The launching of modern American science, 1846-1876 9780394553948, 9780801494963

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
PART ONE: SCIENCE IN A NEW WORLD, 1846-1861 (page 1)
1. Prologue: The Lay of the Land (page 3)
2. The European Model (page 7)
3. A Procession of Pilgrims (page 14)
4. Agassiz's Boston: The City in Science (page 29)
5. Agassiz's America: The Geography of Science (page 43)
6. Science, American Style: Targets of Opportunity (page 64)
7. Becoming a Scientist (page 75)
8. Being a Scientist (page 94)
PART TWO: SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, AND A RISING PEOPLE, 1846-1861 (page 113)
9. Science and Technology in the Public Mind (page 115)
10. The Wherewithal of Science (page 135)
11. The Technological Connection (page 150)
12. The Public Purse (page 166)
13. Bache and Maury, Barons of Bureaucracy (page 171)
14. The Smithsonian, Seedbed of Science (page 187)
15. Soldiers, Sailors, and Scientists (page 201)
PART THREE: THE GOVERNANCE OF SCIENCE, 1846-1861 (page 215)
16. Bache and Company, Architects of American Science (page 217)
7. Support without Strings (page 225)
18. Communication and Conflict (page 240)
19. Liberty and Union: The American Association (page 251)
PART FOUR: WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION (page 269)
20. Science and the Shock of War (page 271)
21. War and the Structure of Science (page 287)
22. "Small Potatoes": Science and Technology in Arms (page 306)
23. Many Mansions: The House of Postwar Science (page 313)
24. The New Education (page 326)
25. Taking Stock (page 339)
26. Epilogue: The Last of the Lazzaroni (page 357)
Appendix: A Note on Quantitative Statements (page 363)
Source Notes (page 365)
Manuscript Sources Cited (page 421)
Other Sources Cited in More than One Chapter (page 425)
Acknowledgments (page 433)
Index (page 435)

Citation preview

The Launching of Modern American Science

1846-1876

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Soldiers, Sailors, and Scientists 213 fire of 1871, along with Stimpson’s magnificent collection of manuscripts,

drawings, and rare books. Broken by the blow, Stimpson died a few months later at forty. Despite these tragedies, the Ringgold-Rodgers expedition left its mark on science and, for that matter, on commerce too. The Naval Observatory made good use of the hydrographic and astronomical data. Though the war prevented full publication of the expedition’s charts, Maury used much of the material in his Sailing Directions. After Stimpson’s death, a surviving manuscript in which he described many of the lost specimens was found and published in 1907. As in Jacob Bailey’s case, other data reached print through individual articles. Most important of all was Asa Gray’s recognition of common ancestry among certain Japanese and American plants, an insight that gave strong support to Darwin’s theory.

The military and naval expeditions were not free rides. The scientists who went along paid a psychic price. Especially on long voyages, regular navy officers openly resented the civilian interlopers and their troublesome requirements. “The officers,” wrote Charles Wright from the North Pacific Expedition, “care not a fig—any of them-—-for our labors and never put themselves to any trouble to facilitate them.... I met with more

sympathy among rude teamsiers on the plains of Texas.” Even among the officers themselves, those with scientific specialties or assignments felt estranged from their brothers. In the army expeditions, perhaps because they were less physically confining, scientist-soldier relations seem to have run smoother. Still, John S. Newberry complained in 1857 that “a degree of jealousy of the Scientific Corps which I did not expect pervades the military portion of each surveying party, and through them has infected the entire War Dept & especially the Corps Topos Engrs.” At Fort Riley, Kansas Territory, in 1855 the army surgeon and amateur entomologist William A. Hammond, depressed by his fellow officers’ total lack of sympathy, began considering the resignation that he eventually tendered. Nevertheless the scientists’ uneasy alliance with the military paid off, and in more than data. Astronomical observations for the Wilkes Expedition brought William Bond the first money he had ever earned from his scientific work. James Dana got $1,440 a year for his work on the Wilkes reports, and Asa Gray was elated by his five-year, $120-per-month contract for working up the botany. Though Gray’s botanical labors were

never published, they freed him from provincialism and gave him a world view in botany; while Dana and others, like their European coun-

terparts Humboldt and Darwin, found in expedition service an early equivalent to graduate training. The opportunities afforded by the armed services deeply influenced what American science did in those years and how it went about doing

214 THE LAUNCHING OF MODERN AMERICAN SCIENCE

it. The government exploring expeditions overshadowed all other scien-

tific enterprises in that day. The scientific leaders who managed to mount such mighty steeds could, within limits, rally American science to their own causes, setting its pace, its tone, its tactics and strategy—as witness Spencer Baird’s triumph in shaping the Smithsonian. From the

end of the Civil War until the beginning of World War II, American science would not again be so largely influenced by scientists on government horseback.