in other cases where the reference is less precise. ’ Da Ming yi tong ming sheng zhi (1630), Henan section, 12.11b; Henan tong zhi (1869), 50.26b; Kobayashi, “‘Tédai no Daihi Kannon’, Bukkyo geijutsu, 21 (1954), 89b, 99b; ibid. 22 (1954), 5b-6b.

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Appendix A 121 the first half of the inscription and was later kind enough to send me a copy of his work. 2. A revised and re-engraved version of the inscription erected by Daoyu, a monk of the Tianzhu Monastery in Hangzhou, on the date Chongning 3/5/2 [27 May 1104]. In the nineteenth century this stele, of which only

the latter half then survived, was reported to stand in the Prefectural Academy of Shaoxing.’ The circumstances in which the text of Jiang Zhiqi’s inscription found its way to Hangzhou are presented and discussed

in Chapter 3. They make it seem likely that Jiang Zhigi himself took it there, and this in turn makes it likely that he himself was responsible for the textual changes revealed when we compare this version with source 1, above. In the body of the narrative these changes are slight, in the author’s personal comment more extensive. All are signalled in the notes below. This version of the inscription was written in a slightly freer hand, with

62 or 63 characters to the column in the main text, 6o in the author’s comment. A rubbing of the latter half, numbered 02202, is held in Taiwan at the Fu Sinian Library, Academia Sinica. Published transcripts of the latter half are available in several epigraphical works of the Qing period. I have used Bagiongshi jin shi bu zheng 109.19a-25b, ‘Dabei cheng dao

zhuan zan’? KARA EE | 3. A passage in Longxing Fojiao biannian tonglun, by Zuxiu, a monk of Longxing fu (the present Nanchang). This chronicle of Buddhist tradition in China is reported as written in the year 1164.’ Under his entry for the year 667, recording the death of Daoxuan, Zuxiu included a connected account of the Miaoshan story which stands in a clear relationship to the Jiang Zhiqi inscription.® Its value here lies in the fact that passages lost in the missing parts of the Baofeng and Shaoxing inscriptions (sources 1 and 2 above) are reflected in Zuxiu’s text. Although this material cannot be treated as direct transcription, it provides at least an indication of what was said in the missing text. 4. A passage in Xiaoshi Jin’gang jing keyi hui yao zhu jie, a version of the popular Vajracchedikd commentary Jin’gang keyi annotated by Juelian,

whose preface is dated 1551. At a point where the text alludes to Miaoshan’s refusal to take a husband, Juelian supplies a gloss giving a > Bagqiongshi jin shi bu zheng 109.19a. * By Lu Zengxiang (1833-89). For the other transcripts see Liang Zhe jin shi zhi

760-4 tb, by Ruan Yuan (1764-1849); Yue zhong jin shi ji 3.23a-27b, by Du Chunsnene.

> The dating is based on an entry in an early fourteenth-century Buddhist compilation, the Fo zu li dai tong zai, 20.691a. Although Zuxiu’s title appears there in a slightly modified form, the same work must presumably be meant: see Mochizuki, Bukkyo daijiten 5.4993C¢. ° Longxing Fojiao bian nian tong lun 13.277b—-278b.

122 Appendix A detailed account of the whole story (1.129ab). This too reflects the contents of the Baofeng and Shaoxing inscriptions and will be used in a similar way to gather indications of what is missing from those texts. In the edition given here, source 1, the Baofeng stele of 1308, is used as the primary authority, and the numbering reflects the columns of text on that stele. Passages supplied from source 2, the stele of 1104 (‘4A HAs’), also appear in the main text. These, together with notes on variants, are signalled in the critical apparatus. Material gathered from the transcript in Baofeng xian zhi (1797) (S&EAS’) is treated in the same way. All other textual material is introduced in the critical apparatus.

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Appendix A 129 [29] PREPARA Rea iL 8 RIA ER HLL” Ss Se eZ TCE LL SEH FFERKEARZSHWE ‘2’ RARER SPR TRESS EAE FE Se ACR Hl PE BEEP hin TPS FHL ee Sh, AR “EZ (ald We) BSN

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Appendix A 133 [46] EAL 2 ASAE UREA 2 BRE Ze EE ie Vk A EB ah Be PE FS LL BY ee PBR aS De Ag BAN o LU? JRUR > RWATE ASAP AS ZH CAC TI] BR SEE

(BUN ES AE RETA UL DR ARN LAGE TIN AS AF

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APPENDIX B

The Versions by Zuxiu and Juelian Details of these sources are given in Appendix A, 3 and 4. Zuxiu’s version

is translated from Longxing Fojiao bian nian tong lun 13.277b-278b. Juelian’s version is translated from Xiaoshi Jin’gang jing keyi hui yao zhu jie 1.129ab.

Zuxiu Juelian

[277b] Qianfeng, second year, [129a] Miaoshan refused to take eighth month: Daoxuan, Li Master a husband and most certainly

of Nan shan, died... achieved Buddhahood. [Note follows: ]

Once in the past the Lu Master [Dao]xuan dwelt in the Linggan

Monastery in the Zhongnan mountains, practising religion. In a vision a deva KX, attended him.

The Master once asked a divine The Master asked the deva: ‘I spirit 7! about the origin of the have heard that the Mahasattva

Bodhisattva Guanyin. Guanyin has many links on Saha, this earth. In what place are they pre-eminent?’

The deva_ replied: ‘The Bodhisattva’s appearances follow no fixed rule, but the pre-eminent site of his bodily manifestation is Fragrant Mountain.’ The Master enquired: ‘Where is this Fragrant Mountain now?’

, The spirit replied: The deva replied: ‘Over two hundred /i to the south of Mount

Song there are three hills in a row. The middle one is Fragrant Moun-

tain—that is the Bodhisattva’s place.

‘In a past age there was a king To the north-east of the _ hill whose name was Zhuangyan #¢%. there was in the past a king whose

Appendix B 135 His consort was named Baoying name was King [+ read =] Fi, and she bore three daughters, Miaozhuangyan biti. His the eldest Miaoyan 28, the second consort was named Baode #7. The

Miaoyin #, the youngest king had no crown prince, only

Miaoshan > #2. three daughters: the eldest Miaoyan bea, the second Miaoyin 7, the youngest Miaoshan b3%. Of these three daughters two were already married.

At the time of Miaoshan’s conception the consort dreamed that she swallowed the moon. When the

time came for the child to be born

[278a] the whole earth quaked, wonderful fragrance and heavenly flowers were spread near and far.

The people of that country were astounded. At birth she was clean and fresh without being washed.

Her holy marks were noble and majestic, her body was covered over

with many-coloured clouds. The people said that these were signs of

the incarnation of a holy person. Although the parents thought this

extraordinary, their hearts were corrupt, and so they detested her.

As she grew up the Bodhisattva) Only the third, in conduct and became naturally kind and gentle. appearance far transcending the She dressed plainly and ate only ordinary, always wore dirty clothes,

once a day. used no adornment, and took but one meal a day, never eat-

ing strongly flavoured food, and pursued this life of abstention and religious discipline without faltering in her resolve.

In the palace she was known as “the maiden with the heart of a Buddha”. By her good grace the ladies-in-waiting were converted:

all turned to the good life and renounced their desires.

The king took some exception to The king said to Miaoshan:

136 Appendix B this and prepared to find her a [129b] “You are no longer a child

husband. now—you ought to take a husband.” Miaoshan, with integrity and Miaoshan said: “The river of wisdom, said: “Riches and honour’ desire has mighty waves, the sea

are not there for ever, glory and of suffering fathomless depths. I splendour are like mere bubbles or would never, for one lifetime of illusions. Even if you force metodo _ glory, plunge into aeons of misery.

base menial work, I will never I earnestly desire to leave my home

repent [of my resolve].” and pursue the way of religion.” When the king and his consort sent for her and tried to coax her, she said: “I will obey your august command if it will prevent three misfortunes.”

The king asked: “What do you mean by ‘three misfortunes’?” She said: “The first is this: when

the men of this world are young their face is as fair as the jade-like moon, but when they grow old their hair turns white, their face is wrin-

kled; in motion or repose they are ,

in every way worse off than when they were young. The second is this: a man’s limbs may be lusty and vig-

orous, he may step as lithely as if flying through the air, but when suddenly an illness befalls him he lies in bed without a single pleasure in life. The third is this: a man may have a great assembly of relatives,

may be surrounded by his nearest and dearest, but suddenly one day

it all comes to an end [with his death]: although father and son are

close kin they cannot take one another’s place. If it can prevent these three misfortunes, then you will win my consent to a marriage.

If not, then I prefer to retire to pursue a life of religion. When one

gains full understanding of the

Appendix B 137 Original Mind, all misfortunes of their own accord cease to exist.”

The king was angry. He forced The king angrily cast her out into her to work at gardening and __ the flower garden at the rear of the reduced her food and drink. Even _ palace, cut off her food and drink, her two sisters went privately to and made her mother strongly urge make her change her mind, but _ her to take a husband. Miaoshan held firm and would not turn back. The consort personally admonished her.

Miaoshan said: “In all the emo- Miaoshan said: “Empty things tional entanglements of this world come to an end—I desire what is there is term of spiritual release. If infinite.”

close kin are united, they must inevitably be sundered and scattered. Rest at ease, Mother. Luckily you have my two sisters to care for

you. Do not be concerned about Miaoshan.”

The consort and the two sisters therefore asked the king to release her to follow a religious calling.

The king was angry. He called Furious at hearing this, the king for the nuns. He charged them to summoned Huizhen BH, a nun treat her so harshly that she would of the White Sparrow Monastery

change her mind. The nuns were W#5¥, to take her off to the intimidated, and gave her the heav- monastery to grow vegetables, and

iest tasks to perform—fetching to devise ways to induce her to wood and water, working with return to the palace. pestle and mortar, running the kitchen garden. In response to her vegetables flourished even in winter,

a spring welled up beside the kitchen.

Miaoshan said: “Surely you have

heard that those who obstruct

someone’s monastic vocation will

suffer torments [7# read 7] for countless aeons? Do you dare oppose the best interests of the Bud-

dhist religion and willingly accept the retribution of hell?” The nun answered: “I am under

138 Appendix B the king’s orders. This has nothing to do with me.” Much time went by, and Miaoshan Miaoshan would not consent. She

still held firm to her purpose. remained firm in her desire to enter the order.

The king heard about the miracles of the vegetables and the spring of water and was furious.

[278a] He sent soldiers to bring The king, enraged, ordered soldiers back her head and to kill the com- to surround the monastery, behead

munity of nuns. As the envoy the entire community of nuns, and was arriving, mountains of cloud burn their quarters. and fog suddenly appeared, totally

obscuring everything. When it cleared, Miaoshan was the one person they could not find.

She had been borne off by a spirit to The princess was snatched away a crag in another place, thereto live. by a ndga spirit #E## to the foot of Fragrant Mountain, and not a hair The spirit said: “The land here is was injured. too barren to sustain existence.”

He moved her altogether three | times before they reached the

present [4 read 4] Fragrant Mountain.

Miaoshan dwelt there, eating She built a hut and lived there, from trees, drinking from streams. dressed in grasses and eating from trees, and no one knew of it. Three years went by.

Time went by, and the king con- Meanwhile the king, because of

tracted kamala. His whole body his sinful karma in destroying a was corrupt and suppurating, he monastery and killing the religious, could no longer sleep or feed. None | sickened with kamalda, and he found of the doctors in the land could cure _ no rest in sleep. Doctors could not

him. He was about to die when a cure him. He advertised far and monk appeared, saying he was well wide for someone to make him

able to cure him, well. At that point a strange monk appeared, saying: “I have a divine remedy which can heal the king’s sickness.” The king asked: “What medicine do you have?”

but would need the hands and eyes The monk said: “If you use the

of one without anger. The king hands and eyes of one without

Appendix B 139 found this proposal difficult to anger to blend into a medicine and meet. The monk said: “On Fragrant take it, then you will be cured.” The

Mountain, in the south-west of king said: “This medicine is hard to your territory, there isa bodhisattva find.” The monk said: ‘No, it is not. practising religious cultivation. If There is a Fragrant Mountain in the

you send an envoy to present your south-west of your dominion, and request, you can count on obtain- onthe very summit of the mountain

ing the two things.” is a hermit whose practice of religion has come to completion. This person has no anger. If you put your request, they will certainly make the gift.”

The king had no choice but to The king commanded an equerry command a palace equerry to go to go, bearing incense, up into the

and convey his message. mountain. He bowed to the hermit, saying: “Our lord the king is sick. We venture to trouble you with a request for your hands and eyes to save the king’s life. This will lead him to turn to enlightenment.” Miaoshan said: “My father showed disrespect to the Three Treasures, he persecuted innocent nuns. This invited retribution.”

Then she gladly cut out her eyes Hearing this, the hermit carved

and severed her hands. out her two eyes and severed both hands with a knife, handing them

over to the equerry. At that moment, the whole earth shook.

Giving them to the envoy, she The equerry returned to the added instructions to exhort the capital. king to turn towards the good, no

longer to be deluded by false doctrines.

When the two things were sub- The monk was told to blend the mitted to him, the monk madethem medicine. The king took it and up into medicine. The king took it recovered from his sickness. and instantly recovered. He generously rewarded the monk-physician.

But the monk said: “Why thank me? You should be thanking the one who provided the hands and eyes.”

140 Appendix B Suddenly he had vanished. The king was astounded by this divine intervention.

Ordering carriages, he went with Then the king had carriages prehis consort and his two daughters pared and went to Fragrant Moun-

to the mountain to thank the tain, where he offered humble

Bodhisattva. thanks and gazed in veneration.

They met, and before words were He saw the hermit without hands spoken the consort already recog- or eyes, physically defective. The nized her: it was Miaoshan. They king and his consort, looking from found themselves choking with either side, were deeply moved to

tears. sorrowful thoughts: “The hermit, in form and appearance, is very like our daughter.”

Miaoshan said: “Does my lady The hermit said: “I am indeed

recall Miaoshan? Mindful of the Miaoshan. Your child has offered

king my father’s love, I have repaid up her hands and eyes to repay her

him with my hands and eyes.” father’s love.” Hearing her words, the king and Hearing her words, the king his consort embraced her, bitterly embraced her with loud weeping. weeping. The consort was about He said: “I was so evil that I have to lick the eyes with her tongue, caused my daughter to endure great but suddenly, before she could do pain and suffering.”

so, auspicious clouds enclosed all The hermit said: “I suffer no around, divine musicians began pain. Having yielded up my mortal to play, the earth shook, flowers eyes I shall receive diamond eyes; rained down. And then the holy having given up my human hands

manifestation of the Thousand I shall receive golden-coloured Hands and Thousand Eyes was’ hands. If my vow is true these revealed, hovering majestically in results will certainly follow.”

the air. Attendants numbered tens Heaven and earth then shook, of thousands, voices celebrating her and then the hermit was revealed as compassion resounded to shake the _ the All-Compassionate Bodhisattva

mountains and valleys. Guanyin of the Thousand Hands and Thousand Eyes, solemn and majestic in form, radiant with dazzling light, lofty and magnificent, like the moon amid the stars. The king and [ji read #4] his consort, together with the entire population of the land, conceived goodness in their hearts and committed themselves to the Three Treasures.

Appendix B IAI In. a moment the Bodhisattva The Bodhisattva then entered returned to her former person, then samddhi and, perfectly upright, with great solemnity departed. entered nirvana.’ The king, his consort, and the two [278b] sisters made a funeral pyre, preserved the holy relics and on that same mountain they built a stupa.’

Daoxuan further asked: ‘The Bodhisattva can take mortal form in any place, and surely ought not

to be present solely at Fragrant Mountain?’

The spirit replied: ‘Of all sites now within the bounds of China

Fragrant Mountain 1s pre-eminent. ,

The mountain lies two hundred /i to

the south of Mount Song. It is the same as the Xiangshan in presentday Ruzhou.’

APPENDIX C

The Mythical Oxford Exhibition In a survey of China’s ancient pagodas published in 1987, a report on the inscriptions at the Xiangshan Monastery included this remark: ‘A rubbing of the stele inscription in Cai Jing’s calligraphy was exhibited by special invitation of Oxford University in Britain.’ The claim was repeated in the 1994 gazetteer of Pingdingshan City and the 1996 gazetteer of Baofeng County, both dating the event to the year 1976.” Now that this report has appeared in the local historical record it is no

doubt there to stay. Future historians will accept it as true and, if they choose, will transmit it in their turn. But it is not true, and I take the oppor-

tunity here to set out the facts as known to me of Oxford University’s involvement with the inscription. In 1973, as a University Lecturer employed by that university, I was pursuing research which eventually led to the first edition of this book, The legend of Miao-shan. It became clear to me that the rroo stele inscribed with the text of Jiang Zhiqi in Cai Jing’s calligraphy was the key to understanding the origin of the legend. But this stele inscription, it then seemed, had not been transmitted in standard epigraphical sources: only the personal comment by Jiang Zhiqi was transcribed in the 1797 gazetteer of Baofeng County.° Lacking a full text, I was obliged to reconstruct the story of Miaoshan from comparison with other sources. But it was clearly quite possible that the stele as recut in 1308 was still in existence, either 7m situ at the monastery or in a museum. I therefore wrote a letter to the Henan

Provincial Museum in Zhengzhou explaining the position and asking whether a rubbing was available.

In the circumstances this was a forlorn, even desperate step to take. China was in the throes of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, a reformation movement which was systematically attacking the relics of ' Li Baocai 2(##& and Zhao Tao #438, eds., Zhongguo gu ta daguan HR EIEKE ([Zhengzhou], 1987), 109. * Pingdingshan shi zhi ({Zhengzhou], 1994), vol. 2, p. 1298; Baofeng xian zhi ({Zhengzhou], 1996), 691. > Baofeng xian zhi (1797), 15.7a-8a. Dr Lai Swee-fo later pointed out that the inscription was recut by a monk of Hangzhou in rroy4: the latter half of this version

of the text survived as both a rubbing and a series of published transcripts. For references and discussion, see ch. 3 and Appendix A.

Appendix C 143 what it called feudal superstition. (Damage was in fact done at this time to the Xiangshan monastic buildings, including the ancient pagoda, which would later be repaired and restored in 1982.*) I did not expect a positive response to my letter. In the event I received no response. And although I continued in the employment of Oxford University until 1985, no contact on this topic followed with the authorities in Henan. No exhibition of the stele rubbing took place. Indeed, when I finally did make contact with the Cultural Bureau of Baofeng County and made a visit there in 1993, the response

was so austere that I was permitted neither to see a rubbing nor to visit the monastery. The issue was money, and any reference to the alleged

exhibition of the rubbing in Oxford was of no interest to the county authorities. It is enough to add that the reports appearing in Chinese local records at least imply that my letter was received, however fruitlessly. * Pingdingshan shi zhi (1994), 1294.

APPENDIX D

Table of Names and Features in the Story

ey BS AAI Bee 1 iE Pre-incarnate Miaoshan Father of same

Country citi

King’s name FE FE ie WD SE Bie E WD 3H

King’s Hie Be (is Reign title

consort

Daughter 1 Wb Be Wh Be Wb Be Wb Al (FR)

Daughter 32 Wh Ww3Wwe bbe Wh #83 Daughter Wy #8 Wh 3 i) Miunister 1 Minister 2 Minister 3 Minister 4 Minister 5

Location of Tech| EAL A es Location of SW of FE al ee a Xiangshan territory (SW of (SW of Son-in-law 1 Son-in-law 2

territory) territory)

Abbess HH FL aL Soldiers

Instrument of death

Rescuer He Ly LL 48 HH! HE tH BE Forest Tempter/giver of peach

Description fA Ba filLA fil

of Miaoshan on Xiangshan Monk-doctor Master of same

#F Ly BS MiP eee Ia ake Bila ARS Jit, 8 jit Yee WA AE Ze i PS

Ie Pe Tite Se Ball Af BL At ba Ball yk veal BEAN WD3EE ail WE BE Ap

Wh Ai 7By ae Wie Wea #48 EY AER) 18 AG {a

eb WE Uy Wis > (EL) = WG bas We Bye WD 5K bey ib pe Wb a Ry i)tH sf Ud 3HAH Ith 3%iH Wb 3 ihe dt Jig fee fee ary Hea ACHE HE) BBE BAEK EK AB HA tg AB TELM AR IIA BA Sa YIN HEA TEI He GARE RE) = AS

HEN PER i BR) Ba PRR jee a) Bs Pe

{ny JAAAR ile Be fof JA We iE. HE BbRay th FyAT. | ADV HKAR ARG Be AS aK See Fé

iia pe (bah) Age pire iia 4H ft be BK BE SK eS AK FABRA PF pesa EE Aik LL BS A KEIZER > TRE | PEMM UNA KACE Pe AM AR TH HEL A KASH ALA ALA ALA Ayah Aya

ME LER sé

ACIS ARE

146 Appendix D No attempt is made in this table to list out all names and narrative features appearing in the various versions. The aim is to supplement the argu-

ment in the main text by bringing together those features which can be meaningfully and usefully compared. Those which have no comparative value are omitted. Sources are identified in the table as follows:

ey He a 1308 inscription at the Xiangshan Monastery, Baofeng HAG Version by Zuxiu in Longxing Fojiao bian nian tong lun

ELE Version by Juelian in Xiao shi jin’gangjing ke yi hui yao zhu jie

i=eiea Version by Guan Daosheng in Guanyin dashi zhuan

FF 1 Xiangshan bao juan

RSS ate Nan hai Guanyin quan zhuan Se FR Ee tH Chu xiang zeng bu sou shen ji da quan

KE San jiao yuan liu sheng di fo zu sou shen da quan

Fi Xiangshan ji (Fu chun tang edition) ASE Guanyin ji du ben yuan zhen jing

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——Sectarianism and religious persecution in China (Amsterdam, 1903-4). DooLITILeE, Justus, Social life of the Chinese (New York, 1865). Doré, HENRI, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, Uieme partie: Le panthéon chinois, vol. 6, Variétés Sinologiques, 39 (Shanghai, 1914).

Du DEQIAo FL, trans. Li Wenbin 22 3c4# et al., Miaoshan chuanshuo—

Guanyin pusa yuangi kao tt) eh LF le B0-% (Taibei, 1990). DUDBRIDGE, GLEN, ‘The hundred chapter Hsi-yu chi and its early versions’, Asia Major, New Series, 14 (1969), 141-91. ———‘Miao-shan on stone: two early inscriptions’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 42 (1982), 589-614.

Fu XInua (44432, ‘Baojuan zong lw #445, Hanxue luncong We iiR (Mélanges Sinologiques), (Beijing, 1951), 41-103. Fu ZENGXIANG {3), Cangyuan gun shu jing yan lu jx PAPE REIR ER (Beying, 1983). Getty, ALICE, The gods of Northern Buddhism, 2nd edn. (Oxford, 1928). Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan shanben shu mu Bsr FARE FEHR Se ANSE GA, rev.

edn., National Central Library (Taibei, 1967). Hurvitz, LEON (trans.), Scripture of the lotus blossom of the fine dharma, translated from the Chinese of Kumdrajiva (New York, 1976). IpbEMA, WILT, ‘Some comments on the Xiangshan baojuan’, Journal of

Central and East-Asian Religions, 12-13 (2001-2), I-41.

IsopE AKIRA (262, ‘Okura bunka zaidan shozd Dai To Sanzo

shukyo shiwa kaida’Y XS CEE ROUS = a Re, = in Okura bunka zaidan z6 Sdban Dai To Sanzo shukyo shiwa

FR SAC Et RR A aa (Tokyo, 1997), 171-254.

IwaAMOTO YUTAKA #24%, Mokuren densetsu to Urabon Bi Siit Ee (Kyoto, 1968). KERN, JAN HENDRIK (trans.), The Saddharma pundarika, or the Lotus of the True Law, Sacred Books of the East, vol. 21 (Oxford, 1909). KOBAYASHI TAICHIRO /)4K ATHEB, “Todai no Daihi Kannon’ RRO KAS,

Bukkyo geijutsu hOB, 20 (1953), 3-273 21 (1954), 89-109; 22 (1954), 3-28, Lar RutHe [Lat SwEE-FO] #8541, ‘Miaoshan chuanshuo de liangzhong xin

ziliao” WS (Amin WM AB, Zhongwai wenxue 4x8, 9.2 (July 1980), 116~26.

152 List of Works Cited Li SHryvu 4th, Xiandai Huabei mimi zongfiao PW{CHEALM ERA (Chengdu, 1948; repr. Shanghai, 1990). [Note: The reprint points out a mistake on the cover and title-page of the first edition, which began the

title with Xianzai H.| —— ‘Baojuan xin yan’ Hema, Wenxue yichan zengkan