The Impact of World War One on Limerick [1 ed.] 9781443858786, 9781443841412

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The Impact of World War One on Limerick

The Impact of World War One on Limerick

By

Tadhg Moloney

The Impact of World War One on Limerick, by Tadhg Moloney This book first published 2013 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2013 by Tadhg Moloney All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-4141-2, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-4141-2

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ................................................................................... vii Introduction ................................................................................................ ix Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1 Limerick and the Boer War, 1899-1902 Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 33 Recruitment during World War One Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 81 Politics in Limerick, 1914-1918 Chapter Four ............................................................................................ 127 Economy Conclusion ............................................................................................... 167 Bibliography ............................................................................................ 173 Appendix A ............................................................................................. 185 Statistics and Chart relating to Recruitment for the Irish Regiments in the Period of the Boer War Appendix B.............................................................................................. 187 Weekly Rates of Separation Allowance, Including the Compulsory Allotment of Pay Appendix C.............................................................................................. 189 Defence of the Country Resolution Appendix D ............................................................................................. 191 Statistics and Chart showing Strength of 16th (Irish) Division 2 March 1915 to 29 August 1915

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Appendix E .............................................................................................. 195 Recruiting Statistics and Chart for the 8th and 9th Battalions Royal Munster Fusiliers 2 March 1915 to 29 August 1915 Appendix F .............................................................................................. 197 Certificate of Honour Appendix G ............................................................................................. 199 Food Commodities Index ........................................................................................................ 201

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would sincerely like to thank my supervisor Dr. Deirdre McMahon for her guidance, patience, and proof reading of this work throughout our time together. I would also like to extend a special thank you to Pat Brosnahan for permission to use the Certificate of Honour, Ann Ashton, Breda Beegan, Rev. Michael Culhane (RIP), John Fitzpatrick, Frank Bouchier-Hayes, Michael Molony, Richard O’Brien (RIP), Kate O’Donnell, Chriostoir O’Flynn and Rev. Michael Wall, for their assistance with letters and information. To those who were my fellow post graduates, especially Jennifer Kelly, Treasa Sheehan and Matthew Tobin, a special word of gratitude for their kind assistance. To Margaret Franklin of the Limerick County Library, Michael Maguire of the Limerick City Library, Jean Murray, who with the staff of the Limerick Regional Archives and the staff of Mary Immaculate College Library, especially Phyllis Conran and Elizabeth Brosnahan, who gave of their time and made my research all the easier. Not forgetting the staff of the History Department of Mary Immaculate College, most notably, Dr. Maura Cronin and Mr. Liam Irwin, M.A., and to Ms. Niamh Armstrong, who gave of their time, without which I would have had difficulty in completing this work. Last but by no means least I would like to thank my family, Gerardine, Eoin and Emer for their unwavering support and encouragement without which it would not have been possible to complete this study.

INTRODUCTION

The Irish soldier of the British army who returned home after the ending of World War One did so to an environment different to that of his departure. He was feted and cheered when he enlisted and was in many cases accompanied by the local band and companies of the Irish National Volunteers. However, during the course of his absence there was a drastic change in the climate of feeling amongst the population at home, and on his return home he was treated as a pariah. If he ingratiated himself with the movement that had overtaken the Irish Parliamentary Party and the Irish National Volunteers his soul was saved. On the other hand if he remained aloof he was persona non gratis, and his participation in the war was not spoken of. They were to use a modern euphemism ‘air brushed from history’, and remained in oblivion for nearly eighty years. There have been an increasing number of local studies of the War of Independence but they have mostly ignored the First World War, which preceded it. It was only during the latter years of the twentieth century that there has been an effort to rehabilitate and confer the honour due to him. This has resulted in a plethora of books being published relating to the participation of Irishmen and women in the war. Books from such authors as Myles Dungan, who wrote Irish Voices from the Great War and They Shall Grow Not Old: Irish Soldiers and the Great War, Terence Denman, who wrote about Ireland’s Unknown Soldiers: The 16th (Irish) Division in the Great War, Tom Johnstone’s Orange Green and Khaki to Keith Jeffery’s Ireland and the Great War to name but a few. These books generally speaking have concentrated on the military and political aspect of the Irishman’s involvement. For many years David Fitzpatrick’s scholarly study on Politics And Irish Life 1916-1921: Provincial Experience of War and Revolution published in 1977 was the only study undertaken on the military, political and socio-economic life of a provincial area namely Clare. To this now can be added the scholarly work by Daniel McCarthy on Ireland’s Banner County: Clare from the fall of Parnell to the Great War 1890-1918, published in 2002, which deals with the troublesome past of a county and its people from a cultural, socio-economic, political and military perspective. In many ways both of these studies complement each other. Another, Thomas Dooley’s

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Irishmen or English Soldiers, published in 1995 is a wide ranging study on recruitment, social, economic and political pressures of men from Waterford and in particular James English, a relation of the author and who enlisted in the 9th Battalion of the Royal Munster Fusiliers. There have also been research theses by Dermot J. Lucey, ‘Cork Public Opinion and the First World War’ (MA, UCC 1972), Pauric Travers ‘The Irish Conscription Crisis 1918’, (MA, UCD 1977), Patrick Callan ‘Voluntary Recruitment for the British Army in Ireland during the First World War’, (Ph.D, UCD 1984), and by Martin Staunton ‘The Royal Munster Fusiliers, 1914-18, (MA, UCD 1986), to name but a few. Again these studies like those previously referred to are general works, with fleeting references to some provincial areas. Staunton’s work does of course refer to the political, social and economic aspects of the causes that impelled men to enlist in the Royal Munster Fusiliers in a minor way. These works have undoubtedly been instrumental in heightening the awareness of Irish participation in the Great War; but with the exception of one or two studies very little research has been undertaken into the overall effect of the war on a provincial area. Limerick as a provincial area has to a large extent been totally neglected as far as research for this period is concerned. It is true that articles dealing with Limerick during the time span concerned have appeared in the Old Limerick Journal; these, however, have been in general of a military nature. Nobody has examined Limerick from the point of view of the recruitment, the conflicting influences and pressures that were brought to bear on men to enlist and not to do so. Also the political, economic and social influences that impacted on the general population during this war and how they helped to shape their mindset or opinions. A local study like this helps to build up a picture of how the war affected Ireland at a regional/provincial level. This is the first time that such a study has been undertaken, and therefore is an adventure into unknown territory. The purpose therefore of this study is to examine the impact of World War One on the people of Limerick. In undertaking such a study, four important areas have been examined, namely the influence that the war in South Africa (1899-1902) had from a recruiting, political, social and economic perspective, but to a lesser degree than that of the Great War. One may ask why this is included in a study that is concentrating on the impact of World War One on Limerick? The answer to this of course is that from one to the other there was a very short time span, a period of fifteen years from the commencement of the minor to the major conflict, and many of the forces and personalities that were involved in the shaping

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of opinion during the first were also involved in the second. In Chapter Two, recruitment in both Limerick city and county is examined. Recruitment was sluggish at the commencement of the war, but when John Redmond, the leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and people issued his call to Irishmen to enlist and be where the firing line was furthest in the fight against the enemy, it began to increase. However, as the war progressed there was a definite falling off of men joining up. The reasons for this will be analysed and the forces that contributed to it. Chapter Three examines the political forces that were in existence during the period, what made people change from being supporters of the constitutional movement to that of separatism, which led to the annihilation of the Irish Party in the General Election of 1918. The final chapter examines how the war affected the local economy, which was not only subject to national but also international movements of commodities, who benefited from these and who were the main losers. The primary sources used in this study are government records of various descriptions: the Chief Secretary’s Office Registered Papers, Colonel Moore’s Papers, the Census for Limerick in 1911; the CO 904 RIC Reports; minute books of the Limerick County Council and Limerick Borough Council (Limerick Corporation), also minute books and pay books from the various departments of the latter. Letters sent home by soldiers while they were either training or at the front often provide useful information and were often published in the local newspapers, but one has to be cautious with these as they were subject to censorship before they were despatched. While these are very useful tools for this study, the newspapers also provided valuable information despite the censorship restrictions brought into force during the Great War. The reading of newspapers depended on the political viewpoint that a person adhered to. Unionists would have read the Irish Times, whereas a nationalist would have read the Freeman’s Journal or the Irish Independent.1 Local newspapers more often than not reflected the viewpoint of that of the respective national newspapers. Needless to say the nationalist newspapers had during the South Africa War 1899-1902 attacked Britain, while those of a unionist orientation supported it. The Limerick Leader had been one such nationalist newspaper2 but was singing from the same 1

The Freeman’s Journal was the newspaper of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and the Irish Independent, which was owned by William Martin Murphy supported the policy of William O’Brien and his All for Ireland League. 2 The editor of the Limerick Leader was Cornelius Cregan, who was also the secretary of the Limerick City Regiment of the Irish national Volunteers, and therefore a follower of John Redmond’s policy.

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hymn sheet as the unionist Limerick Chronicle during the First World War, and in many instances their reports were often the same word for word. This was, of course, due to the fact that the reports from the war front were scrutinised by officials in the Admiralty and the War Office. The Royal Irish Constabulary reports, which were compiled by the County Inspector, also throw some useful insights into the views and activities of organisations and people. Although they had a particular bias, as they were written for a specific audience, the fact that they were secret reports for the eyes of the Inspector General often meant that they were more factual.3 It was only during the latter stages of the war when the Volunteers went underground that the reports became more problematic. Secondary sources are used to augment and to a great extent to provide the national and international context.

3

The Inspector general provided summaries of what was important in these reports to the Chief Secretary in Dublin Castle and the Lord Lieutenant at the Vice Regal Lodge in the Phoenix Park, Dublin.

CHAPTER ONE LIMERICK AND THE BOER WAR, 1899-1902

Recruitment for the British Army during the Boer War of October 1899-May 1902 was, with the exception of those who were perceived to be loyal to the Crown (and that was according to one correspondent ‘only about two and a half per cent’), viewed with disdain by the general populace of Limerick City and County.1 The County Inspector of the Royal Irish Constabulary in his report to the Inspector General of the force in Dublin Castle said that the consensus of the middle and lower classes was very much on the side of the Boers in the war. This was, he said, influenced by the attitude of the newspapers that they read.2 However, Limerick, like many other areas of Ireland, had for years provided recruits to the British Army and because the city had a large garrison it was expected to be an easy task for the recruiting sergeant. Opposition to Britain and support for the Boers had its origins in the Land War that had erupted twenty years previously in 1879 and was to continue for thirteen years, with a war within a war, known as the ‘Plan of Campaign’ fought in between. The catalyst for this war was the foundation by Michael Davitt of the Irish National Land League in 1879.3 It had been established to fight on behalf of tenant farmers who had difficulty in paying their rents due to bad harvests, and thereby faced 1

United Irishman 24 March 1900. The author does not state where he got these figures. This newspaper was the mouthpiece of Cumann na Gaedheal and was edited by Arthur Griffith who also founded the organisation. The aims of this organisation were economic self-sufficiency and a self-governing Ireland. It wished to break the link with Great Britain. The information or articles published in this newspaper may be construed as propagandist, and therefore this figure could be viewed with some scepticism. 2 National Archives, London (hereafter NAL). (CO) Colonial Office 904/69. County Inspector’s Report, 4 January 1900. 3 Michael Davitt was a Mayo man whose family had been evicted from their homestead in 1851, and emigrated to England. He was brought up in Lancashire, and worked in a mill where he lost his right arm. Due to Fenian activities he spent time in jail, which hardened his outlook on life.

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eviction. The landlords were seen as a part of the English garrison and regarded themselves as such and thus as a barrier to the foundation of a Home Rule parliament.4 Davitt had seen this and decided to ‘make the ownership of the soil the basis of self-government’.5 He invited Parnell to become the first president of the League as a step in this direction. Parnell had taken over the leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party in 1877 and saw that in order to win support for Home Rule, it was necessary to become involved in the Land Question. He had at several meetings encouraged tenants to resist eviction; ‘You must show the landlords that you intend to keep a firm grip on your homesteads and lands’.6 Thus the attainment of Home Rule and the Land Question were allied together. Tenant farmers in County Limerick were very much involved in this war, with their militancy often bordering on violence. When the forces of ‘law and order’ attempted to serve notice of eviction on the tenants of Colonel Hare, who had an estate at New Pallas, they were met with resistance from the tenants who took over the castle at nearby Castletown, and were armed with rifles prepared to resist any attempt to eject them. In addition to this they had three bridges on the three roads leading to the castle cut to prevent artillery being brought to bear, and when the troops endeavoured to purchase food from suppliers in the neighbourhood, they were boycotted. While other areas such as Kilfinane and Kilmallock were classed as troubled spots, Ballylanders was deemed to be the worst district, where the whole population practically turned out to resist the forces of order.7 When the ‘Plan of Campaign’ was promulgated in October 1886 the first to be involved in its implementation were the tenants of The O’Grady who had an estate at Kilballyowen, County Limerick, and by August his entire household was boycotted.8 Clerical involvement was also never too far away, the Rev. William Casey, parish priest at Mountcollins, Abbeyfeale, County Limerick delivered a speech in which he encouraged the tenants to join in the campaign 4

Geary, Laurence M. The Plan of Campaign 1886-1891, (Cork, 1986), p. 142 MacDonagh, Oliver. The Modern Nations in Historical Perspective: Ireland, (New Jersey, 1968), p. 51 6 Lydon, James. The Making of Ireland: From Ancient Times to the Present, (London, 1998), p. 315 7 Bew, Paul. Land and the National Question in Ireland 1858-1882, (Dublin, 1978), pp 167 & 170 8 Geary, Laurence M. The Plan of Campaign 1886-1891, (Cork, 1986), pp. 2, 59 & 103. The Plan of Campaign was the second phase of the land war and was spawned by economic difficulties. The tenants withheld rents and combined on specific estates in order to pressurise landlords into granting abatements. 5

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3

I don’t care who the landlord is, no matter what sort he is, if he was an angel from heaven he is a bad man provided he is a landlord. Well, some of you may say we have a little bit of cheap land here. I can tell you it is not a bit too cheap at all. It is worth nothing at all whatever and if you get a thousand acres of it for half a farthing I say join the Plan of Campaign and ask a reduction of fifty per cent.9

The Land Act of 1881 was a development of this war and was passed into law by Gladstone after he returned to power following the general election of 1880. Gladstone set about trying to pacify Ireland by coming to an accommodation with nationalists; in so doing he introduced two Home Rule Bills in 1886 and 1893, both of which were defeated in the House of Lords, a bastion of conservative domination. Gladstone had tempered conciliation with coercion and had Parnell with other leaders arrested, however, an agreement was arrived with Parnell while he was incarcerated in Kilmainham Jail, which was to cement an alliance with the Liberal Party. On his release from jail Parnell had the Land League, which had been suppressed, replaced by the Irish National League under his control and focused solely on the achievement of Home Rule. Parnell’s leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party was seriously questioned when his affair with Mrs. Katherine O’Shea became public. Parnell refused to resign after Gladstone intimated that Liberal Party cooperation with the Irish Parliamentary Party would not continue unless he did so. A meeting of the party in what became known as Committee Room 15 in the House of Commons in December 1890 resulted in a spilt as to whether Parnell was more important than the cause of Home Rule. It resulted in forty-four members withdrawing their support for Parnell and retaining the alliance with the Liberals, and twenty-seven siding with Parnell. It was to be ten years before a fragmented party was re-unified under the chairmanship of John Redmond, with the leader of the antiParnellites, John Dillon, becoming his deputy. The elections that followed the split saw the Parnellites losing heavily to the anti-Parnellites, in Limerick this was manifested in the elections of 1892 and 1895 in the city and county constituencies.10 Some normality in the struggle for home rule returned with the reunification of two of the opposing sides in 1900, both deciding that their mutual interest, the struggle for home rule would be best served by so doing. Opposition to Britain and her recruiting policy during the Boer 9

Quoted in Geary, Plan of Campaign 1886-1891, p. 29 Walker, Brian M. Parliamentary Election Results In Ireland 1801-1922, (Dublin, 1978), pp 360-361 10

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War also assisted this, after all the Boers were also endeavouring to achieve independence. There had been an attempt to thwart the efforts of the nationalists in their quest for home rule by the Conservative Government, which had come to power in 1886. They had instituted a series of policies that were designed to ‘kill home rule with kindness’, indicating that self-rule was not necessary. One of these policies was the Local Government Act of 1898 whereby the power of the Protestant ascendancy, which had been wielded through the grand juries, was now transferred to the newly formed County Councils set up under the act.11 The provisions of this act also applied to councils already in existence such as Limerick Corporation. While the 1898 act gave power to nationalists at a local level it was not a substitute for self-rule, this was made clear by Anthony Mackey, a nationalist councillor at the first meeting of the Limerick County Council on 22 April 1899 when he stated that Whilst undertaking to carry on the business of the county government after a just and equitable manner, we deem it imperative to convey from this assembly that nothing short of legislative independence can or ever will satisfy the national aspirations of our people.12

This therefore was the backdrop to the opposition of the Boer War and attaining home rule for Ireland.

Nationalist Opposition Limerick had become very nationalist in its outlook especially towards the latter part of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. That this was so became evident with the election of an ex-Fenian prisoner a member of Limerick Corporation as Mayor of the city, Alderman John Daly for three consecutive years, 1899, 1900 and 190113 and also the election of Alderman Michael Joyce of the Irish Parliamentary Party as a representative for the people of the city at the House of Commons in the General Election of 1900.14 He defeated the Unionist candidate F.E. 11

This was similar to the Local Government Act passed by the conservatives in 1888 in Britain. 12 Ferriter, Diarmaid. Cuimhnigh ar Luimneach: A History of Limerick County Council 1898-1998, (Limerick, 1998), pp 18-19. 13 Leonard, Denis M ‘Provosts and Mayors of Limerick 1197-1997’, in David Lee ed. Remembering Limerick, (Limerick.1997), p. 383. 14 Walker, Brian M. Parliamentary Election Results 1801-1922 ed. (Dublin, 1978), p. 36. NAL. CO 904/71. County Inspector's Report, 3 November 1900. It

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Kearney, LLD, by 2,521 to 474 votes.15 Kearney was to receive a commission with the rank of Captain and appointed to the position of recruiting officer for the counties of Limerick and Clare during World War One.16 Alderman John Daly, who had been selected as a Parnellite Nationalist candidate to contest the general election for Limerick City in 1895, but had been disqualified,17 had again been selected at a meeting held on Sunday 23 September 1900 to contest the general election to be held that year. However, because he intimated that he would not take the oath of allegiance it was feared that he would be again disqualified, and if a Tory candidate decided to contest the seat he would be declared the member for Limerick.18 It was therefore decided by the United Irish League19 that Alderman Michael Joyce would contest the seat. William Lundon20 and P. J. O’Shaughnessy,21 also of the same party, had been elected as MPs for East and West Limerick respectively. An editorial in the local nationalist paper summed up the situation adequately by stating that should Daly accomplish being elected 'it will be simply a protest against Parliamentarianism'.22 The paradox here being that although Daly was anti-parliament, he was using constitutional politics to register his opposition to it. seems he threatened to withdraw from that position shortly after because he had insufficient means to support him. 15 Limerick Chronicle (hereafter L.C.) 6 Oct 1900. This newspaper informed its readers that there were 46 spoilt votes and that 3,033 electors voted. However if these statistics are all added together the total is 3,041, a difference of eight votes. Incidentally there were 5,297 electors entitled to vote, therefore 2,264 did not vote. 16 Freeman’s Journal (hereafter F.J.) 2 June 1915. 17 Walker. p. 360. 18 Limerick Leader (hereafter L.L.) 24 September 1900. 19 Hepburn, A C. Ireland 1905-25 Volume 2, (Co Down, 1998), p. 50. The United Irish League was founded in 1898 by William O’Brien (1852-1928) an antiParnellite MP. It provided a platform for the reunification in 1900 of the Irish Parliamentary Party under the chairmanship of John Redmond (1856-1918). NAL. CO 904/73. County Inspector’s Report, 4 July 1901 stated that there were some fifty seven branches of the United Irish League throughout the county. On 4 November just four months later the same Inspector reported that there were seventy branches of the organisation in the county with two in the city. 20 Walker. p. 361. William Lundon, was elected a Member of Parliament in the General Election of 1900 without any opposition. He died in 1909, his son Thomas then won the seat in a By-election beating John Molony, Independent Nationalist, by 2,664 to 1686 votes. 21 ibid. pp. 361-362. P.J. O’Shaughnessy was elected a Member of Parliament in the General Election of 1900 without any opposition. 22 L.L. 24 September 1900.

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The latter were popular with their constituents, and made pronouncements against Irishmen participating with Britain in their fight against the Boer; Lundon stated that ‘the Irish militiaman was, to his mind, on a level with the soldier of the line as an instrument of English brutality and despotism. The militiaman corrupted all around him and was a more dangerous recruiting sergeant than the man with the ribbons’.23 Later, to a large public meeting held at Kilfinane, he exclaimed that out of every 100 people in Ireland, 99 supported the Boer cause because they were not only fighting for their families and homes but also for their independence. When asked about adopting the same tactics as the Boers by taking up arms against the British in the cause of Irish independence, he was of the opinion that this would be a fruitless exercise, as the means of accomplishing this were not available. They must, he insisted, win back the rights of the Irish people by constitutional means as it was the only practical solution. O’Shaughnessy was of the opinion that it would be ‘a calamity to our country if the men of Sarsfield’s county disgraced us by volunteering to do the Saxon’s dirty work in plundering the homes and starving the women and children of the gallant burghers of South Africa’.24 Daly and Joyce were much more outspoken in their condemnation of Britain with her aggressive war of annexation towards the Transvaal and Orange Free State Republics. Daly was from the physical force tradition and Joyce from the constitutional, but both had no difficulty in identifying with the cause of the Boers in their fight against the might of the British Empire for their independence, just as Ireland was endeavouring to do.25 That is where the similarity ended. Daly was on a visit to the United States of America during the early months of 1901 and while he was addressing meetings in Chicago, New York and Boston had condemned the Irish Parliamentary Party as traitors, for which he found himself in trouble when he arrived home.26 He, of course, refuted this in an interview with a representative from one of the local newspapers, stating that what he said ‘was that there was a general feeling in the minds of the Irish that any man who swears allegiance to England is a traitor to Ireland that this might not be everybody’s opinion but the opinion of the majority’.27 However, during the selection process to represent Limerick in parliament he again referred to those who on election went ‘to England and took the oath of allegiance, was he not a 23

ibid. 30 January 1901. ibid. 27 May 1901 25 Rees, R. Ireland 1905-1925 Volume I, (County Down, 1998), p. 78. 26 NAL. CO 904/72. County Inspector’s Report, 4 April 1901. 27 L.L. 29 March 1901. 24

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member of the English Government and a traitor to Ireland’.28 He had, as far back as 17 April 1876 when Isaac Butt came to Limerick to address his constituents, become embroiled in controversy.29 The Irish Republican Brotherhood of which he was a member designated Daly to break up the constitutional movement. He attempted to prevent the meeting by taking possession of the platform with his supporters, but was removed by Home Rulers. The day previous to this he was instrumental in having the walls of the city plastered with placards proclaiming that 'The Nationalists of Limerick have resolved to prevent the demonstration from assuming a Home Rule aspect, by every means in their power'.30 Mayor Daly attended a meeting in Dublin, which comprised a minority of that city’s Corporation31 as well as others, called to oppose an address being given to Queen Victoria on her visit to Ireland, on 4 April 1900.32 This was viewed as having ‘been organised to stimulate Irish recruiting which it was asserted, had been badly hit by the general unpopularity of the war in Ireland and the anti-recruiting campaign’.33 On his return to Limerick he reported to the Corporation there on the proceedings that had taken place, saying that ‘if the Queen had come to … grant Home Rule she would be welcome, but not on political visits’ like that which had taken place.34 At another meeting of the Corporation he 'used most insulting language to the Queen'.35 He also attempted to stop the workers of the Cleeves’ factory going on a trip to Dublin for the Queen’s visit. However, this did not succeed, but a rick of hay belonging to Cleeves was burned in South Tipperary, which was attributed to Pro-Boer extremists in revenge for the visit. This action was alleged to have been organised and financed from Limerick.36 The Inspector General of the Royal Irish Constabulary 28

ibid. 24 September 1900. Walker. pp 114, 117 &122. L.L. 25 Aug 1902. Isaac Butt had been elected to represent the city of Limerick in parliament as a result of a By-Election held on 20 Sept 1871 following the death of Francis William Russell. He was again returned in the General Election of 1874 until his death in 1879. He had been conferred as an Honorary Freeman of Limerick on 1 January 1877. 30 MacDonagh, Michael. The Home Rule Movement, (Dublin, 1920), pp 112-113. 31 Cork Examiner (hereafter C.E.) 23 March 1900. 32 L.L. 23 March 1900. Levenson, Samuel. Maud Gonne (London. 1977) p. 168. 33 Jeffery, Keith. ‘The Irish military tradition and the British Empire’ in Keith Jeffery ed. An Irish Empire’? Aspects of Ireland and the British Empire, (Manchester, 1996) p. 96. 34 C.E. 23 March 1900. 35 NAL. CO 904/70. County Inspector's Report 2 April 1900. 36 ibid. CO 904/70. Inspector General's Report April 1900 and County Inspector’s Report 4 May 1900. 29

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summed up the establishment’s attitude toward Daly, when he referred to him as A licensed convict who owes his freedom to the clemency of the Crown, has stirred up and keeps inflamed the worst possible spirit of disloyalty and sedition amongst the low class of extremists who are unfortunately 37 numerous in Limerick, and entirely under Daly’s influence.

Joyce on the other hand, made speeches both outside and inside parliament that alluded to anti-recruiting sentiment. At a meeting in Manchester, to celebrate St. Patrick’s Day, he said that ‘he had no desire to be anything else than a soldier of Ireland. He had no ambition than to take his place with the fighting line of the Irish Army, whenever the fight for the old land takes place’.38 In the House of Commons he opposed the granting of £100,000 to Lord Roberts saying that the war was not a just one and was being imposed ‘on a free people whose crime is that they have gold mines which you (British) want to rob them of’, and with the ‘blood money granted at the price of the bloodshed and misery entailed on South Africa’.39 He further stated that while ‘they were asked to vote this large sum to Lord Roberts … there was nothing asked for the soldiers who fought your battles’.40 While these statements do not specifically refer to anti-recruitment directly, the implication is present. He also participated, as did the two other MPs for Limerick, William Lundon and P. J. O’Shaughnessy,41 with other Irish nationalist MPs in rising from their seats in the House of Commons on 10 March 1902. This was to cheer the news that the Boers had not only ambushed and beaten General Lord Methuen, but also had captured him in what was to be the last Boer victory of the war.42 Joyce may have been cautious in his references to recruitment when he made speeches in England; such was not the case when he spoke back in Ireland. Recruiting sergeants were seen as the 37

ibid. CO 904/70. L.L.18 March 1901. 39 ibid. 12 August 1901. 40 L.L. 12 August 1901 and Kitchen, Martin. The British Empire and Commonwealth, (Hampshire, 1996), p. 41. Field Marshal Lord Roberts VC, was a veteran of the Indian Mutiny, and had been Commander in Chief in India before taking up the same position in South Africa. He relieved Mafeking, an event celebrated throughout England. It was thought that with this result the war would soon be over, therefore on his return to England he was feted as a conquering hero. This was the reason for the grant of £100,000. 41 Irish Daily Independent and Nation 11 March & 17 March 1902. 42 Magnus, Philip. King Edward VII, (Middlesex, 1975), p. 375. 38

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backbone of enlistment for the British army and an institution in every military barracks.43 It was therefore necessary to denigrate them at every possible moment, and whenever the opportunity arose. Joyce set about this at meetings that he addressed. At a meeting held under the auspices of the United Irish League he was more forthright in opposition to recruitment. He said that the recruiting sergeant should be shunned like one would do with the devil and that if men wanted to fight against England they should join McBride's Irish Brigade, as they could not fight the English at home.44 At a meeting in Patrickswell, County Limerick, he said that the recruiting sergeant should be told to go to the devil and that the army the men of Ireland would join would be the United Irish League Army and England should fight her own battles.45 Joyce seems to have had a fixation about the recruiting sergeant and the devil, the implication being that they were one and the same, although one might ask whether or not the devil would have been recognised if he had come amongst them?

Clerical Opposition Priests were often used to discourage enlistment and the prospect of having one’s soul damned for all time may have had a bearing on this. The Irish Parliamentary Party, although it was campaigning against recruitment, had at this time some misgivings about clerical interference in political matters; its newspaper United Ireland stated that ‘Catholic Clergymen are using their influence as clergymen not as citizens to intimidate and frighten the people’.46 Certain members of the Catholic clergy with strong nationalist tendencies took advantage of this situation. One such clergyman was the Rev. P. F. Kavanagh, the historian of the 1798 rebellion, who was not only a Franciscan priest attached to the Friary at Lower Henry Street, but was also the President of the Limerick Young Ireland Society.47 He classified himself as an advanced nationalist, which he understood to mean ‘one who looked forward to the independence of his own country as a complete and sovereign cure for the ills, which arose from slavery in any shape or form, and view it how they might, subjection

43

C.E. 18 Jan 1900. L.L. 14 January 1901. 45 L.C. 22 October 1901. 46 Boyce, D. George. Nationalism in Ireland, (Dublin, 1982), p. 259. 47 The Young Ireland Societies were the youth branches of the United Irish League, although the Limetick Leader of 21 January 1901 refers to the Limerick Young Ireland Society as a branch of Cumann na nGaedheal. 44

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to a foreign power was slavery’.48 His form of independence for Ireland was of course Home Rule within the empire, and did not believe in the use of physical force as a means of attaining it, which was not that of those who professed to be advanced Nationalists later on.49 In a letter published in one of the local newspapers he said that war was never just unless the cause of it was just also and that those who participated in such a conflict knowing that it was not just were guilty of sin and if they remained so without having repented before they died they would suffer eternal damnation. This, he went on to state, was the doctrine of the Catholic Church, but it would not prevent those who were members of other denominations from joining. Recruiting sergeants were seen as belonging to the latter and were ‘making desperate efforts to entrap young Irishmen into its (British Army) depleted ranks’.50 They were therefore the cause of the destruction of houses and the harassment of women and children not to mention persons of a weaker disposition. This was not the first time that he had been embroiled in such controversy. In a reply to an invitation that he had received from the High Sheriff of Limerick to attend a meeting to draft a message of welcome to Queen Victoria, he sent a copy of a letter to the Cork Examiner, which he had previously sent to the High Sheriff. He said that as an Irish nationalist this in itself would be sufficient for him not to attend. As a long reigning monarch of forty years (in fact it was 63 years by 1900), he continued, the Queen had never visited the country, and neither had she shown any interest in how it was progressing. The purpose of her visit was the furtherance of recruitment of Irishmen into the British army. However, he said that although Irishmen had in the past been manifestly ignorant they were quickly learning that men of the Christian faith should only engage in fighting for the ‘defence of their own country and never in an unjust war’. While there were those who were apt to quote chapter and verse from the bible in defence of this war, he observed that the Fifth Commandment of the Decalogue states ‘Thou shalt not kill’, and that in the war which was underway was not only unjust it was mass murder.51 The Bishop of Limerick, Dr. Edward O’Dwyer, made what could be construed as anti-recruiting remarks when he held that those who stood to gain from the war were responsible for the death of Irishmen in the field of battle and thereby brought immense sorrow to many an Irish parent. They were also responsible for the vast array of wrongdoings that permeated the 48

L.L. 26 May 1902. ibid. 18 June 1902 & 23 Dec 1901. 50 ibid. 20 November 1901. 51 C.E. 23 March 1900. 49

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countryside i.e., destruction and devastation not only of the countryside but also of the labour and industry of generations.52 It was also reported that he took issue with the editor of The Tablet, an English Catholic newspaper, for printing a story from an officer who had returned from South Africa. This story related to a Boer, who having fought bravely until he was outnumbered by his enemy, the British, surrendered and threw himself at their mercy only to be bayoneted to death. The Bishop asked with forthright justification 'what more right had an English soldier to insult and murder that single unarmed Boer who surrendered than De La Rey53 would have to put a bullet through the brain of one of the officers of the Northumberland Regiment who surrendered…?’ Further stating that 'if the Boer leaders adopted the course of shooting down all the prisoners they captured, Kitchener's demand for more men would be twice as pressing as it is'.54 Allegations were also made in the United Irishman that Lord Monteagle was contemplating the discharge of some of the men working for him in order that they would then be forced to enlist in the British army. This was refuted not by Lord Monteagle, but by his steward who said that Monteagle did not want to dispense with anyone, ‘no thought, expression, or act of his ever betrayed any such sentiment … every man in his employment can proclaim aloud his political convictions as well as his lordship himself, and with equal impunity’.55 Some people went to extremes in their attitudes to Britain and the war. At the petty sessions court in the city, Johanna Singleton had William Riordan before the Magistrates for assault. When dogs attacked her cat she chased them off, and he took issue with her over this saying ‘the devil sweep the English’ while she retorted ‘down with the Boers’ – apparently one of the dogs was named ‘Kruger’. In a case before the petty sessions court at Patrickswell a member of Crecora United Irish League Branch was charged with assaulting two men and a woman at a public house in the village because one of the visitors said ‘Rule Britannia’. When questioned about its meaning he said that he would say it before the world if England won any battles in South Africa, and that he would continue to say it as long as he lived. However, there were those who did not appreciate this expression, hence the altercation.56

52

L. C. 19 February 1901. De La Rey was a Boer commander. 54 L.L. 7 January 1901. 55 ibid. 21 February 1900. 56 ibid. 27 Feb 1901 & 2 Aug 1901. 53

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Praising the Boers Before the war commenced a resolution was passed by the Dock Ward Electoral Association expressing sympathy with the Boers and condemning other organisations for not expressing ‘their sympathy with the plucky Boer farmers in their fight against the English…and to express a hope that if a war is forced, it may end in another Majuba Hill’.57 The Limerick Corporation adopted this resolution word for word;58 we should, however, not be surprised at this, as some of the members of the former organisation were members of the Corporation. The Board of Guardians of Rathkeale, County Limerick, on receipt of the resolution from the Corporation adopted it also59 as did many other local authorities.60 The news of the passing of this resolution by the Corporation was received by at least one Limerick Non Commissioned Officer serving in South Africa with anger. Writing to relatives, he bitterly resented the action of the Mayor and Corporation in passing resolutions favourable to the Boers. He was of the opinion that a deputation should proceed and speak to that body in an effort to have such resolutions stopped. They would he believed not only have a serious effect on Irishmen serving in the British army but also on those who were working in the Cape Colony.61 Limerick Corporation went further than just passing resolutions favouring the Boers: it conferred the Freedom of the City on Paul Kruger, who was the President of the South African Republics, by 22 votes to 2 against on 13 December 1900.62 A motion to confer the Freedom of the City on three Boer Generals namely de Wet, Botha, and De La Rey and ex-President Steyn was passed amidst applause, Alderman Michael Joyce, MP, saying that 'in Limerick they were the descendants of the men and women who fought with bravery as did the Boers, and repulsed the Dutch from the city walls as did the Boers repulse the British in South Africa, and if for no other reason they should be honoured for that'.63 He, of course, neglected to inform those present that the Boers were descended from the Dutch. Similarly, a motion to confer the Freedom of the City on another Boer leader, Captain O’Donnell, who was described as not only 57

ibid. 4 September 1899. Majuba Hill was where the Boers had defeated the British Army during the first South African War 1880-1881. 58 ibid.11 September 1899. 59 ibid. 29 September 1899. 60 McCracken, Donal P. MacBride’s Brigade, (Dublin, 1998), p. 72. 61 C.E. 12 December 1899. 62 ibid. 14 December 1900. 63 ibid. 5 September 1902.

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being an Irishman but also a Limerick man, was unanimously adopted by the Corporation.64

Letters from the Front During the war some letters from Irish soldiers sent home to their families or friends relating their experiences at the front were published in the local newspapers. In writing these letters the soldiers may not have intended or have had any idea that they were going to be published, but they were. These letters were from soldiers who were in the regular army before the war commenced or who were in the reserve,65 and were called up when the war commenced. Although used to tough conditions, they apparently did not expect the conditions they had to endure when they arrived in South Africa. One soldier stated that he had left a good job to join up and was fed up with what he termed being knocked about. He hoped that the war would soon end as he and his comrades were short of money and were not issued with any new uniforms until the uniform that they were wearing literally fell off their backs. Also, as he had not received any pay for five months he could not afford the postage stamp to send the letter. However, he felt that a soldier must grin and bear such things in wartime. In ending his letter he hoped that the Boers would win the war so that they could go home. Another letter from a soldier to his mother complained that with all the work of digging trenches etc, they seldom had time to themselves. Their food was bad without any nutrition and he then described what was on the menu: 1 pint of tea, without milk, 3½ biscuits for 24 hours and 1 lb of either tinned or fresh meat. That’s the menu day after day. Sometimes we don’t even get that. We get ½ flour and ½ biscuits, make your own cake how you like with water-the result is the men are run down; they are as weak as boys of 12 years of age.66

The names appended to the end of these letters were Tom and Bob, possibly nom de plumes for fear of being severely reprimanded for having them published. This may be contrasted with letters published from James Rahilly, Ballysheedy, County Limerick, who did not have any 64

ibid. 3 October 1902. A reservist in the army was one who had spent time as a regular soldier and on discharge was sent to the reserve for a time ready to be called upon in the event of a war commencing. 66 L. L. 31 October 1900. 65

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difficulty in giving his full name and address, possibly due to the content of the letters. Writing to his wife he said that while they were exposed to the cold travelling from Durban to Pietermaritzburg in open trucks by train, they were nicely catered for when they arrived at their destination. They were greatly welcomed into their camp and met some Limerick men with whom they had a high time. He stated that the newspapers at home were responsible for a lot of misinformation. They got a great reception wherever they went and that the blacks who worked for the British had nothing but good things to say about the soldiers. In another letter he wrote that the Boers threw quite a number of dead soldiers into a mass grave as well as a wounded Dublin Fusilier.67 We do not know what effect these letters had but any intending recruit reading them would almost certainly think twice before enlisting. While those opposed to recruiting took credit for its decline, it was stated that throughout Great Britain and Ireland there was a general reduction in men joining the infantry anyway.68 This, it was alleged was due to recruits enlisting in other corps notably ‘the more showy and attractive arms of the service, such as the cavalry and artillery’.69 The health of those who presented themselves at recruiting offices was another factor that contributed to the decline: ‘The very serious number of rejections, owing to defective teeth among recruits offering for enlistment cannot be ignored. Among the class of men from which recruits are drawn the deterioration of teeth appears to be rapidly increasing’.70 Because it was from the working class that the majority of recruits came and would continue to come, there was some concern for the future if this declining physique was to persist.71 In fact it was rare find a good set of teeth from recruits, with the exception of those who came from an agricultural background.72 A decision was therefore made that those desiring to enlist wearing dentures should not be rejected for this alone, and a dentist had been obtained in one area to reduce the loss.73

67

L.C. 4 January 1900. He was a sergeant (reservist) in the Connaught Rangers. Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1900 Cd 519 Volume IX, (London, 1901), p. 323 69 ibid. p. 305. 70 ibid. p. 165. 71 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1902 Cd 1417 Volume XI, Part 1, (London, 1903), p. 20. 72 C.E. 28 October 1899. 73 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1900 Cd 519 Volume IX, (London, 1901), p. 165. 68

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A correspondent writing in a local newspaper reported that army medical officers could obtain specific dental guidance when it was required adding that if the results were good the army authorities could state on their recruiting literature ‘Extraction free of charge. Fresh sets supplied by the Government’. However, the point was raised whether, when soldiers were discharged, they would have to return the dentures as part of their kit.74 The Director General of the Army Medical Service made some scathing remarks on the physical unfitness of men endeavouring to join the army. He said that for every five men who presented themselves at the recruiting office, only two were passed fit to enlist. This, he said, was as a result of poverty, which he defined in two parts, Primary and Secondary, taking the definitions from a paper read by. B. S Rowntree to the British Medical Association, and which he (the Director General) agreed with. Primary poverty was the condition that existed when the gross earnings are not sufficient to realise the minimum basic necessities for the maintenance of self and family. Secondary poverty was 'when earnings would be sufficient if some part of them were not wasted'.75 The rate that the soldier was to get as far as pay was concerned was one shilling a day, which was given to him on enlisting. However, after stoppages were deducted for breakages and other expenses, the soldier would not have a full seven shillings in his pocket at the end of the week. It became a matter of contention that ‘what some people call the ‘gentlemen soldiers’ received 5s a day, while poor ‘Tommy’ had to be content with his shilling, and he did not always get that’.76 Thus it was stated that unless the government did something to address this situation ‘the men from whom the ranks must be recruited are not likely to be impressed with 20th century treatment of the soldier, nor while things are as they are, is there likely to be much of a rush to take the King’s shilling’.77 Efforts were being made just before the end of the war to ensure that ‘Tommy’ would get his pay, ‘free of all deductions’ and ‘that the complete shilling will find its way into the pocket of the soldier’. In addition to this there was to be the inducement of an extra 6d a day good

74

L.C. 4 July 1899. Memorandum by the Director -General, Army Medical Service, on the physical unfitness of men offering themselves for enlistment in the army Cd 1501Volume XXXVIII, (London, 1903), pp 921 & 923. 76 L.C. 13 March 1902. 77 ibid. 29 June 1901. 75

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conduct pay for men of two years who decide to stay with the colours for a further six years. 78 Young men desiring to join the army were often prevented by their parents from doing so79 because it was felt that only the layabouts and corner boys with nothing else to do did this, just like Tommy Atkins in Rudyard Kipling’s poem of the same name; I went into a theatre as sober as could be, They gave a drunk civilian room, but and’t none for me; They sent me to the gallery or round the music ’alls, But when it comes to fightin’ Lord! they’ll shove me in the stalls! For it’s Tommy this, an’ Tommy that, an’ ‘Tommy, wait outside’; But it’s ‘Special train for Atkins’ when The trooper’s on the tide, The troopship’s on the tide, my boys, the troopship’s on the tide, O it’s ‘Special train for Atkins’ when the trooper’s on the tide.80

The respectable mother of Field Marshal William Robertson epitomised this attitude most strongly when he enlisted as a Lancer in 1877. She stated that ‘the army is a refuge for all idle people; I shall name it to no one for I am ashamed to think of it. I would rather bury you than see you in a red coat’.81 While this was an English mother expressing an opinion about her son enlisting in the British Army, it was also the view of many Irish mothers. The Croom Board of Guardians was not particularly enthusiastic when an invalided soldier, Thomas Walsh of the Royal Munster Fusiliers, from Ballingarry, Co. Limerick, was brought to the Croom Workhouse from Netley Hospital, England, as it meant additional costs to the ratepayers. The way in which this person was treated, according to a member W. Moloney, was further ‘evidence of British misrule in Ireland’.82 Members of the Limerick Board of Guardians also expressed anger at the fact that a discharged pensioner, P. McNamara, was sent from the Royal Hospital, Chelsea, London, to the Limerick Workhouse. Although he was in receipt of a full pension, in accordance with regulations the Guardians sought more for the maintenance of his 78

ibid. 13 March 1902. Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1900. Cd 519 Volume IX, (London, 1901), p. 324. 80 Kipling, Rudyard. Barrack Room Ballads Volume I, (London, 1914), p. 7. 81 Smithers, A.J. The Fighting Nation, (London, 1994), p. 64. William Robertson was the only man at the time to have enlisted as a private and to have risen to Field Marshal, the highest position attainable in the British Army. 82 L.L. 24 August 1900. 79

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keep in the workhouse. When it was refused, one member, Mr. O’Regan, voiced the opinion that ‘it shows the generosity of the English Government in dealing with the unfortunate Irish soldiers who helped to build up the Empire’. He exclaimed further that it showed how the English Government treat the Irish soldiers. They were good enough as long as they were able to fire a rifle or burn down a house, and while they served to hide the British soldiers when fighting innocent people. However, when they became disabled they were only good enough to be let die in the workhouse; therefore this should be a warning to Irishmen against taking the ‘shilling’.83

Recruiting With such strong pro-Boer feeling prevalent in the city and county, did the British Army obtain any recruits in Limerick? Certainly, the army had suffered greatly at the hands of the Boers in December 1899. A succession of defeats took place during what became known as Black Week and this had a tremendous effect on British public opinion. That a trained army of the “finest soldiers” could be beaten by what was termed ‘a collection of Afrikaner farmers [Boers], who seemed to have stepped straight out of the Old Testament’84 and who were estimated to be between 45,000 to 50,000 men in number.85 To put it more succinctly ‘the great English people has been held in check by a handful of farmers …’86 Reservists in the Limerick area were called up and this was estimated to be about 500 men who were reporting for duty to their regiments. The majority of these men belonged to the regiment associated with the area, the Royal Munster Fusiliers, who were despatched to their depot at Tralee, and thence to South Africa.87 As they were reservists they had been out of training for some time and some had married. This resulted in pathetic scenes when the men were departing, with wives and children crying profusely and the men in a distressed condition. Because

83

ibid. 30 January 1901. Carver, Field Marshal Lord. The Boer War, (London, 2000), p. 1. 85 Kitchen, Martin. The British Empire and Commonwealth, (London, 1996), p. 41. Although Corelli Barnett in his book Britain and Her Army 1509-1970, (London), p. 338 estimates the number as that of ‘some 50,000 well armed infantry …’ 86 Dixon, Norman F. On The Psychology of Military Incompetence, (London, 1976), p. 81. 87 C.E. 20 November 1899. 84

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of this the departure of the ship was brought forward sooner than scheduled.88 In order to release regular soldiers from garrison duties at home and abroad Militia battalions were embodied. One such battalion was the Limerick County Militia or as it was popularly known the 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers, which had its headquarters at the Strand Barracks, Limerick. It saw service in England and Malta. Another battalion was the Limerick City Artillery (Limerick City Militia), who mustered 300 men out of a total of strength of 576. The reasons given for such a low turnout were that the men had been called up two months before they normally were, and that they would be sent to South Africa on active service in connection with the war. Some of those departing cheered the South African President, Paul Kruger, which elicited hostile comments from others.89 Despite these organisational changes there still were not enough soldiers to fight in South Africa. An appeal was also issued by Queen Victoria for ex-servicemen such as officers, non-commissioned officers (NCOs) and men to re-enlist at home for one year to replace those who went to South Africa. To encourage this, it was stipulated that from the time that this appeal was to be made public, so that from 17 February 1900 to 10 June 1900, the closing date, a bounty of £12 was paid to those who re-enlisted. There was also the guarantee that a further £10 would be paid on their discharge. This had the magical effect of attracting 24,130 ex-servicemen back to the colours;90 all of them it seems were accepted. While these statistics are general and relate to Great Britain and Ireland, it may be reasonably stated that quite a number of them came from Limerick City and County. Later on it was decided that in order to bolster the intake of ex-servicemen who wanted to re-join the army, and provided that the recruiting regulations were adhered to, any time served could be added to time previously served. This would have improved their good conduct pay and pension prospects; it was of course conditional on the men declaring any previous service on re-enlistment.91 We are not informed of how many availed of this offer. However, these added bonuses were sure to have attracted those who did not avail of the previous allowances. Other inducements were either increased or introduced to urge men to enlist, the rates of 88

ibid. 27 November 1899. ibid. 7 May 1900. 90 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1900. Cd 519 Volume IX, (London, 1901), p. 302. 91 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1902. Cd 1417 Volume XI, 1 (London, 1903), p. 6. 89

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Separation Allowances were increased and soldiers disabled as a result of the war were to be allowed after release from hospital to proceed to a convalescent home to recuperate, their stay there to be taken as that of being on holiday. They were also permitted to receive provision and messing payments. The height requirement was reduced by ½ an inch for men applying to join the infantry regiments; it was previously 5 foot 3½ inches, it was also reduced for other corps such as the artillery and cavalry.92 Reporters who inquired about how this reduction in height affected recruitment were informed that men were ‘coming in by the bucketloads’.93 The terms of service were also changed so that those enlisting could opt for short or long service. Men could serve for a total of 12 years straight through as an enlisted soldier, or had the option of serving 7 years and 5 years in the reserve, or 3 years and 9 years in the reserve. If they wished otherwise they could serve for just a year or for the duration of the war if it lasted longer.94 There were, however, those who found themselves trapped by not being able to purchase their discharge from the army, as had been the practice before the war commenced. This privilege was suspended for the duration of the war. Men who had applied for discharge at the commencement of their service, which was during their first three months, had their applications registered, and at the end of the war if they then wished to proceed could do so for the sum of £10.95 There was unwillingness on the part of the Militiamen to join the regular army because it was more beneficial for them to remain ensconced where they were, due to the grants payable to them on disembodiment. The men of the 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers benefited from this for it was stated that ‘the Government behaved well…giving them a good round sum on their return home’.96 If they had enlisted in the regular army they would not be entitled to this payment, this matter was promptly rectified.97 It can be clearly seen from the above that the efforts to persuade men to enlist or re-enlist were mainly of a financial nature, and no reference was made to patriotic duty 92

Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1900. Cd 519 Volume IX, (London, 1901), pp 303 & 307. 93 C.E. 22 February 1900. 94 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1901 Cd 962 Volume X, (London, 1902), p. 162. 95 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1900 Cd 519 Volume IX, (London, 1901), p.166. 96 Gloster, George Lieutenant Colonel. The Embodiment of the Limerick County Militia from 10th May 1900 to 9th October 1901, (Limerick, 1903), p. 33. 97 ibid. p. 303.

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or to any ideological differences that may have existed between the countries at war. Necessity was the mother of change; the reality of the reduction in recruiting brought into perspective that changes had to be made by those in charge of the military who would not otherwise have contemplated such change. This did not, of course, mean that all of those who joined did so for monetary reward; evidently there were men who volunteered either for jingoistic purposes or for mere adventure like some who were classed as ‘Gentlemen’ and who were affiliated to the County Limerick Hunt Club, such as Mr. William Gabbett, Mount Rivers; Mr. Gerard Howley, Rich Hill; Mr. John Ryan, son of General Ryan, Scarteen and Mr. Joseph Phelps, Waterpark. They were destined for service with the Volunteer Yeomanry force,98 as also was Captain Harrison, who was master of the Limerick Foxhounds and had been given a command in the force.99 There was also likelihood that some enlisted in order to assert their freedom and escape the claustrophobic miasma that embodied the spirit of cultural exclusiveness, and came to share the belief boldly stated by James Joyce 'I came to the conclusion that to stay in Ireland would be to rot, and I never had any intention of rotting, or at least if I had to, I intended to rot in my own way'. 100 The fact that there were many Irishmen, estimated circa 30,000, in the British Army fighting against the Boers meant that there must be others who could be encouraged to enlist.101 A recruiting drive was initiated in Ireland in an effort to bolster the intake of men into the Irish regiments. It had been maintained that the Dublin and Munster Fusiliers were not as Irish as they were made out to be because, due to the lack of recruitment in Ireland, they ‘have to be made up by a large mixture of English cockneys’.102 While there may be an element of truth in this insofar as it was ascertained that there were difficulties reported in procuring NCOs for the Irish regiments without resorting to inducting men from England,103 it is not completely correct. The fact was that not all the men 98

L.C. 4 January 1900. C.E. 23 December 1899. 100 Quoted in Bowen, Desmond and Jean. ‘Heroic Option: The Irish and the British Army’ in the Journal of the Royal Munster Fusiliers Association, (Limerick, 2000), p. 10. 101 Fitzpatrick, David, ‘Militarism in Ireland, 1900-1922’ in Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery. A Military History of Ireland, (Cambridge, 1996), p. 380. 102 Levenson, Samuel. Maud Gonne, (London, 1977), p. 152. 103 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1901. Cd 962 Volume X, (London, 1902), p. 159. 99

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who joined up enlisted in the regiment of the district where they came from. Between 1899 and 1902 some 1,139 men joined other regiments.104 These would have come from other Irish regiments as well as English, Welsh and Scottish regiments. Recruiting in Limerick had not apparently reached the expectations of army staff as recruiting sergeants had been out in the county to such places as Kilmallock, Rathkeale, and Newcastle West where it was reported that only a small number was obtained and that in Abbeyfeale there were none at all.105

Establishment of Irish Guards Regiment Shortly after this report appeared it was announced that an Irish regiment of foot guards, the Irish Guards, was being formed and this was promulgated by Queen Victoria on 5 April 1900.106 It is interesting to note that this communiqué was issued the day after her visit to Dublin. The official declaration indicated that it was to honour the bravery of Irish regiments in the Boer War.107 However, a more cynical view, especially among those who were campaigning against recruitment, was that this was part of the recruiting drive by the army. Maud Gonne,108 of whom W.B Yeats had said, ‘taught to ignorant men most violent ways’,109 asserted that Queen Victoria ‘had taken a shamrock into her withered hand to dare ask Ireland for more recruits’.110 That bastion of British military 104

These totals have been gathered from the reports cited above footnoted 81-86 L. L. 21 March 1900. 106 McCracken, Donal P. MacBride’s Brigade , (Dublin, 1999), p. 85. 107 Jeffery, Keith. ‘The Irish military tradition and the British Empire’ in Keith Jeffery ed. ‘An Irish Empire’? Aspects of Ireland and the British Empire, (Manchester. 1996), p. 96. 108 Levenson, Samuel. Maud Gonne, (London. 1977), pp 11, 32 & 179. Maud Gonne, the daughter of a British Army Colonel, Thomas Gonne, was born in Tongham, a village in Surrey, near Aldershot Military Base, England, but had disowned her upbringing, espousing the Irish struggle in its efforts to separate from the British Empire. She claimed that her reasons for doing this were ‘the incidents of British oppression and terror that she had seen as a child in Howth and Donnybrook, County Dublin, and as a young girl in Dublin’s military and social circles’. She was made an Honorary Freeman of Limerick on 13 December 1900 while Alderman John Daly was mayor. 109 Yeats, W.B. “No Second Troy”, in Daniel Albright ed. W.B. Yeats The Poems, (London, 1990), p. 140. 110 Quoted in Jeffery, Keith. ‘The Irish military tradition and the British Empire’, in Keith Jeffery ed. ‘An Irish Empire’? Aspects of Ireland and the British Empire, (Manchester. 1996), p. 96. 105

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establishment, the War Office, concurred with her possibly without realising it, stating that this privilege of being allowed to wear the shamrock ‘cannot fail to have a beneficial effect on recruiting in Ireland’.111 She also published articles of a disloyal and anti-recruiting nature in the United Irishman, entitled ‘Enlisting in the English Army is Treason to Ireland’. In one particular issue she called on her fellow countrymen not to enlist in the British army: England’s army is small. Englishmen are not good soldiers. England has to get others to do her fighting for her. In the past Irishmen have too often won battles for England, and saved her from defeat, and thus have riveted the chains upon their motherland! Let them do so no more… In all our towns and villages we see the recruiting sergeants trying to entrap thoughtless Irish boys into joining the British Army. The recruiting sergeant is an enemy, and it is a disgrace to any decent Irishman to be seen in his company. But he should be watched and followed, and the boys whom he seeks to entrap should be warned and reasoned with. In preventing recruiting for the English Army you are working for Ireland’s honour, and you are doing something to help the Boers in their Struggle for Liberty.112

Another woman with a famous name, Anna Parnell, a sister of Charles Stewart Parnell, suggested in a letter to the press that as there were people who in all sincerity could not avoid wearing the shamrock, they should first immerse it in ink until such time as honour had been restored to it by the eventual victory of the Boers. George Moore, the novelist, dramatist, and brother of Colonel Maurice Moore, was also of the opinion that the purpose of the Queen’s visit was political to gain recruits for the army because The English soldier is less prone to risk his life on the battlefield than the Irish and Scotch soldier…England’s need is great, never was England’s need so great as now, and in her great need she turns to Ireland, and it is from Ireland she hopes to get soldiers to defend and to extend her commercial Empire…In Ireland the leaders of the extreme Nationalists have advised the people against enlisting in so profane a cause, and enlistment has greatly declined, if it has not practically ceased in Ireland. Yet we hear of the creation of a new regiment to be called the Irish Guards! And we hear that an order has been issued commanding that the shamrock shall be worn on St Patrick’s Day by all ranks in her Majesty’s

111

Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1900 IX, (London, 1901), p. 306. 112 United Irishman. 14 Oct 1899.

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regiment … But the reason for the Queen’s visit is manifest. If it were slightly disguised we might be tempted to forget many things, things which it would be treason to forget for a moment: but the reason of the Queen’s visit is clearly political; she comes to do the business which her recruiting sergeants have failed to do; she comes with the ‘shilling’ between her forefinger and thumb and a bag of shillings at her girdle… The wearing of the shamrock, the creation of a regiment of Guards, above all the presence of the Queen in Ireland are undoubtedly bribes to Ireland to abandon the National for the Imperialistic idea. 113

As much as those involved in the anti-recruitment campaign would have liked this new regiment not to succeed in its endeavours, recruitment for the Irish Guards proceded satisfactorily, and continued to do so.114 By the end of the war it had an establishment of 1,017men, including 117 at drill. Given that the peacetime establishment for the regiment was 977 men, this was particularly good.115 The first civilian recruit to this new regiment was a county Limerick man, James O’Brien.116 Men from other Irish regiments applied to join and Irishmen already serving in the other Guards regiments were urged to transfer.117 This gave rise to complaints that recruitment into the Scots Guards was adversely affected as a result of the establishment of this new Guards Regiment, especially in the large towns of Scotland.

Visit of Irish Guards Band to Limerick When the band of the Irish Guards came to Limerick on 1 August 1901 there was an attempt, as on a previous occasion with another military band, to have it boycotted by the Young Ireland Society.118 Both attempts failed due to the prompt action of the police. One of the placards was 113

C.E. 13, 15 March 1900. Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1901 Cd 962 Volume X, (London, 1902), p. 159. 115 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1902 Cd 1496 Volume XXXVII, (London, 1903), p. 890. 116 Harris, R. G The Irish Regiments 1683-1999, (Kent, 1999), p. 90. 117 The Trustees of the Irish Guards. Irish Guards: The First Hundred Years 19002000, (Kent, 2000), p. 12. 118 L.L. 19 September 1900. They also approached the Limerick Race Company with a view to having a civilian band instead of a military one at race meetings, and endeavoured to prevent what they called ‘trashy English periodicals, or works advising emigration to British colonies, to be placed on the tables of the reading rooms’ of the Limerick Free Public Library. 114

24

Chapter One

displayed in the shop window of the bakery belonging to the Mayor Alderman John Daly.119 A correspondent writing in one of the local newspapers reported that the visit was undoubtedly for recruiting purposes for the regiment was ‘formed for the purpose of giving a sop to the deluded fools who aspire to martial honours under the Union Jack’ and that ‘the much boomed visit of the gold laced musicians was a miserable fizzle’.120 A correspondent writing in another newspaper stated that ‘the opportunity of hearing them was availed of by a very large and representative company, including numerous visitors from the country…and the programme was thoroughly enjoyed’ The correspondent went on to state that several Irish tunes were played such as “The Wearing of the Green”, “St Patrick’s Day” and “Garryowen” and were greeted with great acclamation and at the end of the recital the band was given hearty applause.121 Unfortunately we are not told how successful the visit was in relation to the intake of recruits.

Deserters from the army While every effort was made to induce men to enlist into the army, with some men eager to become involved in the war, there were also those who did quite the opposite, desert. In Limerick, and in other cities and towns men deserted, were absent from military training, absent from the front or just a plain military absentee. All of these titles came under the heading of ‘Limerick Intelligence’ in the Cork Examiner newspaper, and referred to 'a deserter from the depot of the Royal Munster Fusiliers at Tralee', or another 'charged with desertion from the Limerick City Artillery'.122 Also, a labourer 'was charged with being absent from the corps for which he was attested, the 7th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers',123 and another 'on a charge of being absent from his regiment, 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers, Tralee, County Kerry without leave'.124 While these refer to men from militia battalions who may have been worried about remaining 119

NAL. CO 904/72 & CO 904/73. County Inspector’s Reports, 4 June 1901 & 3 September 1901. 120 L.L. 2 August 1901. 121 L.C. 3 August 1901 122 C.E. 16 May 1900. 123 ibid. 7 June 1900. There is a slight error in this report in that the 7th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers did not come into existence until the outbreak of the First World War. What they obviously meant was the 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers (The Limerick County Militia). 124 ibid. 27 June 1901.

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25

in the militia with the possibility of being sent to the war there was one far more serious. That was a regular soldier who was charged 'with being a deserter from the 1st Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers' for fifteen months.125

The Royal Navy Although enlistment in Ireland during the Boer War was directed at getting recruits for the army, it was also undertaken for the Royal Navy. Despite ruling the waves, they also required new blood, which was usually undertaken by ships calling at the various ports around the country. Advance notice of a visit to the Shannon River by HMS Northampton where it was to anchor outside Foynes and remain there from 11 to 16 May 1900 was reported, and there was no mystery made for the purpose of the visit. It was stated that it was for the sole purpose of obtaining recruits.126 Despite the best efforts of those opposed to recruitment, men being rejected on health grounds, parents obstructing their sons and bad reports in the newspapers among other things, quite a number of men did enlist in the armed forces during the war. Being Irish and joining the British army was not a dilemma for those that did and nationalism was too dear an obsession to have.127

Conscription The one outstanding feature of recruitment during this conflict was that it was done on a voluntary basis with no effort to enforce conscription, although a British officer was quoted as saying that conscription was the only known remedy for the lack of men who were prepared to enlist, but added that it would 'drive the English out of England as well as out of Ireland'.128 How prophetic he was in relation to the latter part of his statement. In fact the nationalists had warned against the introduction of compulsory military service, as it would have been: 125

ibid. 29 August 1900. The 1st Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers was at this time fighting out in South Africa. 126 C.E. 16 April 1900. 127 Taylor, D. ‘A Little Man in a Great War, Patrick MacGill and the London Irish Rifles’ in Taithe, Bertrand & Thornton Tim eds. War, (Gloucestershire, 1998), p. 240. 128 C.E. 3 May 1901.

26

Chapter One A limit to human endurance, and should the Government desire to enforce conscription they will find that the limit has been exceeded… Conscription meaning as it does the subordination of civil to military interest, cannot be justified on any ground of morality. It is a gross interference with the liberty of the individual, and is the most dangerous weapon that could be put into the hands of the capitalists. Here in Ireland it would be vigorously resisted…129

Numbers of young men, however, feared that conscription was going to be introduced and since such a 'prospect is so objectionable' left the country.130 That the number of men enlisted varied from place to place and that for the 101st district in which Limerick was included there was a substantial number of recruits joining. Certainly there was a falling off after the war commenced but this as can be seen was symptomatic in all the recruiting areas in Ireland with the notable exception of the 83rd district, but by the time the war had ended in 1902 recruitment was again on the increase.131 When the Boer War ended many of the men returned to civilian life and were retained on the reserve in order to be recalled to the colours when the time came. A number of the men remained having been imbued with the traditions and esprit de corps of the regiment that they served in. They made the army not only their career, but also their home, having experienced the life of a soldier, preferring not to return to the uncertainty of employment in civilian life. At least in the army they had a guaranteed income irrespective of how low it was. Therefore when the war to end all wars commenced there was a cadre of experienced soldiers to train the recruits, many of who were the first to be in action; men such as, Privates J.J. O’Brien, J. Hassett, Halvey, J.J. Meehan, Sergeants J. O’Grady and J. Pennie.132 Also, many of those referred to previously were to play a prominent part in the events concerning Ireland during this conflict. Appendix I and the accompanying chart shows the number of recruits raised for the Regular Army in regiment of district including other corps and finally approved.133

129

L.L. 16 Jan 1901 C.E. 16 May 1900. 131 See Appendix A. 132 Royal Munster Fusiliers Old Comrades Association Annual Reports, 1933, 1934, 1935 & 1936. 133 Annual Report of the Inspector General of Recruiting 1902, Cd. 1496, Volume XXXVII, (London, 1903), p. 791. 130

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Comforts for soldiers at the front and their families at home Numerous ancillary organisations and committees for the interests and welfare of the soldiers' now set about the task of collecting funds that were used to provide comforts, beds, etc. for those fighting at the front, while others catered for the needs of their families at home. Mrs Georgina Johnston instituted a fund to provide comforts to the men of the Royal Munster Fusiliers, in South Africa.134 Several people from Limerick made contributions to this fund as the city and county were part of the recruiting area for the regiment, such as Lieutenant Colonel Lord Clarina, Mrs White, Fort Etna, Sergeants of the 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers Regimental Fund,135 Major Kiggell, Glin, and Standish O’Grady, Kilballyowen, Kilmallock,136 to name but a few. Lord Dunraven, Adare Manor, was involved in establishing a ‘Fund for the Limerick beds in the Field Hospital at Capetown for the use of the Irish Yeomanry’. This fund attracted donations from such luminaries as Lord Monteagle, the Knight of Glin, Sir Charles and Lady Barrington, Messrs W. Todd and Company, J. Bannatyne and Sons, Cannock and Company, Newsom and Company, H. Denny and Sons, Lord and Lady Dunraven , Countess of Limerick, Mrs. Matterson, Mr and Mrs. Delmege, Mr Aubrey de Vere, Abraham Sutton, Sir. Vincent Nash and Mrs. Phelps.137 This is not the complete list as there were many more subscribers reflecting the fact that the majority of these individuals came from the gentry and middle classes, while employees probably donated through the firms listed. It was the women from these classes in society that occupied the various positions on the committees as well as that of the ordinary member. Another case to illustrate this point was that of the local branch of the Soldiers and Sailors’ Families Association, it existed to assist families, as its name describes, by providing financial relief to the dependants of Limerick soldiers serving in South Africa, and also 'to assist soldiers and sailors who may find their employment gone when the war is over'. The committee consisted of Lady Dunraven, Lady Aileen Wyndham Quin, Mrs. Sadlier, Mrs. Bunbury, Mrs. Lloyd, (Beechmount), 134

Mrs Georgina Johnston was the wife of Colonel Johnston, the commanding officer of the depot headquarters of the Royal Munster Fusiliers, Ballymullen Barracks, Tralee, County Kerry. 135 L.C. 20 January 1900. 136 ibid. 10 March 1900. 137 ibid. 25 January 1900 & 10 February 1900. Mrs Phelps of Waterpark, had a relation, Joseph Phelps, serving with the Volunteer Yeomanry Force.

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Chapter One

Mrs. Shine, Mrs. Hines, Mrs. P. Fitzgerald, Mrs. Lloyd, (Pery Square), Mr. F.T. Finch, and Mr. E Plumstead. The majority, as can be seen, was from those classes of society, the gentry and middle classes, as described above. These were the people who were 'to receive applications and to establish the identity and genuineness of those who apply for relief, and to distribute that relief'. What is interesting about this committee is that there was no ex-serviceman on it, and although it claimed to be nondenominational, non-political etc, neither did any member of the Roman Catholic persuasion assist it in its work.138 One of the main reasons for this was the Roman Catholic Bishop's opposition to the war.

Monetary Gain While the recruiting sergeants were travelling the length and breadth of the city and county in their attempts to gain recruits, and those involved locally in anti-recruiting trying to accomplish the opposite, the Boer War brought monetary gain to one notable firm in Limerick city. The Limerick Clothing Factory139 became involved in manufacturing approximately six thousand uniforms every week for the British Army.140 Prior to this it was envisaged that it would manufacture approximately three thousand uniforms every week for six weeks and if more was produced these would also be taken.141 It certainly exceeded this amount. While the firm provided work for nearly one thousand employees locally, it also afforded employment to thousands of workers throughout the country.142 Others also endeavoured to capitalise on the war that was taking place thousands of miles away. This manifested itself in the extensive purchases of horses by Government officials in the city for the army, which were exported to South Africa for war purposes.143 The Vinolia Company, 138

ibid. 1 March 1900. Hannan, Kevin. ‘Sir Peter Tait’ in Jim Kemmy ed. The Limerickk Anthology, (Dublin, 1996), p. 113 and Leonard, Denis M. Provosts and Mayors of Limerick 1197-1997, in David Lee ed. Remembering Limerick, (Limerick, 1997), p. 390. The Limerick Clothing Factory was established by Sir Peter Tait at Lord Edward Street, after he was awarded an unlimited contract to provide uniforms to the British Army. In due course the factory supplied uniforms to the opposing forces during the American Civil War, 1861-1865. Sir Peter Tait also served as Mayor of Limerick for the years 1866, 1867- 1868. 140 Munster News (hereafter M N), 6 December 1899. 141 L.C. 2 November 1899. 142 M.N. 6 December 1899. 143 C.E. 26 November 1900. 139

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manufacturers of soaps by the same name, had an advertisement on the front page of the Limerick Chronicle encouraging people to purchase the tablet (soap) costing 4d so that the company could pay a halfpenny from each into the Transvaal War Fund for the soldiers’ families, widows and orphans. If one person in every dozen in the United Kingdom were to buy this item they maintained that they ‘should be in a position to forward a cheque for something like £7,000’ to the fund.144 Needless to say, they did not refer to the amount of profit that would be accrued as a result of these sales. Due to the reservists being mobilised and the militiamen embodied there was a scarcity of labourers in Limerick. In a society that believed in the principles of laissez faire, scarcity meant that commodities were going to be dearer and with such a shortage of labour many of the unionised dock labourers, who were daily workers, sought an increase in their wages. Some regular workers also participated in the dispute.145 ‘England's difficulty was the workmen's opportunity’. They had previously been given an increase that brought their wages to 7s 6d daily. However, they were not satisfied with this and sought an additional shilling, as the employers were not inclined to concede this the men decided to withdraw their labour and sought instead 2s 6d which would give them 10s a day. This strike involved some two hundred labourers and included local storemen of Messrs Bannatyne, a firm of grain merchants. A spokesman for this firm, J.E. Goodbody, when asked to comment on the situation said that the men in question were doing that which we are all doing 'trying to better themselves'.146 Two of the main companies in Limerick Port were the Limerick Steamship Company and Messrs Mullock and Sons, and had ships tied up in the docks. The dispute lasted in all approximately fourteen days and despite the fact that the merchants were trying to circumvent the strike by utilising full time workers in having the ships discharged,147 they obviously required the use of these other labourers. Some of the employers accommodated their workers by granting increases, while others promised to consider increases and others again made arrangements to do without the men on strike temporarily, possibly realising that these men would eventually return to work when their financial difficulties worsened. 148

144

L.C. 16 Nov 1899. The regular employees were receiving wages of 14s a week and these men sought an increase of 3s a day. 146 L.L. 16 May 1900. 147 ibid. 16 May 1900. 148 C.E. 30 May 1900. 145

Chapter One

30

This was, thefore, a war that brought financial rewards to some and grief to others.

Loyalists under Siege If those that were loyal to the crown appeared to be under siege, they tried not to show it. Although they were in a minority numerically, and not afraid to admit it they believed that they had rights and responsibilities, and therefore had a very high opinion of themselves as to their importance in the community. They endeavoured to maintain these through their local representatives and their mouthpiece, the Limerick Chronicle. As they considered themselves to be the natural leaders of the country it would have been tantamount to gross negligence on their part to do nothing. They blamed ‘a mindless government’ that allowed ‘disloyal and treasonable nationalists’ of the ‘rant and rave’ Irish Parliamentary Party/United Irish League who were drawn from the slums to achieve a position of power, a power by which they appropriated ‘to themselves much more than they are worthy of’. It was, after all, the loyalists who were the captains of business and put money in the workers’ pockets. If workers were to wait for those of ‘shoddy patriotism’ to do likewise, they would be still waiting.149 However, no matter how much posturing they did they always appeared to be on the defensive, asking the nationalist majority to acquiesce to what they wanted. They were always fighting a rearguard action. When Queen Victoria died in January 1901 an attempt to have a resolution of sympathy passed in the Limerick County Council was defeated by eleven votes to four in favour. Those who opposed it believed that it would have been hypocritical for them to agree to the motion. While there was no personal antagonism to the Queen or the Prince of Wales (the future King Edward VII) When it came to be a question of nationality in any shape they would not be doing their duty as men if they allowed a resolution to be registered in that Council, shedding tears, crocodile tears, and England did not want crocodile tears …150

The faithful ‘Ladies’ of the local gentry in Limerick, some 106 in total under the patronage of Lady Dunraven, were more successful in their

149 150

L.C. 21 June 1902. ibid. 12 Feb 1901.

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endeavours, for they subscribed among themselves to a memorial wreath that was sent to Windsor.151 While loyalists hoped for a return to a position of power, the Local Government Act of 1898 was to ensure that it would never happen. The local elections of 1902 copper-fastened the nationalist hold on the local authorities throughout the country, and in Limerick in both the Corporation and County Council. The nationalist press locally were ecstatic in publicising the fact that the majority of those elected had agreed to abide by the principles of the United Irish League, which was solid evidence in the beliefs of the people regarding nationalism.152 It had cautioned the electors against giving their trust to candidates who had reneged on their principles by casting their votes for a loyalist mayor and not abiding by the beliefs that they were elected for.153 This was a reference to the twelve councillors who had voted for the election of Sir Thomas Cleeve as mayor the year previously, and of whom only two were re-elected to the new Corporation.154 The Irish Parliamentary Party further strengthened its hold on Limerick by the continued election of its MPs in the elections of 1906 and the two in 1910 in the city and county constituencies, despite opposition from other nationalist candidates.155

151

ibid. 2 Feb 1901. L.L. 17 Jan 1902. 153 ibid. 13 Jan 1902. 154 ibid. 17 Jan 1902. 155 Walker. pp 360-361. 152

CHAPTER TWO RECRUITMENT DURING WORLD WAR ONE

As soon as the ‘War to end all Wars’ was declared, recruitment of men into the British army in Limerick City and County commenced. Field Marshal Lord Kitchener,1 who was appointed Secretary of State for War called for men to join the new divisions that he was establishing.2 That this was necessary was due to the inescapable fact that the strength of the army on 4 August 1914 was 247,432 officers and men, one third of who were on overseas duty in India.3 While it was by the standards of the day ‘incomparably the best trained, best organised, and best equipped British Army which ever went forth to war’,4 it was not numerically strong enough to engage in a prolonged war that Kitchener said would last at least three years. After the termination of the Boer War in 1902 successive governments determined that a large army was not necessary to defend Britain, they were an island nation after all and with 'Britannia ruling the waves' the 1

F.J. 7 June 1916. Field Marshal Horatio Herbert Lord Kitchener was born on 24 June 1850 at Gunsboro Villa, near Tralee, Co. Kerry. He was the son of Colonel Henry Horatio Kitchener of Suffolk, England, who came to live in Ireland. Lord Kitchener entered Woolwich as a cadet and trained as an Engineer. Commissioned into the Royal Engineers, he saw service in the Egyptian Campaigns and the Conquest of the Sudan following the death of Gordon of Khartoum. From 1888 to 1892 he was Adjutant - General of the Egyptian Army, and was appointed Sirdar in 1892. From there he went to South Africa where he was instrumental in defeating the Boers, after which he was promoted General, granted £50,000 by parliament and created a Viscount. Between 1902 and 1909 he was Commander in – Chief of the military in India, and in 1910 was appointed a member of the Committee for Imperial Defence. He later went to Egypt as British Agent & Consul - General. He was in England when the First World War broke out and was appointed Secretary of State for War. 2 L.C. 29 September 1914. 3 Travers, Tim. ‘The Army and the Challenge Of War’ David Chandler ed. The Oxford Illustrated History of the British Army, (Oxford, 1994), p. 215. 4 Edmonds, Brigadier General J.E. History of the Great War, Military Operations France and Belgium 1914,(London, 1922), pp 10 - 11.

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Chapter Two

Royal Navy was the world’s dominant sea power. However, it was deemed necessary to have a good fighting force available and capable of dealing with troubles in the colonial outposts. This led to the creation of a British Expeditionary Force, which was instigated by Lord Haldane, the Secretary of State for War, in 1907, and consisted of 120,000 men. It was manifestly far superior to any foreign including conscript armies, and was put to the test when they engaged the German Army in the first battle of the war at Mons, Belgium on 23 August 1914, and also during the subsequent withdrawal of the (British) army. The British Expeditionary Force that had been trained to deal with conflict arising at the empire's colonial outposts now found themselves embroiled in a European struggle that many believed would be over by Christmas 1914, but developed into a major world war. With the declaration of war, which ‘is one that must be fought to a finish in order to end once and for all the menace of German aggression’, Britain at once mobilised her army and navy, and recalled the men on the reserve to the colours.5 Throughout Limerick City and County reservists presented themselves at various railway stations to be conveyed by train to their respective depots, as well as to Portsmouth, the naval base in England.6 At the commencement of the war there was 20,780 Irishmen serving in the regular army, and to 15 October 1916, a total of 17,804 reservists of whom 277 or 1.56 per cent Limerick men rejoined the army.7 To ensure that families of these men in the city were not at a financial loss, the Limerick Chamber of Commerce instituted a fund that was administered by the Soldiers and Sailors Association.8

Kitchener and the New Armies In selecting Kitchener for the appointment of Secretary of State for War, Asquith the British Prime Minister, was astute enough to realise that he ‘had the initial benefit of great popular and political support’ and that he was idolised by the British public who believed that he could not do any wrong.9 The political support came from Winston Churchill who knew 5

L.C. 24 Sept 1914. C.E. 5 & 6 August 1914. 7 NAI. Chief Secretary’s Office Registered Papers (CSORP) Number 20933, 13 Nov 1916, 25625 & 23 Nov 1916 & Report on Recruiting In Ireland 1914-16 Cd 8168 Volume XXXIX, (London, 1916), p. 2. 8 L.L. 12 August 1914. 9 Cassar, George. ‘Kitchener at the War Office’, in Hugh Cecil & Peter Liddle eds. Facing Armageddon. The First World War Experienced, (London, 1996), p. 37. 6

Recruitment during World War One

35

that Kitchener had grasped ‘the likely severity of a German attack on France’, and that it was unreasonable to expect that Britain’s inadequate army of six divisions that constituted the British Expeditionary Force would be able to rectify the disparity.10 With this in mind Kitchener maintained that ‘if Britain was to do its fair share of the fighting, it would need to expand its army many times over’, and 'disliking what he regarded as the amateur spirit of the Territorial Force…he made his own arrangements'.11 He therefore set out to establish the number of divisions at seventy.12 The term of enlistment for each volunteer of these new armies was for three years or for the duration of the war; those joining were to be between 19 and 30 years of age13 thereby signifying Kitchener’s conviction that the war would be for a long period. The age for recruits was further extended in May 1915 to 40 years, and the height requirement was reduced to 5ft 2ins.14 With the British Expeditionary Force including 38,584 Irishmen embarking for France, plans were set in motion for the establishment of what became known as Kitchener’s army or K1 as it was popularly known.15 The call went out on 10 August 1914 for the first 100,000 men to enlist in what was classed as 'immediately necessary in the present grave national emergency' this was achieved within a period of two weeks.16 K1 consisted of six divisions, one of which was the Tenth Irish Division. An additional call was made in September 1914 for another 100,000 men to create six more divisions or K2, the Sixteenth Irish Division was one of these. In order to train these men Kitchener appealed to all ex-Non Commissioned Officers to rejoin, their help in training these recruits was desperately needed. The majority of the trained men were with the British Expeditionary Force in France, with the exception of a small cadre of men held for the purpose of training new recruits, but it was not enough.17 To make it attractive to these ex-Non Commissioned 10

Gilbert, Martin. Churchill A Life, (London, 1991), p. 267. Harris, H.E.D. The Irish Regiments in the First World War, (Cork, 1968), p. 13. The Territorial Force was intended for home defence. It existed only in Great Britain. 12 Cassar, p. 37. 13 F.J. 10 August 1914. 14 L.C. 20 May 1915. 15 Report on Recruiting In Ireland 1914-16 Cd. 8168 Volume XXXIX, (London, 1916), p 2. 16 F.J. 10 August 1914. 17 Simkins, Peter. Kitchener’s Army: The Raising of the New Armies 1914-16, (Manchester, 1988), p. 212. 11

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Chapter Two

Officers immediate promotion was promised, with no age limit as long as the person was competent. This also applied to those who came forward to train the men who were to make up the Sixteenth Irish Division, and were acceptable up to 55 years of age. Pensioners, in addition to drawing their pension, were able to avail of army pay at the rank they had held, and they were not under any compulsion to serve abroad if they were over 45, or 40 years of age in certain cases.18 In addition to this in January 1916 the War Office issued a new order in an effort to get retired soldiers from the regular army conditional to their being healthy to re-engage, to enable them to complete 21 years, and thereby be entitled to a pension.19 Separation allowances were also improved with a view to increasing the rate of recruitment.20 Medical officers and civilian doctors regularly passed men fit who had poor eyesight and other problems when sent for examination. The inducement to the civilian practitioners to process as many as possible may be due to the fact that they received 2s 6d for each man passed.21 Recruiting sergeants also received the same amount and were eager to ensure that as many as possible were attested irrespective of whether they were above or below the official age; for example, Lance Corporal John Nash, was 16 years of age and had only six months service when he died as a result of wounds received on 27 February 1916,22 and Private George Gardiner, was killed in action 28 April 1916, and whose age was reported to be 59 years.23 However, some recruiters conscientiously turned away those either too young or too old.24

18

F.J. 1, 23 & 29 September 1914. L.C. 18 Jan 1916. 20 See Appendix B. 21 Simkins, Peter. ‘The Four Armies 1914 – 1918’ David Chandler ed. The Oxford Illustrated History of the British Army, (Oxford, 1994), p. 244. 22 L.L. 13 March 1916 and Commonwealth War Graves Commission (hereafter CWGC). Royal Munster Fusiliers Casualty List, (Berkshire, 1996) p. 25. Lance Corporal John Nash. Army Number 6526, 2nd Bn. Royal Munster Fusiliers, was the son of Jane Nash, 9 John Street, Limerick. He is buried in Bethune town cemetery, France. 23 CWGC. Royal Munster Fusiliers Casualty List (Berkshire, 1996), p. 37. Private George Gardiner. Army Number 4584, 9th Battalion. Royal Munster Fusiliers, was the husband of Margaret Gardiner, 2 Taylor’s Row, Limerick. He is buried in Dud Corner cemetery, France. 24 Hughes, Clive. ‘A Nation In Arms’ Beckett, Ian & Simpson, Keith eds. A Social Study of the British Army in the First World War, (Manchester, 1985), pp 102-103. 19

Recruitment during World War One

37

Tenth Irish Division Recruiting for the Tenth Irish Division, commanded by LieutenantGeneral Bryan Mahon,25 gave some cause for concern, as it was not satisfactory to the military authorities at the War Office it was proposed to transfer English recruits who were surplus into the Irish Division. It was argued that there would be 'a Tenth Irish Division largely composed of Englishmen - a situation neither satisfactory nor creditable'.26 When the transfer did occur there was the accusation that the division was Irish only in name. Major Bryan Cooper, its historian, defended the Irish character of the division saying that This was a distinct exaggeration, for when these ‘Englishmen’ joined their battalions, it was found that a large proportion of them were Roman Catholics, rejoicing in such names as Dillon, Doyle, and Kelly, the sons or grandsons of Irishmen who had settled in England. It is not easy to make an accurate estimate, but I should be disposed to say that in the Infantry of the Division 90 per cent of the officers and 70 per cent of the men were either Irish or of Irish extraction.27

However, a study completed in 1986 indicated that the 6th Battalion of the Royal Munster Fusiliers received an influx of men from the Wiltshire Regiment and the 7th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers28 received 'Yorkshiremen from two regiments, the King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry, and the York and Lancaster Regiment'.29 There was an element of ‘Englishness’ about the division, but the fact was that there were 25 Denman, Terence. Ireland's Unknown Soldiers, (Dublin, 1992), p. 24 & L.C. 25 Sept 1930. Lieutenant - General Sir Bryan Mahon was born at Belleville, Athenry, County Galway, in April 1862, and joined the army in 1883. He became famous as the man who broke the Boer siege at Mafeking, South Africa, in the Boer War that took place between 1899 - 1902. 26 F.J. 10 September 1914. 27 Cooper, Bryan Major. The Tenth (Irish) Division in Gallipoli, (London, 1918), pp 12 - 13. 28 McCance, S Captain. The History of the Royal Munster Fusiliers Volume II 1861-1922, (Aldershot, 1927), pp 177 & 190. The 6th and 7th Battalions Royal Munster Fusiliers were raised under Army Order 324 issued 21 August 1914. The 6th Battalion fought at Gallipoli, Greece, Egypt and Palestine before proceeding to France on 23 May 1918, where it was absorbed by the 2nd Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers on 6 June 1918. The 7th Battalion also fought in Gallipoli and Greece but it was absorbed by the 6th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers on 3 November 1916. 29 Staunton, Martin. ‘The Royal Munster Fusiliers in The Great War, 1914 – 19’, (MA, UCD, 1986), p. 91.

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Chapter Two

Irishmen in British regiments i.e. Tyneside, Liverpool and London Irish Battalions.30 Despite its name, the former was not wholly Irish even though there were first and second generations of Irishmen in England.31 The division in order to complete its establishment also received 1,200 men from the Sixteenth Irish Division that was being formed at that time.32 This helped to bolster its claim to be a predominantly Irish Division. Another factor that impinged on recruitment to the division may possibly have been due to men preferring to enlist in the reserve battalions of the regular army, Nationalist Ireland was progressing fairly well'.33 Although Limerick men such as Privates Michael O’Brien, Michael Wixted,34or Privates Patrick Hayes,35 and Percy Alexander,36 served with the Connaught Rangers, Leinster Regiment and Royal Dublin Fusiliers respectively, the vast majority served in the regiment associated with the area, the Royal Munster Fusiliers. These were men such as Sergeant John Brazil 37 Private James Lane,38 and Augustine Neilon.39

30

www.dungarvanmuseum.org. Irish Regiments in World War 1. Taylor, D. “A Little Man in a Great War, Patrick MacGill and the London Irish Rifles” in Taithe, Bertrand & Thornton, Tim ed’s. War, (Gloucesterchire, 1998), p. 240. 32 NAI. CSORP, Number 20933, 13 November 1916. 33 NAL. CO 904/94. County Inspector's Report, 31 August 1914. 34 CWGC. Limerick Casualties of World War One, (Berkshire, 2000), p. 41. Private Michael Wixted. Army Number 1450, 5th Battalion Connaught Rangers. KIA 6 September 1915. Age 22. Brother of Mrs. Elizabeth Roche, 3, Bank Place, Limerick. He is commemorated on the Helles Memorial, Gallipoli, Turkey. Panel 181-183. 35 Soldiers Died in the Great War 1914-19, (SDGW), The Leinster Regiment. (Suffolk, 1989), p. 19. Private Patrick Hayes. Army Number 496. 6th Battalion Leinster Regiment. Born Limerick, enlisted in Limerick, died Gallipoli, 24 December 1915. 36 ibid., The Royal Dublin Fusiliers, p. 35. Private Percy Alexander. Army Number 16657. 7th Battalion Royal Dublin Fusiliers. Born Limerick, enlisted in Waterford, KIA Gallipoli 16 August 1915. 37 CWGC. Limerick Casualties of World War One, (Berkshire, 2000), p. 39. Sergeant John Brazil. Army Number 3. 6th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers. KIA 16 August 1915. Age 26. Son of the late William and Mary Brazil, Cullane, Ballylanders, Knocklong, County Limerick. Commemorated on Helles Memorial, Panel 185-190. 38 ibid. p. 40. Private James Lane. Army Number 480. 7th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers. KIA 16 August 1915. Age 19. Son of Matthew and Mary Lane, Ballyeagna, Ardagh, County Limerick. Commemorated on Helles Memorial, Panel 185-190. 31

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Irishmen generally throughout the country were unsure about what course of action to take in the war that Britain was now involved in. Although there was a rush to enlist in Britain after reports of the battle of Mons and the withdrawal of the British Expeditionary Force were published, the majority of Irishmen waited.40 They not only awaited the outcome of the deliberations in the House of Commons on the Third Home Rule Bill, but also were guided by whatever course of action that their leader John Redmond advised.41 The War Office spurned Redmond when he offered the National Volunteers for the defence of Ireland I say to the Government that they may to-morrow withdraw every one of their troops from Ireland. I say that the coast of Ireland will be defended from foreign invasion by her sons, and for this purpose armed Nationalist Catholics in the South will be only too glad to join arms with the armed Protestant Ulsterman in the North.42

The Limerick Regiment of the Irish Volunteers had agreed to this policy shortly before the split.43 But with the Home Rule Bill receiving the royal assent on 18 September 1914, and then placed on the Statute Book, with the provision that it be placed in abeyance for the duration of the war, Redmond, proceeded on a recruiting crusade for the British army. This war was, according to Redmond, 'a war of liberation and its battle-cry is the rights and liberties of humanity' and that ‘Ireland's highest interests lie in the speedy and overwhelming victory of England and the Allies'.44 It was also the tenor of his address to the 5,000 Irish National Volunteers from around Munster who assembled for a National Volunteer review at Greenpark, Limerick on 20 December 1914. Addressing those present ‘he advised the people to sink their differences and work for the good of Ireland. He said that all should support England in the present crisis and 39

SDGW. The Royal Munster Fusiliers, (Suffolk, 1989), p. 26 & LL 17 September 1915. Private Augustine Neilon. Army Number 38, 6th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers. KIA 15 August 1915. Born St. Michael's Parish, enlisted in Limerick. His place of residence was Prospect Hill, Limerick. He was an outstanding rugby player for both Young Munster and Lansdowne Rugby Football Clubs. 40 Simkins, P. Kitchener’s Army, (Manchester, 1988), p. 59. 41 NAL. CO 904/94. County Inspector's Report, 31 Aug 1914. 42 Kettle, T. M. Irish Orators and Oratory, (Dublin, n.d), p. 444. 43 NLI. Moore Papers, MS 10549 (5). Letter dated 11 August 1914 from the offices of the Irish Volunteers, 1, Lower Hartstonge Street, Limerick. See Appendix C. 44 Introduction by John Redmond in McDonagh, Michael. The Irish On The Somme, (London, 1917), p. 1.

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urged those in a position to do so to join the army’.45 These calls were to split families between those who supported Redmond, and those who were opposed to fighting on behalf of Ireland’s longstanding enemy. Answering such a call was Thomas Flynn, 16, West Watergate, who despite being admonished by his older brothers believing that England should fight its own wars, enlisted in the Royal Munster Fusiliers and was killed in action on 10 November 1917.46 Support for Redmond came from the Rev. P. F. Kavanagh, the Franciscan clergyman who had during the Boer War castigated Britain for its involvement in that ‘unjust’ war, and endeavoured to prevent Irishmen from joining her army. He now addressed those who took a similar stance in this war saying that England has at length done us justice and if we cannot forget the wrongs of the past, we do not desire to revenge them. Taking our stand as a free nation we are contented to remain a part of the Empire, and while managing our own affairs, free from outward hindrance, to contribute our just share to Imperial expenditure. We have signed a treaty of peace and friendship with our old enemy. Anyone who now assumes to play the part of a veiled or unveiled rebel is, wittingly or unwittingly, his country's enemy… Mr John Redmond, our gifted, wise, and faithful Leader has been basely maligned - and why? Because he stated that Irishmen should do their part in defending the Empire against the German hordes, the disgrace of civilisation, who aim at its destruction… When Ireland was denied her right to freedom and treated as a slave, I raised my humble voice… to condemn the enlistment of Irishmen in the British army or navy, and I would do the same today were the circumstances similar. But if I did so now I should be deserving of the contempt and reprobation of my fellow countrymen.47

45

NAL. CO 904/95. County Inspector’s Report 1 Jan 1915. O’Flynn, Criostoir. Van Gogh Chocolates Poems And Translations, (Dun Laoghaire, 2000), pp 14-15, also from correspondence with author. CWGC. Royal Munster Fusiliers Casualty List (Berkshire, 1996) p. 8. Private Thomas Flynn. Army Number 10118. 2nd Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers. KIA 10 November 1917. Age 20. Son of Richard and Bridget Flynn, 16, West Watergate. He has no known grave and is therefore commemorated on the Tyne Cot Memorial, Belgium. 47 F.J. 29 Oct 1914, L.L. 30 October 1914, N.V. 7 Nov 1914 & L.L. 20 Dec 1918. The Rev. P. F. Kavanagh was based in the Franciscan Friary, Wexford. He was later to regret having written this letter because he felt Redmond had been betrayed by British Ministers. He took no further part in politics until he voted in the parliamentary election of December 1918. He died on 17 December 1918. 46

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Addressing volunteers at Woodenbridge, Co. Wicklow two days after Home Rule was placed in the Statute Book, Redmond, declared that they should account for themselves as men, 'not only for Ireland itself, but wherever the fighting line extends, in defence of right, of freedom and religion in this war'.48 These words, including his pledge to defend the coasts of Ireland with the Irish Nationalist Volunteers went echoing throughout Ireland, and was to have an effect on those that were enemies heretofore, and now stood on the same recruiting platforms calling on Irishmen to enlist in the British army. Retired British army officers had also indicated their willingness to assist in the training of the Volunteers, and actively encouraged 'fellow unionists to do likewise'.49

Comrades Several such officers in Limerick enrolled in the Irish Volunteers, they may have been motivated by Lord Monteagle who called on Southern Unionists to co-operate in détente with the volunteers in the preservation of order and in defending the country, putting aside whatever differences they had until the cessation of hostilities. He called upon them to support the Government in arming both sets of volunteers, and on that basis he was prepared to join the volunteers.50 One such officer was N.A.F. Kingscote, who described himself as Major, late Royal Engineers, and had a letter published in the Limerick Chronicle indicating that he was prepared to offer his services to the City Corps of the Irish National Volunteers in order to place them on a military basis for local defences. This was of course subject to his not being called up by the War Office.51 A senior retired officer, Colonel Massey Westropp, became a member of the Irish Volunteers for a short period of time.52 He had been appointed to the position of joint inspecting 48

McLoughlin, Michael. Great Irish Speeches of the Twentieth Century, (Dublin, 1996), p. 37. 49 Buckland, Patrick. Irish Unionism 1: The Anglo Irish And The New Ireland 1885 to 1922, (Dublin, 1972), p. 42. 50 L.C. 4 August 1914. Lord Monteagle’s family name was Spring Rice; he resided at Mount Trenchard, Foynes, County Limerick. 51 ibid. 8 August 1914. 52 NLI. Mauurice Moore Papers MS 10549(5) Letters and other documents relating to the Irish Volunteers in County Limerick. Application for membership of the Irish Volunteers, 29 August 1914. Colonel Massey Westropp, age 54, resided at Doonass, Clonlara, County Limerick. He had served as a Captain in the 12thLancers, and had commanded the 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers for seven years.

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officer for County Limerick, on the recommendation of Monteagle.53 Shortly afterwards he resigned from the Volunteers indicating that his appointment was not well received in County Limerick, and that as civilians wanted to control the movement, they would be quite impossible to deal with. In this he was correct; there was an element of discontent among members of the Irish National Volunteers who were not at all pleased with the foisting of ex-officers with strong unionist views on the various corps by the Head Office in Dublin.54 He was also the target of the most scurrilous literature from America.55. Captain W Harkness, also a retired officer, became a member of the Volunteers, and had been asked by Limerick County Council to form a Corps of Volunteers, and prevailed upon by the Glin and adjacent district to take command of them.56 Captain and Brevet Major J.J. Sweetman of the Worcestershire Regiment offered his services, and had been granted the position of inspecting officer, but respectfully declined.57 Ex-Lieutenant John Holland, Army Service Corps, and H.M.V O’Brien, formerly of the Imperial Yeomanry were involved in training members of the Limerick City Regiment of the Volunteers.58 Major-General Lloyd, Beechmount, Rathkeale, the highest-ranking retired officer in the Limerick area, gave the local Volunteers a cheque for £3 to pay for additional equipment.59 Several reasons have been ascribed to these men in participating with nationalists, both in training them in military tactics and on recruiting platforms. They had always considered themselves the natural leaders of 53 ibid. The other inspecting officer was Captain J.J. Holland, Rose Cottage, Ballinacurra, Limerick who had been the sole inspecting officer but wanted to be relieved from being in charge of the whole county as the work load was too much. 54 Hennessy, Thomas. Dividing Ireland, World War I and Partition, (London, 1998), p. 65. 55 NLI. Maurice Moore Papers. MS 10549(5). Letter dated 9 November 1914. 56 ibid. Captain W. Harkness, Cahara, Glin, County Limerick, fought in the Zulu War 1889 and Boer War 1899-1902. 57 ibid. & L.L. 8 Dec 1915. Captain & Brevet (acting) Major J.J. Sweetman was a native of Queen’s County, and resided at Richmond, Limerick. In a letter of 12 August 1914 the same date that he offered his services to the volunteers he stated that he was no longer available as he had been offered a commission in the Army Remount Department. In a letter dated 16 August he later asked that the offer of inspecting officer be kept open for him. He was later to die of wounds while serving with the Dorset Regiment. 58 NAL. CO 904/120. Synopsis of County Inspector's Report for April 1914, National Volunteer 6 February 1915 & NLI, MS 1059 (5). Holland returned to the Royal Army Service Corp on 30 January 1915. 59 L.C. 1 April 1915.

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the country and therefore 'hoped to retrieve their deteriorating position in Irish politics and Irish life by putting themselves once more at the head of the tenantry' which would lead to a new beginning in the governance of the country. This invariably led to their involvement in the Irish National Volunteers, thereby ensuring that the latter would be kept loyal to the British connection.60 When the War Office indicated that it would not have any hand in the training of the Volunteers unless they were under its control, the ex-officers resigned.61

The Royal Irish Constabulary and loyalty to the Crown Lord Dunraven, who was the Honorary Colonel of the 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers, the local regiment, and whose family seat was at Adare, County Limerick, wrote a letter to the newspapers praising the Irish National Volunteers and encouraging men to join the new Irish Division that Kitchener was establishing. Although ‘Division’ was the proper title, he preferred to call it the ‘Irish Brigade’, because it recalled great memories from a distant past. He was referring to the Irish Brigade that fought in the service of France in previous centuries. In the course of this letter he asked why a body already in existence, notably the Royal Irish Constabulary, should not be allowed to enlist if they wanted to, and their positions in the force be retained for them.62 This appeal seems to have had some effect, for 'twelve men from the Limerick City Constabulary volunteered…for the army'.63 The entire staff of the barracks at Shanagolden, County Limerick, consisting of a sergeant and three constables, joined up.64 Others who were on the Irish Guards reserve were recalled from the Royal Irish Constabulary. The Royal Irish Constabulary and Irish Guards had a special arrangement that came into existence following the Boer War. The Royal Irish Constabulary agreed to take in 100 reservists annually or 900 at any one time. This therefore gave the military authorities a ready source of men already versed in military discipline, and who only needed a refresher course to make them ready for action. They were of course not all released together but at fortnightly

60

Buckland. p. 32. Maume, Patrick. The Long Gestation, (Dublin, 1999), p. 152. 62 Irish Times 5 October 1914, L.C. 6 October 1914 & C.E. 6 October 1914. 63 L.C. 17 November 1914. 64 C.E. 1 March 1916. 61

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intervals, 15 and 30 December 1914, 13 and 27 January and 11 February 1915.65 The military authorities had indicated that they were prepared to take 200 for the Irish Guards regiment, but because there was a superabundance of constables eager to join, selections had to be made. Due to numerous volunteer applications in Limerick only four were initially accepted, and others later on.66 Not all Royal Irish Constabulary men served with the Irish Guards, as was the case of District Inspector Martin, Newcastle West.67 Of the 752 constables who served with the colours, nearly 700 did so with the Irish Guards. The remainder served with both Irish and English regiments, the Royal Irish Regiment, Royal Dublin Fusiliers, Connaught Rangers, Royal Munster Fusiliers, Leinster Regiment, York and Lancaster Regiment and Twelfth Lancers to name but a few. For so many Royal Irish Constabulary personnel to enlist in the forces can be attributed to several reasons, a sense of adventure, joining pals or comrades, a sense of loyalty to the Crown. It can be safely stated that it was not for monetary gain, as an unmarried constable's rate of pay was 25s a week, whereas that of a soldier was 7s a week.68 Loyalty to the Crown was possibly the reason for William Maunsell, ex-constable Royal Irish Constabulary, to enlist. Serving with the Royal Munster Fusiliers, he wrote from France and from Aghada, County Cork to his daughters Cora and Florrie, who were attending Villiers School, Henry Street, Limerick. His letters indicate a sense of duty to the cause that he was serving, which for him was a just one. He was delighted to hear that a good many men were joining from Limerick as they would all be required, that fighting the Kaiser was part of a tremendous sacrifice, which he hoped his daughters would understand, and that it had to be undertaken. In another letter he said that he was not allowed to say where he was because the Kaiser had 65

Herlihy, Jim. The Royal Irish Constabulary A Short History & Genealogical Guide, (Dublin,1999), p. 98. 66 C.E. 27 January 1915, F.J. 18 November 1915 & Herlihy. pp 222, 191, 161 & 206. Constable Thomas Shannon, Private, 2nd Battalion Irish Guards, Army Number 6653. He was wounded and awarded the Military Medal. Constable Martin Molloy, Private, Irish Guards, Army Number 6649. He was KIA 13 September 1916. Constable P. Kavanagh, Private, Irish Guards. Constable W. Carr, Private, Irish Guards. He died 17 February 1922. Such as Sergeant William Burke, Ashford, Constables James Mitchell and John Sullivan, Abbeyfeale, and Constable Thomas Burke, Caherconlish. They too served with the Irish Guards. 67 Herlihy, p. 199. District Inspector Martin was commissioned as a Lieutenant in the Royal Irish Regiment, and was discharged as medically unfit for service 16 October 1918. He rejoined the Royal Irish Constabulary on 3 April 1920. 68 F.J. 15 February 1916.

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spies everywhere looking for information, but 'we will however soon have him by the moustache'.69

Volunteers Dunraven was also fulsome in his praise for the Irish National Volunteers, indicating that 'no scheme for Irish service in the war, which fails to take account of the National Volunteer Force, can do justice to what Ireland can give'.70 The Irish Volunteers as they were previously known were inaugurated on 25 November 1913 at the Rotunda Rink, Dublin. The purpose of its establishment, according to Eoin MacNeill, a founder member, was 'to support and defend the Home Rule effort and sustain the Home Rule Parliament when it was brought into existence'.71 The manifesto issued in conjunction with its foundation stated that the duties of the Volunteers 'will be defensive and protective, and they will not contemplate either aggression or domination'. It also indicated that the Volunteers were not founded in opposition to the Ulster Volunteer Force.72 Although this may have been initially true they were bound to come into opposition with one another in a civil war, but for the advent of the First World War. The Ulster Volunteer Force was, after all, established to oppose and defeat the implementation of Home Rule especially in the North Eastern industrialised counties of the country. Prominent figures in the new movement such as Sir. Roger Casement and P. H. Pearse, addressed a meeting in the Athenaeum Hall, Cecil Street, Limerick, on 25 January 1914 with the purpose of establishing a branch there. Councillor Michael O’Callaghan assisted them and Mayor, Alderman Philip O’Donovan, presided, 'but was very guarded in his 69 CWGC. Royal Munster Fusiliers Casualty List. (Berkshire, 1996), p. 116. William Maunsell was a Royal Irish Constabulary pensioner who enlisted in the Royal Munster Fusiliers after the outbreak of war. He had served with the regular 2nd Battalion, but when recovering from wounds or illness he was attached to the 3rd Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers from which he died on 16 May 1917. He is buried at a military cemetery located outside Fort Davis (Previously Fort Carlisle), Whitegate, County Cork. The information from the letters dated 28 April1915, 9 June 1916 & 16 August 1916 to his daughters was kindly provided by his granddaughter Mrs. Ann Ashton, Meanus, County Limerick, who possesses the originals. 70 C.E. 6 October 1914. 71 O'Ceallaigh, Sean T. ‘The Founding of the Irish Volunteers’ in (ed). F.X. Martin, O.S.A. The Irish Volunteers 1913 – 1915, (Dublin, 1963), pp 88-89. 72 ibid. p. ix.

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comments',73 which was more than likely on account of his support for Redmond. He had indicated that if the new movement was in anyway hostile to the cause of Redmond and the Irish Parliamentary Party, he would not give it his official support. He received an assurance from Pearse, who was less than truthful when he said that ‘if it was directed against or would injure Home Rule, he would not countenance it’. Casement also gave a similar assurance.74 Both of these men had different agendas, and Pearse had been a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood since 1913 and, as we know, this movement did not involve constitutional nationalism.75 The MP for East Limerick, Thomas Lundon, following the lead given by John Redmond,who was opposed to the formation of the Irish Volunteers, told a meeting at Croom, County Limerick, that there was no necessity for starting such a force at the present time, and that 'it would be time enough to organise when the leaders gave the order'.76 With approval being withheld by official nationalists very little progress was made at first,77 although some of their followers had joined the movement. In Limerick some of them held prominent positions. Laurence Roche, was the organiser for the Volunteers in County Limerick, and later received a commission in the 8th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers,78 another was C. P. Close, BA, a secondary school teacher, was to be a future Commanding Officer of the Limerick Corps, and was commissioned into the 10th Battalion Royal Dublin Fusiliers.79 Redmond, however, saw the potential 73

NAL. CO 904/92. County Inspector's Report 31 January 1914. L.C. 27 January 1914. 75 Pearce, Edward. Lines of Most Resistance, (London, 1999), p. 471. 76 NAL. CO 904/91. County Inspector's Report 31 December 1913. 77 ibid. CO 904/93. Inspector General's Monthly Report for April 1914. 78 Seoighe, Mainchín. Dromin and Athlacca, (Limerick, 1978), pp 86 & 174. The Story of Kilmallock, (Kilmallock, 1987), p. 381 & C.E. 28 Nov 1916. Laurence Roche came from Ballynamuddagh House, Dromin, County Limerick. He was employed as a rate collector by Limerick County Council, and played a prominent part in the administrative affairs of the GAA, being elected President of Kilmallock GAA in 1895. He was also Vice President of the Central Council for a period, and was Chairman of the Limerick County Board. He organised the Dromin Corps of Volunteers and was instrumental for this corps taking the Redmondite side during the volunteer split. He was reputed to have influenced some of these volunteers to join the British army. It was maintained that he was undoubtedly the most popular and successful recruiter in the South. 79 NLI. Moore Papers. MS 10549 (5), L.C. 19 Feb 1916, 23 March 1916 & 22 Nov 1917, L.L. 27 Nov 1916, Guy’s Limerick Directory 1914. (Limerick, 1914). p 16 & CWGC. Limerick Casualties of World War One, (Berkshire, 2000), p. 24. 74

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for such a force and, determined to use it for constitutional purposes, gave his approval. Lundon and his colleague the MP for Limerick City, Alderman Michael Joyce, now threw their energies into organising branches of the force.80 Resulting from this there was a substantial increase in the movement that had been basically confined to the city, with a membership of 700 in February that only increased to 1,000 by March.81 But by May there were 28 branches comprising 3,599 members in the city and county.82 There was to be a further increase of 47 giving a total of 75 branches by the month of July, just before the outbreak of war.83 However, not all members of the Volunteer force accepted Redmond's strategy, and when he aligned himself and the party on Britain's side during the war they split from the main force taking a minority of Volunteers with them and called themselves the Irish Volunteers. They believed that 'Ireland should abstain from taking sides in the conflict, but ready to take advantage of England's difficulties'.84 The overwhelming majority followed Redmond and redesignated themselves the Irish National Volunteers. It was from this force that a substantial number of men joined the Irish Brigade of the British army.

The Irish Brigade It was to the Sixteenth Irish Division or the Irish Brigade as it was referred to in Ireland, that the majority of Irish Nationalist Volunteers were assigned. The officer appointed to command this division was LieutenantClose, who lived at 36, Clare Street, Limerick, was the son of James and Catherine Close. He was the Principal of Close’s Academy, Rutland Street, and was one of two Honorary Secretaries of the Limerick Industrial Association. He was the last of four brothers to enlist. Reverend William Close was Chaplain with the Australian forces, Lieutenant Edmond (Edward) Close, Royal Munster Fusiliers, Sergeant Harry Close, Welsh Regiment, John Close, Royal Munster Fusiliers, and sought a temporary commission in the 10th Bn Royal Dublin Fusiliers. This Battalion was established to cater for the commercial class and the sons of farmers. Moore gave him a glowing reference of introduction that would, on its presentation to Brigadier General Hammond help him to get what he wanted. He died of wounds at Beaumont Hamel, France, 14 November1916. Age 32 years. He is buried at Puchevillers British Cemetery-Somme. 80 NAL. CO 904/93. County Inspector's Report 1 June 1914 & L.C. 9 June 1915. 81 ibid. CO 904/92. County Inspector's Report 28 February 1914 & 31 March 1914. 82 ibid. CO 904/93. County Inspector's Report 1 June 1914. 83 ibid. CO 904/94. County Inspector's Report 31 July 1914. 84 Quoted in McDowell, R.B. Crisis and Decline. The fate of the Southern Unionists, (Dublin, 1997), p. 55.

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General Sir Lawrence Parsons, and he received orders from Kitchener to make sure that only soldiers from John Redmond’s Volunteers, and others, were to fill this brigade. 85 Parsons, however, did not accompany the Brigade when it embarked for France; Major General Sir. William Hickie replaced him.86 It was the Irish leader's aspiration that the brigade was to form the nucleus of an Irish army when the war was over.87 He obviously meant that with the Irish soldiers having been trained to fight in Europe and elsewhere they would after the war be in a position to ensure the implementation and defence of Home Rule. It was certainly not to be the de jure army of the country, for under the terms of the act the legitimate military force in Ireland was to be the British army. Although Limerick had several barracks situated at various locations throughout the city,88 recruitment was initially confined to the Strand Barracks, North Strand, which was the headquarters of the 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers, the local regiment.89 Thus, any man seeking to enlist in the Limerick area would have been greatly encouraged to join that regiment. The exception to this was that recruits for the Army Service Corps were taken at the New Barracks.90 Free railway passes were available to all intending recruits who had to travel distances, on application to any police barracks.91 Recruitment, it was reported for the first three months of the war, was very brisk, averaging ten men a day, tapering off during the month of November. This was more than likely 85

Denman, Terence. Ireland's Unknown Soldiers, (Dublin, 1992), pp 38-39. Lieutenant -General Sir Lawrence Parsons was related to the Earls of Rosse. He had been commissioned into the Royal Artillery in 1870, made captain in 1880, and Lieutenant - Colonel in 1896. He had served in the Boer War. In 1903 he was made inspector general of artillery for India, serving on Kitchener's staff. In 1906 he commanded the 6th Division in Ireland, and retired in 1909. 86 N.V. 11 March 1916. Major General Sir William Hickie was born in Slevoyne House, near Borrisokane, about fifteen miles north–west of Nenagh, Co. Tipperary. He was of Irish and Spanish Extraction; his father was a veteran of the Crimean war, while his mother was from Spain. 87 Denman. pp 38 & 40. 88 New Barracks (now Sarsfield Barracks) located at Edward Street; Ordnance Barracks located at Mulgrave Street. King John's Castle located adjacent to Thomond Bridge and Strand Barracks, located at the North Strand, now Clancy Strand. 89 L.C. 12 June 1917. During the month of June 1917 a meeting was held in the Town Hall with the purpose of erecting a memorial to the men of the battalion who had fought and died during the war. However, nothing came of it. 90 C.E. 1 Oct 1914. 91 L.C. 9 June 1915 & C.E. 28 Sept 1918.

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due to the advent of Christmas. However, it increased again after this, so that by the end of January 1915, approximately 940 men many of whom were Irish National Volunteers had joined the colours, and the majority in favour of the Irish Brigade. The local unionist press expressed a sense of satisfaction at this.92 In order to maintain the impetus in attracting recruits especially for the Irish Brigade, meetings were held that were to be a recurring feature in the city and county. These meetings boasted some success, as very promising results were recorded, with a high percentage joining in the city and county. Further to this seventy-six men had enlisted during the closing days of the month of March 1915, many as before indicating a strong preference for the Irish Brigade.93

8th and 9th Battalions of the Royal Munster Fusiliers In conjunction with these meetings, the Royal Munster Fusiliers sent two detachments of the 8th and 9th Battalions to Limerick as part of their tour of recruiting for the Irish Brigade. The 8th was under the command of Major Laurence Roche, a well-known figure throughout county Limerick, and who was reputedly responsible for influencing some of the National Volunteers from the Dromin Corps to join the army.94 To emphasise the strong connection that the battalion had with Limerick, the nuns of the Good Shepherd Convent in the city made a religious banner depicting the Sacred Heart, subscribed for by public donation of not more than one shilling per person. It was then sent to the battalion where Roche, who was delighted that the people from his home county had sent the banner, wrote 'that the banner so kindly sent by the good people of Limerick was greatly admired by all that Limerick muscle and brains would yet make the Hun regret his attack (barbarous and furious) on civilisation'.95 Captured German war trophies were also placed on display at W.M. Kidd, 49, George Street during the month of May 1916.96 These consisted of some placards captured by men from the battalion, which stated that 'British soldiers were shooting Irishmen and 92

ibid. 2 February 1915. ibid. 1 April 1915. 94 Seoighe, Mainchín. Dromin and Athlacca, (Limerick, 1978), pp 86 & 174. 95 L.L. 24 May 1916 7 L.C. 17 June 1916. This banner is now preserved in the museum at Kilmallock, County Limerick. 96 Guy's Limerick Directory 1914. (Limerick, 1914), pp. 27 & 29. W. M. Kidd were Grocers and Provision Merchants, and in addition to the above address they also had premises at 4 and 103 O’Connell St (George Street), Limerick. 93

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women at home'.97 This of course alluded to the rebellion that had just taken place in Ireland. They had been placed on the top of the trenches opposite those in which the 8th Battalion was situated, obviously to test their loyalty, which the men displayed by ‘singing God Save the King’98 and ‘they were the centre of a very warm fusillade’ of bullets.99 By displaying them in Limerick the authorities hoped that it would encourage recruitment. The 8th Battalion was after all 'for the most part recruited from Limerick City and County',100 and 'the only regular or service battalion of the regiment where County Limerick soldiers outnumber those from the more populous Co. Cork and this is the most striking feature of the battalion'.101 Two officers Lieutenants D. D. Sheehan, an All for Ireland League MP for Mid-Cork,102 and Cregan, of the 9th Battalion presented themselves at Cruise’s Hotel during the month of March 1915, with the purpose of gaining recruits for it. Although the battalion claimed a strong Cork ethos,103 it was reported that close to a hundred men each week joined it.104 The required number of recruits for all the battalions of the 16th (Irish) Division at its establishment was 1,050, which increased by 50 during the month of July 1915, and reduced during August 1915 to 988 men. The numerical strength of the 8th and 9th Battalions Royal Munster Fusiliers increased steadily from March 1915 to August 1915, despite the alterations mentioned, and the fact that 1,200 men had been sent to the Tenth Irish Division to complete its establishment. Given that the strength of a

97

L.C. 27 May 1916. MacDonagh, Michael. The Irish On The Somme, (London, 1917), pp. 129-130 & McCance, S. Captain. History of the Royal Munster Fusiliers Volume II, (Aldershot, 1927), p. 197. 99 L.L. 24 May 1916. This newspaper indicated that they were placed on display at the County Club, O’Connell Street, Limerick. 100 ibid. 24 May 1916. 101 Staunton, p. 220. 102 Dooley, Thomas P. Irishmen or English Soldiers? (Liverpool, 1995), p. 199. D.D. Sheehan was also the Honorary General Secretary of the All for Ireland League and President of the Land and Labour Association. Three of his sons enlisted, two were killed in action. 103 L.C. 7 January 1915. 104 F.J. 31 March 1915. Also, the Limerick Chronicle 1 April 1915, states they had received 82 men in the course of two nights that they were there 98

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battalion normally varied from 1,000 to 1,100men,105 it was reported on 2 March 1915 that there was 625 men in the 8th leaving 425 to complete its establishment, and 646 in the 9th leaving 404 to complete its strength. By 29 August 1915, just before the Division left for Britain to complete its training they had a surplus to requirements, the 8th boasting 1,143, some 155 in excess of requirements, and the 9th having 1,026, giving them a surplus of 38 men. The table overleaf and the accompanying charts show the number of recruits for the various regiments of the Division from 2 March to 29 August 1915. According to the casualty lists, there were 190 in the 8th of which 60 or 31.58 % came from Limerick and 60 casualties in the 9th of which only 8 or 13.30% came from Limerick.106 However, the small number of Limerick men recorded as casualties in the 9th Battalion may be due to the fact that its existence was short-lived. It was amalgamated with three other battalions of the Royal Munster Fusiliers at the end of May 1916, to replace casualties in these. In total 22 officers and 486 other ranks were transferred to the 1st, 2nd, and 8th, with the latter receiving the majority.107 It is difficult to ascertain precisely the number of National Volunteers who joined from Limerick City and County. However, Henry Meaney, a member of the local city corps in a letter dated 12 September 1915 to Colonel Moore reported that out of 1,100 volunteers in the city who sided with Redmond, 500 or 45.45% had joined the colours.108 The date on this letter is significant, because official figures indicated that between 16 August 1915 and 15 September 1916, some 249 National Volunteers had enlisted in the city and county. Therefore it can be safely stated that at a conservative estimate over 600 National Volunteers had joined the colours locally and it was to the Irish Brigade they went.

105

CSORP, 21679. 1918. List giving strength of 16th Division from 2 March 1915 to 29 August 1915 and letter dated 18 January 1916 from the Department of Recruiting for Ireland. 106 SDGW. pp 31- 32. 107 Johnstone, Tom. Orange Green and Khaki, (Dublin, 1992), p. 213. McCance, pp 196-7 & 203-4. In his official history of the regiment McCance states that the battalion was absorbed completely by the 8th on 29 May 1916, and that the 8th Battalion was absorbed by the 1st Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers on 23 November 1916. 108 NLI. Moore Papers. MS 1058 (5). Letter dated 12 September 1915 from Henry Meaney, 12 John Street, Limerick, to Colonel Moore. The L. L. 19 May 1916 concurred more or less with these figures, it stated that the Irish National Volunteers in the city had between four and five hundred serving with the colours.

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The Irish Guards Although not part of the Irish Brigade the Irish Guards regimental band accompanied by recruiting officers arrived in Limerick during the month of April. They were greeted by a significant number of the population, who converged on the railway station, and included about a dozen of the Irish National Volunteers accompanied by three of the city bands.109 They thronged the thoroughfares to such an extent that the police had difficulty in controlling the traffic. This was historically momentous when compared to the opposition they had received during their visit at the turn of the century. The officers established recruiting offices in Cruise’s Hotel, where it was more expedient for them, beside the depot on the North Strand was where the Royal Munster Fusiliers was stationed.110 At a recruiting meeting held outside the hotel, the band played music that was designed to enthral the audience so that the speakers could address them. The speakers at this meeting were Bryan O’Donnell, and Sergeant Major James Rahilly.111 O’Donnell in the course of his deliberation said that men of military age should join the army, not only for the honour of Ireland and the fact that we were now loyal citizens of the empire, but also to avenge the men and priests of Belgium and France who had been inhumanely treated; we should also share in the glories of the empire in which we belonged and destroy the militarism which threatens to engulf us. Rahilly appealed for men to join the Irish Brigade and recalled that the first man to join the Irish Guards was O’Brien from Ballyneety. Although some success was recorded for their endeavours,112 in so far as thirty recruits had joined up, the authorities were not at all pleased with the result.113

109

NAL. CO 904/96. County Inspector's Report 1 May 1915 & L.L. 3 Feb 1916. These usually consisted of the Boherbuoy Brass Band, St.Mary’s Fife & Drum and Sarsfield Fife & Drum Bands. The former two had 22 and 34 Limerick men respectively serving with the colours while the latter had between 20 & 30 serving. Another, the Number 9 was practically depleted of its members. 110 L.L. 21 April 1915 & L.C. 22 April 1915. 111 Greensmith, H & Toomey, T. An Antique and Storied Land, (Limerick, 1992), pp 186-187. Also see Chapter One, p. 9. This is the man who wrote letters to his wife during the war in South Africa. He had since become the proprietor of two public houses in the Ballyneety area where he came from, and had the distinction of being a founder member of South Liberties G.A.A., Club. He also had members of his family serving in the army. 112 L.C. 22 April 1915. 113 NAL. CO 904/96. County Inspector's Report 1 May 1915.

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The arrival Sergeant Michael O’Leary, VC, of the same regiment attracted large numbers of people to a meeting held at the O’Connell Monument on 17 July. The inclusion of a soldier who had been awarded the Victoria Cross for valour in France it was hoped would encourage men to enlist.114 Again, the appeal was for men of military age to follow his example. Another speaker Mr. McLoughlin, the Hon Director of the Irish Recruiting Council, lauded the fact ‘that Limerick had done well’.115

Employer’s Guarantee At the same meeting McLoughlin made an allegation that proved to be at variance with evidence later on. He claimed that someone who said that employers did not want any more men to enlist approached him when he entered the city.116 The reasons for making this allegation were not outlined. It may, of course, be that with many of the men having enlisted there were not enough left to do the work, and therefore business had suffered. However, at a public meeting held at Cruise’s Hotel during the month of August for the purpose of encouraging recruitment in the city and county, some notable members of the business community had attended.117 In addition to this Limerick employers guaranteed at a meeting in November 1915 that their workers would have their jobs back on their return from military service after the war, and that every consideration would be given in dealing with their pay.118 In giving this guarantee publicly, although many had done so before, it could be argued that they were conforming to that of other employers in the country; their colleagues in Cork had done so shortly after the outbreak of the war.119 Limerick employers were a year behind them in this, and did not want to be seen as being opposed to their men enlisting. The Limerick County Council had given such a guarantee to Major Laurence Roche in November 1914 and to Limerick Corporation employee John O’Brien on 4

114

The Victoria Cross is the highest award for valour that can be attained by an airman, sailor or soldier in the British armed forces. 115 L.C. 17 July 1915 & NAL. CO 904/96. County Inspector’s Report 31 July 1915. 116 L.L. 17 July 1915. 117 L.C. 12 August 1915. 118 ibid. 30 November 1915 & 11 December 1915 & L.L. 13 December 1915. 119 C.E. 21 November 1914.

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August 1915.120 Both were obviously in compliance with instructions issued by the Local Government Board.121

Limerick Protestant Young Men’s Association While the majority of men in Limerick enlisted in the regiments of the Irish Brigade, some however, did prefer to join other regiments. This was the case of five members of the Limerick Protestant Young Mens Association who enlisted in a Scottish regiment, the Seaforth Highlanders.122 The association boasted that in excess of 100 of their members past and present had joined the forces.123

Recruiting Circular and the Lord Lieutenant’s visit to Limerick Wimborne, the Lord Lieutenant, issued an appeal for fifty thousand Irishmen to join the army, giving them the choice of Irish regiment in which they might wish to enlist. This appeal was by way of a circular sent in the post to the people of Limerick, and also appeared in one of the local newspapers.124 Following this it was reported that approximately ‘one dozen young men from Newcastle West which is already well represented in the army, joined the colours in Limerick. It having been stated that the circular sent out influenced them.125 Another report indicated that ‘one hundred recruits had been received, and more were daily offering’.126 During a visit to Limerick Wimborne held a recruiting conference at Cruise’s Hotel on 27 November 1915. Those who attended were given an opportunity of discussing with his Excellency the various phases of the recruiting, and included the scions of the status quo, members of the 120

ibid. 16 November 1914 & Minutes of the Committee of the Limerick Night Watch 4 August 1915. 121 LGB Circular No. 150/M /1914. 9 Sept 1914. 122 L.C. 17 Nov 1914, 11 October 1917 & L. L. 12 Oct 1917. One of these men Second Lieutenant James Dunn was to be killed in action. He had enlisted as a private shortly after the outbreak of the war, and was commissioned eighteen months later. Prior to joining the colours he was employed as an assistant at Mr J. Stewart’s City Pharmacy, 45 George (O’Connell Street), Limerick. He was 22 years of age. 123 ibid. 19 Oct 1916. 124 L.C. 2 Nov 1915 & 4 Nov 1915. 125 L.L. 5 Nov 1915. 126 L.C. 16 Nov 1915.

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business community, politicians, farmers and trade union officials. It was manifestly important to have all of these people on the side of the recruiting campaign and present a united front. During the course of his speech he directed his attention to the farmers and shopkeepers, parish priests, and publicans, stating that it would be very important to have them on canvassing committees, which should be set up in small towns and villages. The wounded ex-soldier should also be a part of these committees.127 It was clear that the inclusion of such influential people on these committees would as far as he was concerned boost recruitment. He had this message for the farmer and shopkeeper saying that there was reluctance on the part of some to join when the farmers’ sons or the trade rival had not done so. If they would do so then others would also.128 Many of the committees and platform parties in Limerick did embody that which Wimborne was looking for before he sought it. Priests did appear on recruiting platforms, although not regularly, but they do not appear to have served on any of the recruiting committees that were established locally.129 Others who served on these recruiting committees and platforms were resident magistrates, solicitors and doctors, this list could continue on and on, but ‘only to further emphasise the conservative character, the link with the status quo and morality, the element of wealth and/or status which placed them above the lower classes of Irish society. The exclusion of agricultural interests reflected the general apathy in farming circles throughout Ireland.’130 This was characterised when there was an attempt to establish a farmers’ battalion.

Farmers Battalion Towards the end of 1915 the issue of farmers and shop assistants enlisting in the army was raised. The working class had given more than its fair share of recruits to the forces, while those who gained financially as a result of the war were unresponsive. Some farmers had joined, but these were very few.131 So few, in fact, that it was admitted that only a small number had 'attended recruiting efforts…the physical difficulties of making an impression on a scattered population of conservative tendencies 127

ibid. 16 Nov 1915 & 27 Nov 1915. ibid. 27 Nov 1915. 129 ibid. 13 Jan 1916. 130 Callan, Patrick. ‘Voluntary recruiting for the British Army in Ireland during the First World War’, UCD. PhD, 1984, pp 67-68. 131 NAL. CO 904/96. ibid, 1 June 1915 & 30 June 1915. Inspector General's Report Aug 1915 & CO 904/98 14 Dec 1915. 128

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still prevail…'132 and it was alleged that they were 'lacking in martial spirit and show no disposition to enlist'.133 The avoidance of enlistment by farmers in the army was not regarded as cowardly, 'but as evidence of good sense', and those who were better off regarded it as a step down socially.134 Farmers, like the rest of the population, were prepared to support Redmond regarding the Home Rule question. They had gained possession of the land in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century through the efforts of the Irish Parliamentary Party in parliament. They had also reaped the benefits of the Plan of Campaign during the former century, and were therefore indebted to the party, but that was where the support ended. It did not extend to Redmond’s call to support England in the crisis that she was embroiled in, nor did they believe that such support was for the good of Ireland.135 They seemed only interested in the financial rewards accruing from the war with the demand for cattle and farm produce that was required by the military to feed the thousands of soldiers at the front. Although they were reluctant to serve in the trenches they had received more state benefits than any other class.136 Sir Charles Barrington also raised this at a meeting held at Doon, County Limerick, when he said that ‘they got all the grants for lands, housing, hay barns, and other departmental work, and while it was well to see good agricultural progress in such times, it would be well if some of the young men would come along and put their shoulder to the wheel’.137 The authorities, 'some of whom were apt to refer to them as a set of cowards, sneaks and shirkers',138 became concerned at this failure of farmers and their sons to enlist, and asked those who spoke at recruiting meetings to encourage the farmers surmising that the other social classes would also refuse to join if they did not. Sergeant Major James Rahilly, at a huge gathering in Pery Square, Limerick in October 1915, said 'in the matter of recruiting the working classes had set an example to all of them, 132

Army Report on Recruiting In Ireland, 1914-16. Cd. 8168 Volume XXXIX, (London, 1916), p 3. 133 NAL. CO 904/96. Inspector General’s Report August 1915. 134 Garvin, Tom. The Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics, (Dublin, 1981), p. 110. 135 NAL. CO 904/95. County Inspector's Report 1 January 1915. 136 ibid. CO 904/98. Inspector General’s Report 13 October 1915. 137 L.C. 20 April 1916. Colonel Sir Charles Barrington was the head of the Barrington family who resided at Glenstal Castle, Murroe, County Limerick. It is now called Glenstal Abbey, and is the home of the Benedictine monks. The family was well known in Limerick as the founders of Barringtons Hospital, and had a street and a pier named after them. 138 Denman, Terence. Ireland's Unknown Soldiers, (Dublin, 1992), p. 34.

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and it was now up to the farmers’ sons and shop assistants to do something for the preservation of their liberties'.139 It had been argued by farmers that they could not spare their sons, as they were required to tend to the cattle and save the hay. However, the falseness of this argument was pointed out at a meeting in Doon, County Limerick, when it was stated that there were plenty of men of 60 years and over who could do this work.140 William Molony, a farmer from Rathmore, Croom,141 spoke at a meeting in Kilmallock and had some hard words to say to the farming community. During the course of his speech he said that the farmers of this country had the largest interest in the fortunes of war, and that being so he asked them was it right to expect that the labourers should lay down their lives while those whose interests were greatest should do nothing. The farmers’ son who had not the manhood to do his duty in this war was a disgrace to humanity, and was not showing a good example to the labourers, who had no interest except to preserve their liberty and freedom.142

This statement suggests that those who joined up, notably the working class did so for economic reasons, and that those who stood to benefit most from the war, the farmers, were reluctant to do so. While the farmers were reluctant to enlist, it was of course not quite true that all the workers joined up for purely economic reasons as many who were committed Home Rulers did so following Redmond’s call. It was, however, the hesitation of the farmers that was the cause of concern not only to Molony, but also to other members of the farming community and the authorities. The formation of a farmers’ battalion may have been gestating in the mind of William Molony for some time as he continued to address recruiting meetings with the intention of persuading farmers to enlist, stating that many of his own class had joined the colours. With some of them joining Irish regiments and others the navy, when it came to his turn ‘he would not ask any man to do what he was not prepared to do himself’.143 The impetus for the move to establish such a battalion came from the Lord Lieutenant at the meeting held on 27 November 1915, 139

L.C. 5 October 1915. C.E. 28 July 1915. 141 L.C. 20 September 1917. He was to receive a commission in the 9th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers, and was awarded the Military Cross for gallantry during the war. 142 ibid. 19 October 1915. 143 ibid. 7 December 1915. 140

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when he remarked that farmers sons should be encouraged to raise ‘Pals’ companies in order to serve together. He also intimated that the same should be raised for draper’s assistants.144 There is no evidence to suggest that any attempt was made in relation to the draper’s assistants. With this appeal from the Lord Lieutenant, approval was sought by William Molony and Richard O’Connell, also a farmer from Grange, County Limerick, to form a battalion. 145 They received this from Captain Kelly, the Chief of the Recruiting Staff under the Lord Lieutenant, and Colonel Sir. Charles Barrington, Provincial Sub-Director of the Limerick recruiting area.146 The first meeting with this objective in mind was held at Croom on 2 January 1916, where Molony, who came from the area, appealed to his fellow farmers to join the new battalion that was being raised. Reference was also made by him to the numbers of agricultural labourers and town dwellers who had enlisted, and that the farmers had received great support from these people when they were fighting for the land. This was an obvious attempt by farmers to recall the land struggles of the late nineteenth century, and one in which it was hoped would be manifested in the farmers joining their fellow countrymen in the war. With this he also made the point that the Lord Lieutenant had given guarantees that officers in this battalion would be taken from amongst the farmers themselves. Provisional as it was the scheme stipulated that if insufficient numbers joined to bring the battalion to full strength, then they would not be called upon.147 Although these guarantees were very laudable, it is difficult to see how men that had joined up would not be called upon to fight irrespective of the outcome of whether such a battalion was formed or not. Meetings with the same agenda were held at Granagh, Ballingarry and Adare.148 At a meeting in Limerick City at the O’Connell Monument in early February Sergeant Major James Rahilly, who attended, stated that ‘…the farmers’ sons were coming forward in their numbers, also the sons of 144 ibid. 27 November 1915 & C.E. 29 November 1915. This was successful in Great Britain where men from towns and factories etc joined together. Such success was however to prove disastrous, because they also got killed together thereby denying many areas of numbers of young men. 145 L.C. 3 Feb 1917 and conversation with Michael Molony, Rathmore, Croom, County Limerick, a son of William Molony. Richard O’Connell was the son of D. S. O’Connell, and was later to receive a commission in the 9th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers later transferred to the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers. His sister was to marry William Molony after the war. 146 L.L. 22 December 1915. 147 L.C. 4 January 1916. 148 ibid. 13 Jan 1916, 22 Jan 1916 & 1 Feb 1916.

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shopkeepers’.149 These words from Rahilly were possibly said with a view to allay any misgivings that workers might have had over the numbers of men enlisting from these classes. Further meetings were held during the month of April at Kilmallock, Caherconlish and Doon, where the emphasis was again stressed on getting farmers to join up.150 While there is no doubt that farmers, their sons and shop assistants enlisted, they did not do so in adequate numbers to warrant a battalion of their own. Two important reasons have been attributed to the failure of farmers and their sons to join the army in numbers similar to that of the labouring classes. It was held that the leaders of the effort were not popular and that Sinn Féin activity was also responsible.151 Whatever about the former, the latter certainly had a great bearing on the issue, and was more than likely at the heart of the matter. Sinn Féin was against recruitment for the British army, and made capital out of the threat of conscription. Their policy was attractive to farmers sons and others who for their own or unpatriotic reasons were determined to remain at home, and became members of that organisation to ensure that they would not be compelled to join the army.152 However, the working class continued to provide the bulk of the recruits for the armed forces.

Propaganda With the bulk of the battalions of the Irish Brigade having achieved their quotas of men before they went to France, it was necessary to keep them replenished with men after they became involved in combat. This being so because of casualties incurred, the wastage of war was assessed as being 100 per cent per annum, and the necessity to replace those killed in Irish regiments with Irishmen.153 It was estimated that enlisted men fighting at the front had a life expectancy of approximately two weeks, and officers at the front more so as 20 per cent who held commissions were killed, compared to 10 or 12 per cent of enlisted men.154 149

ibid. 3 Feb 1916. ibid. 13 April 1916, 15 April 1916, 7 and 20 April 1916. 151 NAL. CO 904/99. County Inspector’s Report 1 Feb 1916 152 ibid. CO 904/98. Inspector General’s Report 13 November 1915 & County Inspector’s Report 30 October 1915. County Inspector’s Report 30 November 1915. 153 NAI. CSORP 1918, No 21679. The exception being 7th & 8th Battalions Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers and 7th & 8th Battalions Royal Irish Fusiliers, and letter from The Department of Recruiting for Ireland, 18 January 1916. 154 Winter, J.M. The Experience of World War I, (New York, 1989), p. 147. 150

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Those involved in recruiting were very assiduous in their efforts to persuade men to enlist. This is borne out by their use of propaganda, and to this end the spoken as well as the printed word was a very useful tool in disseminating information. It was necessary to portray the enemy as despicable creatures committing the most heinous crimes, the overall intention being to appeal to emotions in order to instil hatred of the Germans amongst the population. This was put into effect at meetings held in the city and county. In Limerick City and Bruff the emphasis was on crushing German militarism and emancipating Europe from Hunnish domination. At Kilmallock a direct appeal was made for men to join to dispose of the savages, in Murroe reference was made to atrocities by Germany in Poland and Serbia, while at Doon the speeches focussed on the monstrous Germans. Strong references to the atrocities carried out by Germans in little Catholic Belgium received paramount exposure at these meetings.155 An officer of the Royal Army Medical Corps at a meeting in Glin was more forthright in his hatred of the Germans; although they were responsible for his wounds he did not abhor them for that but ‘for the atrocities they had perpetuated in Belgium and France. The same treatment would be theirs if the Germans landed here. It was the duty of every man to fight them, so that they would be smashed for all time’.156 At the O’Connell Monument, during a recruiting rally in February 1916, the sanction of Sarsfield was introduced, with a speaker saying that he forfeited his life fighting for the liberties of Belgium, and that Cromwell was mild in comparison to the Kaiser.157 An advertisement published in the Limerick Chronicle posed the question ‘Is Ireland To Share Belgium’s Fate?’ and asked its readers to look over what the Germans had ‘done to the churches, priests, women and children of Belgium’.158 Other advertisements such as ‘4 Questions to the Women of Ireland’, ‘5 Reasons why Irishmen should join the Army’, ‘The Duty of Irishmen and the Duty of the Hour is to join the Irish Brigade’, ‘Why Wm. Redmond joined the Army’ and ‘Young Man, Is anyone proud of you?’159 These were designed to appeal to people’s emotions, their sense of

155

C.E. 23 October 1915 & L.C. 7 Dec 1915, 3 Feb 1916, 15 Feb 1916 & 20 April 1916. 156 L.C. 3 August 1915. 157 ibid. 3 Feb 1916. 158 ibid. 10 April 1915. 159 Ibid. 6 Mar 1915, 13 Mar 1915, 25 Mar 1915, 27 March 1915 & L.L. 3 Sept 1915.

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grievance and their fear at being classed as cowards who refused to enlist and fight, when others did so. When the passenger ship Lusitania was sunk off the coast of Cork at the Old Head of Kinsale by a German submarine on 7 May 1915, posters showing a blazing, sinking ship with people struggling helplessly in the water urged men to enlist to avenge the Lusitania.160 Those that appeared in Ireland called on Irishmen to join an Irish Regiment. One man, a corporal in the Royal Munster Fusiliers addressing a meeting in Doon, during the month of July intimated that it was the sinking of the ship that made him enlist, and that prior to this event he was an ardent nationalist and almost a Sinn Féiner.161

After the Easter Rebellion After the rebellion of April 1916 it was decided not to hold any recruiting meetings in the city and county as ‘a strong wave of resentment sprung up through the Nationalist population as a result of the execution and deportation of a large number of persons’ and ‘very bitter feeling in … Limerick… where the Sinn Féin element is strong’.162 It was decided that it was better to let people’s emotions subside before other meetings were held. This appears to have taken some time, as there were no such meetings until 1918. The possibility of introducing conscription was probably also a factor in this. This did not mean that there was not any recruitment-taking place. More subtle means were devised to encourage enlistment, such as displaying the German war trophies captured by the 8th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers. The sight of the Irish Canadian Regiment marching through the streets of Limerick on 1 February 1917 prior to their embarkation for France received a tumultuous reception with many people cheering them as they marched. Much was made of the fact that the mother of one of the soldiers, a Limerick man, ‘rushed forward and threw her arms around one of the men’, Lance Corporal Daly, and that he was released from duty for the

160 Preston, Diana. Wilful Murder The Sinking Of The Lusitania, (London, 2002), p. 306. 161 C.E. 28 July 1915. 162 NAL. CO 904/100. Report of Inspector General June 1916 and County Inspector’s Report 30 June 1916.

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day to be with his mother.163 The authorities hoped that this would also inspire recruitment. It was not until July 1918 when it was decided not to proceed with the implementation of conscription in Ireland, but to continue with the voluntary system that recruitment was again being promoted publicly and profusely when advertisements and meetings on a large scale were published and held towards this end. A system had been introduced whereby each county had to furnish a quota of men for the military by 1 October as the threat of conscription still loomed like Damocles sword ready to fall. The Irish Voluntary Recruiting Council indicated that 5,400 from a national quota of 50,000 asked for by the Lord Lieutenant, Viscount French, to replenish the Irish Divisions would be required from Limerick.164 These advertisements were therefore published to assist this campaign. They appeared under such headings as ‘Should we stab Ireland to Spite the British Government’, ‘More than a Million Irish Catholics have enlisted in USA’, ‘It is a Lie’, ‘The call to Irishmen’, ‘Vindicate your Country’, ‘The Irish Regiments want more men’ and ‘The Fighting Irish’.165 These were, as before, designed to appeal to people’s emotions. However, not to the emotions of grievance or fear of been classed as cowards, but to those of pride and patriotism, calling on men to join Irish regiments. It was stressed that they would otherwise be swamped with English men, and that Irish men were maintaining the honour of Ireland, but more men were needed. The leader of the Irish Party, John Redmond, had also made the call for more Irishmen to fill the ranks of the Irish regiments denuded by casualties. In a manifesto to the people of Ireland in early 1916 he called on Irishmen to Stand by and maintain the Irish army at the front. We must not, and will not tolerate the idea of our Irish regiments being reinforced by any but Irish soldiers. Ireland must maintain the Irish regiments until victory has been won. The gaps in the ranks of our Irish army must be filled not by Englishmen, or Scotsmen, or Welshmen, but by Irishmen. Our gallant fellow countrymen at the front commissioned me to make this appeal. They appeal today through me from the trenches to the farmers, the labourers, the artisans, and to every class of our people not to desert them. 163

L.C. 1 Feb 1917 & F.J. 2 Feb 1917. Lance Corporal Daly had emigrated to Canada some years before the outbreak of the war, but had joined the Rangers when they were embodied. 164 L.C. 4 June 1918 & F.J. 10 Aug 1918. 165 L.L. 5 Jul 1918, 12 Jul 1918 & 19 Jul 1918. L.C. 6 Jul 1918, 13 Jul 1918, 21 Sept 1918 & 5 Oct 1918.

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In your name I promised them in France and Flanders that Ireland would stand by them …Your brothers in the trenches are not only upholding the honour of Ireland before the world, they are defending Ireland itself from ruin and destruction, from murder and sacrilege, from confiscation of the lands of Irish farmers …You are under no compulsion, save that of duty.166

It was of paramount importance to Redmond that Irishmen should fill the ranks of Irish regiments, as he did not want it to be stated that Ireland was not providing an adequate number of recruits. In this he was caught between a rock and a hard place: although he supported voluntary recruitment throughout the war, and up to the time of his death, he and his party were vehemently opposed to any form of compulsion of men into the army. This was the only other way that sufficient numbers of Irishmen could be mustered to fill the ranks of these regiments. An examination of any part of Soldiers Died in the Great War relating to an Irish regiment confirms his worst fears. They indicate that quite a number of men from the places referred to by Redmond served in these regiments. Three meetings were also held during the same period, Serjeant Sullivan, KC, addressed one held at the Chamber of Commerce on 29 July 1918, at which he stated that he was in favour of voluntary recruitment and was opposed to conscription. However, there were, he said, people who would like to see conscription imposed so that they could win fame in the disturbance and unrest that would accrue as a result.167 He was obviously referring to Sinn Féin. Although they were opposed to conscription as a policy, they would have benefited from its implementation. During the month of September a meeting was held in Cruise’s Hotel where an Royal Air Force pilot delivered a lecture on his experiences at the front, and another at the O’Connell Monument, it was reported that recruits came forward at the end of both meetings.168

Other Methods With an executive committee whose purpose was to increase recruiting in the city and county, having been established with the title of ‘Limerick and District Recruiting Committee’ during the month of August 1915, other 166

L.C. 19 Feb 1916. ibid. 30 July 1918. 168 ibid. 14 Sept 1918, 28 Sept 1918 & 29 Oct 1918. With this purpose in mind a war flying exhibition was also held during the month of October, initially at Christy’s Motor Garage and later at 51 William Street, Limerick 167

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methods had therefore to be adopted in order to stimulate recruitment. Limerick had provided many men but many more were required. The idea of persuasion, not coercion, was suggested. One such method of persuasion was the distribution of what was called Certificates of Honour; they were issued by ‘The Central Council for the Organisation of Recruiting in Ireland’. Relatives of officers and men could apply for these ‘most treasured documents’.169 They were designed to make ‘the relatives of the brave men who were serving their country’ feel very proud, and invariably inspire others to join so that their relations could also get these prized possessions and feel proud.170 The presentation of these certificates was made at recruiting meetings, such as those held at Belfield and the O’Connell Monument in the city, and in the county at Rathkeale and Kilmallock.171 This practice was continued at many meetings in the city and county. Some speakers at meetings took pleasure in mentioning the names of men from localities who enlisted. This was done with the belief that it would further assist the recruiting effort. At Kilmallock reference was made to Lieutenant Walsh, George Clarson, Denis Taylor, John Fitzgerald and others. They were hailed as people to be proud of. While at Glin a speaker was heard to refer to the National Volunteers from West Limerick serving with the colours, notably, Private John Walsh, Royal Munster Fusiliers, who was an instructor of the Loughill Irish National Volunteers prior to enlistment, and Private Patrick Mulvihill, also of the Royal Munster Fusiliers.172 Another way of promoting enlistment was to publish details and photographs of families who were serving with the colours, as well as photographs of men who were awarded medals of distinction for bravery. One such family was that of Mrs Johanna McKnight, 26, Upper Henry Street, Limerick. She had seven sons in the army, who belonged to the Royal Munster Fusiliers and Leinster Regiment. The details with photographs were published under the heading ‘A Limerick Recruiting Record’.173 The underlying message here was that if this woman could give seven sons, why should others not do so? Another was that of 169

ibid. 29 June 1915 & C.E. 23 Oct 1915. See Appendix F. ibid. 2 Oct 1915. 171 ibid. 28 Aug 1915, 2 Oct 1915, 11 Sept 1915 & C.E. 23 Oct 1915. 172 C.E. 23 Oct 1915. 173 L.C. 29 June 1915. The C.E. 22 July 1915 published the photographs of the sons with their mother taking centre stage under the heading ‘Seven Soldier Sons’. The address here is given as 29 Henry Street, Limerick. There is no indication as to whether their father was alive or dead. 170

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Corporal P. Hogan, 8th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers, Blossom Hill, Rathkeale, who received what was known as the Hickie Parchment, for distinguished conduct in the field. Although there was no accompanying photograph, Major Laurence Roche of the same battalion recorded that It was the first distinction conferred on a soldier of the Irish Brigade … Rathkeale ought to feel proud of having produced the man capable of performing heroic deeds in face of a determined enemy and in the greatest war the world has ever known … This applies equally to all the Rathkeale boys in our regiment, to every Limerick City and County man in the ranks of the Royal Munster Fusiliers.174

The Provincial Sub-Director of Recruiting, Sir. Charles Barrington, in a letter to one of the national newspapers, sought photographs of men from the Limerick district who had been awarded the VC, DCM, or mentioned in despatches. The purpose of this was for the photographs to be turned into slides and shown at the local cinema houses with an outline of the feat that won the decoration, ‘in this way it is hoped that the magnificent deeds of valour performed by the gallant soldiers from Limerick, Clare and Kerry will be better known to their admiring fellow countrymen’.175 Military funerals also had the alluring power to inspire enlistment.176 The sight of men marching in procession proceeded by a military band behind a coffin mounted on a gun carriage, covered with the Union Jack flag, must have been a sight to behold. This was what took place at the funerals of Private Michael Ahern, Royal Irish Regiment and Driver Huggins, Royal Field Artillery.177 Both died in the New Barracks and were buried in Mount St. Lawrence Cemetery. One person went as far as having a poem published in the Limerick Chronicle, in an attempt to assist the recruiting effort. It appealed to the young men of Ireland to Go Forth And Join The Fight Your King and Country need you, Go forth and join the fight. Be strong and quit yourselves like men, 174

F.J. 27 March 1916. This letter was received by Mr D J. Madden of the District Council, Rathkeale, from Major Laurence Roche, who it was reported also sent the Certificate of Honour received by Corporal Hogan. This is obviously a mistake as Major General Hickie did not issue such certificates but he did issue that which became known as the Hickie Parchment. 175 F.J. 15 Mar 1915. 176 Dooley, p. 131. 177 L.C. 15 April 1915 & 14 Aug 1917.

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Chapter Two And Battle for the right. The right now trampled down By Europe’s ruthless foe: The buildings beautiful and old, All battered and laid low.

There were four other stanzas to this poem, all exhorting the youth of Ireland to come forward and fill the gaps created by the casualties incurred, or else Ireland’s case for Home Rule was lost. It was declared also that the enemy would not spare women and children, and that it was incumbent on the youth to fight to protect them.178

Voluntary Recruiting Quota Limerick did not come anywhere near to completing the quota of 5,400 previously mentioned. By 1 October 1918, the original deadline, only 498 men had enlisted, and the deadline was later automatically extended to 15 October. Then it was further extended to 1 November; this was so because although parliament resumed on 15 October, the necessary order had to be on the table of the House of Commons for 14 days before its implementation. The Freeman’s Journal could not have put the position in relation to Ireland and compulsory military service more clearly when it stated in an editorial that Whatever chance a recruiting campaign might have had before the War Cabinet carried its conscription proposals through parliament, it was plain to any man who knew not merely the Irish temperament, but human nature, that to ask for volunteers on the ground that if they did not come freely they would be taken by force was sheer political futility…the assertion of the right to conscribe the Irish people against their will, followed by the announcement that the right would be enforced if recruits did not join up voluntarily, showed that Downing Street had nothing to learn from Whitehall in the way of antagonising the Irish people.179

Conscription was never introduced, and at the end of the war only 632 men or 9 per cent of the total had enlisted.180 The majority of these men had been attracted to the Royal Air Force,181 and if they proved successful 178

ibid. 22 May 1915. F.J. 23 Sept 1918. 180 The figures are compiled from information on recruiting statistics published in the Cork Examiner on the dates quoted. A similar list was published in the Limerick Chronicle during the same period. See attached list of statistics and graph. 181 C.E. 31 Aug 1918 & 4 Sept 1918. 179

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in joining the service, they could become fully qualified pilots ‘enjoying the most exhilarating kind of sport yet discovered, with all the excitements of war and few of its discomforts’. It also enhanced their opportunity to further his livelihood after the war, as it would mean ‘flying from end to end of the world’.182 Openings were also available for men to be trained as air mechanics, and receive whatever allowances they were entitled to, including separation allowance.183 The other main enticement, of course, was that once a recruit was accepted into the Royal Air Force he could not unless he wanted to be transferred to the army, where there was every possibility that he would be killed sooner than expected. 184

Enlistment Motives Recruitment in Limerick for the regiments of the Irish Brigade was quite good, especially after John Redmond, called on Irishmen to enlist. Large numbers of Irish National Volunteers, many of who were members of the labouring class enlisted, notwithstanding the fact that quite a number were receiving wages greater than the paltry sum of 7s that a soldier received weekly.185 Some would also have been supporters of Redmond, but not members of the Volunteers. There was of course never any question that the mass of Volunteers would enlist, after all Ireland had to be protected against invasion. It was not the fear of a German invasion, but of the Ulster Volunteer Force, a large portion of which had not enlisted. It was patently obvious ‘that the main source of recruits lay outside of them’.186 Reliable figures are not available for those who were not volunteers and who enlisted. However, official returns indicate that between 16 August 1915 and 15 September 1916 a total of 480 men who were not known to be volunteers joined up in Limerick.187 It is not known how many of these came from the labouring class, certainly numbers of workers joined and many from those who were in casual employment. Limerick during this period Was the provincial town frequently described as having the worst housing conditions after Dublin. In 1913 there were 1,050 tenement houses … and 182

F.J. 17 Aug 1918. ibid. 27 Aug 1918. 184 ibid. 17 Aug 1918. 185 See Chapter on Economy. 186 Phillips, Allison W. The Revolution in Ireland 1906-1923, (London, 1923), p. 87. 187 NAI. CSORP 1918, 21679 & 11 October 1916. 183

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Chapter Two the proportion of one-room flats was around 15 per cent. Employment was mostly confined to casual labouring related to the docks and railways … The Irish Board of Works noted that it was a backward town, and the housing accommodation for the poorer classes is of a squalid description.188

It from these backgrounds that many recruits came – ‘slum birds’ as Lieutenant-General Sir. Lawrence Parsons was apt to call them came from.189 Referring again to the regiment associated with the area, the Royal Munster Fusiliers, the casualty list produced by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, gives (although not in all cases) men’s addresses in addition to their names.190 A study of these names and addresses against those of the 1911 Census shows that many of them did not live at the addresses published in the casualty list at that time. This therefore is an intimation that these men were at the time of enlisting moving between employments, obviously living elsewhere when the Census was taken. With the enhanced payments of separation allowances, a guaranteed income (no matter how small) being fed and clothed, and no doubt with encouragement from their wives, they enlisted. Economic factors such as a labour dispute encouraged one man to join up. George Madeley, had been an employee of J. and G. Boyd and Company, but due to a strike he was unemployed. Rather than walk the streets and be a burden to his family he enlisted in the Royal Munster Fusiliers on 27 May 1914. He was again in a position to provide some real income to his family, at least until he was killed in action in France.191 The local gentry who were mainly unionists also contributed to the recruiting effort, albeit for completely different reasons. They had faithfully served Britain throughout her empire-buiding days by providing 188

Murray, Fraser. State Housing and British Policy in Ireland 1883-1922, (Liverpool, 1996), p. 68. 189 Denman, Terence. Ireland's Unknown Soldiers, (Dublin, 1992), p. 41. 190 CWGC. Royal Munster Fusiliers Casualty List, (Berkshire, 1996). 191 L.L. 16 Feb 1914, C.E. 17 Jul 1914 & CWGC. Royal Munster Fusiliers Casualty List, (Berkshire, 1996), p. 83 & Census for Limerick 1911. The strike at J and G Boyd commenced on 14 Feb 1914 and terminated on 16 Jul 1914. The Census for Limerick 1911 states that he was the eldest of four out of six children remaining alive and that he was the son of John and Elizabeth Madeley, 98, High Road, Thomondgate, Limerick. He was 21 years of age when he was KIA on 28 March 1916 while he was serving with the 2nd Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers. His army number was 4547, and he is buried in St. Patrick’s Cemetery, France. Conversation with his niece Mrs. Breda Beegan, 1, Mount Pleasant Avenue, Limerick.

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men to the army and navy; therefore an inherent sense of tradition to the crown existed. With such excellent credentials ‘they accepted enthusiastically the call of the empire’ at the outbreak of war. Their participation was predominantly that of providing a leadership equal to their social status by becoming officers.192 They had no hesitation in wholeheartedly sharing the trials and tribulations of their fellow citizens in Britain.193 To this social class the war was no different to previous wars, when the mother country was in crisis they obeyed the call to serve. Limerick provided its share of men from this stratum, with such illustrious names as Captains Guillamore O’Grady, R. Massey Westropp, Lieutenants J. Massey Westropp, and J. Delmege, and Lieutenant Commander R. Cooper,194 to name but a few, and this was their finest hour.195 These are but some of the reasons why men from these social classes joined up. There were altruistic reasons for some; it was for them a ‘Just War’ against barbaric Germans. It is difficult to ascertain all the reasons that impelled men to enlist. This was after all portrayed as a war for King and Country, Democracy, Civilization, as well as the freedom of small nations.196

Anti-Recruitment While we have been mainly concerned with aspects of recruitment, there was also anti-recruitment. In January 1915 two men were charged with assaulting a recruiting sergeant of the Royal Munster Fusiliers at Bruree while in the execution of his duty, and a man was charged with defacing recruiting posters at Cecil Street in March.197 During the month of November 1916 a man from Galbally was charged with ‘using language which was seditious and calculated to prejudice recruiting’.198 They had 192

Dooley, Terence. The Decline of the Big House in Ireland, (Dublin, 2001), pp 122 & 124. 193 McDowell, R.B. Crisis and Decline: The fate of the Southern Unionists, (Dublin, 1997), p. 53. 194 L.C. 9 Jan 1915. Lieutenant Commander R. Cooper was an uncle of the author and poet Robert Graves. 195 McDowell, R.B. p. 53. 196 Jeffery, Keith. Ireland and the Great War, (Cambridge, 2000), p. 10. 197 L.C. 7 Jan 1915 & 17 April 1915. 198 NAI. CSORP 25583, 15 and 16 November 1916. This was the reply to a parliamentary question tabled by T. Lundon, MP for East Limerick to the Chief Secretary, after the magistrates had unanimously dismissed the case. He was charged with reciting a certain poem. Lundon’s question asked if anything was

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all been arrested under the terms of the Defence of the Realm Act.199 It is not known whether they were a part of any anti-recruitment movement. One man who was definitely involved in endeavouring to prevent recruitment of men into the British army was the honorary secretary of the Irish Volunteers, Limerick. He was prosecuted at Foynes Sessions for expressing remarks at a meeting in Shanagolden, on 19 September 1915, which were ‘likely to prejudice recruiting for his Majesty’s forces contrary to the Defence of the Realm Act’. During the course of his speech he was reported to have remarked that ‘those who have volunteered or would volunteer to fight for England are only traitors, cowards, and prostitutes’.200 The main opposition to recruitment came from Sinn Féin. It had instituted a strong anti-recruiting campaign in 1913, with the intention of ‘pouring contempt on the British army’, when it realised that a war between Britain and Germany was inevitable.201 Anti-recruiting leaflets had been circulated at various locations in the city and county, one was even found in a railway carriage. Another way such literature was distributed was through the post by Sinn Féin agents locally and internationally.202 The authorities became anxious over the effect that this was having on recruitment. Meetings were well attended and speakers did their utmost in explaining the issues involved in the war, but the result and trouble was done to stop over-zealous policemen from fomenting disaffection by bringing frivolous incidents to court, and if directions had been issued regarding any man who sings or narrates an Irish song or poem is to be charged. 199 Connolly, S.J. (ed). The Oxford Companion to Irish History, (New York, 1998), p. 139. The Defence of Realm Act (DORA), was enacted by the government as emergency legislation empowering them to make regulations for public safety, breaches of which could be tried by Courts Martial. 200 C.E. 29 Oct 1915. The defendant’s name was James Dalton, Clare Street, Limerick. He was brought before the following magistrates who constituted the court P.D. Sullivan RM, J. Fitzgibbon, P. Creagh-McMahon, Lord Monteagle, R. Coplin-Langford, P. Fitzsimmons, and J. Condon. When the accuracy of the notes taken by the Crown witnesses was questioned by the defence, the magistrates gave Dalton the benefit of the doubt. 201 Phillips, Allison W. The Revolution in Ireland 1906-1923, (London, 1923) pp 67- 68. 202 NAL. CO 904/94/95/96/98 County Inspector’s Reports, 30 Sept 1914, 31 Oct 1914 & 1 June 1915. This seditious and anti- recruiting literature was distributed in Limerick on 1, 15 & 20 Sept 1914, in Old Pallas 4 & 25 Oct 1914. Limerick, 20 Feb 1915 & 11 Mar 1915. Inspector General’s Report, Jan 1916, in Limerick by post from Munich, Germany, 7 Jan 1916.

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not commensurate with the expenses incurred.203 Sinn Féin was credited with influencing the people attending these meetings, to the extent that very few were recruited.204 They were also held responsible, which is probably correct, for the return of forms with the names of men prepared to enlist, who, on investigation turned out to know nothing about them. This had been undertaken with a view to creating havoc for the recruiting committee.205 Towards the end of the war when Sinn Féin was in a much stronger position than it had been at its commencement, it was successful in disrupting a recruiting meeting at the O’Connell Monument, and the meeting had to be terminated.206 Sinn Féin also targeted a recruitment promotion lecture being given by a Royal Air Force pilot at Cruise’s Hotel on his experiences at the front, but their opposition was not successful.207

Clerical Involvement In their efforts to discourage recruitment, Sinn Féin received support from several Catholic clergymen in Limerick. The Rev. Fitzgerald, C.C., Knockaderry, while presiding at a United Irish League executive meeting at Rathkeale, poured scorn on Redmond’s manifesto delivered at Woodenbridge, Co. Wicklow. He stated that ‘he would do all he could to repudiate it, and he trusted that every man would not join the army to fight England’s battles on the continent’.208 Two other clergymen, Rev. Hayes, Rathkeale, and Rev. Thomas Wall, were so active that their removal ‘to such employment as will deny their having intercourse with the people’ was requested by General Maxwell. He had appropriated all government power under martial law after the 1916 rebellion, and alleged that these curates had created ‘a dangerous menace to the peace and safety of the realm’. Their superior, Dr. Edward O’Dwyer, Bishop of Limerick, refused to countenance such an action, stating that ‘they are both excellent priests who hold strong national views, but I do not know that they have violated any law, civil or ecclesiastical’.209 For these clergymen to receive such support from their diocesan superior was very gratifying, giving them a 203

ibid. CO 904/96. Inspector General’s Report, Nov 1915. ibid. CO 904/98. Inspector General’s Report, Dec 1915. 205 ibid. CO 904/96. County Inspector’s Report, 30 Nov 1915. 206 L.L. 27 Sept 1918. 207 L.C. 14 Sept 1918. 208 NAL. CO 904/94. County Inspector’s Report, 30 Sept 1914. 209 Miller, David W. Church, State and Nation in Ireland 1898-1921, (Dublin, 1973), p. 331. 204

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sense of moral authority of a ecclesiastical nature for their actions. The Rev. Thomas Wall had stated that the British government only wanted Irishmen for the killing fields and Englishmen for reaping the financial rewards in manufacturing munitions. On another occasion he remarked that there was a reign of unbridled license among the Protestants of the English army at the front.210 This was not unusual for the bishop as he had been a vociferous critic of Britain for some time, although his actions and statements seemed to contradict this at times. He asked Redmond on behalf of Pope Leo XIII in a letter published in the newspapers to bring pressure to bear on the government to enter into negotiations for peace with Germany saying that he had ‘a right to be heard. You have given them (Britain) help beyond price … by your wise and upright statesmanship; you deserved well of your country, and brought her to the very threshold of Home Rule’. When Redmond refused on the grounds that Germany ‘who have been the aggressors…and show no sign of any disposition to repair the wrongs they have inflicted upon Belgium and our other allies’, he became an enemy of Dr. Edward O’Dwyer.211 However, he allowed a retreat for soldiers to be held in St. Joseph’s Church, permitted special masses to be said for the dead soldiers from Limerick in the city churches, and proclaimed his admiration, pride and devotion for the priests on the battlefield ‘carrying on their apostolic work, and amongst their fellow soldiers, winning souls for God’. He also entertained two officers of the Irish Canadian Battalion to luncheon during their visit and allowed a Novena of masses to be offered for Major Wm Redmond, when he died. 212 This was more than his

210

NAL. CO 904/120. Inspector General’s Reports September & November 1914. Both of these remarks were made in the Church at Drumcollogher on 26 Sept and 14 Nov 1914. 211 L.C. 14 Aug 1915, L.L. 11 & 13 Aug 1915 & F.J. 26 May 1917. Bishop O’Dwyer stated that ‘as to the few complimentary words which I used a few years ago about Mr Redmond (in relation to Home Rule I admit they were a mistake, and I beg to withdraw them. I thought at the time that he was an Irishman. I have learned since that he is not even a man. He is a mere figurehead painted green, but I thought at that time, that he had some strength of character, and some National feeling, and I believed that we were on the point of getting Home Rule … I admit I did not see through him in time, and when I praised him for his power and dignity, he had neither one nor the other…’ 212 L.L. 15 Feb 1915, 1 Nov 1915, L.C. 16 Jan 1917, 11 Jul 1917 & F.J. 15 Feb 1915 & 2 Feb 1917. The officers were Major Campbell Stuart and Captain the Hon W. F. Shaughnessy who was the adjutant and only son and heir of Lord Shaughnessy of Ashford, County Limerick.

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successor, Dr. Hallinan, permitted when John Redmond died.213 Although many soldiers serving at the front were Catholics from Limerick, including some 600 members of the Arch-Confraternity, not one secular priest from the diocese served as a chaplain in the army or navy. 214 It was left to the regular clergy of the religious orders to fill the vacuum. This was in spite of the fact that O’Dwyer had attended the bishops’ annual meeting at Maynooth during the month of October 1914 that lamented the lack of Irish Catholic chaplains, and proposed a motion in favour of increasing them.215 However, there is no evidence to suggest that the bishop forbade any of his clergy from taking up such positions. The authors of The Cross on the Sword, however, allege that it was due to ‘political partisanship’ on his part that there were no such chaplains.216 The bishop also gave sustenance to anti-recruiting elements.217 After a number of emigrants were assaulted by a mob at Liverpool who believed that they were trying to evade military service, the ship refused to take them any further and they returned to Ireland.218 The incident motivated the bishop into writing an open letter that was laced with distinct antirecruiting sentiment. He rebuked those involved in the attack, and had a strong message for those involved in recruitment.219 He asked What wrong have they done to deserve insults and outrage at the hands of a brutal English mob? They do not want to be forced into the English army, and sent to fight English battles in some part of the world. Is not that within their right? They are supposed to be freeman, but they are 213 C.E. 18 March 1918. Dr. Hallinan replaced Bishop O’Dwyer on his death in March 1917, and refused to allow a Requiem Mass to be said for John Redmond on his death in St John’s Cathedral, on the basis that it would introduce politics into the church. In the same newspaper a letter from Dr. Hallinan was published in which he stated his support for Sinn Féin with the proviso that if it as an organisation got involved in armed rebellion he would disown and distrust, and withdraw every word he wrote in its favour. 214 L.L. 15 Oct 1915. 215 C.E. 14 Oct 1914. 216 Johnstone, Tom and Hagerty, James. The Cross on the Sword, (London, 1996), pp 95-96. 217 L.C. 1 Jan 1918. Published a report that appeared in the Sydney Freeman’s Journal stating that Mr and Mrs Michael O’Dwyer, Melbourne, Australia had given seven sons to the fighting forces of the empire. They were nephews of the Most Rev. Dr. O’Dwyer, Bishop of Limerick. 218 Maume. p. 159. 219 C.E. 9 & 15 Sept 1916. Bishop O’Dwyer was to be conferred with the Freedom of Limerick following this and his answer to General Maxwell after the 1916 Rebellion.

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Chapter Two made to feel that they are prisoners, who may be compelled to lay down their lives for a cause that is not worth three rows of pins to them… Yet the poor fellows who do not see the advantage of dying for such a cause are to be insulted as shirkers and cowards.220

This letter was re-published by those involved in anti-recruitment and distributed outside churches and elsewhere by members of the Irish Volunteers in uniform and others. Interestingly it was also reprinted in Germany and distributed among the Irish soldiers in the Limburg Prisoner of War Camp, with the obvious intention of gaining recruits for Casement’s Irish Brigade.221 To a population with a dominant Catholic ethos, it undoubtedly had some impact.

An Unwitting Source The efforts of those involved in anti-recruitment received support from an unwitting source, namely the British military hierarchy. This was manifested in the attitude of the War Office to the various plans by Redmond to stimulate recruitment. There was also the failure to recognise the achievements and valour of the Irish regiments by not allowing their feats to be published with due accreditation. George Bernard Shaw, the famous playwright, wrote that ‘the British soldier can stand up to anything except the British War Office’.222 With Kitchener in the War Office this was precisely how Redmond, must have felt. Although Kitchener had been born in Ireland and raised there in boyhood, he had no Irish blood.223 This was more than likely due to the family tradition of being fiercely hostile to Irish nationalism and Home Rule. Kitchener believed that he was an expert on everything that was 220

NAI. CSORP 19834. 25 November 1915. ibid & NAL. CO 904/20 & CO 904/98. Inspector General’s Report, 16 November 1915 & December 1915. Lynch, Florence Monteith. The Mystery Man of Banna Strand, (New York, 1959), p. 57. Places of distribution were Kildysart and Carrigaholt, County Clare, Moira, County Down, Athenry and Kilereest, Galway E R, Clifden and Carra, Galway W R, Caherciveen, Dingle and Boolteens, County Kerry, Clonmante, Co. Kilkenny, Kiltyclogher, County Leitrim, Sligo, Killaraght and Pullaheeny, County.Sligo, Dundrum, Tipperary S R, Waterford, Ferns and Johnstown Castle, County Wexford. Interestingly it was also reprinted in Germany and distributed among the Irish soldiers in Limburg prisoner of war camp, with the obvious intention of gaining recruits for Casement’s Irish Brigade. 222 Shaw, Bernard. ‘The Devil’s Disciple’ in Three Plays for Puritans, (Middlesex, 1973), p. 118. 223 Pollack, John. Kitchener, (London, 2001), p. 380. 221

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Irish, and how the Irish should be handled. 224 He failed to recognise that ‘old prejudices against the British army had to be overcome, that the need for such special symbols of local patriotism was much more imperative’.225 It was only in April 1918 when conscription was being considered that a member of the military (attached to the Cabinet Office) recognised ‘that the failure of voluntary recruiting in the early stages of the war, was due to lack of tact and ignorance of Irish conditions and sentiments on the part of those in charge of military arrangements’.226 When Redmond saw Kitchener on 7 August 1914 about arming the Irish Volunteers he was rebuffed because the Volunteers were regarded as rebels who were enemies of the King.227 Kitchener refused to grant commissions to Irishmen of the same calibre as those of England, Scotland and Wales.228 Two months after the war commenced Lieutenant-General Sir. Lawrence Parsons placed an advertisement in the Freeman’s Journal asking ‘the women of the four provinces to work and present regimental colours to battalions representing their respective provinces’. He believed that ‘sentiment appeals to all soldiers, and especially to Irishmen, and what an important factor the colours of a battalion, are in fostering regimental esprit de corps’.229 Lady Emly, Tervoe, County Limerick was one of six women entrusted to receive subscriptions limited to £1 for colours to be presented to the 8th and 9th Battalions Royal Munster Fusiliers.230 Less than two weeks later he again placed an advertisement in the same newspaper congratulating the women for their work which had ‘been nobly responded to’, but that the colours could not now be sanctioned, by order of the Secretary of the War Office.231 This was a slap in the face to the women who in their eagerness had set about manufacturing the colours. 224

Denman, Terence. Ireland’s Unknown Soldiers, (Dublin, 1992), p. 21. Gwynn, Denis. The Life of John Redmond, (London, 1932), pp. 388-389. 226 House of Lords. Lloyd George Papers. F/23/2/24, 25. Minute by Colonel Leslie Wilson to Sir Maurice Hankey, Secretary of the War Cabinet. Hankey sent this on to Lloyd George the same day, 10 April 1918. I would like to thank Dr Deirdre McMahon for this reference. 227 Denman, p. 21. 228 George, David Lloyd, War Memoirs, Volume One, (London, 1938), pp 452453. 229 F.J. 17 Oct 1914. 230 C.E. 24 Oct 1914. The other women involved were the Countess of Bandon, Countess of Kenmare, Lady Inchquin, Lady Dunally and Countess de la Poer. 231 F.J. 27 Oct 1914. 225

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If Parsons appeared to be faultless in this instance, his attitude to sentiment does not seem to have gone any further than the provision of colours. He refused to accept many of the nominees recommended by Redmond for commissions, saying that candidates would not only have to be interviewed, but would also have to spend some time in an officer cadet company. One such person was Gordon T. Shaw, who was second in command of the Irish National Volunteers regiments in the city. Although he had been a first class shot in Marlborough College Officer Training Corps, he had to enlist in the cadets in order to gain his commission in the 8th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers.232 Another was R. O’Dwyer, Ballylanders, who also had to enlist in the cadets, and then received his commission in the 9th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers.233 If not ‘they could die in a trench as a private, for the fact of a man’s enlisting is the best possible measure of his keenness’.234 His obstinacy in not allowing a special badge to be worn by the men of the Irish Brigade knew no bounds. He asserted that the recruits should be imbued with the history and actions of the regiments that they joined. He feared that a new badge would militate against a sense of mutual pride in regiments that had such symbols as Sphinx, a Tiger or an Elephant as their badge.235 He was partly correct in his analysis, but he failed to address the issue of sentiment, as he had endeavoured to do in relation to the colours. With perseverance Redmond continued to seek the special badge, and Kitchener finally relented; the damage had, however, been done.236 The Thirty-Sixth Ulster Division had gained all that it sought. It was officered by those who had been in the leadership of the Ulster Volunteer Force, without those commissioned having to go through an officers cadet company, and it had its own distinctive badge and colours. All of this was not lost on the psyche of Irish nationalists, and therefore affected recruitment. Kitchener had appointed Parsons to command the 232 L.L. 9 Sept 1918 & Staunton, p. 190. He was later to be awarded the Military Cross for devotion to duty and gallantry in the field. He was transferred to the 1st Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers when the 8th Battalion was amalgamated, and was killed in action on 28 August 1918 in France. He is commemorated on a plaque in St. Mary’s Cathedral, (Church of Ireland), Limerick. 233 L.C. 30 Oct 1915. He was reported to have died of wounds received in action. He was the son of W.W. O’Dwyer, who had served as Chairman of the Mitchelstown Guardians for over 30 years, and a former member of the Limerick County Council. 234 Denman, pp 42-43. 235 Gwynn, pp 406-407. 236 ibid. p. 409.

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Sixteenth Irish Division, ‘because he was an Irishman, and understood the Irish, just like him’.237 Between them their understanding of the Irish actually prevented the Irish from enlisting. The failure to acknowledge the participation and bravery of the Irish regiments in action had not gone unnoticed. Redmond raised it in parliament on 2 November 1915, for him The obstinate refusal to allow the Irish people to learn officially of the achievements and the total absence of official recognition of their gallantry does more harm to recruiting in Ireland than anything you could conceive… In the end we do get to know what our troops have been doing, but we get to know it from the statements, letters, and interviews from wounded officers and men who come home. In that way we have heard a good deal about the gallantry of Irish troops and their suffering etc, but in the official despatches they have not even been mentioned. That is a strong statement to make.238

Redmond, may have been aware of the exploits of the 2nd Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers and that they had not received any mention in the official despatch of Field Marshal Sir John French. French, who was loud in his praise for the action of, General Sir Smith Dorrien at Le Cateau, France on 26 August 1914 during the retreat from Mons, Belgium.239 The Royal Munster Fusiliers had performed a rearguard action against superior forces of the German army at Etreux, France on 27 August, which allowed General Sir Douglas Haig’s forces to withdraw unhindered.240 In fact, the first intimation that many in Limerick had regarding the fate of the battalion was a brief reference to a letter in the Cork Examiner that a Mrs. O’Connor, Mary Street, received from her husband. It indicated that he was wounded, but was in a German hospital, and that nearly all the battalion were prisoners of war.241 Another notable action that did not receive recognition was that of the 1st Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers landing with the Royal Dublin Fusiliers and Hampshire Regiment at V 237

ibid. p. 397. F.J. 3 Nov 1915. 239 Field Marshal Sir John French was the Commander in Chief of the BEF. Coates, Tim series ed. The World War I Collection, Gallipoli and the Early Battles 1914-15, (London, 2001), p. 285. 240 General Sir Douglas Haig was later promoted Field Marshal and assumed command of the British forces in place of Sir John French. 241 C.E. 19 Oct 1914. Just over a week later the L. L. 28 Oct 1914 published a letter from ‘A Limerick Lad’ stating that there were a lot of Limerick men alive and strong … but that he was not allowed to give any information in relation to them. He was allowed to give some names, which were not all Limerick men. 238

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Beach, Gallipoli on 25 April 1915. When Admiral Sir John de Robeck’s242 despatch outlining these operations was published, the troops landing at other points of the peninsula were acclaimed by name. However, the regiments previously mentioned received no such praise, even though their landing was described ‘as the most difficult of all to capture’. The explanation given for this was that to publish such information would have given beneficial information to the Turks.243 Nevertheless, Philip Gibbs, a war correspondent argued, which was more to the point that they were not allowed to give the figures of our losses … That was inevitable because that was what the enemy would have liked to know. But the worst handicap we had was the prohibition of naming individual units who had done the fighting. In many cases it was necessary … But time after time the enemy knew exactly what battalions he had in front of him. Had he not taken prisoners? … Had they not identified the badges on dead bodies caught on their wire? It was no satisfaction for the mothers of these boys or their wives and sisters to read of “North country troops” or “Lancashire lads” or men of our “Home County regiments”. They wanted to know whether they were the 2nd Lancashire Fusiliers or the 8/10th Gordons, or the Londoner’s of the 56th Division. It was only after some time-months afterwards that we could name the battalions. It created ill-feeling against us, and because we were always allowed to mention Canadians and Australians when they were in action … Over 80 per cent of the armies in the field were composed of English regiments who had the least credit, though not by our fault.244

While Gibbs was referring to English and Scottish regiments etc this also applied to Irish regiments, and his analysis was most poignant. All of these factors were not lost on the people of Limerick, and undoubtedly contributed to the difficulty in getting recruits. There were also attempted desertions from the armed forces, for reasons that probably varied from not wishing to fight for fear of being

242

Pope, Stephen & Wheal, Elizabeth-Anne. The Macmillan Dictionary of The First World War, (London, 1997), p. 132. Admiral Sir John de Roebeck was commander of a Royal Navy cruiser squadron in August 1914, and went to the Dardanelles in early 1915. When the Admiral in charge of the operation collapsed he took over command. 243 Coates, Tim series ed. The World War I Collection, Gallipoli and the Early Battles 1914-15, (London, 2001), p. 285. 244 Gibbs, Philip. The Pageant of the Years, (London, 1946), p. 169.

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killed, to those of a political nature.245 While attempted desertions were reported, obviously because the men were apprehended, there were not any reports of those that deserted and were not caught.

Statistics The effect that anti-recruiting elements had on persuading men not to enlist should not be overestimated. There is no doubt that there had been a reduction in the number of men joining up after 14 December 1914.246 This is verified by reports of the Royal Irish Constabulary County Inspector for the Limerick area, thus indicating that although recruiting was deemed to be satisfactory in the city and towns during the months of April and June 1915 and January 1917 recruitment for the remainder of the war was mainly poor.247 This was mainly confined to the rural parts of the county and was symptomatic with Britain where figures were also falling.248 Nevertheless, the number of men who enlisted in Limerick from the outbreak of the war to 15 October 1916, which includes 816 that had enlisted from the date of the National Register, was 3,177 or 48 per cent from an estimated number that were available for military service of 6,551. 249 The latter was extrapolated from the 19,728 men of military age as taken from the National Register. The remainder consisted of 7,994,

245 L.C. 17 April 1915, 30 Dec 1916 & 11 Aug 1917. A few sample cases will suffice, and they were all charged with being deserters from the Royal Munster Fusiliers. At the City Petty Sessions on 16 April 1915. Private Considine was charged with desertion from his regiment; Private John O’Brien was charged with being a deserter at Glin, and Private Patrick Bromwell was charged on 11 August 1917. 246 Simkins, P. Kitchener’s Army: The Raising of the New Armies 1914-16, (Manchester, 1988), p. 116. 247 NAL. CO 904/96. County Inspector’s Reports for 1 May 1915 & 1 June 1915, CO 904/102. 31 Jan 1917 & CO 904/96. County Inspector’s Reports 31 July 1915, 2 Jan 1916. CO 904/99. County Inspector’s Report, 1 Feb 1916. CO 904/100 County Inspector’s Reports 31 July 1916, 31 Aug 1916 & 30 Sept 1916. CO 904/102. County Inspector’s Report 28 Feb 1917. 248 Simkins. Kitchener’s Army, p. 116. 249 George, David Lloyd, War Memoirs, Volume One, (London, 1938), p. 430. The National Register was passed in parliament on 5 July 1915. Its aim was to provide a complete record of the number and distribution of men at different age levels throughout the country, and also inform the authorities the supplies of men that were available for production of munitions.

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whose labour was considered indispensable, and 4,367 which was the estimated number deemed to be physically unfit.250 Statistics are not available as to the number of men from Limerick who enlisted from 16 October 1916 to the recommencement of voluntary recruitment for the quota to be achieved after the conscription fiasco. However, if the figure of 632 during this period is added to that of 3,809 a figure of 4,441 is attained. The Limerick War Memorial unveiled on 10 November 1929 bore the inscription ‘To the glory of God and to the memory of 3,000 Officers, NCOs and Men of Limerick City and County who fell in the Great War 1914-18’.251 This figure includes Limerick men who were in the forces prior to the outbreak of the war. Shortly after the commencement of World War II a report carried in the Limerick Chronicle stated that ‘the number of Limerick men who served in the last war, in sea, land and air reached nearly four thousand’. Based on all this evidence, it is safe to suggest that Limerick men and women enlisted in considerable numbers. 252

250 Statement giving particulars regarding Men Of Military Age In Ireland Cd 8390 (London, 1916), p. 3. 251 The Limerick War Memorial was unveiled on 11 November 1929 at Pery Square, Limerick, by Major-General Sir. W. Hickie, KCB, who commanded the Sixteenth Irish Division in France during the war. The memorial was blown up in August 1957, by a person or persons unknown. L.C. 12 Nov 1929. 252 L.C. 5 Oct 1939. The NCOs referred to are Non Commissioned Officers.

CHAPTER THREE POLITICS IN LIMERICK, 1914-1918

The prolongation of the First World War was to bring about a sea change in the attitude of people towards Britain. It was to act as the catalyst for the ultimate demise of the Irish Parliamentary Party and its sister organisation the United Irish League, which was to culminate in the rise of Sinn Féin as the main political party in the South of Ireland, following its victory in the general election of December 1918. With the Third Home Rule Bill having received the Royal Assent in September 1914, and placed on the statute book, there was tremendous excitement throughout nationalist Ireland. The bill had been originally introduced in April 1912, but was rejected by the House of Lords. However, they could not prevent its being entered on the statute book, as their power of veto, which had been the cause of the defeat of two previous Home Rule Bills, had been abolished in August 1911. Thereafter all that was required was that it should pass two consecutive sessions in the Commons to enable it to become law. With its enactment about to take place, the audience at the Theatre Royal, Limerick, became euphoric when a picture of King George V attending a London Fire Brigade display was shown, and cheered profusely.1 Now that the bill was enshrined in law and despite a stay of execution on its implementation that was to last for one year or for the duration of the war, Redmond was the hero of the day, and pro-British sentiment swept Ireland. Redmond had the Irish people in the palm of his hand; he had achieved that which had eluded his predecessors, Isaac Butt and Charles S. Parnell. Local demonstrations in celebration of its passing took place at Rathkeale, Bruff and in the city.2 Thomas Lundon, MP, addressed a meeting at Kilteely expressing the view generally held throughout the country that they were celebrating the freedom that had taken seven centuries to achieve.3 Those present were asked to promise unwavering 1

NAL. CO 904/94 Inspector General’s Report September 1914. ibid. 3 Thomas Lundon, MP, came from Kilteely, County Limerick. 2

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support to the agreement made by their leader John Redmond, on behalf of the Irish Parliamentary Party with the English Liberal and Labour Parties. Thomas Lundon also had a strong message for those who set themselves in opposition to the party and Home Rule, saying that He would not yield to any man, Sinn Féiners, physical force men, or to those who were sending pamphlets by the million through England against Home Rule. Those who acted in this way should be treated as enemies of Irish liberty … It would be the duty of the Irish people to rally round Mr John Redmond and his party … In the present war the interest of Ireland was associated with that of England, for if England was beaten so was Ireland, and if she went down Ireland would go down deeper still. They knew that the markets of England were open to Ireland, and there was no other recourse for the people of Ireland except the markets of Great Britain.4

This was an appeal to the people to maintain the connection with Britain. Although Home Rule was on the statute book, complete separation was not an option as the market for produce and cattle was in Britain, and Ireland relied on this. Sinn Féiners and those described as physical force men were presented as the cause of the ruination of these markets, and should not be listened to. Prior to the arrival of Alderman Michael Joyce, MP, at the Limerick railway terminus in September 1914 from London, there had been a public demonstration of joy throughout the city, with the music of the local bands helping to swell the crowds. The vice-president of the city division of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, speaking from their headquarters, said that Ireland had achieved her freedom as a nation after a long struggle.5 When Joyce arrived a large party met him, addressing those present in a similar fashion as that of the former speaker he said that ‘after a long and bitter struggle Home Rule was won by superior statesmanship’. He was accompanied to his home by a guard of Irish National Volunteers. At Abbeyfeale, the Rev. Canon Lee, PP, spoke of the splendid achievement of the Irish Parliamentary Party under John Redmond, and congratulated their representative P. J. O’Shaughnessy, MP for his attendance during the progress of the bill in the House of Commons. Canon Lee was later to preside over and address a protest meeting against conscription consisting of about 600 Irish Volunteers carrying Irish Republican Brotherhood flags. 4

C. E. 21 Sept 1914. Their headquarters was at Hartstonge Street. It had previously been the home of the O’Mara family, the bacon merchants. Today it is the headquarters of the St Vincent De Paul Society and is named Oznam House.

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During and after these meetings those present sang ‘A Nation Once Again’, a song that was probably destined to become the anthem of the new parliament under Home Rule.6 Messages of support and congratulations were received from various bodies throughout the city and county.7 Limerick Corporation was one of the first local authorities to congratulate the Irish leader, the party and of course the MP for the city, Alderman Michael Joyce, on the passing of the bill when it became obvious that it was going to be placed in the statute book. They had previously expressed the view that the granting of Home Rule be speedily accomplished; being convinced that it would be for the benefit of the whole country, without distinction of creed or class, and that it would at once bring peace and happiness, enjoyment and prosperity to the whole Irish race, all sections, denominations, living and working together for the common good.8 Limerick County Council expressed similar sentiments; its chairman having indicated at its annual meeting in June 1914 that once implemented ‘a glorious chapter in the history of Ireland’ would have been fulfilled.9 Local branches of the Irish National Volunteers wrote, pledging unswerving support and loyalty to Redmond and his MPs in view of the great work accomplished, adding that he could rely on their support in future trials and tribulations.10 Some branches such as those of Feenagh and Pallasgreen went further, criticising the actions of a minority who refused to adhere to Redmond’s policy of support for Britain in the crisis that was underway. The resolution passed by the Feenagh Irish National Volunteers is worthy of mention. They stressed their utmost appreciation for the work of their illustrious leader in relation to the crisis that they were confronted with but Are pleased that those unknown and self-notoriety seeking nonentities comprising the minority of the Provisional Committee have shown themselves in their true light, and at the same time we treat as unworthy of 6

C. E. 21 Sept 1914, L. C. 19 Sept 1914 & L.L. 26 April 1918. F.J. 22 Sept 1914. Limerick Hibernians, Irish Club, Limerick, Bruff Nationalists, Abbeyfeale Ancient Order of Hibernians & United Irish League. 8 LCA. Limerick Corporation Minutes 23 Jan & 4 June 1914. 9 Ferriter, Diarmaid. Cuimhnigh ar Luimnigh. A History of Limerick County Council 1898 – 1998, (Limerick, 1998), p. 4 & F.J. 13 Oct 1914. Other bodies that wrote expressing their loyalty and support were Croom Rural District Council & Division 1235, Ancient Order of Hibernians, Limerick. 10 F.J. 22 Sept, 7 & 13 Oct 1914. These branches were Abbeyfeale, Askeaton, Boher, Croom, Glin, and a branch encompassing the Glen, Ballyhahill, Turraree and Loughill Corps. 7

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Chapter Three notice the nonsensical vapourings of the few of the same ilk quite recently, who posed as being the only possible exponents of national opinion in Sarsfield’s historic old country.11

The Limerick City Regiment of Volunteers called upon the incumbent committee of that body to resign because of their predisposition towards Sinn Féin, and elected a new committee on 1 October 1914 that was comprised of Redmondite supporters.12 The new committee elected officers and resolved unanimously to support the action of John Redmond and condemned the manifesto issued by the minority dissenting Provisional Committee.13 A further expression of loyalty and confidence was displayed at Greenpark Racecourse on 20 December 1914, where up to 10,000 National Volunteers from Munster congregated to be addressed by Redmond. Addresses of support were received from Limerick Corporation and County Council, Ennis Urban District Council, Tipperary and Charleville Rural District Councils, the Boards of Guardians from Limerick, Tipperary and Rathkeale. Statements of support also came from the City Divisional Executive United Irish League and the Ancient Order of Hibernians in Limerick, Ennis and the Clare Board of the same organisation.14 The membership of these organisations often overlapped, with members of the United Irish League and Ancient Order of Hibernians serving on the bodies previously referred to. These members therefore would have had 11

ibid. 7 Oct 1914. ibid. 5 Oct 1914, C.E. 8 Oct 1914 & 13 Oct 1914. L.C. 24 Sept 1914. NAL. CO 904/94 & CO 904/120 Inspector General’s Report Sept 1914 & Nov 1914 & NLI. Maurice Moore Papers. MS 10549 (5). A resolution calling on the committee to resign was passed at a meeting of Volunteers held at their headquarters in the Markets. It read ‘that as the present committee of the Limerick City Volunteers do not enjoy the confidence of the overwhelming majority of the battalion, they are hereby requested to resign office, and that immediate steps be taken for the election of a committee which will ensure that the Limerick Volunteers will stand in with the rest of Ireland, led by Mr J. E. Redmond and the Irish Party’. The committee before the split consisted of the Mayor, Alderman Philip O’Donovan who was President, George Clancy, Charles P. Close, Michael P. Colivet, John Grant, Michael Hartigan and John Lehane. The new committee consisted of the Mayor Alderman Philip O’Donovan, President, F. McNamara, vice-president, Sir Vincent Nash, DL, Gordon Shaw, hon. treasurers, C.C. Cregan, recording secretary, T. S. Lawler organising secretary and C. F. Close, adjutant. Twelve hundred Volunteers attended the meeting that elected the new committee. 13 ibid. 13 Oct 1914. 14 L.C. 22 Dec 1914. Special trains had arrived in the city from Birr, Cork, Ennis, Foynes, Killaloe, Kilmallock, Tralee and Waterford. 12

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an influence on these bodies in presenting the addresses to the Irish leader. There had been an attempt by some councillors to prevent Limerick Corporation from accepting the invitation to the review: they wanted an assurance that Redmond would not make any recruiting speech when addressing the Volunteers and people present. One Councillor Michael O’Callaghan described the split in the Volunteers as tragic, and urged that the Corporation should desist from taking sides but instead strive to bring them together. He was also of the opinion that the Irish Question was in a vulnerable position, and that the Irish Parliamentary Party could be required yet to bring it to fruition.15 Pro-British sentiment also increased after the placement of the Home Rule Bill on the statute book and Redmond’s call for men to join the army. There had of course been such an attitude amongst the people of Limerick at the commencement of the war. This was evident in August 1914 at the city’s railway terminus, when a substantial number of men from the 5th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers, the local regiment, departed for Athlone in Co Westmeath, and their comrades in arms, the South Irish Horse, arrived in the city, both amid ‘scenes of animation and bustle’.16 When the men from the York and Lancaster Regiment departed the following week, the route to the station was thronged with people ‘who were so eager to show their admiration for the men that they presented them with cigarettes, chocolates and papers. The soldiers delighted at the generosity of the people, reciprocated by expressing their gratitude. The admiration for this regiment was so profound that one person penned a poem in honour of them entitled ‘To York and Lancaster – Greetings’. The first three verses refer to the wars of the roses, between the forces of York and Lancaster that took place in England over monarchical succession. The last verse refers to the esteem for the regiment in Limerick, and looking forward to meeting again in the future; Old Limerick sends you a greeting fight on till the foeman has fled. Here’s luck to our next merry meeting, and cheers for the White Rose and Red.

15

LCA. Limerick Corporation Minutes 3 Dec 1914 & NAL. CO 904/94. Inspector General’s report for Dec 1914. The Newcastle West branch of the Irish National Volunteers whose committee was predominantly against Redmond decided not to attend the meeting, however, forty did attend. 16 L.C. 6 Aug 1914.

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That many people were very pro-British was also in evidence when the men of the Royal Engineers, who were billeted in the city, departed by train, they were enthusiastically cheered by the crowd on the platform.17 When two detachments of the Royal Army Medical Corps departed from the city within a week of each other ‘they were cheered by the residents of the locality through which they proceeded’ on their way to the station, and while on the platform there were many present to wish the gallant fellows bon voyage. Later when a detachment of the same corps and troopers of the South Irish Horse that had been stationed in the New and Ordnance Barracks left Limerick for England on the completion of their training ‘there was a large number of civilian friends to see the men off’.18 This was surely further evidence of the people’s loyalty and enthusiasm. A prominent feature of all these troop movements was the use of the railway, which was capable of moving large contingents of men. The fact that the war was not over by Christmas 1914 does not seem to have deterred the inhabitants of the city and county who continued to show their allegiance to Britain.19 This allegiance was further exemplified when members of what was described as ‘Sinn Féin’20 Volunteers numbering 1,100, led by P.H. Pearse marched through the streets of Limerick during the month of May 1915.21 They had advertised the parade and the route that they were to proceed by in one of the local newspapers; thereby informing those who wished to voice their opposition to them to do so.22 The parade, which was one of three held, was very orderly as it passed through the principal streets, with 17

ibid. 15 Aug 1914 & 27 Mar 1915. ibid. 17, 24 April 1915 & 26 June 1915. 19 NAL. CO 904/94. County Inspector’s Report, 30 Nov 1914. 20 Sinn Féin was a term used loosely by the authorities as well as the Irish Parliamentary Party etc for anyone who opposed them, although it was generally used to describe those of advanced nationalist views. After the rebellion in 1916 those with advanced views called themselves Sinn Féiners. 21 L.C. 25 May 1940. Other prominent people reported to have been in attendance on that day were Tom Clarke, W. Pearse, Liam Mellows, Sean McDermott, Ned Daly, Terence McSwiney, George Clancy and Thomas McCurtain. 22 NAL. CO 904/96. County Inspector’s Report, 1 June 1915 & L.L. 21 May 1915. The route was commencing at 12.15 from the People’s Park to proceed through Mallow Street, O’Connell Avenue, Wolfe Tone Street, Lord Edward Street, Boherbuoy, Parnell Street, Mary Street, Nicholas Street, North Strand, Sarsfield Street, O’Connell Street, Barrington Street and Pery Street. Depending on one’s point of view Wolfe Tone Street was Collooney Street, Parnell Street was Nelson Street and O’Connell Street was George Street. The other parades were held in Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford and Tralee, Co. Kerry. 18

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people showing neither enthusiasm nor hostility.23 It was only when they marched through the Irishtown district that they received a vociferous and hostile reception from the residents: ‘in this locality the Volunteers were groaned and booed and stones were freely thrown’ and hearty cheers were raised for the Royal Munster Fusiliers and other Irish regiments by the crowds on the sidewalks, who had relatives and friends in those units, at present fighting at the front. They were naturally infuriated at what they perceived to be pro-German supporters marching through their quarter.24 These Volunteers further angered the people who gathered outside the railway terminus to watch them depart, when they (Volunteers) raised ‘hochs’ for the Kaiser.25 Ironically, it was the force that was to be vilified by the ‘Sinn Féin’ Volunteers and party, the Royal Irish Constabulary that protected them together with members of the Catholic clergy and prevented any serious injuries. The aims of these Volunteers were seen as a threat to the men who were fighting at the front, and to march such a force through the middle of an area with so many relatives etc serving at the front was tantamount to gross insensitivity.26 While the events were reported shortly after they occurred, it was only twenty-five years later when a Volunteer participant in the parade wrote retrospectively about the occasion. The parade, according to this article, was held as a protest against the victimization of Robert Monteith, who had been an instructor with the Dublin Brigade of the Irish Volunteers, but was deported to Limerick.27 Did this mean that the parades held at Enniscorthy and Tralee were also held because some other Volunteers were ‘victimized’, and sent to these towns? Then there is the conspiracy theory that large sums of money had been used to prime the ‘dregs’ of society living in the slum areas of Watergate and Palmerstown with 23

C.E. 24 May 1915 & Edwards, Ruth Dudley. Patrick Pearse: The Triumph of Failure, (Dublin, 1990), p. 234. 24 L.L. 26, 29 May 1915 & N.V. 29 May 1915. 25 C.E. 25 May 1915. Hochs meaning salutes or cheers. The contingents were from Dublin, Tipperary, Cork and Limerick. 26 L.L. 29 May 1915. 27 Lynch, Florence Monteith. The Mystery Man of Banna Strand, (New York, 1959), & Henry, R.M. The Evolution of Sinn Féin, (Dublin, n.d.), p. 177. Robert Monteith was ordered out of Dublin on 14 November 1914. He had enlisted in the British army in 1896, serving with the Royal Horse Artillery in India and fought in the Boer War. On his return to Ireland he retired from the army and was employed by the Ordnance Survey. He joined the Irish Volunteers and after the split remained with them as distinct from the Irish Nnational Volunteers. This resulted in his loss of employment, but his military experience made him a valuable asset and he was appointed as an instructor.

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alcohol so that serious rioting and injury would ensue. There is no way of confirming whether this was true, but it would not have been necessary, as the participant duly noted ‘the finest fighting material of the famous Royal Munster Fusiliers’ came from this area, and that would be sufficient for the inhabitants to voice their opposition and hostility to those involved in the parade. That the Royal Irish Constabulary stood idly by and watched as the Volunteers were attacked does not concur with the newspaper reports. The author of the article also does not refer to the German salute given by the Volunteers at the railway terminus, which incurred the wrath of the populace. It would appear that the writer was being selective in his story.28

Comforts for men at the front and Prisoners of War Numerous ancillary organisations and committees for the interests and welfare of the soldiers set about the task of collecting funds, clothing and other items that would be of use to the soldiers at the front or their dependants at home. The Royal Munster Fusiliers Old Comrades Association, established just before the outbreak of the war in 1914, set up a War Relief Fund. They appealed to the people of Limerick to give generously as many of the men serving with the battalions of the regiment came from the area. In this respect they pointed out that 'no fund can have a stronger claim on the sympathy and generosity of the four counties in the Regimental District'. Limerick was one of these counties. Those who did not wish or were unable to donate money were asked to contribute articles such as 'books, flannel shirts, drawers, cholera belts, handkerchiefs, women's skirts, and blouses, children's clothes and baby clothes, tobacco, cigarettes, pipes and plain chocolates'.29 Quite a list as one can see, and obviously some of the items listed were not for the soldiers, but for their next-of-kin and children who might endure hardship while the bread earner was away. The fund frequently published a subscription list, which to all intents and purposes was a list of what could be regarded as the higher echelons of society. 30 Among the many donors were serving and non-serving officers of the regiment, and their wives, as well as a high proportion of Justices of the Peace (JPs), of whom there was quite a few from Limerick, and who were 28 L.C. 25 May 1940. The title of the article was ‘Whit-Sunday Riots, 1915: The Irish Volunteer Parade’. The author of the article was A.J. O’Halloran, a former Volunteer. 29 ibid. 1 September 1914. 30 ibid. 10 September 1914.

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well known in the area at the time, such as B.J. Waller, T.E. Pegum, JP,31 Sir Alexander Shaw, and C.E. Vandeleur, to name but a few. These people were in a position to make large individual contributions, usually ranging from £1 to £3. Employees of firms such as Messrs Russell and Sons,32 whose remuneration would not have been equal to that of the previous people listed, nevertheless wanted to contribute what they could. Their class, the working class, was after all well represented at the front. Money boxes placed in the main banks such as the Munster and Leinster, National and Provincial were very much utilised; this gave people in the city and county the opportunity to donate what they could and retain their anonymity. The branches of these banks in both city and county collected sums ranging from £1 to £5.33 This was a clear indication that many people in the city and county supported Great Britain and her forces in the conflict against Germany and her Allies. Towards the latter part of the war, complaints were made that the fund had not received any gifts in kind for some time prior to 1918, and that there had been a falling off in the donations received. Donations, however, continued to be received for POWs and £170 was expended in sending parcels to the 572 Royal Munster Fusiliers prisoners in Germany, many of whom were from Limerick.34 By 1918 the amount of donations received declined and the people who had supported the fund at the commencement of the war in 1914 were keeping it in existence. These were the officers, ex-officers and men who had served in the regiment, as well as members of the gentry, who in many instances if they had not served, had sons serving. Limerick people continued to figure predominately in the lists published, i.e., Sir Charles Barrington, the Dean of Limerick, Sir Vincent Nash, 35 Colonel J. de C. O’Grady, and Captain J. O'Grady Delmege.

31

L.C. 2 October 1917. Thomas E. Pegum, J.P., Cahara House, Glin, had two brothers serving with the military Captain Joseph P. Pegum, Royal Army Medical Corp (RAMC), who was killed in action on 10 September 1917, and Lieutenant Stephen Pegum, Royal Munster Fusiliers. 32 ibid. 3 November 1914. The banks did not disclose the total amounts collected. 33 ibid. 22 September 1914, 8 October 1914 & 2 February 1915. 34 ibid. 5 Sept 1916 & 26 July 1917. 35 ibid. 6 April 1918. Sir Vincent Nash had a son serving with the Irish Guards, Lieutenant James H. Nash, age 20 years who was killed in action on 27 March 1918. To honour his memory Sir Vincent donated a Baptistery to St. Munchin’s' Roman Catholic Church, Thomondgate, Limerick. It is the only memorial to a soldier of the British army in a R. C. church in Limerick city.

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Organisations other than the Royal Munster Fusiliers Old Comrades Association War Fund also existed with much the same aims, but while those with military connections administered the latter, civilians managed them. Individuals not attached to any organisations also became involved. Many of these people either had relations fighting in the war or believed in the cause that Britain was fighting for. Lord Dunraven opened the pleasure grounds and Manor House at Adare for one shilling per individual: the proceeds were used for obtaining requisites and comforts for the soldiers of the Munster Fusiliers serving at the front.36 Alderman Michael Joyce, MP, received of a postcard from a Limerick Munster Fusilier, Private Joseph Falahee, a prisoner of war (POW) in a German camp37 (who did not hesitate to inform him, that he was one of the latter's ‘old followers’) asking for cigarettes and tobacco.38 Joyce who was a great admirer of Irish valour, especially the rear guard action of the Royal Munster Fusiliers during the retreat from Mons in August 1914, set about organising such items with the assistance of Mr William Nolan, Town Clerk.39 While the tobacco firms Messrs Cahill, Clune Raleigh and Clarke (Liverpool) gave or promised consignments, Spillane's Tobacco Factory, in addition to the tobacco purchased for £3 10s, also added extra portions on their own behalf.40 Sporting organisations such as the Limerick Lawn Tennis Club and Limerick Golf Club held competitions for various good causes associated with the war. The club collected entrance fees or the proceeds of a competition and gave them to the relevant people.41 Two golf competitions were held by the club in September and November 1915, and the proceeds from both amounting to £13 10s was given to Lady Shaw to procure comforts for the soldiers of the Royal Munster Fusiliers and POWs.42 One of the main movers behind these events would undoubtedly have been Sir Alexander Shaw, husband of the above and a founder member of the club. He had two sons serving as officers in the Royal Munster Fusiliers. Other .

36

F.J. 15 January 1915 & L.L. 18 January 1915. NAL. 1914 Star Medal Roll, Royal Munster Fusiliers, (London). Private Joseph Falahee was a prisoner of war in Limburg camp, Germany, after being captured following the rearguard action of the 2nd Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers at Etreux, Northern France on 27 August 1914. 38 L.L. 29 March 1915. 39 F.J. 28 May 1917. William Nolan had a son, Second Lieutenant W. A. G. Nolan, who was serving as a officer in the Royal Munster Fusiliers. 40 L.L. 2 April 1915 & 28 May 1915. 41 L.C. 12 September 1914. 42 F.J. 18 September 1915 & 8 November 1915. 37

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funds such as the Red Cross Fund also received the proceeds from competitions.43 The club had 32 members serving with the military.44 The Limerick Lawn Tennis Club held a tennis and bridge tournament in aid of a Bread Fund for POWs in Germany.45 Two concerts were held in the Limerick area during the month of January 1916, one under the patronage of the Limerick City and County United Aid League in the Desmond Hall, Cruise’s Hotel, the funds 'to provide comforts for Irish soldiers at the front and POW's'.46 The concert held in the Creamery Hall, Knocklong, was under the patronage of the Annual Dance Committee, and the £60 collected was committed to providing 'comforts for the troops of the Irish Brigade (Sixteenth Irish Division).47 Additional concerts were held on 16 and 17 March 1917 from which there were gross receipts of £20,48 and competitions such as a stop-watch competition from which £165 11s 6d was realised. This money was given to organisations such as the local branch of the War Hospital Supply Depot, or towards worthwhile causes such as providing for a motor ambulance to be sent to the front by the local Red Cross.49 They continued to despatch gifts sent in by women in the majority of cases, and did so very proficiently until the termination of the war. The Great Southern and Western Railway Company established a staff fund to supply comforts to the 600-700 fellow workers of all grades who were serving at the front or were POWs, and collected £267.50 The Limerick City and County United Aid League was an organisation that was very adept at collecting money and articles of clothing throughout the city and county. They made these items into parcels that were despatched to soldiers at the front. Mrs. Evelyn O’Grady,51 Kilballyowen, Kilmallock, and president of the League, regularly received letters from soldiers thanking them for the parcels sent. One such letter was from a W.H. Supple, said that parcel M was received and ‘B’ company sends 43

L.C. 12 January 1918. F.J. 7 May 1917 & L.C. 8 April 1916. The following is a list of some of those, J.J. Bruen, J.E. Brooker, E.W. Clifford, W. de C. Dodd, H.W. Ferguson, G.F. Gloster, E.D. Hunt, W. H. Jeffares, H.S. Laird M.D., C.A. Lawrenson, W. Macauly, W.A. Nolan, R.B. Quin, W.J. Riordan, R de Ros Rose, F.E. Sparrow, Frederick Tresey & J.J. Flower. 45 ibid. 18 September 1915. 46 L.C. 8 January 1916. 47 C.E. 21 January 1916. 48 L.C. 31 March 1917. 49 ibid. 23 June 1917. 50 F.J. 2 December 1915. 51 Wife of Colonel The O'Grady, a landlord on whose estate the 'Plan of Campaign' had been waged in the late 1880s. 44

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thanks. He however regretted that he could not mention his regiment as the censor forbade it. This was in stark contrast to another letter that appeared on the same page of the newspaper, and signed by J. H. Jordeson, Company Sergeant Major, 2nd Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers. The writer of this letter, on behalf of the men, thanked the committee for sending out consignments of which they had received about six. He also indicated that he was 'wearing a pair of socks sent by the committee and they are good ones for marching'.52 In fact other letters gave the names of officers and their regiments.53 Such letters received from soldiers at the front obviously encouraged this organisation and they continued to despatch parcels, and in return receive letters of acknowledgement from the soldiers.54 The honorary secretary of the Dock and Glentworth branch of the organisation, Miss Doyle, received a letter from Major General Sir William Hickie, Officer Commanding the Sixteenth Irish Division, thanking the branch 'for the generosity of their present and kindness of their thoughts', (the present consisted of 1,728 pipes and 40 pounds of tobacco).55 The League was also involved in setting up a sub-committee to assist with the work of the Red Cross Society. The Chairman, Very Rev Canon O’Shea, PP, at a meeting held in Kilmallock, for this purpose ordained that such work 'was largely a ladies work, as they understood best … and that it would be a discredit to them if men took part in that generous work'.56 Here is an indication of the patriarchal nature of society at the time, which obviously felt that a woman's place was being involved in such work. The Limerick City and County United Aid League continued to make people aware that a war was being fought in which many Limerick men were participating in and that assistance whether financial or by gifts were always needed. 52

L.C. 27 October 1914, 15 April 1916 & L.L. 26 July 1916. Company Sergeant Major J. H. Jordeson was a Limerick man, and later received a commission in the same regiment. He was also awarded the Military Cross. He was also a member of Lodge 333 of the Provincial Grand Lodge of North Munster and an active member of the Limerick Protestant Young Men’s Association. In later years after the Royal Munster Fusiliers was disbanded he became the honorary secretary of the regiment’s Old Comrades Association. 53 ibid. 1 October 1914. 54 ibid. 14 April 1917. The newspaper on this date published several letters that Mrs O'Grady had received from various depots and locations thanking her and the Limerick City and County United Aid League for the gifts received. These letters ranged from Lady Smith Dorrien to Lieut Colonel J.M. Williamson, Officer Commanding 8th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers. 55 L.C. 23 Dec 1916 & F.J. 25 & 26 Dec 1916. 56 ibid. 1 October 1914.

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In fact, women in Limerick played pivotal roles in the many bodies whose task was to collect not just money, but also articles that would help to provide comforts for the soldiers. These organisations ranged from the Limerick City and County United Aid League, as described above to other organisations such as the Soldiers and Sailors’ Families Association, Limerick Division. Their purpose was to 'help the wives, children, mothers, fathers and sisters of soldiers and sailors who have married Limerick women or Limerick men'.57 Ladies not attached to any specific organisation collected as individuals. Mrs. Vanderkiste, and Mrs. Kennedy, collected blankets for the troops believing that as 'our men go out to fight for us, it is our imperative duty and privilege to minimise their sufferings'.58 Another woman who performed trojan work for the comfort of the soldier at the front was Alice M. Cooke, Cappagh House, Askeaton. Evidence of this was reported in one of the local newspapers with letters from soldiers and officers who wrote thanking her profusely for her 'kindness and generosity, a kindness we all appreciate'.59

Home entertainment for soldiers With the soldier at the front and the prisoner-of-war being more than adequately catered for with so many organisations collecting funds and clubs holding competitions, it was also deemed necessary to provide for the soldier at home. A committee of clergy in Limerick was formed with the object of providing some entertainment for soldiers. A subscription list was published in one of the local newspapers, which like a previous list, indicated that those who donated were of the same class in society, the upper middle class. The amounts subscribed ranged from £3 down to five shillings and came from such people as the Church of Ireland Bishop of Limerick, the Dean, Canon Waller, Canon Langbridge, Rev G. L. Swain, Precentor Adderley,60 D. R. Browning, (High Sheriff), Malcolm Shaw, Colonel Browne and F. C. Cleeve, to name but a few.61

57

ibid. 26 September 1914. ibid. 29 September 1914. 59 L.C. 13 February 1915. 60 These were Church of Ireland clergy. 61 L.C. 20 February 1915. 58

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Treatment of wounded soldiers in Limerick hospitals Wounded soldiers were often sent to Limerick for recuperation and were cared for at Barrington's and St. John's Hospitals. Here they received the best treatment that was available at the time irrespective of what regiment they belonged to, British or Irish. The names of some of these regiments were familiar to many people, the Life Guards, Manchester, Norfolk, Royal Irish Fusiliers and the Worcestershire.62 The County Limerick CoOperative Poultry Society, Shanagolden and Foynes branch sent supplies of fresh eggs for these wounded soldiers.63 The soldiers, feeling that they should inform the public of the extreme kindness they received from the ladies and gentlemen while they were at Barrington's Hospital, wrote to the local newspaper.64 Wounded soldiers continued to be cared for at these hospitals at least up to nine months prior to the cessation of hostilities, as there were thirty soldiers at Barrington's and ten at St. John's.65 Women of every social class were involved in these societies throughout the city and county, but women who came from the upper class in society such as Lady Emly, Lady Nash and Lady Shaw generally provided the leadership.

Women as Nurses and Assistants Another noteworthy area where women provided succour was as nurses assisting in taking care of the wounded. While women could not become involved in combat duties, they could participate as nurses. Some of these nurses came from Limerick and like soldiers in action; they too got killed in far foreign fields. Some of them came home wounded and died, and their graves may be seen in Mount St. Lawrence Cemetery, Mulgrave Street, Limerick.66 Women members of the Limerick Division of St. John's Ambulance Brigade Voluntary Aid Detachment No. 4, and the British Red Cross Society Voluntary Aid Detachment No. 2, performed duties at military and auxiliary hospitals throughout Great Britain and

62

ibid. 27 October 1914. F. J. 29 May 1915. 64 L.C. 10 November 1914. 65 ibid. 28 February 1918. 66 Such as M.E. Daly and M. Wallace, who belonged to the Queen Mary Auxiliary Ambulance Corp (QMAAC). 63

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Ireland.67 This in effect meant that many of the regular professional nurses could be released to serve nearer to the theatre of war.

Women in War Work and Flag Day Collections While women from Limerick were employed in the manufacturing of munitions in Great Britain, others were involved locally in a different form of war work. This was of a voluntary nature and was undertaken by seventy-five women who were engaged in 'preparing bandages…and other hospital requisites' in aid of wounded soldiers at the Hospital Supply Depot, 48 George Street. Funding for this work was raised by holding gift sales from which substantial sums of money were raised, such a sale held in May 1918 brought in £502 1s 3d. Again it was women from the upper echelons of society such as Lady Shaw, Lady Barrington and the Hon Mary Spring-Rice,68 who were involved in the organisation of events, while working women did the voluntary work.69 Women from the St. John's Ambulance Brigade Voluntary Aid Detachment No. 4 also participated in this work.70 The ability of women to collect considerable sums of money was very much in evidence also when it came to making Flag Day collections on behalf of the Red Cross Societies of Russia and Italy.71

Refugees from Belgium When Belgium was invaded by Germany many of its citizenry left and sought refuge in other countries. Ireland, as one of these countries, made preparations for an influx of refugees. The responsibility for looking after these people was vested in the Local Government Board, which established a central Belgian Refugees Committee (Ireland) in October 1914, at 62 Upper Mount Street, Dublin.72 The committee made it clear that it was not in existence as a mechanism for the supply of workers, but 67

ibid. 16 June 1918 & 22 June 1918. Mary Spring Rice was the daughter of Lord Monteagle, Mount Trenchard, Foynes. She was involved in the landing of guns at Howth, Co Dublin on 28 July 1914, with Erskine Childers for the Irish Volunteers prior to the outbreak of the war. 69 L.C. 1 June 1918. 70 ibid. 22 June 1918. 71 F.J. 20 September 1915 & 8 November 1915. 72 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1915. Cd. 8016 (London, 1915), p. 400. 68

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to alleviate the burdens of those Belgians whose life was made unbearable by the occupation.73 When the idea of accommodating some refugees in Limerick was suggested, the Mayor, Alderman Philip O’Donovan, convened a meeting in the Town Hall on 27 October 1914. An enormous crowd representative of every social class in the city attended it. Arising from this meeting in which 'a subscription list was opened and the sum of sixty pounds received', it was decided that the provision of accommodation for these refugees was of the utmost priority,74 and a committee was established to oversee both.75 This was not the first sum of money collected, nor the first indication of the generous attitude of the Limerick people towards providing for the refugees. Some weeks previously a flag day collection was held and entertainment provided for their benefit, and proved to be very successful.76 By the time accommodation had been provided in Mount Kennet House, Henry Street, the fund had received over £125.77 Throughout the following year, 1915, contributions, some of which were both weekly and monthly were received,78 so that with the publication of the funds accounts from November 1914 to November 1915, the total amount of subscriptions collected was £709.79 The committee, operating from Mount Kennet House, issued a note of caution on several occasions, asking ‘the public not to give money, or “treat” the Refugees, but to send all subscriptions to the Hon. Treasurer, or to the Committee’. This was to ensure that they had control of the disbursement of the money They also stipulated that they were receptive to people aiding the refugees by giving

73

F.J. 22 October 1914. L.C. 29 October 1914 & L.L. 30 October 1914. 75 L.L. 23 November 1914. 76 L.C. 29 October 1914. 77 L.C. 7 November 1914 & L.L. 30 Oct 1914. An advertisement had appeared in the latter seeking premises suitable for housing several families of refugees as well as subscriptions for the local fund, gifts of clothing, furniture, bedding and necessaries. 78 L.C. 2, 9, 23 January 1915, 6, 13, 20 February 1915, 27 March 1915, 10, 17, 24 April 1915 & 29 January 1916. Some of these were J. Bannatyne & Sons, Office Staff and Employees, J. N. Russell & Sons Office Staff and Employees, W. M. Beauchamp, General Lloyd, and seven out of the eight electoral wards in Limerick city, namely; Abbey, Castle, Dock, Glentworth, Irishtown, Market and Shannon Wards. 79 L.C. 29 January 1916 74

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groceries, fuel or presents.80 Many of those who subscribed to this fund also contributed to other funds previously mentioned, such as Colonel O’Grady, C.B. High Sheriff, County Limerick, and William Nolan, who was not only Town Clerk of Limerick Corporation, but also the Belgian Consul for Limerick, Clare, and Tipperary.81 The Bishop of Limerick, Dr. Edward O’Dwyer, at the annual general meeting of the Limerick District Nursing Association held at St. Munchin's College, Henry Street on 11 November 1914 spoke on behalf of the refugees from Belgium. He referred to them as 'the ‘poor’ refugees from Belgium',82 and called upon the people of Limerick rich and poor, 'to make their stay amongst us if not happy - that is impossible - at least tolerable and as far as you can by kindness to draw the sting of their exile'.83 When the first refugees, numbering thirty-six in all arrived in Limerick by train at the railway station they were met by the mayor and other prominent citizens, 'an escort of Irish National Volunteers accompanied them to their lodgings at Mount Kennet House.84 They were greeted very enthusiastically by the people who gave them 'a wholehearted and thoroughly Irish welcome and created a visible impression on the recipients'.85 Although the refugees included labourers, hawkers and a blind beggar, they also included members of the aristocracy, the professional classes, the artistic world, shopkeepers and tradesmen,86 and citizens who may have belonged to the Belgian Civic Guard.87 Many of these had lost their worldly possessions or, as one correspondent succinctly put it, 'all that was left to them after years of toil was the clothes

80

L.C. 2, 9 & 14 January 1915. The Hon. Treasurer was J. A. Place, 19 Lower Cecil Street, Limerick, and the committee was comprised of J. F. Egan, S. F. Ebrill and R. T. Hartigan. 81 L.C. 22 June 1918. 82 L.L. 11 November 1914. 83 ibid. 11November 1914. 84 NAL. CO 904/95. County Inspector's Report 1 January 1915. However, a report from the committee published later on stated that twenty-six had arrived. L.C. 2 January 1915. 85 L.C. 24 December 1914. 86 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1915. Cd. 8016 (London, 1915), p. 401. 87 F.J. 23 October 1914. The Belgian Civic Guard consisted of those who were not soldiers or reservists but were compelled as citizens to be members of that body. When the country was invaded the Civic Guard was treated as armed noncombatants and not considered as part of the fighting force. The Germans therefore felt that they were at liberty to execute these men.

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they stood up in'.88 Maybe this was what Dr. O’Dwyer, was alluding to when he referred to the ‘poor’ refugees or he may have had something of a higher nature in mind such as the poor in spirit, after all they had one thing in common with the majority of the Irish, they too were Catholics. During the subsequent year 1915 the hawker and blind beggar disappeared for the refugees who came Ireland were now chiefly of the commercial or semiprofessional class, and included some families of high standing in Belgium.89 While Mount Kennet House was the central accommodation for these refugees on their arrival, people came forward and offered them homes in the city and county. One offer came from an unusual source, the War Office, which was prepared to allow them the use of the married quarters at the Strand Barracks. A house was provided at Castleconnell to facilitate six refugees; a Mrs.Harding at Patrickswell, gave three cottages for such families, and a Mrs.Maunsell had agreed to provide one.90 One family was housed at Furnittestown, Adare,91 and Mr. David Dwane, Post Office, Kilmallock, offered a cottage with garden to the refugees.92 Others offered their services by holding concerts and football matches and forwarded the money collected to the relief fund. A lecture entitled ‘Belgium, the Battlefield of Europe’ was given by Mr. Alfred Dobbs, FRGS, and was followed by a concert after which the funds collected were donated to the relief fund.93 The Rathkeale Branch of the Ancient Order of Hibernians held a concert in the Carnegie Hall, Rathkeale, with many of the artistes being provided by the Limerick Division Ancient Order of Hibernians.94 88

C.E. 20 January 1915. Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1916. Cd. 8365 (Dublin, 1916), p. XVII. 90 L.L. 23 November 1914. 91 C.E. 4 February 1915. 92 L.L. 9 December 1914 & Seoighe, Mainchin. The Story of Kilmallock, (Kilmallock, 1987), pp 256 & 281. David T. Dwane (1882-1960), was a native of Clogher, Dromin, and a senior officer in Kilmallock Post Office. He was actively involved in the Gaelic League and Sinn Féin, and was involved in establishing a branch of the Irish Volunteers in Kilmallock. He later became the first biographer of Eamon De Valera with a book entitled Early Life of Eamon De Valera, (Dublin, 1922). 93 F.J. 28 September 1914. 94 L.C. 23 February 1915. The headquarters of the Limerick Division of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, was in Hartstonge House, Hartstonge street, Limerick city. The artistes referred to were Miss J. O’Connor, Mr. P. J. O’Toole, Mr. J. B. O’Sullivan, Mr. T. Cusack, Mr. M. Kennedy, Mr. N. Quirke,Tralee, and a talented singer, Miss Josie Wearon, from Dublin. Mr. Henry Begas, RCML, 89

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Two concerts were held in Newcastle west, both of which were very successful,95 and Garryowen Football Club played two games, the proceeds of £12 10s being donated to the fund.96 Dioceses held collections at churches throughout the country and published a list of the amounts collected. Unfortunately the Diocese of Limerick was not included; this may have been due to what the spokesman for the bishops, Robert Browne, Bishop of Cloyne explained as 'owing to local circumstances some Bishops have had to postpone the collection in very many parishes …'97 While the Caherconlish branch of the Limerick Teachers' Association decided against making any contribution on the basis that teachers had already donated in the areas where they lived, this would appear to have been the exception to the rule for the members of the Association gave a grant of £5 for the assistance of the refugees. One woman, Mrs. McNamara, Springfield House, Kilmallock, decided that instead of sending the amount of money that she had collected for almost thirty weeks at a shilling each to the Limerick Fund, she would retain it for the maintenance of a Belgian family at Kilmallock.98 With such generosity from people locally and nationally no wonder the Local Government Board could claim that out of the 3,000 refugees who came to Ireland in the first year, 2,00099 or '70 to 80 per cent were maintained in private or local hospitality, and without cost to local funds'.100 Great credit was given to the refugees for their desire to be self-supporting and independent in that many who had never occupied themselves in work of a physical nature did not hesitate to undertake such work when it was deemed necessary.101 A number of the refugees who came to Limerick were from a farming background and were accordingly facilitated in that capacity in the county, and gave great satisfaction wherever they worked.102 However, as there provided the piano accompaniments. A month previously he had suggested that such ‘a high class concert’ take place. L.C. 16 January 1915. 95 ibid. 22 April 1915. 96 L.L. 23 November 1914. 97 C.E. 16 February 1915. 98 F.J. 24 April 1915 & L.L. 9 December 1914. 99 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1915. Cd. 8016 (London, 1915), p. 400. 100 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1916. Cd. 8365 (Dublin, 1916), p. XVII. 101 ibid. p. XVII. 102 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1915. Cd. 8016 (London, 1915), p. 402.

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might have been an inclination on the part of some farmers in the county to use them as sources of cheap labour, the Chairman of Limerick County Council, Mr. W. R. Gubbins, JP, warned that 'it must be distinctly understood that the refugees must not be utilised as a means of obtaining underpaid labour'.103 Those who did arrive and enjoy the hospitality of the Irish people were for the most part only in the country for a short period of time. Employment was obtained for them in the munitions factories established for those who had skills to contribute such as metal workers, fitters, and turners; the unskilled were given employment as labouring men at these factories with good wages.104 Throughout the four years of the war the number of families who came and went varied as employment was found for the workers and their dependants. One of the refugees, Madame Zulma Vlamynck, is known to have died while staying with her husband and children in Limerick. They had been accommodated at Mount Kennet House.105 By 31 March 1915 the number of Belgian refugees being catered for by the committees was 1,426 and on the same date the following year there were 938, which meant that 829 refugees left the country and 341 had arrived.106 There was a reduction in the number of refugees by 31 March 1917 of approximately 400, giving a total of 600 still being accommodated in Ireland.107 At the same date the following year 527

103 F.J. 2 November 1914, C.E. 13 January 1915 & L.C. 22 June 1918. His wife, Mary C. Gubbins who was involved in collecting money to ease the plight of the suffering Belgians, received a letter from the Auxiliary Bishop of Cardinal Mercier, Dr. C. De Waechter, thanking her for the cheque of £36. Another lady who was involved in making the Belgians as comfortable as possible while they remained in Limerick was Lady Quin, wife of Sir. Stephen Quin, DL, an ex-mayor of Limerick. For her efforts the King of the Belgians awarded her the decoration ‘Medaille de la Reine’. 104 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1916. Cd. 8365 (Dublin, 1916), pp XVI-XVII. 105 L.C. 17 July 1917. Madame Zulma Vlamynck, died in St. John’s Hospital on 13 July 1917. She was 50 years of age and was buried in Mount St. Lawrence Cemetery. She also had children in Belgium they were either in the Belgian Army, or territory occupied by the Germans. LCA. Mount St. Lawrence Cemetery Burial Register. 106 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1916. Cd. 8365 (Dublin, 1916), p. XVII. 107 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1917. Cd. 8765 (Dublin, 1917), p. XXVII.

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refugees remained in the care of the Local Government Board.108 On 15 February 1919, just three months after the termination of the war, the remainder of the refugees, numbering 414, left Ireland for their homes in Belgium. During the four years and three months that the war lasted some 2,300 Belgian refugees ‘were at one time or another in receipt of hospitality in Ireland’.109 Many of these were catered for in Limerick, and people of all social classes were generous to the Belgian war refugees.

The collapse of the Irish National Volunteers, the Irish Parliamentary Party and the rise of Sinn Féin and the Irish Volunteers With so many nationalists having enlisted, Redmond lost many of his most committed and active supporters who would have been in a position to counter any challenge from the activities of those espousing the cause of separatism, and who therefore had the country largely to themselves.110 Coupled with this was the loss of instructors to the Irish National Volunteers, who as reservists had been recalled to the colours at the outbreak of the war. This resulted in the discontinuance of drilling in the county and later in the city, so that by November 1915 they had ceased to be an active force and only existed on paper.111 The Irish National Volunteers in the city did meet on occasions to pass votes of confidence in the leadership of John Redmond.112 While the absence of instructors was an important reason for the decline, others were the fear of being 108

Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1918. Cd. 65 (Dublin, 1919), p. XXVII. 109 Annual Report of the Local Government Board for Ireland year ended 31 March 1919. Cmd. 578 (Dublin, 1920), pp XIX and XXI. The scarcity of this report was such that it was only obtained from the Department of the Environment of the Republic of Ireland. 110 O’Halpin, Eunan. The Decline of the Union. British Government in Ireland 1892-1920, (Dublin, 1987), p. 111. 111 NAL. CO 904/98 County Inspector’s Report 30 October 1915 & Moore Papers NLI. MS 10549 (5). The reason for the continuance of drilling in the city for a period was the presence of J. Canty who was classed as a regimental sergeant major, and who had been a corporal in the British army in 1899. He was a plumber by trade. 112 C.E. 8 Jan, 20 July 1916. F.J. 9 Oct 1916, 27 Mar, 27 Apr 1917 & L.L. 29 March 1918. This happened when conscription was threatened after the 1916 rebellion and when Captain W. A. Redmond succeeded in winning his father’s seat as MP for Waterford in a by-election after John Redmond’s death.

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compelled to enlist if drilling and parading in public continued, and the absence of political necessity now that Home Rule was on the Statute Book. Such inactivity brought about the dissolution of some branches in the county.113 This created a void that was only too willingly taken up by Sinn Féin and the Irish Volunteers, who were not considered at the time to be serious nor of any substance, meaning that they were men of no property or standing in society who would upset the status quo.114 Nevertheless, the social classes who wished to advance their position in society, and could only do this by separating from Britain, the bourgeois and petit bourgeois, provided the leadership of these groups, they sought to take advantage of England’s difficulty and create a change in Irish politics. In Limerick these included such men as George Clancy, insurance superintendent, Michael P. Colivet, foundry manager, J. J. Dalton, grocer, Michael O’Callaghan, merchant, J. A. McInerney, assistant fishery manager, and Alphonsus and Stephen O’Mara, merchants, among others. The authorities facilitated these groups in Limerick by issuing expulsion orders to Robert Monteith and Ernest Blythe, who came to live in the city and its environs, and were employed as military instructor and organiser respectively.115 Both of these men complemented each other, Monteith instructing the men in military matters that Blythe had organised, and members of the Roman Catholic clergy often assisted them. Monteith commanded members of the Irish Volunteers on route marches and in drilling in early 1915. Blythe was an active organiser in Limerick city and county in 1915 and early 1916, and was responsible for the secession of men from the Irish National Volunteers, and the formation of two branches of the Irish Volunteers in the Abbeyfeale region that had previously supported the Irish National Volunteers.116 This was a sure indication that their unswerving support and 113

NAL. CO 904/95 County Inspector’s Report, 1 January 1915, CO 904/99. Inspector General’s Report, February 1916, CO 904/96. Inspector General’s Report, October 1915 & CO 904/98. Inspector General’s Report, November 1915. 114 Phillips, Allison W. The Revolution in Ireland 1906-1923, (London, 1923), p. 85. 115 NAI. CSORP 1915, Number 22287 & NAL. CO 904/95 County Inspector’s Report 30 November. Ernest Blythe, was from County Antrim. He had been a clerk in the Department of Agriculture. He joined the Gaelic League and the Irish Republican Brotherhood and became an organiser for the Irish Volunteers, using the Gaelic League as a cover for his other activities. It had originally been intended to expel him from the country, but this was postponed and never implemented. 116 NAL. CO 904/96. County Inspector’s Reports 27 February 1915, 31 March 1915, 1 May 1915, 1 June 1915 & 30 June 1915. CO 904/98. County Inspector’s

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loyalty to John Redmond and his MPs was not genuine. The Irish Volunteers were the only movement that continued to parade and drill actively and regularly (except for a brief period after the rebellion), but then they had a singular purpose in mind.117 The continuance of war ensured that home rule would not be implemented, thereby placing the Irish Parliamentary Party in an invidious position of not having anything to show by way of political gain. It had been generally assumed that the war would be of short duration and that self-government would immediately follow its cessation.118 The separatists, though small in number, were quietly expressing the view that the government was fooling the people and that home rule would not be achieved. The general thrust of public opinion was of course still on the side of Britain and Redmond as political leader.119 Nonetheless cracks were appearing in the veneer of such loyalty, not only the continuing support for Britain, but also to that of Redmond. When the band of the Irish Guards and Sergeant Michael O’Leary, VC, arrived in Limerick in April and July 1915 there was no official welcome from either the Mayor or the City High Sheriff, and the Corporation was not officially represented, which was noticed by members of the public, and was the subject of much conversation.120 Limerick Corporation denounced the military authorities for expelling Irishmen from the country, and a

Report 30 November 1915. CO 904/99. County Inspector’s Reports 2 January 1916. 1 February 1916, 29 February 1916 & 31 March 1916. W.J. McEnery ed. Failte go Tuar Na Fola. Number 3. (Tournafulla, 1973), p.12. This article relates that ‘some time about 1915 Ernest Blythe arrived at the chapel gate one summer evening. His purpose was to organise a company of the Volunteers. Before this the Volunteers had been known as Redmond’s Volunteers. From Blythe’s visit onwards they were Irish Volunteers’. 117 ibid. CO 904/95. County Inspector’s Report 30 Jan 1915. CO 904/96. County Inspector’s Reports 1May, 30 June & 1 Sept 1915. CO 904/98. County Inspector’s Reports 30 Sept, 30 Oct & 30 Nov 1915. CO 904/99. County Inspector’s Reports 1 Feb, 29 Feb, 31 March & 10 May 1916. CO 904/100. County Inspector’s Report 31 Aug 1916. CO 904/101. County Inspector’s Report 30 Sept 1916. CO 904/102. County Inspector’s Report 31 Jan & 28 Feb 1917. CO 904/104. County Inspector’s Report 30 Nov 1917. CO 904/105. County Inspector’s Report 28 Feb & 30 Apr 1918. CO 904/106. 31 May 1918. 118 Laffan, Michael. The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Féin Party 1916-1923, (Cambridge, 1999), p. 56. 119 NAL. CO 904/96. Report of Inspector General August 1915. 120 ibid. Report of County Inspector 1 May 1915 & 31 July 1915. The Mayor was Philip. O’Donovan and the High Sheriff was Stephen O’Mara.

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resolution for the presentation of an address of welcome to the Lord Lieutenant by that body was only carried by fifteen votes to ten.121

The Aftermath of the 1916 rebellion Further alienation from the war effort and Redmond became discernible following the rebellion of 1916. This rebellion was the culmination of the work that the Irish Republican Brotherhood had set out to achieve through the minority group of Irish Volunteers after the split in 1914. Branches of the Irish Volunteers in Limerick city and county held parades and marches on 23 April the eve of the outbreak; they were waiting on a signal from Dublin, which did not come, and therefore returned home, not participating at all.122 They were like the men of the Grand old Duke of York: ‘they marched up to the top of the hill and marched back down again’. The aftermath of the rebellion saw the members of the Irish Volunteers and the Irish National Volunteers in the city and county surrender their arms and ammunition to the authorities at the behest of the mayor. With these arms safely under lock and key the military and police authorities arrested a number of men in the city and county.123 The vast majority of people saw the rebellion as an insane act and treason to the cause of home rule. Redmond believed it to be a German invasion of Ireland, just like Belgium.124 After all they had been waiting 121

ibid. Report of Inspector General July 1915 & County Inspector’s Report 1 Sept 1915. It was presented on 16 August 1915. 122 NAL. CO 904/99. Report of Inspector General 1 April-31 May 1916 & County Inspector’s Report 10 May 1916. 123 NAL. CO 904/100. County Inspector’s Report 31 May 1916, L.C. 6 May 1916, L.L. 12 May 1916 & C.E. 12 May 1916. The mayor was Stephen Quin, who thanked those who surrendered their arms thereby ensuring that there would be continued peace. The regiment that the arms were surrendered to was the 6th Battalion Leinster Regiment under the command of Sir A. Weldon, Bart, DSO. The L.L. & C.E. stated that 28 men were arrested, whereas the police report stated that 51 were arrested. The following list of names appeared in the L. L. & C. E. John Dalton, B C, Irishtown Ward, Joseph Dalton, James Dalton, E. O’Toole, City Treasurer, Joseph Purcell, accountant, John E. Cashin, James Kirby, Alphonsus Kivlehan, John O’Hurley, teacher of Irish, Michael Colivet, James Ledden, Edward Fitzgibbon, Patrick Whelan, James McInerney, John Troy, Martin Stapleton, George Clancy, Wm. Forde, Martin F. Fitzpatrick, James Gubbins, R.P. O’Connor, BC, Glentworth Ward, James McAnulty, J.L. Connaughton, P. Walsh, J. O’Donnell, P.O’Halloran, F. O’Shaughnessy & Alphonsus O’Halloran. 124 Redmond, John. Strong Words from Mr Redmond: Treason To The Home Rule Cause, (London, 1916), p. 5.

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on arms from Germany, and referred to ‘their gallant allies in Europe’ in the 1916 Proclamation, a treasonable act, when thousands of Irishmen were fighting against these ‘allies’ on the Western Front. When the Germans placed placards on top of their trenches referring to the rebellion, and testing the loyalty of the 8th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers opposite, the majority of whom were from Limerick, the placards were riddled with bullets, and later captured.125 But there was sympathy with the outbreak in Limerick where Sinn Féin was strong, which was attributable to John Daly.126 Limerick County Council passed a resolution of confidence in the Irish Parliamentary Party and Redmond appealed to the government to deal mercifully with their misled fellow countrymen, and also that no further executions take place. One councillor believed that the leaders should have been treated the same as de Wet and his followers, they had been pardoned after the rebellion in South Africa.127 The Limerick Board of Guardians passed a resolution extending sympathy to Mrs. Kathleen Clarke, and John Daly on the ‘deplorable execution of Mr. Thomas J. Clarke, and Mr. E. Daly, who were engaged in the recent catastrophe in Dublin, and paid the penalty with their lives’.128 Although it was an undemocratic act, a sense of outrage percolated throughout nationalist Ireland, as had been the case after the 1848 and 1867 rebellions129 and detecting that such a shift in public opinion was taking place, the Irish Parliamentary Party attempted to 125

C.E. 19 May 1916 & McCance, Captain S. History of Royal Munster Fusiliers 1861- 1922, (Aldershot, 1927), p. 197. 126 NAL. CO 904/99, 904/100 & 904/96. County Inspector’s Report 10 May 1916 and reports of the Inspector General June 1916, July 1915. M. N. 3 July 1916. When John Daly died friends, sympathisers, and admirers came to pay a last fitting tribute of respect to his memory. Men who were diametrically opposed to his beliefs also participated in the funeral cortege. 127 C.E. 8 May 1916 & NAL. CO 904/18. The Councillor was Anthony Mackey, Castleconnell, County Limerick, a man of advanced nationalist views. He was a hotel proprietor and a tenant of numerous salmon weirs. According to a police file he had been a Fenian suspect and a centre in the Irish Republican Brotherhood. He was removed from the B list of suspects in May 1904 as he was no longer seen as dangerous. What Mackey neglected to state was that it was Botha, a veteran Boer who sided with Britain at the outbreak of the war, who granted public clemency in dealing with the rebel leader de Wet and not Britain. 128 Mrs. Kathleen Clarke was the wife of Thomas Clarke a signatory of the 1916 Proclamation who was executed on 3 May 1916. She was also the sister of Edward Daly who was executed on 4 May 1916. They were both niece and nephew of John Daly. 129 Laffan. The Resurrection of Ireland, p. 54.

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mollify it. Thomas Lundon, MP for East Limerick, echoing the words of John Dillon, said that ‘no one could but feel proud of the bravery of the insurrectionists, of their clean fight and the manner which their leaders faced death’. He agreed with those in Sinn Féin who were apt to state that but for the rebellion Lloyd George would not have put forward proposals on home rule, but that they (Sinn Féin) wanted nothing to do with these.130 However, Home Rule was to remain as elusive as ever and the pendulum of the clock was ticking in favour of those who espoused separatism.

Partition, the Irish Nation League and Irish Convention Efforts to have home rule put into effect were met by opposition from Ulster and Southern Unionists, who would only agree if six counties were excluded from the provisions of the bill.131 The British Prime Minister, Asquith directed Lloyd George to affect a settlement through compromise. He negotiated separately with the Irish Parliamentary Party, Ulster and Southern Unionists, promising the Irish Parliamentary Party that such exclusion would be only of a temporary nature, but to the Unionists it would be a permanent fixture that could not be altered without the consent of the people from these counties. Redmond persuaded his supporters in these counties to accept the arrangement, but when it became known that Lloyd George had pledged differently to the Ulster Unionists a sense of betrayal was manifested amongst many nationalists throughout the country.132 Limerick County Council called upon the Irish Parliamentary Party not to accept any settlement that did not include home rule for all Ireland.133 A meeting of both nationalists and unionists in Bruff warned the government that any agreement made on the basis of partition, ‘county option, or otherwise will not be accepted by the Irish people, that nothing less than a full and generous measure of Home Rule such as Canada and Australia enjoy will satisfy the aspirations of the people of Ireland’.134

130

F.J. 5 July 1916. John Dillon had stated in the House of Commons on 11 May 1916 that it was not murderers that were being executed but insurgents who fought a clean fight, however misguided they may have been. Lundon stated this at a meeting of the East Limerick Executive United Irish League at Knockaney, County Limerick. 131 The counties concerned were Antrim, Armagh, Down, Derry (Londonderry), Fermanagh and Tyrone. 132 Phillips, Allison W. pp 111-112. 133 F.J. 30 April 1917. 134 C.E. & L.L. 9 May 1917.

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Such mismanagement as well as the inclusion of Carson, the leader of the Ulster Unionists, in the coalition government formed in June 1915, and other events made the government unpopular and undermined Redmond’s influence within the nationalist community.135 Separatists were not slow to point these out, holding Redmond responsible for every error that was made, despite the fact that he tried to prevent or redress them. His continued support for the war was such that it prevented regular criticism of the government’s activities.136 Following the debacle relating to the partition clauses of the home rule bill, a breakaway group from the main nationalist party styling itself the Partition League, was established in the affected counties, but within a couple of weeks changed its name to the Irish Nation League, and widened its objectives and priorities to include nationalists from other parts of the country. It was not in favour of full separation from Britain, but saw itself as a party that might succeed where the Redmondites failed.137 A branch of the League, which was referred to by Thomas Lundon, MP, as ‘a League of Seven Solicitors and disappointed politicians’ was formed in Limerick city on 13 September 1916 after a member of the League from Omagh, County Tyrone had addressed them explaining its aims and objectives. It was estimated that it had 80 members on foundation, but never had any more than 180 members in total when Sinn Féin subsumed it in October 1917.138 The League during its short existence of one year had endeavoured to give constitutional politics a last chance, but by splitting from the United Irish League and taking its most active members, it destroyed any chance of it adapting to the changed conditions created by the rebellion. It also made it easier for those Redmondites who would have found the transfer to Sinn Féin too hard to take all at once.139 Another attempt at solving the home rule issue was held when an Irish Convention was held between 25 July 1917 and 5 April 1918. The representative from Limerick was Sir Stephen Quin, whose only claim to fame during the 135

Redmond had also been offered a position in the coalition government of May 1915 but declined. 136 Maume. The Long Gestation, p. 157. 137 Laffan, Michael. p. 63. 138 NAL. CO 904/101. County Inspector’s Report 31 Sept 1916, CO 904/104. County Inspector’s Report 31 October 1917, L.C. 16 Sept 1916 & L.L. 9 Oct 1916. The member in question was Michael Lynch, JP. This meeting was held at St. Ita’s House, Thomas street. The officers appointed were President M. O’Callaghan, BC, Vice-President Patrick MacMahon, Treasurer Denis O’Donovan, Honorary Secretaries Stephen O’Mara and Michael Roche. 139 Laffan. The Resurrection of Ireland, p. 64.

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Convention was that he was one of two nationalists who voted against a motion ‘which provided that the Irish police and postal service should be reserved during the war and thereafter automatically become subject to Irish control’. Although Sinn Féin boycotted it, one of its members, the new Mayor of Limerick, Alphonsus O’Mara, had expressed the hope that the Convention might decide on something, but he no longer held this view, and stated that it was just a talking shop with the Orangemen obstructing its work.140 He was proved to be correct in his assessment as the Convention failed to come up with anything positive on the issue of partition.

The Harvest of Sinn Féin Sinn Féin as a party reaped the harvest of disaffection in the aftermath of the rebellion, although it took no active part in it, members of the organisation did participate as individuals. The authorities and Irish Parliamentary Party had before the rebellion accorded the sobriquet ‘Sinn Féiner’ on any person who was not in agreement with them in their stance on the war.141 To call the outbreak that had taken place the ‘Sinn Féin’ rebellion was to give it a prominence and glory that it was not entitled to have. The 51 ‘Sinn Féin’ men arrested in Limerick after the rebellion did not participate in it, and those who continued to meet in the drill hall in Limerick were called ‘Sinn Féiners’, when they were Volunteers.142 People who hitherto had only heard a fleeting reference to Sinn Féin, now wanted to know more of what the organisation was all about.143 140

LCA. Minutes of Corporation special meeting 23 Feb 1918 & Grigg, John. Lloyd George War Leader (London, 2002) pp. 120-121. McDowell, R.B. The Irish Convention (London, 1970) pp. 175 & 226 & L.L. 2 Jan 1918. 100 representatives of various Irish bodies took part. Sir Stephen Quin, was the Mayor of Limerick during the 1916 rebellion, and had relinquished that position in early 1918. He was conferred with a knighthood in the new year’s honours list for 1918 by King George V. He was described as being a nationalist representative of the Limerick Borough Council. Alderman A. O’Mara was Mayor at this time, having replaced Sir Stephen Quin. 141 NAL. CO 904/95. County Inspector’s Report 30 November 1914. The 160 Irish Volunteers from Limerick who had rifle and revolver practice at Woodcock Hill, County Clare on 8 November 1914 were called ‘Sinn Féin’ Limerick Volunteers. 142 NAL. CO 904/100. County Inspector’s Reports 31May 1916 & 31 August 1916. CO 904/101. County Inspector’s Report 30 December 1916. CO 904/102. County Inspector’s Reports 31 January 1917, 28 February 1917 & 31 March 1917. 143 Henry, R. M The Evolution of Sinn Féin, (Dublin, n. d), p. 223.

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The County Inspector of the Royal Irish Constabulary first reported the existence of Sinn Féin clubs in Limerick at the end of May 1917: there were 7 in existence and a membership of 800.144 Throughout the remainder of the year and 1918 the party continued to expand and consolidate, so that by the time the war was over it had 59 clubs with a membership of 4,637.145 Its rapid growth concerned the authorities that they elicited a fear that they could become ‘both dangerous and troublesome’.146 The existence of these clubs received fairly good coverage in the Limerick Leader. Factors that influenced so many people to join and support the party, and for others to jettison the United Irish League and do likewise, varied. The presence of Roman Catholic clergymen, some serving as presidents gave the new clubs a religious respectability, which encouraged others to join the party. Some had as we have seen opposed recruitment to the army earlier on, Rev. Michael Hayes, CC, called on his audience at a meeting of Feohanagh Sinn Féin club to enrol under the Sinn Féin banner, stating that the Irish Parliamentary Party had long since lost its power.147 Others seeing the shift in public opinion decided to follow suit in order to retain the authority that they had over the people. Many of the participants in the rebellion were released in Christmas 1916, the rest in June 1917 by the Prime Minister Lloyd George, and were

144

NAL. CO 904/102. County Inspector’s Report 31 May 1917. These were at Rathkeale, Doon, Abbeyfeale, Ballyhahill, Shanagolden & Drumcollogher. 145 ibid. CO 904/106. County Inspector’s Report 30 November 1918 & L.L. 13, 24 Aug, 3 Sept, 1 Oct 1917 & 14 Jan 1918. Some of the clubs were named after those executed following the rebellion; Con Colbert, Roger Casement, Sean MacDermott, Tom Clarke and Edward Daly. Bishop Edward O’Dwyer’s name was added to the pantheon of martyrs by naming at least two clubs, one in the city and one in the county after him. 146 ibid. CO 904/102. County Inspector’s Report 1 August 1917. 147 C. E. 21 Sept 1914 & L.L. 18 June, 16, 27 July, 24 August & 7 Dec 1917. Rev. D. O’Riordan, CC., who had accompanied Canon Breen, PP., Abbeyfeale, when he spoke of the splendid achievement of the Irish Parliamentary Party under John Redmond, was president of Abbeyfeale Sinn Féin club and Rev. Fitzgerald, CC., was president of Ballysteen Sinn Féin club. Rev. McCarthy, another local priest was present at a meeting of Glin Sinn Féin club. Rev. C. Mangan, CC., Kilfinane, Rev. O’Connell, Knocklong & Rev. O’Sullivan, CC., Banogue, attended a Sinn Féin Convention at Hospital, County Limerick. Rev. Hayes, CC., Newcastle West, was one of the priests that General Maxwell wanted silenced after the rebellion.

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welcomed home as heroes.148 Large Sinn Féin meetings were held at towns in the county, where some of the released rebels spoke. Countess Markievicz, addressed meetings at Newcastle West, Bruree and Athea, during the months of September and October 1917, where she gave a rendition of her participation in the rebellion and urged those listening ‘not to submit to English laws and especially the Defence of the Realm Regulations, and said that no self-respecting Irishman or woman would do anything in obedience to such laws’. In addition to these strong words, which were designed to inflame emotions, she said that her aim was to instil ‘rebellion and hostility to England, and asked her hearers to practise it … that she had something to say for which she would be arrested but as there was no one present to take her words down she would wait for another occasion’.149 The Defence of the Realm Regulations were used to apprehend deserters from the army; they were, in addition to this, used to arrest and charge anyone overheard to utter reference to the rebellion or to that, which was perceived to be remarks of a disloyal nature by the police. A notable solicitor in Limerick who was also to be arrested under the regulations stated that The act had a very high sounding name … was being utilised by the authorities not for the purpose it was intended, the defence of the realm, but for every two pence ha’penny case. At the present time if a policeman heard the word Kaiser, Kingdom, Dublin, Rebels or Volunteers uttered his feathers immediately became ruffled and he brought a case under the Defence of the Realm Act.150

This is what occurred at New Pallas when a man was charged ‘with making statements likely to cause disaffection to the King’ he shouted ‘Up Dublin’, ‘Up Casement’ and ‘Up the Rebels’. At Newcastle West two

148

Cronin, Sean. Irish Nationalism: a History of its Roots and Ideology, (New York, 1981), p. 121. 149 NAL. CO 904/23. The meetings that she addressed were at Newcastle West on 15-16 Sept 1917, Bruree on 16 September 1917 & Athea on 21 October 1917. 150 L.L. 20 Oct 1916 & 10 Jan 1917. The solicitor was Mr Hugh O’Brien Moran, who appeared for quite a number of defendants in such cases. In January 1917 he was arrested under Regulation 53 of DORA while he was defending Mr James Ryan, secretary of the Limerick County Board, GAA, who was charged with refusing police admission to a hurling match in County Limerick without payment. He read and handed in certain documents as part of the defence of his client which he was not supposed to have in his possession.

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young men were charged with shouting ‘Up the Kaiser’ and ‘To hell with the King.151 Those wearing a uniform of a military character, carrying a sword or taking part in movements of a military nature also came under the act’s remit. When Limerick men were tried and sentenced by court martial for these offences which were described as being drastic, public admiration for them grew when they were released, people remembered that members of the Ulster Volunteer Force who broke the law for similar breaches were allowed to so with impunity. 152 When Thomas Ashe, who was sentenced to two years imprisonment for inciting the civil population died on hunger strike while being forcibly fed in Mountjoy jail on 25 September 1917, there was outrage. Redmond had urged the authorities to concede his demands for political status, but was turned down. His death was described as the ‘latest victim of British brutality’ and Limerick Corporation, Limerick County Council, Limerick Typographical Society and Limerick Teachers Association passed resolutions of sympathy. The public sense of indignation was displayed with demonstrations taking place at Doon, Kilfinane, Bruff and Limerick where what was described as a ‘Magnificent Procession and Demonstration’ of large dimensions took place. This was held after mass, which was attended by a large congregation in the Augustinian Church where four months previously a requiem mass was held for the rebels who were killed in Easter 1916. Two battalions of the Limerick City Regiment of the Irish Volunteers participated in the procession, which was watched by thousands of nationalists of different political beliefs. This was one of the few occasions where Volunteers paraded in the open and one of which they could later disappear into the crowd. 153 His funeral was exploited with such skill that it helped to cement the movement.154 151

ibid. 16 & 13 Oct 1916. The incident at New Pallas was caused when Thomas O’Toole from Old Pallas was attending a picture show depicting the ‘Charge of the Light Brigade at Balaclava’. The two young men at Newcastle West were Edmond Roche and Michael Sheehan and were additionally charged with being members of a crowd of about forty boys and girls, who had gathered near Barnagh railway station, 152 ibid. 19 Nov 1917 & L.C. 9 May 1918 The men were James McInerney, Roches street, James Ledden, 49, William street, Michael Colivet, Thomondgate and Patrick Keogh, Portrane, Pallasgreen, County Limerick. McInerney and Colivet were later to be co-opted as councillors in Limerick Corporation while they were prisoners in Dundalk Prison. 153 L.L. 28 Sept, 1 Oct 1917, NAL. CO 904/102. County Inspector’s Report 30 April & 30 Sept 1917, CO 904/104. County Inspector’s Report 30 Nov 1917. After the display of Volunteer strength and public support during the funeral of

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The by-election victories of Sinn Féin candidates in Roscommon, Longford, East Clare and Kilkenny over their Irish Parliamentary Party opponents gave rise to a feel good factor and were celebrated in the city and county at Abbeyfeale and Glin. National and Sinn Féin songs such as ‘Easter Week’, God Save Ireland’, ‘Who Fears to Speak’ and the ‘Soldier’s Song’ were sung, and tar barrels were set alight.155 All this undoubtedly helped to swell the ranks of Sinn Féin and the Irish Volunteers and gave an impetus to others to become members, and undermine the power of the Irish Parliamentary Party. However, three by-elections won by members of the Irish Parliamentary Party in early 1918 appeared to be curbing the popularity of Sinn Féin and the Irish Volunteers.156 But then the British Government introduced a bill to conscript men in Ireland into the forces; they seemed to have a death wish for the Irish Parliamentary Party and despite all the advice against such a measure it was proceeded with. It was as if the government wanted Sinn Féin to succeed.

Conscription The crisis on the Western Front brought about by the German offensive of March 1918 saw the enactment of a Military Service Act that was to have Thomas Ashe in September 1917, open defiance became general policy of the Volunteer Executive. The main expression of this was the order to each unit to drill openlyduring the second week of December 1917. The Irish Volunteers in Limerick had already undertaken such a policy the month before. 154 Townshend, Charles. Political Violence in Ireland, (Oxford, 1983), p. 316. 155 NAL. CO 904/102. County Inspector’s Report 1 August 1917, L.C. 12 May 1917 & L.L. 13, 16, 20 July 1917 & 13 August 1917. Walker, Brian M., (Ed). Parliamentary Election Results 1801-1922, (Dublin, 1978), pp 364, 334 & 356. The Sinn Féin candidate J. P. McGuinness defeated the Irish Parliamentary Party candidate in South Longford by 1493 to 1461 votes, a majority of 32. Eamonn de Valera, Sinn Féin, defeated Patrick McKenna, KC, Irish ParliamentaryParty in East Clare by 5010 to 2035 votes, a majority of 2,975. W. T. Cosgrave, Sinn Féin defeated John Magennis, Irish Parliamentary Party by 772 to 392 votes, a majority of 380. 156 Walker, Brian. pp 329 & 377- 378. The three By-election results were 2 February 1918, South Armagh, Patrick Donnelly, Irish Parliamentary Party 2324, Dr. Patrick MacCartan, Sinn Féin 1305 and T. W. Richardson, Independent Unionist 40. 23 March 1918, Waterford, Captain W. A. Redmond, Irish Parliamentary Party 1242, Dr. V. J. White, Sinn Féin 745. 4 April 1918, East Tyrone, T.J.S. Harbison, Irish Parliamentary Party 1802, John Milroy, Sinn Féin 1222.

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major ramifications in Ireland.157 The question of compelling men to serve in the British army had been foremost in the minds of many people since the commencement of the war. The possibility of a law bringing such a measure into force roused fears among members of the rural community in West Limerick. Such was the dread that it prompted the exodus to America from the Abbeyfeale district of at least eighty young men of military age, who were sons of prosperous farmers.158 These rumours had no foundation in reality, as there was a sufficient influx of men enlisting at that time. Redmond and the Irish Party had indicated their opposition to the implementation of conscription early on in the war, and this resulted in Limerick Corporation passing a resolution congratulating him and the party for the policy they had adopted ‘which action has the approval of the Irish people’.159 Thomas Lundon, MP, was very passionate in his opposition to the extent that he established three branches of an AntiConscription League in the county. For Lundon voluntary recruitment had been successful and ‘he would lose his life before he would march before the Royal Irish Constabulary men or a member of the British army under compulsion or conscription.’ As far as he was concerned this measure was ‘demanded by those who for 25 or 30 years were Ireland’s bitterest enemies, and who never lost an opportunity of stabbing Ireland and Ireland’s leaders in the back’.160 Later in 1918 he was more resolute stating that 157 Middlebrook, Martin. The Kaiser’s Battle, (London, 2000), p. 34. In honour of his royal supporter, Ludendorff named the offensive Die Kaiserschlacht ‘The Imperial Battle’. It was also called ‘Operation Michael’. 158 F. J. 22 Oct 1914 & NAL. CO 904/ 95. County Inspector’s Report 31 Oct 1914, CO 904/99. County Inspector’s Reports 31 Oct, 1 Dec 1916 & NAI. CSORP Number 86210, 1915. The district encompassed Mountcollins, Brosna, Knocknagoshel, and Abbeyfeale. The County Inspector might have been nearer the point when he reported that a small number of farmers sons in the Abbeyfeale district emigrated to America, and would appear to concur with the statistics compiled for the Chief Secretary at Dublin Castle by the Inspector General, Royal Irish Constabulary indicate that 28 left Limerick to the end of Oct, 14 in Nov and none in Dec 1914. The following year 1915 3 left in Jan, none in Feb, Mar and Apr, while 2 left in May and 10 left from 1 to 15 June. This gives a total of 57. However, as some of the places mentioned above in the Abbeyfeale district overlap into County Kerry, there may be an element of truth in the figures given in the Freeman’s Journal. 159 L.C. 12 June 1915. 160 NAL. CO 904/96. County Inspector’s Reports 1 June 19 & 30 June 1915 & C.E. 16, 23 June 1915. These meetings took place at Murroe and Crecora. He addressed other meetings at Cappamore and Oola in a similar vein. CO 904/98.

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Chapter Three If you are going to put conscription into force in Ireland then, I for one, shall return to my own constituency and tell the young men, who have loyally stood by me during the last three years that it is better for them to die on their own doorsteps than on the plains of France and Belgium, on behalf of a gang of traitors and hypocrites. It is not the first time that you (Britain) have shown us ‘Don’t argue, but shoot’…and we are here to tell you to shoot, shoot, but by God, we shall shoot too, when the time comes.161

Alderman Michael Joyce, MP for the city, was not as explicit: he reaffirmed the party line that ‘if ever an attempt was made to apply compulsion to this country they would fight it to the bitter end’.162 It was never made clear what form this resistance by the party would take, and was never put to the test. Local bodies such as Castlemahon nationalists praised Redmond, John and Dillon for their opposition, and Limerick No 2 District Council were of the opinion that hostility to it would strengthen the resolve of the party.163 When the Military Service Act was passed in January 1916 Ireland was not included, in fact it was not critically considered.164 This was seen by Conservatives and Unionists as a betrayal of the Union and they protested vehemently.165 Redmond had received a commitment that it was only to be ‘introduced to fulfil a pledge given by Mr. Asquith in connection with the Derby Scheme, and that as the Derby Scheme had not applied to

County Inspector’s Report 30 Oct 1915. Lundon was so meticulous in looking after his constituents in his home village of Kilteely that an attempt to establish a branch of the Irish Volunteers on 19 October 1915 failed. L.C. 23 Jan 1917. He was later to be violently attacked by a Sinn Fein group at a Town Tenants meeting held in Bank Place for the purpose of demanding a 20 per cent reduction in house rents. About two thousand people were in attendance. Among those who were on the platform were Alderman M. Joyce, MP, P. J. O’Shaughnessy, MP, J. Davern, BC, President of the City Branch of the Town Tenants League, M. Fitzpatrick, Hon Secretary and others interested in the movement. When Lundon attempted to speak he was shouted down, and when he resumed his seat in the front of the platform he was attacked. Apparently the enmity shown to Lundon was as a result of a speech that he was alleged to have made regarding the Irish Volunteers. 161 Travers, Pauric. ‘The Irish Conscription Crisis 1918’, ( MA UCD, 1977), p. 76. 162 L.L. 29 Sept 1916 and N.V. 27 Nov 1915. The Irish Parliamentary Party had passed a resolution in June 1915 stating ‘We declare that any attempt to bring into force a system of compulsory service will meet with our vigorous resistance’. 163 L.L. 24 Dec 1915 & 25 Oct 1915. 164 Travers. p. 6 165 Laffan. .The Resurrection of Ireland, p. 129.

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Ireland, the pledge had no bearing there’.166 This was also the case with the additional acts passed in May 1916, April 1917 and January 1918.167 The aftermath of the Easter rebellion saw a further decline in recruitment that had commenced in late 1915, and which deprived the army of much needed manpower. In addition to this casualties mounted, the Battle of the Somme incurred some 20,000 KIA and 60,000 injured on 1 July 1916, the first day of the battle.168 This and other battles in which Irish regiments had participated and suffered substantial casualties was the probable reason for the Irish Unionist Alliance calling on the government to extend the scope of the act to Ireland As it is unjust to withhold from our Irish divisions engaged in the war that support which is given to the troops from the other parts of the United Kingdom, we consider that the provisions of the Military Service Act should be extended to Ireland so that the losses sustained by the Irish divisions may be replaced by Irishmen.169

It was not to be, but the threat of conscription remained hanging over the country, with meetings and resolutions of protest continuing. Sinn Féin and the Irish Volunteers were not oblivious to the fear that the people had regarding compulsion, and saw in it ‘the prospect of a fresh opportunity to their advantage’ with the political wing urging the young men to join the military wing in order to ‘be trained to resist

166

Gwynn, Stephen. John Redmond’s Last Years. (London, 1919), p. 209. www.iwm.org.uk/collections/books/bookfaq23.htm. When was Conscription introduced during the First World War? The May 1916 Act brought all men regardless of marital status between the ages of 18 and 41under the provisions of the existing act. It also allowed the War Office to extend the service of timeexpired men while there was a war and to re- examine men rejected as physically unfit. The April 1917 Act called for the examination of Home Service Territorials, men discharged in consequence of disablement or ill-health and those previously rejected for service. The January 1918 Act removed further exemptions which included the power to quash all exemptions on occupational grounds and abolished the two month grace period allowed to workers where exemptions had been withdrawn. 168 Middlebrook. pp 22- 23. This battle lasted from July to November 1916 at the cost of 414,000 men. Other battles with a high rate of casualties prior to that of the Somme were at Neuve Chapelle, March 1915, 12,892 men, Aubers Ridge and Festubert May 1915, 28,267men and Loos, September - October 1915, 61,713 men. 169 NAI. CSORP Number 19255 & 24 Oct 1916. 167

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conscription’.170 The authorities were aware that in rural areas there was an immense dread of conscription, which drove numbers of people, including a considerable number of the inactive Irish National Volunteers, into the membership of both organisations.171 General Richard Mulcahy bore testament to this later when he wrote that ‘the popular surge to fight the conscription issue brought large numbers into the ranks of the Irish Volunteers’.172 Countess Markievicz also used the issue to cajole men into joining the Irish Volunteers saying that ‘a movement is no use without physical force at its back, only for the fighting in Easter Week conscription within a fortnight would be enforced in Ireland’.173 Afterwards these words were used on every Sinn Féin platform.174 Sinn Féin had been undeviating in its opposition to the British crown regarding its right to legislate for Ireland, and it naturally followed that they would resist conscription. Although the members of the Irish Parliamentary Party repeatedly declared that they would not submit to its implementation they were not taken seriously. They had after all been involved in recruitment for the British army since the commencement of the war and the Irish National Volunteers, which had been aligned to them, was so inactive, they were not in a position to resist it. The Irish Volunteers were seen by many as the only means by which it could be resisted as they were the only active body and better organised.175 On 25 March 1918, four days after the commencement of the German offensive the British Government pronounced its intention of bringing another bill to further extend conscription. This was not only designed to extend the age limit from forty-one to fifty one within Britain but also include Ireland within its scope. It was believed that it would give the army an additional 200,000 men with which to replenish its already 170

NAL. CO 904/96. Report of the Inspector General August 1915 & CO 904/98. Report of the Inspector General January 1916. An informant had reported to the Royal Irish Constabulary that some prominent extremists including members of the Irish Volunteers met in Limerickk to discuss ways in which to bring Irish Independence from Britain to fruition. They were waiting for conscription to be applied to Ireland as this was seen as the only way in which they would secure the support of the Irish people. 171 ibid. CO 904/99. Report of the Inspector General February 1916. 172 General Richard Mulcahy on ‘Conscription and the General Headquarters’ Staff’ in Fr Henry, O.F.M. Cap ed. The Capuchin Annual 1968, (Dublin 1968, organisation many new men of quality. 173 NAL. CO 904/23. This was stated at an Aeridheacht at Newcastle West on 16 September 1917. 174 Travers. p. 117. 175 NAL. CO 904/98. County Inspector’s Report 30 Oct 1915.

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overstretched man power resources. The expert opinion of Henry Duke, the Chief Secretary was sought, he advised the war cabinet that it could be enforced, but with serious implications. It would be opposed by the unified efforts of nationalists and clergy, and that strikes would ensue, there would also be bloodshed, in addition to this extra troops of ‘at least two brigades’ and possibly more would be required, and that it ‘might as well recruit Germans’.176 Another who was consulted was Sir Edward Carson, who counselled that the cost would be too high.177 The party that was not consulted was the Irish Parliamentary Party, they had not been included at all in the decision-making. In spite of the opinions of these ‘eminent’ people the government put the clause applying conscription to Ireland and the bill in its entirety to a vote on 9 April and defeated the opposition, which included the Irish Parliamentary Party by 296 to 123 votes and 301 to 103 votes respectively.178 There was an attempt by Lloyd George to placate the party by offering Home Rule in conjunction with conscription, but it was rejected since to accept compulsion as a quid pro quo for Home Rule would have been a total negation of the idea of men volunteering as a free gift of a free nation as expounded by Asquith on 25 September 1914.179 The Irish Parliamentary Party under its new leader John Dillon,180 withdrew from the House of Commons to fight at home claiming ‘that the present proposal of Mr Lloyd George’s Government to enforce conscription in Ireland is an outrage and a gross violation of the national right of Ireland’ and allied itself with Sinn Féin, Labour and the clergy and was subjected to taunts from separatists. They claimed that it was now adhering to the policy of Sinn Féin in what was perceived to be a Damascus-like conversion of abstention from Westminster.181 In Limerick ‘fierce agitation against the enforcement of conscription’ manifested itself and stirred up an extremely rancorous atmosphere against 176

Adrian Gregory, ‘You might as well recruit Germans’ in Adrian Gregory and Senia Paseta eds. Ireland and the Great War, (Manchester, 2002), p. 118. 177 Laffan. p. 133 & Gregory. p 118. 178 Laffan. p. 134 & F.J. 10 April 1918. 55 members including the Limerick MPs vote against the conscription proposals. There were 15 absentees. 179 Gwynn, Stephen. p.157. F.J. 13 Nov 1918. Lloyd George Papers, House of Lords Record Office F/23/2/29. Correspondence dated 20 April 1918 from M.P.A. Hankey to Lloyd George. The contents of this letter stating that there should be no application of conscription to Ireland probably prompted Loyd George to make the offer. 180 John Dillon, who was John Redmond’s lieutenant from the reunification of the Irish Parliamentary Party in 1900, succeeded Redmond as leader when he died in March 1918. 181 L.L. 24 April 1918 & Laffan. p. 135.

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England.182 The expression accruing from this became noticeable in the various protest meetings and resolutions that were passed by the multifarious bodies, and were reported in the newspapers, thereby shaping and fomenting opposition to it.183 Limerick County Council, the Sarsfield branch of the Ancient Order of Foresters, Ballybrown parishioners, St. Michael’s Temperance Society, the local Irish National Volunteers and the County Limerick Local Medical Committee promulgated that conscription would be resisted by every means possible or by every means in their power.184 What they meant by this was never spelt out; however, it would appear that the underlying message was ‘physical force’. The Limerick Board Guardians were not so timid in their communication; they called on the people To oppose conscription by all the means in his or her power, and if they are conscripted, to fight not for but against England and where the opportunity offers to hinder and impede the British army, and in particular to destroy munition stores and other supplies, so that England may gain nothing by the imposition of conscription on Ireland … we appeal to all Irishmen who are of our opinion, in the name and cause of Ireland to withdraw from the British army and from all other armies fighting for Britain, if this insane policy of conscripting the Irish nation be persevered.

For this they were charged in a court under the Criminal Law and Procedure Act of 1887, with unlawful assembly, inciting others to mutiny, sedition and disaffection amongst His Majesty’s forces and forces of His Majesty’s allies, but were dismissed by the magistrates due to insufficient evidence.185 In Newcastle West the magistrates refused to attend the petty

182

NAL. CO 904/105. County Inspector’s Report 30 April 1918. Travers. p. 81. 184 NAI. CSORP Number 27535, 1918. The letter from the Limerick County Council dated 15 April 1918 was originally sent to Windsor Castle, England, but was sent to the Private Secretary of the Irish Office to be dealt with. L.L. 15 April 1918 & 20 May 1918. 185 NAI. CSORP Number 32718, 10 June 1918 & Curtis, L.P. Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland 1880- 1892, (London, 1963), pp. 180-181. The case elicited a question directed to the Chief Secretary in the House of Commons that due to the resolution passed by the Guardians did he as President of the Local Government Board intend to dissolve it and elect a fresh board. The reply was non-committal. The Guardians were charged under Section 2 of the Act which related to criminal conspiracies against rent, boycotting, intimidation, rioting, unlawful assembly, resistance to eviction, and inciting others to commit any of the above crime. 183

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sessions as a protest and business fell through, with one magistrate in the county resigned.186 Other bodies were more moderate in their language; Limerick Corporation and the National Union of Railwaymen pledging to abide by whatever course of action their spiritual and temporal representatives decided.187 In addition to this Limerick Corporation expunged Lord Dunraven’s name from the Roll of the Freedom of the City because he had supported conscription for the country, a councillor stating that ‘…at least 95 per cent of the Irish people were against conscription and any man that voted for the retention of Lord Dunraven’s name on the Roll of Freeman was supporting conscription…’188 Despite this, two councillors voted against the move, but eighteen voted in its favour, and one abstained, while eighteen members were absent. We can only speculate as to how those who were absent would have voted. The Corporation was obviously conforming to the attitude of the people of Limerick who were in agreement with the rest of the country in their fight against conscription. Not all Unionists held the same view as that of Dunraven. Lord Monteagle was astute enough to see the danger in compelling men to join the forces To impose conscription on her will neither save her soul nor give you the men you need. It will imperil the hopes of a settlement offered by the Convention by throwing the mass of moderate nationalists into the arms of Sinn Féin … The Die Hards too are right when they say that conscription imposed by England is incompatible with Home Rule. Such a measure may be well calculated to kill Home Rule.189

Another correspondent writing from Limerick to the Cork Examiner and signing himself ‘Common Sense’ had a similar opinion to that of Monteagle, he explained that Ireland should have been included in the measure that was passed for the UK in January 1916. Had this been done 186

L.L. 22 April 1918 & L.C. 20 April 1918. LCA. Minutes of Limerick Corporation meeting 15 April 1918 & L.L. 15 April 1918 & 10 June 1918, C.E. 10 June 1918, NAI. CSORP Number 32718 & Curtis, Jr, L.P. Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland 1880- 1892, (London, 1963), pp 180181. 188 L.L. 3 May 1918 & C.E. 4 May 1918 & 7 June 1918. The proposer of the motion was councillor M. Griffin and the councillor who abstained was T. Donnellan, he was Mayor when Lord Dunraven had been made a Freeman of the City in 1908. Later there was an attempt to have the casket containing the scroll returned, but was unsuccessful. 189 L.L. 17 April 1918 & L.C. 18 April 1918. 187

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at the time there would have been a few dissentions. Now, however, to do so would be dangerous As a man with fifty years’ experience of public life in Ireland, a magistrate, a farmer, District Councillor, ex-County Councillor, a member of Board of Guardians, and a Unionist, I warn the Government that it cannot be worked in Ireland to the advantage of the State. The Government that tries it will ride for a fall, a fall unfortunately that the whole community will suffer in …190

Demonstrations were very much in evidence in the county at Glin and Newcastle West, in the city at the O’Connell Monument and public meetings at the Town Hall, culminating in a labour stoppage and a demonstration on 23 April 1918. Described as a ‘Workless Day’ with the cessation of all work and business in the county and city where a banner with the inscription on it ‘Death before Conscription’ and what purported to be a likeness of the late James Connolly was carried.191 The Roman Catholic clergymen were very much to the fore taking prominent positions at many of these meetings and protests, this resulted in the lead given by the bishops at a conference held at Maynooth on 18 April 1918, after which they issued a manifesto on the situation. They expressed the view that ‘conscription forced…upon Ireland is an oppressive and inhuman law, which the Irish shall have a right to resist by all the means that are consonant with the law of God’. Several nationalist and trade union leaders who had been in conference in the Mansion House, Dublin later met the bishops and put to them an agreed anti conscription pledge seeking their approval, which was given. The pledge ran ‘denying the right of the British government to enforce compulsory service in this country we pledge ourselves solemnly to one another to resist conscription by the most effective means at our disposal’.192 The example of the signing of the Ulster Covenant was in the mind of many people when they signed the

190

C.E. 13 May 1918. L.L. 15 April, 17April & 24 April 1918, L.C. 16 April 1918, 23 & 25 April 1918. The demonstration re-assembled at Bank Place where they were addressed by John Cronin, President of Limerick Trades Council, Rev. Hennessy, Prior, OSA, R.P. O’Connor, BC, M.J. O’Connor, ITGWU and M. Keyes, National Union of Railwaymen. 192 F.J. 19, 20 April 1918 & C.E. 19 April 1918. The Bishop of Limerick, the Most Rev. Dr. Hallinan was present at this meeting and the delegation consisted of the Lord Mayor of Dublin, John Dillon, MP, E. de Valera, MP, T.M. Healy, MP and William O’Brien, President of the Irish Trades Congress. 191

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pledge, which was administered extensively by the clergy usually after mass throughout the county.193 While there was no abatement of hostility in the feelings of the population towards conscription, the large public meetings had practically ceased with the exception of demonstrations of women who were held responsible for keeping the anti-conscription movement alive. One such demonstration largely attended took the form of a religious procession that converged on St. John’s Square, where a statue of the Virgin and Child, donated by the Dominican Fathers was placed in a shrine erected there, and prayers were recited. One of the clergymen reminded the women that they were standing on a historical spot, and that He trusted the women of Limerick would do what the Limerick women did in 1690, when they gave such heroic assistance. He was sure they would do their duty in the present great emergency in helping to resist conscription being applied to their country.194

Limerick and Clare farmers protested but not for altruistic reasons. Their association expounded the view that there was already a shortage of agricultural labour and they ‘could not afford to lose another man’. With so many men having gone to work on munitions in England they feared that a further drain through compulsion would be bad for the harvest and result in the loss of crops that not alone Ireland but England depended on.195 If there was to be resistance, contingency plans would have to be made in order to deal with the distress, strikes, food shortages and public disturbances that would arise. This led to the formation of a National Defence Fund, and a committee was established locally to organise collections. It was comprised of a number of representative gentlemen of the city including individuals of all shades of politics, professional, commercial and social life, but interestingly no representative of the 193

C.E. 24 & 25 April 1918. The anti-conscription pledge was administered or signed by the people, and spoken to at Kilmallock by Rev. Canon O’Shea, PP., Kilfinane by Rev. J. Lee, PP., and Rev. C. Mangan, CC., Bruff by Rev. Dean MacNamara, PP., VG., Dromin and Athlacca by Rev. Canon Canty, PP., Bruree by Rev. G. O’Connor, PP, Bulgaden by Rev. Culhane, CC, Ballinvana by Rev. G. Quaid, PP., Effin by Rev. Fitzgerald, PP., etc. 194 NAL. CO 904/157. Number 2697. Intelligence Branch General Staff HQ Southern District 30 June 1918. C.E. 10 June 1918. The bishop Dr. Hallinan had given permission for the statue to be erected in the square. The priest who uttered these remarks was Rev T. Connolly, administrator of St. John’s Parish. 195 L.C. 20 April 1918 & L.L. 22 April 1918.

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labour movement. The amounts received were as diverse as those who contributed, ranging from 10s to £1 from working men with little more than a pound for their wages, to sums of £100 from the rich and wealthy.196 The amount collected locally was £9,149 during the month of May alone and in many instances were only first instalments.197 To aggravate matters and alienate the people further from constitutionalism, the authorities arrested a number of Sinn Féin leaders in May 1918, under the pretext of a treasonable conspiracy that was alleged to be taking place between them and the Germans, it was called the ‘German Plot’.198 This was pure fabrication and Sir. Bryan Mahon, who was the Commander in Chief of the British Forces in Ireland, is recorded as saying that ‘he did not believe a word of it, and was satisfied that it was a myth’.199 By the removal of these men the government hoped that the population, who were now without the direction of those articulating separatism and physical resistance to conscription, would return to supporting the constitutional nationalists for guidance.200 It had quite the opposite effect, convincing numbers of young that had hitherto been flirting with Sinn Féin to join and also influencing their parents and

196

L.L. 24 April 1918. F. J. 8 May, 18 May, 21 May, 22 May, 24 May & 25 May 1918, L.L. 10 May, 15 May, 22 May & 24 May1918. The areas where these contributions came from were Askeaton £180, Feadamore £305, Ballybricken £118, Bohermore £ 67, Patrickswell £400, Galbally £220, Knockainey £55, Nicker and Templebredin £290, Cappamore £155, Limerick £4,000, Monaleen and St. Patrick’s £310, Tournafulla £150, Kilteely & Dromkeen £153, Abbeyfeale £612, Glin £340, Kilmallock and Ballingaddy £515, Bulgaden and Ballinvana £220, Ballingarry £319, Hospital £180, Kilfinane £310, Glenbohane £100 and Grange £150, Totalling £9,149. 198 Grigg, John. Lloyd George War Leader, (London, 2002), p. 475 & Ó Lúing, Sean. ‘The ‘German Plot’ in Rev. Henry, O.F.M. Cap ed. The Capuchin Annual 1968, (Dublin, 1968), p. 377. Shortly after the bill for the implementation of conscription to Ireland was passed a former associate of Roger Casement had been captured after landing on the West Coast of Ireland. His name was Joseph Dowling; he had been a Lance Corporal in the Connaught Rangers and had been taken prisoner by the Germans. He was incarcerated in Limburg POW camp where he joined the ‘Irish Brigade’ established by Casement. It was alleged that he was carrying a message pledging German support for another rebellion in Ireland. Hence the ‘German Plot’. 199 O’Sullivan, Donal The Irish Free State And Its Senate, (London, 1972), p. 42. Conversation that Sir Bryan Mahon had with the author. 200 NAL. CO 904/157. Report of Intelligence Branch of General Staff HQ, Southern District, 31 July 1918, Number 2825. 197

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others.201 They now saw that being a member of Sinn Féin was the only way in which the proposed implementation of conscription could be resisted if and when it came. Although constitutional nationalists participated with Sinn Féin, none of them was arrested, thus confirming the perception of others that the government did not see them as a threat. With the leadership out of the way it was decided to proscribe Sinn Féin, the Gaelic League, and Cumann na mBan in July as ‘dangerous associations to which Irish men and women would in future belong at their own risk’.202 This action by the government was another affront to nationalist sensibilities. There were the usual protests but Limerick Corporation decided as its form of protest against the action to confer the Freedom of the City on representatives of the three organisations, Eoin MacNeill, Gaelic League, Eamon de Valera, Sinn Féin and Mrs. Kathleen Clarke, the wife of executed 1916 leader and member of Cumann na mBan.203 Conscription was never enforced, violently or otherwise, but the threat persisted until the end of the war. A study by Adrian Gregory has shown that Lloyd George had no intention of applying conscription to Ireland. His purpose in including a clause extending conscription to Ireland was to appease British public opinion, which he successfully did. The British public believed that they had suffered to a greater extent than the people of Ireland, who although a part of the empire were not contributing enough by way of manpower, but were reaping the benefits of the war.204 There is also the evidence that the only way in which conscription could have been applied to Ireland was by order of council as provided for in the Act, and such an order was postponed twice in May and September 1918, two months later the war was over.205 John Grigg, Lloyd George’s biographer also confirms this in his latest work and Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson writing in his diary recorded that Lloyd George and Winston Churchill were of the opinion that ‘it would be suicidal to try it, but that if all hopes of armistice disappeared then we should apply it at once’.206 It can be seen from this that Lloyd George had some inkling that 201

ibid. CO 904/105. Report of Inspector General June 1918. Henry, R.M. The Evolution of Sinn Féin, (Dublin, n.d), p. 269. 203 Toomey, Nora-Ann & Lee, David. ‘The General Strike as a Political WeaponLimerick 1918-20’ in David Lee ed. Remembering Limerick, (Limerick, 1997), p. 242. 204 Gregory. ‘You might as well recruit Germans’, p. 128. 205 L.C. 2 May 1918 & L.L. 23 Sept 1918. 206 Grigg, John. Lloyd George War Leader, (London, 2002), pp 469-470 & Callwell KCB, Major-General Sir C.E. Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson Bart, 202

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there was the prospect the Germans were looking for terms to end hostilities and therefore there would be no need to apply compulsion to Ireland. However, by his action in pacifying his coalition partners and British public opinion, Lloyd George had driven the Irish population into the arms of those who believed in abstention from Westminster, Sinn Féin, and destroyed any chance of the constitutional nationalists from regaining the trust of the people. Thus the death knell of the Irish Parliamentary Party was to be assured and was borne out in the general election of December 1918.

The General Election 1918 With the war having ended on 11 November 1918, Lloyd George called a general election and Sinn Féin now seeing that they were in a position of strength, decided to contest it. The new parliamentary representation act of 1918 that came into operation at the general election increased the numbers of those allowed to vote. In the city the number increased in the eight electoral wards from 4, 965 to 11,702, many of them young people who had not voted before.207 The Irish Parliamentary Party failed to attract these ‘new voters two thirds who would be voting for the first time’ and thus paved the way for a Sinn Féin victory.208 In Limerick City, Alderman Michael Joyce, who had been nominated to contest the seat against the Sinn Féin candidate Michael Colivet, decided to resign, and there was no candidate selected to contest the seat. He had been subjected to immense pressure to resign from those supporting Colivet, one H. O’Brien Moran, implying that if Joyce opposed the Sinn Féin candidate he would be playing the Orange game, and therefore ‘should examine his conscience and see if he could consciously oppose their candidate’.209 The GCB, DSO. Volume Two, (London, 1927), p. 141. The date of this diary entry is 22 October 1918. 207 L.C. 30 June 1918. The L. L. 5 July 1918 gives a total for the eight electoral wards as 12,223 voters, a difference of 521 voters. 208 Boyce, George D. Nationalism in Ireland (London, 1982), p. 289. 209 C.E. 22 Nov 1918, L.L. 22 Nov, 25 Nov, 2 Dec & 4 Dec 1918. All the indications were that Joyce was going to contest the seat, he had not only been selected by the Irish Parliamentary Party but endorsed at a public meeting held in the Town Hall on 25 November 1918. An election fund had been established, into which he contributed £25. However, acting on the advice of his election committee he decided not to contest the seat, giving as one of his reasons as a wish to avoid bitterness. He later outlined his reasons in full, the perfect organisation including a large number of the Catholic clergy that was opposed to the Party and

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MP for West Limerick, P. J. O’Shaughnessy, had resigned before the election was called due to health reasons, and no candidate had been selected by the Irish Parliamentary Party to contest the seat against the Sinn Féin candidate, Cornelius Collins.210 The only place where there was a contest was in East Limerick where the incumbent MP Thomas Lundon competed against the Sinn Féin candidate Dr. Richard Hayes. The result was a victory for Hayes who polled 12,750 to Lundon’s 3,608 votes, a majority of 9,142 votes. However, 4,737 people did not vote, but even had they voted for Lundon, he would not have retained the seat.211 The abstentionist policy was more palatable.212 As the Sinn Féin Mayor for Limerick, Alphonsus O’Mara declared, ‘they did not want Home Rule, but sovereign independence…’213 Joyce and O’Shaughnessy saw that they had no hope of a victory over Sinn Féin and therefore decided that they

opposition both inside and outside the polling booths. The want of organisation or enthusiasm on their side, and the knowledge they had that many respectable citizens were afraid to sign a nomination paper for him, although he had of course plenty of those signed. He also referred to his best and greatest friends, the greater number of them at least as having turned him down in the election. 210 ibid 18 Oct 1918, L.L. 12 Sept, 18 Oct & 4 Dec 1918. Press, The Mourne River. 1916 Rebellion Handbook, (Dublin, 1998), pp 131-132 & 288. Sinn Féin had selected their candidate at a conference held at Newcastle West on 11 September 1918. Con Collins, Monegay, who had been a clerk at the GPO in Dublin, was apparently selected because of the impeccable credentials of having been arrested and sentenced to penal servitude for life in connection with the Casement landing in 1916. He was released unconditionally on 17 June 1917. A man by the name of Patrick O’Connell, Ballygiltenane, Glin, handed in one paper on his own behalf, but a solicitor Mr R. Johnson, Rathkeale acting on behalf of Collins objected on the grounds that it was irregular. The Sheriff then rejected the nomination. 211 L.L. 30 Dec 1918 & Walker, B.M. p. 392. C.E. 26 Nov, 30 Nov 1918. There was an electorate of 6,000 in Limerick City in 1911 and in West Limerick of 7,675. 1911 was the last year that a census was taken in Ireland until 1926. H. O’B. Moran the election agent for Dr. Hayes remarked sarcastically that he regretted that Lundon was not present to second the resolution of the vote of thanks to the Sheriff for the manner in which he carried out the arrangements in connection with the election. 212 O’Neill, Thomas P. ‘The General Election, 1918’ in ed. Fr. Henry, O.F. M. Cap. The Capuchin Annual 1968, (Dublin, 1968), p. 398. When nomination day 4 December 1918 arrived thirty-six MPs of the Irish Parliamentary Party failed to face their constituents. In twenty-five constituencies Sinn Féin candidates were returned unopposed. 213 C.E. 22 Nov 1918.

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would not contest. Limerick was indeed as the poet and author Robert Graves had written ‘a Sinn Féin stronghold’.214

214

Graves, Robert. Goodbye to All That, (Middlesex, 1973), p. 229.

CHAPTER FOUR ECONOMY

The war was just two months old when a meeting of the committee established to alleviate city distress resulting from the war met. It was held in the Town Hall, presided over by the Mayor, Alderman Philip O’Donovan. A notable aspect of this committee was that its members were of the better off sections of society. While these people may have had the best motives in helping the less well off, there was not one person on the committee of the social class most affected, the working class. The committee in its deliberations resolved to seek monies for such public works as ‘finishing the concreting of the lanes and the footpaths in the backward part of the city’. It was also suggested that another ‘useful and necessary work which would give a good deal of employment would be the widening of the Corkanree Embankment, which in places is not strong enough to resist the tide’.1 Other official bodies such as the Committee of Management of Limerick District Asylum also discussed the situation resulting from the war. This arose as a result of receiving a communication from the Limerick United Trades and Labour Association. This body believed that if the committee paid for a portion of the work on the new buildings to be added to the asylum it would certainly go a long way towards addressing the scarcity of employment. The committee promised to do all that they could to assist in this matter.2 It is questionable as to whether this committee would have discussed the unemployment situation had they not received the letter from the Limerick United Trades and Labour Association. The situation by January 1915 had not changed very much regarding unemployment, and the distress caused by it was still very serious. An attempt to overcome the problem was undertaken by the Distress Committee, who inserted an advertisement in the local newspapers. This asked that ‘those seeking employment on any works that may be started, must register their names at the City Surveyor’s office in order to satisfy 1 2

L.C. 20 Oct 1914. ibid. 10 Dec 1914.

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the committee of their qualifications under the Unemployed Workmen Act of 1905’. This would also help in getting what was known as a distress grant.3 It is true that many who during the opening months of the war joined the military, left vacancies in their work places that were filled by unemployed people. This may have helped the unemployment situation somewhat, though if one did not possess the required skill for the job then one remained unemployed. Many men finding themselves in such a position were therefore compelled to enlist in order to ease their economic plight.

War Munitions The month of May 1915 saw the establishment of a Ministry of Munitions, with David Lloyd George leading a coalition government consisting of members of the Liberal and Conservative parties in parliament. He had previously occupied the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Liberal Government and was extremely disparaging about the supply of munitions.4 His remit in this new Ministry was the co-ordination of the supply of the munitions of war, thus ensuring that there was a sufficient supply of skilled men available for the manufacture of such commodities. Many of these skilled men had enlisted at the outbreak of the war, and prior to the formation of the Ministry the return of these men were not critically considered.5 After all, it was generally thought that the war would be over by Christmas 1914, and therefore there would be no necessity for a vast array of ammunition. However, as the war became more and more protracted the shortage of ammunition became very noticeable. It was this shortage eventually led to what became known as the ‘Shells Scandal’ of May 1915, and the formation of the new Ministry.6 It was therefore necessary to fashion the new Ministry into a competent organisation capable of dealing with the problems, and staffed by as many as ninety successful business men who were placed in the most important positions.7 This ensured that they were nicely placed to grant contracts to their own firms as well as to those of their friends if they were in that line of business. With these in place, the work especially that of outstanding

3

ibid. 21 Jan 1915. Jenkins, Roy. Asquith, (London, 1967), p.390. 5 George, David Lloyd. War Memoirs, Volume One, (London, 1938), pp 90, 91 & 142. 6 ibid. p. 285 7 L.C. 29 July 1915 and War Memoirs, p. 147. 4

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contracts, was taken over and also work was contracted out to firms other than those that hitherto fulfilled these tasks.8 Limerick capitalists like those of other cities and towns saw the possibilities of enhancing their business prospects and wanted a share of the manufacture of these munitions. There were, of course, strong military ties locally and these should not be discounted. The objective of procuring this work for the firms capable of carrying this out was that of creating employment and sustaining that which already existed. While these two objectives were very laudable there was another that was never mentioned or reported during the deliberations that took place and this was the handsome profits that the firms hoped to accrue as a result of this work. The former was the primary objective of a delegation from the Limerick Industrial Association, which attended a meeting of the Chamber of Commerce on 29 June 1915. Special emphasis was made to those present that skilled men such as mechanics and apprentices had already volunteered for munitions work in England, and ‘that the fact of sending men away on work of this nature would injuriously affect the city’. These men should be employed in such work locally.9 Sir Alexander Shaw in a speech to the Chamber on 5 July said that the intention of the representatives present Was to find employment for men engaged in the engineering and allied trades in Limerick in connection with the making of munitions of war, instead of sending them away to centres in England. Already some men had left the city for this work, and should the drain continue local foundries such as Messrs Harrison Lee and Sons would be greatly hampered.10

They insisted very strongly that not only would two of the local foundries go out of business if the skilled men necessary for their operation were to leave Limerick, but other large producing firms such as the Condensed Milk Company and the Limerick Clothing Factory would be greatly affected if such men were also to leave these. Lloyd George declared that he had no intention of doing anything that would be detrimental to Limerick or Ireland for he wanted munitions of different sorts and the more the better, and during a debate in the House of Commons he stated 8

War Memoirs, p. 160. L.L. 30 June 1915. Amongst the delegation was Alderman Michael Joyce, MP who represented the Custom House Ward on the County Borough Council of Limerick, and as a representative for Limerick City in the House of Commons, Sir. Alexander W. Shaw, and the proprietors of the local foundries 10 L. C. 6 July 1915. 9

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that ‘he hoped to be able to utilise the resources of Ireland very fully. It was possible that in Ireland they could do very valuable work’.11 However, Lloyd George was not very forthcoming in giving cast iron assurances that Limerick would be given such work. Alderman Joyce was naïve in thinking that all that was required in acquiring such work for Limerick was for the ‘merchants, traders, owners of machinery, working bodies put their shoulders to the wheel and demand that these munitions be manufactured in Ireland’.12 The Minister was written to, clearly outlining the necessity for men with engineering skills to be retained in Limerick for war purposes. There was a strong feeling that if skilled men left the city to work elsewhere then the two local foundries would go out of business.13 Evidence of men going to England to work in the manufacture of munitions was raised at a meeting of the Limerick Board of Guardians.14 Further to this an advertisement had been placed in one of the local newspapers seeking one hundred men for munitions work at Newcastleon-Tyne, and in early February it was reported that one hundred men had left for England, with more to follow.15 There were those who were prepared to canvass for men to work in munitions manufacture abroad irrespective of whatever motions were passed or what work was being done by organisations to ensure that men were kept in Limerick. With such efforts to undermine their work, the future Citizens War Munitions Committee would have had a protracted struggle on their hands. Men seeking work through the Labour Exchanges had been advised of the availability of munitions work in England. This is borne out by the official figures given by the Board of Trade Employment Department in a letter to the Under Secretary, Dublin Castle. It stated that Monthly returns from Exchanges completed up to the 10 November and 8 December, respectively, show that during the former month 1,388 and during the latter month 1,872 workmen were despatched from Exchanges in Ireland for work in England, Scotland and Wales. The work comprised erection of munition factories, work in munition, chemical and explosive factories, extension of docks, etc.16

11

ibid. 29 July 1915 & L.L. 5 July 1915. L.L. 5 July 1915. 13 L.C. 24 April & 6 July 1915. 14 ibid. 2 July 1915 15 L.L. 8 Oct 1915, 2 Feb 1916. 16 NAI. CSORP, Number 701, 8 January 1917. 12

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The quotation above relates to the end of 1916, and it can be seen that there was an increase in the number of men for December of that year. It was stated in the House of Commons on 13 June 1918 that since October 1916, approximately 40,000 men had travelled to Britain from Ireland to work in munitions and other Government work.17 If the figures for November and December are extrapolated from this, the additional number of men would come to an approximate figure of 36,260. While the statistics quoted above relate to men, many women from Ireland also travelled, and a substantial number of them were from Limerick.18 After meeting the Chamber of Commerce on 5 July 1915 the Limerick Industrial Association decided to establish a Citizens’ War Munitions Committee in order to obtain munitions work for Limerick. People attending the organising meeting consisted of a representative section of various interests in the city.19 It was important for the capitalist class to have representatives of the skilled workers serving on such committees, as it not only gave them the credibility amongst the people of Limerick, but also the acquiescence of the aristocracy of labour. It was resolved to send particulars of the machines and tools available and in use at the various foundries, engineering works and garages to the Minister of Munitions, which he had requested. They hoped that it in turn would in return receive a positive response from the Minister. Reference was made that ‘a certain city firm was already engaged on a munitions contract’, it would seem that this firm decided to seek its own munitions work without waiting for the establishment of a committee.20 Throughout July 1915 the committee endeavoured to put its case for Limerick’s inclusion in the manufacture of munitions. On 27 July it met with Captain R. C. Kelly, of the Munitions Department, London, who came to Limerick, and it argued its case with him, and visited the city foundries and other places of manufacture. While they appeared to have been pleased with his visit, the only positive fact learned from him and which would give some hope for the future was his statement pointing out what was required and how best Limerick could assist in the production of

17

ibid. CSORP, Number 32783, 13 June 1918. F.J. 14 November 1916. 19 Namely Alderman Joyce MP, as well as representatives of the engineering foundries, such as S. E. Lee, of Harrison Lee and Sons, the Trades Council being represented by J. Carr. 20 L.C. 13 July 1915. 18

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munitions.21 Following the visit, some members proceeded to London, where they interviewed Mr J. Stevenson, one of the chief officials of the Ministry of Munitions, and spoke again with Captain Kelly. An undertaking was received that ‘a number of samples of shells etc. would be sent to Limerick to guide the local workers in the making of munitions’. Also visited was Woolwich Arsenal and the Admiralty Stores for the purpose of viewing the sort of material needed for munitions manufacturing, and were most vocal in its claim for munitions work ‘assuring the authorities of the capacity of factories in Limerick to make several of the articles needed for war purposes’ and ‘most ready to do its part in furtherance of the needs of the nation’.22 When it was announced that a permanent representative of the Ministry would reside in Ireland, the Limerick committee as well as others must have been satisfied as it now meant that there was someone nearer to hand to approach regarding munitions work rather than having to travel to England to discuss matters.23 With this representative now residing in Ireland it was felt that there was certainly hope for the future, which was further manifested with the announcement that the first contract for war munitions had been granted to Limerick for the sum of £4,000, and to the firm of J.P. Evans and Company, an engineering firm located in Thomas Street.24 The nature of this contract was manufacturing the component parts of shells. They had successfully tendered for the 500,000 two-inch fuse hole plugs that were referred to in one of the local newspapers.25 In this venture they employed over eighty workers, and resulting from this other workers were employed by the firm of McMahon and Ryan who were engaged in providing the woodwork for packing the munitions.26 21

ibid. 27 July 1915 & L.L. 5 July 1915. This was probably the official whom Lloyd George referred to when he stated to Alderman Joyce that one would be sent when he (Lloyd George) was in possession of the necessary information 22 ibid. 31 July 1915 & 10 August 1915. 23 ibid. 5 August 1915. 24 L.L. 8 September 1915. 25 L.C. 14 August 1915. 26 ibid. 18 April 1916. A later report in the L. L. 2 June 1916 stated that J.P. Evans and Company employed 108 workers in the project. L.L. 1 October 1915. There was scope for further employment when it was reported that the Admiralty was seeking quantities of what was described as ‘table letter baskets made of white willows and anchor buoys made from oak and bound by six iron hoops the whole being encased in a cage of hemp and wire ropes’. These items would be within the range of the local basket makers, coopers and ship handlers. Samples of these could be viewed at the office of the munitions committee located at 62 O’Connell Street. The amount of work involved in this venture was so minuscule that it did

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In early 1916 when the Mayor of Limerick became vice president of the All Ireland Munitions and Government Supplies Committee, the expectations of the local munitions committee were heightened.27 The committee believed that they were doing great work for Limerick but other people had a different view. A correspondent writing in the Limerick Leader was highly critical of the committee stating that ‘… this city has been woefully neglected’ and that ‘we had some sort of a local munitions committee and if so what are they doing to justify their existence’.28 Another correspondent writing in the Limerick Chronicle went even further in his criticism, questioning whether there were any prestigious merchants or MPs who would fight for substantial munitions work for Limerick. While Waterford and Cork were utilising their vacant stores and employing 1,000 men, in Limerick places such as the old brewery on the canal or the four large barracks were idle and could have been used to provide for this work.29 Sir. Maurice Levy, MP, Commissioner from the Ministry of Munitions, visited the city on 15 November 1916 to examine all the facilities available for providing additional munitions of war. He attended a gathering of representatives from the merchants, traders and workers in the Chamber of Commerce. The only noteworthy item that came out of the meeting was a proposal by Colonel Sir Anthony Weldon, DSO, commanding the 6th Battalion Leinster Regiment, based in Limerick That the Mayor form a committee to organise an exhibit in Limerick of articles required by the War Office which Limerick would be capable of producing, samples to be obtained from the Ministry of Munitions and the Contracts Department’.30

Despite the high profile of those present, Sir Maurice Levy, MP, left without giving any indication as to whether Limerick would get additional not elicit any further mention in the local newspapers. However, this did not necessarily mean that men did not take up the offer. 27 Kelleher MA, George D. Gunpowder to Guided Missiles, (Cork, 1993), p. 179. Mayors from other towns also served in that capacity, with the Lord Mayor of Dublin as president. 28 L.L. 19 April 1916. 29 L.C. 27 May 1916. 30 ibid. 16 November 1916. Other prominent people such as Sir A. W. Shaw, T.J. Lawlor, B.C., (High Sheriff), J.A. Dynan, (American Consul), L. Morley, (Limerick Steamship Company), James Carr, (Engineers Society), J.A. O’Connell, (Francis Spaight and Sons Limited) & M. O’Donnell, (President of the Carpenters Society), were also present.

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munitions work. However, on 25 January 1917, it was reported that Limerick had received an important order for munitions work, the manufacture of ammunition boxes.31 While the manufacture of these boxes created additional employment in Limerick, it was mostly carpenters who benefited. A call for the reopening of the distillery in Thomondgate, Limerick, was made when it was announced that the Ministry of Munitions were taking over the total amount of whiskey manufactured by the Irish pot still distilleries from 1 January 1917 and thereafter ‘for the purpose of converting the alcohol into a spirit suitable to the making of high explosives’.32 A correspondent writing in one of the local newspapers was of the opinion that there was the possibility for creating large employment in Limerick if the Munitions Committee took the opportunity that presented itself and pushed the city’s claim vigorously. There was after all a distillery lying idle where a substantial amount of the munitions spirit required could be manufactured at little cost because it was believed that the patents for the stills were still there.33 We do not know whether the Munitions Committee took up the challenge to have this brought to fruition, as the distillery remained closed. With the possibility of a national shell factory being established in Cork, an interest in such a venture was also indicated in Limerick. The fact that J. P. Evans and Company were already undertaking considerable works in the manufacture of the component parts of shells and had 'passed the very severe test of the Munitions Department' gave encouragement to some prominent citizens. They argued that with this work and because a very large number of men were serving in the Royal Munster Fusiliers from the locality, 'justifies Limerick's claim for consideration in the matter'. Further to this it was also argued that with such a factory or factories fully equipped Limerick's claim for contracts from the War Office after the war would be very strong, and would thereby give much needed employment to the demobilised soldiers when they came back from the war.34 However, this like many other works envisioned by the committee did not materialise. The munitions work that the Citizens Munitions Committee had such high expectations of receiving never materialised and any hope of enticing those who went to Britain to do this work to return to Limerick was doomed to failure. Those who did travel to Britain obviously could not 31

ibid. 25 January 1917. F.J. 11 January 1917. 33 L.C. 16 January 1917. 34 ibid. 19 April 1916. 32

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wait around in the expectation that substantial munitions work would be sent to the city as they had to provide for their families, and the prospects for employment and pay were better in England. Those firms that did obtain munitions work – J. P. Evans and Company, and E. O’Callaghan and Sons, City Tannery – were issued with ‘War Service Badges’ to be worn by their workers.35 Paradoxically, while the second of the two firms was involved in such work for the British Government, its owner Michael O’Callaghan was to become involved in the movement that advocated separation from Britain. According to the list of firms that was issued with the badges (and this could change weekly), fifty-four firms were located in the north of Ireland with Belfast as the main centre. Thirty-eight firms were located outside, with Dublin as the main centre for such activity. The further south one went the fewer firms were involved in munition work.36 With Lloyd George ensconced in the new Ministry of Munitions, there was hope that a new broom would sweep clean, expanding the number of firms involved in the manufacture of munitions, not relying solely on firms where previous orders had been placed. While this may have been true of Great Britain and to some extent Northern Ireland, the amount of work granted to firms in Southern Ireland, with only two in Limerick, was minimal. Due to the volatile state of the country the manufacture of ammunition, be it of small or large calibre and weapons such as rifles, would have been out of the question. Some criticism can be directed at Lloyd George for this, as he was the Minister responsible, but he was more than likely under pressure from the business interests whose representatives he had placed in the important positions within the Ministry. These would have ensured that the cream of the work remained in Britain.

Separation Allowances The payment of Separation Allowances, as was previously mentioned, was made to soldiers’ families during the Boer War of 1899-1902, and had not 35

NAI. CSORP 6450, 12 April 1916. Specimen in Author’s possession. These badges, which had the motif ‘On War Service’ inscribed on them were issued and replaced every year, and were the property of the Ministry of Munitions. Each man on receipt of a badge had to sign for it and an engraved serial number placed against the person’s name. If a man ceased to be in the employ of the firm he was required to surrender the badge to the employer who was to ensure that this was complied with. 36 ibid. CSORP Number 6450, 12 April 1916.

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changed much since.37 It had been used during this war and the First World War as an enticement to recruitment, although in the latter case on a much larger scale, due to the involvement of many more men in what became a global conflict. Because of its global nature, the impact of the conflict on the world economies including Ireland was astronomical. The prices of many commodities soared and therefore affected the basic necessities of life such as bread, potatoes, coal and gas. While all the social classes were affected by these increases, this was particularly true of the working class. Separation Allowances therefore became a very important economic factor in the lives of Limerick working-class families who had men serving in the army during this war. It was announced on 1 October 1914 that the amounts payable under this allowance had been increased for the wives and children of soldiers, and could be collected from that date.38 This had come about as a result of agitation that had commenced in early September. Prior to this increase the soldier’s wife without any children was only receiving 11s 1d while the amount for a wife with two children was only 14s 7d.39 This was made up by contributions of 1s 1d a day from the war office and 6d from the soldier's pay.40 There was an upward scale of rates paid depending on the soldier’s rank. It was not paid to the wives of commissioned men (officers). These payments were compulsory and were deducted from the soldier’s pay; his wife could then collect it through the post office and was paid a week in advance.41 It was obviously the opinion of the authorities that if such payments were to be made on a voluntary basis then some soldiers' families might not receive anything at all. Scope was allowed for the soldier to make additional payments. Although it would appear that the soldier had a say in whether he should make a contribution he, in fact, had no input other than indicating that he wished to make additional payments to those that were compulsorily deducted. A further increase was announced to take affect from 1 March 1915; the peculiarity of this was that it was made only five months after the hostilities had commenced. The likelihood being that it was for the purpose of enticing those who were undecided on enlisting, and who were reluctant to do so because they may have been the breadwinners in the household. It could also be argued that another reason for this increase in so short a period was the slackness in 37

Simkins. Kitchener's Army, p. 106. F. J. 2 October 1914. 39 Simkins. p. 106. 40 F. J. 2 October 1914. 41 Increased Rates of Separation Allowance for the Wives and Children of Soldiers Cd 7623, Volume XXXIX, (London, 1914), pp 513-514. See Appendix B. 38

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recruitment during the closing months of 1914 and early 1915, after the initial rush to join the colours. Additional increases were announced in January 1917 and July 1918, the latter not to come into effect until October of that year. One interesting aspect of all these increases was that if an unmarried soldier had a dependant whom he had supported for a period and wanted this assistance to continue, the government would help with a grant of separation. As was the case in the previous increase there was no alteration in the allowance given to the soldier's wife without children. Increases were again announced during the month of October 1918, to be paid on the first pay day in January 1919, with the proviso that if the wife was for any reason unable to work the local War Pensions Committee would add 6s. 6d to t he flat rate. The committee would also assist other dependants in the same situation. The age of the unmarried soldier was reduced to 18 years, and increased to 26, a three-year difference on either side from that for payments previously announced for October of that year, and which parents could now claim for. While these allowances were increased to assist in recruitment, they also assisted working class families financially to the extent that now they were getting money that they had not been used to before, and in many instances helped them 'to bear the increased cost of living'42 and avoid distress.43 Mrs Johanna McKnight, Henry Street, was one person who would have been affected by the economic situation in which many found themselves struggling, with seven sons serving she would have gained financially, having a considerable income in separation allowances coming to her at the post office every week.44 Another family who would have benefited significantly from the payment of these allowances was that of Corporal John O’Brien. Married with four children, the amount received would have been 22s per week. O’Brien had endeavoured to attain halfpay from his employer, Limerick Corporation, with whom he served with for almost fourteen years as a Limerick night watch constable,45 just like other employees had received from their employers when they enlisted, but unfortunately received a negative response to this request.46 The payment 42

NAL. CO 904/104. Inspector General's Monthly Report for November 1917. ibid. CO 904/102. Inspector General's Monthly Report for March 1917. 44 L.C. 29 June 1915. 45 LCA. Night Watch and Fire Brigade Committee, Minutes 14 June 1922. However, in a letter to the Chief Secretary in Dublin Castle dated 30 November 1915, John O’Brien stated that he had served twelve years. NAI. CSORP 20185, 1 December 1915 46 ibid. Night Watch and Fire Brigade Committee, Minutes 4 August 1915. 43

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of separation allowances would therefore have been very important to the O’Brien family. With quite a number of women now receiving the full separation allowances, the Limerick Soldiers' and Sailors' Families' Association deleted many names from their list of recipients.47 With such attractive allowances some individuals spent their grants unwisely. At Limerick Petty Sessions a soldier’s wife was charged and found guilty of assaulting a widow and damaging her property, mainly furniture, while she was under the influence of alcohol. It was reported that she had spent the major portion of her allowance on alcoholic beverages and was fined 10s, with fourteen days in jail if she failed to pay. One of the local magistrates stated that there should be some form of control imposed on soldier's wives in receipt of separation allowances’. The District Inspector of the Royal Irish Constabulary said that as every opportunity had been accorded to these people to desist from this, it was only when they failed to heed the warnings that they were brought to court. Another woman at the Kilmallock Sessions, charged with being drunk and disorderly, was also in receipt of a separation allowance, spending it on drink ‘and creating a bad spirit amongst her neighbours’. She was bound over to the peace for a year.48 Some individuals, on the other hand, attempted to obtain grants that they were not entitled to. They obviously thought that the amount they were receiving was insufficient, and tried to supplement it by making false declarations. The authorities were very meticulous in apprehending these people but in most cases the courts showed leniency, at least during the first year of the war (1915). At Newcastle West in late 1915, a woman was found guilty of trying to defraud the Secretary of State for War by trying to obtain money for which she was not eligible. However, having regard to her uneducated state she was fined 1s and costs.49 In Limerick City a man was charged, convicted, and fined 10s for making ‘a false representation and statement attempting to obtain a separation allowance in respect of his son …’50 A woman at Bruff was convicted but released under the terms of the Probation of Offenders Act and ordered to keep the peace for 12 months, with no fine imposed. The court took into consideration ‘her ignorance, age, poverty and hitherto good character'.51 There were other cases in which people were brought before the courts for false representation with fines ranging from 5s, 10s, and 20s, and sometimes 47

F.J. 29 March 1915. L.L. 10 September 1915 & 15 October 1915. 49 ibid. 13 September 1915. 50 ibid. 29 October 1915. 51 NAI. CSORP Number 15244 & 14 September 1915. 48

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with costs.52 These fines varied with the seriousness of the offence and the temper of the magistrates at the time. Towards the latter stages of the war the fines increased substantially. In Limerick City a woman was charged and found guilty of making a false representation in that she attempted to claim an allowance having signed her name to a declaration stating that she was the wife of a soldier with three children, when she was not. The prosecution wanted a fine of £10 imposed as she had defrauded the War Office out of £128. 6s. 8d, the Magistrates fined her £5. The Crown Prosecutor in most cases wanted the severest penalties imposed, having regard to the fact that these were ‘obvious attempts to rob the Crown’ and that ‘the War Office were determined to punish attempts of this kind …’.53 However, he was astute enough to realise that the ordinary local magistrates would be lenient because their sympathies would be with the defence and only the Resident Magistrate could be relied on to ‘hold the scales evenly’.54 Although some people abused the grants given to soldiers’ wives and families it can be seen that the majority benefited considerably from the separation allowances.

Cost of Living An inevitable consequence of the war was the increase in the cost of living. These increases impinged on every social class of society in Limerick, but had a far greater impact on the labouring class who were on low fixed incomes. Petty sessions clerks, prison wardens, secretaries of district and county councils obtained increases in their pre-war income that allowed them to maintain a lifestyle that they had been used to before the war.55 The farmers as a social class benefited from the war due to their unique position as providers of livestock and farm produce. Britain, as an industrialised country without sufficient agricultural output, relied on countries like Ireland whom she regarded as an overseas supplier to feed the civilian population and the vast army engaged in France and elsewhere. Immense quantities of farm produce etc were exported to Britain at such high prices that farmer’s reaped substantial profits, which gave them a prosperity that was to last throughout the war.56 While these strata of 52

L.L. 8 May 1916 & NAI. CSORP 22088, 30 December 1915 & L.C. 24 June 1916. ibid. 11 January 1918, 29 October 1915 & 13 September 1915. 54 NAI. CSORP Number 15244, 14 September 1915. 55 F.J. 16 Feb 1917. 56 Offer, Avner. The First World War: An Agrarian Interpretation, (Oxford, 1989), pp 83 & 94. 53

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society were able to live in relative comfort during the war, the high prices charged for the basic necessaries of life had a far greater bearing on the labouring class. The rate of pay the agricultural worker received varied from 12s per week in the summer, which decreased to 9s or 10s a week during the winter. Rural road workers in direct employment received 14s weekly, a wage that was considered to be totally inadequate. The urban worker earned from 14s to 20s a week, slightly better off than his rural counterpart, while the casual labourer receiving as much as 25s a week his employment was extremely unsure.57 These were the groups who had difficulty in feeding their families especially if they were in any way large, as the price of basic foodstuffs advanced in what appeared to be a never-ending war.58 A worker on £2 (possibly skilled) a week before the war could feed his family in tolerable comfort, but by August 1916 his pay was worth only 25s. The purchasing power of 21s was now required to buy that which could be procured for 12s 6d before the war, an increase of 68 per cent. By early 1917 a family purchasing the same foodstuffs as it had done before the war would have been only able to buy slightly more than half, as £1 was now only worth 10s 7d.59 There were allegations that prices were deliberately increased by farmers and merchants in order to maintain their profits and possibly in some cases to take advantage of the situation and increase them. A correspondent in a local newspaper was of the opinion that Profiteering is carried on extensively under the cloak of scarcity of supplies … Let business companies and traders say what they will they are loosing nothing by the war…The war may go on, oceans of human blood may drench the battle fields, women and children may die of grief and hunger, the poor may cry out for food, the wage earner may wear his fingers to the bone to keep body and soul together but the profiteer must

NAL CO 904/96. Inspector General’s Monthly Report for May 1915. CO 904/98. Inspector General’s Monthly Report for Dec 1915. Inspector General’s Monthly Report for March 1916. CO 904/100. Inspector General’s Report for July 1916. CO 904/101. Inspector General’s Report for Dec 1916. CO 904/102. Inspector General’s Report for May 1917,Nov 1917 & County Inspector’s Report 1 Jan 1918. CO 904/106. Inspector General’s Report Aug 1918, Oct 1918. 57 ibid. 26 Sept 1916. Some farmers raised the weekly wage a little to meet the extra price of the ordinary necessaries of life. Those labourers who had large families and were in a position to do so sent their children who were between the ages of 10 or 12 into service to the farmers in order to assist in making ends meet. 58 L.L. 23 Oct 1916. 59 F. J. 27 Feb 1917.

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get his pound of flesh. His income must remain unchanged. The war conditions must not apply to him. What should it matter to his great self, or why should he suffer one iota because the whole world was merely engaged in a ghastly struggle of life and death… The grocer will not sell sugar to the poor of Limerick. Children may be dying in need of it in the slums, but what does that matter? They are only children of the poor. And this in a Christian country and in Catholic Limerick! Milk in this city today is being sold at from 3½ to 4d a quart … its pricee should be from 7d to 8d per gallon. Is not this profiteering?

It is difficult to quantify the amount of profiteering that undoubtedly took place. Another correspondent reported that it was the hoarding of foodstuffs that was a contributory factor in the increase of prices and that ‘the shopkeepers are not so much to blame as those sharks or grabbers who are so selfish as to grab up everything they can, and leave nothing for others’.60 The possible scarcity of food as a result of war led to the possibility of food hoarding by individuals thus causing a shortage and thereby an inevitable increase in prices. Limerick Corporation, at meetings held during the four years of the war, discussed at length the price of foodstuffs. It felt that some action was required to ensure ‘that no unnecessary hardships may be imposed on the general public and particularly those suffering from the want of employment …’61 While its concern was laudable and many members voiced sincere views on the matter, very little was done other than establish food supply committees that held meetings with some prominent people involved.62 Their inactivity was such that it prompted a speaker at a meeting in the Town Hall and was ‘representative of the working classes in the city’ not to disturb the city fathers ‘who are asleep downstairs. They had been waiting long enough for the city fathers to take action in regard to the price of foodstuffs in the city, but apparently they were ashamed or afraid to do so’.63 Organisations representing the working classes had

60

L.L. 5 Sept 1917. The titles of both letters were ‘Profiteering: is it known in Limerick? Letter from a wage earner’ and ‘Food Hoarding In Limerick: A Distressed Mother’s Complaint’. 61 L.C. 23 Jan 1915, 9 Oct 1915, 5 Aug 1916 & 16 Feb 1918. The report in the L.C. 23 Jan 1915 on the motion passed at this meeting used the original word ‘restrict’ and not the amended ‘regulate’. 62 ibid. 22 Dec 1917. These included J.P. Goodbody, Sir A.W. Shaw, and M. O’Callaghan. 63 L.L. 23 Feb 1917.

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passed resolutions calling ‘on those in authority to take immediate steps to have a proclamation issued regulating the prices of food supplies’.64 A food conference involving representatives of the Limerick County Council, Limerick Corporation, County Agricultural Committee and District was held during the first month of 1917, nothing much in the form of action resulted.65 The members of the committees were in the majority of cases employers, thus ensuring that their class interests were vigorously protected. Councillor Michael O’Callaghan said at a Corporation meeting in early 1915, when a motion requesting that ‘… steps to place restrictions on the advance in prices … be taken, that the word regulate rather than restrict should be substituted’.66 To O’Callaghan, the restriction of prices would have meant attacking the very nature of the economic system of the unbridled free market of supply and demand, and have an undesirable effect on the employers’ ability to amass profits. He and those of his social class need not have worried, all the Corporation did was to hold meetings and food conferences and discuss how the ‘city and county people should come together and try to devise means whereby food could be produced for the people’.67 The truth of the situation was as one member of the Corporation said that it was pointless passing these motions, as he ‘saw no means whereby the committee could control the price of foodstuffs’.68 He was of course quite right as the Corporation did not have the power to legislate; only the government could do that.

The Price of Bread and Potatoes One of the areas where Limerick Corporation endeavoured to do something was in relation to the price of bread. During the month of July 1915 a resolution requesting the Master Bakers’ to reduce the price of

64

ibid. 7 & 10 Aug 1914. These bodies were the Limerick Workers Benefit Society & the Limerick Federated Labour Council and both had resolutions of similar wording passed. This gives one reason to believe that there was an overlapping in the membership of both organisations. 65 L.C. 27 Jan 1917. Lord Emly presided and included such luminaries as the Mayor S.B. Quinn and T.W.W. Bennett, J.P. County Council. 66 Limerick Corporation Minutes 21 Jan 1915 & L.C. 23 Jan 1915. The report in this newspaper on the motion passed at the meeting used the original word ‘restrict’ and not the amended ‘regulate’. 67 L.C. 27 Jan 1917. 68 L.L. 8 Sept 1915. This was Alderman McNeice.

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bread and revert to the pre war prices and weight of bread was passed.69 Obviously with the non-compliance by the Master Bakers’, it was decided a year later, in July 1916 to ‘serve notice on the bakers of the city that for the future bread should be sold by weight’. It had been stated that bread was being sold at one shilling for the 4lb loaf, while it retailed for 9d in some of the major cities.70 From July 1914 to January 1915 the price of the 4lb loaf had increased by 23.08 per cent. The Master Bakers’ excuse for this increase was that they used flour of a superior quality to that used in Dublin.71 Were they using an inferior brand of flour prior to this? The notice served on the master bakers came to nothing, due to some ambiguity in an Act of Parliament.72 The month of March 1917 saw the price increase by a further 31.25 per cent since that of 1915.73 It was only when the government appointed a Food Controller, Lord Rhonnda that some semblance of control was imposed, with the price being set at 9d for the 4lb loaf, 4½d for the 2lb loaf and 2½d for the 1lb loaf, and people found to be in breach of the order were legally dealt with.74 In Limerick a dealer

69 LCA. Limerick Corporation Minutes 1 July 1915 & 5 August 1915. This came about as a result of the fall in the price of wheat, with cognisance been taken of the very high cost of living, and the suffering incurred by the poor people as a consequence. The Corporation minutes indicate that replies were received from some of the employers such as S. Tubridy, McGuire and Dinneen and therefore no further action was taken. Unfortunately it is not known what was contained in the letters, and we can only speculate. Maybe there was a promise to reduce the prices, but remained unfilled. 70 L.C. 13 Jul 1916 & Limerick Corporation Minutes 13 July 1916. This action may also have been undertaken as a result of a motion passed by the Limerick United Trades and Labour Council and read out at the meeting of the Corporation where it was unanimously adopted. 71 L.C. 16 Jan 1915 & L.L. 6 Dec 1915. The price in Dublin was 7d and in Belfast 7½d. Interestingly the week that war was proclaimed the price of a sack of bakers specials (flour) was 28s, but by 15 Jan 1915 it was 47s a sack, an increase of 19s within six months. By December 1915 these cities, including London was charging the same price as Limerick only Edinburgh was charging 8½d. It also transpired that at least ten small dealers of bread in Limerick were charging 9½d for the 4lb loaf. Was this not profiteering? 72 ibid. 16 Jan 1917. 73 C.E. 17 March 1917. At this time also the price in Dublin was 10d, in Belfast 10½d, Londonderry 10½d and Cork 11 to 11½d for the 4 lb loaf. 74 ibid. 30 Aug & 4 Sept 1917. The order came into effect on 17 September 1917 in both the UK and Ireland

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was prosecuted for charging 5d for the 2lb loaf of bread, whereas the bread order stipulated that the maximum price for such a loaf was 41/2d.75 While bread was important in the staple diet of the poor, so too was the potato. Members of the Limerick Board of Guardians at several meetings were very vocal on the issue of the price of potatoes. In late 1916 concern was expressed by a member who said that ‘at present in Limerick one or two parties on behalf of London agencies are buying and taking away all the potatoes they could get in Limerick…if this was not stopped there would be a famine in Limerick for the poor people’.76 Again in February 1917 a member complained that the high price for potatoes, selling at 1s 4d a stone or 33per cent beyond that which the Food Controller stipulated was being caused not by ‘the farmers or the Government purchasers, but by local people’ hoarding them to ensure sufficient quantity for themselves. This therefore led to a scarcity and forced up the price, thus leaving the poor in a very precarious position. The Royal Irish Constabulary was requested to enforce the Food Controllers order of £8 per ton or 1s per stone in Limerick, as had been the case in Westmeath.77 Following this, members of the Constabulary attended the potato market and enforced the order despite efforts by sellers to charge higher.78 This led to sellers boycotting the market and selling privately for enhanced payments.79 When matters were thought to be under control and with the police no longer attending the market, potatoes were again sold in the market at prices above that, which was fixed by the Controller.80 Another member of the Guardians, P. Bourke, was of the opinion that the farmers were withholding the supply in order to advance the price. In defence of the farmers another member, J. Keane, stated that they would not bring potatoes to the market with ‘police standing over

75

L.C. 17 Nov 1917. ibid. 2 Nov 1916. This was Councillor Thomas Donnellan. 77 ibid. 15 Feb 1917. New Ross Urban District Council, County Wexford, also passed a resolution asking that the regulations be enforced in that town. 78 C.E. 19 & 26 Feb 1917. There were thirty and twenty loads of potatoes respectively brought to the market for sale and the sellers were looking for 1s 5d per stone but the constabulary would only allow them to be sold for 1s, except in some instances where a preference was sought by a particular customer 1½d extra per stone was allowed. The constabulary also saw that a person could not buy more than one bag until that which was available was shared evenly. 79 ibid. 22 Feb 1917. 80 ibid. 19 April 1917. A letter to this effect was sent to the District Inspector, Royal Irish Constabulary regarding the matter. 76

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them’, and when asked as to who should regulate the market he answered ‘the people themselves’.81 A group mainly composed of workers were of the view that the scarcity of potatoes was being deliberately caused by farmers holding back the supply in order to increase the price. It was felt that this would not augur well for the poor, and if something concrete was not done about this, penalties should be imposed. 1s a stone was thought to be a reasonable price. Limerick Corporation was accused of doing nothing to alleviate the problem, either because ‘they were ashamed to do it, or had not realised the gravity of the situation’.82 To prevent profiteering a Citizens’ Protection League was formed, and a deputation met the Corporation to discuss among others this matter, and to impress upon them the necessity to do something about the high price being charged. It was felt that the 1s 9d a stone retail fixed by the Food Controller ‘was beyond the pockets of the Irish workers’.83 However, it was reported that there was a plentiful crop of potatoes in existence, but farmers were prevented by law from selling below the price fixed by the Controller, at £6 a ton, it was therefore illegal to sell below this pricee. The poor were hardest hit as a result. This price was abolished in late 1917, but was subject to a maximum order of £6 10s a ton, and the state through the Food Controller fixed a base price for each of the potato producing areas month by month, and guaranteed that if the farmer’s sales fell below £6 a ton a payment would be made ‘based on the average price realised by his sales’. It was hoped that this would be ‘satisfactory and equitable to all concerned’.84 This naturally depended on the people purchasing potatoes, but if they continued to be sold at exorbitant prices those at the lower end of the economic scale, would not be able to afford them. This remained the case throughout the war.

Coal, Gas and Electricity Coal, gas and electricity, were inextricably linked to each other at this time. The outbreak of the war saw an immediate effect on the output of 81

ibid. 22 Feb 1917. L.C. 24 Feb 1917. This was expressed at a public meeting held in the Council Chamber, Town Hall. 83 ibid. 3 Mar 1917& 17 May 1917. 84 ibid. 17 May& 10 Nov 1917. This was a decision of the War Cabinet. A base price had existed for some months, but was in some instances ignored, thereby giving cause for prosecutions at the city petty sessions at which fines were imposed. There was no guarantee this new order would be adhered to. 82

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coal with a reduction of 13½ per cent, or three million tons a month. If continued for the rest of the year would mean a total loss of approximately 36½ million tons, which was in the main due to 191,170 miners joining the colours.85 This reduction continued throughout the war and output did not increase again until hostilities ended, when reports that output was increasing with the return of 5,000 miners a day to the collieries.86 With the reduction in the importation and increase in the price of coal during the war, the people most affected were undoubtedly the poor. As the importation and sale of coal was in the hands of private companies, they sought to maximise their profits. The consequence of such a reduction was that coal which had sold for 45s a ton or 2s a cwt in February 1915 had increased to 53s or 55s a ton or 3s a cwt by September 1916 and by August 1918 it was selling for 80s a ton or 4s a cwt.87 These increases led people who were in dire straits financially to use whatever means possible to procure coal, even at the cost of been prosecuted.88 An effort was made to redress the plight of the workingman by granting war bonuses, but they did not keep pace with the continuing increase in the cost of living. In addition other factors impinged on coal imports in Limerick. The railway was not connected to the docks and there was no mechanical apparatus for the discharge of cargoes. But the major obstacle was its geographical location. Situated on the west coast of the country it was a nightmare for ships to have to sail to Limerick especially since German submarines patrolled the seas around the British Isles preying on cargo ships. This area had been ‘declared a war zone by the German government and any ship found there on or after 18 February 1915 faced sinking without warning’.89 Although the submarine campaign was rescinded in 85

ibid. 10 June 1915. C.E. 16 Dec 1918 & L.L. 20 Dec 1918. This report stated that 75,000 had already returned from France, and that by the end of the month there would be 100,000. Therefore the available supply should rapidly increase. 87 F.J. 16 Feb 1915 & L.L. 22 Sept 1916 & 26 Aug 1918. With the currency that existed at that time, 12 pence equalled 1 shilling and 20 shillings equalled £1. Also it was the imperial weight measure that existed, 8 stone equalled a hundredweight (cwt) and 20 cwts equalled 1ton. 88 C.E. 7 Oct 1918. One case was that of a man who was accused of bringing a donkey and cart to the railway to remove coal. The solicitor for the railway company Mr. Barrington stated that the coal was worth some 15s. However, the solicitor for the defendant R. Nash estimated that the coal was worth only 4s 6d and that the coal was on the road, and that it was injudicious of the railway company to place temptation in the way of anyone during these times. The case was dealt with under the First Offenders Act. 89 www.uboat.net/history/ww1part3. 86

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April 1916 the amount of coal discharged at Limerick docks had declined considerably. The year 1913 saw 110,710 tons of coal discharged, while 1915 saw only 87,372 tons, a decrease of 23,338 tons and by March 1917 only 5,386 tons had been discharged compared with 6,360 tons for the same period in 1916, a reduction of 974 tons.90 The shortage of coal and resultant increase in its price brought a curtailment in public lighting when the Corporation had to purchase a cargo of coal at 75 per cent above the contract price in 1915.91 The Limerick Harbour Board also curtailed the use of the river lights on the river Shannon in the interests of economy.92 The price of electricity increased for consumers in lighting by 25 per cent gross on their bills and a further 10 per cent for power and heating.93 This particular increase only affected those who could afford the luxury of electricity. The working man and the poor were more affected by increases not only in the price of coal for heating purposes, but also in increases in the price of gas, also used for heating and cooking. In early 1915 it was reported that as a result of the war the price of gas had to be increased from 3s 4d to 3s 8d.94 In late 1916 it had increased to 5s, and in late 1917 the Corporation were again going to increase the price, stating that this was due to an increase in men's wages, but was mainly due to the price of coal.95 This led to a local government enquiry into the price of gas being charged. The Corporation were not successful in their efforts and ‘a campaign of economy in the manufacture of gas’ had to be undertaken.96 A correspondent in the Limerick Leader was critical in his remarks towards the Corporation, ‘it is rather a pity that the gas sometimes going very cheaply at meetings in the Town Hall could not be harnessed in some way for lighting purposes, for some of it should certainly if it could be used, make a very powerful illuminant’.97 While the Corporation held meetings in session and with the Coal Merchants, they lacked the will and power to reduce the price.98 Although they threatened the merchants with fixing the price, their words were not 90

L.C. 22 Feb 1916 & L.L. 14 Mar 1917. ibid. 23 Feb 1915. 92 F.J. 12 March 1918. The lights were only to be switched on when required by the ship owners. 93 L.C. 15 Jul 1915. 94 ibid. 13 Feb 1915. 95 ibid. 7 Oct 1916 & 27 Oct 1917. 96 ibid. 18 Apr 1918. 97 L.L. 6 Dec 1916. 98 L.C. 23 Feb 1915, 6 Apr & 29 Aug 1918. 91

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backed up by action. All the Corporation did was refer the matter to the Coal Controller, who in reply stated that from 1 January to August 1918 sufficient coal was delivered to Limerick. Merchants, he said were selling coal to private individuals in 3-ton lots, which should not be the case as it was illegal. Referring to the condition of the poor resulting from the high prices being charged, he said they should have priority.99 He expressed dissatisfaction that explicit action had not been taken by the Council, and that until the Council took such a determination provided by the powers granted to them they would not be able to control the price of coal. If the Council took the necessary action granted to them by legislation, he would see that supplies came to Limerick.100

War Bonus War bonuses and their disbursement became a very important factor in the livelihood of workers both waged and salaried in private and local authority employment during the war. This was a new payment; it had not been paid during the Boer War. While there were employers who gave these bonuses voluntarily, there were those who gave reluctantly and did so only after negotiations had taken place and with the possibility of those concerned withdrawing their labour. It was generally paid out by employers for different reasons: payment for productivity; in lieu of a wage increase; or to forestall the demand for a wage increase. Its payment was also only for the duration of the war. The directors of the Limerick Army Clothing Factory, in recognition of the work performed by its employees in producing so many uniforms, granted them a war bonus. This was paid in addition to their ordinary pay and to whatever overtime was worked. The employees were of course thoroughly elated at the prospect of being granted this extra money in their pay packets.101 The directors were astute enough to realise that with the demand for increased supplies of uniforms there would eventually be a claim for increased remuneration by their employees. The cost of living had also increased significantly since the outbreak of the war and if the company had to concede an increase in wages due to demands from their employees they would, more than likely, have to continue paying it ad infinitum as there would definitely have been resistance from the workers 99

ibid. 3 Sept, 7 Sept & 26 Oct 1918. L.L. 26 Aug 1918. 101 L.C. 20 May 1915. 100

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to any attempt to withdraw increases in wages at the termination of the war.102 The Great Southern and Western Railway Company, which the terminus and outlying stations in Limerick were part of, decided also to grant a bonus to its employees to the end of 1915, on the presumption that the war would be over by then. This was paid due to the ‘advance in the cost of living caused by the war’. The amount the Great Southern and Western Railway Company, and other Irish railway companies were prepared to pay the men as a war bonus and the method by which they were going to pay it became a very contentious issue. Railway workers had been organised in Ireland since 1885 albeit on a minor scale due to the scattered nature of the employment but industrial action in 1890 saw a rapid rise in their organisation.103 With industrial action in mind, the National Union of Railwaymen, held meetings in Dublin, Cork, Belfast and Limerick, on 28 March 1915. The meeting in Limerick was convened in the Town Hall, Rutland Street, and, like those held in other centres, its purpose was to demand ‘an increase in wages similar to that conceded, or about to be conceded by the railway companies of Great Britain owing to the situation caused by the war’.104 They received support from some members of the Corporation such as Councillor Patrick Walsh and Alderman Joyce who supported the men in their endeavours stating that ‘if Irishmen, Englishmen and Scotsmen were equals on the battlefields, Irishmen should receive equal treatment in this matter’. It was after all manifestly a fair demand ‘in view of the increased cost of living and the situation caused by the war’.105 Also in attendance was W. Hudson, a National Union of Railwaymen Labour MP, probably from head office in London. He indicated that he did not want the men to engage in anything drastic but could not see any justification for the directors of the Irish 102 L.C. 1 August 1911. The employees were members of the Amalgamated Society of Tailors and Tailoresses, and because they were prepared to go on strike because of the employment of non-union labour some years previously, they could again withdraw their labour in a demand for a wage increase. This would have upset the order for uniforms and the company's profitability, so a war bonus was the better of the two methods of paying for them. 103 Bagwell, Philip S. The Railwaymen: The History of the National Union of Railwaymen, (London, 1963), pp 133-134, 335. The railwaymen in Ireland were represented by the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, this union amalgamated in 1913 with the Great Railway Workers Union, and the United Pointsmen’s and Signal Society, to form the National Union of Railwaymen. 104 L.L. 30 March 1915. 105 Limerick Chronicle Almanac 1915, Councillor Patrick Walsh, represented the Shannon Ward on Limerick Corporation. L.C. 30 March 1915.

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railway companies not sending representatives to a friendly discussion regarding their demands. If further action of another form were necessary the executive committee of the union would decide it, a motion to this effect was passed. Despite the best efforts of the National Union of Railwaymen, the Great Southern and Western Railway Company, having communicated with the Board of Trade refused to meet them. Railway workers were not deterred by this and continued to insist on parity with the workers in Britain. During the weeks leading up to Christmas 1916 the drivers and firemen were so agitated that they gave notice to the company that they would withdraw their labour unless their bonuses were placed on a par with drivers and firemen in Britain. The mood of the workers in Limerick, numbering about two hundred, was equal to that of the rest of the country and resulted in grave concern being expressed by the captains of industry in the Chamber of Commerce and the city fathers in the Corporation. The uneasiness of the Chamber of Commerce because their members' trading prospects would have been severely disrupted over the Christmas period. With this in mind they had written to Joyce who replied that the Irish Party and John Redmond were doing their utmost to bring the matter to a successful conclusion relative to the men’s demand for an increased bonus.106 The Corporation, on the other hand, while also referring to the implications for trade in the city and district also made an issue of the fact that the poor would suffer great hardship if the dispute was to proceed.107 On the day the Corporation met, a deputation from the drivers and firemen of the Great Southern and Western Railway Company met the directors of the company and put their case to them. The company was very forceful in its reasoning with the men indicating that an enormous obligation remained with them to prevent any action that would have been detrimental to the struggle currently underway wreaking harm to their fellow countrymen. They further pointed out that the men concerned, the drivers and firemen, had received on average 6s and 5s 9d in wages respectively in addition to overtime and that they should not be getting more favourable treatment than the other employees. With continuous pressure by the workers and their unions, it was announced just before Christmas that the government would take control of the Irish railways. This prevented a dispute that would have farreaching consequences for the men whose wages were meagre enough 106

ibid. 14 December 1916. ibid. 16 December 1916. The council adopted a resolution to this effect, and copies were directed to be sent to the President of the Board of Trade, John Redmond, and Alderman Michael Joyce, MP.

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having as little as 14s a week and who had only been given increases of 1s to 3s since the outbreak of the war. The companies concerned, both railway and traders, would have lost business, thus affecting their profit margins. With control of the railways now vested in the government through an Irish Railway Executive, the companies paid out a bonus of 7s on 29 December 1916.108 However, not all were pleased with the amount of bonus that they had received. The year 1917 saw renewed efforts by railwaymen to have their bonuses placed on a level playing field with that of their brothers in Great Britain and by an additional amount of 3s. The other trade unions involved in representing railway workers notably the Amalgamated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, and the Railway Clerks Association, also placed claims for enhanced remuneration due to the irregular rise in the cost of living and the inadequate amount of the war bonus paid left a lot to be desired. The National Union of Railwaymen and the Railway Executive Committee in Great Britain agreed during August 1917 to convert the war bonus into war wages and overtime was calculated in accordance with the extra wages granted. These wages were classed as a war advance to help in overcoming the rise in the cost of living, and were subject to the unusual conditions existing as a result of the war.109 This did not apply to the Irish railway workers. The Limerick Harbour Board at a meeting held on 15 November 1915 granted its forty-one employees a war bonus of 2s per week and in January 1917 a further bonus of 2s a week to those earning 25s and less and 1s a week to those earning between 25s and 40s.110 Limerick Corporation gave a bonus to its employees in the Cleansing Department on similar lines to that of the Limerick Harbour Board with the provision that employees working outside the borough were to receive 1s a week.111 In addition to these, sub-sanitary officers,112 stewards of the Cleaning Department, the caretaker of the Courthouse and a clerk in the Town Clerk’s Office all received war bonuses,113 and one employee had his wages reduced by 6d

108

Bagwell, Philip S., The Railwaymen: The History of the National Union of Railwaymen, (London, 1963), p. 357. 109 L.C. 16 August 1917. 110 L.C. 16 Nov 1916 & 2 Jan 1917. 111 LCA. Special Committee on War Bonus of Limerick Corporation Minutes, 2 Nov 1916. Copy of letter affixed to page 662. 112 ibid. Public Health Committee of Limerick Corporation Minutes, 2 Dec 1916. 113 ibid. Cleansing and Repairing Improvement Committee of Limerick Corporation Minutes, 13 Dec 1916 & 30 May 1917.

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in order to pay him the bonus.114 Limerick County Council also granted a bonus of 3s to a road foreman and despite a prolonged disagreement with the Local Government Board over payment to some of its officials such as County Surveyors and the County Secretary decided to give them respectively £50 a year for two years and £20 a year for five years.115 Other firms in the city also introduced war bonuses as a means of paying their employees for the abnormal rise in the cost of living brought about by the war. The boys employed by J and G. Boyd and Company, William Street, were recipients of 18s and 20s weekly and got a bonus (amount not known) that was paid in 'a separate envelope marked war bonus in red ink'.116 The Bottom Dog newspaper stated that this colour was 'symbolic of the blood of workers shed in a world conflict to amass wealth and territory for the idle rich', and that the amount these workers obtained would not buy 'bones-even backbones'.117 The pork butchers in Limerick received an additional 4s a week bonus 'owing to the increased cost of living', having received an advance in their weekly wage of 2s for men, 1s for boys and women.118 The Newcastle West Board of Guardians also received applications on behalf of nurses, relieving officers, clerks and rent collectors. Opposition to granting this was voiced, but when voted on, was awarded by twentytwo in favour to seventeen against. Those who were getting less than £50 to be granted 4s, while those getting more to be allowed 3s.119

114

ibid. Limerick Corporation Minutes, 2 Nov 1916. Limerick County Council Minutes, 24 Feb 1917, Local Government Board Circular Number 43539, 22 Sept 1916, Circular 21Nov 1916, Finance Committee Minutes of Limerick County Council, 2 Dec 1916, Local Government Board Circular Number 34027, Finance Committee Minutes of Limerick County Council, 2 Sept 1916, Limerick County Council Half Yearly Meeting Minutes, 9 Dec 1916, Limerick County Council Minutes 24 Feb 1917, Local Government Board Circular Number 930/1917, 25 Jan 1917, Limerick County Council Minutes 24 Feb1917, Local Government Board Circular Number 62168 & Finance Committee of Limerick County Council 5 Jan 1918. 116 ‘The Bottom Dog’, Volume I Number 3, 3 November 1917 in Jim Kemmy, ed. The Limerick Anthology, (Dublin, 1996), p. 69. 117 Kemmy, Jim ‘The Limerick Soviet’, in Jim Kemmy ed. The Limerick Anthology, (Dublin, 1996), pp 6 & 69. The Bottom Dog newspaper, Limerick's first working class paper made its first appearance on 20 October 1917. It was published weekly, written and circulated by some of the leaders of the Trades Council and remained in existence for 48 editions until I November 1918. 118 L.L. 5 October 1917 & L.C. 15 August 1914. 119 L. C. 11 November 1916. 115

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It can be seen from the above that the payment of war bonuses was bestowed on a wide spectrum of people both labouring and professional, and many did not belong to a trade union. Because of this therefore the unorganised worker was dependent on the benevolence of his/her employer to grant this bonus. Some employers fearing the possibility of unrest may also have given additional bonuses on top of that already given. The employer was in some instances under the illusion that the war would be of a short duration. The bonus was given on the basis that because the cost of living had increased as a result of the conflict, and would return to normal whatever that was after the war was over and therefore this bonus was to last for its duration.

Labour Disputes and Union Organisation Labour disputes were not a phenomenon that erupted following the outbreak of the war. In 1911 alone a total of 92 disputes took place in the United Kingdom, with 57 of them involving a stoppage of work. The Board of Trade in its ninth report indicated that it 'was the highest in any year since statistics of trade disputes have been recorded by the Department'.120 The disputes that took place in Limerick during this period obviously contributed in part to these statistics, and had taken place for different reasons. The employees of the Limerick Army Clothing Factory took action during the month of July 1911 because the company employed non-union labour, and at the same time machinists at Messrs Spaight and Sons withdrew their labour in a demand for an increase in remuneration.121 In August the dock labourers, in pursuit of more pay refused to unload a ship.122 It can be seen from the three examples cited above that while there were stoppages for reasons other than wage increases; at least two out of three of them were for wage increases. The root cause of these disputes was the rise in the cost of living. Statistics published revealed that from 1900 to 1910 'the cost of living of the masses had gone up by about ten percent and if 1911 is included, to about fourteen percent'.123 With these statistics in mind the consequences for the less well off were abysmal for 'the poorer the man the greater the percent of 120

ibid. 25 April 1912. ibid. 1 August 1911. 122 ibid. 10 August 1911. 123 ibid. 21 November 1911. According to Ernest H. Bennis in a paper delivered to the Protestant Young Men's Association. He quotes from two acknowledged authorities on such matters, L.G. Chiozza Money MP, and Mulhall's Dictionary of Statistics. 121

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increase in his cost of living'.124 With the cost of living rising it was a wonder that there were not many more disputes for wage increases. One reason for this might have been the unorganised nature of the workers nationally as well as locally who were employed in small concerns and others who were yet to be organised. It was only in such places where large numbers of workers were employed that some semblance of organisation existed. These workers were usually members of specific unions or societies, such as the Limerick Gas Workers Society or the Limerick Dock Labourers Society. These were constituted as friendly benefit societies whose function was 'to provide weekly allowances, when members were sick, and to assist them when out of employment…'125 Whether ‘out of employment’ referred to a withdrawal of labour is arguable as members of these societies only paid small amounts into their funds, i.e. 3d a week.126 Therefore they would not be able to sustain a stoppage for any long period as any such strike would have incurred financial expenditure 'to the employer, the workers and the union, which pays them benefits', although the employer would have been in a much stronger position than the worker due to the accrued profits built up over the years. However, because of such costs strikes were 'normally regarded as a weapon of last resort'.127 Nevertheless it was the unskilled workers of the Limerick Gas Workers Society and the Limerick Dock Labourers Society who were to the forefront in demanding increases in their wages because of the abnormal rise in the cost of living brought about as a consequence of the war, at least until 1917-18 when the Irish Transport and General Workers Union arrived in Limerick. The two previous societies mentioned and the Limerick Bakers Operatives Society were to receive more publicity than others in the newspapers due to their strong position in the economic life of Limerick when they took strike action. A propaganda war was also undertaken in which the employer and the worker endeavoured to garner public support for their case. The Limerick Gas Workers Society, comprising of approximately 100 men, withdrew their labour on 28 October 1915 when negotiations concerning their demand for 6d a day 'in their wages to meet the increase in the cost of living' failed. This would have meant 3s a week each for the men concerned, which translated meant £15 weekly in additional wages that the city council would have had to pay. The council stated that as 'the 124

ibid. 21 November 1911. ibid. 6 March 1913. 126 L.C. 11 January 1913. 127 Hyman, Richard. Strikes, (Glasgow, 1981), p. 20. 125

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financial condition in which the gas concern has been placed by the outbreak of the war, and the consequent enormous increases of material and other incidental extra charges which have followed' and therefore refused to grant the increase.128 Ironically it was the mayor who as exofficio Chairman of the Limerick Gas Committee and spokesman for that body that brought the dispute to an end after a day by brokering a conference between himself and officers of the society, the men having accepted 2s. The mayor had some days previously issued a statement to the effect that in the event of the workers taking such action ‘volunteers’ would be required to keep the gas works in operation, this would be preferred to calling out the military which the committee had the power to do. He stated further that the workers would be responsible for employees in other firms being made idle; these would have included the Limerick Army Clothing Factory, the Magdalen Asylum Laundry, and of course the railway which would have been plunged into complete darkness.129 This was an attempt by the Gas Committee to gain the high moral ground implying that the gas workers would have been responsible for the demise of local industry if the dispute was proceeded with. The call for ‘volunteers’ was a convenient way of looking for strike breakers, and the added threat of using the military was sure to inflame the situation. However, these did not take place as wiser counsels prevailed, obviously because the gas workers were in a very powerful position with the city very much dependant on gas for its livelihood. The Gas Committee again tried this propaganda tactic when the workers withdrew their labour during the month of August 1918 after failing in their efforts in gaining £1 on their pre-war wages.130 What this increase would have meant, according to the secretary of the Limerick Gas Workers Society, was an 'advance of 9s for stokers and 7s for other workers', and while arbitration was suggested it was not acceptable due 'to the ridiculous inadequacy of some recent awards … the Gas Committee should have made some offer to meet the increased cost of living'. Further to that the men were prepared to accept 5s as an all round advance, but a provision that the men would have to agree to 'carry out all legitimate orders of the Engineer and Manager' was not accepted.131 However, the strike was settled after two days on 26 August 1918, the workers accepting 16s with 14s to be arbitrated on, and following this the full demands of the employees were in most cases

128

L.C. 26 October 1915 & 28 October 1915. ibid. 30 October 1915 & 26 October 1915. 130 L.L. 21 August 1918. 131 ibid. 26 August 1918. 129

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met.132 The society was involved in other disputes during the course of the war, but they were settled fairly quickly after a day or two of the stoppage having commenced. The one exception to this being that the gas workers accepted 2s after looking for 4s and no strike occurred.133 The Limerick Dock Labourers Society, as we have seen, was not reticent in taking strike action when it was deemed necessary. A ship that had arrived from Liverpool remained tied up at Limerick docks not having been discharged by the dockers due to a withdrawal of labour two days after Christmas 1917. The Limerick Steamship Company accused the men's union of being in breach of an agreement signed by their representatives during the month of August of that year. The secretary of the union in the workers’ defence stated that they had kept the agreement for as long as they could, but due to the small amount of wages that they were getting since the war commenced, this was no longer possible. Other workers had had their wages increased five or six times; all they (the dockers) wanted after all was an increase of 2s a day, for day and night workers. This would have brought their pay up to 9s and 12s respectively. In 1914 they had been paid by the merchants who chartered the boats in accordance with whatever load was being discharged, i.e. cement and slag 7s and 8s a day, timber and coal boats 6s and 7s a day, and if they laboured at night time the pay was 9s and 10s. Limerick Steamship and Clyde Shipping Companies paid at the rate of 5s per day and 6s a night.134 If the rates of pay between 1914 and 1917 are contrasted it can be seen that there were wide discrepancies. Towards the end of the war a dispute of major proportions involving the bakers occurred during October 1918. The bakers demanded an increase of 1s 6d for every sack of flour baked and they refused to go to arbitration on the matter. They were receiving 5s 6d for each sack baked. In a letter to the newspapers, the secretary of the Master Bakers’ Association stated that because the Food Controller determined the price of flour and bread they were not in a position to give the operative bakers any increase. They also indicated that if they were to pay the increase the workers were seeking per sack they would be at a disadvantage to Cork to the sum of £15 11s for every one hundred sacks.135 The Bakers' secretary in a letter to the newspapers also referred to matters taking place outside public scrutiny, and he charged the employers with attempting to smash the Limerick Bakers Operatives Society, indicating that they could provide 132

L.L. 26, 27 August 1918 & L.C. 5 September 1918. ibid. 5 April 1917. 134 ibid. 29 December 1917. 135 ibid. 19 October 1918. 133

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sufficient bread to the citizens of the city. This, it was suggested, could be done if the flour that was in the possession of the Master Bakers’ was released, and by so doing would be in a position to prove the amount of profit that was being made by the Master Bakers’ in turning flour into bread.136 This was an accusation by the workers that the employers were profiteering as a result of the war. Needless to say the effect on the public brought about by this dispute was highlighted in the newspapers, when it was stated that 'the stoppage of city bread, where a large population are dependent for their very existence on an adequate food supply cannot be allowed to go on much longer…'137 and 'the scenes at some of the Limerick bakeries were terrible'.138 The workers eventually agreed to arbitration, possibly due to mounting public opinion and the newspapers.139 The dispute that commenced on 12 October 1918 ended nine days after the war ended on 20 November, and lasted just over six weeks.140 While these societies were based in specific industries and nobody outside could become a member, they provided the impetus for other workers to organise and improve their conditions. There had been an attempt to establish a branch of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union in 1914, but without any success; in fact rural Ireland was to remain apathetic to union organisation for some time.141 As the war progressed workers who previously had been mainly dependent on the paternalism of the employer had more heightened aspirations and expectations. This was mainly due to workers seeing the profits being accumulated by the employer as a result of inflated prices and also to the fact that the pre-war male labour force had shrunk by nearly 9% when 13% of workers in 567 firms had enlisted in the forces by 1915. Employers were therefore finding it hard to replace those that had done so.142 With such a shortage of labour, workers, realising that they possessed a scarce commodity, namely their labour power, began organising themselves and demanding more wages in order to keep their heads above the ever-rising tide of the advance in the cost of living. Although there was no shortage of employment, wages had not kept pace with the cost of provisions; this was to give rise to labour discontent, 136

L.C. 26 October 1918. ibid. 22 October 1918. 138 L.L. 30 October 1918. 139 ibid. 15 November 1918. 140 L.C. 21 November 1918. 141 Greaves, C. Desmond. The Irish Transport and General Workers' Union: The Formative Years:1909-1923, (Dublin, 1982), pp 138 & 198. 142 Fitzpatrick, David. p. 199. 137

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which was to manifest itself with workers joining trade unions.143 The Irish Transport and General Workers Union had commenced to organise the general body of workers in Limerick by 1917, so that by October 1918 there was thirteen branches in existence throughout the city and county, with a membership of 3,400,144 and wage increases had been gained by workers in many firms who had previously accepted what their employer decided to pay them.145 Workers employed by the Shannon Laundry received an increase of 1s 6d a week in their wages and more if they earned it; shop porters employed by Messrs Clarke, William Street, received an increase, as did the male employees of Cleeve's factory. The workers at J.P. Evans and Company, the women in the furnishing department of Cannock's as well as that of the Model Laundry Ltd also received increases.146 Other firms such as Clune’s tobacco manufacturers, Foynes Saw Mills Ltd, and the City Tannery, experienced labour stoppages before any improvement was made.147 In the majority of cases employers came to the conclusion that it was far better to come to some arrangement with the unions representing the men than becoming involved in a confrontational stoppage where both sides would have been losers. By 1918 the Irish Transport and General Workers Union had become such a powerful force that it could prevent the erection of an electric crane at Limerick docks because it would reduce the number of employees working there.148 This was not the first time that the construction of a crane, be it electric or steam, was obstructed. During the month of March 1916 it was argued at a meeting of the city trades and labour council 'that there was no necessity for the new departure, which would amount to a betrayal of 500 Limerick quay labourers who are now at the front'.149

143

NAL. CO 904/102. Inspector General’s Reports for June, September, October & November 1917. 144 ibid. CO 904/107. County Inspector’s Report for October 1918. The union that the majority of labourers were drawn to was the Irish Transport and General Workers Union. It had become established as a militant force, recovering from the lockout of 1913 in Dublin, and had adopted the syndicalist idea of sympathetic action with its maxim of ‘an injury to one is the concern of all’. 145 L.L. 26 July 1918 The union organiser for Limerick Mr. M. J. O'Connor claimed at a meeting in Newcastle West on 23 July 1918 that they had 5,000 members in the city and county, and that they had got increases in wages of £12,000 for the men. 146 ibid. 10 December 1917 & 29 May 1918. 147 ibid. 14 August 1918, 16 August 1918 & 21 August 1918. 148 NAL. CO 904/105. County Inspector’s Report for January 1918. 149 F. J. 3 March 1916.

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Not only had the Irish Transport and General Workers Union become a major industrial force, it had also, according to police reports, become a political force and was included in the monthly Limerick County Inspector's reports to the Inspector General of the Royal Irish Constabulary. They were of the opinion that although 'the union professes to be non political… the principal organisers of the union are Sinn Féiners … and is likely to become a powerful troublesome force'.150 While a number of its organisers were members of Sinn Féin, the Limerick organiser for the union, M. J. O’Connor, was a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, who had been arrested after the 1916 Rebellion and was released circa 2223 December 1916.151 There is every possibility that when he began organising the workers in Limerick he mingled his trade union with those of his political activities. Though disputes were undoubtedly a regular feature during the war, negotiation and arbitration mostly settled them. However, there were situations where negotiations failed, due to (1) either side not compromising, (2) the workers looking for too much and (3) the employer prepared to concede very little. With provisions and goods having become so expensive and food so dear as a result of the war, workers justifiably felt that they had no other recourse but to withdraw their labour in order to improve their standard of living. There was never at any time during the war, and especially after 1917 any hint of workers taking action to further a workers' revolution. In fact, the only withdrawal of labour that had any political overtones during the war was the stoppage that occurred on 23 April 1918 against the introduction of conscription. These disputes were all about bread and butter issues brought about by the war and it was the labouring class, those who could ill afford to go on strike that did so.

Local Industries and the War Some industries already in existence in Limerick gained financially during the war. This was due to the cessation of the importation of goods into the country from the belligerent countries; therefore, in many instances selfsufficiency was of necessity the order of the day. Firms now had to rely almost entirely on their own resources to increase production and to cater for the increased demand resulting from the drying up of the supply of goods from abroad. Employers saw this in a positive light and were very 150

NAL. CO 904/106. County Inspector’s Report for June 1918. Greaves, C. Desmond. The Irish Transport and General Workers' Union: The Formative Years: 1909-1923, (Dublin, 1982), pp 218,152,170 & 177. 151

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much elated at the prospect of not having any competition from abroad, which meant more profits for them. Local firms such as the Adare Cigarette Company Ltd, situated on the estate of Lord Dunraven, in the village of Adare, County Limerick, hoped to capitalise on this. The firm employed approximately seventy people in grading the leaves into five different categories consistent with their excellence 'each being used for a special brand of tobacco'. The buildings involved in this enterprise covered almost four acres with plans for the provision of additional annexes over time.152 Employment was also provided for girls in the making of cigarettes, which were blended with imported Virginia, Turkish and Egyptian tobaccos, and that of tobaccos grown on Dunraven's estate. The cultivation of tobacco was not, however, confined to Adare, areas around Askeaton, Ardagh and Kildimo were also involved, and the tobacco was then transported to the factory at Adare.153 The company had sent the crop it had accumulated for several years to Messrs Gallaher Ltd, Tobacco Manufacturers, Belfast, after the Managing Director of the firm had visited the factory. While it was stated that this was done to 'give a helping hand to Irish industries in which he (Gallaher) takes the deepest interest',154 it may also have been due to the inability of the firm to import tobacco from abroad. The prospect of further employment in this area resulting from the war was indeed very good. However, when a fire destroyed the factory on New Year's Day 1917, it caused unemployment. Another enterprise, Spillane's Tobacco Factory located in Sarsfield Street, also gained financially in terms of orders for the War Office. During the month of April 1915 they had completed an order for as many as 48,000 parcels of tobacco, similar to those, which it provided on previous occasions.155 Other local firms also profited as a result of the war. The Limerick Clothing Factory was kept extremely busy manufacturing army uniforms as the Government demanded increased supplies.156 This was, as we have seen, also the case during the Boer War of 1899-1902. Messrs E. O’Callaghan and Sons, Tannery, Gerald Griffin Street, provided employment for a large number of skilled and unskilled workers and as a result of the war’s effect on the economy had to rely on native produce for

152

Dunraven, Lord. Past Times and Pastimes Volume II, (London, 1921), p. 118 & F.J. 19 February 1915. 153 L.C. 20 February 1915. 154 L.L. 7 September 1914. 155 L.C. 24 April 1915. 156 ibid. 20 May 1915.

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the manufacture of its leather goods.157 This would have enhanced the position of those that provided such materials and also created some extra employment, although not very much. The firm was also involved in war work on behalf of the British Government.158

Horses for the Military The procurement of horses became an utmost priority for the British army when war was declared. Despite the advent of the internal combustion engine, the British army had only eighty motor vehicles; horses conveyed artillery and supplies. The number of horses available to each infantry division was 5,600 relative to its 18,000 men;159 approximately 80 percent of these horses had been purchased in Ireland prior to the war.160 With Kitchener’s plans for the formation of the new armies and with the war looking as if it would be a prolonged one, there was a necessity for more horses. Throughout the city and county of Limerick, people came forward to sell horses to the army. While some people came willingly to sell their horses and were adequately compensated for it, the military authorities also commandeered the necessary supply of horses. This manifested itself in Limerick city with soldiers placing themselves at various vantage points in the streets for this purpose. Officers belonging to the York and Lancaster Regiment stationed at the New Barracks visited Bannatynes’ flour and meal stores accompanied by veterinary surgeons, and impounded the horses after they had satisfied their examination. The price paid for each healthy horse was about £30. Other notable firms such as Guinness’s and the livery yard of Messrs Henihan, Henry Street were also visited. The Corporation Depot also did not escape the attention of the military and neither did the Jarvies, which was a form of taxi service at the time. 161 This may have accounted for the 159 Jarvies who did not attend the annual inspection organised by the Hackney Car Committee of the Corporation, and therefore had their licences withdrawn.162 They were, of course, paid for such appropriations. However, no matter how much they had received, 157

ibid. 24 June 1915. NAI. CSORP 6450, 12 April 1916. 159 Taylor, A.J.P. English History 1914 – 1945, (Middlesex, 1981), p. 34. 160 NAI. CSORP 25147, 29 March 1916. 161 L.L. 4 & 5 August 1914. 162 LCA. Limerick Corporation Minutes, 6 August 1914. The Hackney Car Committee also recommended that any of the men requiring renewals of their licences must apply to the Corporation for same. 158

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it would not have compensated them adequately for the loss to their means of livelihood. Resulting from this it is safe to say that many of them found themselves in the unemployment queue, and eventually joined the armed forces in order to provide for their families and themselves. Government buyers were also present at a pig market held on 7 August at Abbeyfeale, County Limerick, where farmers took the horses that had drawn the carts loaded with the pigs and sold them from £30 to £40.163 There were also those who made the selling of horses a financially rewarding business. Oral evidence suggests that some people made large sums of money on such transactions that were mostly conducted at horse and cattle fairs.164 The buying of horses for military purposes continued for the duration of the war. In the Limerick area such transactions took place at the Munster Fair, where extensive purchases were made for army purposes. Horses that were sold from £40 to £50 on 27, 28 and 29 January 1915,165 were realising abnormally high prices of 300 to 400 percent above pre–war prices during the month of October 1918.166

The Pig Industry The province of Munster was reputed to be the home of pig rearing, as it was logical to expect in a dairying province. This was attributed to 400,000 pigs being reared there, it was 33 percent more than there was in Ulster, 40 percent more than that of Leinster and 86 percent more than Connaught.167 With Munster in such a strong position nationally, factories for the slaughtering and curing of bacon were located in some of the major towns, Waterford, Cork and Limerick. These had been established in the latter part of the nineteenth century. At the commencement of World War One there were four bacon-curing factories in Limerick.168 It was estimated that around 5,000 people were dependent on these firms for their livelihood.169 This was quite a sizeable number of people given that there were 9,395 people in industrial 163

L.L. 10 August 1914. Oral evidence of the late Rev. Michael Culhane, Mary Immaculate College, Limerick, who heard this in conversation with members of his family. 165 NAL. CO 904/96. County Inspector's Report 30 January 1915. 166 C.E. 25 October 1918. 167 ibid. 24, 25 December 1915. 168 Guys Limerick Directory 1914, (Limerick, 1914), p. 21. They were J. Matterson & Son Ltd, O’Mara, Henry Denny and Sons Ltd and W.J. Shaw and Sons; the former three were located in Roches street, the latter in Mulgrave Street. 169 F.J. 13 February 1918. 164

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employment in Limerick.170 Limerick was also known as Pig town, due mainly to the large number of people who reared pigs in their homes. These, including those involved in pig farming, were the mainstay in keeping this important industry in business. Any threat to these industries would have greatly affected the livelihood of a great many people. In Ireland at the outbreak of hostilities there were 1,305,000 pigs, and the high prices paid for these animals, 1½ times the pre-war rates, tempted many pig keepers to part with their stock. This brought about a reduction in the number by 100,000 by the end of 1915.171 This in itself was not an unduly worrying factor, as there was still plenty for the bacon industry, ‘there had only been exports of between 300,000 to 380,000 in previous years … but these had created no cause for alarm’.172 Besides the number of pigs slaughtered in the bacon factories every year had been on average 1¼.173 However, as the war progressed the number of live pigs killed in the factories decreased from 1,375,000 in 1915 to 1,277,000 in 1916 and 967,000 in 1917, and was getting smaller as the months advanced. Uneasiness over this reduction gathered momentum, since the killing and curing of pigs in the factories ensured security and continuity of employment. Any increase in the export of live pigs ‘was a danger to the maintenance of the pig industry supply in Ireland and therefore a menace to the Irish bacon industry’.174 The month of February 1918 saw for the first time in the history of the country the export of live pigs surpassing the killing and curing of pigs in Irish factories. In all 10,200 pigs were shipped from Ireland as opposed to 9,150 killed during the opening weeks of the month. If this trend continued, it would have dealt a deathblow to the industry, and would also reduce the numbers for home consumption. The Food Controller was held accountable for this, as he had issued an order fixing the price of English bacon at 150s a cwt and Irish at 140s a cwt, thereby giving an unfair advantage to the former as ‘English dealers could go to Ireland under the order and give a higher price for pigs than Irish dealers, thus depriving the latter from making a living in their own country’.175 This price fixing led to an outpouring of opposition from the curers, as it had been ascertained that the Irish bacon curers had not been consulted on the matter. James 170

Census of Ireland 1911, County and City of Limerick, (London, 1912), p. 73. F.J. 12 December 1916. 172 ibid. 9 January 1917. 173 ibid. 12 December 1916. 174 ibid. 9 January 1917. 175 ibid. 15 March 1918. 171

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O’Mara, of O’Mara’s Bacon Curing Firm protested strongly about the new prices saying that these ‘new prices would enable English bacon curers to come to Ireland and buy up pigs at pricess on which they could make a profit, but which would mean a loss to the Irish curers’. It was, he explained, common practice for English firms to make English bacon out of Irish pigs. Previous to the settlement of the new prices bacon was selling at 148s a cwt, and Irish curers were buying pigs from 124s to 130s a cwt. Bacon made from pigs bought at an average price of 127s a cwt was sold at 148s a cwt.176 This gave the curer a handsome return for his money, allowing for the cost of labour, depreciation of machinery etc, this was now under threat. With such a large number of people in Limerick owing their livelihoods to the bacon industry it was only natural that various authorities and labour organisations should get involved. The Limerick District Council called upon the Food Controller to agree the same price applying to Britain so that it would not hamper the industry in Ireland ‘as the prevailing price exceptionally handicaps the Irish buyers and merchants, and is a menace to the Irish trade, upon which, in Limerick alone, some 5,000 people are dependent for a livelihood’. The Limerick Federated Labour Council strongly condemned the export of pigs, and exhorted the farmers to trade with the Irish dealers and merchants, but was more concerned with the ‘thousands of their fellow countrymen to earn a living at home, and asking the authorities to stop the exportation so ruinous to thousands in Ireland’.177 One explanation regarding the shortage of pigs being killed by the major bacon curers was given by a representative of the export trade who informed a reporter of the Freeman’s Journal that ‘large numbers of local provision merchants had started curing their own bacon owing to the shortage of American supplies. These … are not recorded, nor are those for the numerous small factories such as those at Roscrea, Wexford, Castlebar, Cappoquin etc’. In March 1918 the Food Controller decided to raise the prices for pigs in Ireland, apparently on the advice of the Food Control Committee for Ireland, which recommended the immediate necessity of raising the control price of live pigs, and warning him that if their recommendations were not adopted without delay pig rearing in Ireland would be brought to a standstill.178 Taking this and other representations and protests into consideration, the Food Controller decided to issue two orders, one to regulate the price, which was raised to 117s 7d per cwt live weight, 149s 9d 176

ibid. 14 March 1918. ibid. 13 February 1918. 178 F.J. 16 February 1918. 177

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per cwt per cwt for carcases without offal and 156s 9½d for carcases with offal. The second order prohibited the export of live pigs after 25 March 1918, without licence from the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, and that for dead pigs, bacon, ham or lard was to be under licence from the Food Control Committee.179 There are no figures available as to their impact on the bacon trade in Limerick, but if the sale of approximately 800 pigs at Roscommon, of which over 550 were purchased for the Irish bacon curers, with the balance allowed for export is anything to go by it was probably just as good. The Food Controller also prohibited the trade of any carcase or part thereof of a pig, be it bacon, ham, or lard or other pig product from Great Britain or Ireland.180 This was obviously designed to protect the industry in Ireland. Although there was some satisfaction with the new orders promulgated by the Food Controller, there was still anger over the number of live pigs exported. A public meeting held in the Town Hall, Limerick, was attended by a wide spectrum of people. Alderman Daniel McNeice presided in the absence of the Mayor, Alphonsus O’Mara, who was a member of the O’Mara Bacon Curing Firm. They were of the opinion that there should not be any export of live pigs to England, that all pigs should have been cured in Irish factories, and as 'Limerick…was the heart of the bacon industry in Ireland … they could see large numbers of workers who were forced to walk the streets of the city for want of employment …’ Councillor Daniel Griffin, proposed that the Lord Mayor of Dublin should call an All Ireland Conference because the action of the Food Controller was ruining the industry, and because the representatives of the people had failed to ensure that England kept her promise. Another person went one step further indicating that the constitutional method would be used in an effort to rectify the injustice of getting back their trade, which was going to England, but failing that 'there were other methods they could adopt'.181 This may have been veiled praise for the action of the Sinn Féin Controller, Diarmuid Lynch, who prevented pigs from leaving Dublin, and brought them to an abattoir to be killed for the consumption of the people of Ireland.182 McNeice, who was a prominent member of the United Irish 179

ibid. 26 March 1918. ibid. 11 April 1918. 181 L.L. 2 October 1918. This included members of the clergy, Corporation and Trades Council, such as Rev S.J. Connolly, administrator and Rev. O'Carroll, St. John's, Alderman Joyce, J.H. Roche, JP, (High Sheriff), R.P. O'Connor BC, John Cronin, President Limerick Trades Council, and B.J. Dinneen, also of the Limerick Trades Council. 182 Maume, Patrick The Long Gestation, (Dublin, 1999), p. 202. 180

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League183 was not so reticent; and intimated that the action of this person was 'more effective than if they were talking for six months'.184 Those present were in general agreement with the terms of the resolution. It can be seen from the remarks made by the various people that they were getting frustrated with the efforts of getting redress through constitutional methods, and that it was necessary to proceed by other means.

Beneficiaries and Losers The main beneficiaries economically as we have seen were (1) the farmers, through the sale of their livestock and produce to Britain and her armed forces, and (2) the capitalists by the sale of goods that had hitherto been imported but had because of the war to be manufactured locally. It was true that some capitalists were somewhat at a loss due to the work that they had hoped for not materialising. The losers were the working class and poor through the lack of employment and the continued rise in the cost of living. Separation allowances did assist some families from complete deprivation, but if one was not a recipient of this then there was a dependency on charity, war bonuses and wage increases, which did not keep pace with the abnormal rise in the cost of living throughout the war.

183

C.E. 8 October 1913. Daniel McNeice was President of the Limerick City Divisional Executive United Irish League, and the Limerickk City Branch United Irish League. 184 Maume . p. 202.

CONCLUSION

The opening year of the new century, 1900, saw the re-unification of the Irish Parliamentary Party under the chairmanship of John Redmond. The Party had endured a bitter decade long split as a result of the Parnell debacle. This new unity ensured the Party’s dominance in borough councils already in existence and the new county councils and rural district councils established under the provisions of the Local Government Act of 1898. It had destroyed the power of the Protestant ascendancy, which through the grand jury system had held sway for years. This gave a modicum of home rule to local bodies, but as far as the Irish Parliamentary Party and other nationalists were concerned it was not an alternative for national self-government, as was emphasised by Anthony Mackey, at the first meeting of the Limerick County Council when he told those present that home rule which was the only thing that would satisfy Irish nationalists. Significantly, 1898 was also the centenary of the 1798 rebellion, with demonstrations held throughout the country. The Irish Parliamentary Party, sensing nationalist dissatisfaction with the British administration, harnessed these feelings in support for the Party, and did so convincingly using separatist rhetoric. The Boers, in taking on the might of the British Empire, gave fresh impetus to the struggle for home rule with nationalist MPs taking full advantage of the crisis that British government found themselves in. As my research has shown, one manifestation of this was the anti-recruitment policies propagated by the Party, with Limerick MPs equating the recruiting sergeants with the devil. In Limerick support for the antirecruiting campaign came from some separatists and clergy and was quite successful. Nevertheless, despite such strong opposition, men did enlist. Although there were those who enlisted out of loyalty, family tradition and adventure, the majority of recruits came from the urban working class, either because they were unemployed or in low income dead end jobs. For them enlistment was the guarantee of a steady income in addition to the prospect of social advancement that they otherwise would not have been able to enjoy. As this study has demonstrated, support for the Irish Parliamentary Party in Limerick was very much in evidence with the election of three of its members to represent the city and county constituencies at Westminster. This support was further consolidated with their continued election in 1906

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and the two 1910 elections, despite opposition from other nationalists. Ever since Gladstone had converted to the cause of Home Rule in 1885 with his intention to pacify Ireland by acknowledging the demands of nationalists, the Irish Party had moved closer to the Liberal Party. However, by 1910 it was a relationship of mutual and increasingly difficult dependency: after the two elections of 1910 the Liberals were dependent on Irish votes in the House of Commons but the Irish Parliamentary Party was equally dependent on the Liberals for home rule. This study has illustrated the placing of the Third Home Rule Bill of 1912 on the statute book in September 1914 led to demonstrations of euphoria throughout Limerick city and county, despite its suspension for the duration of the war. Following this Redmond believed that Britain should now be supported in the conflict that had begun in August of that year. He had sincerely believed that this was a just war of good against evil and also because Britain had done right conceding self-government to Ireland. In so doing he committed the Irish Parliamentary Party to the recruiting effort, in the belief that the enlistment of nationalists would strengthen the future of home rule. The MPs from Limerick participated in this policy with misgivings, as it had contrasted sharply with that propagated some fifteen years previously during the Boer War. Then they had actively discouraged men from enlisting. After the 1916 rebellion they no longer involved themselves in recruitment or for that matter anti-recruitment. Redmond’s call for nationalists to join the British army and to be where the firing line was furthest in the war saw his most fervent followers enlist. This study has shown that Limerick men for the most part went to the regiments of the Sixteenth Irish Division, which had been set-aside for them, the majority to the regiment associated with the area, the Royal Munster Fusiliers. In addition to the many who were politically motivated, the majority, as in the Boer War, came from the urban working-class. To persuade them to make up their minds the authorities used propaganda very effectively on the recruiting platforms throughout Limerick and in the local newspapers. Details stressing the financial benefits that would be gained by enlisting were also published; the emphasis was placed on the rates of pay that men could earn with the added bonus of separation allowances and payments that the next of kin or dependants would get if their loved ones were killed. It was for the half crown and not the crown that workers generally served. This research has shown that in the Boer War and in civilian life the gentry who, through the social structure of society dominated social, economic and political spheres, were regarded as the natural leaders. The social order did not allow for enlisted men to rise above their social

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position, and with the gentry in the position of leadership the lower orders were constantly made aware of their status. There were of course exceptions to this rule; however, they were few and far between. The wives of the gentry and privileged class also provided the leadership of the various committees that had been established to distribute the many funds and gifts that the people had graciously donated to. While such leadership has often been criticised, it must be emphasised that this was because of the class structure of society that existed at that time. Invariably, this therefore this meant that the working class and poor undertook the physical hard labour. An area in which Limerick people of all social classes excelled was in their generosity to the refugees who had been forced from their homes in Belgium, and who were of the same religious beliefs as themselves, Roman Catholicism. Although the provision of accommodation was centralised in Limerick city, people in the county also provided shelter. The First World War affected mostly the working-class and the poor of Limerick, with the continual rise in the cost of provisions. This study has revealed that they found it progressively difficult to make ends meet, and although well-meaning people met and discussed the situation, and what they should do to alleviate it, nothing came of these efforts. Employers in many instances tried to assist their workers by granting them war bonuses, with the fervent hope that these abnormal price increases would soon be a thing of the past. Other workers, not being content with war bonuses, decided to take industrial action and sought wage increases. It was generally those workers who could ill afford to withdraw their labour that did so; those of the professional classes including craftsmen were content to receive the war bonuses. Union organisation had been weak at the commencement of the war and it was only towards the end of the conflict that workers really began to organise and demand such wages as would allow them to buy the basic necessities. However, such payments could not keep pace with the unusually abnormal rise in the cost of living, and consequently poor people suffered particularly. This study has also described the efforts made to gain for the city some of the war work that had been contracted out by the British War Office. Despite the endeavours of elected representatives, employers and trade unions very few contracts were gained, as the War Office ensured that the bulk of this lucrative work remained with British firms. A strong area of employment for workers in Limerick was the bacon industry, with many families dependant on its continuance. The trade gained considerably from the exportation of pigs, both cured and alive, it was only when the amount of live pigs being exported outnumbered those cured at home that local leaders and workers representatives became concerned. Various motions

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Conclusion

had been passed with representatives making vigorous overtures to prevent the livelihood of the workers concerned being threatened. While a certain amount of alleviation was obtained it was the action of the Sinn Féin Food Controller in Dublin that made people take notice. By preventing live pigs from being exported he had done more than any words or motions passed could ever do. It was an indication that Sinn Féin, and not the Irish Parliamentary Party, was now seen as their defenders against Britain whose only aim appeared to be that of winning the war at any cost, even at the cost of depriving men of their employment. The Sinn Féin separatists only too willingly stepped into the vacuum created by the absence of Redmond’s most ardent followers to publicise their policies and to prosecute a vigorous anti-recruitment strategy. Research has shown that in Limerick in 1915 cracks appeared in the support for Redmond. Limerick Corporation had refused to give an official welcome to a visit of the Irish Guards band in April 1915 and to its VC winner when he arrived during the month of July the same year. It also denounced the authorities for expelling Irishmen from the country, and only agreed to present an address of welcome to the Lord Lieutenant by fifteen votes to ten again in July of 1915. The separatists sent out antirecruitment leaflets, which were circulated in areas of the city and county including the carriages of passenger trains. Disruption of meetings and the defacement of recruiting posters were also undertaken. As had been the case during the Boer War, members of the Catholic clergy were very much involved in assisting the separatists most notably in areas of county Limerick. They had also reprinted a letter sent to a newspaper by the Catholic bishop, Dr. Edward O’Dwyer, regarding the treatment of emigrants at Liverpool, and had them distributed widely. Sinn Féin separatists who arrived in Limerick were instrumental in changing the allegiance of branches of the Irish National Volunteers from supporting Redmond to supporting the cause of separation. Their anti-recruitment stance was most successful in the rural areas especially amongst farmers who made substantial financial gains from the war but were reticent about enlisting. This is not surprising as farmers in other countries also showed a disinclination to enlist. As this research has shown there had been an attempt to form a farmers battalion, with officers coming from their own class; however, due to the miniscule number who enlisted it failed abysmally. Although there had been a decline in recruitment before the 1916 rebellion, this had also happened in Britain before the introduction of conscription. However, other factors impinged significantly on the recruitment of nationalists into the British army. There had been long standing prejudices against the army, for many it was

The Impact of World War One on Limerick

171

seen as a force of occupation. The attitude of the War Office towards Redmond’s efforts to recruit nationalists helped to destroy his credibility. Their failure to allow separate Irish regiments to be established similar to that, which was formed by the Ulster Volunteer Force, placed Redmond in a very bad light. This study has shown that the failure to allow regimental colours to be manufactured for the new 8th Battalion Royal Munster Fusiliers, which was predominantly drawn from Limerick, was a slap in the face to its people who were willingly prepared to subscribe to them. When the achievements of both the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the Royal Munster Fusiliers, which had many Limerick men serving in them did not receive the recognition that was due to them for their actions on the Western Front and at Gallipoli, preventing their names from being published in the newspapers until well after the actions had taken place, the sensitivities of the people of Limerick were greatly affronted and added further to the Irish Parliamentary Party demise. There was also the fact that candidates from the Limerick Irish National Volunteers who had sought commissions in the army had to undergo training in a cadet battalion although men from the Ulster Volunteer Force were accorded immediate commissions in the Thirty-Sixth Ulster Division. This marked disparity against nationalists was noticed. To compound the difficulties that Redmond was encountering was the inclusion of conservatives and unionists in the coalition government formed in May 1915 under Asquith and continued by Lloyd George placed these groups in a very strong position to oppose the implementation of home rule. They were also strong advocates of conscription and were disappointed when Ireland was not included when it was introduced in early 1916. These issues affected the psyche of Irish nationalists and were instrumental in changing the support that the people had for the Irish Parliamentary Party to that of Sinn Féin. The main turning point was on the issue of conscription. Conscription and its proposed implementation were the key issues that copper- fastened the sea change in nationalist support from the Irish Parliamentary Party to Sinn Féin. Research has shown that in Limerick after the 1916 rebellion although there was bitter feeling, it did not significantly induce the people to support the separatists. There had been a small shift in public opinion, which had been due to the harsh treatment of the rebels and even of constitutional nationalists by the authorities. Further to this, men who were tried and sentenced for wearing military uniforms, and for taking part in movements of a military nature in Limerick received public admiration on their release. This admiration grew when Thomas Ashe died on hunger strike in September1917, demonstrations were held at

172

Conclusion

such places as Doon, Kilfinane, Bruff and in the city where two battalions of the Limerick City Regiment of the Irish Volunteers marched in procession. The aftermath of the by-elections held in Roscommon, Longford, East Clare and Kilkenny which Sinn Féin won saw victory celebrations being held in Limerick city and county, which helped to swell the ranks of the separatists both politically and militarily. The climate of opinion was to change drastically as the government indicated that it was going to introduce compulsory military service, thus ignoring the sensibilities of Irish nationalists altogether. If Irishmen would not enlist voluntarily then they would have to be compelled. Fierce agitation against its introduction became evident in Limerick with the local authorities and various other organisations passing motions of opposition. Demonstrations took place at such places as Newcastle West, Glin and the city where they often took on a religious connotation. Limerick Corporation had one of the local freemen, Lord Dunraven, struck off the Roll of Freedom of the city due to his support for conscription. In addition to the mass outpourings of resistance a National Defence Fund was established with the people of Limerick contributing handsomely. Conscription was never introduced and despite the opposition of the Irish Parliamentary Party at Westminster and elsewhere, including Limerick where one of its MPs established branches of an Anti-Conscription League, they were the net losers. By its actions, the government had driven Irish nationalists including moderates into the arms of Sinn Féin. The consistent anti-recruitment policy and popular perception that they were the saviours of the Irish people from conscription led to Sinn Féin’s victory in the general election of 1918. This research indicates that Sinn Féin had only seven clubs in Limerick at the end of May 1917 and a membership of 800, but by the end of the war had over fiftynine clubs with 4,637 members. They had taken two of the three seats in Limerick constituencies without a contest, those of the city and West Limerick. It was a victory that the Irish Parliamentary Party was never to recover from, and it did not even contest the local elections in 1920. It is indisputable, and not a little ironic, that the First World War made Sinn Féin and ensured its dominance by its end. But as this study has shown, the social and economic problems, which the war had exacerbated, were to prove more intractable.

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APPENDIX A

Statistics and Chart relating to Recruitment for the Irish Regiments in the Period of the Boer War Depot Clonmel Omagh Belfast Armagh Galway Birr Tralee Naas

District 18th 27th 83rd 87th 88th 100th 101st 102nd

1898 336 173 681 126 233 206 973 240

1899 356 152 795 157 218 236 689 223

1900 297 154 1188 153 125 137 438 188

1901 310 154 748 153 169 219 383 165

1902 473 197 798 273 177 347 455 230

186

Appendix A

The above named depots were also the headquarters of various regiments that correspondingly had the same regimental numbers as the districts in which they were based. Under the Cardwell reforms of 18811 the following regiments of foot2 received territorial designations: x The 18th Regiment of Foot became the Royal Irish Regiment. It recruited in Kilkenny, Tipperary, Waterford and Wexford. x The 27th Regiment of Foot became the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers. It recruited in Donegal, (London)Derry, Tyrone and Fermanagh. x The 83rd Regiment of Foot became the Royal Irish Rifles. It recruited in Antrim, Down and Belfast. x The 87th Regiment of Foot became the Royal Irish Fusiliers. It recruited in Armagh, Cavan, Louth and Monaghan. x The 88th Regiment of Foot became the Connaught Rangers. It recruited in Galway, Leitrim, Roscommon and Sligo. x The 100th Regiment of Foot became the Leinster Regiment. It recruited in Laois (Queen’s County), Longford, Meath, Offaly (King’s County) and Westmeath. x The 101st Regiment of Foot became the Royal Munster Fusiliers. It recruited in Clare, Cork, Kerry and Limerick. x The 102nd Regiment of Foot became the Royal Dublin Fusiliers. It recruited in Carlow, Dublin, Kildare and Wicklow. The Irish Guards did not have a territorial depot in any county in Ireland as it recruited throughout the country. Its depot was at Caterham, England.

However, it did have a recruiting office based in Dublin.3

1

Cardwell was Secretary of State for War in Gladstone’s second government. Regiments of foot were infantry formations. 3 Map of the recruiting areas of the Irish Infantry Regiments, Journal of the Royal Munster Fusiliers Association (Limerick, 2000), p. 40. 2

12.6 15.0 17.6 20.0 22.0

15.0 18.0 21.0 24.0 26.0

s. d

s. d.

and so on, with an addition of 2s for each additional child.

Wife Wife and 1 child Wife and 2 children Wife and 3 children Wife and 4 children

Sergeant.

Private & Corporal

16.6 19.6 22.6 25.6 27.6

s. d

Colour Sergeant

Rank of Soldier

22.0 25.0 28.0 31.0 33.0

s. d

Quarter Master Sgt.

WEEKLY RATES OF SEPARATION ALLOWANCE, INCLUDING THE COMPULSORY ALLOTMENT OF PAY

APPENDIX B

23.0 26.0 29.0 32.0 34.0

s. d

Warrant Officer

APPENDIX C DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRY RESOLUTION

1 Hartstonge Street, Limerick. 11 August 1914. Dear Sir, I am instructed to send you the following resolution, which was passed at a meeting of the Board of Management of the Regiment last evening, and to request you to lay it before the Provisional committee as soon as possible. Resolved; That we are prepared to loyally obey Headquarters in the matter of co-operating for the defence of our country on the lines laid down in Mr John Redmond's public offer to the British Government, but we trust that in the laying down of the conditions of service the Constitution as laid down and explained in the first issue of the Irish Volunteer will be rigidly adhered to. We have organised here a regiment, which has on several occasions been complimentarily referred to in our official organ and we have received from the Inspector General the expression of his greatest satisfaction on the results of our efforts. We have worked on the grounds of the Constitution referred to, viz:- That we are intended for the defence of the rights and liberties of the people of Ireland-not for the Crown or Empire, and if the conditions of service considered by us to offend our national honour, dignity or self-respect as Irishmen to whom Ireland comes first we should decline to accept same. Yours faithfully, R.P. O'Connor, Honorary Secretary.

APPENDIX D

Statistics and Chart showing Strength of 16th (Irish) Division 2 March 1915 to 29 August 1915 Regiment 6 RIR 8 RMF 6 CRs 7 LR 7 RIRf 9 RMF 8 RDF 9 RDF 7 R In F 8 R In F 7 R Ir F 8 R Ir F 11 H Rgt

02-Mar 1066 625 1235 1078 352 646 928 946 406 386 726 679 995

18-Mar 1066 742 1111 1049 600 678 929 1008 419 632 719 680 950

14-Apr 1130 960 1139 1045 748 809 1106 1120 452 633 740 650 975

29-Apr 1196 983 1173 1048 774 866 1182 1127 479 641 764 663 990

12-May 1186 995 1230 1048 881 845 1226 1132 497 664 783 667 1011

26-May 1187 1036 1218 1054 942 871 1217 1101 589 676 844 669 1025

192

Appendix D

RIR = Royal Irish Regiment RMF = Royal Munster Fusiliers CRs = Connaught Rangers LR = Leinster Regiment RIRf = Royal Irish Rifles RDF = Royal Dublin Fusiliers RIF = Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers RIrF = Royal Irish Fusiliers H Rgt = Hampshire Regiment

The Impact of World War One on Limerick

Regiment 6 RIR 8 RMF 6 CRs 7 LR 7 RIRf 9 RMF 8 RDF 9 RDF 7 R In F 8 R In F 7 R Ir F 8 R Ir F 11 H Rgt

16-Jun 1029 1052 1289 1115 1001 990 1258 1110 653 401 601 418 1046

01-Jul 1199 1059 1288 1134 1006 996 1284 1117 690 410 584 449 1043

14-Jul 1203 1065 1313 1147 1030 990 1296 1119 739 413 587 479 1045

29-Jul 1210 1043 1335 1172 1075 1031 1345 1149 770 422 595 507 1060

14-Aug 1184 1109 1298 1129 1050 1034 1362 1109 814 459 605 534 1067

193

29-Aug 1127 1143 1054 1113 1049 1026 1359 1092 820 551 621 805 1043

APPENDIX E

Recruiting Statistics and Chart for the 8th and 9th Battalions Royal Munster Fusiliers 2 March 1915 to 29 August 1915 02 March 1915 18 Mar 1915 14 April 1915 29 April 1915 12 May 1915 26 May 1915 16 June 1915 01 July 1915 14 July 1915 29 July 1915 14 August 1915 29 August 1915

8th Bn RMF 625 742 960 983 995 1036 1052 1059 1065 1043 1109 1143

9TH Bn RMF 646 678 809 866 845 871 990 996 990 1031 1034 1026

196

Appendix E

APPENDIX F CERTIFICATE OF HONOUR

2s 5d a lb 72%

per ton 45s 53s to 55s 80s

Month & Year February 1915 September 1916 August 1918

per cwt. 2s 3s 4s

Price of Coal

Is 10d a lb 55%

Roasting Beef

Butter

Sugar 2d a lb 5d a lb 150%

Tea 2s 6d a lb 3s a lb 17%

Flour Is 9 stone 2s lld a stone 67%

End of WWI Percentage Increase

Before WWI During WWI (1916) Percentage Increase

Bacon 9d a lb 1s 2d a lb 67%

Is 7d a lb 63%

Boiling Beef

Butter 1s 2d a lb 1s 9d a lb 50%

FOOD COMMODITIES

APPENDIX G

Beef 9d a lb 1s a lb 33.3%

INDEX Abbeyfeale, 2, 21, 82, 102, 112, 113, 162 Adare, 43, 58, 90, 98, 160 Adare Cigarette Company Ltd, 160 Adare Manor, 27 Adderley, Precentor, 93 Admiralty Stores, 132 Ahern, Private Michael, 65 Alexander, Private Percy, 38 All Ireland Munitions and Government Supplies Committee, 133 Amalgamated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, 151 Ancient Order of Foresters, 118 Ancient Order of Hibernians, 82, 84, 98 Anti-Conscription League, 113, 172 Ardagh, 160 Army Medical Service, 15 Army Service Corps, 42, 48 Ashe, Thomas, 111 Askeaton, 93, 160 Asquith, 34, 106, 114, 117, 171 Athea, 110 Athenaeum Hall, 45 Athlone, 85 Australia, 106 Ballingarry, 16, 58 Ballybrown, 118 Ballylanders, 2, 76 Ballyneety, 52 Ballysheedy, 13 Bannatyne and Sons, J, 27, 29, 161 Barrington, Sir Charles, 27, 56, 58, 65, 89 Barrington's Hospital, 94 Belfast, 160

Belgian Civic Guard, 97 Belgian Refugees Committee (Ireland), 95 Belgium, 34, 52, 60, 72, 77, 95, 97, 98, 101, 104, 114, 169 Blythe, Ernest, 102 Board of Trade Employment Department, 130 Boer War, 1, 3, 4, 21, 25, 26, 28, 33, 40, 43, 135, 148, 160, 168, 170 Boers, 1, 3, 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 20, 22, 167 Boston, 6 Botha, 12 Bourke, P., 144 Boyd and Company, J and G, 68, 152 Brazil, Sergeant John, 38 Britain, 1, 3, 6, 11, 14, 18, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40, 47, 51, 68, 70, 72, 79, 81, 82, 83, 86, 89, 90, 94, 95, 102, 103, 107, 114, 116, 118, 131, 134, 135, 139, 149, 150, 151, 164, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170 British Expeditionary Force, 34, 35 British Medical Association, 15 British Red Cross Society Voluntary Aid Detachment No. 2, 94 British War Office, 169 Browne, Colonel, 93 Browne, Robert. Bishop of Cloyne, 99 Browning, D R, 93 Bruff, 60, 81, 106, 111, 138, 171 Bruree, 69, 110 Bryan Mahon, Lieutenant-General, 37 Bunbury, Mrs., 27 Butt, Isaac, 7, 81

202 Caherconlish, 58, 99 Cahill’s Tobacco Firm, 90 Canada, 106 Cannock and Company, 27, 158 Cape Colony, 12 Capetown, 27 Cappoquin, 164 Carson, Sir Edward, 107, 117 Casement, Sir Roger, 45 Casey, Rev. William, 2 Castlebar, 164 Castleconnell, 98 Castlemahon, 114 Castletown, 2 Central Council for the Organisation of Recruiting in Ireland, 63 Certificates of Honour, 64 Chamber of Commerce, 34, 63, 129, 131, 133, 150 Charleville Rural District Council, 84 Chicago, 6 Churchill, Winston, 34, 123 Citizens Munitions Committee, 134 Citizens War Munitions Committee, 130, 131 Citizens’ Protection League, 145 Clancy, George, 102 Clarina, Lieutenant Colonel Lord, 27 Clarke, Mr. Thomas J., 105 Clarke, Mrs. Kathleen, 105, 123 Clarke’s (Liverpool) Tobacco Firm, 90, 158 Clarson, George, 64 Cleeve, F C, 93 Cleeve, Sir Thomas, 31 Cleeve's factory, 7, 158 Close BA, C.P., 46 Clune’s Tobacco Firm, 90, 158 Clyde Shipping Company, 156 Colivet, Michael, 102, 124 Collins, Cornelius., 125 Committee Room 15, 3 Commonwealth War Graves Commission, 68

Index Condensed Milk Company, 129 Connaught Rangers, 38, 44 Connolly, James, 120 Conservative Government, 4 Conservative party, 128 Cooke, Alice M., 93 Cooper, Lieutenant Commander R, 69 Cooper, Major Bryan, 37 Cork, 44, 50, 53, 60, 133, 134, 149, 156, 162 Corkanree Embankment,, 127 Countess Markievicz, 110, 116 Countess of Limerick, 27 County Agricultural Committee and District, 142 County Limerick Co-Operative Poultry Society, 94 County Limerick Local Medical Committee, 118 Crecora, 11 Cregan, Lieutenant, 50 Criminal Law and Procedure Act of 1887, 118 Croom, 46, 57, 58 Croom Board of Guardians, 16 Croom Workhouse, 16 Crown Prosecutor, 139 Cruise’s Hotel, 50, 52, 53, 54, 63, 71, 91 Cumann na mBan, 123 Dalton, J.J, 102 Daly, Alderman John, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 24, 105 Daly, Lance Corporal, 61 Daly, Mr. E, 105 Davitt, Michael, 1 De La Rey, 11, 12 de Robeck, Admiral Sir John, 78 de Valera, Eamon, 123 de Vere, Aubrey, 27 de Wet, 12, 105 Defence of the Realm Regulations, 110 Delmege, Captain J. O'Grady, 89 Delmege, Lieutenant J, 69

The Impact of World War One on Limerick Delmege, Mr, 27 Delmege, Mrs, 27 Denny and Sons, H, 27 Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, 165 Derby Scheme, 115 Dillon, John, 3, 106, 114, 117 Distress Committee, 127 Dobbs, FRGS, Mr. Alfred, 98 Dock Ward Electoral Association, 12 Dominican Fathers, 121 Doon, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 111, 171 Dorrien, General Sir Smith, 77 Doyle, Miss, 92 Dromin Corps, 49 Dublin, 149 Dublin Castle, 1, 130 Duke, Henry, 117 Durban, 14 Dwane, Mr. David, 98 East Clare, 112, 171 Easter 1916, 111 England, 6, 8, 11, 16, 18, 20, 22, 25, 29, 30, 34, 37, 38, 39, 40, 47, 56, 70, 71, 75, 82, 85, 86, 102, 110, 118, 119, 121, 129, 130, 132, 135, 165, 173 English Labour Party, 82 Ennis Urban District Council, 84 Enniscorthy, 87 Etreux, 77 Evans and Company, J.P, 132, 134, 135, 158 Falahee, Private Joseph, 90 Feenagh, 83 Feohanagh, 109 Finch, Mr. F.T, 28 Fitzgerald, C.C., Rev, 71 Fitzgerald, John, 64 Fitzgerald, Mrs. P, 28 Flynn, Thomas, 40 Foynes, 25, 70, 94 Foynes Saw Mills Ltd, 158 France, 35, 43, 44, 48, 52, 59, 60, 61, 62, 68, 77, 114, 139

203

French, Field Marshal Sir John, 77 Gabbett, Mr. William, 20 Gaelic League, 123 Galbally, 69 Gallaher Ltd, Tobacco Manufacturers, 160 Gallipoli, 77, 171 Gardiner, Private George, 36 Garryowen Football Club, 99 German offensive of March 1918, 112 German Plot, 122 Gibbs, Philip, 78 Gladstone, 3, 167 Glin, 27, 42, 60, 64, 112, 120, 172 Gonne, Maud, 21 Goodbody, J.E., 29 Grange, 58 Great Southern and Western Railway Company, 91, 149, 150 Gregory, Adrian, 123 Griffin, Councillor Daniel, 165 Grigg, John, 123 Gubbins, JP, Mr. W.R, 100 Guinness’s, 161 Haig, General Sir Douglas, 77 Hallinan, Dr., 72 Halvey, Private, 26 Hampshire Regiment, 77 Harding, Mrs., 98 Hare, Colonel, 2 Harkness, Captain W, 42 Harrison, Captain, 20 Hassett, Private J., 26 Hayes, CC, Rev. Michael, 109 Hayes, Private Patrick, 38 Hayes, Rev, 71 Henihan’s livery yard, 161 Hickie Parchment, 64 Hickie, Major General Sir William, 92 Hickie, Major General Sir. William, 48 Hines, Mrs, 28 HMS Northampton, 25 Hogan, Corporal P., 64

204 Holland, Ex-Lieutenant John, 42 Home Rule, 2, 3, 7, 10, 39, 41, 45, 46, 48, 56, 65, 72, 74, 81, 82, 83, 85, 102, 106, 117, 119, 125, 168 Hospital Supply Depot, 91, 95 House of Commons, 3, 4, 8, 39, 66, 82, 117, 129, 131, 167 House of Lords, 3, 81 Howley, Mr. Gerard, 20 Hudson, W, 149 Huggins, Driver, 65 Imperial Yeomanry, 42 Irish Brigade, 9, 43, 47, 49, 51, 54, 59, 60, 64, 67, 76, 91 Irish Brigade, Casement’s, 74 Irish Canadian Regiment, 61 Irish Guards, 21, 22, 23, 43, 44, 51, 103, 170 Irish Nation League, 106, 107 Irish National Land League, 1 Irish National Volunteers, 39, 41, 43, 45, 47, 49, 51, 52, 64, 67, 76, 82, 83, 97, 101, 102, 104, 116, 118, 170, 171 Irish Parliamentary Party, 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 30, 31, 46, 56, 81, 82, 85, 101, 103, 105, 106, 108, 109, 112, 116, 117, 124, 125, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172 Irish Railway Executive, 151 Irish Republican Brotherhood, 7, 46, 82, 104, 159 Irish Transport and General Workers Union, 154, 157, 158, 159 Irish Unionist Alliance, 115 Irish Voluntary Recruiting Council, 62 Irish Volunteers, 41, 45, 46, 70, 74, 75, 82, 87, 101, 102, 104, 111, 112, 115, 116, 171 Italy, 95 Johnston, Mrs Georgina, 27 Jordeson, Company Sergeant Major, J.H, 92

Index Joyce, Alderman Michael, 4, 6, 8, 12, 47, 82, 83, 90, 114, 124, 130, 149, 150 Joyce, James, 20 Kaiser, 44, 60, 87, 110, 111 Kavanagh, Rev. P. F, 9, 40 Keane, J, 144 Kearney, LLD, F.E, 5 Kelly, Captain R. C, 131 Kennedy, Mrs, 93 Kidd, W.M., 49 Kiggell, Major, 27 Kilballyowen, 2, 27, 91 Kildimo, 160 Kilfinane, 2, 6, 111, 171 Kilkenny, 112, 171 Kilmainham Jail, 3 Kilmallock, 2, 21, 27, 57, 58, 60, 64, 91, 98, 99, 138 Kilteely, 81 King Edward VII, 30 King George V, 81 King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry, 37 Kingscote, N.A.F., 41 Kipling, Rudyard, 16 Kitchener, 11, 33, 34, 35, 43, 48, 74, 76, 161 Knight of Glin, 27 Knocklong, 91 Kruger, Paul, 12, 18 Labour Party, 117, 149 Lady Aileen Wyndham Quin, 27 Lady Barrington, 27, 95 Lady Dunraven, 27, 30 Lady Emly, 75, 94 Lady Nash, 94 Lady Shaw, 90, 94, 95 Land Act of 1881, 3 Lane, Private James, 38 Langbridge, Canon, 93 Le Cateau, 77 Lee PP, Rev. Canon, 82 Leinster Regiment, 38, 44, 64, 133 Levy MP, Sir Maurice, 133 Liberal party, 128

The Impact of World War One on Limerick Liberal Party, 3, 167 Life Guards, 94 Limburg Prisoner of War Camp, 74 Limerick Army Clothing Factory, 148, 153, 155 Limerick Bakers Operatives Society, 154, 157 Limerick Board of Guardians, 105, 120, 130, 144 Limerick City and County United Aid League, 91, 93 Limerick City Artillery, 18, 24 Limerick City Constabulary, 43 Limerick City Regiment, 42, 84, 111, 171 Limerick City Tannery, 158 Limerick Clothing Factory, 28, 129, 160 Limerick Corporation, 4, 12, 53, 83, 84, 97, 103, 111, 113, 119, 123, 137, 141, 142, 145, 150, 151, 170, 172 Limerick Corporation Depot, 161 Limerick Corporation Hackney Car Committee, 161 Limerick County Council, 4, 30, 42, 53, 83, 84, 100, 105, 106, 111, 118, 142, 152, 167 Limerick County Militia, 18 Limerick District Asylum, 127 Limerick District Council, 164 Limerick District Nursing Association, 97 Limerick Dock Labourers Society, 154, 156 Limerick Federated Labour Council, 164 Limerick Foxhounds, 20 Limerick Gas Committee, 155 Limerick Gas Workers Society, 154, 155 Limerick Golf Club, 90 Limerick Harbour Board, 147, 151 Limerick Industrial Association, 129, 131 Limerick Lawn Tennis Club, 90, 91

205

Limerick Munitions Committee, 134 Limerick No 2 District Council, 114 Limerick Port, 29 Limerick Protestant Young Mens Association, 54 Limerick Regiment of the Irish Volunteers, 39 Limerick Soldiers' and Sailors' Families' Association, 138 Limerick Steamship Company, 29, 156 Limerick Teachers Association, 99, 111 Limerick Typographical Society, 111 Limerick United Trades and Labour Association, 127 Limerick War Memorial, 80 Limerick Workhouse, 16 Limerick Young Ireland Society, 9 Limerick, Dean of, 89 Lloyd George, 106, 109, 117, 123, 124, 128, 129, 135, 171 Lloyd, Beechmount, Major-General, 42 Lloyd, Mrs (Beechmount), 27 Lloyd, Mrs. (Pery Square),, 28 Local Government Act of 1898, 4, 31, 167 Local Government Board, 53, 95, 99, 101, 152 London, 16, 38, 82, 131, 144, 149 London Fire Brigade, 81 Longford, 112, 171 Lord Dunraven, 27, 43, 90, 119, 160, 172 Lord Haldane, 34 Lord Methuen, 8 Lord Monteagle, 11, 27, 41, 119 Lord Rhonnda, 143 Lord Roberts, 8 Lundon, Thomas, 46, 47, 81, 82, 106, 107, 113, 125 Lundon, William, 5, 6, 8 Lusitania, 60

206 Lynch, Diarmuid, 166 Mackey, Anthony, 167 Mackey, Councillor Anthony, 4, 167 MacNeill, Eoin, 45, 123 Madeley, George, 68 Magdalen Asylum Laundry, 155 Mahon, Sir. Bryan, 122 Majuba Hill, 12 Marlborough College Officer Training Corp, 76 Martin, District Inspector, 44 Master Bakers’, 142, 143, 157 Master Bakers’ Association, 156 Matterson, Mrs, 27 Maunsell, Cora, 44 Maunsell, Florrie, 44 Maunsell, Mrs., 98 Maunsell, William, 44 Maxwell, General, 71 Maynooth, 73, 120 McInerney, J.A, 102 McKnight, Mrs Johanna, 64, 137 McLoughlin, Mr, 53 McNamara, Mrs, 99 McNamara, P., 16 McNeice, Alderman Daniel, 165, 166 Meaney, Henry, 51 Meehan, Private J. J., 26 Military Service Act 1916, 114 Military Service Act 1918, 112 Minister of Munitions, 131 Model Laundry Ltd, 158 Moloney, W., 16 Molony, William, 57, 58 Mons, 34, 39, 77, 90 Monteagle, Lord, 42 Monteith, Robert, 87, 102 Moore, Colonel Maurice, 22 Moore, George, 22 Moran, H. O’B., 124 Mount Kennet House, 96, 97, 98, 100 Mount St. Lawrence Cemetery, 65, 94

Index Mountcollins, 2 Mountjoy jail, 111 Mulcahy, General Richard, 116 Mullock and Sons, 29 Mulvihill, Private Patrick, 64 Munster and Leinster Bank, 89 Munster Fair, 162 Nash, Lance Corporal John, 36 Nash, Sir. Vincent, 27, 89 National Bank, 89 National Defence Fund, 121, 172 National Union of Railwaymen, 119, 149, 151 Neilon, Private Augustine, 38 Netley, 16 New Barracks, 48, 65, 86, 161 New Pallas, 2, 110 New York, 6 Newcastle West, 21, 44, 54, 110, 118, 120, 138, 172 Newcastle West Board of Guardians, 152 Newcastle-on-Tyne, 130 Newsom and Company, 27 Nolan, Mr William, 90 Nolan, William, 97 Norfolk Regiment, 94 O’Brien, Corporal John, 137 O’Brien, H.M.V, 42 O’Brien, James., 23 O’Brien, Private J.J, 26 O’Brien, Private Michael, 38 O’Callaghan and Sons, E, 135, 160 O’Callaghan, Councillor Michael, 45, 85, 102, 135, 142 O’Connell Monument, 52, 58, 60, 63, 64, 71, 120 O’Connell, Richard, 58 O’Connor, M. J., 159 O’Connor, Mrs., 77 O’Donnell, Bryan, 52 O’Donnell, Captain, 12 O’Donovan, Alderman Philip, 45, 96, 127 O’Dwyer, Dr. Edward, 10, 71, 72, 73, 97, 98, 170

The Impact of World War One on Limerick O’Dwyer, R, 76 O’Grady, C.B, Colonel, 97 O’Grady, Captain Guillamore, 69 O’Grady, Colonel J. de C, 89 O’Grady, Mrs. Evelyn, 91 O’Grady, Sergeant J, 26 O’Grady, Standish, 27 O’Leary, VC, Sergeant Michael, 52, 103 O’Mara, Alphonsus, 102, 108, 125, 165 O’Mara, James, 164 O’Mara, Jnr, Stephen, 102 O’Mara’s Bacon Curing Firm, 164, 165 O’Regan, Mr., 17 O’Shaughnessy, P. J, 5, 6, 8, 82, 125 O’Shea, Mrs. Katherine, 3 O’Shea, PP, Rev Canon, 92 Old Head of Kinsale, 60 Omagh, 107 Orange Free State, 6 Ordnance Barracks, 86 Pallasgreen, 83 Palmerstown, 87 Parnell, 2, 3, 22, 81, 166 Parnell, Anna, 22 Parsons, Lieutenant-General Sir Lawrence, 48, 75, 76 Parsons, Lieutenant-General Sir. Lawrence, 68 Partition League, 107 Patrickswell, 9, 11, 98 Pearse, P. H, 45 Pearse, P.H, 86 Pegum, T.E, 89 Pennie Sergeant J, 26 Phelps, Mr. Joseph, 20 Phelps, Mrs, 27 Pietermaritzburg, 14 Plan of Campaign, 1, 2, 3, 56 Plumstead, Mr. E, 28 Pope Leo XIII, 72 Portsmouth, 34 Probation of Offenders Act, 138

207

Provincial Bank, 89 Queen Victoria, 7, 10, 18, 21, 30 Quin, Sir Stephen, 107 Rahilly, James, 13, 52, 56, 58 Railway Clerks Association, 151 Raleigh’s Tobacco Firm, 90 Rathkeale, 12, 21, 42, 64, 71, 81, 84, 98 Rathkeale Board of Guardians, 12 Red Cross Fund, 91 Redmond, John, 3, 39, 40, 41, 46, 48, 51, 56, 57, 62, 67, 71, 72, 74, 77, 81, 82, 83, 84, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 111, 113, 114, 150, 166, 168, 170, 171 Redmond, Major Wm, 60, 72 Rice, Hon Mary Spring, 95 Riordan, William, 11 Robertson, Field Marshal William, 16 Roche, Major Laurence, 46, 49, 53, 64 Roscommon, 112, 165, 171 Roscrea, 164 Rotunda Rink, Dublin, 45 Rowntree, B. S, 15 Royal Air Force, 63, 66, 67 Royal Army Medical Corps, 60 Royal Dublin Fusiliers, 20, 38, 44, 46 Royal Engineers, 41, 86 Royal Field Artillery, 65 Royal Hospital, Chelsea, 16 Royal Irish Constabulary, 1, 7, 43, 44, 79, 87, 88, 109, 113, 138, 144, 159 Royal Irish Fusiliers, 94 Royal Irish Regiment, 44, 65 Royal Munster Fusiliers, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 24, 25, 27, 37, 40, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 61, 64, 65, 68, 69, 75, 76, 77, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 105, 134, 168, 170 Royal Munster Fusiliers Old Comrades Association, 88

208 Royal Munster Fusiliers Old Comrades Association War Fund, 90 Royal Munster Fusiliers Regimental Fund, 27 Royal Navy, 25, 34 Russia, 95 Ryan, General, 20 Ryan, Mr. John, 20 Sadlier, Mrs, 27 Scotland, 23, 75 Scots Guards, 23 Seaforth Highlanders, 54 Separation Allowances, 19, 135 Shanagolden,, 43, 70 Shannon Laundry, 158 Shaw, George Bernard, 74 Shaw, Gordon T, 76 Shaw, Malcolm, 93 Shaw, Sir Alexander, 89, 90, 129 Sheehan, Lieutenant D. D., 50 Shine, Mrs, 28 Singleton, Johanna, 11 Sinn Féin, 59, 61, 63, 70, 71, 73, 81, 84, 86, 87, 101, 102, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 115, 116, 117, 119, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 159, 166, 169, 170, 171 Sixteenth Irish Division, 35, 38, 76, 91, 92, 168 Soldiers and Sailors’ Families Association, 27, 93 South Africa, 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 17, 18, 27, 28, 105 South Irish Horse, 85, 86 Southern Unionists, 41, 106 Spillane's Tobacco Factory, 90, 160 St. John's Ambulance Brigade Voluntary Aid Detachment No. 4, 94, 95 St. John's Hospital, 94 St. Michael’s Temperance Society, 118 St. Munchin's College, 97 Stevenson, Mr J, 132

Index Steyn, ex-President, 12 Strand Barracks, 18, 48, 98 Sullivan KC, Serjeant, 63 Supple, W.H., 91 Sutton, Abraham, 27 Swain, Rev G L, 93 Sweetman, Captain & Brevet Major J.J., 42 Taylor, Denis, 64 Tenth Irish Division, 35, 37 The O’Grady, 2 Thirty-Sixth Ulster Division, 76, 171 Tipperary Rural District Council, 84 Todd and Company, W, 27 Tralee, 17, 24, 87 Transvaal, 6 Transvaal War Fund, 29 Twelfth Lancers, 44 Tyrone, 107 Ulster Covenant, 120 Ulster Unionists, 106, 107 Ulster Volunteer Force, 45, 67, 76, 111, 170 Unemployed Workmen Act of 1905, 128 United Irish League, 5, 9, 11, 30, 31, 81, 84, 107, 109, 166 United Kingdom, 29, 115, 153 United States of America, 6 Vandeleur, C.E., 89 Vanderkiste, Mrs, 93 Villiers School, 44 Vinolia Company, 28 Vlamynck, Madame Zulma, 100 Wales, 75 Wall, Rev. Thomas, 71 Waller, B.J., 89 Waller, Dean, Canon, 93 Walsh, Councillor Patrick, 149 Walsh, Lieutenant, 64 Walsh, Private John, 64 Walsh, Thomas, 16 War Office, 22, 34, 36, 37, 39, 41, 43, 74, 75, 98, 133, 134, 139, 160, 169, 170, 180

The Impact of World War One on Limerick War Pensions Committee, 137 War Service Badges, 135 Waterford, 133, 162 Watergate, 40, 87 Weldon, DSO, Colonel Sir Anthony, 133 Westmeath, 85, 144 Westminster, 117 Westropp, Captain R. Massey, 69 Westropp, Colonel Massey, 41 Westropp, Lieutenant J. Massey, 69 Wexford, 164 White, Mrs, 27

209

Wilson, Field Marshal Sir Henry, 123 Wiltshire Regiment, 37 Wimborne, Lord Lieutenant, 54, 55, 58 Wixted, Private Michael, 38 Woodenbridge, 41, 71 Woolwich Arsenal, 132 Worcestershire Regiment, 42, 94 Yeats, W.B., 21 York and Lancaster, 85 York and Lancaster Regiment, 37, 44, 85, 161 Young Irish Society, 23