The Influence of the French Language on the German Vocabulary: (1649-1735) 9783110866599, 9783110084085

Table of contents :
I THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Economic relations
Dynastic relations
The Huguenots and Brandenburg
Diplomatic relations
Public opinion
II FRENCH INFLUENCE AND THE GERMAN VOCABULARY
Technical literature
Newspapers and journals
The letter
Foreign-word dictionaries
The reaction against foreign borrowings
The ‘Sprachgesellschaften’
III THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN GERMANY
Grammars
The ‘Kavalierstour’
The schools and universities
Bilingualism and the aristocracy
IV SOME SOCIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF LEXICAL BORROWING IN THE LATE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
German culture after the Thirty Years’ War
‘Galanterie’ and ‘Politesse’
V THE LINGUISTIC ASPECTS OF LEXICAL BORROWING
VI THE DICTIONARY
Introduction
Abbreviations
Alphabetical list of words
VII BIBLIOGRAPHIES
A. Primary sources
B. Dictionaries
C. Secondary sources
VIII APPENDICES
Appendix I. Words recorded solely in lexica
Appendix II. The dictionary in ‘Sachgruppen’

Citation preview

Richard James Brunt The Influence of the French Language on the German Vocabulary

W G DE

Studia Linguistica Germanica

Herausgegeben von Stefan Sonderegger

18

Walter de Gruyter • Berlin • New York 1983

Richard James Brunt

The Influence of the French Language on the German Vocabulary (1649-1735)

Walter de Gruyter • Berlin • New York 1983

Library of Congress Calaloging in Publicalion Data Brunt, Richard James, 1949The influence of the French language on the German vocabulary (1649-1735) (Studia linguistica Germanica ; 18) Revision of thesis (D. Phil.)--Oxford, 1979. Bibliography: p. 1. German language--Early modern, 1500-1700-Gallicisms. 2. German language-Gallicisms. 3. German language-Foreign elements-French. I. Title. II. Series. PF3582.F7B78 1983 432'.441 82-24273 ISBN 3-11-008408-2

ClP-Kurztitelaufnahme

der Deutschen Bibliothek

Brunt, Richard James: The influence of the French language on the German vocabulary : (1649 - 1735) / Richard James Brunt. - Berlin ; New York : de Gruyter, 1983. (Studia linguistica Germanica ; 18) ISBN 3-11-008408-2 NE: G T

Copyright 1983 by Walter de Gruyter & C o . , vormals G. J. Göschen'sche Verlagshandlung — J. Guttentag, Verlagsbuchhandlung — Georg Reimer — Karl J . Trübner — Veit & C o m p . Berlin 30 — Printed in Germany — Alle Rechte der Übersetzung, des Nachdrucks, der photomechanischen Wiedergabe und der Anfertigung von Mikrofilmen, auch auszugsweise, vorbehalten. Druck: Rotaprint-Druck Hildebrand, Berlin Bindearbeiten: Lüderitz & Bauer, Berlin

To my Mother and Father

PREFACE

This work is a revised Version of my Oxford D. Phil, thesis (1979) .

It is my pleasant duty to acknowledge my gratitude to those whose assistance during the course of the present study has made my task a much lighter one: Professor Peter Ganz of St. Edmund Hall, Oxford, for his constant interest in my work and his many valuable suggestions for improvement; Dr. Leslie Seifert, Hertford College, Oxford, for his painstaking checking of the text; Dr. William Jones of Westfield College, London, for allowing me to discuss many Problems with him and to draw upon his own work on this subject; the administrators of the King Edward VII BritishGerman Foundation for awarding me a scholarship which enabled me to spend a year studying in Germany; Dr. Joachim Bahr of the Arbeitsstelle für das Deutsche Wörterbuch, Göttingen for permitting me to examine the work in progress on the new edition of 'Grimm'; Frau Else Bogel and Dr. Elger Blühm for their hospitality and their readiness to allow me to examine the photocopies of newspapers at the Deutsche Presseforschung, Bremen; Dr. Alan Kirkness of the Institut für deutsche Sprache, Mannheim for allowing me to examine the work in progress on volume R of 'Schulz-Basler'; the staff of the Niedersächsische Staatsund Universitätsbibliothek, Göttingen for locating many vital works; the staff of the Taylorian Institute Library, Oxford. Finally, I wish to thank Frau Cornelia Heitkamp for typing the final version and my wife, Karla, for her never-falling support and encouragement.

Universität Essen West Germany

Richard J. Brunt

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I

II

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Economic relations

1

Dynastie relations

12

The Huguenots and Brandenburg

14

Diplomatie relations

20

Public opinion

22

FRENCH INFLUENCE AND THE GERMAN VOCABULARY Technical literature

25

Newspapers and journals

29

The letter

34

Foreign-word dictionaries

37

The reaction against foreign borrowings

43

The 'Sprachgesellschaften'

58

III THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN GERMANY

IV

Grammars

67

The

68

'Kavalierstour'

The schools and universities

72

Bilingualism and the aristocracy

76

SOME SOCIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF LEXICAL BORROWING IN THE LATE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY German culture after the Thirty Years' War

81

'Galanterie'

85

and 'Politesse'

V

THE LINGUISTIC ASPECTS OF LEXICAL BORROWING

VI

THE DICTIONARY

91

Introduction

107

Abbreviations

112

Alphabetical list of words

113

X VII

Table of Contents BIBLIOGRAPHIES A. Primary sources

493

B. Dictionaries

517

C. Secondary sources

525

VIII APPENDICES Appendix I. Words recorded solely in lexica

541

Appendix II. The dictionary in 'Sachgruppen'

553

I. T H E H I S T O R I C A L

Economic

BACKGROUND

Relations

A h i s t o r y of the e c o n o m i c a n d c o m m e r c i a l r e l a t i o n s

between

F r a n c e a n d G e r m a n y in the s e v e n t e e n t h C e n t u r y h a s still to b e w r i t t e n . The f o l l o w i n g is a n a t t e m p t to g a t h e r and to evaluate facts from primary and secondary

together historical

s o u r c e s as a n a i d t o w a r d s u n d e r s t a n d i n g the v a r i o u s

factors

which favoured linguistic borrowing during this period.

It

c a n n o t , of c o u r s e , c l a i m to be c o m p l e t e a n d a w i d e r e v a l u a t i o n of p r i m a r y s o u r c e s

(commercial d o c u m e n t s ,

r e c o r d s , c o u r t r e g i s t e r s , etc.) m i g h t m o d i f y some of the

town

than has been possible

here

following.

B e f o r e the T h i r t y Y e a r s ' W a r G e r m a n y l o o k e d m a i n l y S p a i n for the P r o v i s i o n of luxury g o o d s a n d

to

fashionable

c l o t h e s , b u t i n the m i d - s i x t e e n t h C e n t u r y there a r e a l r e a d y r e c o r d s of t r a d e r s in F r a n k f u r t d e a l i n g in i m p o r t e d F r e n c h g o o d s w h o , e v e n d u r i n g the W a r , c o n t i n u e to t r a v e l to France^.

It is o n l y a f t e r the W a r , h o w e v e r , t h a t this

reaches sizeable proportions,

trade

indicating a demand which

G e r m a n m a n u f a c t u r e r s w e r e u n a b l e to f u l f i l . A l t h o u g h

this

i n a b i l i t y c a n n o t be a t t r i b u t e d s o l e l y to the e f f e c t s of the W a r o n the G e r m a n e c o n o m y , there is n o d o u b t t h a t the d i s r u p t i o n c a u s e d b y t h i r t y y e a r s of a r m e d h o s t i l i t i e s

did

m u c h to f u r t h e r , i n d i r e c t l y , the i m p o r t of F r e n c h g o o d s .

1 A. D I E T Z : F r a n k f u r t e r H a n d e l s g e s c h i c h t e . F r a n k f u r t 1 9 1 0 - 1 9 2 5 , V o l . IV pp, 88/89

5 vols.

2

The historical background

The extent of the effects of the Thirty Years' War on the face of Germany has long been a source of dispute among historians. Whereas the earlier school held that the War was totally disastrous for the German economy, destroying the fabric of the Empire, decimating or brutalizing the population and bringing trade and industry to a complete standstill, more recently historians have maintained that the German economy was already in decline at the end of the sixteenth Century, that the War merely accelerated this trend and that the severity of the devastation was much exaggerated by seventeenthCentury propagandists^. The following can be taken as representative of the latter View: The harm wrought by warfare on populations and economic life in seventeenth Century Europe has been exaggerated, and this is especially true of Germany and the Thirty Years' War. War has been blamed for much that was too readily assumed to mean death and was probably migration; losses in one area have not been balanced against gains in another; the extent of subsequent recovery has often been minimised; and much has been ascribed to the war that was mainly due to other causes^. Certainly the war caused a decline in population: it is estimated that Coburg, Hesse, Württemberg and the Palatinate 4 suffered losses of between 60 and 70 per cent . On the other hand in the so-called Schongebiete, North West Germany,

2 For a summary of these views see T.K. RABB: The effects of the Thirty Years' War on the German economy, in: Journal of Modern History 34, 1962, pp. 40-51. 3 D.C. COLEMAN: Economic problems and policies, in: New Cambridge Modern History. Vol. V. Cambridge 1961, p. 21. 4 F.L. CARSTEN: The Empire after the Thirty Years' War, in: New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. V. Cambridge 1961, pp. 434-436. For a detailed account see: G. FRANZ: Der Dreißigjährige Krieg und das deutsche Volk. Untersuchungen zur Bevölkerungs- und Agrargeschichte. Stuttgart 1961. It is estimated that the population of the Empire declined from 20 million before the War to 12 or 13 million; the population of France in 1660 was 24 million (H. HOLBORN: A history of modern Germany 1648-1840, London 1965, p. 23)

Economic relations

3

Austria and the Tyrol, the effects of the War upon population were negligible. While in the East Magdeburg was razed to the ground and its inhabitants were slaughtered, Hamburg in the North became a flourishing port. Hence it is impossible to make any general assessment of the State of trade and industry in Germany at the end of the Thirty Years' War. Plague, famine, mass migration, as well as the marauding armies, all played their part in Germany's economic Stagnation and those industries which survived the War were more concerned with providing the essentials of life than with meeting the demand for luxury goods. It was the peasantry who suffered most from the devastation, while the aristocracy, often thanks to a skilful changing of allegiances, emerged virtually unscathed and Imports of luxury goods, which can be regarded as the 'essentials' of aristocratic life, soon started flowing into Germany again, for while France may have been the enemy of Germany during the War, she was the sole purveyor of these goods. One of the most important effects of the War upon the social structure of Germany was to accelerate the trend towards particularism. By the terms of the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) there were set up within the Empire 343 separate states and free cities, all sovereign members of the Diet, free to control their own affairs independently of each other and of the Emperor. Yet, however much these states may have varied in size and importance, they were united in their common, often manic, Francophilia: Ein jeder, auch der kleinste der 300 deutschen Souveräne, wollte der Tautropfen sein, in dem sich das Bild des französischen Sonnenkönigs wiederspiegelte^. Their ideal was Louis XIV's Versailles and they endeavoured, as far as their exchequer allowed, to Imitate the French

5 G. DEHIO: Geschichte der deutschen Kunst. Bd. III. Berlin/ Leipzig 1933, p. 248.

4

The historical background

court in architecture, dress and way of life and had the necessary materials imported from France. This outpouring of German money naturally had a ruinous effect upon the German economy; each pocket Louis raised extortionate taxes from his subjects, only to consign them to Colbert's coffers. In France, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, the Minister of Finance from 1661, worked towards furthering Louis XIV's absolutist monarchy by establishing France's economic hegemony, following those principles later described as mercantilism^. His main aim was to promote the expansion of industry, even at the cost of agriculture, in order to ensure that France had no need to import foreign goods. This in turn meant that money flowed into the country and not out, since it was a prime tenet of mercantilism that the economic prosperity of a country was to be measured solely by the gold and bullion it possessed. Colbert reinforced his expansionary measures by reducing taxes on native products and imported raw materials, while increasing them on all imported manufactured goods, these prohibitive import taxes being one of the main causes of the Dutch War of 1674-1678. Attempts were made to promote the export trade, especially with Brandenburg, which at this time was pursuing a proFrench foreign policy, but they came to nothing since France lacked the navy to transport her goods, all sea trade being dominated by the Dutch^. One route, however, was open to French exports, namely overland to Frankfurt, and much of this trade was carried on by the Swiss who since the sixteenth Century had enjoyed the right to act as

6 For Colbert and his policies see C.W. COLE: Colbert and a Century of French mercantilism. 2 vols. New York 1939. 7 See P. BOISSONNADE: Histoire des premiers essais de relations economiques directes entre la France et l'etat prussien pendant le regne de Louis XIV. Poitiers 1913. In 1665 Holland had 16,000 vessels, whereas France had 2,368, of which 1,063 had a tonnage of between 10 and 30 tons (ibid. pp. 138/9).

Economic relations

5

intermediaries for French trade abroad^. Goods were normally carried via Lille or Metz and then on to Frankfurt which became the main entrepöt centre for all imported French wares. In 1676 eight Pariser Warenkrämer were active there, and the most successful of them, Johannes Ochs, supplied all the leading German courts - at one time Friedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg owed him 275,716 Reichstaler. The exchange rate in Paris was listed from 1656 onwards in the Frankfurt Kursblatt and French currency was accepted there 9 as a valid means of payment . Other French goods entered Germany vi4 Strasbourg or by sea via Bremen. The massive influx of these goods eventually provoked a reaction in Germany, led by the German mercantilists. They, like Colbert, believed that, since the amount of gold in circulation at any time is limited, the country which possessed the largest holdings was by definition the most prosperous. This Situation was, in theory, to be brought about by a country's exploitation of its overseas colonies and of its own natural resources of precious metals and by exporting more than it imported. Since Germany could not compete with England and Holland in the maritime export trade and her colonial enterprises had borne little fruit, the mercantilists urged that she must direct her efforts towards establishing an active balance of trade, which meant that the flow of precious metals out of the country had to be stopped and a limitation or ban placed upon the import of 'superfluous' luxury goods, while at the same time, the export of high-value native products was to be actively encouraged. Since, however, German industry had not sufficiently recovered from the War to enable it to increase exports (and Colbert's import taxes were all but prohibitive),

8 See H. LÜTHY: Die Tätigkeit der Schweizer Kaufleute und Gewerbetreibenden in Frankreich unter Ludwig XIV. und der Regentschaft. Aarau 1943. 9 DIETZ op.cit. Vol.IV, pp. 89-91.

6

The historical background

attention had to be directed towards banning the Import of French goods. The mercantilists' campaign against France began in 1672 with the 'Aurifordina Gallica/FranzSsische Goldgrube/denen RSmischen Reichs-StSnden erSffnet und Verschlossen' by Eberhard WASSENBERG^®, librarian and secretary to Emperor Ferdinand and King Ladislaus of Poland. For him France's dominant economic position in Europe was not due to any innate virtues of the people or the country, but solely to the fact that the French knew how to make those Modeartikel which so appealed to the European aristocracy. This was because: Aus ganz Europa werden die jungen Leute nach Frankreich gesendet. Diese gewöhnen sich an franzSsische Sitten und Unsitten und wollen/wenn sie in ihre Heimat zurSck.. kehren/nichts anderes mehr/als was aus Frankreich stammt If this State of affairs were to continue, he foresaw:

Eine allmihliche Verwüstung aller Familien/lußerste Armut unserer Lande/Zertrennung der Kriegsdisziplin und EinfShrung aller Laster2. The only remedy was to ban all trade with France: Denn/wenn wir also die FranzSsische Goldgrube verriegeln/ kSnnen wir Frankreich/welches jetzt als eine gewaltige Sündflut uns zu uberschwemmen sucht/leichtlich nach unserem Gefallen im Zaum halten/unser christliches Regiment bei Frieden erhalten und die ganze Welt in erwünschte Sicherheit setzen^

10 See J. HALLER: Die deutsche Publizistik in den Jahren 1668-1674. Heidelberg 1892, p. 26; H. von ZWIEDINECKSÜDENHORST: Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitraum der Gründung des preußischen Königtums. Erster Band: Vom Westfälischen Frieden bis zum Tode des Großen Kurfürsten. Stuttgart 1880, pp. 322/3. This work is included in J.J. BECHER'S 'Politischer Discurs' (1673), pp. 825-866. 11 ZWIEDINECK-SÜDENHORST op.cit. p. 322. 12 Ibid p. 323. 13 Op.cit. p. 323.

Economic relations The

7

was one of a series of anti-French pamphlets 14 by WASSENBERG , and they all found an iiranediate response among the German cameralists. The greatest of them, Johann Joachim BECHER, who from 1670 was adviser to Emperor 15 Leopold I, revised his Politischer Discurs (1668) to include an analysis of the German economy and his proposals were very similar to those of WASSENBERG. He calculated that the Empire imported annually 4 million thalers worth of goods from France^® and proposed a ban on Imports and the immediate expansion of German industry. Similar arguments were advanced in the work attributed to Johann Daniel KRAFFT^^ and in an anonymous pamphlet of the Goldgrabe

18

following year . The former laments at length that there is no item of fashionable life that does not come from France - clothes, razors, haberdashery, shirts, stockings, hats, wigs, combs, hairpowder, tooth-picks, playing-cards, purses, knives, needles and thread, shoes and books are all imported 1 9. The two previously mentioned works inspired the

14 E.g. 'Marobodus in Serenissimo et Potentissimo Ludovico XIV, Galliorum Rege, Redivivus Principibus Europae demonstratus'. (n.p.) 1672, see HALLER op. cit. p. 26 15 J.J. BECHER: Politischer DISCURS von d|n eig|ntlichen Ursachen/des Auf- und Abnehmens der Stadt=/Lander und Republicken. Frankfurt 1668, 234pp. The 1673 edition was augmented with the Commerden Traktat (1272pp.). The last edition of this work was published in 1759. On BECHER see H. HASSINGER: Johann Joachim Becher. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Merkantilismus. Wien 1951. 16 BECHER op.cit. (1673) p. 71 17 Bedencken von MANUFACTUREN in Deutschland... von dem Liebhaber gemeiner Wohlfahrt. Jena 1683. 18 Teutschland über Frankreich/wenn es klug seyn will. Gedruckt im Jahr Christi 1684. See K. HÖLSCHER: Die öffentliche Meiniing in Deutschland über den Fall Straßburgs während der Jahre 1681 bis 1684. München 1896, pp. 128-133. 19 KRAFFT op.cit. pp. 113-115.

8

The historical background

most comprehensive and passionately argued attack on the economic Situation in the Empire. It came from the pen of the Austrian diplomat Philipp Wilhelm HÖRNIGK^°, the son-inlaw of J.J. BECHER, who, alarmed at the fact that a 'Drittheil des capitais

[of Austria] so nun jihrlich fSr

lauter unnSthige Dinge hinauswerths/und ?1

fast meistens nach

Franckreich gehe' ' , called upon the Austrians to develop their native industries such as wool and silk manufacture and to return to the ways of their ancestors who dressed in the produce of their country or, if in foreign clothes, those which would last and could be given to their children: 'Nicht aber in zerreißlichen FranzSsischen Lumpen/dite noch e 22 dazu alle Jahr durch Enderung der Mode unnutz gemacht werden His conclusion is that:

[...] Sölten die Französischen Waaren/als

Seiden=Bindel/

SpLtzen/Possamenten/KnOpff/Castor-Vigogngs-Caudebec

[...]

und andere Wollen und Haarhut/ilumag-e, Wahrgehlng/Wedel/ Kappen/Masquen/Spiegel/Uhren/Kamen/gantze Nacht=gezeug/ Aufsitz/gezierte Schuh/Nadeln/Steck=nadeln/£)uincaiilerie, und tausenderley andere nichtswürdige Kramereyen billich von uns/wie die unreine Geister exorcisirt werden^^.

Hence there was a consensus of opinion among the leading mercantilists of the late seventeenth Century that the Empire's only hope of economic salvation lay in an imperial ban on the import of all French goods. In 1674,von Crockau, the envoy of Friedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg, placed a Memorial

to this effect before Emperor

Leopold. This was clearly a political move on the part of the Elector since his pro-French policy was showing

little

20 P.W. HÖRNIGK (also HORNECK, HORNIGK): Oesterreich über alles wann es nur will ... Durch einen Liebhaber der Kayserl. Erbland Wohlfahrt, (n.p.) 1684. Reprint of 1708 edition ed. A. SKALWEIT, Frankfurt 1954. On HÖRNIGK See H. GERSTENBERG: Philipp Wilhelm Hörnigk, in: Jahrbücher für National-ökonomie und Statistik Bd. 133, III Folge, Bd. 78, Heft 6, 1930, 813-879. 21 HÖRNIGK op.cit. p. 33. zL2 Ibid p. 27. 23 Ibid p. 117.

Economic relations

9

return and he wished to further his own personal ambition by invoking the authority of the Empire. The memorandum reminded the Emperor: e e [...] was für ein großes Pr|ejudiz/und unschätzbare Schaden dem gantzen Heil. Rom. Reich dahero zuwuchse/daß in demselben die Frantzosische Wahren und Manufacturen uberall in so großer Qualitlt in allen desselben Provintzen eingefuhret und verhandelt w u r d e n 2 4 . It should be remembered, however, that between 1670 and 1673 the Elector spent 7,000 thalers on French materials, clothes and books and 15,000 livres on furniture made in 25 Paris . Nevertheless, he found it in his own interest to attack: nichtswürdige/vergängliche [. .. ] kostbare [.. . ] Wahren/ welche keinen andern Werth hatten/als welchen ihnen der luxus, und die Opinion der Kauffe machten/Jahrlieh viel Millionen aus dem Rom. Reich gefuhret/die Lander erschSpffet viel Familien ruinirt/und der nervus rerum gerendarum, einer frembden/ja feindlichen Nation in die Hände gegeben/ und dieselbe bemittelt wurde/Teutschland mit seinem eigenen Geld in Krieg/Verderben und Confusion zu setzen/dahingegen die Manufacturen in Rom. Reich negligirt/die Commerden und Nahrung gehindert/und das gantze Teutschland nicht weniger an Mannschafft/als Geld gintzlich entblosset und erschSpffet wörde^ö. The document requested in conclusion: Daß alle FrantzSsische Manufacturen durch einen Reichs= ^^ tags=Schluß in dem gantzen Reich möchten verbotten werden This memorandum was then placed before the Estates at Regensburg and their Gutachten was duly published on 1 April 1675. Finally on 7 May 1676 an imperial Edict proclaimed: 'Das nun und kunfftighin alle Frantz. Waren und Manuf. [ — ] O Q

verbotten und eingestellet bleiben selten'

. It stipulated

24 Reprinted in: Theatrum Europaeum XI. (n.p.) 1682, p. 845^ 25 BOISSONNADE op. cit. p. 30 26 Theatrum Europaeum XI (n.p.) 1682, p. 845 a 27 Ibid p. 846^ b 28 Ibid p. 1086^

a

10

The historical background

that all German merchants had to be rid of their imported goods within a year and all foreign merchants within two months, after which time such goods were to be confiscated. This clause was directed particularly at the Swiss traders who were responsible for importing the majority of French wares into Germany and these measures were reinforced by the Edict of 23 September 1689 which forbade all 'Handel und Wandel/Wechsel und Correspondenz/und was vor Gewerb es auch immer seyn mag' with France and expressly stated: Wir verbiethen [...] die EinfShrung aller in Franckreich fabricirten Waaren/und soj genannten Galanterien/wie auch Frantzosischen Wein/Brandtwein/Ol/samt andern Gewächsen und Sachen/sie werden gleich immediate von dannen/oder durch andere Lande ins Reich gebrachtes. Furthermore,it called upon all territorial princes and free cities, especially 'See= und Handels=Stadte [...] Zoll= und Mauth=Stadte/allwo die Kauffleute und deren Guter durch zu passiren p f l e g e n t o ensure that all foreign Imports were confiscated or sent back to their place of origin. It is clear, however,that the political structure of the Empire and the lack of authority of the Emperor both conspired to make such measures unrealisable in practice: Volle Wirksamkeit erlangten diese Maßnahmen nie. Die Reichsstände, denen ihre Ausführung überlassen blieb, sorgten mit sehr unterschiedlichem Eifer für ihre Beachtung. Aber auch die österreichische Zollkordon, wodurch alle zwischen Deutschland und der Schweiz zirkulierenden Waren passieren mußten, vermochte den allgemeinen und unter der erkauften Duldung der Zollbeamten selbst betriebenen Schmuggel nicht zu hindern^^.

29 Theatrum Europaeum XIII (n.p.) 1698, p. 658. Quoted by LÜTHY op.cit. pp. 64/65. Cf. also I. BOG: Der Reichsmerkantilismus. Stuttgart 1959, p. 110. 30 LÜTHY op.cit. p. 65. 31 Ibid pp. 66/67.

Economic relations

11

Since the policy of banning French Imports was instigated by Friedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg, it is interesting to note that in 1683 he ordered from Paris for his consort 'une toilette d'argent' valued at 46,609 livres and that in the same year Louis XIV made him a gift of two Gobelin 32 tapestries valued at 60,000 livres The Emperor commissioned J.J. BECHER, with the aid of P.W. HÖRNIGK, to Visit Augsburg, Nürnberg, Frankfurt and Cologne to enforce the confiscation of French goods, but in each place he met with a complete lack of Cooperation, everywhere there were loopholes^^. New bans were issued on 6 October 1702 and 22 May 1703, but: [...] all diesen Maßnahmen war kein größerer Erfolg beschieden als denen des vorhergehenden Krieges. Generäle und Fürsten der Grenzgebiete verkauften auf eigene Rechnung Geleitpässe oder holten gar selbst in großer Equipage die Luxuswaren, deren Einfuhr verboten war, in den Grenzstädten ab; die Zollkommissare schlössen Partikularverträge mit den Kaufleuten^^. Hence it is doubtful whether any of the imperial attempts to regulate or terminate the Import of French goods had any lasting success. The fact was that the princes wanted such goods and all the Emperor's legislation could do nothing to prevent this. And so, according to Gottfried Wilhelm LEIBNIZ^^, one tenth of Germany's annual income flowed Over the border to France and according to Friedrich Leutholff FRANKENBERG: 'In Europa ist wohl kein Reich oder Provintz/ welches nicht mehr Geld in Franckreich schicke/als von

32 33 34 35

BOISSONNADE op.cit. p. 28, 31. HASSINGER op.cit. pp. 217/218. LÜTHY op.cit. p. 68. H. BECHTEL: Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte Deutschlands München 1967, p. 237. No source is given.

12

The historical background

daher empfange' 36.

testimony of Johann Basilius

KÜCHELBECKER shows that the Situation was much the same in the early eighteenth Century: Der Luxus ist zu Wien sehr eingerissen, und nimmt fast von Jahr zu Jahren mehr zu. Mag imitiret alle FrantzSsische und auslindische moden-, man traget nichts als auswärtige Stoffes, Tucher, Spitzen und Galanterie-Vlaren; Die Kleider müssen so viel es möglich ist, ä la frangoise gemacht werden37.

Dynastie relations The aristocracy of Germany, then, looked to France for the Provision of luxury goods and thus the influenae of Louis XIV's court spread, albeit slowly, throughout Germany. More direct, however, were the actual contäcts between the princely houses of France and Germany, especially in the Palatinate. This house had always had, partly because of its geographical Situation, d o s e ties with France and its way of life was modelled upon that of its western neighbours. After the Thirty Years' War the Elector Karl Ludwig married Charlotte of Hesse-Kassel, both of whom had been given a French education and who corresponded in French or more frequently in Italian. His sister Sophie, who in 16 58 married Ernst-August of Braunschweig-Lüneburg, later Duke of Hanover, was great admirer of Leibniz with whom she corresponded in French. The strengest link between the Palatinate and France came in 1671 when Karl Ludwig's daughter Elisabeth Charlotte married Philippe Duke of Orleans, brother of Louis XIV. Düring the fifty years she lived in France she never once returned to Germany but attracted many members

36 F.L. FRANKENBERG: Der Europäische Herold. Frankfurt/ Leipzig 1688, p. 580^. 37 J.B. KÜCHELBECKER: Allerneueste Nachricht vom RSmisch= Kayserl. Hofe. Hannover 1730, p. 396.

Dynastie relations

13

of the German nobility to Louis' court and became indirectly a disseminator of French culture in Germany. After the French devastation of the Palatinate in 1688/89^® relations between the Palatinate and France were broken off, but even then her influenae did not decline noticeably. The house of Lüneburg-Celle came totally under French influenae in 1676 when Duke Georg-Wilhelm married a member of the minor Poitevin nobility, fileonore Desmier d'Olbreuse. This Union of a German prinae with an inferior fired the aontemporary imagination and it formed the basis of a 'roman ä clef ' by Jean de PRfiCHAC whiah was translated many 39 times, finally by Christian Friedrich HUNOLD . Immediately after her marriage the Duchess surrounded herseif with French ladies-in-waiting and the Duke appointed French officers to his regiments and gave all the highest posts at his court and in his privy council to Frenchmen. The French influenae was intensified in 1685 by the arrival of many Protestant refugees. The daughter of Georg-Wilhelm's brother Ernst August and Sophie, Sophie Charlotte, was given a totally French education and her brother, the future George I of England, was sent to France in his youth to be educated. Georg-Wilhelm's other brother, Johann Friedrich, married Benedicta Henrietta, daughter of Eduard Count Palatine and 40 Anne de Nevers and was converted to Catholicism The princely houses of the Palatinate and Lüneburg-Celle provide the most notable example of the French orientation of the aristocracy at this period but others can be cited. Karl Ludwig of Mecklenburg married Isabelle Angelique de Montmorency Boutteville, sister of the Duke of Luxemburg and, like Johann Friedrich, he was converted. In Bavaria Elector Ferdinand Maria and his consort Adelheid, daughter

38 See below p. 24. 39 Die liebenswürdige Adalie (1702). See H. SINGER: Der galante Roman. Stuttgart 1966^, pp. 36-52. Cf. F. BRUNOT: Histoire de la langue frangaise des origines 1900. Tome V. Paris 1917, pp. 325-327. 40 BRUNOT op.cit. pp. 327/328.

14

The historical background

of Victor Amedee of Savoy and Christine de France, slavishly imitated the modal of Versailles, especially in the decorations of the newly acquired palace of Nymphenburg. Their son, Maximilian II Emmanuel, carried on this tradition and his sister, Maria Anna, was betrothed to the Dauphin to strengthen the already existing ties between France and the House of Wittelsbach^^. The ruler of Hesse, Wilhelm VI (1650-1663), spent several months at the French court in 16 47 and on his return introduced French fashions and manners 42 to his court . The ties between Brandenburg and France were very d o s e after the Thirty Years' War. Friedrich Wilhelm gained much territory thanks to France's indirect intercession on his behalf at the Treaty of Westphalia and she continued to concentrate her diplomatic efforts on winning Brandenburg as an ally and on promoting trade with this region. Relations cooled in the 1670's however. As previously mentioned, Friedrich Wilhelm was instrumental in having an Imperial ban placed on French trade in 1676, and in 1686 he forbade the young men of Brandenburg to undertake the 43 'Kavalierstour' to France . Despite this, however, the life of Brandenburg, especially of Berlin, was dominated by the influence of France, which reached its apogee after the arrival of the exiled Huguenots in 1685.

The Huguenots and Brandenburg The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV on 8 October 1685 was the culmination of many years of

41 E. VEHSE: Geschichte der deutschen Höfe seit der Reformation. 48 vols. Hamburg 1850-1856, Band 23 (1853), pp. 182/3; 203/4. 42 Ibid Band 27, 5 (1853), pp. 113-115. 43 BOISSONNADE op.cit. p. 301.

The Huguenots and Brandenburg

15

persecution of the French Protestants^''. Ignoring the warnings of Colbert, who saw in the Huguenots the driving force of the French economy and the embodiment of the mercantile spirit, Louis was determined to rid France of all heretics. They were ordered to renounce their religion and forbidden to leave the country. The majority complied but of the estimated one and a half million Protestants (out of a total population of 20 million) a considerable number contrived to emigrate. Estimates of the number vary, but it was certainly somewhere between 200,000^^ and 500,000^^. These refugees scattered throughout Europe, some finding their way to America and South Africa, and an estimated 30,000 crossed the border into Germany. They settled in a wide arc extending from Lorraine and the Palatinate to Pomerania; the majority, some 20,000, made their home in Brandenburg. They were encouraged to do so by the Edict of Potsdam which was proclaimed by Friedrich Wilhelm, the Große Kurfürst, on 29 October 1685, in which

44 The two main older sources for the history of the Huguenots after 1685 are Charles ANCILLON: Histoire de 1'etablissement des Francois refugiez dans les etats de son altesse electorale de Brandebourg. Berlin 1690; J.G. ERMAN/P. RECLAM: Memoires pour servir ä 1'histoire des refugies franpois dans les etats du Roi. 9 vols. Berlin 1782-99. Among t'he more modern sources are: C. WEISS: Histoire des Refugies Protestants de France. Vol. 1. Paris 1853, pp. 123-248; M. BEHEIM-SCHWARTZBACH: Hohenzollnersche Colonisationen. Leipzig 1874, pp. 40-83; H. ERBE: Die Hugenotten in Deutschland. Essen 1937, especially pp. 66-89; W.C. SCOVILLE: The persecution of the Huguenots and French economic development. Berkeley/ Los Angeles 1960, pp. 348-357; H. CELLARIUS: Die Bedeutung der Hugenotten für Deutschland, besonders für Hessen und Nassau, in: Nassauische Annalen 77, 1966, pp. 46-57. 45 CELLARIUS op.cit. p. 48. 46 ERBE op.cit. p. 24

16

The historical background

he granted them freedom of worship, all the rights of natural born Citizens, exemptions from taxes and assistance

47 in building houses and setting up industries

. One of

Friedrich Wilhelm's motives was certainly his sympathy for the sufferings of his co-religionists^®, but this consideration was far outweighed by his desire to rebuild the economy of his states by increasing their population and introducing new industries. The total population of Brandenburg at this 49 time was no more than one and a half million and the capital, Berlin, had probably only 6,000 inhabitants at the end of the Thirty Years' War, and in 1685 was no more than a garrison town of some 11,000 people. By 1703, however, 5,689 French Protestant? had settled there^^, and it is probable that shortly after the migration the proportion of French to Germans was one to three. In 1700, Charles ANCILLON compiled a register of the Huguenots resident in Brandenburg^^ and this, together with the later work of J.G. ERMAN and P. RECLAM^^, is our main source of Information on the professions of the French settlers. Calvinism and capitalism at this period were intimately linked^^; it was the Huguenots to whom Colbert looked to carry out his economic reforms and before their

47 For the text of the Edict see BEHEIM-SCHWARTZBACH op.cit. pp. 48-53. 48 The House of Brandenburg converted to Calvinism in 1613. 49 ERBE op.cit. p. 39. 50 BEHEIM-SCHWARTZBACH op.cit. p. 60; ERBE op.cit. p. 39. 51 Reprinted in ERBE op.cit. pp. 268-271. 52 See p. 15. Here Vol. V (1786) and Vol. VI (1787). 53 This thesis of MAX WEBER (cf. Die protestantische Ethik und der 'Geist' des Kapitalismus, in: Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie. Vol. I. Tübingen 1920) has come in for much critici sm and revision. For a summary of later views see: H. LÜTHY: Protestantismus und Kapitalismus, die These M. Webers und die Folgen, in: Merkur 19, 1965, pp. 101-119; 226-242.

The Huguenots and Brandenburg

17

migration they occupied leading positions in many branches of trade and the administration. It is hardly surprising, therefore, to find that among the Refugies the majority were professional men (doctors, architects, notaries) and tradespeople and skilled craftsmen, often possessors of skills unknown or poorly represented in Brandenburg at this time, e.g. mirror-, pin-, hat-, Silk-, lace- and stockingmaking. Their exile served only to intensify their industriousness and the Elector was able to reduce the flow of imported luxury goods by setting up silk-mills, factories for the manufacture of ribbons, gauze, hats and gloves and to stimulate production by heavily taxing foreign Imports, forbidding the export öf raw wool and making it compulsory for all his troops to wear woollen uniforms made in Branden= bürg. A considerable proportion of the Huguenots were gardeners who introduced new techniques of cultivation and new sorts of fruit and vegetables, such as peas, asparagus, and artichokes. Not only did industry and agriculture benefit from the skill and knowledge of the Huguenots, they occupied leading positions in banking and loaned the State some 90,000 thalers between 1686 and 1691. What was later to become the backbone of the Prussian State, the army, was totally reorganised under the direction of one of France's greatest generals, Friederich Hermann, Duke of Schömberg. Two companies, consisting solely of members of the French nobility, were set up and 'Ingenieurs', trained in the methods of Vauban, instructed the German soldiers in the arts of war. The reputation of the French as masters of 'politesse' made them highly sought after as court officials, tutors and teachers. Huguenots were appointed as Professors of French in the 'Ritterakademien' in Halle, Frankfurt an der Oder and Magdeburg and they were instrumental in founding the 'College royal franqais' in Berlin. Each French Community had its own school and German parents often sent their children to these rather than to German schools. French women of good family were frequently employed as governesses and contributed much to: 'cette politesse de moeurs qui aujourd'hui est devenue commune en

18

The historical background

Allemagne parmi toutes les personnes bien elevees'^^. Teachers of French were frequently employed by the nobility: Plusieurs cours d'Allemagne s'empresserent ä profiter des facilites que leur fournissoit le Refuge pour perfectionner l'education des Princes & Princesses par rapport ä la connoissance de la langue frangoise, devenue surtout d'une necessite absolue pour des personnes de ce r a n g 5 5 . The influenae of the Huguenots on the intellectual life of Berlin was immense: they founded Publishing houses, which printed both works in French and German translations of French works. They became the centres of attraction of literary

saions

where the latest French modes of thought

were disseminated and where the Germans learned to combine erudition with elegance. The Huguenots, then, exercised a profound influenae on both the material welfare and the intellectual development of Brandenburg. Less easy to determine is the effect they had upon the language of their host country. Contemporary evidence on this point is all but absent, although there is the assertion of Julius Bernhard ROHR: Es hat auch die hauffige Aufnahme der aus Franckreich vertriebenen Reformirten, und ihr Etablissement in den Teutschen Provintzen. nicht wenig beygetragen, daß unsere Teutschen halb Französisch worden, und sich nicht allein in ihren Kleidungen, sondern auch in der Art zu speisen, in Meublen, in den Equipagen, bey ihren Visiten, Assembleen, Parties de plaisir U S W . nach den Frantzosen richten^ö. It is clear from ROHR's choice of vocabulary that French words were borrowed into German to describe those activities and articles which were of French origin. ERMAN und RECLAM

54 ERIIAN/RECLAM op.cit. Vol. III (1784) p. 187. 55 ERMAN/RECLAM op.cit. Vol. III (1784) p. 194. 56 J.B. ROHR: Einleitung zur ceremoniei-wissenschafft der Privat-Personen ... Leipzig 1728, pp. 37/38.

The Huguenots and Brandenburg

19

Claim that a Knowledge of French was common in Berlin after the arrival of the Huguenots, so much so in fact that: 'Des etrangers de distinction ont quelque fois ete tentes au Premier coup d'oeil de prendre Berlin pour une ville frangoise'^^. The pedagogical efforts of the Huguenots were considerable: Les Colonies Frangoises qui s'etablirent en divers lieux offrirent des ressources pour apprendre une langue dont il est difficile aujourd'hui de se passer & dont l'etude entre necessairement dans le plan d'une bonne education [...] . Dans la capitale & dans toutes les villes considerables des Provinces les Refugies ont etabli des Pensions & des Ecoles dont on s'est prevalu^S. It seems likely that the authors are projecting the Situation prevailing at the end of the eighteenth Century back into the seventeenth, but, nevertheless, it is clear that there was a great desire to learn French, especially among the nobility and the wealthier bourgoisie. An increasing Knowledge among a wide section of the Community and their daily contact with native speakers, together with the introduction of French objects, such as clothes and materials, would inevitably lead to the borrowing of French words into German. It is significant that the dialect of Berlin contains many French words which are not current in other areas and 59 whose transference may be ascribed to what Emil ÖHMANN terms the 'Spieltrieb' of the Berliners, the creation of new words out of French lexical material, often with humorous intent, e.g. the addition of the adverbial suffix -mang(-ment) to adjectives (direktemang, knappemang, sachtemang) or the substantival suffix -age to nouns (Kleidage) and the drastic assimilation of French words.

57 ERMAN/RECLAM op.cit. Vol. I (1782), p. 303. 58 Ibid. 59 E. ÖHMANN: Prinzipien der Fremd- und Lehnwortforschung, in: Mitteilung des Universitätsbunds Marburg 1961, pp. 3-12; here p. 5.

20

The historical background

often in a new meaning, e.g. (mit 'n) Aweck davec) 'mit Eleganz', (mit einem) cislaweng ( [e'gatll,

> [e'ta:]

ii) since the d i s t i n c t i o n short/long in G e r m a n is c o u p l e d w i t h that of o p e n / c l o s e , w h i l e in French length is i n d e p e n d e n t of vowel quality, F r e n c h long open

[3] and

dose

[ [lo:33l,

corresponding IdeseRtcstR] >

[dezerti!S:r ] iii) e-muet is usually p r o n o u n c e d in all p o s i t i o n s , e.g. [aRbitra:2] > Carbi'tra:33 ], Ekotlet] > iv) F r e n c h [y:] is occasionally r e n d e r e d by

[kot^'let] [u:1 by

analogy w i t h the final m o r p h e m e of Latin b o r r o w i n g s in -ur

< -ura,

e.g.

[blesy:R] > tble'surr],

[möty:R] >

[mon'tu:r J. The m o s t radical m o d i f i c a t i o n of F r e n c h vowel sounds concerns the t r e a t m e n t of nasals, w h i c h occur in German in certain dialects, e.g. S w a b i a n and B a v a r i a n Mann

[mä],

98

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowing

braun [braö]^^, but not in the Standard language. In some words the nasal is retained in the 'Hochsprache', e.g. [ t D , [agass'mäJ, [poeta] but it is frequently replaced in the Umgangssprache by vowel + [q], e.g. [boqj (cf. bongen), [kurziij] or, especially in Austrian, the vowel is totally denasalized e.g. [bal'ko:n], [ra'jo:n], [aparta'ment], [man'zards], [man'zard], [bril'jant]. No adverbs with the Suffix -ment survive in modern Standard German except for Berlin direktement etc., but dialect forms suggest that the ending was nasalised, e.g. doucement [dusamä]^^, although justement is pronounced [justoment]^^, probably due to the influenae of the Latin borrowing justament. The adjectival Suffix - ant [ä] is usually denasalised, e.g. [jar'mant], [pik'ant], although the nasal is occasionally heard in careful speech, e.g. [nöja'lä] but nonchalante= [no .fa' lant a] The large degree of conformity between the French and German consonantal systems means that there is little substitution of phonemes. The voiced palato-alveolar fricative [3] does not however occur in German and is frequently replaced, especially in Southern German, by the corresponding voiceless form, a change which is reflected in the orthography of early attestations, e.g. chalousie [J alu ' zi ]/jaiousie l3alu'zi]^^, bagascbe [ba ' ga :J" a ] ^^ ,

21 'Ein nasaler Konsonant kann Nasalierung des vorhergehenden Vokals verursachen. Am weitesten verbreitet ist die Nasalierung im Schwäbischen und Mittelbairischen, wo jeder Vokal vor einem nasalen Konsonanten nasaliert wird'. (V.M. ZHIRMUNSKI: Deutsche Mundartkunde. Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre der deutschen Mundarten. Berlin 1962, p. 390.). 22 BACH op.cit. p. 274; SCHOOF (1906) op.cit. p. 221. 23 Ibid. 24 1913 SCHULZ 309: 1767 LAVATER Schweitzerlieder Nr. 2, Str. 3: hinter Chalousien (1770: Jalousien). 25 1913 SCHULZ 68: bagascbe, packascbi 'stammt wohl aus der Schweizer Volkssprache'; BACH op.cit. p. 280.

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowing

99

although in Standard German P ] is retained and hence provides a rare example of phonological borrowing from French. It is often maintained that German uvular-r [I^ is not an indigenous phoneme but, since it has all but supplanted the apical tri11 [r] , at least in North and Central Germany, that it was 'borrowed' from French. It was initially suggested that [R] originated as an affectation among the 'Precieases'

of Paris in the mid-seventeenth Century and

was imitated by the upper and middle classes, eventually spreading to the lower classes and all areas of France 26

except the extreme South

. The profound French influence

on Germany in the late seventeenth Century caused this Prestige pronunciation to be adopted by the German aristocracy and upper classes, whence it spread to the towns and then to the rural dialects until today there are very few areas which retain the apical form^^. Some modifications of this widely held view have been proposed. Since this pronunciation appears to have spread from North to South rather than across the border from West to East, it is suggested that it must have been propagated within Germany, namely by the refugee Huguenots in Brandenburg 2 8 whence it radiated outwards throughout Germany

. It has

been claimed, however, that there is evidence of uvular pronunciation in Silesia in the early seventeenth Century, long before the presumed influence of the Huguenots: in his 'Aurora

oder

Morgenrothe

im

Aufgang'

(1612)^^ Jacob BÖHME

26 M. TRAÜTMANN: Besprechung einiger Schulbücher nebst bemerkungen über die r-laute, in: Anglia 3, 1880, pp. 204-222, 27 See A. BACH: Deutsche Mundartforschung. Heidelberg 1950^, p. 1 5 0 ; — : Geschichte der deutschen Sprache. Heidelberg 197o9, p. 312. 28 H.A. BASILIUS: A note concerning the origin of uvular-r in German, in: MLQ 3, 1942, pp. 449-455. 29 In Theosophia revelata (n.p.) 1730, Ch, 18, p. 255. (Reprint ed. W.E. PEUCKERT: Jacob Böhme, Sämtliche Schriften. Bd. I. Stuttgart 1955).

100

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowing

gives a mystical Interpretation of various German sounds including /r/, which he appears to define as a uvular^^. Hence it is possible that this sound is of German rather than French origin, but this theory has been modified by Judy MENDELS who argues, on the basis of rather dubious evidence, that IR] was already wide-spread in medieval French, that it spread to Flanders and was introduced into Silesia by Flemish traders and immigrants^^. Recently, however, this whole theory of phonetic borrowing from French has been seriously questioned: H. PENZL^^, accepting the conclusions of E. KRANZMAYER^^, which are based on evidence from the conservative dialects of Southern Bavaria, argues that [R] was already current in some Middle High German dialects as an allophonic variant of the apical form which it gradually eclipsed except in the ^Umgangssprache^ of the South. Neither theory of origin has been convincingly demonstrated and the question must be regarded for the present as unresolved; it may be that [R] was current in certain areas in Cid High German, but did not achieve wider usage until the mid-seventeenth Century, when the influence of French led to its adoption as a prestige pronunciation among

30 W.G. MOULTON: Jacob Böhme's uvular r, in: JEGP 51, 1952, pp. 83-89. 31 J. MENDELS: Jacob Böhme's r, in: JEGP 52, 1953, pp. 559-563. 32 H. PENZL: OHG r and its phonetic Identification, in: Language 37, 1961, pp. 488-496. Cf. J. GÖSCHEL: Artikulation und Distribution der sogenannten Liquida r in den europäischen Sprachen, in: IF 76, 1971, pp. 84-126. 33 E. KRANZMAYER (Historische Lautgeographie des gesamtbairischen Dialektraumes. Wien 1956, pp. 121/2) Claims that the conservative dialects of the ötz- and Zillertal, which now have [R], had this sound even in OHG, since they Show evidence of the Inhibition of palatalisation (and hence of umlaut) by r, which presupposes the uvular form since the apical would offer no resistance to palatalisation and itself become palatalised.Cf. the review by E. ÖHMANN, in: Neuphil. Mitt 58, 1957, p.162.

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowj.ng

101

the Upper classes of North Germany. In the earlier editions 34 of SIEBS only the apical form was approved but it was decided in 1933 that 'beide Formen in der Hochsprache als gleichberechtigt angesehen werden müssen Phonological substitution is frequently accompanied by morphological change. There is a general tendency to remodel French adjectival suffixes in order to facilitate the addition of German inflections. The French masculine suffix -eux

is replaced by the feminine

-euse

(-ös) to which the

normal German inflections are then added, e.g. ein Mann/eine

maliziöse

Frau^®. Adjectives ending in

-le

remodelled by analogy with Latin borrowings in

-el

e.g.

('but

considerable

> considerabel

, noble

> nobel

maliziöser

are (-tät

(
Naivität.

-tas,

-tatis),

generosite

>

The assimilation of French

verbs is readily accomplished by the addition of the suffix introduced from French in the twelfth Century,

-i(e)ren,

which enables any French verb, irrespective of its form, to be inflected as a weak German verb; verbs in

-i(e)ren

de

not, however, form their past participle with ge-, although exceptions are sporadically attested in the seventeenth century^^. The orthography of French underwent several modifications in the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and some now archaic forms have been recorded, which were I4ter superseded by the modern spelling:

es->e,

e.g.

34 E.g. T. SIEBS: Deutsche Bühnenaussprache. Bonn 1912^*^, p. 60. 35 T. SIEBS: Deutsche Hochsprache, hrsg. von H. de BOOR und ~ P. DIELS. Berlin 1961 "'S, p. 61. 36 For the history of the suffix -ös (e.g. monstros/monströs) which often replaced the earlier Latin -os(iis) in the seventeenth Century, see E. ÖHMANN: Zur Geschichte des französischen Einflusses auf die deutsche Sprache II: Uber einige französische Suffixe im Deutschen, in: Neuphil. Mitt. 38, 1937, pp. 311-313. 37

See

s.v.

besoignieren,

embrouil1ieren,

octroyieren.

102

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowing

eslargieren>

elargieren;

conqudtieren, goust>

goüt

honnestement> .

spellings as avancemen,

-es-

> -i-

, e.g.

honnStement;

conquestieren

-us->

-0-,

^

e.g.

Also found at this period are such 'learned' niepce

intrigae

for

niece

and

and such archaic forms as

esguadre.

Düring the initial stage of borrowing loans frequently do not have a plural marker or form their plural in -s. The latter appears to indicate the retention of the French plural, but the influence of Dutch or Low German is also possible. Many French words, especially in the first half of the seventeenth Century, passed into German via Dutch, which has -s in some substantival plurals. It is all but impossible to trace this process since the French word, the Dutch form and the German borrowing are often identical. There remains the possibility, however, that the plural -s is evidence of morphological borrowing from Dutch or Low 38 German (cf. die Kerls, die Jungs etc.) . If -s is not retained in modern German (e.g.

Bassins,

Cousins,

Apartements)

the borrowed noun is assimilated to native morphological patterns, i.e. masculine nouns form their plural in -e and 39 feminine in -(e)n . Much uncertainty prevails, however, during the initial period of borrowing due to the redistribution of nöuns from the two gender system of French to the 40 three gender system of German . Often the gender of the French noun is retained, especially in the case of animate nouns of specifically male or female reference, but if it changes the following factors are usually responsible:

38 Cf. B. KRATZ: Deutsch-französischer Lehnwortaustausch, in: W. MITZKA (ed.): Wortgeographie und Gesellschaft. Berlin 1968, p. 453. See also E. ÖHMANN: Die Pluralform auf -s in der deutschen Substantivflexion, in: ZfdA 91, 1962, pp. 228-236. ÖHMANN maintains that the s-plural in Dutch and Low German is not due to French influence, but is a remnant of the Old Saxon -os plural. 39 Occasionally some older borrowings are mutated (e.g. Marsch/Märsche), especially in the case of homophones (e.g.

bal,Ball/Bälle).

40 See, for example, Cm.,n.),

Tour

(m.,

Omelette f.).

(f.)/Omelett

(n.),

Parasol

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowing

103

i) the attraction of a native synonym or of the prevailing gender of a related word-field, e.g. air (m.) becomes initially die Air (:die Haltung) and then das Air (: das Aussehen), malheur (m.) becomes das Malheur (:das Unglück). ii) the form of a noun, especially its suffix, e.g. e-muet in the suffix -age was interpreted as a sign of the feminine and hence, although most words in -age are masculine in French (e.g. le mariage, le menage), they take the feminine gender when borrowed into German. The ending -ment, which is masculine in French, becomes a sign of the neuter in German, probably due to the influenae of earlier Latin borrowings in -ment{um) and similarly French nouns in -et (m.) take the neuter gender due to the influenae of Latin borrowings in -etum, e.g. le billet das

Billet,

le menuet>

das

Menuett.

Very rarely a noun becomes attracted to the weak declension and forms a new nominative Singular (e.g. alcove >Alkoven [sing.] /Alkoven [plur.]), but adjectival nouns in -ant (e.g. der Intrigant/den

Intriganten)

are regularly declined

weak. A valuable indicator of the degree to which a borrowing has been assimilated is seventeenth Century typographical practice. Initially the new word is printed in 'Antiqua' in contrast to the normal 'Fraktur', if a noun it has no capital, diacritics are usually shown and even suffixes (e.g. -i(e)ren, -ung) and adjectival inflexions may be in 'Antigua'. When the word has gained some currency it is capitalized if a noun, suffixes and inflections are printed in 'Fraktur' , diacritics are omitted and the orthography may be simplified, e.g. intrique/Intrige. When the word is no longer feit to be of foreign origin by the author or the Printer or both, it is printed entirely in 'Fraktur'

and

further simplication of the orthography takes place, e.g. cadet/Kadett, maliziös,

chicane/Schikane,

fabrique/Fahrik,

Liqueur/Likör,

confiture/Confitüre,

malicieuse/ etc.

The

evidence of the type-face should not be over-emphasised.

104

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowing

however, as in some cases early occurrences of a word have been found in Fraktur, whereas well established words continued to be printed in Antiqua for many years after their first attestation. The practice of typographically distinguishing borrowings continued well into the eighteenth Century and was criticised by Johann FRISCH: Man beschweret nur damit die Buchdrukker , daß sie desto mehr zu unterschiedenen Fächer lauffen mSssen. Man wird sie leicht bereden können, alles in teutscher Sprache, mit teutschen Buchstaben zu sezen^ . The most concluisive evidence that a foreign borrowing has become assimilated as an integral element of the native lexicon is its ability to form Compounds and derivatives. The following forms have been attested during our perod: i) the juxtaposition of a German and French noun, e.g. Etappen-Zettel, Kriegs=£tat, Retour-Schiff, Fiiou-Stück. ii) deverbative nouns in -i(e)rung, e.g. Bowbardirung, Defrairung,

Delogirung.

iii) adjectives formed from nouns by the addition of suffixes, e.g. coguettenhaft, etappenmäßig, saloppisch. In some cases a French suffix is combined with German material to form new words: i) the adjectival suffix -ment (mang) is added in dialects 42

to adjectives, e.g. sachtemang,

ii) the substantive suffix

-agre

direktemang

is combined with verbal

stems to form nouns, the resulting forms being of varying provenance: Lekage, Stellage, Takelage are Dutch borrowings;

Q

41 Johann BÖDIKER: Grund=Satze der Teutschen Sprache ... Vermehrt und verbessert von J.L. Frisch. Berlin 1723, p. 119. 42 See above pp. 19/20.

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowing Bommelage,

Kleidage,

Schenkage,

only in Low German; Standard

language

Spendage

are current

is an element of the

Staffage

a n d Blamage,

of the language of students

105

Renommage

are

creations

41 .

These last two words are also examples of

'Scheinentlehnung',

i.e. the formation of words from French morphemes according to French structural principles, e.g. the borrowing Canaille

and the

Suffix

-ös

(< -euse)

were combined to give

44 the pseudo-French form phenomenon are

Beletage,

a n d Raffinerie

(=

. Other examples of this

canaillös Bloquement,

(= blocus),

Piquanterie

raffinement).

The semantic development of a borrowing within the native iexicon normally takes place concurrently with its formal assimilation. It is important to determine whether this development represents an independent shift within the recipient language or the propagation of a meaning which was archaic in the donor language at the time of borrowing or has since become so. This, however, proved difficult for Our period since there is no French equivalent of the OED or 'Grimm' which would enable one to date precisely the first occurrence of a particular meaning and the period at which it became archaic. The dictionary of E. HUGUET^^, while helpful in many respects, does not indicate which elements of the modern vocabulary were current in the sixteenth Century. The following borrowings can nevertheless be shown to preserve meanings which are now archaic in French: Delikatesse

{sich)

alterieren

'to lose one' s temper';

'appetising food';

Kuvert

'envelope'. Others

undergo separate semantic development, e.g.

agraffe

French

'the Clip on a brooch'; German 'the brooch itself, egal French 'equal'; German (dialect) 'always',

frisieren

French

43 Cf. ANDRESEN op.cit. p. 98. 44 Cf. F. KLUGE: Deutsche Studentensprache. Straßburg 1895, pp. 64, 97. 45 E. HUGUET: Dictionnaire de la langue frangaise du seizieme siede. 7 vols. Paris 1925-1967.

106

The linguistic aspects of lexical borrowing

'to curl the hair'; German 'to dress, do the hair', parterre

French 'stalls in theatre; flower-bed'; German

'the ground floor of a building' (= French partout poussieren

rez-de-chausee),

French 'everywhere'; German 'absolutely, completely', French 'to push etc.'; German 'to flirt with'.

In many cases a borrowing does not survive long in its foreign form, but becomes the model for a word created out of native lexical materials. Normally the foreign word is translated morph by morph, i.e. the so-called 'Lehnübersetzung'^®, e.g.:

corps

voiant/fliegendes Heer;

Schöngeist; mesaiiiance/Mißheirat;

prisonnier

de

bei

esprit/ guerre/

Kriegsgefangener, although it may merely provide the hint for a native Substitute denz/Briefwechsel;

{Lehnschöpfung),

e.g.

rendez-vous/Stelldichein;

KorresponMoment/Augeti-

blick. Finally, since the prime aim of the present work was to record the transference of French lexical items, it did not unfortunately prove possible to consider semantic loans, i.e. the change of meaning of a native word under the 47 influence of a foreign word , although this would prove a fertile area for further research.

46 For the terminology see W. SETZ: Deutsch und Lateinisch. Die Lehnbildung der ahd. Benediktinerregel. Bonn 1949, p. 20ff; cf. A.W. STANFORTH: Deutsch-englischer Lehnwortaustausch, in: W. MITZKA (ed.): Wortgeographie und Gesellschaft. Berlin 1968, pp. 526-566, esp. pp. 534-537. 47 Cf. S. ULLMANN Semantics. An introduction to the science of meaning. Oxford 1962, p. 165; DEROY op.cit. pp. 93-102.

THE DICTIONARY

Introduction The dictionary represents an attempt to illustrate from a limited number of sources^ and within a limited space the influenae exerted by French upon the German language during a specific period. Our aim was not to include every French word found in our sources but only those found for the first time, either as new borrowings or in a sense different to that given by BASLER, SCHULZ/BASLER or JONES^. Further selection had to be made, if the work were not to grow beyond

all bounds, and the criteria for exclusion are

given below. The dictionary is of necessity open-ended, since although every effort was made to give as complete a lexicographical coverage of the chosen period as possible, exhaustiveness must be regarded, in view of the sheer labour involved, as an unattainable ideal or the work of a life-time. Our aim in the present work has been to give a representative crosssection of the period through the choice of texts and the selection of words. More texts or greater detail may well have given quantitatively differing results, but the general picture appears to be well-founded.

1 All primary sources are listed in Bibliography A. The vast majority of these were consulted in first editions or in facsimile reprints, since many modern editions do not reproduce the original type-face and often normalize or modernize the orthography and punctuation. In the case of letters and documents modern editions hat to be used, and it was not possible to check the accuracy of the transcription. 2 See above pp. 46, 48.

108

The dictionary

Borrowings were automatically excluded if they feil under one of the following headings: 1) proper names of persons and places (unless used in a transferred sense) and quotations, e.g. from songs or poems. 2) words which are found at an earlier date and with the same meaning in other lexica. 3) words which can be shown to have been borrowed via Dutch and not directly from French, cf. the comments s.v. echaffaut.

In the following cases the decision whether to include a Word or not was less easily made and objective criteria could not always be applied: 1) Words of doubtful provenance, i.e. whose French origins are not conclusively demonstrable. This is particularly the case with verbs, since the suffix -i(e)ren could be added to a Stern which is identical in Latin and French, or even Italian. In such cases the borrowing has normally been excluded where there is sufficient evidence that it was current in German c. 1640 or before, since one can say as a rule of thumb that the later the borrowing the more likely it is to be of French origin. Earlier Latin or Italian borrowings which have been influenced orthographically or semantically (cf. s.v. degoütieren) by a later French borrowing have, however, been included. Most nouns are unambiguously of French origin, but in some cases (cf. s.v. celeri) a noun may have been borrowed from French into Italian shortly before it became current in German, or may be an Italian borrowing which normally appears in a gallicized form. Such words are usually included with a note as to their doubtful provenance. Many adjectives with the suffix -OS cLat. -osus) were borrowed from Latin in the sixteenth Century and earlier. In the late seventeenth Century, under the influenae of French adjectives ending in -eux/ -euse or of that of the morpheme -ös, they were remodelled as a (pseudo-) French form. Such words are included.

Introduction

109

since they demonstrate the influenae of French, if not direct borrowing. 2) Words of low currency. Many words have been found only in one instance during our period, and have little or no Support in contemporary lexica. It is possible that, had more sources been drawn upon, or had the sources used been more exhaustively culled, such sporadically attested words might have been shown tp have enjoyed a higher degree of currency than we have been able to determine. Equally possible is, however, that they are true hapax legomena and are hence not listed in contemporary lexica. In order to give more Space to better attested words, it was often necessary to arbitrarily exclude such isolated occurrences, which probably amount to about 6% of the^ total of words found. Those which have some support in lexica, however, or which are better attested in the nineteenth Century, have been included, although this is not to imply that they have any currency in the language at the earlier date. Others have been included, since, although they are isolated, they serve to illustrate the ränge of specialized technical language used by certain writers, although such nonce-words in no way belong to the general bulk of borrowings. The terminus a quo of the present work (1649) was dictated by the terminating date of the thesis of W.J. JONES, although earlier works have occasionally been consulted and evidence from them included where it complements or supersedes that given by JONES or foreign-word dictionaries which do not list all the meanings of a borrowing. The terminus ad quem was set at circa 1735, although citations have been sometimes made from later texts, not extending, however, beyond the hundred-year period up to 1748. The entries in the dictionary are arranged in strict alphabetical order, using the orthography of the modern French form and verbs are listed with the suffix -ieren. The gender of nouns is given in brackets after the lemma, except where this is not evident from the recorded occurrences. Each article normally commences with a quotation from a French dictionary illustrating the meaning of the word treated and

110

The dictionary

there then follows, where appropriate, a Short discussion of the history of the word, of the social, cultural or linguistic aspects, and occasionally quotations froiti modern dictionaries or dialect dictionaries to show its present currency. To illustrate the approximate date of entry of the word into German, variant forms, Compounds and derivatives, its semantic development and its degree of assimilation, up to three quotations are given where possible. Where a word occurs in several meanings, these are either treated in subdivisions under the same lemma (e.g. 1a, 1b, etc.) or, where the ränge of meanings is very wide, under separate lemmata which are designated with a superscript numeral. All omissions from quotations are shown by [...] and in some cases a word or words have been supplied in Square brackets to complete a construction. Each article concludes with listings from both seventeenth and eighteenth Century and modern dictionaries. Where the form given by a dictionary is orthographically identical to the lemma it is not given, and where the definition of a word is identical, or nearly so, in several dictionaries, only that from the earliest is recorded. The Conventions used in quoting from primary

sources

are as follows:

i) year; surname of author; Short title; volume number (where necessary); page or column number; quotation

ii) in the case of anonyms: year; short title; page number; quotation. These works are listed alphabetically in Bibliography A, 2 iii) translations are normally listed under the name of the translator. Where this is not known the name of the author is used iv) where letters and documents are quoted from modern editions the form is: date; author of letter; series in which the work is published (e.g. BLVS, UAS); volume number; page number; quotation. Where the edition used is not part of a series the form is: date; author; Short

Introduction

III

title of source; quotation; editor; volume and page number v) where an author is not identified on the title page or wrote under a not generally known Pseudonym his name is given in brackets

In all cases page numbers are given in Arabic numerals and volume numbers in Roman numerals; columns are shown by a superscript letter. Where a work is not numerically paginated signatures have been employed. The orthographical and typographical Conventions of the original texts have been reproduced within the limits of the typewriter. Hence the Umlaut in 'Fraktur'has been shown as superscript e, e.g. u, the virgula as /, and the use of Jintigua'in contrast to the normal 'Fraktur' using cursive type for the word or part of the word printed 'Antiqua',e.g. menagiren. The nasal bar n has been transcribed as nn and the various symbols for 'usw.' have been uniformly reproduced as 'etc.'. Obvious typographical errors, such as the Inversion of n and u have been tacitly corrected. On a few occasions, apparently deviant grammatical forms have been designated thus [!J•

112

Abbreviations

Abbreviations

adj.

adjective

mod.

modern

adv.

adverb

OFr

Old French

Anm.

Anmerkung

OHG

Old High German

Austr.

Austrian

part.

participle

Bd.

Band

prep.

preposition

c.

Century

p.,pp.

page, pages

Du.

Dutch

pl.

plural

dimin.

diminutive

qqch.

quelquechose

Eng.

English

qqn.

quelqu'un

esp.

especially

refl.

reflexive

f.

feminine

sing.

Singular

Fr.

French

str.

Strophe

Ger.

German

subst.

substantive

hrsg.

herausgegeben

Span,

Spanish

infin.

infinitive

ugs.

umgangssprachlich

Ital.

Italian

vb.

verb

1.

line

veralt.

veraltet

vol.

volume

Lat.

Latin

m.

masculine

mdal.

mundartlich

MHG

Middle High German

:

by analogy with




goes to

*

hypothetical form

abaissieren - abouchement

113

ABAISSIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. abaisser 'deprimer, humilier, ravaler' (Acad. 187). Attested solely in the letters of Friedrich Wilhelm, which have been found to make copious use of Fr. borrowings, esp. verbs, which do not occur elsewhere and must be regarded as formulae in the jargon of diplomacy. 1672 FRIEDRICH WILHELM (UAS XIII 59): Dann wann man sagte, I.K.M. wollten Holland abaissiren 1674 ibid. 713: massen der Herr Pufendorf gegen mich und andere gesaget, I.Kais.M. sucheten [... ] Frankreich zu abbaissiren ABAT-JOUR (subst.) Source: Fr. abat-jour (m.) 'fenetre de cave pratiquee obliquement dans le sens de la hauteur' (HDT I 14). Attested infrequently 'in architectural works and lexica in the mid18c. 1745 PENTHER Bau=Kunst II 28: Die Abajoar oder Keller=Fenster in den Souterrains richten sich in ihrer Breite nach den ordentlichen Fenstern Dictionaries: 1732 ZEDLER I; 1744 PENTHER I ABOUCHEMENT (n.) Source: Fr. abouchement (m.) 'action de faire communiquer de bouche ä bouche' (HDT I 9). Recorded in Ger. from the early 18 c. in diplomatic contexts (1), together with the deverbative noun (2). The verb abouchieren is attested from 1625 (1976 JONES 77). 1) 1709 FRIEDRICH I Briefe: da ich dan mein abouchement mit dem Zaar antreten (=BERNER 178) 1714 Berliner geschriebene Zeitung: daß er ohnweit Dresden ein abouchement mit einem Dähnischen und Sächsischen Minister gehalten (= FRIEDLÄNDER 107) 2) 1699 GRUBER Politica 391: die Epheser unter wihrender Apouchirung

zu §berfallen

Dictionaries: 1695 SCHEIBNER (mundliche Unterredung so meistens unter vornehmen Herren und Potentaten geschieht; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1711 HÜBNER Con.-Lex.; 1727 MORATORI; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER I

114

abrege - accablieren

ABRfiGE (subst.) Source: Fr. abrege (iti.) 'reduction d'un ecrit ä un bref expose' (HDT I 11). Found only in the letters of Elisabeth Charlotte in the early 18c., but listed regularly in lexica. 1699 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 88, 165): Ihr hattet Franckfort in abrege drauff andtwortten Dictionaries: 1703 JUNCKER {Abbrege, kurtzer Entwurff); 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM; 1714 WÄCHTLER; 1728 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE; 1966 DUDEN V (veralt.) ABSOLUMENT (adv.) This occurrence in a highly gallicizing text is isolated. Source: Fr. absolument (adv.) 'tout ä fait' (HDT I 13). 1718 (NEMEITZ) Sejour 363: das sie die fregaentirung derselben [...] absolument vor sundlich halten Dictionaries: 1714 WÄCHTLER ABUSIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. abuser (vb.). Infrequently attested from the late 17c. Used both reflexively 'to deceive' (1a) and transitively 'to deceive oneself (1b) (cf. HDT I 18). 1a) 1691 LONDORF Acta publica XVII 382^: Hat er meine leibliche Mutter [...] abusiret 1715 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 107, 625): wen man davon persuadirt ist, ist man nicht zu abussiren 1b) 1705 LEIB Erste Probe ) C • Wie sehr aber diese sich hierinnen aijusiren/solches kan daraus gar leichte erwiesen werden Dictionaries: 1686 LIEBE (mißbrauchen); 1692 DIBBERN (sich versehen); 1703 JUNCKER (betriegen); 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS ACCABLIEREN (vb.) Fr. accabler (vb.) 'faire succomber sous le poids' (HDT I 17) is recorded in Ger. from the mid-17c. in military contexts as 'to overpower' (1a) and used figuratively as 'to be overwhelmed by business etc.' (1b) 1a) 1658 LONDORF Acta publica VIII 487^^: einen Evangelischen Konig durch eine so monstrueuse ligue [...] accabiliret zu sehen

accommodable - accoiranodement

115

1672 FRIEDRICH WILHELM (UAS XIII 291): Sich [...] von Frankreich accabliren zu lassen 1b) 1700 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (LLVS 88, 184): seindt wir von vissitten geben undt nehmen accablirt worden 1711 FRIEDRICH I Briefe: Ob jch zwahr von viele affayren

accablieret

bin

(= BERNER 254)

Dictionaries: 1714 WfiCHTLER (accailirt,uberhiufft, z.B. mit vielen Affairen); 1728APINUS; 1801 CAMPE ACCOMMODABLE (adj.) Source: Fr. accommodable (adj.) 'qui peut s'accommoder' (HDT I 20). Infreguently recorded from the late 17c. 1689 LUCAE Chronica 815: Dieser Strohm ist der Stadt sehr accommodabel, also daß man auff demselben mit Schiffen hinein fahren kan Dictionaries: 1689/97 NEHRING

(Bequemlich/geschicklich/

fuglich/diensthafftig); 1695 STIELER; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1973 DUDEN I (akkomodabel) ACCOMMODEMENT (n.) Fr. accommodement (m.) '1'accord qu'on fait d'un differend entre quelques personnes' (Acad. I 215) was borrowed into Ger. in the early 17c. (cf. 1976 JONES 79) and is frequently found later in the c. in political contexts. 1651 Ordentliche Wöchentliche Postzeitung XLIV 2: so ist jedoch die Hoffnung zu einem guten accommodement bey den friedliebenden Gemuthern noch nicht gar erloschen 1666 Nordischer Mercurius 104: umb ein Mittel zu gutem accomodement außzusehen 1670 LEIBNITZ Securitas publica I: Und könnte England [... ] Frankreich

[... ] zum Accommodement zwingen (= GUHRAUER I

162)

Dictionaries: 1689/97 NEHRING (ein Vergleich, Vertrag; die Einwilligung, die Willflhrigkeit); 1695 SCHURTZ; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1703 JUNCKER; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER I; 1801 CAMPE

116

accoitmodieren - accoucheur

ACCOMMODIEREN (vb.) Fr. accommoder (vb.) is recorded in German from the early 17c. in a wide ränge of meanings (cf. 1976 JONES 79/80). It is initially found in diplomatic contexts as 'concilier' (1a) and, used reflexively, as 'se conformer' (HDT I 20/1) and from the late 17c. as 'bien accommoder' i.e. to lodge guests in an inn (2), 'ajuster, arranger' (of clothes) (3a), and 'coiffer, arranger les cheveux' (3b) (cf. LITTRE I 31). 1a) 1633 LONDORF Acta publica IV SSg'^: wie die Zeit und Liufften sich [...] nicht alle mahl den gefasten consiliis

zufSgen und accomodiren

1670 LEIBNIZ Securitas publica II: so wirds Frankreich an Mittlen nicht mangeln, [...] sich zu accomodiren (= GUHRAUER I 237) 1b) 1633 LONDORF Acta publica IV 315^: und sich einer andern grossem

[...] Religion

accommodiren

1688 THOMASIUS Monatsgesprlche I 29: will ich mich doch denen Gesetzen der ritterlichen Romane accommodiren 2)

1669 BIRKEN Ulysses 137: und reiseten [...] biß in das Dorf Cascano, woselbst sie über alle massen schlecht accomodirt waren 1673 MÜNCH an Leibniz Briefe I 335: wan der Jung H^ anderstwo besser vndt wohlfeiler accommodirt werden kan

3a) 1670 (GRIMMELSHAUSEN) Courasche 25: ich wüste [...] sein weiß leinen Zeug so nett zu aucommodirn 3b) 1728 SCHROPFIUS Robinson 48: dieser accomodirte sich alle Morgen seine schSnen Haare Dictionaries: 1678 SCHRÖDTER (beqvemen); 1686 LIEBE; 1692 DIBBERN (gut bewirthen); 1695 SCHURTZ; 1695 STIELER; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1727 SFERANDER; 1728 AFINUS; 1732 ZEDLER I; 1801 CAMFE (kriuseln, z.B. die Ferucke); 1973 DUDEN I ACCOUCHEUR (m.) Fr. accoucheur (m.) 'celui qui pratique les accouchements' (HDT I 24) is found in German in the 18c. solely with reference to France and did not succeed in establishing itself in the Standard language, although it had some currency in dialects (cf. Rhein. Wb. I 88 Akkuschör). 1699 Remarques XVI 121: Der berühmte Chirurgus und Äcoucheur Sr. le Duc wurde zu einer Frauen [ ...] beruffen

accrochieren - (accuratesse)

117

1716 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 122, 47): die printzes wer schir umbs leben kommen, weillen ein englischer accoucheur nicht hette leyden wollen, daß die teütsche hebamme die printzessin helffen solle Dictionaries: 1801 CAMPE (der Geburtshelfer; Heb=arzt) ACCROCHIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. accrocher (vb.) 'retarder, arrester' (Acad. I 287). Attested infrequently in Ger. from the early 18c. both in the figurative (1a) and literal sense (1b). The reflex. form listed by APINUS has not been found elsewhere (1c). 1a) 1713 Preußen Briefe: so wollen wir auch nicht hoffen, daß sie [...] die Continuation

ihrer

[...]

Hesuren

daran accrochiren wollen (= SCHÜCK 552) 1b) 1718 (NEMEITZ) Sejour 97/8: von denen liederlichen Weibs=Personen/die einem des Abends auff den Gassen accrochiren

1c) 1728 APINUS: die Sache accrochiret sich an diesem Panct

Dictionaries: 1714 WÄCHTLER (anhangen, sich anstossen); 1719 ANON; 1727 SPERANDER (verhindern, auffschieben); 1728 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE (ACCURATESSE) (f.) This Word, recorded in Ger. from the early 18c. in the meaning 'accuracy, care' is a pseudo-borrowing formed from the adj. accurat

(< Lat. accuratus)

and the Fr. suffix

-esse (cf. Delikatesse); the influence of Italian accuratezza is probably not present (cf. 1913 SCHULZ 19/20). 1708 TRIER Gemuths-Bewegungen 124: Der Verstand ist zwar lobhaffter, hat aber wenig Accuratesse und Vorsichtigkeit 1718 ROHR Staatsklugheit 51: zu einem mehrern Fleiß und Accuratesse in ihren Aemtern angetrieben 1720 ROHR Wirthschaffts=Kunst )(3^: nach der Mathematischen accuratesse und Lehr=Art abgehandelt Dictionaries: 1727 SPERANDER

(Fleiß/Sorgfalt/Richtigkeit);

1728 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I (Akkuratesse)

118

acheminement - adorateur

ACHEMINEMENT (n.?) Source: Fr. acheminement (iti. ) 'action d'avancer par degres' (HDT I 28) Recorded only once in the late 17c. 1678 SCHWERIN Briefe: weil der Hof selbst mehr Befriedigung zu der Aussicht zum Kriege, als zum Acheminement zum Frieden bezeigt {= ORLICH 306) ACHEVIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. achever 'mener ä fin' (HDT I 29). Found in a diplomatic context in the late 17c. and frequently listed in lexica. 1691 LONDORF Acta publica XVIII 123*^: Jetzo im Krieg [...] ist das beste Tempo, Hand daran zu legen/und es mit allem Eifer zu acheviren Dictionaries: 1714 WÄCHTLER (vollenden); 1724 SALANDER (achiviren/zu Ende bringen); 1727 MORATORI; 1727 SPERANDER ADMIRABLE (adj.) Source: Fr. admirable (adj.) 'digne d'admiration' (HDT I 37) Found from the late 17c. and possibly borrowed earlier from Lat. admirabilis (1). The adverb is also found (2). 1) 1789 LUCAE Chronica 1099: weil er [...] ein admirabel und prichtiges Schloß bauen wolte 1716 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 122, 47): daß findt ich sehr christlich undt admirabel 2) 1719 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 132, 62): der evesque de Clermont, so admirablement woll predigt

Dictionaries: 1686 LIEBE (wundernswSrdig); 1695 SCHURTZ; 1695 STIELER; 1720 SPANUTIUS; 1728 BELEMNON; 1801 CAMPE; 1973 DUDEN I ADORATEUR (m. ) Source: Fr. adorateur (m.) 'celui qui adore' (HDT I 38). Found in the early 18c. in the senses 'admirer' and 'lover' . 1708 FEIND Gedichte I 108: an welchem Ovidius schuld/dem einige flatteurs und adorateurs der Poeten darinnen gefolget 1720 Recueil XVIII 78: ihre Adorateurs und Amanta dadurch noch hitziger und verliebter zu machen

adoucieren - adresse Dictionaries:

1689/97 N E H R I N G

119

(ein A n b e t h e r / V e r e h r e r ) ;

1728 A P I N U S ADOUCIEREN

(vb.)

S o u r c e : F r . adoucir (vb.) 'rendre d o u x , r e n d r e m o i n s f ä c h e u x ' (Acad. I 348). F o u n d o n l y i n f r e q u e n t l y f r o m the late 17c. b u t l i s t e d w i t h some r e g u l a r i t y in l e x i c a . 1672 F R I E D R I C H W I L H E L M welches er

(UAS X I I I 7 5 / 6 ) : d a s B i l l e t

[...] u m die S a c h e zu a d d o u c i r e n ,

[...]

geschrieben

1721 C h r o n i k der G e s e l l s c h a f t d e r M a h l e r : n a c h d e m w i r h e r o e i n i g e Expressiones

um derselben willen

vor-

addouciret

(= V E T T E R 19) Dictionaries:

1714 W Ä C H T L E R

HÜBNER R.-Lex. 1727 I|10RAT0RI APINUS; ADRESSE^

1801

(beslnftigen, b e g u t h i g e n ) ;

1 71 4

(vertreiben, g e s c h i e h e t b e y d e n M a h l e r n ) ; (lindern, s t i l l e n ) ;

1727 S P E R A N D E R ;

1728

CAMPE

(f.)

F r . adresse (f.) w a s b o r r o w e d in the late 17c. in the s e n s e 'address, p l a c e w h e r e one is s t a y i n g ' (1a) a n d h e n c e 'care of; (1b). The v e r b adressieren is c u r r e n t in G e r . in c o m m e r c i a l texts f r o m 1611 (1911 S C H I R M E R 6) a n d its use in f r e q u e n t l y s a t i r i s e d in the 1640's (cf. 1913 S C H U L Z 28; (.1976 J O N E S 85/1). 1a) 1678 S C H U L T Z E an L e i b n i z B r i e f e II 367: M e i n e

adresse

in L e i p z i g ist in der G r i m m i s c h e n G a ß e n in H. Schambergers

Caspar

Hoffe

1698 E T T N E R C h i r u r g u s 944: u n d b r a c h t e i m E c k h a r d t d i e Addresse

von

denen

Herrn

les

Freres

Signorets

1b) 1671 S C H U L T Z E an L e i b n i z B r i e f e I 161: d u r c h Claus Johann

Eggers David

von Haarborg Zummers,

daß

[ • • • ] per

Furhmann

adresse

auß Engellandt

Hn. erhaltene

paket 1683 P I S E T Z K Y K r i e g s s e c r e t a r i u s d u r c h Addresse Dictionaries: DIBBERN;

Instruction

an d e n H e r r n N.

1689/97 N E H R I N G 1695 S C H U R T Z ;

(An=oder Z u w e i s u n g ) ;

1727 S P E R A N D E R ;

1732 Z E D L E R I; 1801 C A M P E ; 1913 S C H U L Z ;

233: eine

1728 A P I N U S ;

1909 W E I G A N D ;

1967 K L U G E / M I T Z K A ;

1692

1911

1973 D U D E N I

SCHIRMER;

120

adresse

ADRESSE^ (f.) Fr. adresse (f.) 'desterite, soit pour les choses du corps, soit pour Celles de l'esprit' (Acad. I 352) is found in Ger. in the mid-17c. in a satirical text and more frequently from the end of the Century. 1647 HILLE Palmbaum 125: Mein Devoir hltte unllngsten mir adresse

gegeben/solches

zu

effectuiren

1670 LEIBNIZ Securitas publica II: und hat man im teutschen Kriege der italiänischen Tapferkeit oder auch Addresse in Kriegssachen wenig Proben gespüret (= GUHRAUER I 227) 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Axi^: ist solche addresse [das Schiessen] insonderheit einem Edlemann [...] dienlich und anstlndig 1716 MARPERGER Banquen 113: warumb solten die Einwohner durch Kunst und Adresse nicht zu ersetzen suchen/was ihnen [...] entzogen worden Dictionaries: 1689/97 NEHRING

(Artligkeit/Geschickligkeit);

1692 DIBBERN (Geschicklichkeit); 1695 SCHEIBNER; 1724 SALANDER; 1727 SPERANDER; 1801 CAMPE ADRESSE^ (f.) Source: Fr. adresse (f.). Recorded in German from the late 17c. in the meaning 'admission to someone's presence'. 1671 SCHICK an Leibniz Briefe I 225: Ohne gute Addresse ist bey H. Helmontio apparentlich Übel anzukommen 1673 (WEISE) Ertz=Narren 343: so hltte ich [...] bey dem Herrn bessere addresse als itzund 1695 (REUTER) Die Ehrliche Frau 8: Auf was Art konte man wohl bey denselben Attresse haben? Zu solcher Attresse kan der Herr gar leicht gelangen Dictionaries: 1678 SCHRÖDTER (Zutritt/Zugang); 1689/97 NEHRING (einen Zugang machen); 1695 SCHURTZ; 1695 STIELER; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHßlM; 1724 SALANDER; 1801 CAMPE (Empfehlungsbrief)

adroit - affable

121

ADROIT (adj.) Borrowed in the second half of the 17c. from Fr. adroit (adj.) 'qui a de l'adresse en parlant du corps' (HDT I 40). The usual pronunciation in French at this period [adrw](t) is reflected in the orthography of the mod. Ger. form adrett, which is recorded from the early 18c. (cf. BACH Elemente 273) (1b). 1a) 1664 Unterredung eines Ungarn

das die Alten euch

Teutschen/der kurzen und addroicten Kleidung wegen/ gerühmt 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Cxii^: ob sie [junge Leute] schon nach ihrem Alter fein studiret/und sonsten adroits seyn 1700 Remarques V 37: Allein so starck und adroit er ist/so hat er sich doch etwas gefunden/das noch stirker als er 1b) 1714 CALLENBACH Wurmatia 65: Sie ist so attret. daß sie sich in aller Menschen Lieb und Astime kan einpractisiren

Dictionaries: 1703 WÄCHTLER (Adroit (AdrSt), geschickt); 1703 HUNOLD; 1719 ANON (adroit (addret)); 1724 SALANDER; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE (Adrett, Franz. adroit); 1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I (adrett) AFFABLE (adj.) Fr. affable (adj.) 'qui accueille les gens avec bonte' (HDT I 42) was borrowed by Ger. in the late 17c. and is now archaic. 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Cxii^: Er soll affable [...] wie ich welche kenne/seyn 1714 WÄCHTLER Manual 8: Jedwedem verstatte man einen freyen Acces und Zutritt, und sey fein affable und gesprichig Dictionaries: 1703 WÄCHTLER (freundlich in Worten/gesprichig); 1719 ANON; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE, 1966 DUDEN V (affabel, veralt.)

122

affaiblieren - agreieren

AFFAIBLIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. affaiblir 'rendre moins fort' (HDT I 43)Recorded only in this instance in the late 17c. 1689 LUCAE Chronica 1522: Solches affoiblirte der Hertzogin genereüses

Gemuthe

Dictionaries:

1801 CAMPE

{Affoiblirt,

geschwlcht, ent-

kriftet) AGRAFE (f.) Source: Fr. agrafe

(17c. agraffe)

(f.)

'petit crochet qui

sert 'a joindre les deux bords opposes d'un vetement' (HDT I 54). In German this borrowing develops the wider meaning of a piece of jewellery in the shape of a clasp or brooch. 1698 SINOLD Passagier I 87: Der bahnete sich den Weg zum Schaff=Stall durch eine geschenckte Agraffe von 100 Thalern 1708 (RINK) Ludewig II 144: den weissen Feder-Busch bevestigte eine grosse diamantene Agraffe Dictionaries: 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM (ein Hacken an einen Juwel/daher dieselben abusive Agraffen genennet werden); 1714 HÜBNER R.-Lex.; 1715 AMARANTHES; 1732 ZEDLER I;^ 1801 CAMPE; 1909 WEIGAND; 1913 SCHULZ; 197 3 DUDEN I AGRANDISSEMENT (n.) Source: Fr. agrandissement (m.) 'action d'agrandir' (HDT I 55). Found only once in the second half of the 17c. 1689 LUCAE Chronica )()(2^: und wie ich nicht anders intendirte Gloir

als das Aggrandissement

der

Welt=beruhmten

Schlesiens

AGRfilEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. agreer (vb.) 'trouver bon, approuver' (Acad. I 539). Sporadically attested from the early 17c (cf. 1976 JONES 89) and still current, though uncommon, in mod. Ger. (cf. 1973 DUDEN I). 1711 FRIEDRICH I Briefe: da man raeinen söhn zum Unterhändler aggreiret Dictionaries:

solches anzufangen 1689/97 NEHRING

(genehmigen); 1973 DUDEN I

(= BERNER

247)

(fSr genehm halten);

1801

CAMPE

agrement - air

123

AGREMENT (n.?) Source: Fr. agrement (m.)• Found in Ger. from the late 17c. in the meanings 'approbation' (1a) and 'sujet de satisfaction' (1b) (HDT I 540). The word is current in mod. Ger. as 'Zustimmung zur Ernennung eines diplomatischen Vertreters' (1973 DUDEN I). 1a) 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Axi^: verlShr sich das aggrement mit der Blute des Alters 1714 Berliner geschriebene Zeitung: der König hat [...] ein Reglement gemachet, wie die hiesigen Ministri sich gegen die fremde Gesandten verhalten sollen, wobey beyderseits wenig aggrement finden (= FRIEDLÄNDER 166) 1b) 1715 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 107, 683): Ich habe woll zum vorauß gesehen, daß Ewere englische reiße Eüch mehr verdruß, als agrement, geben würde Dictionaries: 1689/97 NEHRING (die Genehmung/Gutheißung); 1801 CAMPE AGRESSEUR (m.?) Source: Fr. agresseur (m.) 'auteur d'une agression' (HDT I 56). Found occasionally in political contexts in the late 17c. for the more common Lat. borrowing Agressor, the only form to be listed in foreign-word dictionaries 1667 Nordischer Mercurius 307: so wollen wir den Rest der Staten [...] gegen alle agresseurs zu beschirmen/allzeit Q

fahrtig seyn 1682 Preußen Briefe: daß sie sich solcher Agresseurs mit Gewalt bemächtigen [...] mögen (= SCHÜCK 130) AIR (f.; m.) Source: Fr. air (m.) 'maniere d'etre exterieur, apparent' (HDT I 63). In the meaning 'appearance' found only infrequently in the early 18c. (1a), and there is an isolated occurrence of the phrase air de qualite (1b). The word is, however, frequently recorded at this period in the phrase 'sich eine Air geben', a partial loan-translation of Fr. se donner un air 'affecter une certaine maniere d'etre' (HDT I 63) (2). Air is masc. in Fr. but appears initially in Ger. in the fem. (: die Haltung) and later in the neut. (: das Aussehen). It is often listed in foreign word dictionaries in the meanings 'die Luft' and 'eine Arie oder Lieder' (1703 WÄCHTLER) but they have not been recorded elsewhere during our period.

124

ajustieren

1a) 1702 MENANTES Adalie 342: und weil seine trefliehe Air und gantzes Wesen eine mehrere Hoheit bezeichneten/ als er es erstens vor gegeben 172 8 ROHR Wissenschaft I 181: Hat mancher junger Mensch, der im Kriege

will, nicht ein recht finster

avanciren

Soldaten=air, so ist es ihm bißweilen an seinem Avancement

hinderlich

1b) 1706 MENANTES Satir. Roman 60: Von einem sittsamen [... ] Wesen, welches man Air de Qualite nennet 2)

1706 MENANTES Satir. Roman 21: Sie gab sich eine Air die dasjenige noch mehr

was sie mit gleich-

exprimirte

gültigen Worten sagte 1728 ROHR Wissenschafft I 485: wenn sich eine vornehme Dame

[. . . ] eine

Air

einer jungen

Dame

[. .. Jgeben

will 1743 PHILIPPI Reimschmiedekunst 134: Was wissen sie sich nicht [...] für ein

grand

air

zu geben

1695 STIELER (die Stellung des Angesichts);

Dictionaries:

1703 HUNOLD; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1703 JUNCKER; 1714 HÜBNER R.-Lex.; 1720 SPANUTIUS; 172 8 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE; 1973 DUDEN I AJUSTIEREN (vb.) Borrowed from Fr. adjouster (later ajuster) 'mettre plusieurs choses d'accord pour un but determine' (HOT I 65) in the mid-17c. although JONES (1976:90) has examples from 1626 and 1628 in the meanings 'to train (a horse)' and 'to place o.s. correctly' (1). Mod. Germ, has only the Lat. (?) borrowing adjustieren. The deverbative noun is also found (2) .

1) 1657 LONDORF Acta publica VII 100^: und oberwihnte Sachen vollkSmmlich zu

adjoustieren

1717 Berliner geschriebene Zeitung: Der von

Habichsdahl

[...] bemühet sich starck, der verwittibten Königin douaire

und andere

praetensiones

ZU

ajoustiren (=

FRIEDLÄNDER 59 8) 2) 1676 SCHWERIN Briefe: dürfte vor Adjustirung des Friedens noch wohl eine Campagne verfließen (= ORLICH 49)

alcove - alerte

125

1703 WÄCHTLER (auffputzen/schinucken/zu= oder

Dictionaries:

anrichten); 1732 ZEDLER I (eben machen); 1801 CAMPE (ajüstiren); 1973 DUDEN I (adjustieren, Adjustierung) ALCOVE (m.) Source: Fr. alcdve (f.). Attested 18c., solely in the masc. gender. the weak declension {den Alkoven) nominative sing. (cf. 1913 SCHULZ

in Ger. from the early The word later follows and forms an analogical 25).

1714 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 107, 479): eine große schlaffkanuner, auch eine kleine mitt einem alcove 1728 UFFENBACH Tagbuch 63: ein viel historischer oder ausgeschnorkelter Schrank [...] gleichsam in einem Alcove zu sehen 1745 PENTHER Bau=Kunst II 3: Der Erleuchtung durffen beraubt seyn die Dictionaries:

Alcoven

1703 WÄCHTLER (ein Ort eines Zimmers, da ein

Bette stehet); 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM; 1715 AMARANTHES; 1728 BELEMNON; 1732 ZEDLER I; 1744 PENTHER I; 1913 SCHULZ; 197 3 DUDEN I (Alkoven) ALERTE (adj.) Fr. alerte (adj.) was borrowed from Ital. in the 16c. in the form äll'erte (< all'erta 'to the watch-tower') and initially used by sentries as a cry to arouse sleeping troops (cf. HUGUET I 167; HDT I 68). It later acquired the meaning 'qui est en eveil; prompt ä agir' (HDT I 68), which is recorded in Ger. from 19 76 (JONES 90) and more frequently from the mid-17c. (1). In the late 17c. the variant form al(l)art is found with some frequency and is the usual one listed in lexica; the vowel change may reflect the shift of e to a before r which took place from the 14c. in Parisian French (cf. BRUNOT/BRUNEAU Precis 73) or more probably is evidence of borrowing from a Northern Fr. dialect such as Picard in which this change regulärly occurs (cf. BACH Elemente 273) (2). 1) 1650 Einkommende Zeitungen 51^: weiln aber die Borger Vnrath vernommen/und alsofort

allert

worden

1653 CHEMNITZ Krieg II 336^: vnd befahl den Regimentern/ sich

alert/vnä

in bereitschafft zu halten

2) 1678 Diarium 22: weil sie den Feind [...] guter

positour

alard

und in

gefunden

1689 Das von Franckreich zwar verunruhigte doch dabey allarte Teutschland (title)

126

aloi - alteration

1700 (REUTER) Graf Ehrenfried 25: So bald als der wichter hat 1 oder 2 geruffen/ist er allard, und weckt seine Leute auff Dictionaries: 1689/97 NEHRING; 1695 STIELER; 1695 SCHEIBNER (ä l'erte, ist ein militärisch Wort/dessen sich die Schildwachten in Franckreich bedienen); 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM {alart); 1724 SALANDER {allard); 1727

SPERANDER

1728 APINUS

(alerte,

{Alard);

alard);

1801 CAMPE

1728

BELEMNON

(tallart);

(aJart); 1973 DUDEN I

(alert)

ALOI (n.) Source: Fr. aloi (m.) 'le prix de l'or ou de l'argent considerez en leur valeur intrinsegue, ou selon que la matiere est plus ou moins fine' (Acad. I 668). This rarely attested word occurs in Ger. in the late 17c. both in the neuter (:das Gold?) and the fem. gender (cf. NEHRING). 1669 FRANCISCI Blumen=Pusch 36/7: Das Gold in Peru [...] wird für das allerkSstlichste geschatzt/weil es das

allerhöchste Alloy/nemlich drey und zwantzig und ein halb Karat [.. . ] hat Dictionaries: 1689/97 NEHRING (der Zusatz in der Muntze [...] also sagt man: die Müntz ist von schlechter aloy, d. i. von schlechter Würdigkeit); 1708 MARPERGER; 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM; 1724 SALANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER I ALTfiRATION (f.) Source: Fr. alteration (f.) Recorded in Ger. from the late 17c. as 'trouble, agitation, emotion, colere' (HUGUET I 175), meanings which are now archaic in Fr. 1665 Mittwochischer Mercurius: Zu München ist dieser Tagen eine grosse alteration gewesen (= BUCHNER I 92) 1665 Relation aller Furnemmen Historien L H : Hier in Hamburg ist grosse alteration wegen entstandener 2 grosse faillementen

1714 CALLENBACH Quasi Mundus 49: ich fühle eine Alteration, es komt mir mit einer Schauder an Dictionaries: 1689/97 NEHRING (Alteratio, gall. Alteration, die Gemuths=Bewegung/der Zorn/die Entrustung/Verlnderung); 1703 JUNCKER; 1727 SPERANDER; 1801 CAMPE

alterieren - ambassade

127

ALTfiRIEREN (sich)(vb.) The Lat. borrowing alterieren

(( alterare) is recorded in

Ger. from the end of the 16c. as a medical term; 'verändern, stören' (1913 SCHULZ 228). The Fr. borrowing {sich) alterieren (source: Fr. s'alterer 's'emouvoir, se troubler' [HUGUET I 175]) is current from the early 17c. (1) and the past part. is frequently found used adjectivally (2). 1) 1633 LONDORF Acta publica IV 379*^: dz sie sich darSber

mit Fug nicht zu beschweren/viel weniger [. . .] sich im geringsten zu alterirn 1650 Einkommende Zeitungen 17^^: hat sich sehr alterirt 1681 (HAPPEL) Christlicher=Potentaten Kriegs=Roman I 713: Worüber gedachter Mr. Rabenhaupt sich dergestalt alteriret

1720 Recueil XIII/XIV 128: Ich alterire mich auch gar nicht darüber 2) 1622 wSchentliche Zeitung auss mehrerley Örter:

alterirt

und zornig (= KINNEMARK 143) 1674 KARL LUDWIG Briefe (BLVS 167, 236): sehr surprennirt und alterirt 1681 Dienstagischer Mercurius: Man ist hieselbst sehr alteriret über die [...] Declaration des Königes (= BUCHNER I 156) Dictionaries : 1686 LIEBE (sich über etwas entsetzen); 1695 SCHURTZ; 1695 STIELER; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1727 MORATORI; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 197 3 DUDEN I AMBASSADE (f.) OFr. ambassee was replaced in the 14c. by the Ital. borrowing ambassade (f.) (< ambasciata 'legazione, missione diplomatica' [BATTAGLIA I 380]) (cf. HDT I 81; HOPE I 27). The form ambassaden is found in 1563 in a Ger. translation of an Ital. work (cf. WIS Ricerche 91) and this occurrence may be of Ital. rather than Fr. origin. 1633 LONDORF Acta publica IV 359®: daß der Herr Abgesandte [... ] solche Ambassade t... ] §ber sich nehme 1648 CHEMNITZ Krieg I 38®: vermittelst der ambassade 1675 Interesse 6: daß Franckreich die dazu/wie auch zu andern Ambassaden [. .. ] benSthigte Spesen zu ertragen über sich genommen

128

ameublement - amourette

Dictionaries: 1695 SCHURTZ (Gesandschafft); 1695 STIELER; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1711 HÜBNER Con.-Lex.; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER I; 1801 CAMPE; 1973 DUDEN I AMEUBLEMENT (n.?) Source: Fr. ameublement cm.) 'ensemble de meubles qui garnissent une chambre' (HOT I 85). Recorded in the early 18c. only in the meaning 'the fittings of a ship'. 1716 Berliner geschriebene Zeitung: das prächtige und schöne Jagdtschiff [...] welches mit dem ameublement über m /40 rthlr. gekostet (= FRIEDLÄNDER 581) Dictionaries:

1714 WÄCHTLER

(Haußrath, Meubles,

Mobilien);

1801 CAMPE (die Zimmer=einrichtung); 1966 DUDEN V (veralt.) AMITIfi (f.) Source: Fr. amitie (f.) 'affection, temoignage d'amitie' (HDT I 86) Found in Ger. from the late 17c. as a formula of 'polite' intercourse and letter writing. 1680 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE (BLVS 88, 10): ich hab ein hauffen complimenten ahn Eüch von ihr vndt hundert amities 1703 MENANTES Galant zu schreiben 61: Daher aber bitte um unser Amitie willen 1706 MENANTES Satir. Roman 715: und solche nahm Salander mit Versicherung aller Amitie auf Dictionaries: 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1720 SPANUTIUS; 1727 SPERANDER; 1801 CAMPE AI>10RTISSEMENT (n.) Source: Fr. amortissement (m.) 'termination d'une edifice en pointe' (HDT I 88). Recorded only once in the early 18c. in an architectural text. 1719 STURM Reise=Anmerckungen 43: Das Amortissement darSber ist von gar elender Ordonnance

und

invention

AMOURETTE (f.) Source: Fr. amourette (f.). Current in Ger. in the late 17c. in the meanings 'amour passager' (1a) and 'objet de l'amourette' (HDT I 88) (1b). The isolated occurrence of Amourette in the meaning 'Cupid' is either a gallicized form of the Ital. amoretto or an analogical formation from Fr. amour (2). 1a) 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Diij^: daß eine verbotene Amourette einen jungen Menschen halb ntrrisch und

amüsant - amusement

129

desperat machte 1b) 1688 THOMASIUS Monatsgespriche II 434: Wiewohl der Hertzog [...] bey seiner Amourette vielleicht ein rendezvous zu bestellen sich bemuhet 2)

1729 ROHR Wissenschafft II 743: Um die Gottin Venus sind kleine Amouretten

Dictionaries:

1695 SCHEIBNER (Amourettes, Liebes=Geschichte)

AMÜSANT (adj.) Fr. amüsant (adj.) 'qui amuse' (HDT I 91) is recorded in Ger. in the early 18c. but did not establish itself until late in the Century.

1724 WAGNER Soldaten=Bibliothek 304: Solche Leute sind lacherlich abgebildet in dem artigen Buche/welches den Titel führet: Der Edelmann [...]. Es ent'hllt viel artige/ amüsante und zum Krieges=Wesen gehSrige Dinge in sich Dictionaries:

1801 CAMPE (unterhaltend, zeitkurzend);

1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I (amüsant) AMUSEMENT (n.) Fr. amusement (m.) was borrowed into Ger. in the early 18c. as a military term: 'ce qui fait perdre le temps' (1) (cf. amüsieren^). It is sporadically found at the same period, becoming more common later, in the mod. sense: 'ce qui distrait agreablement' (HDT I 91) (2). 1) 1705 Bauernaufstand: dass es den aufgestandenen Burschen mit einem Accommodement nicht ernst ist, sondern das sie unter diesem Vorsehen viel mehr ein Amusement und Zeit zu gewinnen suchen (= RIEZLER I 154) 1710 FRIEDRICH I Briefe: daß es an franckReich kein rechter Ernst sey gewesen, sonder nuhr ein ammeusement denen allyrte zu machen (= BERNER 216) 2) 1709 FRIEDRICH I Briefe: und ist sehr guht, daß Sie ein ameusement hat (= BERNER 163) 1729 ROHR Wissenschafft II 208: Jn den vorigen Zeiten war unter den grossen Herren das Drechseln ziemlich mode, es ist aber dieses amusement ziemlich abkommen Dictionaries:

1689/97 NEHRING (Auffschub; Zeitvertreibung);

1695 STIELER (hinterlistige Aufhaltung); 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM; 1720 SPANUTIUS; 1727 SPERANDER; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 196 7 KLUGE/MITZKA; 197 3 DUDEN I (Amüsement)

130

amüsieren

AMÜSIEREN^ (vb.) Fr. amuser (vb.) is recorded in Ger. from 1645 (1 976 JONES 101/2) and more regulärly towards the end of the Century, usually in military contexts, in the now archaic meaning 'arrester inutilement, faire perdre le temps' (Acad. I 105) da). The reflex. (cf. HUGUET I 203) is only rarely found. (1b) 1a) 1660 KARL LUDWIG Briefe (BLVS 167, III): Man siehet wohl, daß sie nur [...] amusiren und kein ernst mit ihnen ist 1675 Rath=Stube II Dij^: daß er nicht [...] denen Aliirten annlherte/sondern allezeit von ferne an die Seiten sie aufzuhalten amusirte 1715 Berliner geschriebene Zeitung: nachdem der Admiral Seestädt

die S c h w e d e n [...] m i t e i n e r fausse

attaque

[...] amüsiret (=FRIEDLÄNDER 421) 1b) 1664 RUSEN/MELDER Praxis 19; daß ich lieber sehe/wena ich beligert bin/dz der Feind sich amusiret mit dem Schiessen durch die hluser/als auff dem wall Dictionaries: 1695 STIELER (aufhalten/Maul=affen feil haben/ treumen/einschllffern); 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1703 JUNCKER; 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM; 1719 ANON; 17 27 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER; 1909 WEIGAND; 1913 SCHULZ AMÜSIEREN^ (vb.) Borrowed in the late 17c. in the mod. sense s'amuser 'se distraire agreablement' (HDT I the transitive form (1b), amüsieren did not self fully in Ger. until the second half of

from Fr. 91) but, like establish itthe 18c.

1a) 1668 KARL LUDWIG (BLVS 167, 191): So muß ich mich ja in etwas amusiren, damit ich nicht auß chagrin vergehe 1720 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE (BLVS 144, 337); Ihr seindt [...] wie ein kindtgen, daß Ihr Eüch mitt babiolen amussiren könt 1b) 1701 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 88, 224); auff dem landt findt man viel eher waß, so einem amussiren kan 1721 Chronik der Gesellschaft der Mahler: daß wir die burlesque Schreibart für kindisch [...] erklähren, und zu nichts brauchen, als den Pöbel zu amusiren (= VETTER 18)

andouillette - apanage

131

1724 WAGNER Soldaten=Bibliothek 81: den der Zweck der dieser

Auctorum

ist nicht allein die Leser

Memoiren,

zu instruiren/sondern auch zu Dictionaries:

amusiren

1727 SPERANDER (die Zeit vertreiben); 1732

ZEÜLER I; 1753 SCHREGER (foppen); 1801 CAMPE

{amüsiren,

unterhalten); 1909 WEIGAND; 1913 SCHULZ; 1967 KLUGE/MITZKA; 1973 DUDEN (amüsieren) ANDOUILLETTE (subst.) Fr. andouillette (f.) 'petite andouille faite avec des fraises et des tetines de veau' (HDT I 96) has been recorded in Ger. only in one culinary text in the early 18c. 1701 GLOREZ Hauß=Bibliothec 21): oirmer; ibid. 203: Anduijetten

von Schweins-

Andouilletten von

gehacktem Fleisch/am

Spieß gebraten ANCIENNETfi (f.) Fr. anciennete (f.) is recorded in Ger. in courtly and military contexts from the early 18c. It is found later in the latinized orthography Anciennetät (cf. 1913 SCHULZ 234). 1719 LÜNIG Theatrum. I 548^^: nach der unter denen geheimden Rithen

reglirten

Anciennete

1726 FLEMING Soldat Rang und die Dictionaries:

Anciennete

die

Meriten,

die

Capacite,

den

der Officirer wissen

1732 ZEDLER II; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ;

1973 DUDEN I (Anciennetät, veralt.) APANAGE (f.) Source: Fr. apanage (m.) 'ce que les Souverains donnent ä leur puisnez pour leur droit de succession, de partage' (Acad. I 43). Frequently attested in political and courtly contexts from the late 17c. (1a), together with the adverbial phrase en apenage (1b). 1a) 1676 KARL LUDWIG Briefe (BLVS 167, 285): auf welches apannage man renonciren müssen 1689 LUCAE Chronica 1660: da der fiteste von denen BrSdern den Regierungs=Thron besitzet/die übrigen aber sich mit einer beliebigen

Appanage

vergnügen

mSssen 1729 ROHR Wissenschafft II 216: mSssen bißweilen mit einer gar schlechten apanage

zufrieden sein

132

apanagieren - appartement

1b) 1720 FASSMANN Gespräche XVII 25: Verschiedene schone Lindereyen [... ] bekam er en Appenage Dictionaries: 1686 LIEBE (Appennage, ein Guth oder Herrligkeit/so die vlter ihren jüngsten Söhnen zu ihrer Abfindung eigenthumlich geben); 1694 BOHSE; 1695 SCHEIBNER; 1695 STIELER; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1703 JUNCKER; 1711 HÜBNER Con.-Lex.; 1727 MORATORI; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER II; 1801 CAMPE; 197 3 DUDEN I APANAGIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. apanager 'pourvoir d'un apanage' {HDT I 109). Recorded infrequently in Ger. from the lata 17c. 16 80 Wöchentlicher Friedens=und Kriegs=Currier XVII 4: Unter denen Printzen behllt der fiteste Hertzog Johann Adolph die Regierung und gesamten Erb Landen/die andern aber werden

appenagiret

1719 LÜNIG Theatrum I 20^: einen appanagirten Fürsten 1729 ROHR Wissenschafft II 225: die apanagirten Hoch=Furstlichen Herren Gebrüder und Agnaten Dictionaries: 1727 MORATORI APPARTEMENT (n.) Source: Fr. appartement (m.) 'logement compose de plusieurs chambres' (Acad. II 186). Recorded in Ger. from the late 17c. both in the plural: 'suite of rooms' (1a) and the sing.: 'an apartment, especially the Chamber of a monarch' (1b). Eng. apartment was later borrowed in the meaning 'Kleinstwohnung im Mietshaus' (1973 DUDEN I). 1a) 1687 Nordischer Mercurius XVII 8; und ein grosses Pavilion mit unterschiedlichen Apartementen [...] durchgewirckt 1699 Remarques XII 90: Die Gemacher und Apartemens sind Q

von solcher Grosse und Pracht 1721 Recueil XXIV 103/4: Jn dem andern Stockwercke sol sich finden

[. . .] 8 apartements

1b) 1700 WINTERFELD Politica II 282: in einem Vor=Saal des Appartements von der KSnigin 1736 (SCHNABEL) Fata II 113: begab mich um 2. Uhr zurSck in mein Apartement Dictionaries: 1694 BOHSE; 1695 STIELER (zugerichtete Zimmer);

appareil - appel

133

1703 HUNOLD (ein absonderliches Zimmer); 1703 HUNOLD; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1719 ANON; 1724 SALANDER; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1744 PENTHER I; 1757 EGGERS; 1801 CAMPE; 1973 DUDEN I (Appartement, komfortable Wohnung, Zimmerflucht) . APPAREIL (subst.) This term of military architecture, found in Ger. from the mid-17c., has not been located in any of the Fr. lexica consulted. 1654 Niederlindische Fortification 31: Appareil (walllauff) ist ein schreger Aufflauff [.••] zu Auffuhrung der Geschütz 1700 GRUBER Unterricht I 118: Apparellen oder Auffarthen für die die Stucke 1748 PENTHER Bau=Kunst III 84: und man durch einen Anlauf oder Aparelle zu selben gelant Dictionaries: 1703 GRUBER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER II {Appareille)

APPEL (f.) Source: Fr. appel (m. ) 'battement de pied, Signal d'attaque en escrime' (HDT I 116). Infrequently attested in Ger. in the late 17c., together with the verb appelliren (1.) Appel is found from the early 18c. in military texts as 'action d'inviter ä venir en faisant un Signal' (HDT I 116) (2). The fem. gender is probably due to erroneous analogy with Fr. nouns in -eile; the word is now masc. 1) 1664 L'ANGE Fecht=Kunst J2^: kan ihm

dem Feind

ein

halber stoß oder appelle unten an seine Kling nach dem Kopff zu gemacht werden; ibid. C1^: Appelliren, einem zum Stoß oder parade bewegen 1757 EGGERS Kriegs=Lexicon I 91: Appel, wird in der Fechtkunst der Tritt genennet, den man bey einer Finte machet 2) 1726 FLEMING Soldat 143^^: Die Apelle oder Ruff wird in drey Theile tetheilet Dictionaries:

1695 SCHEIBNER

(Apell oder Appell

schlagen);

1703 GRUBER (eine Ruffung thun); 1711 HÜBNER Con.-Lex.; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER II; 1742 BEIER; 1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I

134

appointement - appui

APPOINTEMENT (n?) Source: Fr. appointement (m.) 'retribution annuelle, mensuelle d'un fonctionnaire, d'un employe' (HDT I 119). Occasionally found in Ger. from the late 17c. as 'remuneration' (1a) and 'allowance' (1b). 1a) 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Nviij^: Die Schiffs= Capitain und Officirer haben wenig appointement, die Convoyers aber machen Profit 1700 KRAMER Dictionarium I h3^: Es sucht kein Bedienter seine Besoldung oder Bestallung/wann er nur seine appointements krigen kan e 1b) 1729 ROHR Wissenschafft II 214: müssen sich bißweilen mit dem von ihren Hoch=Furstlichen Eltern ihnen gewidmeten appointement [...] eine lange Zeit behelffen Dictionaries: 1695 STIELER (Kriegs=Sold und Verpflegung der Soldaten); 1695 SCHEIBNER (Vergleich); 1703 JUNCKER; 1711 HÜBNER Con.-Lex; 1714 WÄCHTLER (Lebens=.Unterhalt) ; 1720 SPANUTIUS; 1726 FÄSCH; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER II; 1801 CAMPE APPROFONDIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. approfondir (vb.) 'etudier a fond' (HDT I 122). Found solely in this instance in the early 18c. 1724 WAGNER Soldaten=Bibliothek 45: giebt zwar ein geschickter Geschicht=Schreiber einen allgemeinen Begriff von den vorgelauffenen Dingen/allein er kan und darff dieselben nicht approfondiren Dictionaries: 1801 CAMPE (ergrunden) APPUI (n.; f.) Source: Fr. appui (m.). Borrowed into Ger. in the late 17c. in the now archaic Fr. meaning 'soustien, support' (Acad. I 47), esp. with reference to political negotiations. The gender fluctuates between neut. and fem. (: die Unterstützung) .

1674 LONDORP Acta publica X 156^: Jhro Chruf. Durchl. Sölten sich neutral halten/anderswo kein appuy suchen 1687 BOSTEL Deductions=Schrift 11; Die Appuy oder Unterstutzung [...] eines [. . . ] mlchtigen auswärtigen Potentaten suchten

appuyieren - arbitraire

135

1711 Acta Borussica I: Mancher hat sich auch gescheuet, das Werk recht anzugreifen, indem wenig

hingegen große

Appui,

Muhe und Verfolgung vorausgesehen worden (= SCHMOLLER 173) Dictionaries:

1727 SPERANDER (eine Unterstützung eines Dinges);

1742 BEIER; 1801 CAMPE APPUYIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. appuyer (vb.) 'proteger, aider favoriser' (Acad. I 47). Infrequently found in diplomatic contexts from the late 17c. 1676 FRIEDRICH WILHELM (UAS XVIII 462): Kf. verlange von Schweden ganz Vorpommern, hoffe, der Kaiser werde dieses appuyren 1691 Preußen Briefe: wodurch befestigt und daß Dieselbe [...] in der

Navigation

appuijrt

der&r

werde

Rechten [...]

ungehindert genießen mögen (= SCHUCK 374) Dictionaries:

1727 SPERANDER (s.v.

appui.

Dieser oder jender

hat das Werck appuyret/er ist sein Patron, unterstStzet ihn allen Dingen); 1801 CAMPE (stStzen; bestehen) ARBITAGE (f.) Fr. arbitrage (m.) 'jugement d'un differend par des arbitraires' (Acad. I 48). Found in Ger. in political contexts from the late 17c. and current in the 18c. as •Vorteilsberechnung, Wertabschätzung' (cf. 1911 SCHIRMER 15). 1686 Rath=Stube 57: daß solche hohe Dinge [...] einer viel hShern Arbitrage

unterworffen w l r e n

16 89 Das Verunruhigte Teutschland I 50: die Arbitrage das Pabsts in dieser Sache zu verwerffen Dictionaries:

1695 STIELER (eigendlich die Entscheidung/und

der Ausspruch eines Scheidemannes/WillkSr und Gutdunken/ und im Kriege/Gnade und Ungnade); 1703 WfiCHTLER; 1727 MORATORI; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS ARBITRAIRE (adj.) Source: Fr. arbitraire (adj.) 'qui ne depend que du caprice' (HDT I 125). This occurrence is isolated in the early 18c. 17 30 AMTHOR Collegium 167: Was die Form der Zusammen=Legung betrifft, ist dieselbe Dictionaries:

arbitrair

1801 CAMPE; 1973 DUDEN I (arbiträr)

136

arcade - assaut

ARCADE (subst.) Source: Fr. arcade (f.) 'construction en forme d'arc reposant Sur des piliers ou des colonnes, formant une ouverture qui sert de passage' (HDT I 127). Found in Ger. as early as 1610 in a travel work (JONES 103/4) and regularly from the late 17c. as a term of landscape gardening (1a) and architecture (1b) . 1a) 1672 ELSHÜLTZ Garten=Baw 44: Bogen=Ginge oder Arguaden sind lange von Lattenwerck auff den Seiten und oben mit holtzern Circkeln beschlossene clnge 1b) 1728 UFFENBACH Tagbuch 10: die unten her mit Arcaden, oben aber mit einem Stockwerck mit Gemächern [...] zugebauet ist 1729 ROHR Wissenschafft II 324: An der Grufft werden zuweilen rechte Portaiis aufgebauet, mit den schönsten Arcaden

Dictionaries:

1714 HÜBNER R.-Lex.; 1732 ZEDLER II; 1744

PENTHER I; 1781 VOCH; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 1967 KLUGE/MITZKA; 19 73 DUDEN I ARRfiRAGES (subst.) Source: arrerages (m. pl.) 'rente, redevance dont le paiement est en retard' (HDT I 137). Occasionally found in Ger. in commercial contexts, in the early 18c. 1718 Fama XVIII 413: Die Arreragen von diesen EinkSfften sollen bezahlet werden 1720 Cabinet XI 312: die von gegenwlrtigem Jahre schuldige Arreragen

derer

Dictionaries:

contracte

1689/97 NEHRING {Arrierages, hintersteilige

Schulden); 1726 FXSCH; 1728 APINUS ASSAUT (subst.) Fr. assaut (m.) 'attaque pour empörter de vive force une place de guerre' (HDT I 147) is attested only infrequently in Ger. in the late 17c. 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Eij^: da er zu einen assaut sollen mitgebrauchet werden/nicht die geringste Mannheit bey sich verspuhret Dictionaries:

1695 SCHEIBNER (Sturm vor einer Vestung);

1703 GRUBER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER II

assemblee - asslette

137

ASSEMBLfiE (f.) Source: Fr. assemblee (f.). Borrowed into Ger. in the late 17c, as 'a group of people' (1a) and, more frequently, 'reunion mondaine' (HDT I 147), esp. with reference to a gathering at court (1b). 1a) 1658 FRIEDRICH WILHELM (UAS VIII 244): die Brombergische Conference und Assemblee so vieler Gesandten 1689 LUCAE Chronica 1498: verfugte sich die Fürstliche Leydtragende Assemble [...] auff den grossen Kirchsaal 1b) 1695 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 88, 33): hir in Franckreich sobaldt assambleen sein, thut man nichts alß landtsknecht spiellen 1706 MENANTES Satir. Roman 184: gieng er in eine Assemble, WO er Arismenien anzutreffen vermeinte 1715 Berliner geschriebene Zeitung: Mit den Assemblees wird dennoch continuiret (= FRIEDLÄNDER 256) Dictionaries: 1695 STIELER

(Versammlung/Zusammenkunfft);

1703 WÄCHTLER; 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM; 1711 HÜBNER Con.-Lex.; 1715 AMARANTHES; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER II; 1801 CAMPE; 1973 DUDEN I ASSIDU (Adj.) Occasionally found, usually in letters, from the late 17c., from Fr. assidu (adj.) 'qui a une application continuelle ä quelque chose, qui rend des soins continuels ä quelqu'un' (Acad. I 60). 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Dviij^: Vor allen Dingen sol er treue und incorruptible seyn; assidue und arbeitsam 1682 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe: allezeit würde Niemandes assiduer sein alß ich (= RANKE V 300) 1706 FRIEDRICH I Briefe: auch ser assidu bey die [!] selige königin war (= BERNER 89) ASSIETTE (subst.) Source: Fr. assiette (m.) 'vase ä fond plat pose devant chaque convive pour recevoir les aliments' (HDT I 149). Attested in Ger. from the early 18c. as a culinary term and now archaic. The idiomatic expression 'in seiner Assiette bleiben' 'Gleichmut, Fassung bewahren' is recorded from the late 19c. (cf. 1913 SCHULZ 55).

138

assommieren - attache

1715 Ai^^ARANTHES Frauenziiraner=Lexicon 116: Assiete, Jst ein tieffer Teller auf welchen die Sallate oder eingemachten Q

Dutschen aufgesetzet werden 172Ü LÜNIG Theatrum II 521®: zweene Cammer=Dienerinne, welche e e das zur Tauffe gehörige Leinen Gerathe auf silbernen Assietten

trugen

1735 ZSCHACKWITZ Wapen=Kunst 640: Jedem wurden seine eigene Speise aufgetragen [...] in Assietten Dictionaries: 1714 WÄCHTLER {Assietten, grosse Teller); 1727 SPERANDER; 1732 ZEDLER II; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 19 73 DUDEN (veralt.) ASSOMMIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. assommer (vb.) 'tuer par la chute de qqch de pesant' (HOT I 150). Found only in this instance in the first half of the 18c. 1724 WAGNER Soldaten=Bibliothek 217: um die Ritter herunter zu schmeissen/und sie entweder zu assomiren oder gefangen zu nehmen ASSOUPIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. assouper (vb.) 'amener ä 1'apaisement' (HDT I 151). Occasionally recorded in political contexts from the late 17c. 1679 Proposition a3^: auch diese mit der Stadt Hamburg habende Mißverstlndnüs [... ] wo mSglich in der Gute zu assoapiren

1699 JABLONSKI an Leibniz Briefwechsel: weil die Sache nunmehro hier dergestalt stille und assopiret (= GUHRAUER II 82) 1716 Berliner geschriebene Zeitung: nach assoupirten Kriegestroublen (= FRIEDLÄNDER 386) Dictionaries:

1703 WÄCHTLER

stillen); 1801 CAMPE

(.Assopiren,

schlichten/beylegen/

(schläfrig und betlubt machen)

ATTACHE (f.) Source: Fr. attache (f.) 'ce qui sert ä attacher' (HDT I 156). Recorded in one instance in the early 18c. as 'piece of jewellery'. 1735 ZSCHACKWITZ Wapen=Kunst 629: um der KSniglichen Braut

attachement - auberge 6

139

€

das Portrait des Römischen Koniges und eine Attache (Anstecke=Rose) von 7. grossen Diamanten [...] zu uberbringen ATTACHEMENT (n.) Source: Fr. attachement (m.) 'sentiment qui nous unit de coeur ä qqn' (HDT I 156). Infrequently found in Ger. from the late 17c. 1673 LEIBNIZ Briefe I 322: das Schönbornische Haus, an welches Herr du Fresne

auch ein privat

attachement

gehabt 1715 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe (BLVS 107, 60)): bitte nur noch, mein compliment undt Versicherung meines attachements ahn die printzes von Wallis zu machen 1732 FASSMANN Gesprlche XL 630: wann er sich [...] ihres, Attachements [...] dadurch hltte versichern wollen Dictionaries: 1801 CAMPE; 1966 DUDEN IV (veralt.) ATTIRANT (adj.) The Fr. adj. attirant 'qui plaxt' (LITTRfi I 275) had little currency in Ger. in the early 18c. and is not listed in foreignword dictionaries. 1718 (NEMEITZ) Sejour 159: Die Sachen an sich selbsten sind attirant, und gefallen einem 1728 ROHR Wissenschafft I 409: Jeux de hazard sind sehr attirant

AUBERGE (f.) Fr. auberge (f.) 'hotellerie situee dans les faubourgs' (HDT I 161) is current in Ger. in the early 18c. used solely in descriptions of France. 1718 (NEMEITZ) Sejour 40: Man trifft in allen diesen Aubergen viele Frembde an 1719 ROHR Klugheit 257: Jn dieser Auberge ist gut zu logiren

1729 ROHR Wissenschafft II 831: Wenn nun dieser wirthschafftliche Aufzug in ihrer Auberge angelangt Dictionaries: 1801 CAMPE (das Wirthshaus)

140

avancement - avancieren

AVANCEMENT (n.) Fr. avancement (m.), recorded in Ger. in the mid-17c (cf. 1976 JONES 121/2), first gains currency in the late 17c. in the meaning: 'promotion in one's career' and is now archaic (1). The deverbative noun in also found (cf. avancieren^)

(2).

1) 1680 FRANCISCI Die AllerEdelste List 242: Das erste Mittel/welches [...] Hofleute brauchen/zu ihrem und Aufnehmen/ist die Feundlichkeit

avancement

1716 I>1ARPERGER Händels=Diener 25/6: nach langen [...] Dienst=Jahren eines

[...] sich zugetrSsten

Avancements

haben solte 1729 ROHR Wissenschafft II 237: und sich durch ihre Meriten

den Weg zu weitern

2) 1719 Recueil VII 13: und zu

Avancemens

gebfhnet bey Hofe oder

avancirung

sonsten ein Stuck Geldes nStig hat Dictionaries:

1703 WXCHTLER

(BefSrderung/Fortgang);

1720

SPANÜTIUS; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I (veralt.) AVANCIEREN (vb.) Source: Fr. avancer (vb.). First borrowed into Ger. in the early 17c. as military term: 'to move forward' (of an army) (cf. 1976 JONES 122/3), the verb is attested from the middle of the c. as 'mettre dans une Situation plus elevee' (HUGUET I 420) i.e. to promote (1a) and infrequently in the early 18c. as 'faire du progres, reussir' (LITTRfi I 256) (1b). As a commercial term 'payer par avance' (LITTRfi ibid.) avancieren is listed in lexica from 1669 (1911 SCHIRMER 10) and is current from the early 18c. (1c). la) 1645 CAMERARIUS an Behaim Briefwechsel: Meines h. Vettern Sohn [...] ist von seinem herrn zum Leutenampt gemacht, bey demselben angenehm, also daß er noch mehr avancirt werden möchte (= ERNSTBERGER 203) 1672 FRIEDRICH WILHELM (UAS XVII 97): und haben I. M. Sich [...] verlauten lassen, dass Sie hin füro keinen Dero Edelleuten avanciren würden 1b) 1718 (NEMEITZ) Sejour 10: in der Mahlerey oder Zeichen= Kunst zu

avanciren

1c) 1714 CALLENBACH Genealogia 82: avanciren

von seinem Lohn

Man

pere

wird ihm 3 Batzen

avantageux - aversion Dictionaries:

1689/97 NEHRING

141

(befSrdern); 1692 DIBBERN

(wohl fortkoiranen/weiter gelangen); 1695 SCHURTZ

(vor-

strecken/voraus zahlen); 1703 JUNCKER; 1720 SPANUTIUS; 1728 BELEMNON; 1728 APINUS; 1732 ZEDLER II; 1801 CAMPE; 1911 SCHIRMER; 1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I

(befördert

werden; aufrücken) AVANTAGEUX

(adj.)

Fr. avantage (iti.) is recorded in Ger. from 1625 (1976 JONES 123) and the adj. avantageux 'qui offre un avantage' (HDT I 170) from the mid-17c.(cf. 1976 JONES 124). 1647 Preußen Briefe: bequeme und avantagieuse

Ortern

(= SCHUCK 3) 1670 LEIBNIZ Securitas publica II: dürfte er nicht allein avantageusere Conditiones herausbringen

(= GUHRAUER I 250)

1682 Theatrum Europaeum XI 1458^: ein reputirlicher advantageuser Dictionaries:

und

Friede 1695 STIELER (glucklich/erw§nscht und nutzlich);

1703 WÄCHTLER; 1711 VOLCK VON WERTHEIM; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS AVERSION

(f.)

Fr. aversion (f.) is attested in Ger. from the late 17c. in the meaning 'repulsion violente' (HDT I 176), initially in a general sense in political contexts (1a) and, in the early 18c., with specific reference to persons (1b). 1a) 1660 FRIEDRICH WILHELM

(UAS IX 29): Ich finde aber

gleichwol auch bei unterschiedenen nicht geringe Aversion zu dergleichen Handlung 1670 LEIBNIZ Securitas publica I: und bestehet

zuförderst

in höchster Dissimulirung aller Partialität, aller Aversion von französischem Interesse

(= GUHRAUER I 197)

1b) 1723 FASSMANN Gesprlche LI 229: eine gewisse

Aversion

und Abscheu, gegen die Beywohnung meiner Gemahlin 1732

(SCHNABEL) Fata II 371: wenn ich nicht in meiner

Jugend eine besondere Aversion

vor dergleichen Leuten

bekommen hitte Dictionaries:

1703 WÄCHTLER

(Abscheu/Widerwillen/Ungunst);

1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I

142

avertissement

AVERTISSEMENT

(n.?)

Fr. avertissement (m.) 'Information placee en t§te d'un livre pour en preparer la lecture' (HDT I 174) is found in Ger. in 1650 but first becomes current in the early 18c. (1b). As a commercial term: 'invitation au contribuable de payer l'impot' (HDT ibid) the word appears to have enjoyed little currency (1c). 1a) 1650 Europaische sambstlgische Zeitung XXVI 1: Aus meinem jungstbeschenenen Advertissement

wird Er zu

ersehen haben 1b) 1720 FASSMANN Gesprlche XVI 1314: AVERTISSEMENT Denen Patronen und Herren Liebhsüaern dieser Gesprlche 1c) 1688 Preußen Briefe: darauf [...] ein jeder auf gegebene zeitige Advertissement seine gezeichnete Summa völlig soll

(= SCHUCK

Dictionaries:

zu bestimbter Zeit [...] remittiren

[•••]

332/3)

1689/97 NEHRING; 1695 SCHEIBNER

(Erinnerung,

Bericht oder Warnung); 1703 JUNCKER; 1711 HÜBNER Con.Lex.; 1714 WfiCHTLER; 1720 SPANUTIUS Nachricht);

1727 SPERANDER

(eine Erinnerung/

(Ansprache, Vorrede);

1732

ZEDLER II; 1801 CAMPE; 1911 SCHiRMER; 1913 SCHULZ; 19 66 DUDEN V

(veralt.)

babiole - badinieren BABIOLE

143

(subst.)

Source: Fr. babiole (f.). Attested in the early 18c. solely in the letters of Elisabeth Charlotte and in lexica in the meaning 'jouet d'enfans' (Acad. I 179). 1720 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe seindt

(BLVS 144, 337): Ihr

[...] wie ein kindtgen, daß Ihr Euch mitt

babiolen amussiren könt, so ich Eüch geschickt habe 1722 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe

(BLVS 157, 343): Aber da

bringt man mir babiollen, die muß ich sehn, ob sich nichts vor die infantin Dictionaries:

findt

1714 WSCHTLER

(Spiel=Sachen vor Kinder);

1719 ANON; 1727 SPERANDER; 1801 CAMPE

BADINERIE

(f.)

Source: Fr. badine^ie (f.) 'ce qu'on dit, ce qu'on fait en badinant' (HDT I 181). Attested infrequently in Ger. in the early 18c. in courtly contexts. The word is current in mod. Ger. as 'schertzhaft tändlendes Musikstück' (1973 DUDEN I). 1715 ELISABETH CHARLOTTE Briefe

(BLVS 107, 553): Aber

hiemitt genung von dießer badinerie 1728 ROHR Wissenschafft I 382: Einige junge Leute ihre silberne Tabatieren, batinerie

BADINIEREN

[... ]

einige Ringe [...] in

entwenden

(vb.)

Fr. badiner (vb.) is sporadically attested in Ger. from the early 18c. in the meaning 'plaisantar avec enjouement' (HDT I 181). 1718 (NEMEITZ) Sejour 179: Man muß badiniren/spielen/ jagen und dergleichen 1728 ROHR Wissenschafft I 398: spielen, plaudern, herumlauffen, badiniren

mit den

Damen

1743 PHILIPPI Reimschmiede=Kunst 45: weil wir in solcher Gesellschaft mit denen giftigen Schlangen und badiniren

scherzen

144

bagatelle - baipnnette

BAGATELLE (n.;f.) The form Pagadelie is recorded in 1611 and is probably of Ital. origin (< bagatelle) in view of the early date (1967 KLUGE/MITZKA 44). Fr. bagatelle (f.) 'chose de peu d'importance' (HDT I 181) is found regularly in Ger. from the late 17c., both in the neut. (1a) and the fem. gender (1b). The adverbial phrase en bagatelle is also attested (2) .

1a) 1671 FRIEDRICH WILHELM (UAS XVII 74): als wann Sie um ein Bagatell solchen verlieren sollten 1714 CALLENBACH Quasi vero 77: um ein so Pagatell must ihr keine Dame de Qualitä öffentlich auff der Strassen verschtmen 1b) 1678 MAHRENHOLTZ Unterredungen Nxi^: Diß seyn zwar Bagatellen und Kleinigkeiten 1698 SINOLD Passagier IV 125: wenn wir uns gleich nicht mer selbsten um die geringste Bagatelle auffopfern 2)

1703 FRIEDRICH I Briefe: Daß E.Ch.D. unsere dispeute [...] en bagatel tractleren (= BERNER 29) 1730 AMTHOR Collegium 8: das ich ihn en bagatelle tzactlren mSsse Dictionaries: 1686 LIEBE (bagatelles, geringschltzige Dinge); 1691 STIELER (res vilis et ludricra); 1694 BOHSE; 1695 SCHURTZ; 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1714 HÜBNER Con.Lex.; 1727 SPERANDER; 1728 APINUS; 1733 ZEDLER III; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 1967 KLUGE/MITZKA; 1973 DUDEN I

BAIONNETTE (n.;f.) Source: Fr. baionnette (f.). This weapon, 'lame d'acier qui, s'ajustant ä la volonte du bout du fusil, permet de l'employer comme arme blanche' (HDT I 184), which derives its name from the town of Bayonne, was introduced into Germany in the late 17c. The word is found in both the fem. and neut. gender (the predominant gender of the earlier Lat. borrowings in -et, cf. Billett). The forms with medial -g-, if not typographical errors, may indicate the pronunciation of Fr. [j] as [3]. 1699 GRUBER Politica 42: F§r das Fußvolck ist nicht bessers als Flinten mit einem Bajonet

bal - balance

145

1703 Fama II 150: wurde [...] vorgeschlagen/die Piquen bey den Fuß vSlckern abzuschaffen/und denselben dargegen Flinten und Bayonnetten zu geben 1724 WAGNER Soldaten=Bibliothek 225: unsere heutige Musquetier Bagonette tragen 1726 FLEMING Soldat 199®: die Bagonette, SO man auf die Flinte steckt Dictionaries: 1695 SCHEIBNER {Bayonnette, ein Dolch); 1711 VOLCK VON VfERTHEIM (.Bajonet) ; 1728 BELEMNON; 1728 APINUS ; 1733 ZEDLER III; 1757 EGGERS I; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I (Bajonett) BAL (m.?) Source: Fr. bal (m.) 'grande reunion dansante' (HDT I 186). Recorded occasionally in the early 17c. (1913 SCHULZ 71) but not current until the end of the c. The word is rapidly assimilated to Ger. Ball and forms its plural by mutation. 1696B(REUTER) Schelmuffsky 46: invitirete uns zu einen Balle

1714 CALLENBACH Puer 39: ein Ball ist ein Kermes=Tantz 1716 Berliner geschriebene Zeitung: am 14. auch ein Festin gegeben nebst einem ball (= FRIEDLÄNDER 512) 1743 Haude=Spenersche Zeitung: bey denen Opern, Comödien, und masquirten Bällen (= BUCHNER II 406) Dictionaries: 1694 BOHSE {bal, ballo, ballet, ein Tantz von vielen Personen); 1695 SCHEIBNER (ein Tantz für vornehme Hoff=Cavalierer und Hoff=Damen); 1703 WÄCHTLER; 1715 AMARANTHES; 172 4 SALANDER; 172 8 APINUS; 1801 CAMPE; 1913 SCHULZ; 1973 DUDEN I (Ball) splendides

BALANCE (f.) Source: Fr. balance (f.) 'equilibre entre deux choses' (HDT I 186). The Ital. borrowing Bilanz (