The Impacts of Language and Literacy Policy on Teaching Practices in Ghana: Postcolonial Perspectives on Early Literacy and Instruction 2020044773, 2020044774, 9780367424114, 9780367854164

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Series
Title
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
List of Tables
Acknowledgements
1 An Introduction to Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana
2 British Colonialism and Policy Since Independence (1957): Impacts on Teaching Practices
3 Life History as a Research Methodology
4 Meet the Teachers: Professional and Personal Stories
5 English-Only, Local Language, and Biliteracy Policies Since 1957: Impacts on Teaching Practices
6 Synthesis of Findings: Challenges for Teachers and Recommendations for Policy
Index

Citation preview

The Impacts of Language and Literacy Policy on Teaching Practices in Ghana

This text critically examines changes in Ghanaian language and literacy policy following independence in 1957 to consider its impacts on early literacy teaching. By adopting a postcolonial theoretical perspective, the text interrogates the logic behind policy changes which have prioritised English, local language, or biliteracy. It draws on data from interviews with teachers and researcher observation to demonstrate how policies have influenced teaching and learning. Dr Osseo-Asare’s findings inform the development of a conceptual framework which highlights the socio-cultural factors that impact the literacy and biliteracy of young children in Ghana, offering solutions to help teachers combat the challenges of frequent policy changes. This timely monograph will prove to be an essential resource not only for researchers working on education policies, teacher education, and Englishlanguage learning in postcolonial Ghana but also for those looking to identify the thematic and methodological nuances of studying literacy and education in postcolonial contexts. Philomena Osseo-Asare recently completed her PhD in the Department of Education at the University of Sheffield, UK.

Routledge Research in Literacy Edited by Julia Gillen and Uta Papen Lancaster University, UK

  8 Children’s Literacy Practices and Preferences Harry Potter and Beyond Jane Sunderland, Steven Dempster, and Joanne Thistlethwaite   9 Literacy and Multimodality Across Global Sites Maureen Kendrick 10 Assignments as controversies Digital literacy and writing in classroom practice Ibrar Bhatt 11 The Norwegian Mission’s Literacy Work in Colonial and Independent Madagascar Ellen Vea Rosnes 12 Researching Early Childhood Literacy in the Classroom Literacy as a Social Practice Lucy Henning 13 Researching Protest Literacies Literacy as Protest in the Favelas of Rio de Janeiro Jamie D. I. Duncan 14 The Impacts of Language and Literacy Policy on Teaching Practices in Ghana: Postcolonial Perspectives on Early Literacy and Instruction Philomena Osseo-Asare 15 The Sociocultural Functions of Edwardian Book Inscriptions: Taking a Multimodal Ethnohistorical Approach Lauren Alex O’Hagan For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com

The Impacts of Language and Literacy Policy on Teaching Practices in Ghana Postcolonial Perspectives on Early Literacy and Instruction Philomena Osseo-Asare

First published 2021 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Taylor & Francis The right of Philomena Osseo-Asare to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Osseo-Assare, Philomena, author. Title: The impacts of language and literacy policy on teaching practices in Ghana : postcolonial perspectives on early literacy and instruction / Philomena Osseo-Assare. Description: New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge research in literacy | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020044773 (print) | LCCN 2020044774 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367424114 (hardback) | ISBN 9780367854164 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Language policy—Ghana. | Language and education— Ghana. | Literacy—Ghana. | English language—Study and teaching—Ghana. Classification: LCC P119.32.G48 O87 2021 (print) | LCC P119.32.G48 (ebook) | DDC 409/.667—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020044773 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020044774 ISBN: 978-0-367-42411-4 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-85416-4 (ebk) Typeset in Goudy by Apex CoVantage, LLC

To the memory of Agnes, Theresa Stella, and Emile Vorgbe

Contents

List of Tablesviii Acknowledgementsix 1 An Introduction to Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana

1

2 British Colonialism and Policy Since Independence (1957): Impacts on Teaching Practices

14

3 Life History as a Research Methodology

52

4 Meet the Teachers: Professional and Personal Stories

64

5 English-Only, Local Language, and Biliteracy Policies Since 1957: Impacts on Teaching Practices

82

6 Synthesis of Findings: Challenges for Teachers and Recommendations for Policy

144

Index168

Tables

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 5.1 5.2 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8

Ethical Considerations for the Study Interview Schedule Examples of Actual Interview Questions Thematic Analysis – Integrating Manual and NVivo Procedures Language Policy Changes From 1957 to Date Language Policy Used by Teachers A Summary of the Main Reasons for the Changes in Language and Literacy Policy Since 1957 Key Benefits and Limitations of the English-Only Policy Key Benefits and Limitations of Local Language Policy Key Benefits and Limitations of the National Literacy Acceleration Programme (NALAP) Policy Relative to the English-Only and Local Language Policies Recommendations for Policy Makers Recommendations for the Ghana Education Service Recommendations for Teacher-Training Institutions Framework to Support Lower Grades Teachers’ Practices

55 58 59 59 83 84 145 147 150 153 158 159 160 162

Acknowledgements

My sincere thanks to Dr Augustus Osseo-Asare for believing in me, supporting, and funding my studies. My thanks to Professor Jackie Marsh and Dr Rachael Levy who guided my doctoral studies. Special thanks to Dr Julia Gillen, my external supervisor, for her sustained interest, valuable comments, and excellent feedback during the time of putting the manuscript together and to the Routledge team. My sincere thanks go to all the seven Ghanaian teachers whose life histories form the data for this book and to the three officials from the Ghana Education Service, the Ministry of Education and the Ghana National Catholic Secretariat, all in Accra, who also made valuable contributions to this study. My final thanks to my family and friends for their encouragement and to the late Paul Kwesi Kumahor, who would have loved to read this book.

1 An Introduction to Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana

Introduction Language policy and children’s literacy development is a challenge in the early grades classrooms in Ghana. This is especially so as most young children in Ghana develop early language and literacy skills in one or more of the several Ghanaian local languages at home before the commencement of formal education. At school, they may continue to use their home language or another local language or even English as the medium of communication and learning. Like other former British colonial countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Ghana adopted English as its official language and the language for education. This means children will need to have a good knowledge of English if they are to progress in school and in social life in future. This development is bound to have serious consequences for children’s language and literacy development as they may have to negotiate literacy practices in one or more indigenous languages and in English. Although there have been a number of studies on language policy in the country, it appears that little attention has been paid to the role of teachers in children’s literacy learning and the impact of language and literacy policy changes on teachers’ practices since Ghana became independent in 1957. In addition, changes and global interest in children’s literacy development, which includes indigenous literacy, call for a critical examination of language and literacy policy changes in lower grades and teachers’ practices. This book uses a postcolonial theoretical perspective to explain the issues surrounding language policy in lower grades classrooms in Ghana. This chapter, therefore, introduces the reader to the beginning of formal education or Western form of educating children, the role played by colonial and postcolonial governments in promoting mass education and an overview of the language and literacy policy issues in the country.

The Language and Literacy Issue in Lower Grades The language policy in education is often seen as a hindrance to children’s literacy development and future progress in school because it is foreign to many children (Graham, McGlynn, & Islei, 2015). Indeed, several reports from

2  Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana UNESCO suggest that students with good literacy skills have better prospects of finishing school, getting good jobs, and contributing meaningfully to their communities, while those with poor literacy skills could drop out of school or finish school without the ability to read and write, ending up in lower paying jobs (UNESCO, 2016, 2006). This situation could be due to inadequate literacy skills in the foundation years of children. Early literacy skills are essential for future reading skills, according to Whitehurst and Lonigan (1998), which are also prerequisite for good academic performance. The interest in children’s literacy places new demands on early grade teachers in terms of how to improve their classroom practices to meet the literacy needs of their children. This topic has received little scholarly attention in Ghana, so this book fills a much-needed gap. It is based on research with teachers working within the early childhood period of 4 to 8 years, which covers children in Kindergarten 1 and 2, Grade 1, Grade 3, and Grade 3 of basic education in Ghana (referred to as the lower grades). I have chosen to focus on this age group as it is a crucial stage in a child’s language and literacy development. Additionally, there appears to be a considerable contention in the country on the appropriate language policy for this group of children. This debate needs to take place bearing in mind the influence of colonial rule in Ghana’s educational system, especially the lower grades. As a former British colonial country, Ghana adopted English as its official national language and language of instruction in school. However, since the majority of people use local languages within the community, many children go to school without having any prior knowledge of English. This means learning in that language can be difficult, if not impossible, for them. English is needed to help children acquire literacy skills that will be used in upper grades and other higher levels of education in the future. The use of indigenous languages as the language of instruction has always been problematic since the colonial period, with some against its use and others for it (McWilliam & KwamenaPoh, 1975). Those who were against it saw it as a means of providing inferior education to Africans, and those for it argued that using English in learning was a means of alienating children from their culture and tradition and for perpetuating the supremacy of the English language (Owu-Ewie, 2006; Wakerley, 1994; McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975).

Historical and Geographical Context The study which the book details took place in Ghana, formally known as the Gold Coast and the first country in Sub-Saharan to gain independence from Britain (Buah, 1980). Ghana lies along the Gulf of Guinea and shares borders with three French-speaking countries. The country shares its eastern and western borders with Togo and Ivory Coast while the northern border is with Burkina Faso (Briggs, 1998). The country is remarkably diverse in culture, ethnicity, religion, language, and geography, and it adopted English as its official

Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana 3 language after independence in 1957. Ghana is the second-largest populated country in West Africa after Nigeria. The country has been experiencing a rapid population growth, and it is believed that the country’s population could be around 30 million. The Statistical Service notes in the 2010 population census report that ‘one in two people lived in a town or city’ which suggests that half of the population lives in cities and towns (Ghana Statistical Services, 2014, p. 6). The reason for the high population in these places is attributed to a drift from rural towns due to trade and commerce before and after colonial rule. The Statistic Service also noted that drift to bigger towns and cities was the result of the bias of the British government in favour of siting social, educational, and economic activities in places where they could exploit the natural resources of the country and have easy access for transportation of the goods. As a result, the middle belt and areas around Kumasi, as well as coastal areas, including Sekondi-Takoradi and Accra, became better developed than other places in the country. This development led to areas in the Northern and Upper regions of the country without much progress, a situation that continues to encourage the influx of people from these regions and other less developed areas to places like Accra and Kumasi. For many years, the country had ten administrative regions with their capital towns, namely Greater Accra (the capital), Ashanti (Kumasi), Eastern (Koforidua), Central (Cape-Coast), Western (Takoradi), Volta (Ho), BrongAhafo (Sunyani), Northern (Tamale), Upper East (Bolgatanga) and Upper West (Wa). There are now 16 administrative regions after 6 new ones were created out of the Volta, Brong Ahafo, Northern, and Western regions by the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government in 2019 (Graphic online, 2019). These new regions are Oti, with the capital at Dambai; Bono East and Ahafo, with Techiman and Goaso, respectively, as capital towns; North East and Savannah have Nalerigu and Damongo, respectively, as the capital towns; and North Western, Sefwi Wiawso. The former Brong Ahafo region is now Bono region with Sunyani as its capital town. These regions reflect the multi-cultural and diverse nature of the country as each is unique in some way, but education has bridged the gap between different tribes and people, mostly through the boarding system in secondary school, whereby children from different regions and towns learned to live with one another (Fentiman, Hall, & Bundy, 1999). Ghana’s education history is rooted in colonial education as discussed next.

Western-Style Education in Ghana The history of Ghana’s Western-style education can be traced to the ‘castle schools’ of European traders from Portugal, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Britain, for the education of European children and other children from prominent families (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975). McWilliam and KwamenaPoh put the date for the earliest form of European education around 1529 in Elmina Castle when Portuguese traders started a school to support reading and

4  Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana writing and later by a Portuguese Catholic vicar for the children of the traders and locals. This school continued until it was seized by the Dutch, who turned the school over to the Protestant Dutch missionaries in 1637. The Dutch educated some locals in addition to children with both European and African origins. However, they sponsored a number of Africans for higher studies in Europe. The Danes involvement in education dates back to 1722 in Accra. This initiative was boosted with the arrival of the Basel Missionaries in 1828 and 1832 at the invitation of Major de Richelieu, the Danish governor at the time (Asare-Danso, 2014). The British started education in the Cape Coast area with the help of the Society of the Propagation of the Gospel in 1757. They intensified their effort when they became the main colonial power after chasing out the Danish from the country (Miller, 1993). With time, the British colonial government together with the different missionary societies operating in the country expanded the provision of schools for different levels of students in the country. Expansion of education, especially by missionary societies, helped in bridging the gap between the privileged and non-privileged and people from different tribes and regions. The educational plan of Sir Gordon Guggisberg, the British colonial governor in 1927, a great improvement in new elementary, technical, and vocational schools and a training college for teachers as well as the opening of a secondary school to prepare students for university studies (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975).

Independence and Expansion of Education With the excitement of independence in 1957 and in a bid to ensure mass and universal education for its citizens, the first president, Kwame Nkrumah (1957–1966), put the expansion of education at the centre of his government’s policy (Akyeampong, 2007). Nkrumah emphasised the importance of education for his government by this pronouncement, ‘I went to say that education, as in the past, would continue to remain one of the main pillars, if not the main pillar, of the government’s effort in the Second Development Plan’ (Nkrumah, 2001, p. 121). Nkrumah’s keen interest in education can be attributed to the fact that he was once a trained teacher and a headteacher in the then Gold Coast before pursuing further education in America. The president’s vision was for the newly independent country to be a leader in education on the continent just as it is leading the independence drive on the continent as per the following: One of the most important services which Ghana can perform for Africa is to devise a system of education based at its university level on concrete problems of the tropical world . . . we must, however, provide further outlets for these children and give them an opportunity to learn something of engineering, tropical agriculture and problems of tropical medicine and hygiene. (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975, p. 94)

Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana 5 The president saw science and technology as the main pillar of education to help solve the continent’s problems and to increase economic growth (AsareDanso, 2014; Kuyini, 2013). Since education was key to the economic development of both Ghana and Africa, a trust was established in 1958. Funds from the trust were used to build new secondary schools across the country. The Education Act of 1961 paved the way for the beginning of free education which was significant in many ways: first, more children enrolled in school for the first time, resulting in an increased number of school enrolment. Second, new schools had to be established, and third, there was a demand for more teachers to teach in the newly established schools. At the heart of the Education Act were children’s literacy development and the policy of using English as the medium of instruction from Grade 1. There have been significant changes and achievements in pre-tertiary education since the Education Act of 1961. The period between 1973 and 2007 was characterised by several educational reforms. One of the major reforms was the Free and Compulsory Universal Basic Education (FCUBE) initiated with funding from the World Bank in 1996 to ensure access and free education for all children of school-going age by 2005 (Kuyini, 2013). The introduction of junior and senior secondary, now junior high and senior high school, abolished the old educational system of primary and middle school system, resulting in the reduction of pre-tertiary education from 17 to 12 years (Mireku, 2014). Another significant change was the introduction of a 2-year kindergarten programme for children aged 4. The New Patriotic Party’s government under Addo Danquah Akuffo-Addo has made senior high school is fee-free in 2017 (Forson, 2017). This move is enabling many students from less privileged homes to enrol in one of the many senior secondary schools in the country. Additionally, there are numerous technical and vocational schools, polytechnics, nursing training institutions, universities operated by government, church organisations, and individuals in many parts of the country. The training of teachers remains an integral part of the country’s educational plan. Admission to training college was available to students who had completed either middle or secondary school (Asare-Danso, 2014; Akyeampong & Stephens, 2002). Students received Post- Middle Certificate ‘A’ or ‘B’ after 4 or 2 years of training, respectively, and those with secondary education were awarded a Post-Secondary ‘A’ certificate. A  major educational reform in the 1980s enabled specialised areas such as vocational and technical subjects to be introduced into teacher education in the country with the Winneba Specialist College, now the University of Education, Winneba, playing a very important role (Asare-Danso, 2014). This enabled specialist teachers to support students in vocational, technical, and secondary schools across the country. Teacher training colleges are now diploma-awarding institutions due to further reforms in that sector, and there is an opportunity for students who prefer to use the university as the route to teaching can do so through the University of Education, Winneba, and the University of Cape Coast (Asare & Nti, 2014).

6  Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana Initially, the training of kindergarten teachers was the prerogative of the National Nursery Teachers’ Training Centre in Accra and nursery practitioners by the Social Welfare (Morrison, 2001). Although colleges of education (former teacher-training colleges) do not specifically trained teachers for the early childhood sector, a significant development for interested teachers in the early childhood sector. With the introduction of the compulsory 2 years of kindergarten for 4-year-olds and approval of Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) programme at the University of Education, Winneba, teacher were now able to train specifically for this group of children (Morrison, 2002). The university continues to offer different early childhood programmes for different categories of teachers, enabling several teachers to work in the lower grades and other nursery and day-care centres. Despite Ghana’s achievements in the education of children and training of teachers, there is concern about the poor English literacy rate in school as a large number of student complete school without achieving their ultimate goal. A World Bank report on Ghana (World Bank, 2009) indicates that although enrolment in education is raising at all levels, 9 out of 10 youths aged 15–17 are not enrolled in senior secondary education either because they have dropped out of school or because they are behind in their curriculum due to repetition. Many of them have altogether left formal education to find work or to acquire skills through traditional apprenticeship or by learning on the job. (p. ix) This assessment appears to be an indictment of the quality of education provided by the government and the Ghana Education Service for children in Ghana. Many students perform poorly in the Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE). This comes with dire consequences for a student’s future progress in education and life as it is the entry to senior high school and other tertiary education in future. In the Upper West Region, for example, only 28.87% of students passed this examination out of a total of 12,440 candidates in 2014. The number appreciated slightly to 30.48% in 2016 when 12,430 students took part in the examination (Ghanaweb, 2019). Many reasons are given for the poor academic performance of children in school. Among them, the poor quality of classrooms, a lack of trained teachers, insufficient teaching and learning materials, teacher absenteeism, poverty, and so forth (NESAR, 2012). However, the main cause of the problem appears to be the language policy in early grades and the whole of education. There is also a possibility that children may not have developed literacy skills such speaking, comprehension, reading, and writing in English by the time they get to Grade 4, where lessons are exclusively in English. The Ghana News Agency (2010) reported that Mrs Daaku (Literacy Programmes manager of the National Literacy Acceleration Programme) attributed the failure of many students at

Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana 7 the BECE to their inability to understand enough English language to answer the examination questions, which are all in English. This deficit in the use of English could continue through the junior secondary school, resulting in many students failing the examination. This has made the language policy in early grades more contentious in recent times. It is particularly important to say at this juncture that, the problem of what was the appropriate language for use in lower grades started already during the colonial period. While local language was promoted by the British and some missionary schools, a section of indigenes felt it was an inferior form of education which, in a way, partly led to the English-only policy at independence (Andoh-Kumi, 2000). However, the introduction of the English-only policy at the time of independence was perceived as part of the colonial hold on the newly independent state, likely to create perpetual domination and a means of eradicating indigenous cultures (Mfum-Mensah, 2005). Both parties in the debate appear to have had legitimate views. With the introduction of colonial rule and governance and the use of English for socio-economic purposes, English was seen as the gateway to success. Therefore, not teaching children to use it in school could be seen as a deliberate ploy to undermine local people. At the same time, the use of English could bring about negative cultural consequences as discussed earlier. These opposing views have over the years dominated the debate on language policy in the lower grades for several years, resulting in some governments adopting either the English-only policy or the local language as the medium of instruction. In an attempt to improve the literacy rate, the National Literacy Acceleration Programme (NALAP) was introduced in 2010 as a biliteracy policy, using a local language for classroom instructions and gradually introducing children to English (Rosekrans, Sherris, & Chatry-Komarek, 2012). The debate and the changes of the language policy in lower grades show how the problem is deeply embedded in colonial history needing a postcolonial lens to provide a better insight into the problem. Additionally, the inability of many children to make significant progress in literacy could be related to teachers’ classroom practice. Therefore, this book aims to critically examine the different language and literacy policies for early grades from independence to the present day and to assess the effectiveness of different policies on classroom practices from teachers’ perspectives. The need to examine the language policies stems from the fact that the changes could impact both negatively and positively on teachers’ practices, with consequences for children’s literacy and future progress in school. The book also aims at identifying and understand how certain socio-cultural factors affect the language and literacy of 4- to 8-year-olds in Ghana. A framework has been developed to support teachers in their daily effort to help children develop the needed literacy skills. The framework can be developed further by schools, and it can be used to reinforce ongoing professional development of teachers on children’s literacy.

8  Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana At this point, I believe, there is a need to add a vignette of my own experience of the language policy before I come to that of the teachers who took part in this study in Chapter 4: My personal experience with the language policy took place between 1997 and 2007 when I was headteacher for two basic schools: School A and later School B. The two schools were both faith-based but hugely different in several aspects. School A was privately owned by the church, in a very populated area in the capital. It was exceptionally large with over a thousand students and most of the children came from affluent homes where English was spoken at home. The ethos of School A was to prepare children for entering into good secondary schools in the country. As a result, the school did not follow any language policy changes in the country but used English as the only language of instruction from kindergarten to junior high school. School B was the direct opposite of School A. It was relatively small, with a population of about three hundred students. Unlike School A, the second school received assistance from the government though it was faith-based. School B was situated in a fishing community with a high level of deprivation though it was close to the industrial hub of Ghana. As a fishing community, the parents of the students were migrants from different parts of Ghana which meant we had children from different language backgrounds apart from Ga, the language of the area. When I think of the language policy and the classroom experiences of the teachers in School A and B, I see how different the challenges were. As I pointed out earlier, School A was not following the government’s language policy so I will only talk about the use of English-only policy for both schools between 2002 and 2007. Using English was not a problem in School A, but I noticed most of the children were doing poorly in the local language examination because they could not speak, read, or answer questions competently. I, therefore, decided to encourage and support their use of Ghanaian languages in the classroom. I introduced Ga in as a subject in the lower grades and Friday was observed as a local language day. The Friday assembly conducted with the prayers and songs in Ga. Students were also allowed to speak any local language of their choice during break time. I am happy to say that majority of the teachers and students took up the challenge which resulted in better grades in local language at the BECE and some foreign students getting the highest grades. The problem in my second school was extremely different from School A. Although English was to be used in class, I realised this was almost impossible as most children could not speak or communicate in the language. Additionally, most of the teachers in lower grades could not speak Ga, the prevalent language of the area, and some did not speak any of the major home languages of the children (Ewe and Fante and Dangme). I remember the times that I had to teach when a teacher was absent or when I had to support the teachers who could not deal with language diversity in their classroom. I knew I had to change my strategy in this school. I encouraged teachers to do whatever they could, and

Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana 9 whenever I had the chance to teach, I supported my teaching with Twi, Ewe and Krobo as I could speak all these languages. Switching between these different languages was not easy as it was time-consuming, but I was determined to help children in any way possible to make school enjoyable and to cut down on absenteeism in the lower grades.

Research Aims and Objectives The book is based on a doctoral study which examined the different and frequent language and literacy policies initiated by the government and their impact on teachers’ classroom practices; in order to know what the language and literacy policies are, what problems exist with their use and why, what impact they have on teachers and children and how future policies and teachers’ practices can be improved for the future. The research was based on the following objectives: 1. To critically examine different language and literacy policies for early grades from independence to the present day. 2. To assess the effectiveness of different policies on classroom practices from teachers’ perspectives. 3. To identify and understand the ways in which certain socio-cultural factors affect the language and literacy of 4- to 8-year-olds in Ghana. 4. To develop a conceptual framework aimed at supporting lower grade teachers in Ghana. In view of these objectives, the following three research questions were formulated: •

What have been the key language and literacy policies since Ghana’s independence, as seen through a postcolonial lens? • How have teachers experienced changes in language and literacy policy in terms of their classroom practices? • What are teachers’ views on how language and literacy policy has been developed and implemented?

Structure and Organisation of the Book This book is structured in a narrative form to make it easier for the reader to follow. It is written in a way that each chapter can be read separately or together with others without affecting the flow. It is however recommended that an attempt is made to read all the chapters to grasp the wide and breath of the import of colonial rule and its effects on early literacy practices in lower grade schools in Ghana. I hope the book contributes to the general knowledge on postcolonial issues in education in former colonised countries and the complexities of the language policy in lower grade classrooms in Ghana.

10  Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana The book is divided into six chapters. Each of the chapters starts with an introduction and ends with a summary of the main ideas discussed. Some of the chapters are written in a narrative form or as a dialogue. This first chapter provides a general background to the book. It briefly examines Ghana’s educational policy after independence and the debate on language policy in the lower grades, teacher education, and introduction to early childhood education in 2010. Chapter 2 is about British colonialism and policy changes since Ghana gained independence in 1957 and their impact on teaching practices. It introduces the reader to colonial rule and the struggle for independence in Ghana. The chapter explains how language and literacy policies in lower grades are direct consequences of Ghana’s colonial history and its aftermath. A brief examination of the different language and literacy policy changes post-independence. The chapter discusses the three main language policies: English-only, local language, and the NALAP. The discourse on each policy shows several complex issues. For example, using English in an environment where it is not the common language of the community or learning in a language which may not be the child’s mother tongue or first language. Additionally, there is a problem with teachers’ local language ability if they are to fully support children’s literacy in the indigenous languages. Chapter 3 describes the design of the research I undertook in Ghana between 2014 and 2016. This was the first project to use a life history method to probe how changes in government policy played out on the ground in Ghana’s primary schools. As Armstrong (1987, p.  8) argues, life history ‘assigns significance and value to a person’s “own story” or to “the interpretation that people place on their own experiences as an explanation for their behaviours’. The use of multiple life stories of teachers in Ghana made it possible to achieve the aim of this study, by tracing the historical changes in language and literacy policies since the time of independence to see how these changes affected teachers’ practices throughout this period. The methodological approach used in this study is underpinned by an interpretivist view. The choice of an interpretivist paradigm is partly due to my position as a former headteacher, who was interested in getting to know the views of teachers who were confronted with the problems of the language policy in lower grades classrooms. “Meet the Teachers” is the title for Chapter 4. The teachers’ voices are represented faithfully, as if in interaction with the reader, while my commentary adds some explanations and interpretations to the stories. The chapter serves as a link between Chapters 3 and 5. vignette based on Ely, Anzul, Friedman, Garner, and Steinmetz’s (1991) use of vignettes. The use of vignette also gives the ordinary Ghanaian teacher a voice which is usually not heard. It makes the reader understand the teacher better and as it provides the background to Chapter 5. Chapter 5 focuses on the practical aspects of teachers’ use of the Englishonly, local language, and the NALAP in their respective classrooms in a dialogue. The chapter provides in-depth description of how individual teachers

Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana 11 had to deal with their understanding of the language policy they were using and how to make their teaching more practical and meaningful for the children. The chapter also discusses some of the creative ways some teachers adopted, especially when using the English-only policy and teaching children from diverse linguistic backgrounds under the local language policy. One outstanding feature in this chapter is how teachers’ beliefs and values play a subtle but critical role in their daily practices. The chapter also draws attention to the need for teachers’ knowledge and use of Ghanaian local languages and the dilemma they face with the educational system which imposes a language policy immersed in colonialism. Chapter 6, which is the last chapter of this book, provides some recommendations for change based on the numerous concerns raised in the book. The chapter makes specific recommendations for policy makers, donor agencies, the Ghana Education Service, teacher education institutions and teachers on how to approach language and literacy policy issues in postcolonial Ghana. A framework for teachers is provided to support their professional career. It is suggested that lower grades teachers would use some of the ideas in the framework to develop a better understanding of children’s language and literacy development. The chapter summaries the book’s contribution to knowledge on the postcolonial consequences of language and literacy policies changes in early childhood education in Ghana.

Summary This chapter has introduced the reader to the beginnings of the language and literacy policy in Ghana since independence, from the beginning of Westernstyle education by European traders in the castles they built along the shores of Ghana to the improvement and expansion of education in the country. The chapter has also provided a background to the language policy in the lower grades while highlighting the difficulties of the policy in terms of children’s literacy development and a vignette of my experience of the language policy. The structure and organisation of the book are given so readers can have an overview of each chapter. The next chapter discusses colonial rule in Ghana and its influence on language and literacy policy issues. The reader will be introduced to the precolonial and postcolonial Ghana, the first British colony in sub-Sahara Africa to gain independence from Britain. Chapter 2 also gives a better understanding of the language policy issues on teaching practices in the lower grades.

References Akyeampong, K. (2007). Educational expansion and access in Ghana: A review of 50 years of challenge and progress. Retrieved December 02, 2016, from https://www.gov.uk/dfidresearch-outputs/educational-expansion-and-access-in-ghana-a-review-of-50-yearsof-challenge-and-progress

12  Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana Akyeampong, K., & Stephens, D. (2002). Exploring the backgrounds and shaping of beginning student teachers in Ghana: Toward greater contextualization of teacher education. International Journal of Educational Development, 22(3–4), 261–274. Andoh-Kumi, K. (2000). One policy many needs. Paper presented at the Comparative and International Education Society (CIES) Conference, San Antonio, TX. Armstrong, P. F. (1987). The use of life history method in social and educational research: The life history method in theory and practice (Newland Papers, 14). Hull, UK: University of Hull Department of Adult Education. Asare, K., & Nti, S. K. (2014). Teacher education in Ghana: A contemporary synopsis and matters arising. Sage Open, 1–8. doi:10.1177/2158244014529781 Asare-Danso, S. (2014). Effects of educational policies on teacher education in Ghana: A historical study of the Presbyterian College of Education. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 4(6), 57–65. Briggs, P. (1998). Guide to Ghana (Bradt Country Guides). Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press Inc. Buah, F. K. (1980). History of Ghana. London: Macmillan Education Group. Ely, M., Anzul, M., Friedman, T., Garner, D., & Steinmetz, A. M. (1991). Doing qualitative research: Circles within circles. London: The Falmer Press. Fentiman, A., Hall, A., & Bundy, D. (1999). School enrolment patterns in Rural Ghana: A comparative study of the impact of location, gender, age and health on children’s access to basic schooling. Comparative Education, 35(3), 331–349. doi:10.1080/03050069927865 Forson, F. K. (2017, September  15). Ghana launches free high school education. Voice of Africa. Retrieved March 2, 2020, from www.voanews.com/africa/ ghana-launches-free-high-school-education Ghana News Agency. (2010). NALAP to help pupils excel in BECE. Retrieved September 20, 2014, from www.ghananewsagency.org/education/nalap-to-help-pupils-excelin-bece-20211 Ghana Statistical Services. (2014). 2010 Population and housing census report. Urbanisation. Retrieved November 21, 2020, from https://statsghana.gov.gh/gssmain/fileUpload/pressrelease/Urbanisation%20in%20Ghana.pdf Ghanaweb (2019). Upper west records poor BECE performance again. Retrieved November 14, 2020, https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/ Upper-West-records-poor-BECE-performance-again-771604 Graham, R., McGlynn, C., & Islei, A. (2015). Language in education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Language in Africa special interest group (BAAL). Language Teaching, 48, 426–430. doi:10.1017/S0261444815000178 Graphic online. (2019). Know the 16 regional capitals of Ghana. Retrieved March 20, 2020 from www.graphic.com.gh/news/general-news/new-ghana-map-with-16-regionalcapitals.html Kuyini, A. B. (2013). Ghana’s education reform 2007: A  realistic proposition or a crisis of vision? International Review of Education, 59(2), 157–176. doi:10.1007s/ 11159-013-9343-7 McWilliam, H. O. A.,  & Kwamena-Poh, M. (1975). The development of education in Ghana. Hong Kong: Longman Group Ltd. Mfum-Mensah, O. (2005). The impact of colonial and postcolonial Ghanaian language policies on vernacular use in schools in two northern Ghanaian communities. Comparative Education, 41(1), 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050060500073256

Language and Literacy Policy in Ghana

13

Miller, J. (1993). Social Change and resistance to authority: Notes towards an understanding of the relative autonomy of religion. The Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 22(1), 29–50. Retrieved May 6, 2015, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1386912 Mireku, D. K. (2014). Diploma disease in Ghanaian distance education upgrading programmes for teachers. Open Learning: The Journal of Open, Distance and e-Learning, 29(1) 45–58. doi:10.1080/02680513.2014.914430 Morrison, J. W. (2001). Early care and childhood education in Ghana. Childhood Education, 77(4), 214. ERIC. Morrison, J. W. (2002). Teacher training in early childhood education: The case in of Ghana, West Africa. Journal of Early Childhood Teacher Education, 23(4), 315–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1090102020230403 NESAR. (2012). National education sector annual review. Appraisal of Ghana’s education sector plan 2010–2020. Retrieved from www.globalpartnership.org/fr/download/file/ fid/3114 Nkrumah, K. (2001). I speak freedom. London: Panaf Books. Owu-Ewie, C. (2006). The language policy of education in Ghana: A critical look at the English-only language policy of education. In J. Mugane, J. Hutchison, & A. Dee (Eds.), Selected proceedings of the 35th annual conference on African linguistics (pp. 76–85). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Retrieved from www. lingref.com/cpp/acal/35/paper1298.pdf Rosekrans, K., Sherris, A., & Chatry-Komarek, M. (2012). Education reform for the expansion of mother-tongue education in Ghana. International Review of Education, 58(5), 593–618. doi:10.100.1007/s11159-012-9312-6 UNESCO. (2006). Education for all: Global monitoring report 2006. Chapter six. Retrieved from www.unesco.org/education/GMR2006/full/chapt6_eng.pdf UNESCO. (2016). Global education monitoring report: Education for people and planet creating sustainable futures for all. Paris: UNESCO. Wakerley, V. (1994). The status of European languages in sub-Saharan Africa. Journal of European Studies, xxiv, 97–125. Whitehurst, G. J., & Lonigan, C. J. (1998). Child development and emergent literacy. Child Development, 69, 848–872. World Bank. (2009). Ghana: Job creation and skills development. Volume 1 Main Report. Report No. 40328-GH. Retrieved October 16, 2016, from http://documents. worldbank.org/curated/en/716741468029682515/pdf/403280ESW0v10P10disclo sed0711010910.pdf

2 British Colonialism and Policy Since Independence (1957) Impacts on Teaching Practices

Chapter Overview This chapter examines the role of British colonial rule in Ghana and how colonialism has affected educational policy in the country. Before becoming a country with specified borders, the country was inhabited by different tribes and clans with different languages and traditions under chiefs and leaders. The advent of colonial rule changed the lives of the people as the way of life, education, culture, and traditions were soon to be compared with that of another culture which claimed to have a superior civilisation. Missionary activities, which were synonymous with colonial rule, introduced Christianity through education. The introduction of mass education for children in Ghana and Africa brought with it the issue of the language of communication and learning with huge implications for children’s language and literacy development in indigenous and colonial languages. The chapter starts with the partitioning of Africa among some European countries, colonial rule in the then Gold Coast and ends with a review of the language policies initiated in Ghana from independence in 1957.

Partitioning of Africa and Colonial Rule Africa has for many centuries had trade links with Europe. Many European countries including Spain and Portugal had had contact with some African countries including Ghana since the fifteenth century. In the Gold Coast, for example, the European contact was through Portuguese who were trading in copper and cloth and buying gold along the shores of present-day Elmina, an ancient town in the Central region of Ghana (Holsey, 2011). Indeed, the town is particularly important to the overall history of Ghana because Elmina Castle built purposely for trading activities later became a place of learning (discussed later in this chapter) and served as a place for slave trading where slaves were ‘shipped in from other parts of West Africa in exchange of gold in the middle of the fifteenth century’ (Holsey, 2011, p. 81). The town currently serves as a place for diaspora tourism, where African diasporas come to know more about their ‘ancestral and family roots’ (Holden, Sonne, & Novelli, 2011, p. 322).

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 15 The colonisation of the continent was in the form of the partitioning, annexation, occupation, and the scrambling of the wealth and people in 1844 after several failed to fully annex the continent (Mckenzie, 1983). Several reasons have been given for the partitioning of Africa by Simensen (1978) among them, a breakdown of the joint control of Egypt by both the French and the British, which resulted in Britain having a unilateral control of the country. Another reason given by Simensen was the role of powerful people in France and Britain who were interested in conquering the continent. Whatever the reason, the competition for the expansion of territory and new trade links are among the reasons for the partitioning of the African continent. Austin (1984) describes the partitioning as follows: There was nothing unusual in the seizure of other people’s territory as the consequence of war, but the partition of Africa was on a truly grand scale, reminiscent of papal pronouncements which halved the new world between Spain and Portugal. Now it was another continent and many more partners to the enterprise, each with a sharpened appetite, each fearful of losing what might be gained. (p. 260) The purpose of the partitioning was for European countries to have control over the wealth of the African continent. To do this they drew internal borders of the continent among themselves, destroying previously cohesive tribes, clans, and families. These borders created divisions among communities and small language groups, especially around borders (Rassool & Edwards, 2010). The disregard for natural boundaries of ethnic groups, communities and kingdoms meant families or kinsmen and women found themselves under different colonial rulers. This is demonstrated along the borders of Ghana where the Ewes, Nzema, and some other tribes in Ghana have relatives on the other side of the border in Togo, Cote D’Ivoire, and Burkina Faso. Research shows that more than 177 African cultural or ethnic groups are divided across different borders in the continent as a result of colonial rule (Englebert, Tarango, & Carter, 2002). Some of these communities are also divided in the official language spoken today as they were colonised by different colonial powers such as the British, the French, and the Portuguese. From the west coast to the east of Africa and to the south of the continent, colonial powers including Britain, France, Germany, Portugal, and Belgium, apportioned different parts of Africa for themselves until the people freed themselves through independence. The story and history of the partitioning of Africa receive much attention in The Scramble for Africa by Pakenham (1992). Colonial rule took different forms, while British rule was indirect, usually ruling the people through the leaders or the chiefs of the community when it was possible. This was in direct opposition to the French system where the chiefs or leaders were directly under the authority of the French political rulers. This made the imposition of direct French culture on the country easier

16  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 (Cowder, 1964). Another difference between British and French rule was that, while the British respected the traditional leaders or chiefs, the French created new political communities with new own leaders/chiefs, who were usually their loyal friends. One important feature of colonial rule is the exploitation of the natural and human resources of the continent. Craven (2015) noted that Europeans used colonial rule as a means to control the economy of the colonised. The exploitation took the form of the appropriation of land, mining of natural resources, human labour, and the control of trade. The exploitation of Africans’ minerals and trade in human labour, in the form of the slave trade, appears to have been done with little regard for the impact of these activities on the indigenous people. The British economy, for example, is said to have benefitted immensely from the slave trade. Inikori (2002) discusses, in his book, how Britain profited from the sale of slaves and commodities such as sugar, cotton, and others from slave forced labour as well as profits from African rich minerals to build a strong economy for itself. Davis (1973, p. 394) argues that ‘Africa was organised into three macro-regions: Africa of the colonial trade economy (West Africa and Sudan), Africa of the concession-owing companies (the Congo River Basin), and Africa of the labour forces (eastern and southern Africa)’. Even the provision of infrastructure was for the purpose of transporting goods from the colonial country to Europe. Sederberg (1971), in his article on colonial rule in the Gold Coast, noted that the purpose of British built rail lines was not to provide transportation for the indigenes but solely to transport minerals like gold and bauxite and crops like cocoa and other products from Ghana to Europe. The citing of these rail lines speaks for itself as they were built from the mining areas to the ports for easy transportation. There is hardly any rail line built purposely for providing easy transportation for the local Ghanaian population. The control of Africa’s economy resulted in unequal trade patterns which continued after independence, when newly independent country’s economies were intricately linked with that of the colonial power. Indeed, Loomba (1998) argues that [m]odern colonialism did more than extract tribute, goods and wealth from the countries that it conquered – it restructured the economies of the latter, drawing them into a complex relationship with their own, so that there was a flow of human and natural resources between colonised and colonial countries. (p. 3) Although all African countries are now independent, however, many of the countries appear to be disadvantaged in terms of globalisation. This is because global trade appears to favour the West as many agreements are made not by Africans but by Europeans (Akindele, Gidado, & Olaopo, 2002). African countries continue to trade in raw materials which are dependent on the industries

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 17 of their former colonial rulers. Ghana for example is a world producer of cocoa, yet it continues to export cocoa beans for chocolate factories in the West rather than specialising in the production of chocolate and other products. Indeed, colonial rule distorted the economy of many African states as sub-Saharan African countries continue to have poor and undeveloped economies. The effect of colonial exploitation, together with globalisation could be a contributing factor to the widespread poverty experienced in many African countries today. Globalisation is determining the world’s economy with big multinational companies and individual African countries stand at a disadvantage as they are unable to compete with them. Colonial rule is also associated with psychological and cultural oppression of the colonised through education and religion, with the portrayal of European culture and religion as superior to that of the indigenes, thus creating a distinction of class, race, and gender between the rulers and those they ruled (Loomba, 1998). Said (2003) argues that ‘the major component in European culture is precisely what made that cultural hegemony . . . the idea of European identity as a superior one in comparison with all the non-European peoples and culture’ (p. 7). Colonial rulers saw European culture as superior and promoted it in such a way as to make non-Europeans feel inferior about their own culture. Among the number of measures taken to achieve this was segregation from the local people. Myers (2003), for example, describes how Europeans planned distinctive and separate community areas for Europeans only, away from local people. McLeod (2007) further argues that, whilst European colonisers saw themselves as ‘civilised’, ‘rational’, ‘reasonable’, ‘cultured’ and ‘learned’, the indigenes were seen as ‘barbaric’, ‘illogical’, ‘awkward’, ‘naïve’ and ‘ignorant’ (p. 2). This appears to suggest that anything non-European was unacceptable and scorned, a situation which could create division and confusion among the indigenes, educated in European schools. Okon (2014) explains this further, as follows: In colonial Africa, colonial mentality was the outcome of intensive European propaganda, brainwashing and psychological warfare against Africans and anything African. Colonial mentality has affected all the segments of African society. Anything that is indigenous is looked down upon as unimportant. Unfortunately, Africans including the elites are ready to accept anything. (p. 205) Colonial ideology was perpetuated by missionary activities, through education and Okon (2014, p. 192) argues that ‘colonialism has become a stigma for Christianity in contemporary Africa’. Missionary activities, in the form of education and proselytising of the Christian faith, together with colonial rule, resulted in the psychological colonisation of traditional cultures and impacted on the self-identity of many. Hassan (2015, p. 195), in his article on Christian missionary attitudes towards African traditional religion, for example, says

18  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 ‘the missionaries who operated in Buganda were, by and large, predisposed to consider themselves as bearers, not only of a superior religion but a superior culture, the two being inseparably intertwined’. This appears to show that the intention of European leaders in partitioning Africa was not only for political ends, but also to impose European religion, culture, and education on Africans. Different missionary groups started Western education in some African countries, and as Gallego and Woodberry (2010) explain, missionaries provided about 90% of Western education in Sub-Saharan Africa during the colonial era. Thus, Ball (1983) argues that the intention of Christian missionaries, who accompanied Europeans in their conquest of Africa, was to make Africans good Christians through civilisation and conversion. However, Okon (2014) notes that [a]lthough there is a glaring absence of scholarly consensus on the role of the missionaries in the colonization of Africa, the argument seems to favor the view that some missionaries cooperated essentially with colonial authorities in the exploitation and cultural subjugation of Africa. (p. 199) The preceding quote points to the fact that, although many Africans accept the work carried out by missionaries, they do, however, hold them responsible for the colonisation of their countries by justifying the actions of colonial rulers and playing an active role through their missionary activities and educational institutions. It was the missionaries who regarded the religion and African way of life as barbaric and heathen in an attempt to undervalue the traditions and culture of the people. through their preaching. Through their preaching and education, they portrayed the supremacy of European cultural values over those of the colonised.

Colonial Rule in Ghana The history of Africa and Ghana, in particular, can be seen from two perspectives: from that of Europeans who trace the history only from the beginning of European association with Africa or from the lens of the African (Boahen,1966). This suggests the history of the continent can be biased to favour one or the other. The Europeans’ view is likely to include the discovery of the continent, how the peoples’ way of life is different to that of their own, the trade deals, the justification for colonial rule, and other partnerships as a follow-up of colonisation. From the perspective of the African and for that matter, the Ghanaian, much of the discourse will be about the effects of the encounter with the European. These consequences will undoubtedly include the impact of colonial rule on the whole psyche of the Africans, the linguistic and socio-cultural changes, and how the country’s economy is perpetually linked to former colonial and other multi-national companies. In terms of how former Ghana was colonised, Danquah (1957) noted that the Bond of

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 19 1844 for example, gave powers to Britain to bring Fanti chiefs under their control for better governance. This agreement appears to legitimise British presence and jurisdiction over the indigenous people. However, the Fanti chiefs could view this agreement as a bondage, an attempt by the British to control and take over their rights as the custodian of the people under their rule. Ghana, as it is known today, was formally called Gold Coast. It is important to say at this point that the name Gold Coast itself is a colonial name. The Portuguese were the first group of Europeans to have had contact with the local people around Elmina in the central part of the country. Hargrove (2015, p. 26) writing on how the search of gold and the country became known as the Gold Coast had this to say: ‘Reaching the area they believed to be the source of gold and exploring further, they finally settled in the vicinity of Cabo des Tres Pontas or Cape of Three Points, an area they christened Al Mina Do Oura’ or the land of gold. The Portuguese also built a castle at Elmina, and they were followed by other Europeans traders including the French, the Netherlands, Danish, and Britain. Anquandah (2013, p. 12) reports that gold and other minerals such as ivory and copper were used as ornaments by both royals and women and that ‘a royal in Elmina was described as covered with plates of gold and wearing a gold necklace’. The country is the first sub-Sahara African country to become independence from Britain in 1957 and the name Ghana (an old empire in West Africa) was adopted with English (the language of the colonial rulers) as its official language (Nkrumah, 2001). The country lies along the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Guinea and shares a border with the following French-speaking countries: Togo to the east, the Ivory Coast or Cote d’Ivoire to the west, and Burkina Faso to the north. Before the creation of Ghana, there were many independent states and kingdoms with their respective leaders, the older and more centralised being the Mole-Dagbani and the Gonja kingdoms in the north and the Denkyira, Akwamu, Akyem, Asante, and less centralised states, including the Ewe, Ga, Krobos, and Guans, among others in the south (Addo-Fening, 2013). All the above groups are diverse in culture, ethnicity, religion, language, and geography, and inheritance is either patrilineal or matrilineal. Linguistically, the Akans are the largest group of people in Ghana, and they include the Ashanti, Fante, Akyem, Akwamu, and Nzema, among others. Other linguistical groups are the Ewes and Ga-Dangme (Anquandah, 2013). All these states and kingdoms played significant roles in opposing British rule in different forms during the period of colonisation. West African’s first contact with Europe was through explorers and traders looking for new trade routes. As already mentioned, the Portuguese, for example, were the first European arrivals who, having discovered an abundance of gold, built what is now the Elmina Castle (which later became the slave castle) for trading purposes and named the area Elmina. However, they did not survive long due to malaria and yellow fever in addition to aggression from the Danes who arrived in 1598. The Danes later seized the castle together with

20  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 other properties and took over the territory from the Portuguese in 1642. The next group to take over the territory were the British, who were also chased out the Danes in 1871. This clearly shows the infighting and competition that took place between different Europeans countries on who should have absolute control of the land, the people, and trading activities. The period of European occupation was also characterised with the trading of slaves. British trading firms, including Foster & Smith, F & A Swanzy, and Hutton, were among the early traders with a commercial interest in the country (Addo-Fening, 2013). These trading activities took were either by credit, where goods were supplied to local merchants and paid for later or by barter, through the exchange of goods with gold. An important feature of the trading activities was the need for the education of European children. The Portuguese opened a school around 1529 where children were taught reading, writing, and religious studies in Portuguese (Graham, 1971). Although not much is known about the progress or otherwise of the school, the Dutch, who chased the Portuguese out of the area, relocated the school within the Elmina Castle. This was the beginning of what is now known as the ‘castle school’. Although the school served the interest of the European children, it was also used to teach indigenes European languages so they could serve as interpreters to support the commercial activities of the Europeans. Missionary activities also flourished as different missionary groups followed for the purpose of introducing Christianity. The Basel missionaries arrived in 1828 and started operations in Christiansborg Castle, Accra (Gocking, 2005). After suffering many health problems and deaths, they moved to the Akwapim Ridge, where the climate was much healthier for them. They built a school in 1837 for boys, another one for girls in 1847, and training centres for the training of catechists and teachers (Graham, 1971). The strong presence of the Presbyterian Church in the Akwapim Ridge today is due to the foundation laid by these earlier Basel missionaries. The Methodist Church, on the other hand, started its educational work around 1835 in the Cape Coast Castle. With time, more schools were opened outside the castle in Cape Coast, Accra, and Saltpond. Other missionary groups who operated in the country were the Bremen Missionary society from northern Germany, who started working in Peki and Ho (Volta region) in 1847, and Catholic missionaries in 1880 in Elmina (AddoFening, 2013). Although the provision of education was a laudable feat, it was one of the gateways used in imposing European philosophy, culture, and values and a means of looking down on the religion, culture, and traditions of the local people as inferior. The catechist and teacher training colleges trained indigenes as catechists and teachers who acted as the link between missionaries and local people. Graduates from these institutions passed on the European way of life to their new followers and students. Indeed, the introduction of boarding schools for boys and girls could be seen as a means of gradual alienation of African children from their culture and traditional way of life.

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 21 Formal control of what is known as Ghana by the British was gradual, starting with the coastal areas, through agreements with indigenous leaders and later through annexation. Britain gained absolute control over what is now Ghana only in 1901 (Sederberg, 1971). The Bond of 1844, for example, was an agreement with some leaders of coastal towns allowing British judicial laws without the cessation of lands or territories (Addo- Fening, 2013). This was the beginning of a calculated strategy to bring the leaders and people under British control. History shows that British governors interfered with the laws of the locals, undermining the authorities of the native rulers, with serious consequences for some chiefs as they lost juridical control over their citizens. The destruction of political way of life which was organised around chiefs, leaders, and family heads. The introduction of colonial boundaries distorted the once-organised kingdoms and tribes by arbitrary drawing boundaries between them. The political thinking and democracy introduced by the British were much different from the political and cultural life of indigenes embodied in their leaders. Meanwhile, the British administration made several efforts in undermining the authority of chiefs through the introduction of British laws (Addo- Fening, 2013). The political problems plaguing the continent today appear to have their origins in the introduction of a new political way of life which is foreign to the system once practised in the continent. Allegiance was slowly moving away from traditional rulers to the politically elected members of the country. British control in the then Gold Coast was gradual with the central, western, eastern, and parts of the Volta regions becoming the first areas that came under British protectorate in 1892 (Sederberg, 1971). The question of annexation of Ashanti was a rather difficult one as Ashanti was a well-established centralised kingdom which did not recognise another state as superior to it. After several unsuccessful attempts, wars, and exile of Prempeh 1, the king of the Ashanti to Seychelles, and the subsequent defeat of the Yaa Asantewa war, the Ashanti finally came under the protectorate of the British government in 1902 (AddoFening, 2013; Akyeampong, 1999). The colony was completed when the German part of the Volta Region was taken over by Britain after the defeat of Germany after the First and Second World Wars. The British colonial government in sub-Saharan Africa was headed by the governor together with a legislative council, including indigenous chiefs and prominent people, who made laws and prepared the budget for the people (Sederberg, 1971). This led to what is known as indirect rule, whereby the governor was politically in charge and the indigenous leaders exercise direct control of their citizens. The Gold Coast economy was mainly based on small-scale farming, fishing, and hunting, first for home consumption and for commercial purposes. With time, large commercial activities and mining of the country’s minerals, especially gold, took precedence (Addo-Fening, 2013). British companies took advantage of colonial rule in the exploitation of gold mining and the sale of cocoa. The Gold Coast, together with other British colonies, was also required to produce resources and funds in the form of agricultural

22  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 products and minerals, such as copper, uranium, and iron, for the military during the Second World War (Babou, 2010). Although there was the provision of infrastructure, such as roads and rail lines, these were constructed to make the transportation of raw materials and goods easier from Ghana to the UK. The period of the First and Second World Wars also had a significant impact on colonial rule in Africa. Extra funding was needed to pay for the war, and soldiers were needed to fight alongside the British forces. Consequently, higher taxes were imposed, and there was more exploitation of the mineral wealth, forced labour for the cultivation of farm products, and the recruitment of personnel to fight alongside the British forces (Thomas, 1983). These developments had untold difficulties for many people, especially peasant farmers in other parts of the sub-region, especially farmers in Kenya (Babou, 2010). British control in sub-Saharan Africa and Ghana, in particular, was beginning to suffer a setback with continuous agitation from indigenes and nationalist movements which were springing up in different parts of the regions. Nationalistic movements were rising in Ghana, Kenya, Tanganyika, and Togo, with membership from African scholars who had studied abroad, former veterans who fought alongside European soldiers, and prominent and ordinary African (Nimako, 2010). The end of the Second World changed the dynamism of world politics. Imperial powers like France and Britain were no longer the only powerful leaders in the world as the US and the Soviet Union were now part of the voice on world matters. A further significant change in world affairs was the creation of the UN with ‘emphasis on human rights and the rights of self-determination for all nations’ (Babou, 2010). The UN made it possible for colonised countries to seek political freedom and the call for independence was now louder than ever. Africans were no longer willing to be subjected to colonial rule, and they were prepared to fight for their independence. The drive for independence in Ghana was led by people from different political views, but the most prominent person among them was Kwame Nkrumah, who became the first prime minister of the country. Nkrumah was educated in the US where he was part of the pan-African movement. He was deeply involved in the independence movement which was advocating for independence in Africa. Nkrumah was later invited by the United Gold Coast Convention Party (UGCC) which was formed to resist colonial rule, requesting for self-government for the indigenes (Nimako, 2010). Nimako also asserts that Nkrumah had already made a name for himself in the US and in UK as a person opposed to colonial rule. Nkrumah became the organiser for the UGCC. However, several disagreements between and the UGCC leadership led to the formation of his own party, Convention People’s Party (CPP). In Nkrumah’s own words, [t]here was bound to be a certain amount of confusion until it became increasingly clear that the U.G.C.C. no longer represented the wishes of the majority of the people. My call was for ‘Self- Government Now’,

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 23 as opposed to the U.G.C.C.’s ‘Self-Government in the shortest possible time’ . . . on 1 August I formally resigned from the U.G.C.C. (Nkrumah, 2001, p. 19) It is important to state that agitation to colonial rule in the Gold Coast started long before these Nationalist movements. The Aborigines Rights Protection Society formed in 1896, for example, opposed colonial expropriating of Fante lands (Thomas, 1983). Nkrumah’s fight for independence was not only for the Gold Coast but for the whole of Africa. He spearheaded the pan-African movement to encourage African political leaders to demand independence from European colonisers. The following reflects his thoughts on his role: ‘My work in London for the West African National Secretariat and my membership of the revolutionary group known as “The Circle” were well known. For years I had worked for West African unity and the destruction of colonialism’ (Nkrumah, 2001, p. 1). After many years of agitations and negotiations with the British government, Ghana became independent on 6 March 1957. However, this achievement according to Nkrumah ‘would be meaningless unless it were linked with the liberation of Africa’ (Nkrumah, 2001, p. 197). Although all countries in the sub-region have gained their independence, they are in a way bound to their former colonial rulers through trade and other bilateral agreements. As a result, many of the countries appear to be disadvantaged in terms of globalisation. This is because global trade appears to favour the West as many agreements are made not by Africans but by Europeans (Akindele et al., 2002). African countries continue to trade in raw materials which are dependent on the industries of their former colonial rulers. Ghana, for example, is a world producer of cocoa, yet it continues to export cocoa beans for chocolate factories in the West rather than specialising in the production of chocolate and other products. Indeed, colonial rule distorted the economy of many African states as sub-Saharan African countries continue to have poor and undeveloped economies. Additionally, colonial systems such as the civil service, education, and European languages became part of newly independent countries. Colonial rule continues to impact Africa and the sub-Saharan region in a multifaceted way. Western education and philosophy appear to have devastating effects on the social, cultural, political, economic, and religious lives of the indigenes. Colonial writings portray how Europeans colonisers described themselves and the local people. Words such as civilised, rational, reasonable, cultured, and learned were ascribed to Europeans while the indigenes were said to be ‘barbaric’, ‘illogical’, ‘awkward’, ‘naïve’ and ‘ignorant’ (McLeod, 2007, p. 2). These words promoted European and Western way of life as more acceptable to the African way of life. Many sub-Saharan countries still bear witness to the colonial quarters in some towns and cities which were segregated, wellplanned, distinctive communities for colonial officials during colonial rule (Myers, 2003).

24  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 Those who experienced colonial education report of the devastating effect it had on traditional and social values as it brought about an identity crisis. The problem faced by many is how much of the European culture to absorb and how much of their own to abandon (Bhabha, 2004). The long-term effect of this cultural hybridity appears to be responsible for the alienation of the individuals from their culture, identity and language and the reliance on Western-style culture. As Higgs (2012, p. 38) suggests, ‘African identity, to all intents and purposes, has become an inverted mirror of Western Eurocentric identity’. For example, the African values of collectiveness and togetherness were undermined by the introduction of the individualistic Eurocentric value system that was alien to Africans. Today, some Africans frown on the extended family system, do not bother to introduce to take their children to visit their ancestral homes or introduce their children to other members of their family. This means many children are growing up missing out important cultural activities and values of their tribes. In another vein, some are of the opinion that colonial rule and Western education is influencing children’s cultural practices negatively. Cultural values like greetings, showing respect to adults, being polite, forming friendships, and so on are sometimes seen as unimportant. Perhaps children and young adults could be experiencing a conflict between home training based on cultural practices and Western-style education. Bhabha (2004) refers to the conflicts and tensions between cultures of the colonisers and the colonised as a cultural hybridity, with emphasis on how new cultural identities are formed. This raises questions about identity and/or self-representation for teachers and teachers’ role in passing on Ghanaian cultural values to children in their classrooms. In this light, Dei (2002) argues for a cultural integration and the need for both teachers and students in Ghana to review and redefine their identity to balance Western values received through formal education with Ghanaian cultural values. Missionary work with the sole purpose of conversion into Christianity continues to have a devastating effect on the religious and cultural lives of Africans. Traditional African religion, the religion of the indigenes for many centuries, was described as pagan, and many aspects of culture and tradition were deemed unchristian. Baptism into the new religion and a new way of life was the answer and catechists were trained to help in the conversion of the indigenes. Baptism was so important that one could not become a teacher in a Basel school without it (Asare-Danso, 2014). Children and adults were required to change their Ghanaian names for European or Christian ones as missionaries rejected African names, claiming they were heathen. Indigenes who rejected or resisted the name change were either expelled or unable to continue their education in some missionary institution. As one’s name impact on identity, the very essence of identity was threatened by colonial rule. Some traditional way of dressing was not acceptable for preachers and the story is told of a local preacher who was refused to preach in church because he was not dressed in suit but in his traditional cloth which was worn over the

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 25 shoulders. Polygamy was considered unlawful in Christianity and new converts had to choose losing one or more spouses leading to a breakdown in family lives with dire consequences for many women and children. In some cases, the Basel missionaries created different communities for the members of their church to keep them away from the local communities. The conversion to the new religion resulted in new values and looking down on their own, new way of thinking and behaving, a different way of living and alienation from one’s people and culture. These changes brought with it the loss of one’s cultural identity, which was likely to cause tension not only for the individual but their communities as well. These tensions continue to present a constant struggle for the African or Ghanaian Christian. Today some have an integrated culture, European and African, and some totally abandoning what I call ‘Africanness’ in favour of European culture which they do not fully understand. It is generally accepted that Western-style education was a way of introducing Christianity with the curriculum more focused on basic literacy with the Bible as the main text because if you are able to read and write, then you can read the Bible (Kadingdi, 2004). Education and Western curricula also affected young Africans and traditional education. Children were no longer educated at home as was the case but introduced to classroom learning and Western civilisation. The curriculum of many African countries is believed to be colonial and not fully representing the locals. The colonial curriculum in the whole of education was heavily British and foreign. As Ofori-Atta (2006, p. 412) asserts, ‘African forms of spirituality, including music, dancing, art, and religious practices were all excluded from the colonial curriculum’. It is likely that such a curriculum will be based on British and European history and geography, religion, and culture. As a result, students would be alienated from their own history, culture, and religion at the end of their education. Education at the time made the Ghanaian child less in tune with his or her own culture and traditions. The payment by result policy, a colonial government’s policy, which rewarded teachers on the basis of the performance of their children in the classroom encouraged the use of the cane to force their children to learn so that teachers could be rewarded for good teaching (Foster, 1967). The more the cane is used by the teacher, the more children ‘learn’, usually by memorising answers, with teachers getting the reward through additional pay. The introduction of cane somehow changed the power relation between children and some parents as some children began seeing teachers as more powerful than their parents and would prefer to listen to their teachers rather than the parents for fear of being caned at school. This new power relation was considered by some as undermining parents’ authority and the introduction of an unbelievably bad practice since, culturally, children were to obey their parents. Although some of these practices have long been taken out of English schools where it first started and smacking at home can be regarded as abuse in contemporary times, this practice is still ongoing in Ghana. Although Western education had its bad side, it brought about some positive influences on some cultural practices. The use of the left hand, which is

26  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 perceived in Ghanaian society as not culturally acceptable, even in the classroom, is gradually changing. To use the left hand was considered inappropriate and those who did that were not coming from a good home or without proper home training. Writing with the left hand or to receive something from an older person could therefore result in punishment. However, due to a better understanding of children’s learning and development and school environment, the practice of either punishing children or making them use the right instead has changed. Children are now allowed to use the left hand in public to receive their prizes and the shake hands with the right hand. Indeed, as described later, some teachers in this study recalled some unconventional practices used by teachers to prevent children from using their left hands, for example, hanging a stone around children’s arm to prevent them using the left hand to write, while some physically held the children’s right hand to help them write with it. Similarly, children were encouraged to raise the right hand instead of the left if they want to answer questions in the classroom. Today most teachers have come to accept the differences between this culture and what goes in school, although they can be exceptions in some places where untrained teachers may have little knowledge about issues such as these. A major area of concern is the use of English in education. The introduction of English as the country’s official language and language of instruction in school, coupled with the global role of the language continues to affect many Africans, including the Ghanaian. The curriculum primarily was to prepare West African to speak English and to seek employment as clerks, teachers, missionaries, or law enforcement officers in the British African colonies’ (OforiAtta, 2006, p.  414). Ironically, the colonial language was adopted as official languages in place of an indigenous language. English therefore became part of education even after independence. Wakerley (1994) is of the opinion that ‘former colonial powers created a situation whereby each country in Africa, as it attained its independence’ had difficulty about what to do with their inherited colonial language. Nkrumah (2001, p. 102) acknowledged this predicament as follows: ‘Yet another example is the problem of language. One of the most obvious difficulty which face Africa south of the Sahara is the multiplicity of languages and dialect’. The decision to use European or colonial language in education especially for young children, means many sub-Saharan countries continue to debate the effectiveness of such postcolonial decisions for children’s literacy and progress in school. The struggle with what language to use in education is not only former British colonial countries. While missionary activities permitted the use of indigenous languages in school, in the case of French-speaking countries like the Ivory Coast, citizens were forced to adopt French, and the use of local language was forbidden (Djite, 2000). As rightly noted by Ball (1983), the education system of most African countries are the legacies of the colonial past. The consequences of this decision are the exclusion of many citizens who are unable to participate fully in the affairs of society. Those who are not literate in the colonial languages cannot work in government, civil and public

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 27 service, or multinational companies and remain at the margins of society. In multilingual Africa, where most children live in rural areas with little connection to spoken foreign languages, colonial languages become what Rassool, Edwards, and Bloch (2006, p. 537) note as creating ‘additional barriers to literacy acquisition’.

Western-Style Education in Ghana In Ghana, Western education or formal education started with what is known as the ‘castle schools’, where European traders from Portugal, the Netherlands, Denmark, and later Britain used the castles for the education of their own children and that of prominent families (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975). The first European country to open a school, in Elmina, was the Portuguese around 1529. Teaching was done in Portuguese, and children were taught reading, writing, and religious studies (Graham, 1971). Although not much is known about the progress or otherwise of the school, the Dutch, who chased out the Portuguese, relocated the school within the Elmina Castle. The real reason for the introduction of education was the training of interpreters to support trading activities. Education was therefore seen as a means of providing such a support. Similarly, British education in the Gold Coast was to have educated indigenes as trading partners and support workers in the civil service. One could therefore conclude that European education in what was then known as the Gold Coast was primarily for European interest. An important twist to education in the then Gold Coast and other subSaharan African countries was the role of European missionaries which, undoubtedly, was for the conversion of the indigenes to Christianity through education. Prominent among the groups of missionaries in the Gold Coast were the Basel and the Wesleyan. The Basel missionaries arrived in 1828 and started operation in the Christiansburg castle, Accra (it became the seat of government for the Provisional National Defense Council [PNDC] and is still in use for some government services) Gocking, 2005). They later moved to the Akwapim Ridge, where the climate was healthier for them. The Basel missionaries built a school for boys in 1837, another one for girls in 1847, and training centres for the training of catechists and teachers (Graham, 1971). Although the provision of education was a laudable feat, the education was one of the gateways used in imposing European philosophy, culture, and values and a means of looking down on the religion, culture, and traditions of the local people as inferior. Some African scholars see colonial rule and western education as the attempt by which colonial powers replaced ‘African educational system with an absolutely different system designed to serve the overall aim of the subjugation of the continent to European needs’ (Babaci-Wilhite, 2013). The training catechists/training colleges established by the Basel missionaries were aimed at the evangelisation and promotion of European civilisation as the teachers who graduated from the institutions passed on the European way of life to their students.

28  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 Both the missionaries and early Europeans settlers appear to have different approaches towards education and the language of education. While the missionaries were more interested in converting people to the Christian faith, the intention of European traders and later the British, on the other hand, was for interpreters and clerical staff for their trading activities and civil service. Reading and writing became an integral part of education as against oral literacy. The British, after becoming the dominant political power in the colony, also built schools to prepare indigenes to support work in the civil service through the use of English. With time, European-style education spread from the coastal areas to the hinterland and became more accessible to many other children. The first president, Kwame Nkrumah, prioritised education with the sole aim of creating a literate population at the time of independence in 1957. The introduction of free education and the building of new schools were boosts for mass literacy. However, the lack of trained teachers, especially in some newly created schools, defeated the purpose of the government in a way as their poor teaching affected children’s reading and writing skills. They were unable to teach many children. Ghana has over the years made significant progress in the provision of education and infrastructure. Although the country has made great strides in the education of its citizens through the building of schools and universities, many children especially in rural areas continue to lag behind in reading and writing. Both the British colonial government and missionaries promoted literacy in their own way. As mass education was becoming popular and more and more children went to school, the question of language became necessary, not only in Ghana but also in other British colonial countries. The solution was the Phelps–Stoke Commission, a US fund commissioned by the British government on education in its African territories. The commission recommended the use of indigenous African languages in colonial schools and a better relationship between the colonial government and the missions (Ball, 1983). Missionaries operating in the Gold Coast and elsewhere promoted indigenous languages as part of the strategy to convert locals to Christianity. This was observed by Makoni, Dube, and Mashiri (2006) in what is now known as Zimbabwe. In Ghana, the Basel mission, for example, supported the use of local language as it favoured the conversion of indigenes to Christianity. However, the Wesleyan encouraged children to use English from the beginning of education (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975). This means both English and the local language were used as languages of instruction for younger children by different schools. This is likely to create some form of disparities or inequalities in language use and literacy development in English depending on which school a child attends. The introduction of English and the recommendations for the use of indigenous languages in schools is the beginning of the long and never-ending debate on language policy in many African countries, especially in the lower grades.

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 29

Colonial and Postcolonial Language Policy Issues The question of the language policy in the whole sub-Saharan region is now a matter of interest although the colonial language remains the language of education for most of its citizens. This linguistic choice has many consequences for children’s learning and their future success. It appears that many countries do not want to make any significant change to the policy of using colonial language, although research shows children learn better in their own language. Of all the countries in the sub-region, Tanzania is the only country that made a bold language policy decision to use Kiswahili in 1967 for primary school (Babaci-Wilhite, 2013). In Ghana as in other countries, English is used as the language of instruction from upper primary, that is Grades 4 to 6 and beyond to the university level. The case is, however, different in the lower grades, with some governments supporting English and other local language until the new bilingual programme called the National Literacy Acceleration Programme (NALAP). The history of the use of an ‘English-only’ policy as the medium of instruction in Ghanaian schools took place after independence (Owu-Ewie, 2006). As discussed earlier, African leaders adopted the use of European languages for several reasons, and Dr Kwame Nkrumah, the president of the first sub-Saharan country to gain independence from the British, appears to have led the way on this. A review of the works of Ansah (2014) shows that English became the language of instruction at all levels of education (including the lower grades) at the time of independence in 1957. The Barnard Committee was set up before independence to ‘investigate the possibility of adopting English as the medium of instruction throughout the primary school course’ McWilliam and Kwamena-Poh (1975, p. 60), The committee favoured the use of local language in the lower grades, but this was not accepted. Instead, English become the language of instruction for all levels of education in the country. According to Ansah (2014, p. 6), ‘even though the committee’s report was accepted by government, a member of the committee submitted a minority report recommending an English-only policy’. This suggests a divided opinion on the subject. This minority group could represent a section of the elite, those who preferred English rather than local language. The acceptance of the minority view is not surprising because English was already used in use for Grade 2 as the language of instruction between 1951 and 1956 when Ghanaian politicians were in charge of governing the country. One can see that English is the preferred language by the politicians and that accepting local language would be like going back to the colonial times when the British were in charge of affairs. The following statement, as recorded by McWilliam and Kwamena-Poh (1975), sheds some light on the situation during independence in 1957: In recent years, the tendency has been to introduce English as the medium of instruction early in the primary course and in urban situations from the

30  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 beginning where teachers could do so. At the same time, the teaching of Ghanaian languages as a class subject has remained compulsory. (p. 61) The acceptance of English rather than the local language meant the majority of children and some teachers would have a problem using English in communication. Sub-Saharan Africa appears to be among the few places in the world where most young children start school using another language due to colonialism and its aftermath. Ghanaian communities are mainly indigenous, and the local language is the common language for communication, so many children will hardly have proficiency in English, especially at the time of independence. Presently, local language still remains the main language for most people in rural Ghana, and English is acquired through schooling (Arthur-Shoba & Quarcoo, 2012). This situation is likely to create problems for teachers, as they may have difficulties interacting with children in a language the children do not understand. The English-only policy was unacceptable to the majority of Ghanaians. This is obvious as they felt local language was a better medium of instruction for younger children than English. Another reason why Ghanaians were unhappy with the policy was because Nkrumah presented himself as an advocate for pan-Africanism. Owu-Ewie (2006) argues that many Ghanaians saw the adoption of the English-only policy as a betrayal of the African, because of Nkrumah’s pan-African ideology and his call for Africans to be in charge of their own affairs. Indeed, Owu-Ewie questions why the president with strong panAfrican views should choose English over local languages. Nkrumah appeared to be promising something and was not able to fulfil the desires of the citizens. Nkrumah himself saw the language policy as part of his ambitious strategic plan for national development (Nkrumah, 2001). Ghana needed to compete and participate in the global world so that it could manage its own affairs. The only way to achieve that would be the learning of English in school, and young children were not to be left out. The use of English rather than local language in education was unacceptable to those who believe its use deprives the child of studying and learning about their language in depth and that English is likely to alienate children from their own culture and traditions. Language is closely related to culture, and the use of other peoples’ language means an unconscious way of assimilating values and beliefs held by others. Language also links people together and helps in forming a social identity. For the African child, therefore, language, culture and identity can be lost if through the increased use of colonial languages in education, especially, when some aspects of literature in English appear to look down on the African way of life. As Akello, Timmerman, and Namusisi (2016) assert, using one’s own language in education helps children to share their cultural values and beliefs, thus promoting cultural identity. The choice of English or other colonial European languages as official languages and subsequently as the language in education by newly independent

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 31 countries appears to favour national unity because of the diversity of languages. This situation, according to Mfum-Mensah (2005), made it difficult, if not impossible, for African leaders of newly independent countries to choose one language over another, which could create divisions, chaos, and animosity. It is possible that Nkrumah had this in mind due to Ghana’s linguistical diversity. Indeed, other African leaders in the sub-region also adopted the colonial languages inherited at the time of independence for cohesion in the country. Rather than decolonising their countries and freeing the citizens from the dominance of a powerful colonial language that excludes the majority of their citizens in nation building, they chose the way of the imperialist-language domination and, with it, the inferiority of local languages. The implementation of the English-only policy at the time of independence was not so easy as there was a high demand for teachers to teach in newly opened schools. The Educational Plan which included free and compulsory education for school-going-age children brought a number of pressures on the existing schools and the new ones. The country did not have the needed number of teachers and there were children in school waiting to be taught. This demand resulted in the employment of untrained teachers, or what are called ‘pupil teachers’, who did not have enough English-language knowledge in their own educational background (Ansah, 2014) Indeed, it appears that the majority of teachers at the time were untrained and did not have good knowledge of English. A committee that reviewed the state of education acknowledged that ‘it would be unrealistic to suppose that these untrained pupil teachers can teach English satisfactorily, let alone use it as a medium of teaching other subjects’ (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975, p. 119). This statement reveals a lot on the state of English literacy or the teaching of English at the time. Even today, the presence of untrained teachers in some schools (especially in rural areas) continue to impact on the progress of some children. The reintroduction of the English-only policy by the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government led by John Agyekum Kufuor in 2002 was not welcomed by some Ghanaians (Ansah, 2014; Opoku-Amankwa, 2009; Owu-Ewie, 2006). The government had set up a committee to review the country’s education and the issue of language was on the table for discussion. The Anamuah–Mensah Commission, like the Barnard Commission, recommended the use of local language for the lower grades (Fredua-Kwarteng, 2015). It appears a small minority, the ‘elite’, those who have power because of English, again, decided against it in favour of the colonial language (Ansah, 2014), a situation in which how language policies are ‘shaped by ideologies’ which some elite in the society hold on to even when it does not favour the majority (Dascomb, 2019). Unfortunately, although the colonial period is over, the colonial languages continue to take precedence over local languages, sending a signal that Ghanaians are still under imperialism or some form of colonial domination. The colonial language still dominates and enjoys a position of prestige in the political, social, and cultural fabric of the Ghanaian society. The NPP government changed the existing policy of using local language as the means of instruction and

32  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 communication to English only for grades and local language was to be studied as a subject (Opoku-Amankwa, 2009). This decision meant young children entering school for the first time would have their lessons in English rather than the local language they are familiar with as during the period of independence. Although socio-economic situation was somehow different from that of the independence era, culturally and linguistically, Ghanaians remain the same. Local language still remained the preference at home, and most children especially in rural ears had no access to preschool. It is argued that some teachers in the rural areas hardly used English so for many children, the reintroduction of English would be problematic. Among the reasons for reverting to the English-only policy by the government are the following: (1) the need for children to learn the English language early in school because it is a global language for technology, commerce, and science; (2) a lack of well-trained teachers with competency in using and teaching the local languages; (3) inadequate teaching and materials in local languages to support teaching and learning in schools that children can transfer from their second language (L2, English) to their first language (L1, the local language); and (4) the problem of multilingualism in some classrooms (Owu-Ewie, 2006). These reasons suggest the government chose ostensibly an easy way of dealing with the numerous problems of the local language policy rather than resolving them. While it is true that English has become a global lingua franca, with economic benefits for many, there are many people in rural communities that are doing well without having to learn and use English. The action of the government amounts to downgrading the indigenous languages and culture of its citizens in favour of a foreign language after many years of independence. Most writers on bilingualism, including Cummins (2001), agree that for children to develop a second language like English, it is better for children to transfer from their L1 to an L2 because they would have developed literacy skills in the L1. Furthermore, children’s ability to learn a second or additional language is not hindered when the main language of instruction in primary school is the mother tongue or L1. The minister’s proposition on the matter is ‘intriguing’, according to Owu-Ewie (2006), as it goes against research on language acquisition for bilingual children. It appears the government was unprepared to either finance or promote the study of local languages in the training colleges. How can the government say there are insufficient teaching and learning materials when it has a duty to provide them? These excuses do not solve the problem on teachers’ knowledge and use of local languages because the teachers have to teach local languages as a subject anyway. The situation where preservice teachers come out of training colleges with inadequate local language knowledge is therefore likely to remain. Indeed, teacher education institutions could do better on local language learning and teaching with more funding and improved pedagogical approaches. It is important for multilingual countries like Ghana, to carefully consider the effects of diversity of languages in classrooms and how to deal with it in

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 33 practice rather than brushing it aside or seeing it as a problem. The notion that economic success only comes through the use of European languages can be disputed based on the fact that they are many successful people in different communities who never enjoyed Western education. Intelligence is not measured by proficiency in English or a colonial language. Bodomo (1996) is of the view that the development of local languages, for example in science and technology, can help in the economic development of African countries because of the abundance of local knowledge and intelligence on issues of importance in local communities. There are similarities between the NPP government’s adoption of the policy and that of the CPP government’s preference for the use of English in school. Choosing English, the colonial language, over local language is like endorsing imperialism in practice although Nkrumah was very much against imperialism. Both the CPP and NPP governments placed importance on the need for children to learn English for self-advancement and participation in the global world rather than supporting the use of local languages, thereby improving the literacy rate of children from poorer communities. The decision to ignore the majority view on the language policy highlights the need for broad consultations on matters that affects the future of children. Although the Englishonly policy during Nkrumah’s government could be accepted because of the political environment, it is difficult to understand why the NPP government would go back to a policy which was being discouraged because of research findings. The UN (2000) see children who do not use their mother tongue in education as being at a disadvantage position compared to others. Children using another language face the challenge of learning a new language and the set of knowledge contained in the language. This is particularly true when children read books from other cultures that they cannot associate with. It is difficult to compare the vocabulary development of a 5-year-old child in an English home in the UK with that of a similarly aged child in Ghana as there is no available research on that. However, because a child in the UK lives in a community where English is widely spoken, such a child would definitely have more vocabulary and a better comprehension of words and terminology in English than a Ghanaian child learning English. The reason for this is that children learn vocabulary better when words are presented to them in contents such as a conversation rather than in isolation as in many Ghana classrooms, for example (Weisberg, Kittredge, Hirsh-Pasek, Golinkoff, & Klahr, 2015). Nunan (2003), writing on the impact of English on Asian-Pacific regions, for example, argues that because English has become a global language, [g]overnments and ministries of education are framing policies and implementing practices in the language area without adequately considering the implications of such policies and practices on the lives of the teachers and students they affect. (p. 591)

34  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 Although the use of the English language may be beneficial to children in some ways, the fact that English is not the first or home language of many children could create problems for classroom interactions and restrict children’s academic progress. The disadvantages of using English as the language of instruction in African schools have been discussed extensively in the literature (Graham, McGlynn, & Islei, 2015; Ansah, 2014; Kioko, Ndung’u, Njoroge, & Mutiga, 2014; Opoku-Amankwa, 2009). These writers have questioned the use of English when many children continue to fall behind in their studies. Opoku-Amankwa (2009, p. 131), in a study on the English-only policy under the NPP government, observed that most children could not express themselves well in the English language, leading to a ‘lack of confidence, a feeling of inadequacy and generally low levels of self-esteem’. How do we expect young children to interact with one another and develop vocabulary and listening skills when they do not understand the language spoken to them? Classroom interaction in such cases is usually poor as some children may find the experience humiliating, especially if others laugh at their attempt to speak English. Language acquisition, and in this case English, is necessary for early literacy development so also phonological awareness, print concepts, and vocabulary development (Nutbrown, Hannon, & Morgan, 2005). Once children are unable to develop these skills in the early years, they will find difficulty in reading and understanding what they read, and the situation may continue in the upper grades and beyond. This could be the reason why most African classrooms are teacher-centred, making some children become unassertive and less critical in school as they are unable to participate effectively in class. Kioko et al. (2014) made a powerful statement on how the English language makes children passive learners when they said: The barrier of starting school in a language that is not the learner’s home language changes the focus of the learning from learner-centred to teacher-centred, and thus reinforces passiveness and silence in classrooms, which in turn suppress the young learner’s potential and liberty to express themselves freely. (p. 3) The statement highlights the plights of many African children who are deprived of the natural gift of expressive language, the language they speak fluently at home and in their communities Akello et al. (2016) also argue that language is important for communication and meaning-making during learning activities, so it is necessary to use a language which children understand and are able to communicate in freely during lessons. Language is an important communication process and a necessary factor in classroom interactions between teachers and children and among children. Children communicate their thoughts, feelings, and understanding of things in language. The fact that they find it difficult to do so can have serious consequences for their social and emotional development. This development also creates exclusivity

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 35 instead of including all children in the learning process as suggested by theorists such as Vygotsky (1978) on the importance of children’s thinking and language development. In this vein, children’s cognitive skills, including reading, writing, and critical thinking skills, are intricately linked to their socialemotional, as well as academic, development, and achievement (Ashdown & Bernard, 2012). The opposite of poor interaction between teacher and children is recorded in a study conducted in Fante areas in Ghana, where children interacted freely with the teacher in a lesson. The study concluded that the good interaction between the teacher and children observed during a lesson was because the teacher was using the local language, which was familiar to the children (Opoku-Amankwa, 2009). Children understood the teacher, and they had the vocabulary to express themselves. It is possible that the children would be eager to answer questions even if their answers are incorrect. This has led some African writers to question the reasons for their governments’ preference for the use of colonial languages in schools (Oduor, 2015; Trudel & Piper, 2014; Babaci-Wilhite, 2013; Davis & Agbenyega, 2012). Why would sub-Saharan African governments punish their young citizens by making them learn in a language they have no command of? Why should the actions of African governments contribute to the poor literacy skills of many young children when other countries are seeking ways of improving the literacy rates in their countries? Why should government indirectly create unemployment in their own countries when research shows that good literacy skills contribute to future success and the need for children to learn in their own language? These and many more questions need to be answered by governments and policy makers in sub-Saharan Africa. The quality of teaching English has come under scrutiny. The criticism is at both untrained and trained teachers who may not be well equipped at how to teach English, especially to young children. Taking the time of independence into perspective, many Ghanaian writers on the subject reported that pupil teachers who were employed as a result of the expansion of education contributed to children’s poor literacy skills because some of them did not have enough English competency (Opoku-Amankwa & Brew-Hammond, 2011; Owu-Ewie, 2006). These children were ‘exposed to the poor, non-standard English of many primary school teachers’ (Andoh-Kumi, 2000, p. 4). In the case of trained teachers, Pryor, Akyeampong, Westbrook, and Lussier (2012) suggested that the reason for poor English teaching is because teacher-training colleges in Ghana are failing to prepare teachers adequately for literacy teaching with lower grades children. As a foundation stage for learning language and literacy, young children need teachers with pedagogical skills in teaching younger children. This is all the more important as many children come to school without much emergent skills in English literacy. Kindergarten education was not also unavailable to many children and parents were not supporting children to develop the necessary skills in reading and writing in English before starting school. Fillmore and Snow (2010) argue that because teachers

36  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 play an important role in children’s language and literacy development, those who teach English to children whose first language is not English need to have expert knowledge in the language, in order to teach it well. The language policy changed from English only to local language a year after the government of the CPP was overthrown in 1966. This is an indication that some Ghanaians were against the use of English for young children. According to Andoh-Kumi (2000), instruction in Grade 1 reverted to local language, while English was maintained in Grades 2 and 3 until 1970 when local language became the language of instruction for all three lower grade classes. Although this development made it easier for those in class one, children in the other classes were still burdened with having to learn in English. The change in the policy shows a continuation of the debate on the appropriate language to use in lower grades. Should young children be taught in a language they understand or in English which is an international language? Indeed, part of the debate which originated during the colonial era centred on whether the colonial government was providing inferior education to the colonised nations by using the indigenous language in school which had no future prospects. Indeed, Frankema (2012) argues that missionary schools in former British colonies switched to the use of English at the request of parents and students as English for economic and social advancement. Apart from the government, parents, students, teachers, headteachers, and communities could be influential stakeholders on the language policy. According to McWilliam and Kwamena-Poh (1975), the Kwapong Commission of 1966/67, set up after the military coup in 1966, recommending that [a] Ghanaian language should be used as the medium of instruction for the first years of primary school course, the change to English as medium of instruction should commence in its fourth year whilst the Ghanaian language continues to be studied as a subject. (p. 119) Per this policy, local language as a means of communication for lower grades children, that is from Grades 1 to 3, and English was now to be studied as a subject. This is a complete reversal of the English-only policy, where the language of communication and learning was English and local language was studied as a subject. However, McWilliam and Kwamena-Poh also claim that some urban schools were allowed to continue using English earlier than fourth grade if it was necessary to do so and that there were private educational schools who were only interested in maintaining English. This already suggests a disparity in the application of local language policy. This means the government made it possible for some children to miss out on the use of their local language in school. The Dzobo Commission of 1972/1973 was another commission which deliberated on issues concerning the language and literacy policy in the lower grades

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 37 later in the 1970s (Ministry of Education, 1974). The government’s white paper on the Dzobo Education Review Committee of 1972/1973 states that the [g]overnment, therefore, accepts the recommendation of the committee that where teachers and learning materials are available, and the linguistics composition of classes is fairly uniform, the children’s first language must be used at the dominant medium of instruction in kindergarten and lower primary school. (Ministry of Education, 1974) In this second example, the use of local language continues to be accepted but with conditions: the availability of teachers who can use the local language, necessary learning materials in local languages, and language composition of the children in the class. The implementation of the policy requires teachers who can teach using the local language. It appears there were a number of teachers who either did not have knowledge of local languages or did not receive adequate training in local languages in college. Availability of learning materials in local language seems to be problematic. Textbooks are essential for the transmission of knowledge, a source of stimulating interest and helping develop children’s creativity and learning (Opoku-Amankwa, BrewHammond,  & Kofigah, 2011). The lack of textbooks and other literature in texts for use in local language environment is likely to contribute to low interest in the subject. A  lack of books in local languages, according to OpokuAmankwa, Edu-Buandoh, and Brew-Hammond (2015), has been largely due to poor government funding for the Bureau of Ghana Languages and other government publishing agencies in charge of publishing materials in the local languages. Children’s literacy depends to a large degree on the availability of written texts and a rich print environment. Literature in local languages could also support early literacy development while at the same time conveying issues on popular culture and socio-cultural issues. Through books children get to know about their culture and traditions and that of other people, so the absence of textbooks and storybooks in local languages could create a vacuum for Africa’s cultural heritage. As Anyidoho (1992, p. 61) argues, ‘to have a mother tongue is one thing; to make it functional and creative is another thing altogether. It is an amazing paradox of “development” in Africa that most of those who claim the voice of vision, can dream only in foreign languages’. However, a lack of government funding for the development of textbook and other forms of reading materials in the local languages accounts for insufficient teaching and learning materials in the selected local languages for both teachers and children (Opoku-Amankwa et al., 2015; Graham, 2010). The lack of teaching materials in local languages is a problem not only in Ghana but also in Nigeria (Ibrahim & Gwundu, 2016). Yitah and Komasi (2009) point out that although there is an increase in the production of literature in English for children by Ghanaians writers, it is not the same in local languages. They proposed

38  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 the writing of nursery songs, rhymes, and poetry in the different local languages for children so that they can experience the joy of reading within their linguistic scope. The lack of books in local languages will undoubtedly contribute to poor literacy skills in the local languages. Over the years, the local language policy used in school states that [i]n the first years of primary education, the Ghanaian language prevalent in the local area is to be used as the medium of instruction, whilst English is studied as a subject. From Primary Four onward, English replaces the Ghanaian language as the medium of instruction, and the Ghanaian language becomes another on the timetable. (Mfum-Mensah, 2005, p. 76) The preceding policy statement addresses the need for the use of children’s local language as a medium of instruction and the teaching of English as a subject, as stated in the previous policy statement. A critical examination of the statement shows a number of factors, which could make the use of the policy difficult for both teachers and children in some schools. The UN for example has encouraged the use of mother tongue in children’s education and questions how children can learn if they do not understand what they are being taught (UNESCO, 2016). Mother tongue refers to the ‘language that a child speaks fluently before going to school’ (Van Dyken, 1990). UNESCO has for many years argued for the importance of mother-tongue education for young people (Ball, 2011). This is because a child’s mother tongue is their L1, a language in which that child understands, constructs meaning, and expresses ideas and in which the child socialises with members of the family and community. The mother tongue, therefore, helps in the intellectual, emotional, and social development of the child (Cummins, 2001; Snow & Hoefnagel-Hohle, 1978). In addition, Pandey (2014, p. 63) argues that a child’s L1 or mother tongue is a ‘comfort zone for learning especially in the early years’, suggesting that its use facilitates easy learning as children understand ideas and concepts in their own language better than through another language. This assumption is likely to make classroom interaction better for both teachers and children, as children are likely to understand their lessons and take a more active part in discussions. The policy statement does not use the term mother tongue but rather the language prevalent in the local area where a child attends school. This means children may not necessarily learn through their L1 or mother tongue, but the language predominantly spoken in the area where they live. The main reason for this lies in the fact that the country is remarkably diverse in terms of language. Different writers have given different numbers of indigenous languages spoken in the country. Opoku-Amankwa (2009) quoting Hall (1983) puts the number around 44 while Ansah (2014) quotes figures above 60. In view of the large number of languages spoken in Ghana, only ‘Asante Twi, Akuapem Twi, and Fante, Dagaare-Wali, Dagbani, Dangme, Ewe, Ga, Gonja, Kasem, and Nzema’ are approved languages for use in schools (Opoku-Amankwa, 2009,

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 39 p. 122). The number of school languages compared to the languages spoken in the country shows the local language policy does not make it possible for every child in the country, and especially those from minority languages, to benefit from the local language policy. The linguistic plurality of sub-Saharan Africa makes the local language policy difficult to implement in many lower grade classrooms. As already discussed, Ghana has several spoken languages and dialects some of which have no written texts. Nigeria, the most populated country in the sub-region, has about 400 minority languages, with Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbo as the three most popular spoken languages (Danladi, 2013). At best, children from minority linguistic groups have to speak the predominant language of the community where they live. These children become multilingual using two or three languages at an early stage. With independence, modernisation, and urbanisation, towns and cities have become extremely multilingual due to movement of people which makes it possible for many children to learn other languages in addition to their own mother tongue. A report from the Ghana Statistic Service (2014) shows that the British colonial government deliberately developed regions with natural resources which, in turn, attracted many people from other regions to those places. The aftermath of such a colonial policy is the diversity of local language which is affecting children’s language and literacy development. Omotoyinbo (2016, p. 83) argues that some children belonging to smaller tribes, such as Baatonu, Burutin, and Nupe in Nigeria, growing up in bigger cities end up losing their indigenous languages to Yoruba, the dominant language of the community. In my own family experience, my father, who was a civil servant, worked in three regions where different languages were spoken. I learnt to speak Ewe and Fante, the language of my parents and what was largely spoken in Takoradi where I  was born. As my parents moved to Koforidua and later to Accra, I became exposed to Akyem and Ga, but since my early childhood period coincided with the English-only policy, I was therefore not taught in Fante. There are several children from minority linguistic areas who though living in their own communities do not have the opportunity to learn in their languages but in the predominant language of where they live. These children could find participating in class a little difficult. Additionally, using their mother tongue helps the child to identify with their culture and makes it easier for parents to have a positive attitude towards its use in education. There is an awareness of culture and history through language because of the interconnecting relationships between the two (Effiong, 2013; Arowolo, 2010). Language is the vehicle through which those of the human race expresses themselves or convey their thoughts. Anyidoho (1992) is of the view that human creativity and intelligence are communicated through language. By using a language familiar to children, they are able to connect their everyday life in the community with the spoken language. African languages convey their oral traditions, songs, proverbs, and so on. Using local languages in education supports children’s cultural identity and helps them appreciate

40  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 culture and traditions. In the same vein, speaking, reading, and writing a foreign language could create problems with one’s language identity. Research findings show that children’s use of their mother tongue facilitates the learning of another language (Cummins, 2000). This means children are in a better position to learn the English language if they know how to read and write in their own language so that they can transfer those skills to an L2. Contrary to the belief that mother-tongue education is sub-standard education for children in Ghana, Ball (2011) argues that children who use the mother tongue in school continue to interact with family and community which enriches their language development and supports reading and writing skills which are later transferred to an additional language. Although the use of local language is beneficial to children’s learning, its use was not accepted by all as discussed earlier. The perception among some Africans that there are no economic advantages associated with the use of local languages, makes it difficult to persuade some stakeholders to accept its use. In support of this, Trudell and Piper (2014) argue that [t]hese pro-African language education policy choices are nearly always contested-on the grounds that the international language is more advantageous to the students, or on the grounds that the African languages chosen for use do not reflect the stakeholders’ own local language preference. (p. 9) In this vein, Graham et al. (2015, p. 427) argue that the belief that the use of only European languages can lead to ‘higher education or economic success’ is contributing to the poor implementation of mother-tongue education on the African continent. The economies of many African countries show the role played by the informal sector which is usually controlled by farmers and low-skilled workers. In Ghana, the agriculture sector is the largest employer (over 88% by 2013) contributing to over a fifth of the country’s economy (Aryeetey & Kanbur, 2017). Most of the people within this sector also live in rural areas with little or no education and local language is mainly the language of communication in all their activities. This dispels the notion that there is no economic benefit associated with the use of local language. African countries can therefore sustain their economies by investing in their local languages One of the difficulties of the local language policy was the inability of many teachers to use it in teaching because they had insufficient knowledge or lack the capacity to use local language in the classroom. Awedoba (2001) attributes this problem to the fact that teachers trained before 1976 had not received any instruction in local languages in college. Although little research has been carried out on teachers’ competence in local languages, Rosekrans et al. (2012) report that a survey showed that while many teachers of lower grades were competent, about 62% were only partially competent in teaching local languages. The reason for this low number lies with changes government made regarding the teaching and learning of local languages in secondary and

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 41 training colleges. The local language was no longer studied as a core subject for all students in secondary in 1994 (now senior high school) and only those interested in studying it could choose it as an elective course (Owu-Ewie & Edu-Buandoh, 2014). The story is no different in the training colleges, where it is a core subject only in the first year of studies. Clearly, this creates a disadvantage for the use of local languages in teaching young children. The education system is turning out students and prospective teachers who do not have the competency in the use of local languages in the lower grades. If African governments are to be seen as serious about the promotion of local languages in their countries, then they should be given equal prominence like English. At best, the government should change its policy on local language learning and make it compulsory from primary to secondary school and in the training colleges and students. That needs a change of attitude from all stakeholders, policy makers, academics, students, parents, teachers, community leaders, and others. Language diversity in classrooms is a big problem for the use of one particular language in urban classrooms. However, this should not create a problem if teachers are well trained in how to use these languages in school. A good number of Ghanaians speak more than one local language, so teachers who speak multiple languages could be of great help in such classrooms. Rather than allowing the use of English in these circumstances, teachers’ use of multiple languages could, in fact, promote the use of the mother tongue in education. Finally, the policy statement indicates that the local language is to be used until Grade 4 after which English is used. All through the different decades, Ghana operated a form of bilingual education, the use of English as the language of instruction and local language as a subject or local language for teaching and English as a subject. Opoku-Amankwa (2009) opines that this policy was not helpful to children as they master neither the local language nor the English language by Grade 4 because of poor implementation of the policy. In addition, Owu-Ewie (2006) criticises the exit period as being too short. He argues that the early switch from local language to English in Grade 4 is likely to have a negative impact on children’s learning because they will not have mastered the English language enough to understand lessons taught in English. In support of this, Graham (2010) argues that studies conducted in the US show that children who were educated under the late-exit system of mother-tongue education made significant progress, as compared to those under the early exit. This is likely to affect their reading, comprehension, and writing skills in both languages. This policy, like the English-only policy, supports a form of bilingualism whereby children learn the local language and study English as a subject. After nearly 30 years of local language use in lower grades, the NPP government claimed local-language policy had failed to produce results, substantiated or unsubstantiated, leading to a return of the English-only policy in 2002 (as discussed under English-only policy). It is clear from the different commissions set between 1967 and 2002 that the implementation and practice of the local

42  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 language policy were not going to be an easy task. The return to an Englishonly policy was short-lived, as the majority of Ghanaians expressed dissatisfaction with the decision, followed by a return to the local-language policy in 2008 (Ansah, 2014). Indeed, due to the frequent inconsistency and a lack of political will in finding a lasting solution to Ghana’s language policy for the lower grades, and in an attempt to find solutions to children’s poor literacy skills, a new policy with more emphasis on bilingual literacy (local language and English) was introduced in 2009 (Hartwell, 2010).

NALAP The NALAP is a bilingual literacy programme initiative that began in 2009 to help improve young children’s literacy learning in both a local language and English (Hartwell, 2010). In other words, children will learn to read and write two languages, a local language and English, from kindergarten to Primary 3. This policy appeared to address the concerns of those who argue for the use of local language as the medium of communication and instruction while at the same time satisfying those who argue for the use of English because of its importance in the wider world. By learning both the local language and English, children will be developing thinking, listening, speaking, reading, and writing in two languages. This policy change came after several years of using either a local-language or English-only policy to support children’s literacy in English before they reach Grade 4. Literature on the formulation of the NALAP shows that unlike previous policy reforms, which took place during major educational reforms involving all levels of education, the NALAP was more focused on how to improve the literacy rate in the lower grades. Hartwell (2010) explains that the Ministry of Education and the Ghana Education Service received donor support and technical assistance for the development of the policy from USAID and EQUALL. Since it was a new and national policy, headteachers and teachers in kindergarten and the lower grades were trained in the philosophy and pedagogy of the NALAP. The overall aim of NALAP is to use the child’s local language (L1) and move on gradually to the use of English (L2), in the hope that by the end of lower primary, the child will have basic reading skills in a Ghanaian language and in English. This makes the NALAP the first official bilingual programme in Ghana and the first time that language and literacy have been combined in one policy. The NALAP policy, as found in Hartwell (2010, p. 2), states that [u]sing a bilingual (Ghanaian language and English) methodology, NALAP is implementing the policy to promote teaching pupils in Kindergarten through Primary grade three to read and write in their local language, one of 11 selected Ghanaian languages, while introducing them to spoken English, and by grade two, to written English. The approach is a transitional one using local language literacy as a bridge to English literacy.

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 43 The program also serves to encourage and celebrate the use of local languages as a valuable aspect of Ghanaian culture. This bilingual literacy policy appears to be a compromise between the use of either local language or English in lower grade literacy development because it acknowledges the importance of local language use and learning and the teaching of English in the lower grades. Literature suggests that it was hoped that this would answer, and perhaps end, the uncertainty of the place of both local languages and English in children’s learning caused by education policy changes since independence. Indeed, Hartwell (2010) argues that the NALAP is unique ‘in the contentious history of early grade language policy and practice in Ghana and other African countries’, because it explicitly addresses the relationship between the child’s L1 and English-language reading and writing skills while helping to overcome the conflict between local language education and English education. However, this bilingual education is only implemented as far as Grade 3 and does not extend to the rest of primary and junior secondary, where the language of instruction is still English. In addition, the NALAP acknowledges the importance of the local language (L1) and its use as a bridge for children to acquire literacy in L2, or English. It provides guidelines on the amount of time for using local language and English from kindergarten to Grade 3 or Primary 3 and how to use teaching materials in the local language. This development supports the local language policy and the argument that children learn best in their mother tongue or in a language familiar to them. It also supports bilingual learning, which depends on children’s first language as ‘a prelude to and complement of bilingual and multilingual education’ (Ball, 2011, p. 5). However, the type of bilingual learning in this situation is different from places where the child’s language is a minority language and the new language is the commonly spoken one. The policy requires teachers to demonstrate local language knowledge and the capacity to use and teach it. However, like the local language policy, the disadvantage of the NALAP is the inability of teachers to use the local language, which still remains a component of the policy, and the need for publishing and equitable distribution of teaching materials in all local languages, as suggested by Opoku-Amankwa et al. (2015). The difficulties faced by teachers’ inability to use local language effectively appear to be the biggest obstacle to this policy. Rosekrans et al. (2012) observed that a survey to assess teachers’ local language knowledge showed that a little over 18% were fully literate in a local language, with about 62.8% being partially literate. This is an indication that the majority of teachers would be unable to fully implement the policy. This appears to suggest, as previously discussed, that teachers are not sufficiently trained in local languages during their initial teacher training courses. Besides the use of local language as a bridge to literacy learning in English, the policy appears to make children recognise the importance of local language as a valuable aspect of Ghanaian culture and identity. As discussed earlier,

44  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 Woolman (2001) suggests that colonial rule and education produced an African elite alienated from their culture and traditions. The challenges of colonial rule and the use of English in school continue to prompt a negative attitude from some Ghanaians towards local language and their Ghanaian identity. Although the NALAP policy attempts to provide a context for local language and culture, there is a need for this at all levels of education to encourage a more positive attitude towards the importance of local language and culture in education and nation building. This makes the ‘early exit’ programme, whereby children are taught exclusively in the English language from Grade 4, problematic. Furthermore, the gradual introduction of English in the lower grades appears to satisfy, to some extent, those in favour of English used to teach younger children. However, with the current policy, meaning children are taught exclusively in English from Grade 4, there is a need for lower grades teachers to demonstrate a high level of English-language competency to help make this transition easier for children. To improve the implementation of the policy, headteachers and teachers in the lower grades were trained on the philosophy and pedagogy of the programme. This was to help teachers have content knowledge on bilingual learning (using local language and English) and teaching methods to effectively support children’s learning. However, a study conducted by Akyeampong, Lusseir, Pryor, and Westbrook (2013), on teacher preparation for teaching reading and mathematics in some African countries, found that teacher preparation was often lagging the curriculum used in schools and that they were not trained sufficiently in teaching younger children to read. This suggests teachers may not be adequately prepared in the use of English. The presence of untrained teachers, who themselves may not have good English-language skills, could also undermine and create difficulties for the implementation of the NALAP, as they may have little or no training in teaching methods. The literature on the NALAP also identifies the role played by foreign donors, including USAID and EQUALL, who provide both funding and technical assistance (Hartwell, 2010). This suggests two things; first, the involvement of foreign countries (through their donor agencies) on language and literacy policy formulation in the country and, second, Ghana’s dependency on foreign aid and foreign experts even though the country has been independent for a number of years. Some may argue that decisions on which language to use in teaching should be left to the discretion of Ghanaians and not foreigners. The involvement of foreigners in the development of the NALAP could be seen as neo-colonialism or another way of powerful countries influencing policies in former colonial countries. Takyi-Amoako (2012), in a study on donor agencies’ involvement in the education sector of Ghana, shows the presence of a power imbalance between donors and the Ministry of Education because donors promote global agendas and exert power and influence on the contents and texts of educational policies in Ghana. The preceding discussion on language and literacy policy shows the continuities and discontinuities in these policies from independence to date.

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 45 Indeed, an examination of psycholinguistics’ view on language acquisition, thinking and cognitive processes point to the importance of mother tongue in education as against the use of a new language which needs to be learnt (Whitehead, 2010). Without being taught grammar and rules, children are able to speak their first language; learn vocabulary, meanings of words, sentences; and carry out fluent conversations. This perspective comes with huge implications on how to support multilingual children’s language and literacy development in a foreign language as learning to speak, read, think, and make meaning in another language can be complex for some children. Indeed, the cognitive processes of learning an unfamiliar language, like English, sometimes results in poor literacy skills for the majority of the young in sub-Saharan Africa. Since most of the majority of rural African communities communicate less in English, children tend to have limited vocabulary and often lack comprehension of written texts and grammatical rules in the colonial language. The situation is compounded by poor teaching by teachers. Teachers are sometimes not fully prepared on how to teach a new language in their initial training, according to Akyeampong et al. (2013), on teacher preparation for teaching reading and mathematics in some African teacher-training institutions. In Ghana and other African countries that rely heavily on oral traditions, unless a child attends nursery, there is hardly any literacy practice in the conventional sense when they start kindergarten at age 4. This means many children are unable to develop ‘the skills, knowledge and attitudes that are presumed to be developmental precursors to conventional forms of reading and writing’ (Whitehurst & Lonigan, 1998, p. 849). This means that most of them have little or no print awareness, alphabetical knowledge, and phonological awareness which are necessary for children’s future reading success. Although language policy is particularly important in education, there are many who are of the opinion that a majority of stakeholders continue to be alienated by successive Ghanaian governments since the country gained independence in 1957. Parents, teachers, local communities, experts, policy makers, and children all need to be consulted for solutions to the language problem in the sub-region. Language policy changes in Ghana, from English to local language and vice versa is a clear indication of a problem which needs much attention. There is a concern among many, especially teachers, that a wide and diverse range of stakeholders’ voices needs to be heard. They argued that when attempts are made by the government, it is usually piecemeal, involving only an elite few in society.

Summary This chapter has highlighted reasons for the language and literacy policy in sub-Saharan African countries, especially Ghana. It examined colonial rule and language policy and their implications for teachers’ practices. The chapter also presented and critiqued the different language policy changes in Ghana. It identified the different challenges that each policy posed for teachers who have

46  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 to implement the policy in their classroom practices. A major problem identified was the quality of teachers’ local language knowledge and their inability to teach it successfully under all the different policies. Another problem was how to teach meaningfully in a class with children from different linguistic backgrounds and how these might impact on the language and literacy development of children from minority language groups. This chapter raises a number of questions for postcolonial African governments on the role of indigenous languages in education and how these languages can support literacy in other European countries. It calls for the need to pay more attention to this problem as a means of finding solutions to the poor literacy rate of its youth. The chapter also raises questions on how training institutions prepare teachers for teaching in the lower grades and teachers’ classroom practices with huge implications for children’s learning and development. To conclude, language policy in sub-Saharan African countries has come to stay because of its past political and colonial history. After many of independence, African governments and policy makers have a duty to ensure young children receive the needed language and literacy to help enable them to improve their literacy skills, succeed in school, and become better citizens of the global world. Although there are several issues that might mitigate against the full implementation of the use of local languages in the early grades, the passive and sometimes poor attitude towards finding better solutions to the problem is unacceptable. The next chapter provides the methodological structure that underpinned the study.

References Addo-Fening, R. (2013). Ghana under colonial rule: An outline of the early period and in the interwar years. History society of Ghana, 15, 39–70. Retrieved from www.jstor. org/stable/43855011 Akello, D. L., Timmerman, G., & Namusisi, S. (2016). Teaching reading and writing in local language using child-centred pedagogy in Uganda. Language and Education, 30(3), 252–266. doi:10.1080/09500782.2015.1106553 Akindele, S. T., Gidado, T. O., & Olaopo, O. R. (2002). Globalisation its implications and consequences for Africa. Globalization, 2(1). Akyeampong, E. (1999). Christianity, modernity and the weight of tradition in the life of “asantehene” agyeman prempeh I, c. 1888–1931. Journal of the International African Institute, 69(2), 279–311. Retrieved from www.jstor.com/stable/1161026 Akyeampong, K., Lusseir, K., Pryor, J., & Westbrook, J. (2013). Improving teaching and learning of basic maths and reading in Africa: Does teacher education count? International Journal of Educational Development, 33, 272–282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j. ijedudev.2012.09.006 Andoh-Kumi, K. (2000). One policy many needs. Paper presented at the Comparative and International Education Society (CIES) Conference. San Antonio, TX. Anquandah, J. (2013). The people of Ghana: Their origins and cultures. Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, 15, 1–25. Retrieved from www.jstor.com/ stable/43855009

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 47 Ansah, G. N. (2014). Re-examining the fluctuations in language in-education policies in post-independence Ghana. Multilingual Education, 4(12), 1–15. doi:10.1186/ s13616-014-0012-3 Anyidoho, K. (1992). Language & development strategy in Pan-African literary experience. Research in African Literatures, 23(1), 45–63. Retrieved December 9, 2013, from www.jstor.org/stable/3819948 Arowolo, D. (2010). The effects of western civilisation on Africa. Afro Asian Journal of Social Sciences, 1(1). ISSN: 2229-5313. Arthur-Shoba, J., & Quarcoo, M. (2012). English in the mix: Evolving roles of English in the language practices of Twi speakers in Ghana. Language Matters, 43(1), 77–96. doi:10.1080/10228195.2012.654501 Aryeetey, E., & Kanbur, R. (Ed.). (2017). The economy of Ghana Sixty years after independence. Oxford, UK: Oxford university Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/97801987 53438.001.0001 Asare-Danso, S. (2014). Effects of educational policies on teacher education in Ghana: A historical study of the Presbyterian college of education. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 4(6), 57–65. Ashdown, D. M., & Bernard, M. E. (2012). Can explicit instruction in social and emotional learning skills benefit the social-emotional development, well-being, and academic achievement of young children? Early Childhood Education Journal, 39, 397–405. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10643-011-0481-x Austin, D. (1984). Goodbye to Berlin?: The partition of Africa reconsidered. The Round Table, 73(291), 260–273. doi:10.1080/00358538408453644 Awedoba, A. K. (2001). Policy dialogue and classroom-based research on Ghana’s language policy. Improving Quality Education Project for American Institutes for Research. Retrieved from http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNACL069.pdf Babaci-Wilhite, Z. (2013). Local languages of instruction as a right in education for sustainable development in Africa. Sustainability, 5(5), 1994–2017. doi:10.3390/ su5051994 Babou, C. (2010). Decolonization or National liberation: Debating the end of colonial rule in Africa. The Annals of the American Academy of Political Social Science, 632, 41–54. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/27895947 Ball, J. (2011). Enhancing learning of children from diverse lingual backgrounds: Mothertongue based bilingual or multilingual education in early years. Analytical review commissioned by UNESCO Education Sector. Retrieved January 26, 2015, from http:// unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0021/002122/212270e.pdf. Ball, S. J. (1983). Imperialism, social control and colonial curriculum in Africa. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 15(3), 237–263. doi:10.1080/00220227830150302 Bhabha, H. K. (2004). The location of culture. London: Routledge. Boahen, A. (1966). A short history of Ghana. London: Heinemann Press. Bodomo, A. B. (1996). On languages and development in Africa: The case of Ghana. Nordic Journal of African Studies, 5(2), 31–51. Cowder, M. (1964). Indirect rule: French and British style. Journal of the International African Institute, 34(3), 197–205. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/1158021 Craven, M. (2015). Between law and history: The Berlin conference of 1884–1885 and the logic of free trade. London Review of International Law, 3(1), 31–59. doi:10.1093/ lril/lrv002 Cummins, J. (2000). Language, power and pedagogy: Bilingual children caught in the crossfire. Clevendon: Multilingual Matter Ltd.

48  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 Cummins, J. (2001). Bilingual children’s mother tongue: Why is it important for education? Sprogforum, 7(19), 15–19. Retrieved from www.homeworkmarket.com/sites/ default/files/q2/02/04/bilingual_childrens_mother_tongue.pdf Danladi, S. S. (2013). Language policy: Nigeria and the role of English language in the 21st Century. European Scientific Journal, 9(17), 1–21. Danquah, J. B. (1957). The historical significance of the Bond of 1844. Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, 3(1), 3–29. Retrieved from www.jstor.com/ stable/41405698 Dascomb, A. E. (2019). Language education policy in developing nations from colonization to postcolonialism. International Journal of Society, Culture & Language, 7(1), 16–26. Davis, E., & Agbenyega, J. S. (2012). Language policy and instructional dichotomy: The case of primary schools in Ghana. International Journal of educational Research, 53, 341–347. http://dx.org.doi/10.1016/j.ijer.2012.04.007 Davis, H. (1973). Interpreting the colonial period in African history. African Affair, 72(289) 383–400. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/721149 Dei, G. J. S. (2002). Learning culture, spirituality and local knowledge: Implications for African schooling. International Review of Education, 48(5), 335–360. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/3445460 Djite, P. G. (2000). Language planning in Cote d’Ivoire. Current Issues in Language Planning. 1(1)11–46. https://doi.org/10.1080/14664200008668004 Effiong, A. M. (2013). The role of mother tongue in early childhood education. Journal of Education and Practice, 4(23), 141–142. ISSN: 2222-288. Englebert, P., Tarango, S., & Carter, M. (2002). Dismemberment and suffocation: A contribution to the debate on African boundaries. Comparative Political Studies, 35(10), 1092–1118. https://doi.org/10.1177/001041402237944 Fillmore, L. W., & Snow, C. E. (2010). What teachers need to know about language. Washington, DC: Center for Applied Linguistics. Foster, P. (1967). Education and social change in Ghana. London: Routledge  & Kegan Paul. Frankema, E. H. P. (2012). The origins of formal education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Was British rule more benign? European Review of Economic History, 16, 335–355. doi:10.1093/ereh/hes009 Fredua-Kwarteng, E. (2015). Democratizing national education policy-making in Africa: A focus on Ghana. International Journal of Educational Studies, 2(2), 83–94. Gallego, F. A., & Woodberry, R. (2010). Christian missionaries and education in former African colonies: How competition mattered. Journal of African Economies, 19(3), 294–329. doi:10.1093/jae/ejq001 Ghana Statistical Services. (2014). 2010 population and housing census report (Urbanisation). Retrieved from https://statsghana.gov.gh/gssmain/fileUpload/pressrelease/ Urbanisation%20in%20Ghana.pdf Gocking, R. S. (2005). The history of Ghana. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Graham, B. E. (2010). Mother tongue education: Necessary? Possible? Sustainable. Language and Education, 24(4), 309–321. doi:10.1080/09500781003678696 Graham, C. K. (1971). The history of education in Ghana: From the earliest times to the declaration of independence. London: F. Cass. Graham, R., McGlynn, C., & Islei, A. (2015). Language in education in sub-Saharan Africa: Language in Africa special interest group (BAAL). Language Teaching, 48, 426–430. doi:10.1017/S0261444815000178

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957

49

Hall, E. (1983). Ghanaian languages. Accra, Ghana: Asempa. Hartwell, A. (2010). National accelerated literacy programme (NALAP). Implementation study. Equality Education for All. EQUALL study. Retrieved December 2014, from www.web.net/~afc/download3/Education%20Research/NALAP%20Study/ EQUALL%20NALAP%20Implementation%20Study%20Final%20Report.pdf Hargrove, J. L. (2015). The political economy of the interior gold coast: The asante and the era of legitimate trading, 1807–1875. ProQuest Ebook Central. Retrieved from https:// ebookcentral.proquest.com Hassan, T. L. (2015). Attitude of Christian missionaries towards African traditional religious beliefs in East Africa during the British colonial rule. African Journal of History and Culture, 7(10), 193–199. Retrieved from www.academicjournals.org/AJHC. Higgs, P. (2012). African philosophy and the decolonisation of education in Africa: Some critical reflections. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 44(2), 37–55. doi:10.1111/j.1469-5812.2011.00794.x Holden, A., Sonne, J., & Novelli, M. (2011). Tourism and poverty reduction: An interpretation by the poor of Elmina, Ghana. Tourism Planning & Development, 8(3), 317–334. doi:10.1080/21568316.2011.591160 Holsey, B. (2011). “Watch the waves of the sea:” Literacy, feedback, and the European encounter in Elmina. History in Africa, 38, 79–101. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/ stable/41474545 Ibrahim, K., & Gwundu, S. A. (2016). Language policy in education in Nigeria: Challenges of multilingual education and future of English language. American Research Journal of English and Literature, 2, 1–10. Inikori, J. E. (2002). African’s and the industrial revolution in England: A study in international trade and economic development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kadingdi, S. (2004). Policy initiative for change and innovation in basic education programmes. Educate, 4(2), 3–8. Kioko, A. A., Ndung’u, R. W., Njoroge, M. C., & Mutiga, J. (2014). Mother tongue and education in Africa: Publicising the reality. Multilingual Education, 4(8), 2–11. Retrieved from http://www.multilingual-education/com/content/4/1/1/18 Loomba, A. (1998). Colonialism/Postcolonialism. London: Routledge. Makoni, S. B., Dube, B., & Mashiri, P. (2006). Zimbabwe colonial and post-colonial language policy and planning practices. Current Issues in Language Planning, 7(4), 377–414. doi:10.2167/cilp108.0 Mckenzie, N. H. (1983). The place of English in African education. International Review of Education, 5(2), 216–223. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/3441415. McLeod, J. (Ed.). (2007). The Routledge companion to postcolonial studies. London: Routledge. McWilliam, H. O. A., & Kwamena-Poh, M. (1975). The development of education in Ghana. Hong Kong: Longman Group Ltd. Mfum-Mensah, O. (2005). The impact of colonial and postcolonial Ghanaian language policies on vernacular use in schools in two northern Ghanaian communities. Comparative Education, 41(1), 71–85. doi:10.1080/03050060500073256 Ministry of Education. (1974). Government white paper on Dzobo educatiob reform committee. Retrieved February 1, 2016, from www.moe.gov.gh/assets/media/docs/Educa tionReview-WhitePaper.pdf Myers, G. A. (2003). Designing power: Forms and purposes of colonial model neighborhoods in British Africa. Habitat International, 27(2), 193–2004. doi:10.1016/ S0197-3975(02)00045-0

50  British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957 Nimako, K. (2010). Nkrumah, Africa awakening and Neo-colonialism: How Black America awakened Nkrumah and Nkrumah awakened Black America. The Black Scholar, 40(2), 54–70. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/41163920 Nkrumah, K. (2001). I speak freedom. London: Panaf Books. Nunan, D. (2003). The impact of English as a global language on educational policies and practices in the Asia-Pacific Region. TESOL Quarterly, 37(4), 589–613. doi:10.2307/3588214 Nutbrown, C., Hannon, P., & Morgan, A. (2005). Early literacy work with families, policy practice and research. London: Sage Publications. Oduor, J. A. N. (2015). Towards a practical proposal of multilingualism in education in Kenya. Multilingual Matters, 5(1). doi:10.1186/s13616-014-0015-0 Ofori-Atta, K. D. (2006). The British and curriculum development in West Africa: A historical discourse. Review of Education, 52, 409–423. doi:10.1007/s11159-006-9001-4 Okon, E. E. (2014). Christian missions and the colonial rule in Africa: Objectives and contemporary analysis. European Scientific Journal, 10(17), 192–208. Omotoyinbo, D. W. (2016). Language policy in Nigeria: Prospect for national unity. International Journal of Society, Culture & Language, 4(1), 80–88. Opoku-Amankwa, K. (2009). English-only language-in-education policy in multilingual classrooms in Ghana. Language, Culture and Curriculum, 22(2), 121–135. doi:10.1080/07908310903075159 Opoku-Amankwa, K.,  & Brew-Hammond, A. (2011). ‘Literacy is the ability to read and write English’: Defining and developing literacy in basic schools in Ghana. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 14(1), 89–106. doi:10.1080/13670051003692857 Opoku-Amankwa, K., Brew-Hammond, A., & Kofigah, F. E. (2011). What is in a textbook? Investigating the language and literacy learning principles of the ‘Gateway to English’ textbook series. Pedagogy, Culture & Society, 19(2), 291–310. http://dx.doi. org/10.1080/14681366.2011.582264. Opoku-Amankwa, K., Edu-Buandoh, D. F., & Brew-Hammond, A. (2015). Publishing for mother tongue-based bilingual education in Ghana: Politics and consequences. Language and Education, 29(1), 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09500782.2014.921194 Owu-Ewie, C. (2006). The language policy of Education in Ghana: A critical look at the English-only language policy of education. In J. Mugane, J. Hutchison, & A. Dee (Eds.), Selected proceedings of the 35th annual conference on African linguistics (pp. 76–85). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Retrieved from www. lingref.com/cpp/acal/35/paper1298.pdf Owu-Ewie, D. F., & Edu-Buandoh, D. F. (2014). Living with negative attitudes towards the study of L1 in Ghanaian senior high schools (SHS). Ghana Journal of Linguistics, 3(2), 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjl.v3i2.1 Pakenham, T. (1992). The scrample for Africa. London: Clays Ltd. Pandey, A. (2014). Using mother tongues as building blocks in Childhood education. Childhood Education, 90(1), 61–67. doi:10.1080/00094056.2014.872517 Pryor, J., Akyeampong, K., Westbrook, J.,  & Lussier, K. (2012). Rethinking teacher preparation and professional development in Africa: An analysis of the curriculum of teacher education in the teaching of early reading and mathematics. The Curriculum Journal, 23(4), 409–502. doi:10.1080/09585176.2012.747725 Rassool, N., & Edwards, V. (2010). Multilingualism in African schools: Constraints and possibilities. Language and Education, 24(4), 277–281. doi:10.1080/09500781003678720

British Colonialism and Policy Since 1957

51

Rassool, N., Edwards, V., & Bloch, C. (2006). Language and development in multilingual settings: A case of knowledge exchange and teacher education in South Africa. Review of Education, 52, 533–552. doi:10.1007/s11159-006-9008-x Rosekrans, K., Sherris, A., & Chatry-Komarek, M. (2012). Education reform for the expansion of mother-tongue education in Ghana. International Review of Education, 58(5), 593–618. doi:10.100.1007/s11159-012-9312-6 Said, E. (2003). Orientalism. London: Penguin Books. Sederberg, P. C. (1971). The gold coast under colonial rule: An expenditure analysis. African Studies Review, 14(2), 179–204. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/523822 Simensen, J. (1978). Counterfactual arguments in historical analysis: From the debate on the partition of Africa and the effect of colonial rule. History in Africa, 5, 169–186. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/3171485 Snow, C., & Hoefnagel- Hohle, M. (1978). The critical period for language acquisition: Evidence from second language learning. Child Development, 49, 1114–1128. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/1128751 Takyi-Amoako, E. (2012). Comparing power spaces: The shaping of Ghana’ education strategic plan. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and international Education, 42(1), 113–135. doi:10.1080/03057925.2011.629080 Thomas, R. (1983). The 1916 Bongo ‘riot’ and their background: Aspects of colonial administration and African response in eastern upper Ghana. Journal of African History, 24(1), 57–75. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/181858 Trudell, B., & Piper, B. (2014). Whatever the law says: Language policy implementation and early grade literacy achievement in Kenya. Current Issues in Language Planning, 15(1), 4–21. doi:10.1080/14664208.2013.859685 UN General Assembly, United Nations millennium declaration, resolution adopted by the general assembly, 18 September 2000, A/RES/55/2, Retrieved August 12, 2020, from www.refworld.org/docid/3b00f4ea3.html UNESCO. (2016). If you don’t understand, how can you learn? Policy Paper 24. Retrieved from https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000243713 Van Dyken, J. (1990). The role of languages of minority groups for literacy and education in Africa. African Studies Review, 33(3), 39–52. doi:10.2307/524185 Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Thought and language. Boston: The MIT Press. Wakerley, V. (1994). The status of European languages in sub-Saharan Africa. Journal of European Studies, xxiv, 97–125. Weisberg, D. S., Kittredge, A. K., Hirsh-Pasek, K., Golinkoff, R. M., & Klahr, D. (2015). Making playwork for education. Phi Delta Kappan, 96(8), 8–13. https://doi. org/10.1177/0031721715583955 Whitehead, M. (2010). Language and literacy in the early years. London: Sage Publication. Whitehurst, G. J., & Lonigan, C. J. (1998). Child development and emergent literacy. Child Development, 69, 848–872. Woolman, D. C. (2001). Educational reconstruction and post-colonial curriculum development: A comparative study of four African countries. International Education Journal, 2(5), 27–46. Yitah, H., & Komasi, M. (2009). Children’s literature in Ghana. Children’s Literature, 37, 236–255. http://www.doi.org/10.1353/chl.0.0816

3 Life History as a Research Methodology

Chapter Overview Since this study is concerned with examining the different language and literacy policies in the lower grades and how these policy changes had an impact on teachers’ practices, this chapter provides justification for the choice of an interpretivist paradigm and the use of a life history study. The discussion moves on to the chosen method used in investigating the study, outlining how participants were recruited in detail. The chapter also discusses some of the ethical issues encountered in the course of the study and how these were addressed at each stage of the research process, and the procedure used for analysing data.

The Study The choice of the life history method fits into my cultural background and personal interest in storytelling. For centuries, storytelling has been used as an educational and powerful way of passing on the history and traditions of a community from one generation to the other. In Ghana, storytelling places an especially important role in maintaining the oral history and traditions of its people, and it occupies the literary space of many young children. I love listening to stories, and I have memories of how stories had a profound impact on my young mind as a child. I remember how I used to sit and listen to my mother’s and my grandmothers’ stories. I also remember the many Ananse stories interfaced with songs and clapping of hands when we gathered in the evening to tell stories. Ananse’s stories or ‘Anansesem’ are about Kweku Ananse (in Akan folklore), a ‘trickster’ (intelligence and clever) who is usually the protagonist in the story (Tekpetey, 2006). He is called Kweku, the name of a boy born on Wednesday, and Ananse because he is a spider. Tekpetey continues as follows: Kweku Ananse seems to have existed since the beginning of things; his birth is not described in any of the narratives. He is equally immortal, for we never witness or hear his death. He appears to be of supernatural origin related to Nyame, the Skygod . . . Even though Ananse is a spider, he

Life History as a Research Methodology 53 is presented in the stories told about him as every man or everyone, and attention is seldom drawn to his spider nature, his spider-ness . . . While Ananse narratives also form a kind of comic relief and provide emotional outlets. They also have a thematic function in the oral educational system . . . (2006, pp. 75, 81) Ananse stories have over the centuries moved from Ghana to different parts of the world. Although these stories are usually told orally in many Ghanaian homes, often accompanied by songs, clapping of hands, and gestures, they are also in print as storybooks for children in many parts of the world, for example, ‘Anansi and the Pot of Beans’ (Norfolk & Norfolk, 2006) and numerous videos on YouTube for a wider audience. Marshall (2018, 2012) provides a postcolonial lens with her article and story in ‘Nothing but Pleasant Memories of the Discipline of Slavery: The Trickster and the Dynamics of Racial Representations’ and ‘Anansi’s Journey: A Story of Jamaican Cultural Resistance’. When I was exploring the use of the method with some teachers and GNAT (Ghana National Association of Teachers) officials, I was given the impression that Ghanaian teachers are more used to surveys and questionnaires. Searching the literature on research methods, specifically on life history method in Ghanaian, showed little results. Indeed, Barret (2009, p. 112) argues that ‘there are few examples of life history in education research carried out in Africa and published in British or international journals’. A  study by Stephens (2007), which was commissioned by the University of Sussex on widening education in Tanzania and Ghana, appears to be one of the few studies using the life history method in Ghana. Additionally, there was hardly any research on early childhood teachers’ experiences with all the different languages policies, although different researchers have looked at individual language policies. The opportunity for me, therefore, was to be innovative in my choice of method, as storytelling is a familiar feature in the culture and is used by teachers in their class practices. I am glad I used this method because the teachers in the study appreciated the research method and said it was the best experience they have had regarding their profession. They explained further that the opportunity to talk about themselves and their experiences is only during interviews for promotion. Life history has been used by several researchers to have a better understanding of teachers’ lives and their experiences; for example, Smith (2011) used the method on female teachers and their career decisions, Johnson (2007) on preservice teachers’ views on teaching for equality, and Biott, Moos, and Moller (2001) on the lives of headteachers in the UK, Denmark, Ireland, and Norway. These studies and others using the method have shown how life history is the most appropriate method in educational studies. As Goodson and Sikes (2001) suggest, the use of life history helps the researcher to understand the past to have a better understanding of the future. For me, this method helped

54  Life History as a Research Methodology in understanding the complex nature of literacy development for young children during and after colonial rule through the perspectives of those who were engaged in teaching children. It is important to recall the aims and research questions of the study.

Aims and Research Questions 1. To critically examine different language and literacy policies for early grades from independence to the present day. 2. To assess the effectiveness of different policies on classroom practices from teachers’ perspectives. 3. To identify and understand the ways in which certain socio-cultural factors affect the language and literacy of 4- to 8-year-olds in Ghana. 4. To develop a framework aimed at supporting lower grades teachers in Ghana. The following research questions informed the study: •

What have been the key language and literacy policies since Ghana’s independence, as seen through a postcolonial lens? • How have teachers experienced changes in language and literacy policy in terms of their classroom practices? • What are teachers’ views on how language and literacy policy has been developed and implemented? The preceding aims and research questions informed the overall study and helped in broadening the understanding of teachers’ views in the language and literacy policies, classroom practices, and perspectives on the formulation of policies in the lower grades. The ethical approval for the study was obtained from the University of Sheffield (University of Sheffield Research Ethics, 2014). The application process and helped me consider the ethical boundaries within which to work, due to the complex nature of the interaction likely to occur between me and my potential participants (Saunders, Kitzenger, & Kitzenger, 2015). Table 3.1 provides details of the key ethical issues relating to the study (from the beginning to the end of the project).

Recruitment of Teachers and Interviews Teachers were recruited through snowballing and experts through purposeful sampling. I used two qualifying criteria for the final selection of teachers. First, a potential participant must be a Ghanaian teacher who has taught the lower grades for between 2 and 5 years. I believed such a participant would have the relevant knowledge of the language and literacy policy and would have experienced its use in the classroom. Second, each participant’s professional

Life History as a Research Methodology 55 Table 3.1  Ethical Considerations for the Study Key stages in the research process

Ethical issues

How the ethical issue was addressed

Identification, recruitment, and selection of participants

Participation should be voluntary. Participants may withdraw from the study without providing reasons and must consent to take part in the study.

Data collection using semistructured and unstructured interview techniques

Participants must not be subject to stressful experiences, for example, physical or psychological harm. Maintaining a professional relationship between researcher and participants, data to be collected during the daytime in a public place. Participants’ right to information supplied to the researcher. Maintaining confidentiality and anonymity. Under no circumstances should participants be deceived. Participant data are not to be published without consent of the participant who supplied the data (disclosure limitation).

Informed consent form signed by all participants before the start of the semistructured and unstructured interviews. Quick response to misunderstandings, disputes, or misconduct. Ensuring questions are not stressful to participants. Comfort breaks during interviews to ensure the physical/psychological wellbeing of two of my retired participants. No covert observation.

Use of data collected, interpretation, and publication of findings

Ensuring that the research results are not made public without the participants’ consent. Participants’ identity to remain anonymous and confidential. Personal data should be reasonably guarded against risks such as loss, unauthorised access, modification, or disclosure

experience must fall into at least one historical period, defined in this study as a decade from 1957 to 2014. This meant that the study spanned six decades: first decade (1957–1967), second decade (1967–1977), third decade (1977–1987), fourth decade (1987–1997), fifth decade (1997–2007), and sixth decade (2007–2016). Dividing the years into six decades made it easier to track the policy changes. These two criteria helped in answering the research questions on tracking the changes in language and literacy policy from independence and the impact of these policy changes on their classroom teaching. Most of the initial contact with the teachers was through phoning. Using my two qualifying criteria – those who have taught lower grades for 2 to 5 years within six decades (from 1957–2014) and travelling costs – I selected seven teachers: two retired male teachers and five practising female teachers. Chapter 4 gives detailed information on each teacher, using their pseudonym. After selecting the final number of teachers, I  travelled to meet each of them as

56  Life History as a Research Methodology they were living in different parts of the country. We discussed the information on the study and the consent forms. All questions were answered, and they signed the consent forms without hesitation as all teachers were very enthused about the study. As one of them said, ‘I have so much knowledge about many issues on education in the country, but no one consults me’. Another teacher said, ‘We only get to discuss some of these issues during our interviews for promotion’. As shown in Table 3.1, there were a number of ethical issues that I had to consider for this study. I met all my participants individually to get to know them personally, since our conversations were always by phone. Teachers were made aware the study was voluntary with no monetary reward. All questions were answered, and the consent forms were signed. The question of anonymity arose because of the detailed personal information collected during the interviews. The dilemma to anonymise all details was a difficult decision for me to make because Nespor (2000, p. 549) argues that hiding names and places in a piece of research ‘naturalizes the decoupling of events from historical and geographically specific locations’ while, at the same time, taking responsibility for protecting teachers’ identity in my findings. The final decision to anonymise teachers’ particulars was taken together with the teachers, although some of them were willing to waive their right to it. Some expressed the view that since there was nothing confidential about the information they provided, they had no objection about the disclosure of their actual geographical locations in the study. Hubert, one of the retired teachers, said his work and views on educational matters are well known so he would be immensely proud to be mentioned. I agree with Saunders et al. (2015) that ‘blanket’ anonymity should not necessarily be accepted especially where the anonymity may distort some of the essential details of a study. As a compromise, the actual names and places mentioned are all anonymised. However, the names used are sufficiently related so that participants could recognise themselves. As discussed earlier, I included three other participants who were experts in the government (two from the Ministry of Education and Sports), and from the National Catholic Secretariat in Accra, Ghana, who provided extra information on the research topic. The specific roles of the officials have not been included for the sake of anonymity. They were selected based on my background search and visit to the headquarters of the Ghana Education Service (GES), the Ministry of Education and Sports, and the National Catholic Secretariat all in Accra. Their expert knowledge on educational policy formulation, implementation, and evaluation in Ghana and the role of missionary activity in education was immensely helpful. Like my main participants, they volunteered to grant me an interview on language policy and other matters relating to the study. I decided to approach the study from a subjective point of view. I believe individuals play a part in the understanding of the social world, and therefore, reality can change depending on how it is perceived. As such, I was of the view that teachers in this study would perceive reality differently based on

Life History as a Research Methodology 57 their opinions, understanding, and feelings rather than on a single unitary reality. Using an interpretivist paradigm required of me to probe into the diverse knowledge and understanding teachers possess individually on language and literacy policies, as well as the meanings they attached to their daily experiences of teaching children in the classrooms. The choice also made it possible to solicit the views of individual teachers on their personal beliefs, family circumstances, educational background, and teaching experiences. In order to have a comprehensive understanding of the language policy by individual teachers, the interview method was chosen. I decided on using an in-depth semi-structured interview for teachers and unstructured interviews with the officials. Goodson and Sikes (2001, p. 28) advocate for the use of ‘unstructured, informal, conversation-type encounters’ if possible. The choice of in-depth semi-structured interviews enabled me to probe and use openended questions based on the few preselected questions (Table 3.1). These questions were about the teachers’ personal life, language and literacy policy changes since independence and socio-cultural changes in Ghana. The use of semi-structured questions also allowed me to ask a number of standardised questions based on a participant’s timeline, for example place of birth, education, training, and work history and questions on language policy and their teaching practices, as suggested by Goodson and Sikes (2001). To discuss their areas of expertise on a broader level, unstructured interviews were used for the experts (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, 2011; May, 2001). All the interviews took place during the day and they were recorded using an Olympus Digital Voice Recorder (Vin-7700). Table 3.2 shows the interview schedule/plan and provides a list of the main and sub-research themes emanating from the three research questions and four objectives of the study. The study was piloted with Judith, one of the teachers. The results of the pilot study were encouraging in many ways. Judith did not have any issues with the themes for the interviews; in fact, she was extremely excited to have been given the opportunity to talk about herself and her work as a teacher. She was equally happy to have had the interview in her house as she is often busy with her trading activities during the school holiday. For me, the joy expressed by Judith in taking part in this research project meant there was no problem with the life history data collection method. In addition, she validated the interview transcripts as soon as they were ready which helped speed up the initial analysis. However, despite these favourable results, I realised there were timekeeping difficulties associated with recording the interviews in the home due to interruptions from curious children who were interested in what was going on. Another challenge was how to deal with the proverbial Ghanaian time, where time is not very precise. An appointment at 10 o’clock in the morning could actually start an hour or two later or never! Or how to end the conversation with retired teachers who have so much to contribute on any given topic? Or what to do when the interviews are being recorded. At the end of the process, I realised the need to use the NVivo

58  Life History as a Research Methodology Table 3.2  Interview Schedule 3 phases of the semistructured interviews each 45–60 minutes Piloting and actual study

Main research themes Research Questions 1, 2, 3 and Objectives, 1 and 2 Piloting and actual study

Example of specific questions asked Piloting and actual study

First interview

Participant’s professional life history Knowledge and understanding of specific language and literacy policies and their impact on classroom practices Impact of changes in language and literacy policies on teaching practices in the context of prevailing sociocultural environment

Can you tell me about yourself? What language policy/policies did you use when you taught the lower grades?

Second interview

Third interview

What were some of the cultural and social changes at the time you were teaching the lower grades, and how have they affected children’s literacy development?

software for the final data analysis of all the participants in the study because of the huge volume of data from Judith’s three interviews.

Thematic Analysis of Data The analysis of the data follows Braun and Clarke’s (2006) steps on thematic analysis. All the interviews were verified for accuracy through phone calls and emails. They were later transcribed verbatim and coded manually for the first time. NVivo was used to store, organise, and analyse the individual data and the whole of the data without any difficulty. Table 3.3 gives details of the steps I used in the analysis process. The analysis started with pre-selected codes such as PLH for participants’ life history, LLC for language and literacy policy changes, and SCC for sociocultural changes. These codes were later broken down into smaller to express like participant’s name (PN), place of birth (POL), and so on. After playing around with different codes, a ‘data cloud’ diagram was created to visualise the emerging themes. The emerging themes were merged several times to a more manageable number in line with my research questions and objectives (AttrideStirling, 2001; Bryman, 2008). This procedure was applied to my three expert interviews. There were a number of sub-themes in addition to the three main themes, namely professional life history of participants, the different language and literacy policy changes, the impact of these policy changes on teachers’ practices, and participants’ views on policy formulation. These are discussed in the next chapter with the help of relevant literature.

Life History as a Research Methodology 59 Table 3.3  Examples of Actual Interview Questions Where were you born, and where did you live as a child? What is the history of your education before training college? Why did you choose to become a teacher, and which training college did you attend? What teaching certificate do you hold? What memories do you have of your training as a teacher? Which classes did you teach and why? How did you find your first experience of teaching? Which language policy did you use in teaching, why, and how did you have to use it? What other language policy do you know of? What is your understanding of the language policy? How did other teachers in your school use the language policy? What is your schools’ reaction to the language policy? What is your head teacher’s reaction to the language policy? What are some of the socio-cultural changes that took place during your own education and the time of your teaching the lower grades? What are your memories of teaching the lower grades?

Table 3.4  Thematic Analysis – Integrating Manual and NVivo Procedures Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 Step 5 Step 6

Verbatim transcription of the semi-structured and unstructured interviews Using preselected codes as a starting point Using NVivo to determine the ideas and themes within scripts Establishing relationships between codes or themes Themes and sub-themes reduced to a smaller number for interpretation and discussing of the results The themes and sub-themes were used as a narrative in the study

Since the study is about language policies (English-only, local language, and NALAP), I also used secondary data sources, including data from the Ministry of Education, from the library of the headquarters of the GNAT in Accra and online documents from donor agencies like EQUALL. Since this study is situated within an interpretivist paradigm and uses a life history method, I analysed the language and literacy policies from a historical and socio-cultural perspective and from an interpretivist point of view. The policy text was interpreted sentence-by-sentence to help identify the following key themes; its origin, whom it was intended for and some of the issues associated with the policy. By using thematic analysis and descriptive narrative, I was able to analyse data within the context of participants’ stories so that I did not lose the meaning of their stories. The data used in this study are the true voices of my participants, which were elicited from them during the interview sessions. As Hughes (2001) suggests, participants’ voices constitute valuable knowledge. As a researcher with an interpretivist view, I was open to the different interpretations that my participants attached to the understanding of language and literacy policy and the

60  Life History as a Research Methodology effects of the use of policy in their classroom experiences. Indeed, Creswell and Miller (2000) argue that researchers with constructivist or interpretivist views believe people have pluralist or different interpretations or views on social reality. Thus, the understanding and interpretation of a particular issue may differ from participant to participant and these need to be presented as such. Using Wellington’s (2015) views on how to make one’s interview credible, I validated the transcription of participants’ interviews by calling and talking to them on the phone to seek further clarification on things that were not very clear or audible on the voice recorder. I also met participants during my follow-up visits, where they had the opportunity to check the typed scripts to confirm whether I had accurately captured what they had said during the interviews. For the expert interviews, the communication and validation of the transcribed scripts were through emails. This was quite easy and fast because the experts had the opportunity to correct the script and send it back to me. By asking all my participants to validate their responses, I ensured I had represented participants’ views accurately, as suggested by Creswell and Miller, who argue that validity in qualitative research depends on ‘how accurately the accounts represent participants’ realities of the social phenomena and is credible to them’ (2000, p. 125). Goodson and Sikes (2001, p. 36) further suggest that researchers can ‘ask informants what they think about any analysis or written accounts’ and consider what action to take if some informants disagree with the information attributed to them. This will help give credibility to participant voice because, Cohen et al. (2011, p. 179) are of the opinion, that ‘if a piece of research is invalid then it is worthless’. The data from the experts interviewed were in line with the data provided by participants in the study, and there were times when different perspectives on some of the issues raised. It is appropriate at this point to give thought to the issue of generalisation. Larsson (2009) suggests that generalisation in qualitative research is a topical issue because of the different approaches taken and interpretations on the matter. In qualitative research, generalisations ‘are explicit and constitute the explanation/generalization schema that is the basis for scientific reasoning’ (Payne & Williams, 2005, p. 295). This reveals the difficulty in how qualitative results, which are not based on numbers and scientific testing, can be generalised. The aim of qualitative research is generally not to provide scientific reasoning, which can be generalised, but to provide a deeper understanding of phenomena or participants’ experiences, as this study has done. As a result, the term ‘transferability’ used by Lincoln and Guba (1985) comes to mind. In addition, Wellington (2015, p. 43) argues that qualitative researchers can consider the ‘extent to which a piece of research can be copied or replicated in order to give the same results in a different context with different researchers’. I believe the adoption of life history and the use of in-depth interviews can be used to study other aspects of teachers’ lives in Ghana. This is because any ‘similarity’ between my research context and ‘other research contexts’ can be considered a form of generalisation (Larsson, 2009, p. 32). Although the experiences of individual teachers may be difficult to generalise, as these are personal to their

Life History as a Research Methodology 61 individual situations, there are other areas of the study which are transferable to other similar studies on teachers. The research design and the choice of life history were influenced by my own cultural values and personal life history as a professional teacher. This background helped in understanding the life stories of my participants better by reflecting on my own professional life first. This is in line with Berger (2015, p.  220), who describes reflexivity as ‘self-appraisal’ or ‘self-evaluation of the researcher’s positionality’, and I considered how these may affect the results of the study. I started my teaching career as a religious education teacher. After teaching for a number of years, I decided to do a post-graduate diploma in education and was appointed to head a large school in Accra. This was the beginning of my interest in early childhood and the lower grades. With time, I became more involved in children’s language and literacy learning, where I was constantly confronted with what to do about the difficulties some teachers faced with regard to the policy in the lower grades. By combining my professional job, my interest in language and literacy development, and my Ghanaian cultural values, the opportunity of using life history to research teachers’ lives and their classroom practices with the language policy became absolute. As I am fully aware of my subjective view and interpretivist position, this study has been a reflective process of questioning my own bias and subjectivity and that of my participants to provide an interpretation of the difficulties associated with language and literacy policy in Ghana.

Summary In summary, the chapter discussed the research design, recruitments of teachers who provided data on their professional lives and classroom practices and the experts who provided further insights on policy formulation, the roles of the GES and churches on language and literacy policies in Ghana. The use of life history in researching teachers’ practices in this study has been remarkably successful and there is a willingness on the part of Ghanaian teachers to discuss some of the challenges facing them when giving the opportunity. Sourcing information from the officials can, however, be problematic as some may be reluctant in doing so. Information gathering from official sources can be equally challenging as there is hardly enough information on websites. In the next chapter, the reader is introduced to each of the seven teachers who participated in this study through the use of voice vignettes (Ely, Vinz, Downing, & Anzul, 1997). The vignettes were constructed from excerpts of the verbatim responses of participants. The construction was based on themes emanating from the three main themes – family and educational background, understanding of language and literacy policy, socio-cultural issues and lived classroom experiences – to produce a coherent story. The presentation is in the first person using their pseudonyms. I have provided an introductory profile or background information on each teacher. In constructing participants’ profiles and vignettes, I intend to introduce my participants to readers and to pre-empt

62  Life History as a Research Methodology what is to come as I analyse and interpret their data in Chapter 5. I now present the profile and vignettes of each teacher ‘to bring the reader closer to the people who were studied’ (Ely, Anzul, Friedman, Garner, & Steinmetz, 1991, p. 154).

References Attride-Stirling, J. (2001). Thematic networks: An analytic tool for qualitative research. Qualitative Research, 1(3), 385–405. Barret, A. M. (2009). African teacher narratives. In S. Trahar (Ed.), Narrative research on learning: Comparative and international perspectives. Oxford: Symposium Books. Berger, R. (2015). Now I see it, now I don’t: Researcher’s position and reflexivity in qualitative research. Qualitative Research, 15(2), 219–234. doi:10.1177/1468794112468475 Biott, C., Moos, L., & Moller, J. (2001). Studying headteachers’ professional lives: Getting the life history. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 45(4), 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00313830127214 Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa Bryman, A. (2008). Social science research methods (3rd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cohen, L., Manion, L., & Morrison, K. (2011). Research methods in education (7th ed.). London: Routledge. Creswell, J. W., & Miller, D. L. (2000). Determining validity in qualitative inquiry. Theory in Practice, 39(3), 124–130. doi:10.1207/s15430421tip3903_2 Ely, M., Anzul, M., Friedman, T., Garner, D., & Steinmetz, A. M. (1991). Doing qualitative research: Circles within circles. London: The Falmer Press. Ely, M., Vinz, R., Downing, M., & Anzul, M. (1997). On writing qualitative research: Living by words. London: The Falmer Press. Goodson, I. F., & Sikes, P. (2001). Life history research in educational setting: Learning from lives. Buckingham: Open University Press. Hughes, P. (2001). Paradigms, methods and knowledge. In G. MacNaughton, S. Rolfe, & I. Siraj-Blatchford (Eds.), Doing early childhood research: International perspectives on theory and practice (pp. 31–55). Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. Johnson, S. A. (2007). An ethics of Access: Using life history to trace preservice teachers’ initial view on teaching for equity. Journal of Teacher Education, 58(4), 299–314. doi:10.1177/0022487107305604 Larsson, S. (2009). A pluralist view of generalization in qualitative research. International Journal of Research & Method in Education, 32(1), 25–38. doi:10.1080/1743727 0902759931 Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry. London: Sage Publications. Marshall, E. Z. (2012). Anansi’s journey: A story of Jamaican cultural resistance. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press. Marshall, E. Z. (2018). “Nothing but pleasant memories of the discipline of slavery” the trickster and the dynamics of racial representation. Marvels & Tales: Journal of FairyTale Studies, 32(1), 59–75. doi:10.13110/marvelstales.32.1.0059 May, T. (2001). Social science research: Issues, methods and process (3rd ed.). Buckingham: Open University Press.

Life History as a Research Methodology 63 Nespor, J. (2000). Anonymity and place in qualitative inquiry. Qualitative Inquiry, 6(4), 546–569. Norfolk, B., & Norfolk, S. (2006). Anansi and the pot of beans. Atlanta, Georgia: August House Story Cove. Payne, G., & Williams, M. (2005). Generalization in qualitative research. Sociology, 39(2), 295–314. Retrieved January 5, 2016, from www.jstor.org/stable/42856740 Saunders, B., Kitzenger, J.,  & Kitzenger, C. (2015). Anonymising interview data: Challenges and compromises in practice. Qualitative Research, 15(5), 616–632. doi:10.1177/1468794114550439 Smith, J. (2011). Agency and female teachers’ career decisions: A life history study of 40 women. Educational Management Administration & Leadership, 39(1), 7–24. doi:10.1177/1741143210383900 Stephens, D. (2007). Culture in education and development, practice and policy. Oxford: Symposium Books. Tekpetey, K. (2006). Kweku Ananse: A psychoanalytical approach. Research in African Literatures, 37(2), 74–82. Retrieved from www.jstor.com/stable/3821158 University of Sheffield Research Ethics. (2014). Retrieved March 20, 2014, from www. sheffield.ac.uk/socstudies/research/ethics Wellington, J. (2015). Educational research: Contemporary issues and practical approaches (2nd ed.). London: Bloomsbury.

4 Meet the Teachers Professional and Personal Stories

Chapter Overview An important feature of this chapter is the use of vignette. As Barter and Renold (2000, p. 309) suggest, vignettes are used for different reasons depending on the ‘researcher’s methodology and theoretical framework and the aims of the project’. In this chapter, the teachers whose data are used in this book are given an opportunity to introduce themselves directly to the reader. They provide information on their families, education, and initial training to become teachers and some of the challenges they faced as teachers. They also provide valuable evidence on individual beliefs, understanding, and attitudes towards the language policy in the lower grades. These selected snapshots written in the form of a narrative, come from the three interviews conducted with individual teachers. The narrative starts with a short profile and a vignette of each teacher.

Meet Hubert (1957 and 1967) Hubert lives in Dawu on the Akwapim Ridge in the eastern region of Ghana with his wife. Talking about his life as a young boy, he said his family was polygamous. His father had many wives, and he was the youngest child. Teaching was a profession in the family as his father and two other brothers were teachers. As a child, he also always dreamt of becoming a teacher like his father and brothers. What he enjoyed most as a child was travelling with his father, who was often transferred to teach in different towns and regions. Hubert was born during the colonial era and recalls the history of the time and the changes that have occurred over the decades. Attending school was no problem because his father was a teacher and he could not bear disappointing him. Hubert recalled how he worked hard, was a brilliant boy, and passed his Standard Seven or Middle School Leaving Certificate Examination with distinction (the elementary school system at the time). In his quest to become a teacher, he took part in the pupil teacher examination at the time. He was offered a job as a middle school teacher which came as a surprise to him, having just left middle school just a few months earlier.

Meet the Teachers 65 The opportunity for a 2-year training college programme came as part of the Education Acceleration Plan after Ghana had become an independent country. After training as a teacher, Hubert taught a number of classes in the primary schools in the eastern region of Ghana. He has fond memories of his experiences as a teacher in Classes 1, 2, and 3. During the interview, Hubert occasionally drifted into describing how some lessons were taught, and he would recall the names of class prefects and children who were extremely interested in arithmetic. He also told stories about the colonial era, the subjects they learnt at school, and the school year (which was later changed from January–December to September–July/August) by Nkrumah. He was particularly proud of his achievements as a headteacher, especially in the rural areas and the problems faced by parents seeking good education opportunities for their child. ‘Parents were interested in bringing their children to school for education but there were no teachers to teach them’. Hubert is retired now, but he explained that he is remarkably busy. He spends his time as a lay preacher in his local church; he prepares his teachings and does the preaching on weekdays and sometimes on Sundays. He attends to family and societal issues and is often consulted because of his age and experience. He always said to me, ‘I hope we are lucky today with no disturbance’. I did not really understand this at our first meeting, but it soon became clear to me when our meetings were sometimes disrupted by both old and young. People passing by his house would come in to greet and ask about his health; sometimes, they were there to consult him or bring him important information. I observed how he enjoyed those moments and how proud he was to be contributing to his community even at his age. Although he was capable of going to university, his inability to do so has been his greatest disappointment in life. He attributed this failure to his health. He said he was often unwell as a child and a young adult, which made it impossible for him to live away from for a long period. He is happy that his own children have done well, with some having master’s degrees. I really enjoyed the times I spent interviewing him for his sense of humour and interesting stories about the colonial era, Britain, and questions about life in the UK today. The following vignette contains a few highlights of the contents of the interviews. When Hubert was asked to talk about himself, he had this to say: I am Hubert, a Ghanaian by nationality and a citizen of Dawu in Akuapem. I was born at Dawu where I started my primary school in 1947. In 1948, my father, who was a teacher was transferred to Akyem Tafo, so I did part of my primary to middle school in that town. My father was transferred to many other towns in the Eastern region and finally to Ashanti region where I  completed middle form four with distinction. I retired from teaching about fifteen years ago after serving for about 35 years. I wanted to be a teacher like my father and two brothers, so I wrote the pupil teacher selection exam, which was prevailing at the time and my performance was particularly good. As a result, I was put in the middle school to teach. I later wrote the teacher training exams and attended

66  Meet the Teachers an interview and got admission to the training college on 7 January 1960 for 2 years. I was recognised as a Cert ‘B’ teacher, but I always wanted to progress to Cert ‘A’. After teaching for 2 years, you are allowed to write an examination which qualifies you to do a Certificate ‘A’ teacher training in a college, so that is what I did. This means a Certificate ‘B’ teacher is given the chance to upgrade to Certificate ‘A’ but because we started as Cert ‘B’ teachers we were called Cert ‘A’ post ‘B’ teachers. In the early years after independence, there were few teachers and very few trained teachers, so you could be asked to manage any school as a headteacher, especially if one is posted to a newly opened school. As a trained teacher, I taught for 35 years; then, after that, because of my experiences some proprietors of private schools in my area wanted to tap on my expertise. I was employed to head a private school for a year. I also worked in another school for 7 years, after which the owner rewarded me with a corn mill because he said he was impressed by my hard work. I now serve my church in diverse ways as a preacher, a leader, and an organist. I taught middle school as a pupil teacher, and I was surprised I could teach the students because I had just completed middle school myself. When I became a trained teacher, I was sent to the primary school to teach, so I had the opportunity to teach lower grade[s]. By that time, the government wanted us to introduce English early to the children. I used the English-only policy, but the children did not understand the English language because nobody spoke English those day[s]. We all spoke our local language, and I remember how some children struggled with the language and it was the teacher’s duty to help them so that they do not get frustrated and drop out of school. Because I was a very good teacher, I was often sent to struggling schools to help them do better and improve on their teaching. I continued helping such schools until I was promoted as a headteacher, so I have experience of the importance of English in education as well as the need to support the use of the local language. The problem is that our examinations are in English not the local language and the children who are not keen on learning English do poorly in school. But I believe children should be taught in both English and local language because the two languages are important in Ghana. We have our local language at home and English in school. Our local language helps us in our community interactions, and we also need English if we want to succeed in the Ghanaian society because the English people introduced English to our civil society and the language has come to stay. To me, teaching is an enjoyable profession because the children like to share their experiences with you as a teacher, because of that, I learnt a great deal from them over the years. You see, teaching is not a matter of lecturing or just standing and telling children about something. As you teach you elicit information from children, and you will be surprised at what children say, especially things you do not know yourself. You learn from them and they learn from you. When I look back, I can say it was a give and take affair. My former students tell me they really liked my teaching whenever I meet them. I was interested in ensuring that they pass their examinations so that they can move on in life. Last year,

Meet the Teachers 67 1 July 2013, seven students from my last school visited me and presented me with assorted gifts. You know, the 1 of July is Republic Day, when the Queen of England ceased to be our head. These days the day is also observed as Senior Citizens Day. I was happy to see them because some have completed university and they have good jobs. I am very glad my work is appreciated and my former students are doing well. That is what every teacher aims for.

Meet Frank (1967 and 1977) Frank is a retired teacher who lives in Larteh Akuapem in the eastern region of Ghana. He lives with his wife and three children. Frank was introduced to me by another teacher, who said Frank might be interested in my study because of his knowledge on language policies. He used the local language policy, and he supports its use in school. Frank was very eager to share his experiences with me because he said, ‘I have taught in Ghana and Nigeria and I know what goes on with the language policy and the medium of instruction,’ when I spoke to him the first time on the phone. Frank expressed enthusiasm about the subject and looked forward to our meeting. Frank was born in Accra, but he moved to Cape Coast with his father as a young boy. He was the only son between the parents, but his father had other children. Frank said he had no intention of becoming a teacher as he was doing well in secondary school at the time and he would have liked to continue his education to the university or do something else. However, his father, who was a politician, got into trouble with the Nkrumah’s government and was incarcerated. He could no longer pay for his education, and there was no one to help him. He could no longer take care of his need, and he dropped out of secondary school. He moved back to live with his mother, who was only able to take care of his basic needs. Luck was, however, on its way. Teachers were in high demand because of the Accelerated Education Plan by Nkrumah’s government. New training colleges were springing up all over the country for those interested in becoming teachers. He therefore entered one of the newly opened training colleges near his town and trained as a teacher for 4 years. Frank recalled his teacher training days with nostalgia and recounted some of the debates they had at school on Ghana’s independence and the role of the first president. He occasionally compared the work of the 4-year Cert ‘B’ teachers to that of the Cert ‘A’ postsecondary teachers. He is of the opinion that Cert ‘B’ teachers are better at teaching young children than the post-secondary Cert ‘A’ teachers. Frank started his teaching career in Takoradi, in the western region of Ghana, and taught in different towns and grades, including Grade 3 or Class 3. He left to teach in Nigeria in the 1980s because there was a massive exodus of Ghanaian teachers to Nigeria at the time. His sojourn in Nigeria was, however, short-lived because he did not get his dream job of teaching in a school. He returned to Ghana after 2 years, and after several attempts, he was reinstated into the Ghana Education Service. He taught in a local school and became a

68  Meet the Teachers headteacher before his retirement in the 1990s. He started a small business and is supporting his children’s education. Frank had some strong views on the use of a local language in Ghana, and he saw no reason why a local language cannot replace English as the official language in Ghana. He is of the opinion that the use of English in Ghanaian school is responsible for the poor performance of children in mathematics and science in the country. Most children do not understand the mathematical terms in English. He is of the opinion that children cannot think in a language they do not speak or understand. They know the local language and they can relate to it, so the government needs to change the policy of English and make local language the medium of instruction from kindergarten to Grade 6. This will help them understand the basics of mathematics and science very well. English can be used as the medium of instruction from junior high school. When Frank was asked to talk about himself, he had this to say: I was born in Accra where I started my primary school. I later moved to Cape Coast with my father to continue my education. I entered the Ghana Secondary School in Takoradi, but when I got to Secondary Form 2, my father had some financial difficulties. He father was a politician, and he got into trouble with the president. He was jailed, and therefore, he could not pay my fees anymore. It was therefore impossible for me to complete my secondary school education. I can say that stopping school was basically due to financial problems caused by my father’ problems. Luckily for me, Nkrumah’s government had started a 4-year teacher training college for those who wished to go into teaching. I took advantage of that and entered a training college in the Akwapemarea, and that is how I became a teacher. So, you see, I became a teacher by accident! It was never my intention. I thought I would finish my secondary school education and do something else. I do not regret going to the training college because I gained a profession in the end. After my training, I was posted to several towns in the western region, and I taught schools in Effiakuma, Prestea, and Kojokrom. Most of my teaching was in upper primary, but I had the opportunity to teach in the lower primary for a year or two when there was no teacher to teach that class after the teacher went on a maternity leave. That was when I had to use [the] local language most of the time. During the time of Rawlings’s government, the economy was poor, and many teachers left for Nigeria and I was one of them. I went to Nigeria looking for a teaching position in 1981. However, I was not lucky as the teaching job I got was not paying me much, and I therefore decided to do construction work to add to my income. I was very unhappy with my situation; I went to Nigeria to teach, not to be in construction work, so I returned to Ghana after only 2 years. I decided to live in my mother’s hometown as I am her only child. I got a job in one of the schools in the town after a lot of difficulty with the Education Service. I was promoted as headteacher, and I retired as the head of the school. It was a small school, l but I was happy to have a job because it was difficult for teachers who left for Nigeria to get teaching jobs back in Ghana, and I could also take

Meet the Teachers 69 care of my mother, who was then very old. I retired in 1999 and took to citrus farming. I have three teenagers who are still in education; however, I have an older daughter from my first marriage who is working. Personally, I do not think our children should be learning to speak English early in lower primary; it is not fair at all because learning their mother tongue first before learning the English language helps them to understand things better, not the opposite. I think we should not force our children to speak English. Moreover, English is not our mother tongue, it is a foreign language. I praise Nigerians because they are very proud of their language, unlike the Ghanaian. Where I was in Nigeria, they use the local language Yoruba to teach. But what I realised when I came back from Nigeria was that children understand mathematics and science when it is taught in the local language because the children get it better. However, if an officer comes to see you doing that, you will be in trouble. If you ask Ghanaian children, ‘What is your difficult subject?’ They will tell you mathematics and science. Why is this so? It is because most children do not understand the English words. If the teachers use terms in the local language the children will understand better. To me teaching mathematics and science in English is so abstract, and we are doing a great harm to the children. When you go to international conferences some people speak their own languages and it is interpreted. Why does the German use German at the United Nations and the Chinese use Chinese but the Ghanaian use English? Why don’t they speak Twi or another local language so that someone interprets it into English? Where should the government force us to speak a foreign language? I think we have to promote our own languages. However, we also have a problem in Ghana because we have other languages apart from Twi, so that can also create confusion. Every tribe would like to promote their language, and it will be difficult to choose one over the others. In this town, I see our language dying because our children do not use Kyerepong in school as it is not the medium of instruction. Our language is not used anywhere except at home and in conversation in the community because we do not have a written version of it although our church is trying to read the Bible in Kyerepong. Even that the readers translate the reading from Akwapem orally. This is very sad. Our children are learning a language which is not ours. Very soon our language will die and with it our identity as Guans.

Meet Mary (1977–2014) Although I know Mary personally, I was not aware she had many years of teaching experience in the lower grades. She was the only participant whose teaching experience was mainly in primary classes, including kindergarten. She came to our first meeting with a lot of teaching materials. She told me she had about 30 years of teaching experience, and she was extremely interested in children’s learning and development. Mary is a single parent with an adult son at university. She spent her younger days in the Volta Region and only moved to Accra to live with her aunt after completing middle school. She started her

70  Meet the Teachers teaching career as a nursery attendant and continued to the training college for her professional training. According to Mary, she worked hard as a teacher and always wanted to get a university degree. She therefore took advantage of government initiatives on early childhood education for serving teachers and applied to the University of Education, Winneba, where she completed a bachelor’s degree in early childhood education and care. She also completed a master’s degree in educational administration later, and she is now a headteacher. I had the occasion of visiting her school, where she introduced me to the teachers and students. Mary said she became interested in children’s literacy development during her studies in early childhood at the university. She therefore attended a number of training courses on the new language and literacy policy (the National Literacy Acceleration Programme, NALAP) and sometimes paid for other training courses on literacy. As a result of the training, she was asked to train other teachers and support schools that need help. She spoke about very poor facilities in many early childhood classrooms in Accra and wondered why the government was doing nothing to improve children’s learning environment. With her new understanding of childhood and child development, Mary is aiming to improve children’s learning, especially literacy for the young children in her new school. When I asked her about her opinion on the language policy in lower grades, she said, ‘From my personal experience, children should learn in their local language before switching to the English language and teachers should do their best to know the children’s language’. When asked to talk about her self, she had this to say: My name is Mary, I am 50 years old, and I was born and bred in Nkonya, a town in the Volta Region of Ghana. I am a single parent with a grown-up son. I attended the local Authority Middle School in my hometown and then continued to the training college in the central region of Ghana. After many years of teaching I decided to further my education in early childhood education and care at the University of Education in Winneba. My decision to do a degree in early childhood studies was mainly because of my interest in younger children. I always wanted to know more about how children of this age group learn. I realised as a teacher in Grade 2, that younger children were different from older ones; the rate at which they learnt was different, and they also learn through play. Children were always interested in going out and probing things, they like to pick things and find out information for themselves. That is what encouraged me to do the early childhood studies. I knew I  wanted to become a teacher because I  had the flair and love for children. After completing middle form four in my hometown, I moved to Accra to live with my aunt and to look for a job since there was not much to do there. I was lucky to get a job in this nursery school and that is the place where I developed [an] interest in teaching children. I worked with children between the ages of 2 and 4. I  was very happy and satisfied with my work. After some time, I decided to train as a teacher, and I proceeded to the training college in 1980.

Meet the Teachers 71 I completed in 1984 with Cert ‘A’ Post-Middle. I can say that I have been working with children for nearly 28 years. All my teaching has been in the primary school, and I have taught different classes including Grades 2, 4, 5, and 6 . . . in different schools here in Accra. I am also an instructor and trainer of teachers in early childhood language and literacy development because of my interest in children’s literacy and the training I had in literacy development organised by MASHAV (Isreal’s Agency for International Development Cooperation, Ministry of Foreign Affairs). I train teachers on how language and literacy should be taught in kindergarten and lower primary. With regards to education and the language policy, every government wants to make [a] change in policy. When it comes to language policy, different governments have come up with different policies. Some governments will come and say we want our children to use the Ghanaian language and others would say because English is our national language the child should use more English. This means the language policy may change whenever a new government comes to power. I do not know if that is good for our educational system because teachers sometimes forget or get confused about what to do in the classroom. Children also suffer when there is a change in policy. Many things have changed in the way we teach. When we were in the training college years ago, we were just given a general knowledge of teaching which was more about instructing children. The curriculum was not flexible, and we were not allowing them to take their own initiative. We knew nothing about learning through play, and when it comes to reading and writing, we were just teaching in an abstract manner. I can say that my earlier teaching was abstract and not very practical, and children did not really understand what they were learning. But today because of my education and training as an early childhood teacher, when you come to my classroom, I have a round table with drawers, a hospital setting, a home with a Ghanaian kitchen, with all the things you can think of such as onions, pepper, dried fish like ‘Keta school boys’, black-eye beans, and many others. I bring whatever I want to teach the children into the classroom for the child to see and touch and this is helping them to learn better. The new policy of [the] NALAP is helping children to learn better because we are using the local language, not English. Because of my experience of teaching in upper primary, I think children need both the local language and English because we use English as the medium of instruction in upper primary and throughout the rest of education in the country, so both languages are important.

Meet Grace (1987 and 1997) Grace lives in a small but growing town close to the capital with her husband and her two teenage children. Grace was born in Accra but had her secondary school in the Ashanti region because she is an Ashanti and her mother wanted her to learn Twi. According to Grace, schooling away from her parents made her become aware of the importance of language, culture, and identity. To her, Ghanaian culture is extraordinarily rich, and she is proud to be a Ghanaian.

72  Meet the Teachers She finds it difficult to understand why many young Ghanaians and some parents are looking up to other foreign cultures and refusing to speak the local language. Grace said she always wanted to become a teacher because she believed teaching is a good job for women. She explained that ‘if you have children and if you are a teacher, you can have your children in your school. You have the chance to walk with them to school and home and you can teach them too’. After completing secondary school, she enrolled in a training college in the Ashanti region, but on completion, she was posted to a rural town in the Greater Accra region. According to Grace, living in the rural area was a big challenge for a young teacher like her because she was used to living in cities. She therefore took a positive posture, seeing it as a challenge. She was appointed to teach in Class 2, and although she did not speak the local language used in the school, she tried to learn it because she felt it was the right thing to do as a teacher. After teaching Grade 2 for 3 years, she decided to move to the upper grades because of the workload. She later went to the university to do a course in adult education, hoping to get a different job. Presently, she is teaching English language and home economics in a junior high school close to her house. Grace is of the opinion that the teachers’ union in Ghana is failing many teachers when it comes to policy formulation in education, they should be doing more for teachers by being the voice of teachers. Grace stressed the importance of local language as the medium of instruction in early grades. She believes Ghanaians are identified by their tribes, languages, and cultures and all these are unique to the group they belong to. Abandoning one’s language is losing once identity. When Grace was asked to talk about herself, she had this to say: My name is Grace, and I am a teacher at the local Junior Secondary School. I am married with two children. I was born in Accra where I had my elementary school. But my mother sent me to do my secondary school education in the Eastern region so that I can learn to speak my local language well. From there I went to training college in 1989 for 3 years and obtained Certificate ‘A’. After my training, I was posted to teach in the Ga rural area near Dawenya, and I taught Grade 2 for 3 years. I had a change of class and later taught Grade 4. I am now teaching in the junior high school (JHS); there is a lot of work in the primary classes because you need to prepare lesson notes for all the subjects you teach, give exercises on every lesson, and mark them. However, with the JHS, I prepare notes for the subjects I teach. I don’t have to spend too much time preparing lesson notes during weekend as I used to do when I was teaching in the primary school, and I can also mark the class exercises later in the staff room. In 2000, I decided to study adult education at the University of Ghana, Legon, for 3 years because of my interest in adult literacy. I really enjoyed my training college days and the teaching practice because it brought me a great joy. I quite remember an incident in one of the schools where I had my teaching practice. The children were sad because the teaching practice had come to an end after 3 weeks and they would not let us leave. That incident

Meet the Teachers 73 created a certain passion for us, especially me. I wished I could remain and teach there, but that was not possible because we were students and we were there for our teaching experience. The teaching practice shows the relationship between teachers and children. The trainee teacher prepares well for the lessons and makes sure that the children understand the lesson. You have patience and time and you relate well with the children. The children on the other hand show respect and are happy with you because you are young and hard working. This is the role of the teacher, doing the best for the children you teach. As a teacher, I think it is important for me to use the mother tongue, I see the Ghanaian language as culturally dynamic because it helps people to socialise with each other. If you go to our villages, the people speak the local language the music and dance is all in our language. Our culture and I mean the Ashanti culture is very rich. Today most people are forgetting the culture and some parents are responsible for this. They are not teaching the children; they do not take the children to their villages; even some of our traditions like Bragoro and Dipo the puberty rites for Ashanti and Krobo girls is no more celebrated, and that is part of the reason for teenage pregnancies in some towns and villages. I really do not understand why the government has [a] problem with the language policy. Why do they have to be changing the language policy in lower primary when we all know that children should learn in their own language? We know that at a time the teacher had to use English in teaching children; then the policy changed to local language; after some time, it went back to English and now [the] NALAP. Why can’t the Education Service and GNAT (Ghana National Association of Teachers) be in charge and decide what is best for young children? I think the government is messing up with the language policy. This NALAP was always there, the only thing that has changed is the name. To me, teaching in mother tongue will make children learn faster because they understand what I teach, and they are able to answer questions well. In the typical villages, the children do not speak English, and there is no way they can understand what you teach when you use English. You have to explain every word to them, and you will never fully complete your lesson. Even in the upper primary, some children find it difficult to understand lessons in English, and because of that some do not pass the exams. Why do you think we have many failures in the BECE [Basic Education Certificate Examination], especially in the villages? They do not understand the questions which are in English and they cannot write English. Teaching is very interesting if you want to enjoy it as a teacher. It depends on the individual; you will enjoy it if you like it, and if you do not like teaching, you will never enjoy it. For me what I do is, I bring myself to do whatever I have to do, and I try to do it to the best of my ability. I know how to prepare my lesson notes, so I do not wait for anyone to tell me what to do. I know how to teach my class, how to mark my exercises so it depends on the individual. There are some teachers who do not enjoy their work and they are always complaining. Me, I teach, and I enjoy it and when my children understand what I teach I feel very happy.

74  Meet the Teachers

Meet Jessica (1997–2014) I met Jessica after was introduced to me by Mary and my older brother. Jessica had shown interest in the study, but she did not want to have long interviews. Our meetings took place at the same venue as Mary. Jessica introduced herself as single and living in her family home with her father, siblings, nieces, and nephews. She said living in the family home was very demanding because of her profession. Her nieces and nephews would always come to her with their homework, and her siblings consulted her on school matters. She described herself as a teacher at home and in school. When I asked her why she became a teacher, she explained that teaching was not her first choice of profession. She wanted to become a banker, and when that did not work out well, she took the advice of others to go to the teacher-training college. After her training, she was posted to teach in the primary school in the Volta Region, but because her family was in Accra, she always wanted to get a transfer to Accra. After teaching for a while, she enrolled in the university to specialise in social science to avoid teaching in the lower primary, but she was transferred back to the Volta Region and to teach in the primary. She finally moved to Accra and was appointed to teach in the kindergarten. Jessica said that teaching the lower grades was difficult for her because of the language policy. She could not use both the Ewe and Ga languages because English was the language spoken at home. Jessica said she was in favour of the use of English language for children in the lower grades because English is a global language and Ghana’s official language, so it should be used early in school. When Jessica was asked to talk about herself, she had this to say: I am Jessica. I am single and am from the Volta Region, but I was born in Accra and I had my basic and secondary education in Accra. I gained admission to St. Theresa’s Training College in Hohoe for the post-secondary teacher training course. I completed in 1995, and I was posted to teach in the Volta Region. I taught at Tegbi Roman Catholic Primary School in the Volta Region for some number years, and I was transferred to Denu. From there I gained admission to the University of Education, Winneba, for 4 years, where I obtained a degree in social studies. I did not like teaching in the primary school, so I thought by studying social studies, I will be posted to the JHS to teach. I was surprised when I was posted back to the primary. I do not particularly like talking, and there is so much talking in the primary. You see, I never thought of becoming a teacher. Since my infancy I said I will work in the bank to earn more money as a cashier but when I wrote my G.C.E. ‘O’ level and I could not make all the grades, a neighbour who was a teacher said the post-secondary forms for teacher training were out. She said in order not to waste time I should buy the forms since it could be a stepping stone to other professions, but I did not buy the forms. I also remember my aunt buying me forms for training college, but I was not interested because I thought training college was for older people. Even when I wanted to go to the

Meet the Teachers 75 university, I did not want to go to Winneba because I thought that university was for old people, but I listened to the advice of friends and our parish priest and took the opportunity, and now I have a bachelor’s degree. Initially teaching was tough, but now, I am enjoying it and I have no regret choosing to be a teacher. Teaching is an interesting job, but you need to be in a class that you like and be able to teach what you are good at. When I finished training college, I saw that everything the children did was in English so if you use the Ghanaian language too much, it could disturb them. We were told not to mix Ghanaian language with English when we are teaching English as a subject. We should use only the English language, and when we teach the Ghanaian language, we should use only Ghanaian language. However, we should use the mother tongue in teaching. I think this can be confusing to the children. I decided to use English in my teaching. I did not do well in Ghanaian language at the training college because I never learnt any Ghanaian language in my previous education, and I failed the subject in the training college. Learning Ewe in the training college was difficult for me because of the dialect they were using. When it comes to teaching Ghanaian language what I do is to call another teacher to teach the children. I think my biggest problem those days was the local language. Though I  knew I  had to use the L1 [first/local language], I  wasn’t using it because of the problem and also because I know everywhere you go it’s English, so now they have seen that we teachers are not using the Ghanaian language in teaching so they have brought it back in the form of [the] NALAP. Some teachers, like those of my level, my age group, or modern-day teachers, did not implement the old policy of using local language in teaching, how much more this NALAP. This new policy also requires us to use the child’s mother tongue, but it is not everywhere that you see teachers using it, especially here in Accra. Most teachers do not understand Ga, yet they are told to use it in teaching. This is possible; we still use English, and if you happen to have a Ga teacher, then you can ask that teacher to teach it for you during Ga period. Our headteacher knows we do not use local language as it is in [the] NALAP. Sometimes, she tells us the officers will come to inspect our work, and I always say, let them come, we are waiting for them.

Meet Dorothy (2007–2014) Dorothy has a professional interest in early childhood. After teaching for 6 years, she decided to study early childhood education and care at the University of Education, Winneba. According to Dorothy, her decision to become a teacher was because of the encouragement she was given by teachers who had taught her in the primary and secondary school. She remembered how a teacher would pick her at her mother’s shop and take her to school and bring her back. She also recalled the good relationships she had with her teachers in the secondary school and how their encouragement and support helped her throughout her studies. ‘I wanted to be like my teachers and help other children too’,

76  Meet the Teachers she said. Dorothy completed teacher training in the central region with a Cert ‘A’ post-secondary qualification. She taught for 6 years after and proceeded to the university for a bachelor’s degree in early childhood education. Like Mary, she has been promoted to head a basic school after teaching in kindergarten for a while. According to Dorothy, ‘children should be happy when they come to school so I make sure my classroom is a place where they will feel happy and forget about home’. She said her philosophy about children and school made her name her kindergarten class ‘Educogenic’. When I asked her to explain the name, she said it was to reflect the type of education she offers to children and the lovely environment she has created for their learning. She explained further that, it was ‘like bringing the environment into the classroom and ensuring that children get the best out of the school environment’. She told me she spends a lot of time sourcing for resources for the kindergarten department, and she has a special shop in Accra where she buys books, toys, equipment, and such. Dorothy was, however, concerned about socio-cultural changes and the effect on children. Since becoming a headteacher, she has noticed some children are beginning to forget common Ghanaian courtesy of greeting and helping others. Formally, children would help teachers with their bags, or greet them when they meet them, but it appears some of them do not know that anymore. We have to teach them and remind them all the time. Dorothy blamed parents for the children’s attitude. She is of the opinion that parents are occupied with working outside the home, leaving children in the care of house helps who are sometimes young and without much training in the Ghanaian culture and traditions. She argued that the poor implementation of the different language policies is the result of parents’ rejection of the policy of the day. She explained that sometimes parents do not understand the policy, and the government does not educate the public on the policy so without understanding the policy they reject. ‘Parents rejected the English-only policy during the Kufuor administration, saying the children do not understand English; when it was local language, they didn’t want that either because they wanted their children to learn English; now that we have the NALAP, some parents in my school are still complaining about the percentage of local language teaching and English. We don’t know what to do with the parents’, she said in despair. When Dorothy was asked to talk about herself, she had this to say: My name is Dorothy. I was born in 1973 in the western region at a place called Kwesimintsim. I come from a large family, and I am the seventh out of ten children. I have six older sisters, two younger sisters, and one brother. I attended the local Methodist School for my basic education from 1986 to 1993. The common entrance examination was still in operation, so I sat for the examination and I was offered a place to study at Takoradi Secondary School from 1993 to 1998. I was interested in teaching, and when the chance came for me to attend training college, I chose a popular women’s training college in Cape Coast. I was there between 1997 and 2001. After that I taught for 6 years and decided to further my education at the University of Education, Winneba. There was a new degree

Meet the Teachers 77 programme in early childhood education and because of my love for children, I decided to go for it. So far, I have taught in the JHS, primary, and kindergarten. All my teaching has been in the eastern region, and I am now a headteacher. I used English in my teaching before my posting to kindergarten where we had to use the new policy of NALAP. The policy tells us to use the local language of the child’s environment to teach them to read and write in the local language and English. I think that is appropriate because most children speak their local language at home. When they come to school, we have to continue using that language until they can switch to English in Grade 4. I love teaching in the kindergarten, and I try to make the children happy in school. I have therefore given my classroom a name, ‘Educogenic’ environment. It is an educative environment; all my walls have paintings, pictures, drawings, writing, etc., and when you get to the entrance of the kindergarten area, you know you it is a learning environment. A child is free to go the swing or go to any of corners. We have a corner with books and pictures, a mini-store where you can get whatever is available in a main store in town, we have a place for crayons and writing materials where the child can do whatever they want to do or to draw, and we also have a sand tray, Lego, and other things for the children. Our children are always busy when they come in the morning. You will see them moving from one corner to the other, and it is nice seeing them very active. Today, more attention is given to the lower primary in Ghana because it is believed that if children are not well cared for or well prepared in kindergarten it disturbs their future education. At first, we did not have kindergarten and the children came straight to Grade 1. This has changed with the education reforms. Kindergarten is now compulsory for 2 years. We have KG 1 and 2 and many teachers were encouraged to do early childhood education and care at Winneba to support teaching in lower in the kindergarten. When I became the headteacher, I made sure I put the best teachers in lower primary. My Kindergarten 1 teacher, for example, is a diploma holder, so also the Kindergarten 2, Grades 2 and 3 teachers, and some of them are taking degree courses in early childhood education as well. I want to ensure that the children get a good foundation because the parents want them to get to good schools in the future. As I said earlier, using the language policy is a problem for us. The problem is from the parents and from teachers. Although the policy is to teach children in their own language and introduce English gradually, not all teachers are following it because some don’t speak Twi and there is no monitoring or nothing in place to check what teachers do in the classroom. The circuit supervisors do not check to see if the policy is implemented. I do not remember having any visit from them asking to see how the policy is used in the classroom. How would they know the problems we face? The policy will achieve its objectives if supervision and monitoring are strengthened in all schools. As a government, if you introduce a policy there should be a way out, how to monitor, how to evaluate it over a period of time, for example, the authorities can check to see if the policy is working or not after a certain number of years. The policy has been around for some time now, but I don’t remember reading anything about

78  Meet the Teachers any evaluation, so we are trying to do our best by encouraging the teachers to use the local language and to explain things to parents during PTA [parent–teacher association] meetings. But I can tell you that because of the pressure from parents my school, we use more English than the local language. The changes in our cultural practices are affecting our language because nobody wants to be left behind. English is becoming common in homes these days. Everybody wants people to know that their child is in schooling and can speak English so the local language is out of the way, and some parents are also working with foreigners, so when these friends visit their homes with their kids, they want their children to be able to communicate with them. I think some do not want their kids to speak their local language or have anything to do with their places or origin. They move from their original villages and towns to urban cities, and they do not go back home or want their children to go back there. I do not think this is good for the Ghanaian child as it is important for children to know their own language and culture.

Meet Judith (2014–2017) Judith has two daughters, who soon became good friends of mine and always reminded their mother of our interview dates. Judith lives in her family house, but she told me she worked hard by trading in African prints to build a bungalow on the part of the family land. When I asked her how she combined her trading with teaching she said, ‘I have always been trading as a student so I could not stop when I became a teacher’. According to Judith, her aunt was a teacher, and she lived with her as a child and because of that she decided to be a teacher. She left her aunt’s to her father’s after finishing secondary school with poor grades. Her decision to go to the father’s town was mainly because the place is an education centre and the missionaries built many schools in the area. She claimed there was no opportunity for her to improve herself and move on if she were to remain with her aunt. She was able to go back to school, passed her exams, and go to the training college. She taught JHS in a small town near Koforidua, and because of her marriage, she got a transfer to her present school. There was the opportunity to teach kindergarten, but she was not sure she could be a good teacher. She explained that kindergarten is a difficult class because that is the first time children experience school, and some of them can be exceedingly difficult to handle. Judith said she was incredibly happy teaching Class 1 because she has a keen interest in children’s literacy learning, and she knows the local language very well so language was not a problem. She explained that as a teacher she has been able to help a number of children, including her own younger siblings, to learn how to read and write when he was doing poorly in school. Today, her brother is also planning to be a teacher. According to her, some children in her school have been asking for her help with reading because of her reputation for helping students. Judith mentioned a number of workshops and course she attended on children’s literacy learning and, as a result, she was able to

Meet the Teachers 79 compose an alphabet song to help her class. She said her headteacher is happy with her work, and she has been asked to assist other teachers who need help on the new language and literacy policy. Judith showed me a number of teaching aids she prepared herself for teaching her class. The preparation of the materials was necessary because of insufficient materials available for teachers during the NALAP workshop. Judith expressed concerned about posting teachers with no knowledge about the NALAP. These teachers sometimes find it difficult to use the policy and some of them complain about the hours and preparation of exercises. Although she blames the GES for posting teachers who cannot implement the NALAP to the lower grades, she also says teachers must be creative in their teaching. She is able to generate a number of activities for her class so with creativity, teachers can support their children’s learning. Judith called me this year to say she has been transferred to teach the local language in another school. When Judith was asked to talk about herself, she had this to say: My name is Judith. My father comes from Aburi, but my mother comes from the Volta Region. I was born in my mother’s hometown where I also started school. I came to my father to complete my secondary school because I did not pass all the subjects in the earlier examination. I decided to come to my father because [the] Akuapem area is a place for education. In this district, we have training colleges, and special schools for the blind and deaf, and there many other secondary schools and even a university. It is all because the white men came here and started the first school. I lived with my aunt who was a teacher in the Volta Region as a child. I was moving around with her from place to place including Ho and Hohoe, and that experience motivated me to become a teacher. I entered the training college in 1997 and completed in 2000 with Certificate ‘A’ post-secondary. I was first posted to a JHS in a small Krobo village where I spent 6 years. I was transferred to teach kindergarten in my present school because of marital problems, but I told the headteacher, teaching kindergarten is difficult and I did not think I could teach the children well, so I asked to be put in Class 1. Later in my teaching career, the government introduced a diploma in education programme to upgrade teachers and for quality teaching in schools. I took the opportunity to upgrade myself and I now have a post-diploma certificate in education. There have been many changes in education especially in the training of teachers. During my time, we had the 3-year post-secondary teacher training and you came out with Post ‘A’ Certificate, but that is no more. The government has introduced a diploma programme in basic education, so those of us who did not have the diploma went for another three years of studies. Although I did not get any extra money or promotion, I was happy I did the course because I learnt a lot of new things, which I did not know before about literacy and it is helping me in my teaching. Our language is very, very, important because language is for identification. For example, Twi or Ga identifies you and where you come from. Language

80  Meet the Teachers also serves as the medium of communication between people because we express ourselves through it. In education, language is used as a medium of instruction. The teacher uses language in communicating with children. Therefore, I see language as the instrument through which the individual achieves their goals or develops their knowledge and potentials so that they can participate fully in their community and the wider society. Today, some parents do not speak the local language with their children because they live in modern times. I believe our Ghanaian parents pass on the local language to their children by speaking it to the children, and those of them who are literate should be reading local language books with them. This will help the children to learn other languages apart from English. There are so many changes in our society; there is a shift from the extended family system to the nuclear system. Our forefathers lived in a strongly traditional society, their life, what they did, whom and when they married were all determined in advance by custom and the traditions of where they come from. All that has changed with time. People say we are in modern time and we must do things differently based on our own ideas. The extended family ties have little control over family members, and people are doing what they want. There are many children without fathers leaving the mothers to struggle on their own. The children are also suffering because they are not getting help from family members who are capable of supporting them. Our towns and cities are full of street children. Some of them are good academically but they have no help from philanthropists so they end up on the streets. Formally, you would not see big boys selling or carrying goods on their head for sale. But that is common now. I strongly believe the government must come up with [a] policy on family to help young parents as they are the ones who need help most.

Summary In summary, this chapter has given general background information on each of the seven teachers whose data have been used in this book. The voice vignettes show the individual and personal story of each teacher. These conversations also reveal reasons why they chose the teaching profession, their training, beliefs, and values and views on language policy. It appears from the vignette that though each teacher was aware of the difficulties posed by the policy, they all approached the implementation differently. Another significant issue which was highlighted was some of the socio-cultural changes that are taking place in the country. One of the most disturbing aspects of the changes taking place is the drive to replace local language with English in some Ghanaian homes. Given that one’s language also determines their identity, this quest is likely to create identity problems for some people. In the next chapter, I explain why these experiences have potential implications for all involved in Ghanaian education, whether parents, teachers, researchers, policy makers, or external stakeholders.

Meet the Teachers 81

Reference Barter, C., & Renold, E. (2000). ‘I wanna tell a story’: Exploring the application of vignettes in qualitative research with children and young people. International Journal Social Research Methodology, 3(4), 307–323.

5 English-Only, Local Language, and Biliteracy Policies Since 1957 Impacts on Teaching Practices

The language policy whereby children in sub-Saharan Africa use a colonial language in education is a matter of unending debate. The debate is more intense when it comes to younger children in the lower grades. The reason being that children are more as the risk of losing out in their learning and education, and the central issue in all this is language. I have already established how language and literacy are closely related in this part of the world. What does this mean for the teachers in the lower grades who have to ensure that children are supported in their learning, especially in developing the needed skills for reading and writing? How do they use the different language policies in their daily practices? How has the English-only, local language, and the National Literacy Acceleration Programme (NALAP) policies have an impact on their classroom practices since independence in 1957? Do their own values and beliefs cloud their practices? This chapter tries to answer and find solutions to these questions as the findings of the study are discussed. As a reminder, language policy for lower grades classrooms in Ghana has a checkered history with the English-only used from 1957 to the period after the fall of the Convention People’s Party (CPP) government until the period around 1970. Thereafter, local language was used from 2002 to 2007 under the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government. A significant change took place when the NALAP, a bilingual literacy, which appears to satisfy the different factions on the language debate in the lower grades, came into force in 2009. Table 5.1 demonstrates the language changes that occurred from 1957 to date. Three specific early literacy and language policy changes occurred between 1957 and 2016. The first occurred when Ghana became independent from Britain in 1957; the policy relates to the adoption of the English language as the only medium of instruction at all levels of education, including the lower grades in all publicly funded schools, for example, Grades 1, 2, and 3. It is not clear the extent to which privately funded schools at the time implemented the government policies on literacy and language in the lower grades. The English-only policy was in existence before independence and was continued for another 9 years under the CPP government from 1957, until the military overthrow of the government in 1966. The policy continued for another 3 years, in Grades 2 and 3, under the military government led by Lt

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 83 Table 5.1  Language Policy Changes From 1957 to Date Government

Year

Duration Class

Language focus

Convention People’s Party National Liberation Council Progress Party/ military governments New Patriotic Party New Patriotic Party National Democratic Party/ New Patriotic Party

1957–1966

9 years

Grade 1–3

English-only

1967–1969

3 years

1969–2002

32 years

Grade 1 Local languages Grades 2, 3 (predominant language); English only Grade 1–3 Local language (predominant language)

2002–2007

5 years

2007–2009

2 years

2009–to date

KG 1–2 Grade 1–3 KG 1–2 Grade 1–3 KG 1–2 Grade 1–3

English only Local languages (predominate language) NALAP (Bilingualism); (English and Predominant local language)

Source: Opoku-Amankwa, Edu-Buandoh, and Brew-Hammond (2015). Note: Examples of predominant local languages include Akwapem Twi, Asanti Twi, Ewe, Ga, Dangme, Gonja, Dagbaane, Fante, Nzema, Kasem. NALAP  =  National Literacy Acceleration Programme.

General Ankrah until the latter part of 1969. During the same period, the use of local languages was piloted in Grade 1 only, in public schools and eventually to all the three lower classes for about 32 years, from 1970 to 2002. These 32 years were a period was characterised by different civilian and military governments: the Progress Party government led by Dr Kwesi Busia (1970–1972); the Supreme Military Council 1 and 2 by General Acheampong (1972–1975) and General Frederick Akuffo’s (1975–1979) and the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council and Provisional National Defense Council led by Flight Lt. Jerry John Rawlings (1979–1991); thereafter, the civilian governments of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) government led by Jerry John Rawlings (1992–2000); and, finally, the NPP government led by John Agyekum Kufuor (2001–2002; Ansah, 2014). In 2002, the NPP government reversed the literacy and language policy from the local language to the use of English-only as the medium of instruction. The policy was once again changed back to local language in 2007, before the introduction of NALAP in 2009. This is the policy still in use at the time of writing, early 2020. Maybe it could be improved or changed again. To illustrate the impact of the earlier-mentioned changes in language and literacy policies on teachers’ practices across the six decades in this study. Table 5.2 maps each participant’s teaching experiences with the period when the policy was in use. Table 5.2 shows the Local languages that individual teachers worked under in the study. The table shows that Hubert worked under the English-only

84  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy Table 5.2  Language Policy Used by Teachers Specific language and literacy policy

Teachers

English only Local language Biliteracy (NALAP) Local language and biliteracy (NALAP) English only, local language, and biliteracy (NALAP)

Hubert and Mary Frank, Mary, Grace, and Jessica Mary, Jessica, Dorothy. and Judith, Mary, Jessica Mary

Note: NALAP = National Literacy Acceleration Programme.

policy. Frank, Mary, Grace, and Jessica worked under the local language policy, with Frank teaching in Fante, Mary in Ga, Grace in Dangme, and Jessica in Ewe and Ga. Those who worked under NALAP were Mary and Jessica in Ga, Dorothy in Akyem, and Judith in Akuapem Twi. The above table shows that Mary has worked under every policy, Jessica worked two/three policies, and Hubert, Frank, Grace, Judith, and Dorothy under only one policy. To properly understand the debate around the discourses of the language policy in line with the experiences of using the different language policies, I now present the data provided by the teachers during the interviews. This chapter together with the previous provides a broader perspective on postcolonial contexts of the language policy in Ghana and other sub-Saharan countries. The data start with Hubert, the first teacher who used the English-only policy after independence, followed by Mary, whose teaching took place during the reintroduced of the policy in 2002. Although the policy remained unchanged, that is, using English in the lower grades, Ghana had undergone different changes, politically and socially. Politically, the country had witnessed several changes of governments, some military, and others civilian. Socially, the country had moved on from the euphoria of colonial and independence to unstable and social transformations. Discussion with Hubert and Mary reveals that although they accepted the English-only policy as a government policy, personally, they were both against its use in the lower grades. The reasons against its use were not only because of the difficulties and challenges that confronted them in the classrooms but more so because of the belief that the policy contributed immensely to poor understanding of lessons and poor literacy development among children as well. Taking the case of Hubert, his teaching was around the time of independence when the majority of children were new in school because of the free compulsory education policy. He acknowledged that he could not communicate effectively with the children in English as the only language they knew was the local language or Akuapem Twi. He therefore had no other choice but to use the local language in teaching. He said: The children did not understand English so they could not follow the lessons. I could not make them speak it, and those who tried were made fun of because

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 85 some words sounded so strange to them. When it comes to mathematics, I had to find some innovative ways by using the local language to make them understand. Hubert continued: I used English in a simple way to teach the children. You sometimes use gestures and signs so that they can follow what you are trying to tell them. Almost all our books were in English except the reading book for local language. When I am teaching other subjects, I used simple English words and Twi so that they can follow. In a demonstration on how he taught using simple words, Hubert said he would point to objects or use the equivalent word in Twi. For example, he would point to the chair, table, window, and so on. He taught mathematics using both ‘English and Twi (local language), so it was interwoven with Twi because there were certain words or mathematical language, which the children did not understand and I tried as much as possible to come down to their level’. Hubert indicated that [t]here were certain things the children will not understand no matter how well you explain it in English the children will never understand until you add the Twi language. I remember a mathematics lesson when we were doing finding the missing ardent 3+□ = 7 you have to strategise a way to teach them. What Twi equivalent word will you use for missing number? This is how I went about it, using everyday home language to make it easier and clearer for them. My mother is sitting outside the kitchen and she has asked me to get her seven plantains from the barn. She says I should give three to Kwasi who is in the kitchen. I would say to them, take your counting sticks, what number is this? Then they will all say 7 (because they have learnt the numerals), this is the number my mother wants. I would say count 7 sticks and every child will be busy counting. Now you say to the children, how many did I give to Kwasi in the kitchen and they will say 3 so now take that 3 from the 7 and they will get the answer. You use simple terms like that., So these are the 3 you brought to Kwasi, how many are left and they will count 1, 2, 3 and 4, so you say to them, put 4 in the box and then they are able to get the answer. The preceding excerpt suggests a creative way of handling a class where children do not understand the language of instruction. The ability to use new strategies, based on his understanding of the daily lives of children enables him to deal with his classroom situation. This form of teaching is supported by Levenson (2013), who argues for creativity and the use of examples from children’s lives in solving mathematical problems in classrooms. Indeed, it appears teachers have responsibility and freedom in making pedagogical decisions in their classrooms. The concerns about poor communication can be overcome

86  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy when teachers sidestep the policy to meet the need of the children. Hubert’s experience shows there is room for flexibility, innovation, and adaptation in the implementation of the English-only policy in the lower grades. Without this, many young children would undoubtedly not succeed or progress in school. Hubert continued that apart from using English as the language of instruction and communication, English and local language were subjects which had to be taught to help children read and write English or local language: We had an English reader with very simple words, and you had to use signs and gestures to make it easier for the children to understand what you are reading. We were not allowed to mix languages during the English and Twi periods, so children had to be taught exclusively in English or Twi. The problem is that because children did not know English, we were only able to do basic reading and writing in English and you can imagine how some children struggle to read. Hubert also said: When you switch to [the] local language in teaching, the atmosphere is so different as children participate more fully, they answer questions and even those who hardly talk start talking. However, as soon as we start using English, everything changes because they cannot express their thoughts clearly or carry out conversations as they did in Twi. The preceding view is shared by Opoku-Amankwa (2009, p. 131), who observed, in a study on the English-only policy between 2002 and 2007, that the policy leads to ‘lack of confidence, a feeling of inadequacy and generally low levels of self-esteem’ for children who are unable to express themselves in English. As Kioko, Ndung’u, Njoroge, and Mutiga (2014) point out, ‘the language barrier changes class dynamism from learner-centred to teachercentred’, a situation which reinforces ‘passiveness and silence in classrooms’ (p. 3). The result of such situations in lower grade is likely to have serious consequences for the individual child and the nation. Children’s opinions and voice on many issues would be lost and they may not be able to critically think about their lessons. This means that for teachers to be effective in supporting children’s learning in English, they will need to understand the children’s first language so that they can use that language to explain things. Hubert was particularly unhappy about the use of English in the lower grades because of the inability of some teachers to support potentially good students because the teacher does not have time to spend on the child during lessons: ‘Sometimes you can have children who are good, but because of English, they find schooling difficult. Some of these children are already old in lower grade[s] and there is nothing in place to help them’. He indicated that, sometimes, parents intervene when they see their children’s poor performance. He recalled his encounter with the local chief of the town who asked him to help his children with reading. When he got the call to see the chief, he was not sure what it was about,

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 87 and he was wondering if he had done anything wrong. The chief was concerned about his children who could not read and how he had noticed children in Hubert’s school reading books in the evening when children gather to play. This suggests inequalities in schools which could be due to poor teaching. Indeed, the other school was a non-performing school with some untrained teachers on the staff, although he said he did not want to denigrate the teachers. He started going to the chief’s house in the evening and teaching the children. Soon, there was progress as the children started reading to the pleasure of their father. This example suggests the importance of the parental role in children’s learning and literacy development and how lower grade teachers can be involved in family literacy. Nutbrown, Hannon, and Morgan (2005) testify to the importance of teachers’ engagement in family literacy and how this can go a long way in helping children facing reading difficulties. Hubert continued that there were several parents who were unaware of what they could do to support their children. One issue which stands out clearly in Hubert’s data is how he could switch from English to Twi, the local language, to make learning easier for the children. Without the teacher’s ability to use another language, children would be at a great disadvantage in their learning. This practice is not only in Ghana but throughout the subcontinent due to the unfamiliar language used in teaching (Clegg & Afitska, 2011). Regarding the use of English and the local language in the teaching of mathematics, a study conducted by Davis and Agbenyega (2012) shows Ghanaian teachers often resort to the use of a local language when they have to explain difficult concepts to the children. Switching from one language to the other in teaching or code-switching is highly recommended in African classrooms as it used to break down lessons in colonial languages to African languages for better understanding. An example of this is the use of Kiswahili and English in Kenyan classrooms (Bunyi, 2005). When asked if he supported the language policy at the time, Hubert emphasised that he did not fully support it for younger children, because of the practical difficulties experienced by many teachers in implementing the policy. His main objection was because of the poor teacher–child interaction. According to him, he did not think children in the UK, where English is the first language, suffered the same as the children he was teaching. ‘English is their language so when the teacher speaks, they understand, and they will interact with their teacher. It was not the same here. Our children speak Twi how can they interact with you when you are speaking English?’ he moaned. However, he observed that it was ‘independence time, and everyone was excited that we were no longer under colonial rule so as a teacher you have to do your best for the children even though you are using English’. This statement is quite paradoxical. On one hand, Ghanaians were happy to be independent and no longer under colonial rule; nevertheless, they were willing to use the colonial language to teach children knowing very well the barrier it poses in learning. He explained further that teachers were likely to face sanctions if they are found not to be using the policy. ‘Since your work will be inspected and an

88  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy officer would come to see if the policy laid down by government is being followed, we had no other choice but to follow it even if you disagree with it’. Indeed, it was not only Hubert who was faced with such a dilemma, as other teachers like Mary and Jessica also had to deal with their personal position on the language policy. When asked about other teachers’ acceptance of the English-only policy, he felt there was no consensus on the issue as teachers at the time had come from different colonial schools where different policies were practised: I will not say all teachers accepted this policy because some teachers had English and others had Twi or other languages when they themselves were attending school, so those who had English will say in our time we were taught in English and that helped us so why don’t we apply the same thing to help these children. Others too will say they had Twi and it helped them so although some complied, others did so reluctantly. This excerpt shows a disparity in the use of local languages and English during the colonial era, which meant that, while some children were taught in the English language, others were taught in the local language. Hubert’s comments on the disparity in the language used as the medium of instruction receives support from Ansah (2014), who also notes that between 1951 and 1956 local language was used as a medium of instruction in Grade 1 but English was used in Grades 2 and 3. In addition to this, Hubert’s evidence shows teachers who were in favour of local language are likely to resist the English-only policy, with the excuse that they experienced learning using local language in lower primary. Hubert suggests that those who accepted the English-only policy did so because they believed English was a contributing factor to their success as teachers, and those who resisted it also claim personal experiences as a reason. This suggests some teachers could resort to using local language instead of English in teaching. Resistance to policy is highly likely in this case especially if teachers do not agree with it as suggested by Ball (1987). Teachers were not the only group of people divided on the language policy in the lower grades as parents also had some concerns. While some were happy for their children to be learning English, others thought their children were too young to be taught in English as they felt the children were losing their Ghanaian identity. According to Hubert, some parents felt their children were being alienated from the Ghanaian culture by studying English culture which belonged to the colonial government. They argued that if the British are no longer in charge, then children should be schooled in their own language. Hubert continued: ‘When Nkrumah was overthrown, everything changed. I know teachers were asked to go back to using local language in teaching the children this shows people were not happy about using English in school’. The change in policy is an indication English in the lower grades was not a popular policy for many at the time of independence.

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 89 When asked about his personal view on the aspect of cultural alienation, he said: Most children did not speak English before school, the only language they knew was the one spoken at home. To me, using English is not good culturally because English is not our language and our language is rich with culture, the way we express ourselves, the use of proverbs, songs, etc., is not the same in English because they have a different culture to us. I remember some professors who were taught only in English, some even changed their names because of school, and they were living like the Europeans in Accra, today some have regretted it. They all say they lost a lot of their culture. He explained further that ‘education those days made some Ghanaians students look down on local language and culture and some even refused to speak the local language, visit their hometowns or have anything to do with the customs and traditions of their people later in life’. Arowolo (2010) argues that the use of English in African schools alienates children from their culture because mastering the English language takes precedence over their proficiency in African languages, which decline as a result. Ball (1983) also asserts that the acceptance of Western education in Africa committed Africans to Western culture and values, resulting in a rejection of African traditional values and ways of living. This alienation as discussed elsewhere in this book came with missionary education and the introduction of Christianity. When Hubert was asked about the impact of English on children’s use of local language on during this postcolonial period, he expressed dissatisfaction saying that [d]uring our time we were restricted to speaking the local language 100% but what is happening now is that someone will start with the local language and end in English. ‘Kwasi, Kɔtɔ ntorewa ɛne ‘yam’ fa bra meaning Kwasi go and buy garden eggs and yam’, ‘tɔ bayire eni ‘tin tomatoes’ (buy yam and tin of tomatoes). English words and phrases appear to be used widely in sentences which shows how English is having an impact on local language in modern times as against the colonial era. Hubert continued that this development was rather unfortunate. I now turn attention to Mary, who is the second teacher to have used the English-only policy when it was reintroduced in 2002. Her experiences were similar in many ways to that of Hubert. Mary commented that the reintroduction of the English-only policy took place in 2002, ‘under the government of Kufuor after teachers were sensitised on the need to bring back the English as a medium of instruction in order to improve children’s literacy’. She continued that [e]very government wants to change something in education especially when it comes to literacy. Some government will come and say we want our children

90  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy to know more Ghanaian language and others would say because English is our national language the child should know more English. The preceding comment suggests that the reintroduction of the Englishonly policy was to improve children’s English so that they could do better in school. Indeed, Opoku-Amankwa (2009) also noted that one of the reasons for the reintroduction of the English-only policy was to make children start learning English early, to improve on the use of English in school, given the fact that all examinations, except the local language test, of course, were in English. Mary has always used English in upper primary where she has been teaching for many years, so this change of policy would not have had any new impact on what she was already doing. However, it was her first time of using English in lower primary and for other teachers who were using local language in lower primary, the return to English-only meant a big change and adjusting to new ways of doing things. Indeed, a study by Opoku-Amankwa and Brew-Hammond (2011) on primary school teachers’ use of the English-only policy showed that the change in policy brought with it a lot of challenges for teachers. Mary like Hubert, noticed the challenges faced by teachers in using English-only when she said: ‘When you start teaching using only English, you sometimes realise that because children come from homes where the language background is just the local language, they do not understand what you are teaching and some even get confuse[d]’. Unlike Hubert who could switch to the use of local language, Mary said she did not understand or speak Ga, which was the school language in Accra. She said, ‘I could not use Ga to explain things to the children because I did not understand it and that was a problem so there were times when I tried using Fante’. By attempting to use Fante in a school where Ga was the prescribed school language, Mary also shows her ingenuity in trying to support her children through whatever means possible. However, this would not be beneficial to some of the children because the catchment of her school was within an area with a broad diversity of languages. This is what she had to say: I did not know what language to use because the children came from different towns and villages in Ghana and neighbouring countries. Most of the children do not speak English at home and my Ga and Fante is poor, so you can see my problem. We struggled in the class as communication was poor. But as a teacher you must do the best you can for the children Yet, despite these difficulties, both Hubert and Mary reported that the Englishonly policy was, somehow, beneficial to children. Hubert said that ‘teaching in English helped many children to learn the English for the first time early in school’. This was necessary because ‘many children did not know how to speak English before coming to school’. This suggests that, by exposing the Ghanaian child to English early in school, children who did not otherwise know much English

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 91 would learn how to communicate, read, and write in English, which is likely to help them succeed later in school. Mary also stated: I think learning English in lower grade will help children since we use English throughout school in Ghana, all our examinations are in the English language so without English children would fail their examinations and there would be no future for them. Mary appears to be suggesting that children’s future success depends on their ability to know and use English. This shows the place of English in Ghanaian social mobility. Although both the CPP and NPP governments appear to have good reasons for the use of the English-only policy, the experiences of Mary and Hubert, as stated earlier, suggest that the policy had some significant negative impacts on their practice. The two teachers claim they were not given specific guidelines on how to use English as the medium of instruction in classrooms, especially in multilingual classrooms which raises serious problems for teacher training institutions. If teachers who teach young children are not well trained on pedagogical methods in their training, then they will have issues which will have a negative impact on their teaching practices. The fact that Mary was handicapped in the use of the local language of the school suggests Ghana Education Service (GES) should not have been posted her to that school. At best she should have been sent to an area where she could use Fanti as she learnt the language while she was at the training college in Cape Coast. Surely, the GES know most children do not speak English at home, so definitely, they will have difficulty in comprehending their lessons. Hubert lamented on the inability of some pupil teachers who were not competent enough in using English as a medium of instruction during the independence period. The teachers were needed to teach in newly opened schools because of the expansion of education by the first president, but according to Hubert, some of the teachers only used local language in teaching or, if they used English, ‘made matters worse for children because of their poor grammar in English. You remember the story I told you about the chief’s children?’ These teachers were usually placed in poor schools in rural areas, meaning many children from these schools would be lacking behind in using English effectively. This could be part of the reason for blaming some pupil for children’s poor literacy skills. At this juncture, it is important to reflect on the positive and negative impact of the English-only policy on children and teachers’ classroom practices. Both Hubert and Mary believe postcolonial Ghana cannot do without English as it a colonial legacy, the country’s official language and a core part of the country’s education. English is the only language used instruction from upper primary through to the university. This means without a sound knowledge of English in lower primary, children are likely to fail their examinations, making progression to a better life in future almost impossible. The teachers believe learning

92  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy English early in school would help prepare children for learning in the upper grades. If children have good literacy skills, they are more likely to pass their examinations which means they would stay in school, complete their education, and move on to higher education. Certainly, a good education is a recipe for future good jobs and better lives. On the other hand, the data also revealed several disadvantages of the policy. First, the question of children’s poor classroom interaction emanating from a lack of understanding of the colonial language. Coupled with children’s inability to interact freely in English and the challenge of multiple languages spoken by children in one classroom especially in bigger towns and cities. Without training on how to deal with the problem, teachers are likely to devise their own methods which may be helpful or unhelpful in supporting children’s reading, writing and use of English in communicating. Another disadvantage which contributed to poor literacy development was the education of some teachers. The data show that there were untrained teachers in newly established schools during the independence era who did not have a good command of English and therefore could not use it effectively in teaching. After many years of independence, one would think untrained teachers would be a thing in the past. Frank, Mary, Grace, and Jessica were teachers who used the local language policy in teaching. As previously mentioned, the use of local language in the lower grades started in colonial times when it was perceived to be the most appropriate language of instruction for younger children attending school for the first time. With independence, however, English was rather used. The English policy reverted to the local language when the CPP government was no longer in power. However, it was not used in all classes until 1970. Although it appears most Ghanaians preferred this policy, there were many issues that created massive problems for the full implementation of the policy as reported by the teachers in the study. Among the many difficulties associated with the policy, are the following: acceptance of the policy by teachers, the use of predominant local language in the region coupled with children from diverse language backgrounds, teachers’ knowledge of the local language, and textbooks in English instead of the local language. The question of acceptance of the policy by teachers generated different responses from the teachers. Frank, Mary, and Grace were convinced of the importance of local language in supporting learning in the early grades. Jessica, on the other hand, opined that because English is a global language, teaching should be in English so that young children learn the language quickly. Indeed, the data reveal two strong opposing opinions: the importance of local language in teaching the early grades, on one hand, and the view that English should take precedence. The discourse on the issue goes to show the effect of colonial rule on modern-day thinking and Ghanaian teachers’ position on the topic after several decades of independence. The experiences of Frank, Mary, Grace, and Jessica on the use of local language policy is now discussed. The first problem with the local language policy is the use of the prevalent or dominant language of the area in which the school

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 93 is situated. This means a child’s first language may not necessarily be the language of the school. This somehow defeats the quest to use the child’s first language or mother tongue. Therefore, we cannot say the local language policy is about a child’s mother tongue or first language. This was explained by an official of the GES, who said, We are looking at the child’s mother tongue but then in Ghana, it is very difficult to find very homogenous societies. There are lots of movement, intermarriages etc. so we define L1 to be not just the mother tongue but also predominant language of an environment. For instance, if you go to Kumasi, you don’t need [to] be Ashanti to learn how to speak Twi because it is the common language or if you live in Accra, the predominant language is Ga and in the Volta Region it is Ewe. However, sometimes, the predominant language in certain portions or neighbourhoods is not the playground language of the child, In such an environment, we have pockets of settlements; so when you go to Kumasi, we have Fanti New Town, you have Anloga, and you have the Zongo where Fanti, Ewe and languages spoken in the North will be playground language for the children. This explanation supports the interpretation of the local language policy as the most common language spoken in an area. Although the idea of using the mother tongue was appreciated by Frank, Mary, and Grace, the interpretation of ‘mother tongue’, to mean the prevalent language of the area where the school was not fully appreciated by the teachers because of the difficulties associated with it. Frank observed that the language policy excludes children from areas such as Larteh, Adukrom, and Aprede because teachers use Akwapem Twi instead of the local language as the medium of communication and instruction: Our children are excluded from the local language policy although they are also Ghanaians, we are living at a period of our history when we are losing our own culture because in this town, the children do not learn our language in school. The teachers do not speak our language and the children are not taught in Kyerepong which is the predominant language of the Guan areas here. The schools use Akwapem Twi rather than Kyrepong. The situation described by Frank shows how complicated a language policy can be in multilingual countries within the sub-Saharan region. Frank’s view was also echoed in a study by Obeng (1997), which showed children from the Guan areas like Winneba and Larteh, where Efutu and Kyerepong are the predominant languages but instead Fante and Akwapem Twi are used. Indeed, OpokuAmankwa et al. (2015) revealed that because only 11 languages are used in schools in Ghana, all other languages, especially minority ones, are non-school languages. This means many children including those from places named in this study will miss out on the use of their first language as this is needed to develop skills for learning other languages, including English. The persistent

94  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy of this problem appears to be an indication of a lack of government interest in solving the language needs of children as a way of supporting children’s literacy development. Another element in the local language policy debate is about multilingualism and diverse language backgrounds of children. The official also said: Recently on monitoring, we came to a school close to Tema, in fact, in Ashiaman stretch of Tema, we found different languages so you get a child or group of children they speak Ga, others in the same class do not understand any Ga, they speak Ewe, and then another group who do not speak any of the two. So now, we plan to go back and study the situation because there is no common playground language and if you talk about dominant language, they are not Ga speaking children. One can see that all the options we have in this school do not seem to be working for teaching. So, the teacher is trying but that is one case out of the many. Although the official appears to suggest that this is one case out of the many, it can be concluded from her previous statement that this situation exists in urban areas all over the country where there are large settlements of different tribes. One big problem the situation poses is communication in the classroom and any training to support teachers in such difficult situations as the official alluded to: Actually, we have had this language policy of teaching the children in L1 [first language] but by then we had not come out with the strategy to implement it and to train teachers in how it should be done so it was left to the competences of the teacher and it was not the best . . . Indeed, the GES official suggested that there was no strategy in place for teachers to follow regarding how to go about using the local language as a medium of teaching. This means teachers would need to make a personal decision on what to do and how to approach using the local language in their individual classrooms. Nyaga and Anthonissen (2012) observed that it is nearly impossible to use children’s mother tongue in school because of multilingualism in many African countries. Having explained how the local language policy is perceived in Ghana, each teacher’s experienced is now discussed. Frank is a teacher with strong views on the use of English in schools. As we have seen in his vignette, Frank believed English was a foreign and colonial language, and if left to him, English should not be used in the whole of education in the country. His views are based on his experience of using the local language in Grade 3 and what he witnessed in Nigeria, where he noted the use of Yoruba in teaching. His point was basically this: English is a foreign language and because children come to school straight from the homes where their medium of expression is a local language they should not be taught in a foreign language.

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 95 He continued, saying that ‘children do not understand English so using English will make the teacher’s work exceedingly difficult’. Frank is making a particularly important evaluation on the language policy, and it appears the basis for this has to do with the English-only policy. By using the local language children will understand what they are being taught, making teaching easier for teachers. When asked the importance of local language, he stated, ‘Language is important because it shows my identity first as Guan or Kyerepong and second as a Ghanaian. There are so many ethnic groups in Ghana so belonging to a particular group shows who you are and your identity’. His understanding of the use of local language is clear, local language is related to culture and identity. When children use their own language, they share in their culture and their identity is defined and they have a sense of belonging. Frank acknowledges the fact that Ghana is a multilingual country with many different languages and would like the government to help with research on minority languages so that every child can identify with their language and community. Indeed, in a multilingual country like Ghana, language identifies who a person is and which part of the country one comes from. The language one speaks is related to different linguistic groups and culture in Ghana. Frank’s strong views on identity come from the uniqueness of his tribe, the Guans who are popularly believed to be the first settlers in modern-day Ghana. Frank also suggested that foreign books used in the school’s library are not culturally good for the Ghanaian child. He contended that we write to NGOs [non-governmental organisations] or friends abroad and say when you are coming to Ghana bring us books for our library because we have no books. When they bring them, you will notice that they are British books. This is happening everywhere, and it is a problem for our culture because the children will be reading about Cinderella and those sorts of books. Go to schools’ libraries and you will see that most of their books are foreign and no Ghanaian storybooks. Last Sunday a Japanese lady who was a volunteer in the KG [kindergarten] in 2013, brought some books for the children and they were all were about Japan. Japanese books and some tall dolls so when our children begin to play with these dolls what do you think will happen to them? They will be thinking everything good is from the white people. And you know what happened? People were clapping in appreciation and I was looking at them. Frank was very certain in his observation on the importance of having storybooks in the local language as they are likely to be about things that children can relate to in their locality. Frank seems to be quite indignant about donated books from European countries because of his belief that books and artefacts from other cultures are likely to influence children in their attitudes towards their own language and culture. His strong displeasure about books like Cinderella and others is because the stories usually depict a country’s culture and thinking in one way or another.

96  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy I can say Frank’s interest in the preservation of language and culture is unequivocal and well focused. It came across over and over throughout the interview, and the following is another example of this: [C]hildren socialise in the language of their parents because they are born into a family, a society, or community. As a result, the child picks up the culture and language and through the Ananse stories told by mothers. I believe in the African culture as a means for learning, so I make sure that my own children believe in themselves as Guans before any other culture. When I asked Frank about his personal view on language preference in the early grades, he said: Personally, I do not think our children should be learning to speak English in lower primary . . . because learning their mother tongue before English helps them to understand things better . . . not the opposite. Frank explained his position on local language further as follows: The reason is that when you look at the textbooks, it is written by Nigerians, and in Nigeria, they do not use English but their own language like Yoruba. Therefore, I do not think we should force our children to speak English. Frank’s view on the use of the child’s mother tongue appears to show his dislike for the use of English. However, when I asked about his classroom practices, he talked about how he had included English in his teaching: ‘I used vernacular, but we intersperse it sometimes with the English language. You see, we want to use [the] local language, but we sometimes add English because of some English terminologies’. When I asked if this does not defeat his position on mother tongue, he explained that ‘[a]ll our textbooks for teaching were in English so as you use the textbook you will have to borrow some English words’. Judith, who used the NALAP, also made alluded to that practice. She said, “When I am teaching other subjects like Religion and Moral Education, I use some English words because there are some words which are not in Twi. If you do not find an equivalent word, you just use English’. Although the two examples appear to suggest the local language has less vocabulary and expressive words compared to English, the actual problem is the lack of subject textbooks in local languages. If a teacher is teaching a subject like science and the textbook is in the local language, there would be no need to resort to English in that circumstance. The situation where the local language is promoted yet textbooks for teaching and learning are in English seems unacceptable. The situation of lack of teaching materials could put more pressure on teachers’ classroom practices; either they do not find appropriate vocabulary in the local language to fully explain some concepts to children or they abandon the use of the local language altogether.

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 97 Base on the experiences of Frank and Hubert on language switching in teaching, especially in science and mathematics, I asked Frank about the concern about children’s poor performance in mathematics and science in upper primary. He had this to say: What I realised when I came back to Ghana was that most children were not passing mathematics and science because teachers were teaching this in [the] English language. I believe primary school children will understand mathematics and science better if these two subjects are taught in the local language, but when an officer comes to see you teaching in the local language, you will be in trouble. When you ask Ghanaian children, what are your difficult subject? They will tell you, mathematics, and science. You see, I am not wrong at all. Why should you use English to teach children difficult subjects like maths and science? What is wrong with our system? These statements and many others in the study highlight the endemic problems in the education of children which needs a comprehensive approach by policy makers and teacher education institutions. When I asked about his thoughts on the English-only policy, he stated that [i]t is difficult to say as some governments think English is better for us, even some teachers do not want to use local language in teaching. But when you read the newspapers some professors are saying we should use our local language in school. These professors are learned people and they have studied the situation in the country so I think the government should listen to them. That is all I can say. Frank’s conclusion on the use of English revealed his fear that the government is not listening or working closely with experts in solving the language policy. I will now turn to Mary, the second teacher in the study who also used the local language policy between 1977 and 1987. Her experience of the policy was quite different from that of Frank. We know from Frank’s data that he was able to communicate with the children in the local language, so the policy was not a problem. Mary, on the other hand, could not speak Ga, which was used by the school, and therefore, communication with the children, as well as teaching in the language, was a big challenge. This is a disturbing situation which is also a posting problem. It occurs when the GES post teachers who unfortunately cannot speak the predominant language of the school to teach in the lower grades. As we discussed the problems of teachers’ inability to use children’s language, Hubert and Frank expressed their opinions on the issue. According to Hubert, ‘headteachers always ensured that those teaching in the lower classes understood the local language . . . those who did not, were put in the upper classes where they can make proper use of the English language’. Frank also said: The Ghana Education Service (GES) makes sure you are posted to a place (a class) where you will be comfortable using the local language as the medium

98  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy of instruction. If you are Akan, you are posted to Akan area so that you can communicate with the children. That was the policy. I do not know whether it is stopped because it would be difficult for someone who is Ewe to be posted to Aprede or Larteh and be put to say Primary 2 where the children will be speaking Akwapem Twi or Kyerepong. The teacher will not understand the children and the children will also not understand the teacher. It will be problematic. Ideally, teachers posted to teach in the early grades by the GES should be capable of speaking the common language of the children or the school’s language. Asked how she coped with the situation, she smiled and said: I was made to go for a language course to learn the Ga language during the school holidays. You had to go for workshops, but it was not for you to teach the children, it was for you to be able to communicate with the children in the classroom. We were not being trained as Ga teachers, but we were only being prepared to communicate with them. Because I could not speak Ga, I used English most of the time. Mary’s approach to dealing with the challenge demonstrates that, in a situation where a teacher is unable to use the local language effectively, the teacher may revert to the use of the English-only policy. This result is supported by AndohKumi (1999), who reveals that one of the problems with the local language policy was that teachers were teaching in places where they did not understand the local language and had to use English instead. Indeed, Mary was sincere in her attempt to resolve the issue by attending holiday courses in the Ga language to enable her to communicate with the children in some way The question is, Was she able to use Ga in teaching all the subjects in class two at the time? She admitted, ‘I used English in teaching most of the time. I could not teach in the language because I did not understand Ga very well and I was not able to pronounce some of the words well’. This admission points to the fact that teachers own knowledge of a local language is important for the implementation of the policy, but there are many teachers who unfortunately find themselves in Mary’s position. In a case like this, it is the children who suffer because there is extremely poor communication between them and the teacher resulting in poor learning. Additionally, she complained about children from diverse language backgrounds who did not understand Ga. Commenting on the reason and its effects on her teaching, she argued that [p]arents move from one place to the other in search of better living conditions, they move along with their children e.g. if a parent is from the Volta region where Ewe is spoken, moves to Accra, the children will have to learn the Ga language to be able to communicate and be accepted in the community. No matter how literate the children are in Ewe language, they will find it difficult learning in the new language because it will be an unfamiliar language to them. This affect[s]

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 99 their learning. I do not understand all the local languages of the children, so it makes teaching sometimes difficult and since I am not very good at speaking Ga, that is why I had to use the English most of the time. Despite these problems, Mary stated her opinion on the local language policy: ‘I think it is a good policy because children learn better when the language of instruction is their own and if the teacher can use it’. Mary’s positive attitude towards the local language was as a result of her childhood experience and the fact that she lost the ability to speak her mother tongue fluently due to the use of a different language at school and another one in the training college. She lamented, ‘[N] ow anytime I visit my hometown and I attend church service where everything is in the local language, I find myself lost, so, I think the best is for every child to learn in their own language’. She also said: I think it is a good policy because we learnt in the training college that children learn better when the language used in teaching is their own language. But everything depends on the teacher. If the teacher can use it then it is good but if not, as it was in my case, then it is difficult for the children. That is why I made the effort to learn Ga, so that I can use it. Mary’s response shows she favoured the local language policy, which might be the reason for her change of attitude towards the use of more Ga after her university education when the NALAP was in place. The critical issue, however, is that when children do not understand English, they hardly participate in class discussion, making it more challenging for the teacher with serious implications for the implementation of GES’s strategy for posting teachers to lower primary (Awedoba, 2001). Grace is the third teacher to have used the local language policy in the study. After completion of her teacher training in the Ashanti region, she was posted to teach Grade 2 in a village near Dawenya which is close to Tema, in the Greater Accra region. Grace explained that as a young teacher, she was very enthusiastic and ready for any challenge so she was ready to do everything she could do to support children’s learning. The language spoken in the area was Dangme which was linguistically close to Ga, and she spoke Ga because she lived in Accra with her parents. Grace said: I thought it was wise to learn the local language because with the lower primary we use the local language and for the children in my school, Dangme was their mother tongue. They were able to express themselves better in it, so I decided to learn to speak and write Dangme and use it in my teaching. It was a little difficult, but I was able to make it. Like Mary, Grace’s experience shows that the implementation of local language policy depends on the willingness of the teacher to learn the local language of

100  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy the children. Her positive attitude was expressed in the following statement: ‘I was able to immerse properly with the community and I just blended the Ga with Dangme and through that I was able to learn how to speak it’. Grace continued, saying that she used different strategies, including being friendly and pretence play with the local people. She pretended she did not understand what is being said in the local language. She would then ask whoever is speaking to explain more, and this approach made it easier for the community to help her learn Dangme. Grace went on to say that because of her interest in the local language, she wrote a short poem for her school’s cultural festival, which goes like this: ‘Ma akɛ pee ɔ banku, ma akɛ pee ɔ koko, ma hu akɛ pee ɔ otim’. It translates as follows ‘corn dough is used in making banku, koko, otim’ and so on. She recalled how she became extremely popular in the community after the function and given the name ‘Ma’ (Corndough). According to her, whenever parents and students met her in town, they would call out to her ‘Ma’ and she would say respond, ‘Akɛ pee ɔ . . .’ Grace’s attitude towards the local language reflected her philosophy that children learn better in their mother tongue: As a teacher I think it is important for me to use the mother tongue because I see the Ghanaian language as culturally dynamic because it helps people to socialise with each other. . . . When you watch children playing in school, they do not use English but the local language because it is the language, they know best. For me I believe teaching in mother tongue will make children learn faster because they understand what I teach, and they are able to answer my questions. Grace’s response is packed with several important issues. From her observation, children do not use English but the local language at play. This means children play in a language that they are most comfortable with because they need to use language to express themselves in without any complication. Grace also saw language as a means of communication, socialisation, and learning, which can contribute to better classroom interaction, emotional, and intellectual development. This view receives support from Rassool and Edwards (2010, p. 277), who assert that research shows ‘educating learners in their first language, at least during the Primary school years, provides them with easy access to concepts and thus facilitates cognitive development’. When asked about the local language policy, Grace replied that [t]he policy was that in the lower primary, the child should be taught in the L1 that is the mother tongue because when the child is able to identify things in the local language the child will be able to mention those things in the English [language]. This shows that the L1 leads them to learn the English [language,] and it improves their literacy. In other words, they will transfer the knowledge in L1 to L2 [second language].

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 101 Grace understood the policy to mean using the local language before learning the English language. Her understanding of the language policy is supported by an official of the GES who said: ‘Actually, for language and literacy, we take our mandate from the language policy for schools and Ghana’s education policy for language states that we should use the L1 (first language) to learn the second language, English’. The two statements highlight the value of a child’s L1 in the process of acquisition of any future language, as they use their prior knowledge of home in the process. To Browne (2009, p. 160), L2 users ‘are already aware of the way in which oral language works and are able to apply this knowledge when learning a new language’. Additionally, supporting lower grades children’s home language or mother tongue while they are acquiring a second language is likely to give them the needed confidence in using English. When I asked Grace why she felt obliged to use through the medium of the mother tongue, she stated: Because I am the master of the class, if I lack that ability to use the language, nobody is coming from his or her class to take the class for me, so I had to do it myself by learning to speak, write and teach Dangme. This is a positive attitude from Grace who was prepared to do whatever she could to achieve proficiency in a language she did know before. She explained that she felt obliged to learn Dangme because there are times where children find it difficult to understand what they are being taught if it is in English. In addition, for children to answer questions they need the L1 to help them use the L2 to be able to produce accurate answers. If English is used in speaking to him/her it will be difficult for the child to get the meaning of what the teacher is saying. The teacher will have to find ways and means to come down to the level of the child. Grace also touched on the inability of teachers to teach children language during local language period: During my time if you are not able to use the local language then someone will help you. This is because some teachers could not use local language when it comes to language learning, you must arrange with another teacher who can teach the Ga or Twi during the period. If you do not do that, the children will complete the class without having done much in language learning. Grace highlights the plights of teachers who are unable to teach local languages in the lower grades which is rather unfortunate. The data show that children are often at a disadvantage because the teachers could not teach the local language and had to rely on others. There could be scenarios in which those teachers would also have their own class to teach. This is not too good for

102  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy language learning and literacy in the local language. How can children develop literacy in the local language when teachers cannot teach the language? Grace continued that she had to rely on the headteacher at the school for help, and she personally made the effort to learn how to teach Dangme in Grade 2. I asked Grace if she used Dangme all the time since she was not good with the local language. She answered yes and continued: But not with all the subjects, the science we taught was simple, for example, teaching plants and other things in the local language, so I topped it up with the L2 to help them know the English names, so for example, if the lesson is about ‘leaf’ you mention the name in the local language, and then in English. Despite the fact that Grace believes strongly in the use of local language as a means of communication and instruction, the preceding example showed that like the other teachers, she could not avoid the use of English occasionally in her teachings. This goes to buttress the point that codeswitching is an important part of teaching in postcolonial sub-Saharan African countries. I asked Grace if she had any other comment to make on the local language policy. She replied that Ghanaian local languages are particularly important, as it makes the indigenes incredibly special: When you hear somebody speaking your own language or mother tongue you feel very happy and you would even want to listen to what the person is saying or take part in the conversation, so it is good to speak our local dialect. But there are some people today who think that the local language is not important, so they prefer to speak English and western way of life we are copying Europeans and their way of life. I think it is wrong because some people do not know who they are any more and Western way of life is making many of our traditions take the backside and that is bad. Perhaps this attitude is the manifestation of the impact of colonisation on Ghanaians, whereby the introduced European philosophy and way of life have become attractive to a section of the population. It is argued that colonisation has contributed to the colonised having a hybrid culture which is neither European nor their own (Bhabha, 1994). Ghanaian culture and way of life are now fused or integrated with Western culture, and it appears to be constantly constructing a new culture in a way that it cannot be reversed. The subject of some Ghanaian families now using English rather than a local Ghanaian language is an issue of concern not only for Grace but other teachers in the study as well. Jessica’s experience of teaching during the local language policy presents another dimension to teachers’ attitudes towards the local language policy. Like Grace, Jessica taught Class 2. She is the last participant in the study to have used the local language policy before the reintroduction of the Englishonly policy in 2002. Her teaching falls within the civilian governments of Jerry John Rawlings and John Agyekum Kufuor. Jessica lived in Accra during her formative years. She attended both primary and secondary schools in Accra

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 103 before moving to the Volta Region for her teacher training. She was posted to teach in the Anlo areas in the Volta Region, where Ewe is the medium of instruction. Although one would think that she would be comfortable using Ewe because of her linguistic background, she preferred the use of English for different reasons. She held the view that English was a global language and that learning to speak the language was more likely to benefit children than local language. She also admitted that she was not very good in expressing herself well in Ewe. She never learnt Ewe in her education until training college. When I asked Jessica about the local language policy and her classroom practices, she had this to say: I was using English to teach the children but when we were in the training college, we were told that the medium of instruction in the lower primary should be Ghanaian language from Grades 1 to 3 because the children will be familiar with that language and will understand whatever you teach them in the language. It is clear from this statement that Jessica knew the language policy and had a clear understanding of its importance in children’s learning. Since I wanted to know why she would go against the policy, I asked for an explanation, and she explained: When I came out of training college I saw that everything the children did was in English, so if you use the Ghanaian language too much I feel it will disturb them because when it comes to the teaching of English we do not mix it with Ghanaian language. The explanation she gave was not convincing especially as the school was in a town where Anlo was widely spoken. In addition, as a teacher, she should have followed the policy rather than her own opinion or belief and there is a possibility that there will be many children who may not know English. I asked her to elaborate further on her response, she said, ‘I say something in English first and if they do not understand then I say the same thing in the Ewe language’. The response did show that not all children understood lessons in English. Jessica’s practice reveals some similarities with that of Hubert, in terms of the code-switching to local language when the children did not understand lessons taught in English. The difference between the two teachers is that while the policy in place was English-only for Hubert, it was the local language for Jessica. The common similarity between the two teachers is how both teachers sidestepped their policies to do what they felt was in the children’s best interest. I asked her the reason for using English rather than the local language when the policy was clear. She responded: Though I knew I had to use the L1, I was not using it because I know everywhere you go it is English. Now the government has seen that we teachers are not using the Ghanaian language in teaching, so they have brought it back in the new NALAP policy.

104  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy Jessica appears to have made up her mind on what language to use regardless of the language policy in the lower grades. Jessica’s argument for using English may be considered as undermining the local language policy she was supposed to implement. Indeed, her attitude towards the use of local language in school which could be compared to those who oppose local language policy, seeing it as a means of providing inferior education to Africans (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975). Her decision not to use local language could be what Bowe, Ball, and Gold (1992) describe as the power of teachers in subverting the status quo. When I asked Jessica how the children in her class felt about her approach, she said, ‘They liked it because the community was rural, and English was not a common language, so the children were delighted about learning something new’. It might be true that some children would be excited about learning English, the question to ask is whether they learnt better and understood their lessons better in English and if classroom interaction was excellent. Indeed, Jessica later contradicted herself when she observed that when a child comes to school and you use English and the child goes home, that child will be speaking another language so at the end of the day whatever you are teaching the child you may not make much progress. This statement is compatible with that of other teachers in the study who observed that most children did not understand lessons taught in English, compelling teachers like Hubert to use local language to explain lessons to children rather than the opposite. Jessica also described how English and local language were taught as subjects: ‘We were told when it comes to English as a subject, we should use English alone and when we teach the Ghanaian language, we should also use only Ghanaian language’. This statement shows that teachers were not allowed to switch languages to make it easier for children to know the difference between the two and perhaps to help them follow the different grammatical expressions in both languages. I wanted to know how she handled the teaching of the two subjects, especially Ewe. ‘I would teach them English but when it comes to the Ghanaian language what I do is to call somebody to teach the children as I could not do it’. When I asked Jessica why she could not teach Ewe during the Ghanaian language lesson, she responded that although she learnt Ewe in training college, ‘I had a problem with the Ghanaian language because I speak Anlo which is a different dialect to the one spoken where the training college is located and that was problematic’. This situation reflects the complex nature of the linguistic problem in Ghana and the sub-region. Perhaps Jessica would have had a more positive attitude towards local language if not for problems such as the one she described earlier: I was amazed myself, as a child, to learn about different dialects of Ewe apart from Anlo as I had relatives who spoke different dialects of Ewe: Agave, Avenor

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 105 and Tongu. As children, we felt our great aunties from Adidokpe, for example, were speaking a strange version of Anlo when they were actually speaking Agave. There are many dialects within the different language groups in Ghana, and according to Agyekum (2011, p. 575), Akan is made up of ‘12 mutually intelligible dialects’ which include ‘Agona, Akuapem, Akwamu, Akyem, Asante, Assin, Bron, Denkyira, Kwahu, Twifo and Wassaw’. The same is true of Ewe as discussed earlier. An official of the GES made this point clear in the following extract: In Ghana, there are many dialects within a language, and it is difficult learning all these different dialects. For example, in the local Akan language, there are differences in Asante Twi and Akwapem Twi. The evidence provided by both Jessica and the GES official seems to suggest that the different dialects within a language will make it more difficult for the training colleges to train teachers sufficiently to deal with the multiple languages and different dialects in Ghanaian lower grade classrooms. Imagine a Fanti teacher in an Ashanti classroom, children will be preoccupied at the teacher’s pronunciation than the lesson. This further suggests the need to research on how training colleges could train teachers on addressing the problem of different dialects within a language, as part of their education. Apart from the problem of different dialects in the Ewe language, Jessica also lamented on her inability to pass her language examination in the training college: I did not pass the Ewe language examination for the first time and I was referred; I think my biggest problem was because I did not study Ghanaian language in my basic and secondary schools, so the training college was the first place to learn it. Dorothy also resonates the view of Jessica on local language learning in secondary school and saw it as a gap in policy which has devastating effects on the implementation of local language policy in the lower grades: During my time, students were not interested in learning the Ghanaian language in senior secondary school because it was an optional subject. I remember very few people were offering local language in the final examination. It is happening in the training colleges too as not every teacher is interested in the Ghanaian language so most of the students do not do it. At first it was compulsory in the training colleges, wherever you come from, you have to do one Ghanaian language and when you fail you fail the whole of the examination but now it is no more compulsory so if you choose French then you don’t have to do the Ghanaian language. So how would you teach in the lower grade if you do not know the local language?

106  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy When asked about teaching of local languages in secondary schools, the GES official admitted that [t]he challenge is that a child learns a Ghanaian language from primary school up to junior high secondary, but when they get to senior high, it is no longer compulsory but an elective subject and very few students offer elective Ghanaian language so when they get to the college of education and they have to do one Ghanaian language this could be a different language or dialect from what the child learnt previously. If this is the government policy, then such a situation is not helpful for potential teachers and for the implementation of the local language policy in lower grades as Dorothy rightly observed. This is an indictment of the government, and it suggests the government is not really prepared to ensure that younger children get a good foundation in language and literacy development. Indeed, the teachers in this study believed without Ghanaian language being made compulsory in senior secondary school, the issue of teachers’ poor language competence will continue to be a problem for literacy development in local languages. Using a postcolonial lens, one would conclude that Jessica appears to favour a colonial language, based on her beliefs and values of English as a global language and therefore saw the local language policy as impeding children’s literacy progress. However, one could also argue that Jessica’s main problem is her inability to use local language efficiently. The easy way out for her was sidestepping the policy and interpreting it in her own way. Jessica indicated later that there many teachers without much local language knowledge who are prepared to use English in teaching although they know children will not gain much from their teaching. The experiences of Mary, Grace, and Jessica, about teaching at the lower grades using the local language policy, raise fundamental questions about their perceptions of the local language policy and the challenges it posed for them. Indeed, the evidence produced by Mary, Grace, and Jessica suggests their contributions towards local language literacy was very minimal as they were unable to teach Ga, Dangme, and Ewe effectively as a subject. These experiences have serious implications for the successful implementation of policy by successive Ghanaian governments. In summary, the local language policy had both positive and negative impact on the classroom experiences of some participants in the study. The main advantages of the local language policy, like the English-only policy, relates to the fact that there was a general feeling of ‘goodwill’ towards the use of the local language policy by teachers. This appears to suggest that most participants in this study are in support of the use of local language in the lower grades, which is an important factor for any future policy formulation. There was a consensus that the use of the local language helped children to learn English, made them literate in their own language, boosted their confidence in the classroom, and

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 107 made them successful in school. In addition, the local language policy helped children to appreciate the importance of their own language by identifying with their own culture and identity as Ghanaians. However, there were some disadvantages of the local language policy, which include the fact that teachers simply did not always know the local language and, therefore, could not use it effectively in teaching. There was concern that children needed to learn a global language like English rather than the local language and a belief that the local language hindered children’s progress in the use of English. This appears to show that some Ghanaians still believe in the supremacy of the English language after all these years of independence. Since the outcomes of policy implementation are not always predictable, the inability of the government to provide teaching and learning materials in the local language to support both teachers and children made the implementation of the policy a big challenge. Teachers did not have enough vocabulary in the local language to use to support their teaching, and they had to use teaching materials in the English language instead of the local language. This made it easier to have more English than the local language in most classrooms, highlighting the gap in policy formulation and implementation and calling for more research on local language and the publication of a wider range of teaching and learning materials and local language reading books for children. Moreover, the use of multiple languages in urban areas made it difficult for teachers to use one language in the classroom, which calls for flexibility in the use of language in lower grades. Is it possible to have other languages apart from the predominant language of an area? Again, the fact that some languages are not studied in school means some children from minority groups would not have the privilege of being taught in their own language, which means it could be necessary to expand the number of local languages used in school to cater for minority-language groups. The lack of clear guidelines on how to use the local language policy, especially in multilingual classrooms, also posed a problem for teachers. This issue needs resolving to help improve teacher’s practices and to give them confidence in the use of local language in their classrooms. The challenges of using either the local language or the English-only language policies and the inability of the two policies to solve children’s literacy levels (inability of the majority of children to communicate, read, and write especially in English) when they move to the upper grades appear to be the reasons behind the implementation of the biliteracy policy, the NALAP. The NALAP appears to be an authentic approach to address the situation. This book has shown how teachers have operated a form of bilingual literacy programme by using a local language and English over the past six decades. The NALAP, however, is the first formal or official bilingual literacy policy initiated by the government to solve the poor literacy rate in the country. The teachers who used the policy were Mary, Jessica, Dorothy, and Judith. The policy was introduced in the 2009/2010 academic year, and it incorporates the use of a local language as the medium of instruction while introducing English gradually until English becomes the sole language of instruction

108  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy in Grade 4. As previously discussed, the language of instruction in Grade 4 is English, although not all children are likely to fully understand and follow lessons delivered in English. The use of both the local language and English appear to solve the conflict between the use of either the local language or English to support children’s language and literacy development in Ghana’s early childhood education. Teachers data suggest that they felt more comfortable switching between local language and English when teaching than during the local language or Englishonly policy. However, the data in this book suggest that the NALAP must not be treated as simply a compromise between the local language and Englishlanguage policies. This is because the challenges teachers faced when using either of the policies still prevail, which means there is need for more comprehensive research into teachers’ practices under both previous policies to address the current challenges in the implementation of the NALAP. Data from the teachers suggest that they saw the NALAP as the government’s attempt at resolving the literacy challenges faced by children who cannot read or write in English by the time they reach the upper grades (where the language of instruction is predominantly in English). The teachers noted that they were many children, especially in the rural areas who are unable to express themselves in English. Some of the children drop out of school because of this and other children according to them, fail in the Basic Education Examination Certificate, an examination that enables children to move on to senior high school. Some of the teachers admitted that failure in the examination could mean the end of education for many children, with some children opting to learning a trade which may not be of interest to them. The details on teachers’ perceptions of the NALAP, the training received on how to use the policy, and their classroom practices and the difficulties they faced as might be expected are now discussed. Mary, Jessica, Dorothy, and Judith all had a clear understanding of the NALAP policy. For example, Dorothy expressed her views on the NALAP policy by stating that ‘[w]hat [the] NALAP policy is saying is that the child’s local language should be used in all the subjects in the lower primary; to use the local language of the child’s environment to teach the child to read and write’. Mary, for her part, said: [The] NALAP is here to help children learn better at the infant stages in their local language or the predominant language of the area where they come from . . . so when you try to use [the] English language later, they will understand it better because they use words in their own local language to learn the English language better. Although Mary suggests that the NALAP uses the children’s language to help make them learn better, the earlier evidence from Mary and Jessica on the use of local language showed that, without the teachers’ knowledge and interest in the use of local language, some children will continue to be taught solely in

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 109 English. Given the limitations of the English-only and local language policies, the NALAP has not really solved the problem on local language use. Leheer (2009), in a study on the NALAP, argued that the inability of teachers and children to use local language was a major factor affecting the NALAP. However, Mary seemed to have gained a deeper understanding of the importance of local language from her university education and experience of teaching under the two previous policies, in addition to the training she received on the NALAP, when she said: I realised that my earlier training as a teacher was not enough for me to teach in the early childhood class because the training was just for us to have a general knowledge in teaching but, in the university, we specialised in child care and education and children’s language and literacy development. This really helped me to appreciate the use of the local language as suggested by the NALAP policy, besides the workshops and training on [the] NALAP has been very helpful. This comment seems to suggest that perhaps Mary’s attitude towards the use of local language appears to have changed due to a deeper insight into language and literacy policies and her many years of teaching in the lower grade. She further stated: I was using only English language when I started teaching Class 2 which was very difficult for the children because they did not understand the English language and most parents did not have formal education so teaching in English was a bit difficult for the children so when I specialised in Early Childhood Care and Education and [the] NALAP, I realised there was the need to for me to start with the local language first and then use English language later. As teachers we were given training on children’s language and literacy and the whole idea was that every teacher teaching in those classes KG to Grade 3 should be able to speak the language predominant in the area where he or she is teaching, such that you start teaching the children in that language before you move to [the] English language to make it easier for the children to move from the vernacular to be conversant with the English. In the preceding extract, Mary recalled how she used English rather than the local language and how difficult it was for the children who did not know much English. Her comment appears to suggest that she gained a better understanding of the need to teach children using the local language after her studies in early childhood and care education. In addition, Mary spoke of a training programme for all teachers on the NALAP and how teachers were required to use both the local and English languages in teaching, according to the NALAP guidelines. The previous extract shows a shift in emphasis from English only or local language to the use of both languages, bilingualism, and how this was to be done in a phased manner, that is learning to read and write in the local language first, followed by a gradual introduction of the English language. This was

110  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy to enable children to gain literacy skills in both the local language and English (biliteracy). In addition, Mary indicates that the NALAP policy requires her to teach the children to speak, read, and write first in the local language. Her data suggest that she felt that she was more effective in the use of the NALAP than when she was using the English-only and local language policies because when she was working within the previous policies, she could not interact well with children either because she could not use Ga effectively or because children could not speak English; she was now able to use both the local Ga language and English when it was necessary. Mary’s ability to use both the local language and English is in line with the NALAP policy, which supports, teaching pupils in Kindergarten through Primary grade three to read and write in their local language – one of the 11 selected Ghanaian languages – while introducing them to spoken English, and by grade two, to written English. (Hartwell, 2010, p. 2) This requires children to have proficiency in both local and English language and to be able to read and write in both languages. Furthermore, Mary’s statement also indicates that unlike the local language policy, the NALAP provides teachers with guidance on the gradual transition from the local language to English through the introduction of oral English to written English and finally to English-only when they get to Grade 4. This practice is confirmed by the GES official who explains that [t]eachers will do 80% Ghanaian language and 10 % English language in KG1 and in KG 2; they will do 20% English 70% local language. . . . In P1 they do lesser L1 and then we increase the L2 and then we keep on increasing in P3. Then in P4 we switch over to English as the medium of instruction and from then Ghanaian language is learnt as a subject. This extract shows how local language use is decreased gradually while English is increased until such time that English takes over as the language of instruction in Grade 4. The officer explained that the policy is to support and encourage children’s reading and writing in the local language while encouraging oral English proficiency. This will undoubtedly address some of the difficulties faced by children who have had no introduction to English before starting kindergarten. Like Mary, Judith also seemed to see the policy as focusing on the construct of ‘literacy’, which included exposure to local language and English, rather than a specific language, as revealed in the following extract: [The] NALAP or National Literacy Acceleration Programme . . . [i]t is about the use of Twi as a medium of instruction and how to go about teaching of

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 111 languages, that is, the use of Twi and English. It is about how to go about the teaching of [the] local language and the English language to help children develop listening, speaking, reading and writing so it is called language and literacy . . . so when children come to school they have to use the Twi language to develop their second language so that they can pick the second language which is English gradually. In the extract, Judith seemed to be suggesting that the NALAP is about the teaching of two languages: local language and English. The teacher uses the local language as the L1 and gradually introduces the child to English. She revealed that that NALAP was more about literacy learning in both English and local language, through listening, speaking, reading, and writing, which appears to suggest, in her view, that the NALAP addresses the problems from the previous English-only and local language policies. In the extract, Judith seems to affirm that the NALAP policy provided guidelines for teachers on how to use local language and English language. This is important because, according to the GES official, previous policies did not have any guidelines for teachers on the use of both languages in class. In summary, the above evidence clearly confirms that teachers perceived the NALAP policy as a policy concerning ‘literacy and language’, rather than a specific language, for children at the lower grades. However, each participant appeared to have a different understanding of the details of the policy and how it should be implemented. Given the strengths and difficulties inherent in the use of both the English-only and local language policies, which have been discussed earlier, the key question is – To what extent is the NALAP simply a compromise or does it actually address the issues that have been identified by the participants in this study? The following discussion will address some of these issues, as it examines how the NALAP policy affected the classroom practices of the participants in this study, to provide suggestions on the successful implementation of the NALAP policy. With the introduction of formal education, the question of an appropriate language to use, especially for the lower grades has been a bone of contention. There were times when English was used and other times when local language was preferred as discussed earlier. The study established the difficulties associated with either policy for both teachers and children. For teachers, teaching in English was particularly difficult due to poor understanding and interaction for children. The local language, on the other hand, also created enormous difficulties if teachers did not speak the language of the area or there were multiple languages spoken by the children. The introduction of the NALAP, in which they could use local language while introducing English gradually, appeared to be a better approach. Throughout the study, teachers pointed out that with the other policies, teaching local language or English as a subject was an emphasis on language, and how to teach grammar, vocabulary, reading and writing so the word literacy as in the NALAP was new. Mary said the term literacy

112  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy was new to her in her teaching career in the kindergarten after many years because ‘we were either teaching English language or Ghanaian language. We never had the word literacy’. This means the word literacy is now introduced as an important element in the language policy for the first time. The teachers in this study were of the view that the disjointed approach to literacy learning in the earlier policies, probably led many children to become unsuccessful in school due to their inability to read and write properly. As a result, they saw the NALAP as different and a more authentic approach because of its emphasis on both language and literacy in the language that the child understands as well as a new language, English. This is made clear in Mary’ comment: Before my understanding of literacy, I though[t] anybody who could not speak, read, and write [the] English language was not literate but when I came to learn more about literacy during my training on [the] NALAP and other workshops on language and literacy, my perception has changed. Now if I meet someone who is French or German and the person does not understand speak or understand English, I do not see the person as illiterate, once the person can speak, read and write the French or German it means the person is literate in that language. It is the same with our Ghanaian languages, someone can be literate in our language and not in English. This excerpt shows Mary’s new understanding of literacy is likely to change her approach to local language in education. Judith, on the other hand, provided a simple understanding of literacy: ‘[M]y understanding of literacy is to be able to read and write, so for me it is about reading and writing in English and Twi’. The reason for this explanation is because of Judith’s personal interest in languages and the fact that she did Akwapem Twi as a subject in secondary school. She also added that a child’s literacy should be beneficial to children first by the progress they make in school and to the wider society through their participation in what goes on in the society or the community. Although teachers in the study had mixed feelings about the new policy because of the problems inherited from the previous one, they were, however, positive that this policy would bring better outcomes for children because of the training they received and the availability of instructional materials and guidelines on what to do. They praise the emphasis on using things in children’s environment as part of their learning as well as the flexibility given to teachers in the planning of the learning activities. Mary and Judith provide evidence to show that they had a better understanding of the NALAP, as compared it to other policies. Since Mary, Jessica, Dorothy, and Judith interpreted the text of the NALAP policy in their own way, the expectation is that their understanding of the policy would affect their teaching practices differently. Mary believed the NALAP places emphasis on children’s literacy learning through interaction with the

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 113 environment, using a diverse range of learning materials. She saw this approach as totally different from how she taught English earlier: When you come to my KG classroom, I have a round table with drawers at one side, a hospital setting, a home with a Ghanaian kitchen, with all the things you can think of such as onions, pepper, dried fish like ‘Keta school boys’, black eye beans and many others. I also have different things like plantain, flowers etc. and at the entrance of my classroom is the inscription, ‘Welcome’. We are no longer teaching in [the] abstract as we used to do before. Now as an early childhood teacher, I bring whatever I want to teach the child into the classroom for the child to see. Now the child can [the] see real object for him or herself and this is helping children to learn better. We have learning materials like pictures for children to look at, we also have a radio, a television, DVDs, the letters of the alphabet with music for the children to follow. So, I believe literacy learning is far, far, better. From these comments, we can say that for Mary, the NALAP was about the children’s environment and how this can assist with their learning. She therefore uses food and other items familiar to children from the environment in which they live to help them learn better. She used the term abstract regarding her teaching to suggest that she had earlier taught children in a more theoretical or rote learning manner instead of adopting a facilitative approach as suggested by the NALAP. This means the NALAP policy is based more on the social and cultural environment of the child in line with the understanding that literacy is embedded within one’s society, as suggested by Street (1995). Mary’s comments showed that previous policies had less emphasis on teachers’ innovative and facilitative practices, which made teaching more abstract without examples from real objects or everyday situations that children are most familiar with. In addition, while the previous two policies were more about the medium of instruction and teachers’ ability to communicate with children in the classroom, the NALAP is more about literacy practices, such as reading and writing in two languages. Indeed, Flores (2016) argues that teaching requires both the teacher and learner to find different perspectives and ideas related to a topic to make learning easier. Mary’s example also suggests that teaching under NALAP was more practical than it was under the English-only or local language policies because teaching is centred on real and everyday situations. I asked how the new policy had had an impact on her practice, and Mary stated that [p]ersonally as a teacher the new policy affected my practice because all the time I was always using [the]English language to teach and now the policy says teach in the local language so sometimes even though I am teaching KG, I forget to use Ga and I use [the] English language throughout and somewhere along the line I realise I am doing the wrong thing because the policy says [to] use the child’s language and then I start using [the] local language.

114  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy Mary’s experience shows that a change in attitude or practice is often not easy. As a teacher who has experienced all three policies, her example points to the need for a conscious effort to remember the similarities and differences in policies and how to apply new policies in practice. It can be said that her positive attitude towards the NALAP is a result of her university education, the different workshops, and courses on literacy and her understanding of the importance of children’s L1 in literacy development. It appears her long experience of teaching in the lower grades also helped her in knowing when to change her practice to support her children’s learning. Mary’s account has a number of implications for language policy implementation. First, her result shows there is a need for teachers to remain longer, rather than a short period, in the lower grades to develop best practice in their teaching. Second, her experience and that of others in this study appear to suggest the need for pre-service training and continuous professional development for teachers on children’s language and literacy development. Such training will provide teachers with the knowledge and skills they need to be effective in their teaching and these opportunities can help boost teachers’ motivation and provide a period for selfevaluation through critical reflection on their practice. Touching on the role the children’s environment has on their language and literacy development, Dorothy said: The NALAP policy tells us to use the local language and things in the child’s environment to teach them to read and write. I have given my classroom a name: ‘Educogenic’ environment. It is an educative environment; all my walls have paintings, pictures, drawings, writing etc. so when you get to the entrance of the kindergarten area, you know it is a learning environment. A child is free to go to the swing or go to any of the corners; we have a corner with books and pictures, a mini-store where you can get whatever is available in a main store in town we have a place for crayons and writing materials where the child can do whatever they want to draw, we also have a sand tray, Lego, and other things for the children. So, the child can choose whatever activity they want. Dorothy and Mary seemed to have had a similar understanding of the place of the child’s environment in literacy learning. For example, Dorothy called her kindergarten ‘Educogenic’ or an educational environment. It has an outdoor play area with swings and walls decorated with the children’s work. She also had different corners: a book area for children to read, a mini store with local items, and a play area. As indicated by Dorothy, she was able to design her classroom based on the local environment because the policy encouraged the use of the children’s environment in literacy activities. The description of Dorothy’s classroom can be compared to that of Mary, and it shows the relationship between classroom environment and literacy development (Cunningham, 2010). The availability of books and other classroom resources and teachers’ knowledge about language and literacy development, according to Cunningham,

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 115 have much influence on children’s literacy development. The activities carried out by Dorothy and Mary further demonstrate that the NALAP policy, unlike the English-only and local language policies, provides teachers with opportunities to become more creative in how they teach literacy. This was made possible because, while both the English-only and local language policies were about which language to use as a medium of instruction and the teaching of the local language and English as subjects, the NALAP policy is more about the development of children’s literacy and their ability to read and write in two languages. A key point in the NALAP policy appears to be supporting teachers’ good practice, as shown by Mary and Dorothy. Indeed, Rosekrans, Sherris, and Chatry-Komarek (2012) state that the NALAP has several innovative aspects to its credit, which became a blueprint for high but attainable achievement in learning and they became Ghana’s first such document to be written, marking a historical move that departs from the kind of prosaic syllabus construction that characterised colonial and post-colonial periods to the present day. (p. 604) The NALAP policy appears to support innovative practices which enable teachers to provide the best strategies for children’s learning. Both Mary and Dorothy showed creativity in the design of their individual classrooms to help with the literacy development of the children and they appear to embrace the need to incorporate the local environment of children in their literacy learning. Hartwell (2010, p. vi) asserts that the NALAP ‘methodology and materials, built on research about how pupils learn to read and the inclusion of Ghanaian culture and life, begins by drawing on pupils’ existing experience, knowledge and interest’. It appears that participants who used the NALAP in this study saw this objective as a challenge to improve the learning environment of the children. One can therefore argue that the NALAP policy, to a large extent, facilitates creativity in the design of the classroom environment to meet the experience, knowledge, and interest of their children. Although the data show both teachers made significant changes to their classroom environment, Mary was not particularly happy about the facilities of some schools. She recalled kindergarten schools with extremely poor facilities and resources: Some schools in the deprived areas have nothing to talk about, even here in Accra. I am concern about how these schools would get needed infrastructure and logistics. They will tell you we do not have infrastructure and the government is not helping us as all these come with money. I asked how her school was able to provide the enabling environment for the children: ‘Most of the money came from the parents and internally generated funds

116  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy and also from the church. We refurbished the whole classroom and change it to suit the new method of learning and we also reduced the class size’. Although provision is made in the policy for creativity and flexibility, participants were of the view that, without training on how to use the NALAP materials, new teachers posted to the lower grade would find it difficult to achieve the aim of the NALAP (see discussion on the NALAP training that follows). This also suggests the need for teachers to continue to enhance their knowledge and creative abilities through further professional development. The implication for the future is that the level of flexibility inherent in the NALAP policy should be sustained to allow lower grades teachers the freedom to teach well and effectively and not be constrained by the policy. Indeed, the Ghana News Agency (2010) reported that Mrs Agyeman Duah, Literacy Programmes manager of the NALAP, reminded teachers that the major objective of the NALAP was to equip the majority of children in the basic education system with the skills of literacy to improve their learning abilities to serve as a springboard for further academic pursuit. Jessica, who also taught Kindergarten, preferred to comment on how NALAP was helping her children communicate in both the local and English languages in the following extract: For me I think [the] NALAP is helping the children to communicate and express themselves in both languages because when you are teaching, and you ask children about things in the English they can say what they are. One day, I was teaching about technology and I thought that was a big word but the children were able to tell me technology is about fridge, TV, computer, and the rest and those who were not able to speak English tried to say them in other languages. Jessica’s comment shows that her children were doing well in using both languages to improve their communication skills; for example, her kindergarten children understood and displayed knowledge of technology and English vocabulary, which she saw as very encouraging. Jessica’s comments add to the fact that the NALAP is not only about children’s environment and its place in learning but also about flexibility in teachers’ practices in helping individual children to develop bilingual skills in local languages and English, as prescribed by the policy. As seen in the preceding comment, Jessica’s flexibility is shown in how she allowed individual children, who could not explain technology in English, to do so in their local languages. Judith also provided insight into the impact of the NALAP policy on her Grade 1 children’s literacy and her classroom practices, when she said: At first, we were teaching grammar, reading, writing and comprehension separately but now they have all been put together to help the children develop the oral and writing skills in Twi and English, so we have 60 minutes Twi and 30 minutes English.

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 117 When asked which of the two she preferred, she said: I prefer this new one because for [the] NALAP there is an improvement in children’s reading. [The] NALAP is trying to improve children’s literacy in both languages and this is helping them. Another difference is that the grammar aspect is not separated but combined with reading to help the children to develop oral and comprehension skills. There is an improvement in children’s reading because they can read better than before, because now the children are acquiring reading skills in both Twi and English at the same time. The children in my class for example can read some sentences in English and through that they develop vocabularies which they are using now and will use in classes two and three until they get to Grade 4. This is because they learn the words and use them to form simple sentences. In Judith’s opinion, the NALAP was a more authentic curriculum compared to the former curriculum on the teaching of English. In addition, she claimed that her teaching improved under the NALAP and that the children in her class made good progress in developing their reading skills in both the local languages and English. She also suggested that the policy was achieving its objectives because the children in her class were getting more proficient in English, which would help them when they reached Grade 4, where teaching is done in English. When I asked Judith to give me some practical activities in her class, she said: One of the things we do is language development in Twi, to make children aware of new words and complex sentence structure and how words are used in oral and written texts. What I have been doing in my class is that as soon as the children come from Kindergarten, I start with phonics in the form of an alphabet song I composed. We also do stories and we discuss the story with them, and they have time to tell their own stories. I allow them to draw scenes from stories, or copy sentences written on the board. The preceding examples from Mary and Judith show that they seemed to agree that the NALAP was likely to improve children’s literacy in both the local language and English. Indeed, Hartwell (2010) states that [i]n NALAP, pupils learn to read and write in a Ghanaian language, with English introduced gradually, and initially only orally. By P2 pupils also start to read and write in English, and by P3 pupils should be able to read fluently and understand both a Ghanaian language and English. (p. vi) Although Mary, Jessica, Dorothy, and Judith expressed positive views about the change in policy and how it improved their classroom practices, Jessica

118  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy was of the view that the change in policy was unnecessary. Her argument was that implementation was going to be difficult for many teachers in Accra: Some teachers like those of my level, my age group, or modern-day teachers, did not implement the old policy, how much more this NALAP. It is not everywhere that you see teachers using it. When you come to Accra, most of the teachers are not Gas and we do not even understand the Ga language so how can we go for the course and come back to use the Ga language that we are not familiar with to teach? So, we still use English and if you happen to have a Ga teacher, then you can ask that teacher to teach Ga for you. Jessica’s critical comment is important, especially since she had experienced the local language policy earlier in her career and was aware of the challenges it posed for teachers in Accra. Her comments show the same resistance against the use of local language by teachers under the local language and the NALAP policy. She was of the opinion that, since the new policy also involved teaching in the local language, it was not going to be effective in her area because most teachers did not know the Ga language and, as a result, could not use the local language policy effectively. She also revealed that the NALAP training teachers receive on the use of the Ga language was not enough for teaching or communicating with the children in the class. This was probably so, as Hartwell (2010) asserts that the training was on the philosophy for the new policy and about how teachers were to use the teaching materials and guidelines for the NALAP. This presupposes that the teacher is already familiar with the local language, which was not always so, as in the case of Jessica and the teachers she referred to. The issue raised by Jessica is significant because it questions how new policies are formulated and implemented in Ghana. It also raises questions for the GES on how to address posting teachers in urban areas, as well as providing opportunities for the use of other languages like Akan or Ewe by teachers. As a multilingual country, the possibility of using a language other than the predominant language can be helpful, as this may help improve teachers’ classroom practices, especially in Accra and other metropolitan cities where teachers may have competency in other languages. For example, in some parts of Accra, Akan or Ewe could be introduced alongside Ga to cater to the needs of children who speak these languages. This is because in some areas, Ga, which is the supposed to be the predominant language, is not because not many people speak it. Furthermore, teachers who might have learnt Akan or Ewe in training college may be able to use these languages instead of Ga. In this way, both teachers and children would benefit more from the language policy, as opposed to current practice. This calls for different policies in different places, rather than one policy to fit all.

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 119 Judith also noted the reservations of some teachers on the NALAP policy when she commented that [t]here were teachers who accepted it but some of the teachers’ attitude was not good. To them it was too much work because we have one-hour Twi and 30 minutes English and they think it is too much. Sometimes the children get tired before the English. Some of the teachers also say they do not get enough exercise on the topics but I have been getting so many exercises and even sometimes I am unable to do all the exercises so I have been telling the teachers and showing them how. I asked Judith to give me an example of how she does her teaching to generate different exercises for the children and she said: When I am doing stories with them in [the] local language. The book we are reading is a big book and it is about ‘Gyamei ne nkesua no’ or Gyamei and the eggs in English. I describe the cover of the book and what the colours of the picture on the cover. You open the book and continue to show the pictures and you read along and as you read, they get to know that you are reading from left to the right and how you open the book. As you are reading you point to the words with your finger so that they can follow you or read along. After the reading, I ask them questions about the picture, for example, who is this woman? some will say it is Gyamei’s mother and they will describe everything they can see. I will ask different questions about other pictures to help children acquire vocabulary and answer questions. I also introduce sounds in each unit and the children are encouraged to find them in the words. Judith continued, stating that by the time you finish reading the story, there will be so many questions and exercises and if you teach well, the children will never be bored. ‘They will ask you many questions and sometimes I will let the children tell me a similar story from home. How can a teacher say they do not have enough exercises at the end of the reading?’ she asked. Judith’s last statement shows the attitude of some teachers towards the NALAP, which highlights the fact that, though policy formulation may be geared towards providing solutions to certain problems in society or the school, there is no guarantee that it will be acceptable to those who have to implement it. Thus, policy acceptance and implementation are subject to ‘whether those involved are in support of the policy or see it as negative’ (Fitzgerald & Kay, 2016, p. 77). In this case, the resistance to the new policy was apparently due to the volume of work expected of teachers and their inability to cope with demand. The teachers were also concerned about children’s concentration levels due to the stipulated 80 minutes of teaching in local language and 10 minutes in English.

120  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy Another difficulty the teachers faced was how to generate enough exercises for the children at the end of the lesson. It appears some teachers were not able to cope with the amount of work required in the use of the new policy, how to handle or manage children’s time and how to be creative during teaching. These challenges cast some doubt about the extent to which the NALAP policy is manageable or feasible in practice, since its success depends, to a large extent, on teachers. Indeed, a GES official addressed some of the issues raised by Jessica and Judith as follows: Normally, when there is a change, we do a lot of sensitisation and orientation to get teachers to understand the philosophy behind the change and also what is expected of them and any time materials are developed, teachers are given some training on how to use them. As for the attitude . . . it is a mixture; some embraced it, others, because of this Ghanaian perception of ‘let us learn English’, were not too comfortable especially if the teacher did not speak the language. It was a challenge, but we also encouraged them to do peer-teaching to get their own colleagues to help them. But in the peri-urban and rural areas, we had a lot more success than in the very urban areas, where in the class of forty there will be about ten different languages, it becomes more difficult. So, we keep saying that [the] NALAP was successful in the rural areas but not in the urban areas. The evidence from the GES official shows that the Ministry of Education provides not only training to teachers on what they need to know about any change in policy but also materials to help explain things. The official’s comment further shows that teachers exhibit several attitudes from acceptance of the policy to non-acceptance. Some of the reasons for the resistance and nonacceptance of the NALAP policy and the use of local language in teaching was due to the Ghanaian perception of English as being more important or superior to the local language, which is probably due to the country’s colonial history and the challenge faced by some teachers, who do not have enough competence in the use of the local language of the school. Furthermore, it appears that co-teaching (when a teacher who can teach Ghanaian language is asked to teach another teacher’s class) which took place under the local language policy was encouraged so that those who had better knowledge of the local language could help their colleagues who were struggling with local language teaching. The fact that peer-teaching is still happening shows not much progress has been made with the learning and teaching of the local language for teachers. Teachers’ inability to use local languages appears to be the biggest challenge in the lower grades. As shown in this study, Jessica comes across as the teacher who resisted the use of local language policy because of her struggle with its use, due to her inability to use it effectively. However, the same issue is prevailing under the NALAP policy. Jessica’s resistance to the local language policy was also due to the dilemma she had about which language was most appropriate for the children and her preference for the use of English because of its global appeal. In addition, the GES

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 121 official appears to suggest that the NALAP was more successful in rural areas, due to the fact that children in rural areas were likely to be speaking the local language, unlike the situation in urban areas, where there is rarely a common language for the whole classroom. Furthermore, most teachers in most rural communities also speak the local language, so it makes it easier for them to use the local language in teaching, as required by the policy. The preceding challenges point not only to the disadvantages of the implementation of the NALAP in some urban communities but also to some serious implications for adapting the policy, thus, raising questions for teachers’ best practice. Apart from resistance to the policy by some teachers, Dorothy commented that parents in her school also had issues with the policy, when she stated: It is very difficult because though the policies are good the local community sometimes do not fully accept government policy on the use of local language. . . . It is a challenge for us, and some children do not understand the local language, so it is difficult to use the local language. Parents also have problem with the use of local languages because they often say that the child is using the local language at home and not all of them can speak the local language of this place so for the parents, once the child has come to school, school is where children learn to read and write in English. There was so much pressure from parents that we had to change the policy to suit us, so we are using 30% local language and 70% English that means the English aspect is more than the Twi. Dorothy’s comments show a form of resistance to the use of local language by parents in her school. This resistance has existed from colonial times, as has been discussed in the literature review, where some Africans saw the use of local language as a means employed by the British of providing inferior education to the colonised people (McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975). MfumMensah (2005) also notes that the non-acceptance of local language use in schools by some communities in the northern part of Ghana was because ‘these communities view the English language as a powerful tool for attaining dominance, power and prestige in Ghanaian society’ (p. 80). These sentiments show the aftermath of colonial rule on the Ghanaian psychic, which, in a way, makes Ghanaians feel the English language is better than their own local languages. It can also be argued that the colonial government structure, inherited at independence, makes it difficult for local language use in many sectors of the country (e.g. the banks, government offices, etc.), which means most communities feel they have to resort to the use of English if they are to improve their situation. Although the NALAP tries to incorporate part of the English-only policy by introducing some aspect of it in the lower grades, there is a possibility that the issue of English in the lower grades will continue to receive attention for many years to come. It is clear from the study that some parents may still have problems with the NALAP policy and see it as not serving their purpose, if

122  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy their children are unable to pass their examinations at the junior high school to enable them to move on to senior high and university in future. Dorothy’s comments further point to parents’ attitude and perceptions regarding the NALAP. In addition, the parents seem to have exercised their right to demand changes to the policy. It is, however, not clear from Dorothy’s comment if they consulted the educational authorities on the changes. The fact that Dorothy’s school made changes to the policy suggests some teachers also had reservations about it and showed their resistance by accepting the parents’ demands. Dorothy’s comment also shows how parents’ attitude towards policy and power, as stakeholders in education, can impact on teachers’ practices. She believed the desire of the parents of children in her school to have their children learn more English was the result of cultural changes in society. She stated that [t]he changes in our cultural practices are affecting our language because nobody wants to be left behind. Everybody wants people to know that their child is in schooling and can speak English so the local language is out of the way, and some parents are also working with foreigners so when these friends visit their homes with their children, they want their children to be able to communicate with them. Some do not want their kids to speak their local language at all, so they move from their original home to the urban cities and they do not go back home or want their children to go back there. Dorothy appeared to be concerned with the trend of parents using English rather than the local language at home. This concern is also noted in a recent study by Arthur-Shoba and Quarcoo (2012), who found that many Ghanaian families were increasingly using English at home instead of the local language. Mary also discussed the interest in English by some parents and saw it as affecting her teaching practice because of the confusion on the correct use of English: That is a big problem because when the parent is speaking [the] English language to the child, they do not realise that the local language of the mother or father would be lost or forgotten. Then there is another problem because some parents do not teach or speak English properly and when the child comes to school and is being taught by the teacher who is an expert in teaching the English language, the child gets confused and so the child is often in a dilemma as to who is teaching him/her the right thing. Based on her acceptance of the NALAP policy and her role as a trainer of teachers on children’s language and literacy, Mary now believes children should be given the opportunity to learn their local language. She sees the change in parents’ desire to use English as children’s L1 and their desire to teach their children English language as a challenge for her teaching practice, because the NALAP is not only about the use of English but the local language as well. Participants’ experiences, under both the English-only and local language

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 123 policies, show that, although the NALAP appears to be a compromise between the two, contemporary socio-cultural practices may create new difficulties for the acceptance and implementation of the NALAP because of the new trend of speaking English at home. In this case, the concerns of many about the damage being done to Ghanaian culture persist. Indeed, the growing trend of some Ghanaian parents using English at home, as identified by Dorothy and Mary, receives support from an official of the GES, who said: You know the average educated or semi-educated Ghanaian is now starting off his/her children with English no matter how bad. If I am semi-literate I think that my children should have a head start and so from the cradle, I start speaking English to them but research also shows that when you teach children in the language they are competent with, they do better and that is why [the] NALAP because we thought we have not done enough to demonstrate results. This comment appears to show that it is not only the elite trying to use English at home but also nearly every Ghanaian. Although the official seems to suggest that the NALAP will solve the problem associated with the use of local language in school, the NALAP can only succeed if parents, teachers and other stakeholders, including the government, resolve to find lasting solutions to children’s local language learning. This shows the need for increased education on the importance of local language in children’s learning. The results of this study show that, although most teachers wish to see the NALAP succeed, the policy is neither solving the problem of the language policy nor is it addressing Ghanaians’ attitude towards the local languages and English. In reaction to the previously mentioned growing trend, some participants, especially Mary, started thinking about how to develop her teaching practice by helping children improve their use of both English and local language in school. The results from the data, as discussed earlier, demonstrate advantages as well as disadvantages of the NALAP, as far as teachers’ practices are concerned. With regards to the advantages, teachers provided data to show that they had received training on the change in policy and on the philosophy of the NALAP, which will help them implement it in the classroom. This means teachers will have a better chance of applying the guidelines effectively and using the NALAP teaching materials in class. In addition, some participants were of the view that the training they received helped in changing their perception of the local language and, as a result, some were now prepared to use it as a medium of instruction. Participants perceived the NALAP policy as bilingual literacy to help children read and write in both the local language and English, and they were supportive of the policy. Teachers also saw the NALAP as responding to children’s literacy needs better than earlier policies, as they saw the progress the children were making. This means the NALAP stands a chance of improving children’s reading and writing, not only in their own language but also in English. Concerning the extent to which participants adapted their classroom practices to the NALAP

124  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy policy, the majority of participants saw the policy as improving the quality of their teaching and a means by which to share best practice with other teachers. Participants also felt they were empowered by the policy to be flexible and creative in designing the learning environment of children. However, the results showed several challenges emerging from participants’ data on the NALAP policy. It appears the frequent changes in policy affected the attitude of some participants towards the new policy, which, in turn, reflected negatively on their classroom practices. This means care should be taken in the formulation and implementation of the new policy to avoid confusing teachers on what they should do. The data show that there were still challenges with teachers’ knowledge of local languages, which calls for a more renewed effort to solve it. Although the NALAP uses both the local and English languages, it is perhaps necessary to discuss the place of English, because of parents’ fear and the contemporary trend of using English as the first language in some homes. There is a need for teachers to be trained in the use of local language, which calls for the gap in the curriculum on local language in school to be bridged. It is also clear from the study that the NALAP policy may not be the answer to children’s literacy learning in the lower grade. The study also shows the need for flexibility and change to allow different regions to have different policies as a way of approaching this issue. While Judith, Mary, Dorothy, and Jessica saw the NALAP training (which was offered to teachers before its use in the classroom) as beneficial to their understanding of children’s literacy, they also raised critical questions relating to the adequacy of the training lower grades teachers receive on the NALAP before using the policy in the classroom. As part of the preparation for the use of the NALAP policy in the classroom, the GES provided a nationwide training course for headteachers and teachers, who teach in the lower grade in the country, on the ‘new approach and use of NALAP materials’ (Hartwell, 2010, p. 3). Judith, Jessica, and Mary talked about attending these training workshops. The evidence from participants’ data shows that, although training was given, the quality of training was inadequate, compelling some participants to attend further workshops. Furthermore, the data point to a gap in training for teachers posted to teach in the lower grades and the problem of NALAP-trained teachers being posted to teach in higher grades without any replacement. Finally, concern was expressed about the role played by foreign donors in the training of teachers and how these might affect Ghanaian culture and language policy in the future. Mary talked about attending different training courses organised by the GES, the Ghana National Association of Teachers (GNAT), and foreign donor countries and how the training she received helped in her own understanding of literacy: In 2009 all teachers teaching from the pre-school through to Primary 3 were made to attend courses organised by the government through GES. I also attended one organised by the Ghana National Association of Teachers GNAT

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 125 and the Danish government on literacy in early childhood. Because I had flair for literacy I decided to take all these courses because looking at the level of the pupils I was teaching if I do not train myself in literacy it would be difficult for me to adjust to the new policy. Mary’s evidence revealed a personal interest in knowing more about children’s literacy by attending a variety of workshops on the subject. It is clear from Mary’s comment that having a personal interest in children’s literacy and making the effort to avail oneself for training can contribute to changes in classroom practices. Mary’s comment seems to suggest she had to attend other courses to improve her understanding of children’s literacy to meet the demands of the children in her class. This implies the first training she received from the GES on the NALAP was inadequate. She also revealed in the statement above that her decision to attend other literacy courses was because of a personal interest. It can be deduced from her comment that teachers, who had the initial training on the NALAP and have had no further training, could experience some difficulties later in their practice. Mary’s experience of seeking more knowledge on children’s literacy is similar to that of Judith, who also said, ‘I attended workshops and training on the NALAP in 2009 by GES and by some NGOs that were training teachers on children’s literacy’. Judith’s conversation with me about training showed that she was not pleased with the quality of the initial training she received. The preceding data showed that the GES was not the only group to train teachers on the NALAP. This reveals the role played by foreign countries in Ghana’s education sector. However, Dorothy seemed to object to this role when she argued that [t]here is so much influence on our language policy by other countries who are the donors, for example, for [the] NALAP, all the books we used first were printed by USAID and they organised the courses but now it is UKAID which is printing the books which means they have taken over or joined with the USAID. Dorothy seems to be concerned about the neo-colonialist influence of Britain and the US on Ghana’s education system. Her argument appears to suggest that these colonial powers may influence language policy in Ghanaian schools to favour the use of more English because they are English-speaking countries. She believes the question of language policy for the lower grades should be reserved for Ghanaians only because of the negative influence of foreign culture, which could trample Ghanaian culture. In fact, she lamented that this influence is the result of Ghana’s inability to provide enough funding for its own educational programmes. Dorothy’s point on foreign donors was also noted by an official of the GES with the following comment: USAID funded [the] NALAP and they funded the Teaching Learning Material Project (TLMP) so 2 years ago we decided to merge the two programmes and

126  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy give the teachers a guide that will help them to use the materials. It is just a matter of methodology so when you teach English, you have English material from TLMP, and you use it alongside the NALAP material. The official’s evidence shows the support received from USAID for the NALAP and other projects for teachers. This indicates that the education sector does not have enough money to fund its projects and has to rely on foreign donors, a point made by Dorothy, who said, ‘For now we don’t have the means and the donor’s money is not for free that is why we should decide on what we want and stick to it’. In addition, Dorothy was of the view that [i]f these countries really want to help us, then they should listen to us on the policy we would like to have but not bring what they want because English is not our language. Other nationalities, German, Japanese, and Chinese, are learning their own languages, so why can’t the Ghanaian do the same? In these comments, Dorothy appears to hold strong postcolonial views on the role played by both the US and Britain in Ghana’s language policy debate and is advocating for more dialogue on the needs and wishes of local people. In addition, Dorothy is of the opinion that Ghanaian children could also benefit from learning in their own language, as in other countries, if Ghana were a rich country, it would not have to depend on donations from others. It is evident from other participants, including Frank, Mary, Grace, and Judith, that they prefer the use of local language in school because Ghana has its own languages and children would do better in school if they were taught in a language familiar to them. Indeed, the fact that the country is still receiving money from foreign states on a matter so dear to its citizens means that, even after so many years of independence, Ghana is not totally free of its reliance on Britain, its former colonial ruler, and other countries. Whilst it is good for countries like Britain and the US to support Ghana’s education sector with training and teaching materials, there is a need to be more sensitive to local people’s views, so as not to create the impression that as stronger or former colonial powers they still have hegemony over their former colonies. This is because the perception people have about the level of their influence on such matters could affect how policy is implemented. However, since English remains the official language of Ghana and English has global status, it does still require a place in Ghanaian society in a way that will satisfy the majority of people. This implies that English should not play such a dominant role in education in primary school. The support of USAID for Ghana’s education sector and for literacy in schools was reinforced recently when it was reported that ‘USAID and the Ministry of Education had launched the distribution of over 4 million books in English and local Ghanaian languages to public primary schools in all 216 districts’ in Ghana (PeaceFm, 2016). This shows that international donor agencies are supporting not only literacy in English but also in local languages in Ghana.

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 127 Although Dorothy believed foreign donors influence Ghanaian language policy through the training of teachers and the provision of teaching materials, an official of the Ministry of education thought otherwise. He said: Because the country has a strategic plan on language policy, which is developed in consultation with all stakeholders, all these partners are on board during the policy process. The issue of influence therefore does not really come in. We work together as a team, so it is a partnership. The preceding statement suggests that the government of Ghana sees foreign donors as partners who play significant roles but not donors with superior powers to the government. The literature on language policy for the lower grades in Ghana, and the data collected from participants in this study seem to suggest that the country’s strategic plan on language policy in the lower grades is not working. This is because of the continuous controversy on the adoption of a particular language acceptable to the majority of parents, as well as the composition of commissions for educational reviews seen by the majority of participants as not being very representative. Furthermore, some governments had refused to accept recommendations made by the very committees they established to consider the language policy issue for the lower grades. For example, the refusal of the CPP government and NPP government to accept the recommendations for the use of the local language policy in 1957 and 2002 all add to teachers’ perceptions that there is no long-term strategic plan for language policy in the country. The evidence provided by Mary and Judith shows the inadequacy of the NALAP training they received through the GES workshops, which compelled them to attend future workshops provided by other donor countries to help them implement the NALAP in their schools. Jessica’s data also suggest that the training was of poor quality. For example, Jessica was of the view that the training she received was not helpful because she did not derive any benefit from it. She stated, ‘I happened to attend the course on [the] NALAP but if you ask me what I remember about it, I cannot tell you, because I can remember only three songs in Ga’. Although the NALAP training was about different aspects of the policy, Jessica’s comment appears to suggest the training was not about the NALAP policy per se but how to use local language and songs in teaching. For someone like Jessica, who faced challenges with the local language, this workshop did not help her in any way. In fact, she stated that she saw the training as a waste of her time and not remarkably interesting. Furthermore, Jessica’s comment suggests that, although teachers need training on the NALAP, the quality of training must be right to benefit them. Jessica’s comments also show that the training was not intensive enough to help her and others deal with the challenges of the local language and its related issues. This points to the fact that local language competency is an essential part of this new policy and that the previous problems associated with the local language policy are also prevalent in the NALAP.

128  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy Evidence of the poor quality and inadequacy of the NALAP policy is revealed in the study by Hartwell (2010), who said: There was almost universal agreement that, while the training was essential, it was too short for teachers to master the new approaches and materials, and it would have been helpful to have the training closer to the time of implementation. (p. 24) This statement from Hartwell reveals that there were many other aspects of the NALAP, which were not dealt with adequately and might have had serious consequences for teachers’ classroom practices and children’s literacy learning. For example, Dorothy argued, ‘I did not meet any of those teachers who were trained for the NALAP policy . . . at least I have had NALAP training and am able to train my preschool teachers. . . . I check what they do in the classroom”. Because some NALAP-trained teachers have left the lower grades, Judith said that ‘teachers who are not trained on NALAP cannot teach effectively at the lower grade . . . as a result, my headmistress has asked me to teach other teachers e.g. KG teachers’. The lack of untrained NALAP teachers in the lower grades and personal interest in children’s literacy development appears to have motivated Mary to become an instructor and trainer on the NALAP: I had training in literacy development organised by MASHAV – it’s a programme by the Israeli government in 2012 and because of the experience I have, I am often asked to give training to teachers who have not had any training on NALAP. This evidence from Dorothy, Judith, and Mary shows that, due to the inadequate training offered to teachers, coupled with the poor quality of the training in some cases, they had to step in either to help their colleagues or be recruited as trainers for other teachers. This shows a gap in the provision of continuing professional development (CPD) of teachers on the NALAP. The work of Kennedy (2005) on CPD points to the fact that teachers’ professional learning, classroom practices, and pupil attainment can be improved through CPD. Based on this evidence, continuing professional development of teachers on the NALAP is likely to ensure its effective implementation and boost the confidence of teachers who teach the lower grades. The fact that Mary, Judith, and Dorothy played different roles in supporting and training others shows how some teachers can be used as a training resource in their locality and elsewhere. By undertaking these tasks, they showed goodwill, resourcefulness, creativity, and a supportive attitude towards the NALAP, which reinforced their own classroom practices, as discussed earlier. Finally, participants in the study raised issues relating to the insufficiency of the training materials they received for use in the classroom. For example, Judith did not receive all the necessary materials needed for her class. She said,

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 129 ‘I did not get the alphabet cards and although there is the Akwapem version, I did not get it’. This insufficiency of materials was also mentioned by the official of the GES, who said: Actually, NALAP-supplied materials to all districts and all schools but as I said earlier, it’s been quite a number of years now and you know with textbooks; for the lower primary, because they are little and they do not handle them properly we are supposed to change them on a 3-year cycle and for upper primary onwards, a 5-year cycle but we have not been able to replenish the stock as we should and as planned because of funding problems but teachers are very innovative some of them have found ways of either photocopying charts . . . or copying materials from workbooks into exercise books for children . . . they found ways of making teaching and learning to go on in the schools. In this statement, the GES official appears to suggest that materials were supplied to schools, but due to financial problems, the stock of books have not been regularly replaced. The impact of insufficiency of resources on the successful implementation of the NALAP is confirmed by Opoku-Amankwa et al. (2015). In any case, the GES official also points to the fact that teachers are innovative when it comes to situations of insufficient materials for teaching and learning. For example, when Judith was not supplied with alphabet cards, she said, ‘I made boxes like this □ and wrote the alphabet inside to help me with the teaching of alphabets’. Mary and Dorothy also show how creative they were when it came to providing teaching and learning materials for their classrooms, as discussed earlier. This means they did not wait for teaching materials or stopped teaching because of a lack of or insufficient resources, showing how the policy encourages ingenuity and flexibility in dealing with issues. However, as the new policy was intended to resolve some of the weaknesses of the local language policy, inadequate teaching could create difficulties for teachers who may not be as resourceful as Mary, Dorothy, and Judith. Having discussed the NALAP policy, teachers’ perception of the policy, how they used the policy, and the training they received, I now look at some of the advantages and disadvantages compared to the two preceding policies. I begin with the advantages of the NALAP; it is the first policy to officially recognise the bilingual nature of literacy learning in the lower grades. This recognition is particularly important as it places emphasis on early reading and writing in the local language from kindergarten. By supporting children’s language (speaking), reading and writing in both the local and English languages, children are now developing their literacy skills in the two languages at the same time. This could help change any negative attitude towards the learning of local language in school. Another advantage of the NALAP is the fact that the policy appears to be a compromise between the English-only and local language policy and a means of satisfying those who might prefer either the English-only or local language policy. The emphasis on children’s language and culture also means the NALAP policy is addressing the issues raised by those who voiced concern

130  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy that the use of English early in school could contribute towards the eradication of Ghanaian culture. The results also show that, unlike the policies before it, teachers using the NALAP have guidelines on the teaching of literacy in the local language and English. In addition, teachers received initial training on the policy and there were further opportunities for training on children’s literacy for those who were interested. The NALAP had teaching and learning materials to help teachers, which made their work much easier. The policy gives more freedom for creativity and flexibility and encourages a creative use of the children’s environment in the learning process. However, like the other policies before it, the NALAP failed to meet all the requirements it was formulated for and participants provided data to show some of the challenges they faced. For example, the problems associated with teachers’ knowledge of the local language were not solved by introducing the NALAP. As the results of the study show, some teachers had difficulty implementing the policy because of their inability to use local language effectively in teaching. This calls for a review of the policy for different schools to cater to the local needs of teachers and children, especially in urban and peri-urban areas in the country. The study identified not only a lack of initial training and in-service training for teachers but also poor-quality training, which made some teachers decide to seek further training elsewhere. Furthermore, there appears to be apathy among some teachers about the frequency of policy change in the lower grades, which makes the NALAP unpopular simply because it is yet another change in policy. Finally, fears about the influence of Britain, as a former colonial ruler, and America, as a superpower, in the language policy means there is a need for transparency and more active involvement with educational authorities in the country. In summary, the data from the study reveal that the NALAP policy was introduced as a result of the failure of the English-only and local language policies to address the literacy problems of children in the lower grades. Mary, Jessica, Dorothy, and Judith were the four participants who used the policy. Out of the four, Judith continues to use it as a teacher in Grade 1, whilst Mary and Dorothy continue to support its use in their new roles as headteachers. All participants agreed with the new policy and went through the training organised by the GES to help teachers with their classroom practices, although some were critical of the effectiveness of the training and the local language component of the policy. Participants were of the view that the NALAP policy had several strengths, as against other previous policies, because of the guidance and teaching materials they received, which help them to be creative, flexible, and resourceful in their work. In addition, some were of the view that NALAP encouraged the transfer of best practice amongst teachers, whilst at the same time promoting children’s literacy learning through interaction with the environment. In contrast, there were some key limitations or weaknesses in the NALAP. The initial training on the NALAP was perceived to be ineffective and of poor quality by some, coupled with inadequate classroom teaching and learning materials. Another

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 131 limitation of the NALAP appears to be teachers’ lack of competency in the use of local language, which is an important aspect of the policy. As a result, the NALAP is seen to be more successful in rural areas where the use of a single local language is more common. Some teachers believed Britain and the US were imposing a neo-colonialist influence on Ghana’s education system, which could have a negative impact on the full implementation of the NALAP. It is important to consider what the implications of the advantages and disadvantages of the NALAP are for language policy in general. This study has shown that the NALAP is not the ‘answer’ to language and literacy issues in the lower grades because of the challenges posed by using local languages. Therefore, it would be good to see how the gap in local language learning at the junior high school and senior high school can be closed to make it possible for future teachers to acquire more skills in local language and take these forward into training college. Equally, there is a need for a change in attitude towards local language from the government, society, and parents so that students take on a positive attitude towards local language learning. With regards to training, there is a need for both continuing professional developments, as well as highquality training of teachers on the NALAP to empower them to provide highquality teaching in their individual classrooms. As De Vries, Van de Grift, and Jansen (2014, p. 338) argue, continuing professional development of teachers ‘offers an important potential way to improve schools, increase teacher quality and improve the quality of student learning’. The shortfalls in teaching and learning materials need to be addressed to improve teachers’ work so that they can help their students to achieve their highest potential in school. Good practice should be encouraged and rewarded so that teachers feel appreciated in what they do. In line with this, an online database to help new teachers in the lower grades to access information on the NALAP and examples of good practices and innovative ideas could be useful. Throughout this chapter, we have discussed the language policies and their effects on teaching practices, so, in the context of the different changes in language policy in lower grades, the interview focus turned to teachers view on the formulation and monitoring of the policies. The following discussion provides a detailed evaluation of participants’ views on how their classroom practices were affected by the way the government handles the language and literacy policy formulation and monitoring process carried out by the GES. All the teachers in this study expressed their frustration with the process of language policy formulation by successive Ghanaian governments since independence because they felt the process alienated many people, including teachers. In particular, Dorothy and Judith felt the voices of a wide and diverse range of stakeholders needed to be heard, which had not so far been the case and, even when attempts were made to solicit the views of interested parties, this was on a piecemeal basis, involving only an elite few in society. Frank, Jessica, and Grace were of the view that the opinions of teachers were completely ignored as though teachers at the lower grades were of no value as far as language and literacy policy decisions in the country were concerned. Mary,

132  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy however, was of the view that the final decision on policy matters was the sole responsibility of the government of the day, which has the political power to decide what should happen in education, leaving teachers to implement policy in the classroom even if they do not like it, per se. Dorothy, as someone who wants to see the involvement of a wide range of stakeholders in the policy formulation process, said: I don’t think teachers, parents and the general public (stakeholders) have a voice because this has been our problem before these policies were made. Teachers are the implementers of policy, but the voices of everyone affected by the policy should provide input to form the new policy and I don’t think this takes place very often. If you listen to teachers, parents, and the public you get to know their concerns and add their input into the new policy. For me, although the policy is out not everyone is following it and there is nothing in place to check that whatever is said in the policy is being followed in the schools Here, Dorothy seems to be suggesting that the voices of teachers, parents, and the public were not being heard often enough when it came to language policy formulation. The need to include public opinion or the views of a wide range of stakeholders in policy formulation have been highlighted by Fitzgerald and Kay (2016), who argue for consultation with all stakeholders, including parents, teachers, and all relevant agencies; thus, teachers’ voices, in particular, need to be heard to prevent them from feeling alienated from the process. In addition, because some teachers feel alienated from the policy formulation process, they tend to act on their own initiative. For example, Dorothy said, ‘In the classroom I know at least I have a voice, which is why sometimes I tend to interpret the policy to suit my circumstances’. Her evidence seems to imply that she tends to amend the rules to suit her because she does not feel part of the process of bringing about any change regarding the language policy. Maybe this could be the reason why she was able to accept parents’ views on the NALAP and altered it to include more English and less local language. This attitude shows the influence of parents and teachers when they perceive the language policy as having negative effects on children and their classroom practices. As Fitzgerald and Kay (2016, p. 77) indicate, ‘policy formulation and implementation are not always predictable in terms of outcomes’, and ‘it is subject to whether or not those involved are in support of the policy or see it as negative’. Judith’s view reinforces Dorothy’s when she said: The Ministry involves very few people in the policy process and so I do not feel my voice really counts at all. But I think my voice counts in my classroom because I am the teacher there. I do what I think is good for my children, in a professional way. I think it would be nice if our policy makers try and get the views of all those who have something to say e.g. parents, community leaders, church groups, donor agencies, NGOs etc., because it would enrich the process, and make the teacher more confident in the classroom.

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 133 An official from the National Catholic Secretariat appeared to share a similar view with Dorothy and Judith on the involvement of the wider community including the church on policy formulation when he said: Unfortunately, there is a problem and we had a conference recently to discuss government educational policies and our position. Most of the time, the government will consult the regional directors and district directors but not the managers of schools who are representing the religious bodies in the formulation and implementation of these policies. So, I can say that it is the sad aspect of the relationship between the church and government so in most of the formulation of these policies the churches are not consulted. This evidence shows that, although the church was and still is involved in providing education for many people, they were somehow sidelined when it came to educational policy formulation. Although Grace felt she should be committed to government policies, she felt very frustrated by the inability of the GNAT to represent teachers’ views. She believed teachers were completely ignored and not involved as members when it came to the policy formulation on language and literacy. Grace stated: As for GNAT, I am always angry with them because they do not listen to the voices of its members so when we go for meetings our views are not taken seriously so I think we teachers are not well represented by GNAT whenever they meet the government. So sometimes I refuse to go for meetings, and I say to those going if you go tell them this or that. I do not see what GNAT is doing. GNAT is just taking our money. Grace appeared to lay the blame on the teachers’ union, that is the GNAT, for their inability to stand up for teachers in representing their views. From the evidence, Grace seems to be aware of the involvement of the GNAT in policy formulation on behalf of teachers, but the members of the association feel they are not well consulted and represented. In addition, she appears to suggest a disconnection between the GNAT and its grass-roots members, in terms of consultation during the formulation of policies, which may indicate a power imbalance between teachers and the GNAT. Furthermore, according to Grace, [i]f a GES official asks me why I am not using the policy correctly, what I will say is that I am not wrong because I am in the classroom; I am here and you did not come to me for my opinion on the problems in the classroom, if you had come to me, I would have given it to you and you would have known my position but since you did not consult me I am doing what will suit the children. Grace’s response indicates that she saw herself as one with authority in her class, with knowledge of what is best for the children. She displays her creative ability to make learning suitable for her class, despite the challenges she might

134  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy be facing. Thus, the autonomy she has in her classroom makes up for the difficulties of her voice not being heard or considered by the GNAT. The non-involvement of teachers in policy formulation, expressed by Dorothy and Grace earlier, was reinforced by Jessica, who suggested that policy formulation was the business of technocrats, when she said, ‘[T]he big people in education (GNAT and GES) who formulate policy and we teachers are completely ignored in the process’. Jessica therefore appeared to see policy formulation as a process for important people and experts and not for ordinary teachers. This is because the composition of educational review committees in Ghana has been based on experts and usually named by the government (Fredua-Kwarteng, 2015). The membership of these committees is usually perceived as an elite group with representations from different groups of experts with no ‘grass-roots’ representation. As a result, teachers like Jessica are likely to assume they are less important when it comes to policy formulation. This also suggests teachers are being somehow sidelined by the system, which is highly influenced by colonialism and by educational experts. However, (Smit, 2005) argues that teachers have local knowledge on language and other issues affecting children and they should be seen as a valuable asset for policy formulation, which appears to be the argument of the participants in this study. This means teachers want their voices to be heard not only in their classrooms but also within any policy arena. Finally, Hubert and Mary seemed to accept the notion that policy formulation is solely the responsibility of governments. For example, Hubert said, ‘[P] olicy is none of my business as a teacher, I simply do what GES or government tells me to do . . . it is as simple as that’. Hubert’s data were consistent with the view that he was prepared to do what is asked of him as a teacher. For example, he did not abandon the use of English-only as a medium of instruction, even though he was faced with the challenge of children not understanding their lessons. Mary, in support of Hubert, opines that ‘teachers are less powerful, we are only implementers of government policy, and decisions were made on our behalf, leaving us to either ignore or interpret policies according to our best ability’. Mary’s and Hubert’s evidence appears to show the alignment with a top-down model when it comes to policy formulation and implementation, with the political authority or the government at the very top of the hierarchy, the GES somewhere in the middle, and teachers at the very bottom as implementers of policy. Hubert’s comment may be attributed to the fact that he was trained at a period when the country had just gained independence and, as such, teachers were willing to do whatever was necessary to help with the education of children. Mary, on the other hand, had been a teacher when the country was undergoing a lot of military upheaval and cultural change (with many teachers leaving the country to neighbouring West African countries) to a period of stability and progress with many consequences for teachers. This seems to suggest that some teachers, like Mary, feel the need to be appreciated for the work they do, despite the financial gains. Participants’ views on language and literacy policy formulation also show how the perception they held on policy formulation had a positive or negative

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 135 impact on their practices. In the study, most of the participants expressed the view that they did what they thought was best for the children, irrespective of what the policy said, because they could exercise that right as a teacher in their own classroom. For example, Grace was ready to defend herself should an officer question her practice. Dorothy’s school had decided to use more English as a medium of instruction, instead of less English under the NALAP, and Jessica was content with the use of English instead of local language because English is a global language. The actions of some of the participants in this study resonate with a study by Smit (2005) on teachers and policy formulation in Kenya, where it was found that teachers felt they would resist policy if it was forced on them by the authorities. However, most teachers in this study were of the view that they were ready to cooperate with authorities for the sake of the children while at the same time make their positions known. Teachers’ views on policy formulation expressed in this study show the importance of teachers’ voice and knowledge on classroom practices for any future formulation of language and literacy policy. Considering the preceding evidence regarding the process of policy formulation, as seen from teachers’ perspectives, an official of the Ministry of Education, in answer to the previously mentioned concerns of participants on policy formulation, had this to say: The Minister for Education is in charge or responsible for all policies, but the minister works with technocrats, for example, the division head of Policy, Planning, Budgeting, Monitoring and Evaluation (PBME). This is the division within the ministry that oversees all issues relating to policy, planning, budgeting, monitoring, and evaluation. It is supervised by the chief director. However, it is a sector which has stakeholders, so policy is not made by a person but the ministry together with its relevant stakeholders. In the field of language and literacy the ministry leads the process and brings on board all relevant organisations, especially those who implement the policy, so we have several stakeholders. The key one is the GES, which is responsible for education from KG1, that is, the foundation stage for providing literacy and numeracy skills to children of schoolgoing age to senior high school. The evidence provided by the official on education policy formulation shows that the minister of education has responsibility for the formation of all policies on education. The evidence also shows that the minister works with other officials within the Ministry of Education, as well as the GES, which oversees teachers and teaching and the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment. When I asked him who the stakeholders were, he said: The academia is a stakeholder, the universities that are responsible for education or preparing teachers are stakeholders, parents are stakeholders, we have the National Parent Teacher Association, the teachers themselves – their association,

136  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy because they will do the teaching, we have concerned citizens who have interest in how education is developed, we have development partners – people who sometimes support us either through technical assistance, financial assistance or both – these are also stakeholders, all our relevant agencies and we have about 22 of them e.g. the West Africa Examination Council (WAEC), because they supervise examinations so they are a key stakeholder, National Council for Tertiary Education, Encyclopedia Africana etc., all those who have something to do with language and teaching or producing graduates and yourself as a Ghanaian. From the preceding extracts, we can see that, in contrast to the views of Dorothy and Judith (who thought few stakeholders were involved in the process), the policy formulation process comprises of many and varied stakeholders, including the GES, universities, experts, donors, pressure groups like parents’ associations, the GNAT, and donor agencies. However, it appears the membership of the committee is generally small (made up of representatives of each group of stakeholders), making it almost impossible for many individual voices to be heard. The earlier statement also points to a group of technocrats, leaving very little room for ‘ordinary people’ to have a say in the matter. Indeed, Fredua-Kwarteng (2015), argues that [n]ational education policy-making in former British colonies in Africa (i.e. the Gambia, Ghana, Kenya, Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia) follows a consistent model that favours the participation of tiny segments of the population who possess English language facility. (p. 83) These statements from Fredua-Kwarteng and the Ministry of Education official show that the set-up of these commissions is influenced by colonialism, where education policies were reviewed by colonial government commissions made up of a small group of representatives. As a result of this, many people who could offer insight and information into education policies are excluded from the process. Again, the huge population of teachers in the country makes it almost impossible for the GNAT to represent the voices of all teachers, and even if it does, the composition and the interest of other members of the review committee are likely to be overshadowed. Thus, the evidence from Jessica and Grace, who were of the view that teachers were apparently completely ignored in the policy formulation process, may be accepted to some extent. Furthermore, the members of such committees or commissions appear to be elitist, people who themselves benefitted from Western education during the colonial era. Such a group would, therefore, excludes several people, especially those in the rural or minority areas whose voices also need to be heard. Finally, the evidence from Judith points to the need to involve a wider range of stakeholders, including foreign or donor agencies, in the policy formulation process (although Dorothy, in particular, was critical about foreign donors and

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 137 the influence they may have in promoting English, which could contribute to erasing some of the good cultural practices of Ghanaians). Although this concern shows the need to include the participation of foreign donors, it should, however, be overseen by Ghanaian educationalists so that the cultural needs of children are preserved. This view receives support from Kuyini (2013), who provides details of some of the support given by different donor agencies for different educational reforms in the country and the lack of adequate local content or input. The idea that the co-coordinator sees policy formulation as teamwork, involving several stakeholders, including the teachers’ union, appears to suggest that the process is not as top-down as some participants have claimed. Kirk and MacDonald (2001) argue that [t]he notion of partnership seems to promise a fusion or integration of ‘topdown or ‘bottom-up’ strategies for reform in education, bringing together as it does a range of stakeholders who each have an interest in the nature of change in schools. (p. 553) The participants in this study did not seem to agree with the view that policy formulation is a partnership between government and stakeholders. The reasons stated for this are that some feel teachers’ voices are not heard on matters in which they are well experienced and that all those who make up the government’s commissions are technocrats and elite members of society; some see policy as an imposition from the government. The preceding perceptions have implications for policy formulation, as it requires the government to make changes to some of the colonial systems inherited after independence. In terms of how the different policies were monitored by GES officials, Hubert and Frank provided information about officials paying visits to their schools, and as a result, teachers had to ensure that they were using the language policy. In addition, Frank was of the view that sometimes some officials paid ‘lip service’ to the official policy of the use of local language in schools. He stated that [t]hose in the office who are supposed to come and supervise and advise feel that it should be done that way – using English to teach because they also have children in the public school which is free and they do not have to spend so much money to educate their children in private schools. At the same time, they want their children to do well like children in private schools, so the education officers close their eyes on that. So now it has become unofficial policy all over, you go to every school and the medium of instruction is English. Frank seemed to see some monitoring officers as making active decisions with regards to how to deal with teachers’ practices in school. The inability of the officers to ensure that teachers were using the language policy could relate to

138  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy implementation difficulties. Based on the data from this study, it is possible that some of these officials prefer the use of English because they also see learning in English as more advantageous than in the local language. It is also possible that there is some form of inefficiency in the way monitoring is done. This also implies that the local language component of the NALAP may suffer, since there is a greater emphasis on the use of English. Jessica and Dorothy felt the NALAP policy was not being well monitored. They feared that the inability of GES officials in monitoring what was going on in schools could jeopardise the full implementation of the policy. This means both Jessica and Dorothy feel the NALAP could work if the difficulties associated with it are addressed. According to Jessica, [n]one of us understood Ga so we boycotted the use in the classroom. At times when the headmistress goes for meetings and comes back she will tell us officers will be coming round to monitor and to see how we are practising the NALAP and whenever she says that our answer is, ‘We are waiting for them’ because we know they don’t come anyway. From this extract, we can see that Jessica was of the view that she could continue using English instead of local language because officials were not visiting her school to check on the use of the policy by teachers. However, she also said: [The] NALAP is a good policy but there is need for effective monitoring but we do not see officials in the school monitoring the policy so they must come to the schools to see how the teachers are using it to teach the children and by so doing I think it will go a long way to help the children. This comment seems to contradict Jessica’s position on the NALAP; on one hand, she appeared not to like the policy, saying the policy change was not necessary, while, on the other hand, she wished to see it succeed by asking for more monitoring of teachers. She did explain later that her problem with the NALAP was not her dislike of it as a policy but rather her difficulties with the local language, which gave her no confidence in her teaching. According to Jessica, the presence of GES officials would help her make an extra effort in using the local language, which might help her enjoy her teaching. This shows monitoring of teachers can be a source of motivation for some and can lead to good practice in the classroom. Jessica appeared to be voicing her frustration on the ineffectiveness of school inspectors and the impact of this on teachers’ practices. The issue of poor monitoring and evaluation of the policy is supported by Dorothy, who also said: For me, although the policy is out not everyone is following it and there is no monitoring or nothing in place to check that whatever is said in the policy is being followed by teachers. The policy is good if only supervision and monitoring is strengthened . . . if you introduce a policy there should be a way out, how to

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 139 monitor, how to evaluate it over a period of time, for example, after a number of years the authorities can check to see if the policy is working or not . . . Indeed, Dorothy’s comment seems to suggest that, in areas where there is effective monitoring and evaluation, the benefit of the policy is readily acknowledged. This further suggests some teachers were actively seeking support for the NALAP policy to succeed. The fact that both Jessica and Dorothy felt the NALAP was not being monitored and evaluated means that a critical aspect of policy formulation and implementation, which deals with monitoring and evaluation, was receiving less attention. However, according to the official of the GES, [d]uring the training, we did a lot of monitoring, but we operate a decentralised education system so apart from headquarters, the regions and the districts also have their own monitoring mechanisms. We have an inspectorate system that starts from national to regional and to district. Curriculum Research Development Division (CRDD) is not in the district so it depends on others in the district for information but from time to time they carry out research and assessment to find out how the policies are working. This statement shows some monitoring was done in the initial stages when the policy was first introduced. This evidence of the early monitoring of the NALAP is also noted by Hartwell (2010) in a study on NALAP implementation. However, Hartwell noted that there were problems with the implementation of the policy from low to partial and full implementation, as a result of issues relating to the training of teachers on the NALAP, inadequate materials, teacher’s inability to use the local language, and a lack of a common classroom language. In addition, it appears the inspectors from the Inspectorate Division in the districts and regions, who are mandated to carry out inspection and monitoring of education policies in schools, were not up to the task, leading to Jessica’s and Dorothy’s assertion that the policy was not being monitored sufficiently. Opoku-Asare (2006) also noted that inspection of schools in Ghana was inadequate and has been an area of great challenge for the GES. Some of the challenges noted by Opoku-Asare include a lack of logistics, a lack of focus on real issues concerning teaching and learning in the schools by inspectors, and inadequate training of school inspectors. These findings show that participants in this study are in favour of monitoring and would like to see the Inspectorate Division of the GES do the work assigned to them to ensure the quality of teaching and the success of the NALAP.

Summary In summary, the evidence provided earlier by participants reveals that policy formulation should not be left to the elite in society and foreign donors. There is a need for change in the composition of educational review committees

140  English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy inherited from the British colonial administration, a wider consultation including the active involvement of teachers in the process. The results of the study also show that monitoring of teachers is needed if the NALAP policy is to be successful and effective monitoring could motivate some teachers to improve on what they do. Finally, there is concern that foreign donors may promote English and contribute to the eradication of some of the good cultural practices of Ghanaians. This chapter uses a postcolonial perspective to discuss and interpret the key findings from the study, in light of gaps in the literature and prior studies on language and policy changes in the lower grades. More specifically, this chapter provided a narrative account of the English-only, local language, and biliteracy policies, which have been implemented since 1957, and evaluated the impact of these policy changes on teachers’ practices over six decades from 1957 to 2014. The narrative covers a number of issues, including the evaluation of how the change from English-only to local language policy and finally to the NALAP policy impacted on teachers’ teaching practices in the classroom. On language policy changes, the findings show that there were three major policy changes to affect teachers’ practices. The study identified frequent political upheavals and government interventions in educational reforms as partly responsible for some of the changes. Conflict between children’s home language and regional identity was identified as having a serious impact on any language policy. The findings on the English-only policy support the assertion that it is a barrier to children’s learning and progress. In addition, there is disagreement between governments and the country’s educational experts and popular opinion on the use of English in the lower grade. The findings point to the fact that the local language is the preferred policy for younger children. In relation to the NALAP, the findings show teachers generally had a positive attitude towards the policy and wanted to see it succeed, despite the difficulties associated with its implementation. Participants saw a need for high-quality training of teachers and mentioned that sharing of good practice among teachers and the availability of teaching materials, including big books, alphabet cards, and so on, in both the local and English languages, was necessary to make the policy succeed. The study’s findings also show that a lack of pre-service and CPD for new teachers in the lower grades and a lack of monitoring or supervision of teachers could jeopardise the initial ground gained by the policy. There is a need for more consultation on the place of English in the lower grades because of contemporary trends. The study’s findings also revealed strong postcolonial views of participants that need addressing. On language policy formulation and monitoring, the findings support the need for wider consultation and a stronger role for teachers, which requires changes to the policy formulation process. There was concern about the role of foreign donors and the influence they may have in promoting English. It was clear that a life history approach enabled a deep and complex picture to be built up about the views and practices of teachers on language and

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 141 literacy learning and teaching for the past six decades. The next chapter provides conclusions and recommendations from the study.

References Agyekum, K. (2011). The ethnopragmatics of Akan palace language of Ghana. Journal of Anthropological Research, 67(4), 573–593. Retrieved from www.jstor.com/ stable/41303364 Andoh-Kumi, K. (1999). IEQ Ghana: Informing school language policy decisions. Qualitative research from university/ministry partnership. Paper presented at the Comparative International Education Society (CIES) Conference. Retrieved from www.ieq.org/ pdf/InformLangPolicy.pdf Ansah, G. N. (2014). Re-examining the fluctuations in language in-education policies in post-independence Ghana. Multilingual Education, 4(12), 1–15. doi:10.1186/ s13616-014-0012-3 Arowolo, D. (2010). The effects of western civilisation on Africa. Afro Asian Journal of Social Sciences, 1(1). ISSN: 2229-5313. Arthur-Shoba, J., & Quarcoo, M. (2012). English in the mix: Evolving roles of English in the language practices of Twi speakers in Ghana. Language Matters, 43(1), 77–96. doi:10.1080/10228195.2012.654501 Awedoba, A. K. (2001). Policy dialogue and classroom-based research on Ghana’s language policy. Improving Quality Education Project for American Institutes for Research. Retrieved from http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNACL069.pdf Ball, S. J. (1983). Imperialism, social control and colonial curriculum in Africa. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 15(3), 237–263. doi:10.1080/00220227830150302 Ball, S. J. (1987). The micro politics of school: Towards a theory of school organization. London: Methuen. Bhabha, H. (1994). The location of culture. London: Routledge. Bowe, R., Ball, S. J., & Gold, A. (1992). Reforming education and changing schools case studies in policy sociology. London: Routledge. Browne, A. (2009). Developing language and literacy: 3–8 (3rd ed.). London: Sage Publications. Bunyi, G. (2005). Language classroom practices in Kenya. In A. Lin  & P. W. Martin (Eds.), Decolonisation, globalisation language-in-education policy and practice (pp. 131– 152). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Clegg, G., & Afitska, O. (2011). Teaching and learning in two languages in African classrooms. Comparative Education, 47(1), 61–77. doi:10.1080/03050068.2011.541677 Cunningham, D. (2010). Relating preschool quality to children’s literacy development. Early Childhood Educational Journal, 37(6), 501–507. doi:10.1007/s10643-009-0370-8 Davis, E., & Agbenyega, J. S. (2012). Language policy and instructional dichotomy: The case of primary schools in Ghana. International Journal of Educational Research, 53, 341–347. http://dx.org.doi/10.1016/j.ijer.2012.04.007 De Vries, S., van de Grift, W. J. C. M., & Jansen, E. P. W. A. (2014). How teachers’ beliefs about learning and teaching relate to their continuing professional development. Teachers and Teaching, 20(3), 338–57. doi:10.1080/13540602.2013.848521 Fitzgerald, D.,  & Kay, J. (2016). Understanding early years policy. London: Sage Publications.

142

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy

Flores, M. A. (2016). Teacher education curriculum. In J. Loughran & M. L. Hamilton (Eds.), International handbook of teacher education (pp. 187–230). Singapore: Springer Business Media. Fredua-Kwarteng, E. (2015). Democratizing national education policy-making in Africa: A focus on Ghana. International Journal of Educational Studies, 2(2), 83–94. Ghana News Agency. (2010, September 10). NALAP to help pupils excel in BECE. Retrieved from www.ghananewsagency.org/education/nalap-to-help-pupils-excelin-bece-20211 Hartwell, A. (2010). National accelerated literacy programme (NALAP). Implementation study. Equality Education for All. EQUALL study. Retrieved December 2014, from www.web.net/~afc/download3/Education%20Research/NALAP%20Study/ EQUALL%20NALAP%20Implementation%20Study%20Final%20Report.pdf Kennedy, A. (2005). Models of continuing professional development: A framework for analysis. Journal of In-service Education, 31(2), 235–250. Kioko, A. A., Ndung’u, R. W., Njoroge, M. C., & Mutiga, J. (2014). Mother tongue and education in Africa: Publicising the reality. Multilingual Education, 4(8), 2–11. Retrieved from http://www.multilingual-education/com/content/4/1/1/18 Kirk, D., & Macdonald, D. (2001). Teacher voice and ownership of curriculum change. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 33(5), 551–567. doi:10.1080/00220270010016874 Kuyini, A. B. (2013). Ghana’s education reform 2007: A realistic proposition or a crisis of vision? International Review of Education, 59(2), 157–176. doi:10.1007s/ 11159-013-9343-7 Leheer, K. (2009). National accelerated literacy programme – baseline assessment. Retrieved from http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNADW581.pdf Levenson, E. (2013). Tasks that may occasion mathematical creativity: Teachers’ choices. Journal of Mathematics Teacher Education, 16(4), 269–291. doi:10.1007/ s10857-012-9229-9 McWilliam, H. O. A., & Kwamena-Poh, M. (1975). The development of education in Ghana. Hong Kong: Longman Group Ltd. Mfum-Mensah, O. (2005). The impact of colonial and postcolonial Ghanaian language policies on vernacular use in schools in two northern Ghanaian communities. Comparative Education, 41(1), 71–85. doi:10.1080/03050060500073256 Nutbrown, C., Hannon, P., & Morgan, A. (2005). Early literacy work with families, policy practice and research. London: Sage Publications. Nyaga, S., & Anthonissen, C. (2012). Teaching in linguistically diverse classrooms: Difficulties in the implementation of the language-in-education policy in multilingual Kenyan primary school classrooms. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 42(6), 863–879. doi:10.1080/03057925.2012.707457 Obeng, S. G. (1997). An analysis of the linguistic situation in Ghana. African Languages and Cultures, 10(1), 63–81. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/1771815 Opoku-Amankwa, K. (2009). English-only language-in-education policy in multilingual classrooms in Ghana. Language, Culture and Curriculum, 22(2), 121–135. doi:10.1080/07908310903075159 Opoku-Amankwa, K., & Brew-Hammond, A. (2011). ‘Literacy is the ability to read and write English’: Defining and developing literacy in basic schools in Ghana. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 14(1), 89–106. doi:10.1080/13670051003692857

English-Only, Local Language & Biliteracy 143 Opoku-Amankwa, K., Edu-Buandoh, D. F., & Brew-Hammond, A. (2015). Publishing for mother tongue-based bilingual education in Ghana: Politics and consequences. Language and Education, 29(1), 1–14. doi:10.1080/09500782.2014.921194 Opoku-Asare, N. A. A. (2006). Quality control for effective basic education in Ghana. Journal of Science and Technology (Ghana), 26(3), 106–113. Peacefmonline.com. (2016). USAID distributes over 4 million books to schools in all Districts in Ghana. Retrieved from www.peacefmonline.com/pages/local/education/ 201606/281658.php Rassool, N., & Edwards, V. (2010). Multilingualism in African schools: Constraints and possibilities. Language and Education, 24(4), 277–281. doi:10.1080/09500781003678720. Rosekrans, K., Sherris, A.,  & Chatry-Komarek, M. (2012). Education reform for the expansion of mother-tongue education in Ghana. International Review of Education, 58(5), 593–618. doi:10.100.1007/s11159-012-9312-6 Smit, B. (2005). Teachers, local knowledge, and policy implementation: A qualitative police-practice inquiry. Education and Urban Society, 37(3), 292–306. doi:10.1177/ 0013124505275426 Street, B. (1995). Social literacies. London: Longman.

6 Synthesis of Findings Challenges for Teachers and Recommendations for Policy

Chapter Overview The main purpose of this chapter is to draw conclusions from the discussion on the findings in the previous chapter and to provide practical recommendations on how the changes in language and literacy policies identified in this book can inform government policymakers, teachers, and other stakeholders. Although the findings of the study cannot be generalised to a great extent in other subSaharan African countries, they, however, provide a deep insight into how language and literacy policy issues are closely linked with British colonial rule and how the changes in Ghana have impacted on teaching practices in the lower grades since independence in 1957. The chapter starts with a synopsis of the different language and literacy policies and ends with a discussion of the continuous debate on the appropriate language of communication and instruction in the lower grades. A summary of the discussion on Chapter 2, ‘British Colonialism and Policy Since Independence (1957): Impacts on Teaching Practices’, shows that the first change occurred in 1967 after the overthrow of the government that gained independence in 1957. The change was from the English-only to the local language policy. The use of local language continued from 1967 until 2002 when the local language policy when the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government went back to English-only policy. In 2008 the third change came when the English-only policy was abandoned for the local language policy. Finally, change came in 2009, when a biliteracy NALAP policy was introduced, integrating the local language with English. Table 6.1 shows a summary of the changes and reasons behind them. Several reasons have been given for the postcolonial changes in the language policy in the lower grades. It can be suggested that one of the decisions by the Convention People’s Party (CPP) government, led by Dr  Kwame Nkrumah, to adopt the English-only policy was to bring an end to the stalemate over which language to use as the medium of instruction for younger children. This was necessary as there were two opposing views before independence. Another reason for the decision was for the young country to take advantage of English as a national and international language to spearhead the country’s economic

Synthesis of Findings 145 Table 6.1 A Summary of the Main Reasons for the Changes in Language and Literacy Policy Since 1957 Significant changes in policy

Main reasons based on findings in this study

The FIRST change took place in 1967.

The findings suggest the change was motivated by the nationalistic orientation of the National Liberation Council (NLC) military government and appeal to the cultural sentiments and preferences of most Ghanaians. The findings suggest the English language is a global and the Ghana’s national language; many teachers lack knowledge of local languages and the skills to use them in teaching, and most of the teaching and learning materials were not written in the local language, making it difficult for teachers to teach literacy effectively. The findings from this study suggest that the main reason for the change could be attributed to the fact that, at the time, most Ghanaians were disappointed with the government over the use of the English-only policy because they preferred the use of the local language policy.

The SECOND change led to the replacement of the local language policy with the English-only policy in 2002.

The THIRD change occurred in 2008, during the second term of the New Patriotic Party government, there was the change from the English-only back to the local language policy. The FOURTH policy change in 2009, from the local language policy to the National Literacy Acceleration Programme (NALAP).

The main reason for this policy emanated from the need to develop a bilingual literacy policy based on the advantages of using multiple languages as a basis for literacy. The NALAP, therefore, represents an attempt to integrate the benefits of using both the local language and Englishlanguage policies in the development of early literacy – there has not been any policy change since.

and political growth. It was also expedient for most postcolonial governments simply to continue using the language of their former colonial government as a unifying language. The change in the policy from English to local language appears to have been motivated by the nationalistic orientation. Ghana had resisted colonial rule and gained independence in 1957, and there were countless expectations on the part of the society so the adoption of English, a colonial language, appeared unacceptable to some. This made the change to use the local language more appealing to Ghanaians. Although there was a change in policy, not all children in the lower grades enjoyed lessons in the local language. Eventually, the local language was only used in Grade 1 until it was introduced in all three lower grade classes in 1970 (Owu-Ewie, 2006). However, the implementation of the local language policy ran into difficulties over time. As a linguistically diverse country, using a child’s first language in some parts of the country will

146  Synthesis of Findings prove problematic. Most towns are cosmopolitan and multilingual, and children may speak the language of their parents at home. The compromise is to use the prevalent language of an area as the medium of instruction. By using the prevalent language of the area, children whose home language is different from the one spoken in the place where they live may not have the privilege of learning in their own languages. This is a clear indication this policy also could not fully support all Ghanaian children. Some teachers reported that the local language policy was culturally, socially, and pedagogically beneficial to young children because of its wide use. Children are likely to make better progress at school through better communication, socialisation, and learning. The second significant change led to the replacement of the local language policy with the English-only policy in 2002. The NPP government, led by President John Agyekum Kufuor, re-echoed the reason given by the CPP government, that, since English is a global and the national language, it should be promoted in the lower grades to boost children’s literacy development. A lack of knowledge and competence on the part of some in the use of local language also came up as a policy reason for the reintroduction of the English-only policy. It can be concluded that both CPP and NPP governments appear to prefer English as the language of instruction at the lower grades. The third significant change occurred in 2008 during the second term of the NPP government, which witnessed the change from the English-only back to the local language policy. The findings from this study suggested most Ghanaians were disappointed with the government over the use of the Englishonly policy because the public was in favour of local language for lower grades children. This, finally, led to the fourth significant policy change in 2009, from the local language policy to the bilingual National Literacy Acceleration Programme (NALAP) policy, whereby both the local language and English were used for literacy learning. The data suggested that the main reason for this policy emanates from the need to develop a bilingual literacy policy, based on the advantages of using multiple languages within the context of literacy. The NALAP, therefore, represents an attempt to integrate the benefits of using both the local language and English language policies in the development of early literacy, which is in line with research in the area of bilingual literacy (Cummins, 2000). This study reveals that the NALAP is the first policy to introduce bilingualism for children in the country. It emphasises the use of the child’s local language in learning a second language, which is English in this case. This policy is still in use and it could be changed in future depending on the government of the day. The analysis of these three language policies highlights not only the shifting attitudes towards the use of a particular language in the lower grades but also issues involved in implementing and controlling language and literacy policies in Ghana. The study also highlights teachers’ displeasure with the inconsistency with the language policy in the past years. For example, some felt the changes from local language to English-only (2002–2007) and back to local language in

Synthesis of Findings 147 2008 and later to the NALAP in the 2009/2010 academic year were confusing. Teachers reported how they had to adapt their methods of teaching. I now move on by presenting a summary of the findings on the key benefits and limitations of the three policies post-independence, starting with the English-only policy (Table 6.2). Apart from the two opposing views expressed by teachers in the study, the findings show several challenges that affected the quality of their teaching practices during the two periods of 1957 to 1967 and 2002 to 2007. The biggest challenge the participants in this study faced was children’s inability to understand lessons taught in the English language. This difficulty was not eroded with time, as it was observed during Hubert’s teaching straight after independence and Mary’s teaching two decades later. This means the problem of children not knowing enough English was not only peculiar to the period after independence but was evident many years later. Opoku-Amankwa (2009) argued that communication between teachers and children was extremely poor as most children could not carry on a conversation in English. In terms of theory development, using English as a medium of instruction for younger children impeded children’s progress, but this study goes on to show teachers found their own strategies to deal with this problem, even if this meant that they were moving away from the policy.

Table 6.2  Key Benefits and Limitations of the English-Only Policy Benefits

Limitations

1. Children are introduced to the English language from an early grade. 2. Children are better prepared to follow lessons in English when they move to the upper grades. 3. Children are better prepared for future success in school, leading to economic and social benefits. 4. Prepares children for future participation in the global world where English remains a universal language.

1. At independence, many children found learning in the English language exceedingly difficult because they came from homes and communities where English was not the language commonly spoken. Between 2002 and 2007, there were still many children, particularly in rural areas, who experienced the same difficulty. 2. There were fewer classroom interactions between teachers and children because many children could not communicate effectively in the English language. 3. Many teachers were compelled to use the local language during lessons, that is evidence of code-switching between local language and English. 4. Unlike the 2002–2007 period, at Independence there were many untrained teachers who could not teach in English. 5. Many teachers were fearful that the English language alienates children from their culture and traditions.

148  Synthesis of Findings Where teachers were unable to communicate effectively with children in English, they saw it as a challenge to improve on their practice and communicate with the children in the local language, even though they were not supposed to. This provides some evidence of code-switching between English and the local language or a form of bilingual teaching. For example, Hubert switched to Akwapem, the local language, to make his teaching more meaningful to the children in his class. Hubert’s experience is similar in a way to the experiences of teachers in other former British colonial countries, like Kenya (Kioko, Ndung’u, Njoroge, & Mutiga, 2014). Clegg and Afitska (2011) argue that this practice is necessary, especially in the lower grades, where English is used as the medium of instruction. The experiences of the teachers support the view that code-switching from English to the local language is necessary in many African countries. The evidence of code-switching during the use of English-only policy further suggests a need for emphasising on bilingual learning in Ghana as in the case of the NALAP. This implies using children’s local language to teach and introducing them gradually to English until children can use both languages effectively. This study also found that the inability of some teachers, like Mary, to use the local language to support their teaching, meant that some teachers could not support children’s learning effectively. As a result, some parents felt that the English-only policy was preventing their children doing well in school as they could not understand the lessons; this partially explains why, although both Hubert and Mary accepted the policy, they did not totally agree with it. In addition to parents and teachers, Mfum-Mensah (2005) also reveals that educational experts and the majority of Ghanaians did not support the policy when it was reintroduced in 2002, mainly because they thought the change in policy was politically motivated as the government overturned the Anamuah Commission’s decision to have the local language as the medium of instruction in the lower grades. A further disadvantage of the English-only policy, which some teachers talked about, was the issue of untrained or pupil teachers teaching the lower grades who could not use the English language satisfactorily. For example, Hubert argued that some untrained teachers employed in non-priority schools (in the early days of independence) could not use the English language or teach it, leading to many children doing poorly in school. Mary also talked about some teachers and pupil teachers in rural areas who were so used to teaching in the local language, during the local language policy, that they simply continued using the local language when the change in policy from local language to English-only took place in 2002. These teachers (identified by Hubert and Mary) appeared to be either unable or unwilling to use English at all, which was clearly problematic, with serious implications for the children they teach. It is important to point out that this was a different issue to those teachers who were trying to use the policy but adapted their teaching by using language to support the children’s learning.

Synthesis of Findings 149 A closer look at teachers’ views and concern on the English-only policy use reveal those of the precolonial times; those for and those against. English is good, it is likely to bring economic benefits to the individual, and those who see its use as an imposition of imperialist rule which also alienates citizens from their culture. As some teachers suggested, using English was likely to create the impression that English was a privileged language and therefore more important than local languages. In this way the government could be perpetuating the colonial notion that English was the only path to future success. The teachers also argued that the use of English was not responding to the needs of many children, who come from homes and communities where the language is hardly used. The notion that learning English early is likely to be beneficial to children can be challenged especially in countries where the language is hardly spoken at home and home literacy practices are hard to find. However, given the right learning environment, children can be well prepared to continue their education, which is mainly in English in the upper grades, secondary schools, and the universities. However, some children drop out of school due to English. By providing this deep insight and understanding of teachers’ views and classroom practices regarding the English-only policy and how it creates barriers and limitation to children’s academic progression in school, it is hoped that government and policy makers will have a holistic approach when making future decisions on language policy.

Impact of the Change From English-Only Policy to Local Language Policy on Teachers’ Practices The two English-only policies were followed by the local language policy from 1970 to 2002 and from 2008 to 2009. The results of this study show the policy has been the longest used since independence in 1957. This suggests that the local language policy was preferred over the English-only policy. There was overwhelming evidence from the data that teachers saw the local language policy as a way of making learning more meaningful for children because it sought to address the difficulties most children had with the English-only policy, such as a lack of understanding and difficulties with classroom interaction. These findings provide further understanding and first-hand information by teachers who used the policy. Table 6.3 highlights the key benefits and limitations of adopting the local language policy when compared with the English-only policy, as identified in this present study. Table 6.3 highlights the specific issues that policy makers must focus on when forming language policy. It also shows how policy makers need to understand how teachers’ classroom practices are affected by their knowledge of and ability to use the local language(s) prevalent in their local areas within the classroom. This study identified six key benefits and four limitations of the local language policy. While this study has revealed that the local language policy was clearly more popular than the English-only policy, it also helps to identify the

150  Synthesis of Findings Table 6.3  Key Benefits and Limitations of Local Language Policy Benefits

Limitations

1. Children understand lessons better in their own language, rather than in the English language. 2. Children and teachers have better classroom interaction in the local language than in English. 3. Children identify with their own culture and traditions. 4. Children use local language to learn a second language. 5. Local language is seen as a successful medium for communication and socialisation. 6. Local language supports children’s intellectual knowledge.

1. Not all the local languages were used as a medium of instruction in schools. 2. Teachers had no clear guidelines on how to teach using the local language and how to use it in multilingual classrooms. 3. The inability of some teachers to use local language because of their own education in the local knowledge. 4. Some teachers had negative attitudes towards the use of local language because English was the language of instruction at higher levels of education.

reasons why postcolonial Ghanaian governments had struggled to successfully implement this policy. For example, while the local language policy dictated that teachers should teach through the medium of the children’s local language, it appears that successive governments did not provide teachers with the opportunities to learn the local language through the context of their own education. The discussion therefore focuses on the limitations of the policy which in a way made the full implementation exceedingly difficult for some teachers. At the heart of the local language policy is the use of the prevalent language of an area which, in some cases, is not the child’s first language. This study reveals a policy inadequacy, in terms of which local language should be used at the lower grades: Should it be the ‘child’s first language’ or the ‘prevalent language of an area’? The answer to this question would inform theory and future language policy development, because the issue of children from minority tribes being left out in the use of their mother tongue (Obeng, 1997), in a multilingual country like Ghana, needs to be addressed, to enable children to cultivate their first languages. diversity in the country a result of colonial rule and administration. Children from different language backgrounds living in different regions across the country. The second issue identified by teachers was a lack of clear guidance on how to teach in a particular local language in multilingual classrooms in urban areas, thereby making teaching difficult, leading to resistance to the local language policy by those teaching in urban areas. Teachers in cosmopolitan areas were particularly affected as children come from different language backgrounds other than the official prescribed local language of the area. As the findings suggest, this was a worrying and extremely difficult situation for those teachers

Synthesis of Findings 151 who wanted to do their best for the children. This is a major issue that needs urgent attention by the colleges and institutions that train teachers. Perhaps, lower grades could be an area of specialisation under the current Primary Education programme at the University of Cape Coast. The need to pay more attention to the training teachers, especially for the lower grades, Ghana is because that is the foundation for learning and development and for early literacy and language skills learning. There are several factors that need to be considered in the training of teachers for the lower grades, for example, the use of English in education, language diversity, and the requirements of the language policy in schools. The training institutions can provide research and learning opportunities for students through pedagogical training which will include means of addressing language plurality in classrooms. The third problem contributing to teachers’ inability to use local language efficiently is the failure of the Ghana Education Service (GES) in implementing the policy of posting teachers with local language competency to the lower grades. For example, in this study, some teachers said they were posted to teach in schools where they could not use the local language and they would have preferred being posted to areas where they were familiar with the local language. Others also said they would have preferred to teach in the upper grades rather than stay at the lower grades because of their local language difficulties. This study found that some teachers who had knowledge in a language were posted to areas where they could not make use of that language. Indeed, teachers in the study believed posting was a complicated matter because of the personal needs and the unwillingness of some teachers to teach in rural areas. The situation is, however, likely to continue and become even more complicated if the GES is unable to find solutions to the numerous problems associated with the posting of teachers. This demands an urgent resolution to the problem. The fourth and final limitation which contributed to some resistance to the use of local languages was the belief held by some teachers that English is a global language and, therefore, superior to the local language. This conception led some teachers concentrating on using English as a medium of instruction. It is disheartening to know that some teachers would choose English over local language after many decades of independence. This calls for a revisiting history in order to take a critical look at the place of English in education. As a postcolonial country, the educational system could highlight colonial rule and its aftermath on the beliefs and values of indigenes, especially for teachers in view of the language policy to bring about change and transformation. As Viruru (2005) points out, postcolonial theory can bring about change in teachers if they are able to question their realities and practices in light of colonialism. But why are there so many problems with the inability of teachers to use local language in teaching and supporting children’s literacy learning? The answer lies with the government and policy makers who decided to make the leaning of local language optional in secondary schools. This means many future and potential lower grades teachers could be deprived of the opportunity of

152  Synthesis of Findings learning any local language if they do not choose it as an elective subject. However, giving the opportunity to master the language in secondary school would give potential teachers more confidence in further developing their competencies in the use of local languages. Having a local language as an elective subject could also be a contributing factor to some teacher’s negative attitude towards local language as in the case of Jemima. Policy makers in Ghana need to recognise this gap as a contributing factor to the inability of some teachers to use local language to teach in the lower grades. How can local language be compulsory in the junior high school and an elective subject in senior high? This means some potential teachers would pass through senior high school without any local language learning. Yet teachers are required not only to learn a local language in the college of education but also to use as the medium of teaching at the lower grades. Addressing these issues would ensure that teachers who do not have the knowledge and skills or are reluctant to use the local language, are given the necessary support and directed training (given the points raised earlier) to improve their skills, knowledge, and motivation for teaching. The issue of the lack of ability to use the local language is confirmed by Andoh-Kumi (1999), who reported that many Ghanaian teachers did not have sufficient local language knowledge and competency to teach with it in the lower grades. From the discussions earlier, one can see that teachers had difficulties with the local language policy, just as they did with the English-only policy. This goes to show that both English-only and local language policy had their own peculiar difficulties and that no one policy could satisfy the language and literacy needs of children. Perhaps the answer lies in the introduction of a bilingual policy (the NALAP) discussed next.

Impact of the Change From Local Language Policy to the NALAP Policy on Teachers’ Practices According to Rosekrans, Sherris, and Chatry-Komarek (2012), the biliteracy programme, or NALAP, was introduced as a compromise between the English-only and local language policies and is a significant shift in the language and literacy policy in Ghana since independence. All the teachers and experts who took part in this study acknowledged that the move from a single-language policy (English-only or local language) to a bilingual (local language and English language) policy has been a live issue in policy change since independence in 1957. Before beginning the debate about whether the NALAP policy addressed the limitations inherent in the use of either the English-only or the local language policy, Table 6.4 highlights the five key benefits of the NALAP policy, as identified by participants, in terms of how it addressed the key limitations of the English-only and local language policies. From Table 6.4, we can see that the key benefits relate to five thematic areas of policy, namely (1) the gradual pace of introduction of children to the English language, (2) the clarity in the guidance on how

Synthesis of Findings 153 Table 6.4 Key Benefits and Limitations of the National Literacy Acceleration Programme (NALAP) Policy Relative to the English-Only and Local Language Policies Key benefits

Key limitation

1. Under the English-only policy, children who came from homes and communities where English was not the language commonly spoken found it difficult to learn in the English language; the NALAP policy addressed this difficulty by encouraging the gradual introduction of the English language from KG1 to Grade 3. 2. Unlike the local language policy, which lacked clear guidance on the use of local language, the NALAP has clear guidelines on how to use and teach literacy in the local language. 3. Because the NALAP acknowledges the importance of using local language, teachers are less fearful that the English language will alienate children from their culture and traditions, which was the case under the English-only policy. 4. Under the English-only policy, there was less classroom interaction between teachers and children because many children could not communicate effectively in the English language; the NALAP addressed this problem through the gradual introduction of the English language alongside the use of the local language. 5. The problem of code-switching between local language and English language, which was experienced by teachers under the Englishonly and local language policies, was resolved in some way under the NALAP policy, which requires the use of both languages.

1. Insufficient knowledge of local and English languages by some teachers to support children’s language and literacy development 2. Negative attitude towards the use of local language by some teachers, parents, and stakeholders. 3. The problem of multiple or diverse language backgrounds of children in class makes it difficult for teachers to interact effectively with children. 4. NALAP training and retention of teachers to teach lower grades are needed. 5. The insufficient monitoring of teachers using the NALAP means teachers who do not want to use local language continue to teach in lower grades defeats the purpose of the policy.

English and local languages are to be taught at the lower grades, (3) the influence of local language on culture and traditions, (4) the teacher–children classroom interaction, and (5) the ability to use different languages in the classroom. In addition to the benefits listed in the above, there were three other benefits from the NALAP policy, which had a more positive impact on teachers’ attitudes towards the NALAP in comparison with the English-only and local language policies. First, the training teachers received on the policy before its implementation was deemed useful by those participants who could use local language in teaching (however, those participants who could not use local language in teaching did not agree with this). These participants said the training was of high quality because it exposed them to bilingual learning and

154  Synthesis of Findings information on how to teach children to read and write in a local language and the English language. Second, participants who experienced the NALAP policy said it provided clarity on how to use the teaching materials, including big books, alphabet cards, and the like in both the local and English languages, which made teaching easier. Finally, some participants said that the NALAP provided more room for creativity and innovation in the design of their kindergarten classrooms. Despite the previously mentioned benefits of the NALAP policy to teachers, there is evidence that the policy did not adequately address some of the limitations of the earlier two policies and the problems associated with implementing bilingual policies (Table 6.4). The first key limitation relates to insufficient knowledge of the local and English language as reported by teachers. As discussed earlier, this problem appeared under the English-only policy, where there were many untrained teachers who could not teach in English. Also, under the local language policy, some teachers were unable to use the local language in their teaching. The findings show that these problems resurfaced under the NALAP policy and remain unsolved. For example, some teachers argued that, although they had some training on the use of the local language, they were still less confident in using it in the classroom. The second key limitation relates to the prevalent Ghanaian cultural attitude towards the English language as more beneficial in terms of usage than the local language. These attitudes under the two previous policies remain unresolved under the NALAP, complicated by the fact that, as well as teachers, some parents and the public continue to believe that English is more important than the local language. Parents’ interest in English is mainly because children will have to pass the Basic Education Certificate Examination (which is written in English), without which they may not move on to secondary school. This makes it easier for some teachers to continue resisting policy if they feel uncomfortable about its use and feel they have the support of parents. The third limitation related to the problem of the multiple local languages’ environment in which children in Ghana learn. In relation to this, the teachers interviewed in this study argued that, under the local language policy, because some teachers did not know the different local languages of their children, let alone how to use these different languages to teach, they found it difficult to handle multilingual classrooms. This was not, however, a problem under the English-only policy because English was the only medium of instruction. These findings have implications for the bilingual or NALAP policy, in the sense that teachers are expected to start teaching in the local language before gradually introducing the English language. These challenges suggest that the problem of knowing the language of the local area or have no guidance on how to teach in multilingual classrooms, the problem will remain unsolved under the NALAP policy. This is particularly true in the urban and peri-urban areas of the country where children come from nearly every region of Ghana. These challenges

Synthesis of Findings 155 need to be addressed if the benefits of the NALAP, outlined earlier, are to be sustained. The fourth limitation relates to NALAP training and the retention of teachers to teach in the lower grades. This study highlights three issues in relation to this. First, some teachers reported that although the training provided by the GES on the NALAP policy was good, the quality was not high enough to meet their teaching requirement. They felt they had not been sufficiently trained in children’s literacy development, including their bilingual literacy learning; this led some of them to seek further training elsewhere to meet the learning needs of their children. Teachers suggested that the NALAP would work better if the training had adequately explained the benefits of bilingualism and biliteracy within the Ghanaian contexts. Second, the lack of in-service training for newly posted teachers to the lower grades made teaching difficult for these teachers because of the lack of knowledge on the content and teaching methodology of the NALAP. Third, there were issues raised about discontinuity in the NALAP pedagogy for some children, as some of the trained teachers in the NALAP left the lower grades to teach in the upper grades, which left some lower grades classrooms without NALAP-trained teachers. The overall argument is that the success of the NALAP depends on teachers receiving adequate continuing training on the content, philosophy, and practical relevance of NALAP, to ensure high-quality provision, as well as the retention, of skilled lower grades teachers. Finally, the fifth limitation relates to the insufficient monitoring of teachers using the NALAP policy in the classroom. The teachers interviewed in this study argued that the NALAP was not being sufficiently monitored, which affected their confidence in the use of the policy. Some participants believed monitoring and supervision could help resolve the difficulties they had in not being able to use local languages effectively in the classroom. This suggests that, although the participants in this study were in favour of NALAP and were ready to support it, the lack of monitoring and supervision by Ghana education officials prevented them from discussing their difficulties. In summary, the broad analysis of the three language and literacy policies led to the identification of key benefits and limitations of the English-only, local language and NALAP policies. More specifically, the key benefits of the NALAP policy were analysed relative to the key limitations identified within both the English-only and local language policies preceding it. The key limitations of the three policies point broadly to the inherent failure in the language and literacy policy formulation process, since independence in 1957, to address the fundamental issue of teachers’ inability to use local languages and English (by pupil teachers) at the lower grades. It is imperative, therefore, for policymakers to critically evaluate teachers’ resistance to using a language (local or English) specific policy. Most teachers were of the view that the process of language policy formulation in the country is the reason for the many problems associated with the policies as discussed in the next section.

156  Synthesis of Findings

Teachers’ Views on the Language and Literacy Policy Formulation Process Apart from the discussion on the language policy, teachers had a lot to say about language policy formulation. Teachers were generally unhappy about the process since they were the implementers of government policies in schools. Teachers offered different views on what they know of the language and literacy policy formulation process. The general consensus was that the voices of all who would be affected by the policy, especially the views of teachers who have first-hand information and experience of the benefits and limitations of the three policies, ought to be heard, to make the policies more effective. This overwhelming view from the teachers interviewed in this study supports the assertion in the literature that, in Ghana, education policy formulation, in general, was left to the government and foreign donors and involves an elite group, excluding teachers, parents and a larger proportion of the country’s population (Fredua-Kwarteng, 2015; Fobih, Koomson,  & Godwyll, 1995). The teachers suggested that more stakeholders like local experts, parents, and the local community leaders ought to be more involved in the policy formulation process with less participation of the government officials and foreign donors. The teachers challenged the notion of being seen only as implementers of government policies, with no voice or opportunity to contribute their knowledge on issues. They were of the opinion that most of the problems associated with the language policies would have been solved if they were listened to. This finding is particularly important as it highlights the importance of teachers’ knowledge in the formulation and successful implementation of educational policy (Kirk & Macdonald, 2001; Smit, 2005). For example, teachers’ inability to address the problem of lack of interaction between themselves and their children in the classroom, which affected their classroom practices could be resolved through teachers impute on the matter. In addition, the finding shows the need for a change in the predetermined committees made up of a few experts (chosen by the government to reform the country’s education) to a wider consultation involving teachers, parents, local non-governmental organisations, and the public. The concern for the inclusion of foreign donors, such as the UK and the US by teachers was the fear that imperialists may continue to influence the direction of future language policy in favour of English. In sum, the study revealed that, while some teachers resisted policy changes, others tried to adapt to the changes. For example, as indicated in this study, the language and literacy policies had undergone three changes from English-only to local language, from local language to English-only, from English-only to local language and finally to the NALAP. During these changes, teachers had to use either English or the local language or both in teaching. However, some participants resisted some of the policies because of differences in their values and beliefs on the use of a particular language. Others also resisted policy changes because they did not agree with them or simply because of their inability to use the required language.

Synthesis of Findings 157 These three key problems, relating to how teachers in this study viewed the process of policy formulation and implementation, could likely have been addressed more effectively if these teachers had been able to play an active role in meeting with policy makers to identify the root causes of the problems, as part of a policy consultation. In addition, there is a need for policy makers to find ways to help teachers cope with language and policy changes in the lower grades by providing more training to explain reasons for change and supporting teachers in their practice. The implications of the findings from this study are discussed in detail in the next section.

Implications of the Study for Policy and Practice The study has a number of implications for policy and practice for the lower grades because colonial rule and its legacy continue to drive language policy in Ghana. These implications relate to the strategic role of government policy makers in the Ministry of Education and their donor partners, the GES, the teacher-training institutions, and teachers in the lower grades. These implications are discussed in detail next. This section presents the implications of the findings from this study for government policy makers at the Ministry of Education. Successive Ghanaian governments, since independence in 1957, through the Ministry of Education and the GES determined which language should be used as the medium of instruction in the lower grade. As shown in the study, the language and literacy policies in the lower grades have undergone several changes since independence, with implications for future formulation and implementation of policy. The study identified the change in government, the rise in nationalism, and the effect of postcolonialism as the main drivers for policy change. For example, the switch from English-only to local language in 1967 and local language to English-only in 2002 occurred because of change in government. In addition, the change from English-only to local language was the result of a rise in nationalism and popular cultural sentiments, which called for the use of the local languages by most Ghanaians at the time. Furthermore, the reintroduction of the English-only policy, whereby government argued that since the national language of Ghana was already English, it must be used as the language of instruction, went against popular support for the use of local language, leading to the return of the local language policy. The final change to the bilingual policy in 2009 appears to be the result of the impact of colonial rule and the recognition of the need for bilingual learning to help address the literacy needs of children. This is for children to benefit from the advantages of using multiple languages, that is, the local and English language, within the context of literacy. The implication is that an independent body should be tasked with language and literacy policy formulation for the lower grades so that change in government does not affect policy change in the lower grade. The government could start this process by engaging local educationists, literacy researchers,

158  Synthesis of Findings Table 6.5  Recommendations for Policy Makers • To initiate a policy review to consider the compulsory learning of local languages in high schools and the use of the prevalent language of an area as the medium of instruction. • To make more funding and other resources available for local language learning at all levels of education, from kindergarten to universities. • To collaborate effectively with donor countries and other multinational global entities on how to address the sensitivities of citizens with regards to the languages and cultural values they wish for their children and society. • To involve more teachers, local educational experts, and parents on lower grades policy issues. • To support the setting up of a body independent of government to advise on language and literacy policy development issues, for example to explore what to do with the minority languages, which are at present not catered for in schools.

non-government agencies, and interested members of the public in continuing research and debate into finding answers to children’s future literacy development. Since a lack of teacher involvement in policy making was identified as one of the reasons for resisting policy, lower grades teachers’ knowledge could be utilised by engaging them more often in the future. Furthermore, the concern of foreign donors like the UK and US donor agencies could use their funding power to impose their preference for the use of English in Ghana implies the need for sensitivity on the part of donor agencies to the voice of local people. It is important to note that all the participants in this study see the constant changes in policy as a problem, which needs to be addressed by government policy makers at the Ministry of Education; therefore, successive governments need to deal with reasons for the constant changes or discontinuity of the language and literacy policy in lower grades proactively to ensure changes do not affect teachers’ motivation and practice. The study now makes the following recommendations in Table 6.5 for policy makers within the Ministry of Education. The findings from this study show that the GES plays a particularly important role in the professional life of teachers because they are employers of teachers in public schools in Ghana. The study now looks at the implication of the study for this body and makes recommendations.

Implications and Recommendations for the GES The Ministry of Education, through the GES, implements the language and literacy policy decisions by the government of the day. There are three main implications of the findings from this study, relating to the deployment and staffing of schools, a lack of continuous professional development (CPD) in general (but even worse for lower grades teachers), and insufficient monitoring and supervision. For example, in relation to deployment and staffing, some teachers in this study who knew a particular local language were posted to areas

Synthesis of Findings 159 Table 6.6  Recommendations for the Ghana Education Service • To ensure that specific and supportive training is made available to all so that teachers know how to implement the policy. • To ensure supportive training is made available to teachers on methods of teaching in multilingual classrooms. • To intensify their regular supervision and monitoring of the use of language and literacy policies and provide support to teachers who need it. • To support independent research organisations to help generate new ideas on policy and practice of literacy in Ghana. • To intensify their collaboration with Teacher Training Institutions and the Ghana National Association of Teachers to resolve the inconsistencies in posting of teachers to the lower grades.

where a different local language was in use, making it difficult for them to teach effectively in the classroom. Second, teachers across all policies were claiming that they needed more training in how to implement the policy, especially in classrooms with children from diverse language backgrounds. This means there is a need for the GES to ensure that specific and supportive training is made available to all teachers, especially those at the lower grades so that teachers know how to implement the policy. Third, the lack of effective monitoring of language and literacy policy implementation in school calls for the need for the development of a regular and comprehensive framework for the monitoring and supervision of teachers, especially those in the lower grades. Perhaps the inspectorate division of the GES could be independent or semi-autonomous so that they have all the resources they need to carry out their mandate. The study therefore makes the following recommendations in Table 6.6 for the Ghana Education Service, the government body responsible for the employment of teachers. The recommendations are based on the findings from participants’ experience as teachers working under the GES. Having discussed the implications of the study for the GES followed by some recommendations, I now move on to do the same for teacher training colleges.

Implications and Recommendations for Teacher Training Although the study did not set out to study teacher-training institutions, the findings showed the importance and role played by teacher education in teachers’ classroom practices. A few issues were identified concerning the training of teachers and it is hoped that these recommendations in Table 6.7 can help improve the training teachers are offered regarding children’s language and literacy. The final set of implications discussed in the following section are for teachers, and the study achieves its fourth research objective by providing a framework to support teachers’ classroom practices.

160  Synthesis of Findings Table 6.7  Recommendations for Teacher-Training Institutions • To encourage students to appreciate the value of both the local and English language in a child’s literacy development. • To ensure that teaching practices include strategies for teaching multilingual classrooms to make it easier for teachers to handle such classrooms in the future. • To guarantee trainers of teachers to ensure that pre-service teachers receive extensive training on children’s literacy development, bilingual literacy, and teaching methods for supporting children’s emergent literacy for lower grades teachers. • To collaborate with Ghana Education Service on posting of lower grades teachers to avoid mismatch, that is to match the local languages studied at school with the vacancies they have in schools.

Implications and Recommendations for Teachers at the Lower Grades The fact that this research focuses on the experiences of teachers at the lower grades under different language and literacy policies since independence suggests that the findings in this study have serious implications for teachers in three key areas, which are their teaching practices, their continuing professional career development, and their social well-being. Regarding teachers’ practices, the key limitations of the English-only, local language, and NALAP policies and how they impact on teachers’ classroom teaching need to be resolved. For example, all lower grades teachers need to be qualified with sufficient knowledge of the local and English language so that they can appreciate the equal importance of both in the classroom. Where teachers find it difficult to handle classrooms with children from multiple local language backgrounds, the GES could support them with workshops on teaching methods and how to adopt innovative approaches, including the use of other local languages to resolve the problem in the short-term. Finally, the findings have implications for the social well-being of teachers in three key areas. First, some lower grades teachers left to teach at the upper grades because of the lack of support from their schools and the GES left them feeling unfulfilled. Second, the lack of an effective way of monitoring their performance in the classroom meant some believe they were not valued by the GES, which affected their morale and made them less confident in the implementation of policy in the classroom. Third, teachers felt they had no voice in policy formulation, although they had a lot of knowledge and experience to share, and this also affected their morale. This means the government and the GES ought to find ways to support and motivate lower grade teachers through continuous professional development and for the GES to conduct monitoring and inspection in a more supportive manner while ensuring quality at the same time. The awareness of the above implications of the findings in this study for the government of Ghanaian government, the Ministry of Education, the GES,

Synthesis of Findings 161 and lower grades teachers led to personal reflection on the way forward and the development of a framework for supporting lower grade teachers in the next section.

Proposal for a National Literacy Association The continuities and discontinuities in the implementation of these policies since 1957 affected the teachers interviewed in this study differently. As such, reflecting on the difficulties and seeming lack of adequate support, I am proposing the establishment of a national literacy association (with affiliations to other international associations) with researching on children’s literacy in Africa. The membership could include literacy researchers, teachers, teacher educators, and those interested in children’s literacy. Activities could include, training of lower grades teachers in children’s literacy, creating opportunities for further professional development in literacy skills in the English language and local languages and supporting family literacy programmes. Apart from the preceding, the association will also help generate new ideas and lead research on policy and practice of literacy in Ghana and sub-Sahara Africa. This will enable the association to influence Ghanaian government policy through the Ministry of Education to achieve the following four goals: • To empower and resource training institutions to ensure that lower grades teachers are adequately trained in the use of both the local language and English prior to posting to the classroom. • To create more opportunities for continuing professional development in literacy skills in the English language and multiple local languages. • To help resource the GES monitoring and evaluation team to inspect the classroom performance of lower grades teachers regularly. • To initiate a policy review to consider the compulsory learning of local languages in high schools prior to entry into teacher training institutions, and to review the policy on using the prevalent language of an area as the medium of instruction.

Framework for Supporting Lower Grades Teachers Reflecting on actual data collected from the teachers, I now offer a few suggestions as the basis of a framework to help support lower grades teachers with the classroom practices (Table 6.8). The main aim of this framework is supporting lower grades teachers and others through a programme of continuous professional training in early literacy development to be provided in conjunction with non-governmental agencies, the GES, and the Bureau of National Languages (the governmental institution responsible for the promotion of Ghanaian languages), teacher-training institutions, and the like. The framework is designed in such a way that it can include newly posted teachers to the lower grades, those in active service, and headteachers with the provision for practical teaching and sharing of good

162  Synthesis of Findings Table 6.8  Framework to Support Lower Grades Teachers’ Practices Activity

Mode of delivery

Responsibility

Where

Early literacy development

Conferences and seminars

National/regional

Local language and Ghanaian culture

Workshops and seminars

Teaching methods

Workshops and seminars

Sharing good practices

Daily practice/ peer–peer observation

Literacy associations/ Ghana Education Service (GES)/others Literacy associations/ GES/Bureau of National Languages GES/colleges of education/ University of Cape Coast Head of schools/ experienced teachers

National/regional and districts Districts and school-based School-based

practices. As Table 6.8 shows, the framework has four areas of activities, to be delivered through conferences, workshops, and seminars, among others. Since the key issue in the framework is about early literacy development, areas such as environmental print, children’s storybooks, oral language, early writing, and reading in both local language and English could be emphasised for different age groups in the lower grades. To combat the negative attitude by some towards the use of local language, this framework supports the facilitation of workshops and seminars for the introduction of training on Ghanaian culture, traditions, and languages. In the age of digital technology, simple and interesting digital tools, including audio and visuals and online dictionaries, can be developed to aid teachers’ language education and learning. It is hoped that teachers will see indigenous languages as an asset rather than a liability, considering their wide use in different sectors of the country. Improvement in teaching methods and how to include diversity in teaching is essential in promoting local language use in the classroom. This support is crucial because of the disturbing fact that only ‘70 out of 300’ trainee teachers were interested in ‘studying methodology’ in the local language when they were in the training colleges (Pryor, Akyeampong, Westbrook, & Lussier, 2012, p. 443). It is possible teachers facing challenges in their classrooms will be more willing to get help in this regard. Finally, sharing good practices can be formalised in schools under the leadership of the headteachers. Experienced teachers can mentor newly posted teachers, observe classroom teaching and provide feedback to improve individual practice. This study found low morale because of non-supervision or monitoring of their practice by the GES. It is possible that such a partnership with a mentor will help boost their confidence as they will discuss their successes and failures and generate new ideas on practice as suggested by Furlong and Salisbury (2005). Research-based teaching is another area that can be used to re-evaluate practice, and this study is a good

Synthesis of Findings 163 example of how teachers can use the experiences of others in this study to make a difference in teaching.

Future Research The study has established how the language policy is deeply embedded in colonial contexts and the difficulties faced by teachers in their practices with the different policies. It is clear from the study that future research is needed to understand the impact of the NALAP on children’s literacy development and how biliteracy can be used to fully support children. The views expressed by teachers on how language and literacy policy formulation impact on their classroom practices merits future research in that area also. This would elicit views from a diverse group of stakeholders, for example ministers of education, foreign donor agencies, heads of teacher-training institutions, community leaders, parents, teachers, and children, on how best to improve on the process.

Contributions to Knowledge My research makes a significant contribution to the knowledge of language and literacy policies in lower grades from Ghana’s independence in 1957 to 2014. There are a number of previous studies on Ghana’s language policy from a postcolonial perspective, like the study carried out by Mfum-Mensah (2005), on the use of vernacular in two communities in the northern region of Ghana, and that of Davis and Agbenyega (2012) on headteachers’ and teachers’ knowledge of the language policy. These studies have only looked at a particular language policy, such as the use of local languages as a medium of instruction as in the case of Mfum-Mensah (2005). My study, on the other hand, has traced all the language policies since independence, in addition to the current biliteracy policy used in lower grades. Furthermore, it is the first study on how language and literacy policy changes have affected teachers at the lower grades in Ghana using a life history method. The study also makes contributions to postcolonial theory in the field of childhood, language and literacy policy changes, and teachers’ practices. The use of postcolonial theory in this study throws light on how Ghanaian children’s language and literacy learning is modelled on that of the West, rather than children’s indigenous cultural settings, and furthers understanding of young children’s language and literacy learning within the Ghanaian context. As Graff (1982) suggests, there is no one single route to universal literacy; this calls for more understanding of literacy learning within a postcolonial context, as this study has offered. My study also contributes significantly to methodology, in terms of the use of life history, which is the first, in studying Ghanaian teachers’ lives and educational matters in Ghana. The use of life history has provided a deeper understanding of teachers’ classroom practices in the lower grades. It has also given voice to teachers through the sharing of their subjective views on educational

164  Synthesis of Findings policy that affect them as teachers. Some teachers in this study were of the view that reflecting on their lives has helped them to be more conscious of their role as teachers supporting children’s language and literacy development and their resolve to take advantage of future continuing professional training; this is an indication that the study is already making an impact. Furthermore, it makes major contributions towards teachers’ understanding of policy formulation and teachers’ concern over the role of foreign donors, which could perpetuate the use of English in schools. Finally, this study makes a significant contribution to understanding teachers’ use of the NALAP since its inception in 2009. In sum, since change is important in finding solutions to problems, this study found that the government of Ghana made changes regarding the language and literacy policy in the lower grades to address the literacy learning of children. However, since change is not always welcome, there was resistance by teachers to some of the changes. Again, other factors like the use of a predominant local language, inadequate pre-service preparation of teachers to use local language, public interest, and optional learning of local language in the senior high school made it difficult for some of the policies to be fully implemented. Additionally, the study has shown the complex nature of language and literacy policy implementation in the lower grades. This study has illustrated in many ways the challenges teachers face in the classroom and how each policy change impacts on what they do. However, with guided support and training, teachers could be motivated to offer their best in supporting the young children who pass through their classrooms so that they can achieve success in their academic future

Postscript Will there be a change in the language policy in future? This depends on the government of the day. This following interaction between the two main political parties during the vetting of an incoming education minister in Ghana appears to project their stand on the language policy in the lower grades. In 2017, the minister designates for the education ministry, Dr Mathew Opoku Prempeh, was asked of his opinion on the use of multiple languages (the predominant language of a place) as the medium of instruction in lower grades. His response was that [w]e train ourselves to become globally competitive and when you look around the world there is a language of trade, business, ICT [information and communication technology], where even countries with one language learn that as a second language. Thank God, we, because of our colonial past have that language, English. . . . I think we have to look at it again especially for a country with many languages. Going to pick one and saying that it should be the dominant language and everybody should learn is problematic . . . everybody has a proud culture and history, whose history or language, culture should be lost in making one dominant language. (Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, 2017)

Synthesis of Findings 165 When asked if his answer meant advocating for a single language for instruction at the formative years to achieve global competitiveness, he had this to say: That will make the confusion ease up a bit. The body of knowledge shows that if the primary language of instruction is not the mother tongue or the language of the child, the child will have to translate it into the native language before he/she interprets it in English . . . so I think we are benefitting so much from English being our second language . . . we have to educate our kids . . . we have to drill them to speak and write good English and do things in English. It does not make us less human. That is the reality that we have to face. (Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, 2017) The minister’s answer here and later shows some inconsistencies. On one hand, he appears to favour the use of the English-only policy as he referred to the first English-only policy by the first president, Dr  Kwame Nkrumah. However, his later response suggests the need for consultation on the matter, it is important to state that the minister designate belongs to the New Patriotic Party (NPP) that re-introduced the English-only policy in 2002. The former minister of education in the National Democratic Congress (NDC) government, Professor Naana Agyemang, on the other hand, favoured the use of local languages during her term of office. This highlights the difference in approach to the debate on the language policy by the two political parties, NDC and NPP. Again, an argument put forward by Palham Oyiye of the World Organisation for Early Childhood Development and Education Programme (OMEP, Ghana Chapter) on the need for early childhood educators to be posted to teach within early childhood settings seems to suggest that early childhood–trained teachers are being posted to teach in classes they are not trained for (Ghanaweb, 2017). This applies to the importance of initial training, teacher’s competencies in teaching lower grades and placement of teachers as discussed in this study. These developments and the global interest in indigenous literacy make the discourses in this book very topical. Language and literacy policy for lower grade children in the former British ruled countries ought to be firmly placed at the centre of educational policy as the impact of poor literacy is likely to affect children’s progress and success in school and in society. The complex nature of the language and literacy policy in Ghana shows the debate should not be left solely to politicians but to the wider society: local educationists, teachers, parents, children, and other stakeholders need to be involved. This is not just an issue for parliamentarians, as suggested by the new minister in the following statement: ‘We have to, as a group, as parliament think about what to do because parliament approves policy and decide for the country where we have to go’. Therefore, any language policy should support not only English but children’s own local language as this is as important today as it was during the time of independence.

166

Synthesis of Findings

References Andoh-Kumi, K. (1999). IEQ Ghana: Informing school language policy decisions. Qualitative research from university/ministry partnership. Paper presented at the Comparative International Education Society (CIES) Conference. Retrieved from www.ieq.org/ pdf/InformLangPolicy.pdf Clegg, G., & Afitska, O. (2011). Teaching and learning in two languages in African classrooms. Comparative Education, 47(1), 61–77. doi:10.1080/03050068.2011.541677 Cummins, J. (2000). Language, power and pedagogy: Bilingual children caught in the crossfire. Clevendon: Multilingual Matter Ltd. Davis, E., & Agbenyega, J. S. (2012). Language policy and instructional dichotomy: The case of primary schools in Ghana. International Journal of Educational Research, 53, 341–347. http://dx.org.doi/10.1016/j.ijer.2012.04.007 Fobih, J. D., Koomson, A. K., & Godwyll, E. K. (1995). Formulating education policy: Lessons and experience from Sub-Saharan Africa-the case of Ghana: Six cases and reflections from the DAE 1995 biennial meetings. Tours, France: Association for the Development of African Education. Retrieved from www.adeanet.org/clearinghouse/sites/default/ files/docs/bien_95_pap_en.pdf Fredua-Kwarteng, E. (2015). Democratizing national education policy-making in Africa: A focus on Ghana. International Journal of Educational Studies, 2(2), 83–94. Furlong, J., & Salisbury, J. (2005). Best practice research scholarships: An evaluation. Research Papers in Education, 20(1), 45–83. https://doi.org/10.1080/026715205 2000341336 Ghana Broadcasting Corporation. (2017, January 27). Ghana: Vetting of ministers, Dr Matthew Opoku Prempeh. Retrieved from www.youtube.com Ghanaweb. (2017). Don’t allow early childhood teachers to teach basic school pupilsOMEP. Retrieved March 27, 2017, from www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/ NewsArchive/Don-t-allow-early-childhood-teachers-to-teach-basic-school-pupilsOMEP-522298?channel=A1 Graff, H. J. (1982). The legacies of literacy. Journal of Communication, 13(1), 12–26. doi:10.1111/j.1460–2466.1982.tb00473x Kioko, A. A., Ndung’u, R. W., Njoroge, M. C., & Mutiga, J. (2014). Mother tongue and education in Africa: Publicising the reality. Multilingual Education, 4(8), 2–11. Retrieved from http://www.multilingual-education/com/content/4/1/1/18 Kirk, D., & Macdonald, D. (2001). Teacher voice and ownership of curriculum change. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 33(5), 551–567. doi:10.1080/00220270010016874 Mfum-Mensah, O. (2005). The impact of colonial and postcolonial Ghanaian language policies on vernacular use in schools in two northern Ghanaian communities. Comparative Education, 41(1), 71–85. doi:10.1080/03050060500073256 Obeng, S. G. (1997). An analysis of the linguistic situation in Ghana. African Languages and Cultures, 10(1), 63–81. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/1771815 Opoku-Amankwa, K. (2009). English-only language-in-education policy in multilingual classrooms in Ghana. Language, Culture and Curriculum, 22(2), 121–135. doi:10.1080/07908310903075159 Owu-Ewie, C. (2006). The language policy of education in Ghana: A critical look at the English-only language policy of education. In J. Mugane, J. Hutchison, & A. Dee (Eds.), Selected proceedings of the 35th annual conference on African linguistics (pp. 76–85). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Retrieved from www. lingref.com/cpp/acal/35/paper1298.pdf

Synthesis of Findings 167 Pryor, J., Akyeampong, K., Westbrook, J.,  & Lussier, K. (2012). Rethinking teacher preparation and professional development in Africa: An analysis of the curriculum of teacher education in the teaching of early reading and mathematics. The Curriculum Journal, 23(4), 409–502. doi:10.1080/09585176.2012.747725 Rosekrans, K., Sherris, A.,  & Chatry-Komarek, M. (2012). Education reform for the expansion of mother-tongue education in Ghana. International Review of Education, 58(5), 593–618. doi:10.100.1007/s11159-012-9312-6 Smit, B. (2005). Teachers, local knowledge, and policy implementation: A qualitative police-practice inquiry. Education and Urban Society, 37(3), 292–306. doi:10.1177/ 0013124505275426 Viruru, R. (2005). Postcolonial theory and the practice of teacher education. Practical Transformations and Transformational Practices: Globalization, Postmodernism, and Early Childhood Education, 14, 139–160. ISSN: 0270-4021/. doi:10.1016/S02704021(05)14007-5

Index

Aborigines Rights Protection Society 23 ‘Africanness’ 25 Africa’s economy 16 Ananse 52, 53, 96 anonymise 56 Armed Forces Revolutionary Council 83 Barnard Committee 29, 31 Basel missionaries 20, 25, 27, 28 Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE) 6, 7, 73 bilingualism 32 Bond of 1844 18, 21 Bragoro 73 Bremen missionaries 20 castle schools 3, 28 Catholic missionaries 20 Christiansburg Castle 20, 27 colonial ideology 17 Conventions Peoples Party (CPP) 33, 36, 82, 91 – 92, 127, 144, 146 Danes 4, 19 – 20 Dipo 73 Drobo Commission 36, 37 Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) 6 Education Act 1961 5 ‘Educogenic’ 76, 77, 114 Elmina Castle 3, 14, 19 – 20, 27 EQUALL 44 European culture 17 exploitation 16, 17, 22 Free and Compulsory Basic Education (FCUBE) 5 French culture 15 Ga 74, 79, 90, 97, 98 – 99, 100 – 101, 118, 127 generalisation 60

globalisation 16, 17 Ghana Education Service 11, 56, 67, 91, 93, 97, 101, 106, 111 – 114, 118 – 120, 123 – 125, 127, 129, 131, 133 – 139, 156, 158 – 161, 162 Ghana National Association of Teacher (GNAT) 53, 73, 124, 133 – 134, 136 Gold Coast 2, 4, 5, 14, 16, 19, 21, 23, 27, 28 Guggisberg, Sir Gordon 4 interpretivist paradigm 57 Junior High School (JHS) 72, 79 Kwapong Commission 36 Kweku Ananse 53 life history 10, 54, 60, 61, 140, 163 MASHAV 71, 128 Methodist Church 20 Ministry of Education and Sports 56 Mole-Dagbani 19 mother tongue 38, 39, 40, 43, 45, 93, 96 National Catholic Secretariat 56, 133 National Democratic Congress (NDC) 165 National Literacy Acceleration Programme (NALAP) 6, 7, 10, 29, 42 – 44, 59, 70, 73, 75 – 77, 79, 82, 84, 99, 103, 107 – 111, 115 – 123, 125 – 132, 135, 138 – 140, 144, 145, 146 – 148, 152 – 156, 163, 164 National Nursery Teachers Training Centre 6 New Patriotic Party (NPP) 3, 31, 33, 41, 83, 91, 127, 146 Nkrumah 4, 22, 23, 28, 30 – 31, 33, 88 non-governmental organisations (NGO) 132 NVivo 57 oral tradition 45

Index  169 Parent Teacher Association 78 partitioning 15 Phelps-Stoke Commission 28 Portuguese 3 – 4, 20, 27 postcolonial 1, 11, 46, 54, 106 Presbyterian Church 20 Provisional National Defence Council 27, 83 psycholinguistics 45 purposeful sampling 54

Teaching and Learning Material Project (TLMP) 125 thematic analysis 58, 59 Traditional African Religion 24

semi structured interviews 57 Senior Citizens Day 67 snowballing 54 Society of the Propagation of the Gospel 4

vignettes 8, 10, 61 – 62, 64

United Gold Coast Convention Party (UGCC) 22, 23 unstructured interviews 57 USAID 44, 125 – 126

Wesleyan 27 – 28 world’s producer of cocoa 17