The Humanities and the Dynamics of African Culture in the 21st Century [1 ed.] 9781443893558, 9781443856263

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The Humanities and the Dynamics of African Culture in the 21st Century

The Humanities and the Dynamics of African Culture in the 21st Century Edited by

John Ayotunde Isola Bewaji Kenneth W. Harrow Eunice E. Omonzejie and Christopher E. Ukhun

The Humanities and the Dynamics of African Culture in the 21st Century Edited by John Ayotunde Isola Bewaji, Kenneth W. Harrow, Eunice E. Omonzejie and Christopher E. Ukhun This book first published 2017 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2017 by John Ayotunde Isola Bewaji, Kenneth W. Harrow, Eunice E. Omonzejie, Christopher E. Ukhun and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5626-6 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5626-3

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Eunice E. Omonzejie Part I: Ruminations in Metaphysics and Psychology Chapter One ................................................................................................. 4 Liberation Humanities? John Ayotunde (Tunde) Isola Bewaji Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 33 Consensus in Philosophy and the Dynamics of African Culture Chris Osegenwune Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 45 Integrative Metaphysics and Justice System in Communalism: Relevance to Contemporary Africa Chiedozie Okoro Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 63 Attaining Good Governance: Lessons from Isoko Indigenous Philosophy of Leadership Okpowhoavotu Dan Ekere Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 79 Challenges and Prospects of Paul Feyerabend’s ‘Flight from Reason’ for Science and Epistemology in Africa Blessing O. Agidigbi Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 99 Revalidating the Child Depression Scale of the Centre for Epidemiology Studies in Nigeria Rasaq Kayode Awosola, Julia Arit Omotajo and Joy Ebamien Aigbena

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Part II: Traditions: Pathos and Ethos Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 108 Population Growth and Environmental Ethics: A Study of Edo State, Nigeria Williams Willosa Edobor and Emmanuel Ibhafidon Aigbokhaebho Chapter Eight ........................................................................................... 121 Exploring the Ethics of Care in African Indigenous Thought Justina O. Ehiakhamen Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 133 African Youth Unemployment in the Third Millennium Anthony O. Echekwube and Joy Itoya Part III: African Religions Interrogated Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 150 Continuity and Discontinuity in ‘Missionary’ Christianity and African Traditional Religion Chris A. Obi Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 168 Islam and Esan Cultural Values in the 21st Century B. A. R. Adesina and E. I. Ukpebor Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 180 Traditional Burial Rites and Christianity in Culture Clash: Focus on Mgbowo Community, Enugu State Vitalis Nwachindu and Nkemjika Ihediwa Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 191 The 21st Century Nigerian Church and its Dynamic Interaction with African Traditional Religion Donatus Omonfonma Akhilomen and Thomas Oseyi Ebhomienlen Chapter Fourteen ..................................................................................... 203 Chastity in Biblical Times and Edo Culture: A Remedy for HIV/AIDS Pandemic in 21st Century Nigeria Gladys Bosede Ogedegbe and Moses Idemudia

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Part IV: Cinematic and Literary Connects Chapter Fifteen ........................................................................................ 220 African Cinema: Troubling the (Cinematic World) Order Kenneth W. Harrow Chapter Sixteen ....................................................................................... 233 The Émigré Returns: A Critique of Migrant Culture in Three Contemporary Francophone Narratives Eunice E. Omonzejie and Augusta I. Ohiowele Chapter Seventeen ................................................................................... 252 Eruptions of Naked Narrative in Selected African Novels Gabriel Kosiso Okonkwo Chapter Eighteen ..................................................................................... 263 Text, Culture and Meaning in Emma Eregare’s The Curse of a Woman and Osadebamwen Oamen’s The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods Kingsley I. Ehiemua Chapter Nineteen ..................................................................................... 277 Contemporary Africa in Lenrie Peters’ Poetry Isaac I. Elimimian Part V: Linguistics/Language Dialectics Chapter Twenty ....................................................................................... 286 Can Reincarnation Explain Linguistic Competence/Prodigy? Nnenna Nwosu-Nworuh Chapter Twenty-One ............................................................................... 305 Gender and Meaning in Igbo Romantic Pet-Names Bibian Anyanwu and Anthony C. Oha Chapter Twenty-Two............................................................................... 319 Hausa and Rundi Proverbs: A Semantic Analysis Marie-Thérèse Toyi

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Chapter Twenty-Three............................................................................. 333 Effects of Grammar-Translation Method on Teaching of French in Junior Secondary Schools in Edo State, Nigeria Peace Joan Alufohai Chapter Twenty-Four .............................................................................. 342 Aspects of Igbo Dialectology: Exploring the Sound Change between Nri and Ogwashi Dialects of Igbo Maria. I. Obadan and Bosco C. Okolo-Obi Part VI: Cultural Identities and Values Chapter Twenty-Five ............................................................................... 356 African Youth in the Context of 21st Century Cultural Dislocation: A Peep into Nigeria Nkemjika Chimee Ihediwa and Bright Chiazam Alozie Chapter Twenty-Six................................................................................. 367 Globalization and Cultural Management: Between Modernization and Westernization of African Culture Osedebamen David Oamen Chapter Twenty-Seven ............................................................................ 377 Emerging Culture of Negative Values in Contemporary Nigeria: Implications for National Development Julius O. Unumen Chapter Twenty-Eight ............................................................................. 395 Scrutinizing Scales of Kidnapping in Nigeria: The Edo State Experience Peter O. O. Ottuh and Veronica O. Aitufe Part VII: Performing Arts and Media in African Culture Chapter Twenty-Nine .............................................................................. 410 Nigeria, Mass Media and Gay Culture Chidiebere A. Nwachukwu and Kingsley C. Izuogu Chapter Thirty ......................................................................................... 423 Curtailing Security Challenges and Strengthening Democratic Spaces in Nigeria through Media Inventiveness Osakue Stevenson Omoera and Oluranti Mary Aiwuyo

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Part VIII: Culture: Theoretical/Historical Conceptualizations Chapter Thirty-One ................................................................................. 446 African Culture and Its Paradox in the 21st Century: The Nigerian Experience Anthony I. Okoduwa Chapter Thirty-Two ................................................................................. 455 Theoretical and Conceptual Understanding of the Dynamics of African Culture Idahosa Osagie Ojo Chapter Thirty-Three ............................................................................... 467 Multidisciplinary Approach to the Study of African History in the 21st Century Adewale Adepoju and Tope Omotere

INTRODUCTION EUNICE OMONZEJIE DEPT. OF MODERN LANGUAGES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

It is indisputable that Africa is at a crossroads in an increasingly globalized world. Equally unassailable is the fact that in Africa, the Humanities as a broad field of intellection, research and learning appears to have been pigeonholed in debates of relevancy in the development aspirations of many African nations. Historical experiences and contemporary research outputs indicate, however, that the Humanities, in its various shades, is critical to Africa’s capacity to respond effectively to the problems of security, corruption, political ineptitude, communal clashes, poverty, superstition, HIV/AIDS and Ebola pandemics, environmental degradation and kidnapping, among many other mounting challenges which confront peoples of Africa. The vibrancy and resilience of Africa’s cultures against these and other odds of globalization episodes in the course of our history, demand focused attention of academia to exploit their relevance to contemporary issues. It is within this purview that the Faculty of Arts, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma - Nigeria organized its 2nd International Conference from 12 to 15 March, 2014 with the theme “The Humanities and the Dynamics of African culture in the New Millennium” which sought to explore the relationship between the Humanities and these cultural dynamics in Africa and the African Diaspora. This book of carefully selected peer-reviewed articles is a product of that auspicious colloquium. The works presented in this compendium provide a comprehensive overview of issues in the Humanities at the turn of the 21st century, which create a veritable platform for the global redefinition and understanding of Africa’s rich cultures and traditions. These thought-provoking and compelling studies explore the possibilities of Africa’s anchorage on the Humanities for cultural development in the new millennium. Therefore the successful production of this volume represents a huge tribute to our Faculty’s commitment to academic excellence.

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The book is divided into eight sections based on the sub-themes of the colloquium preceding this publication. These are: Part I: Ruminations in Metaphysics and Psychology Part II: Traditions: Pathos and Ethos Part III: African Religions Interrogated Part IV: Cinematic and Literary Connections Part V: Linguistics/Language Dialectics Part VI: Cultural identities and Values Part VII: Media and Evolving African Culture Part VIII. Culture: Theoretical/HistoricalConceptualizations Contributions to this volume are unanimous in the conclusion that advancing our understanding of Africa’s cultural realities is critical to the establishment of sustainable development and socio-cultural stability. Certainly, they demonstrate how the influence of the Humanities is essential in addressing the developmental issues and challenges which plague the continent of Africa and its Diaspora.

PART I: RUMINATIONS IN METAPHYSICS AND PSYCHOLOGY

CHAPTER ONE LIBERATION HUMANITIES? JOHN AYOTUNDE ISOLA BEWAJI DEPT. OF LANGUAGE, LINGUISTICS & PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES, MONA KINGSTON, JAMAICA

================================================ Keynote Lecture delivered during the second Faculty of Arts International Conference on The Humanities & the Dynamics of African Culture in the 21st century, March 11 to 15, 2014 at Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Nigeria

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Introduction More than two decades ago, Nigerian universities went through the throes of a fraught, confused, misguided and flawed disciplinary rationalization in the tertiary level of education. The University of the West Indies went through a similar experience in the mid-90s, which led to the transition of the Unit of Philosophy becoming the third leg of the Department of Language, Linguistics, and Philosophy, and subsequently the Faculties of Arts and Education merging to form what is now the Faculty of Humanities and Education. The effort at rationalization was not unprecedented in most countries of the world as there has always been a need to find a proper mix and balance between the training of the young for service delivery, production of local needs, and for export, and in the general training of the workforce to meet the needs of national development. And when societies define paths to development in certain ways, there usually arises the need to align the training efforts and strategies to the targets set for development. The question one could ask is: was the rationalization driven by the developmental objectives of Nigeria, Jamaica, and the Caribbean (in the case of the University of the West Indies), or was it driven by real or concocted resource dearth? In the case of Nigeria, the latter was the case. Rationalization was not motivated by development imperatives but by resource allocation

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misplacement of priorities (Nigeria is good at manufacturing crises where none exist), which warranted the search for the soft targets from which diversions of resources could be made, to feed the expanding and uncontrollable appetite for misappropriation and conversion of public funds to private use, or for feeding private overseas accounts. Even more significant was the challenge that some of the faculty members may not have been teaching what they were paid to teach, as they continue to peddle to their hapless wards the need for them to emancipate themselves from mental slavery of the twin bogey of religious backwardness and ethnic jingoism in the case of Nigeria, while in the case of Jamaica there is scant appreciation of the destructive pervasiveness of the contrived tribalism of political partisanship by the members of the academy who should champion the emancipation of the inheritors of colonial and plantation slavery to move to self-ownership of their destinies, as Bob Marley had canvassed when he advocated that people should emancipate themselves from mental slavery. And to compound matters, in recent times, there were reports of a state in the South West of Nigeria where the misguided powers (in the executive arm of government) told teachers of history, the indigenous languages, and other “ephemeral”, subjects, to go and find something “better” to do – including higglering as option, politics (parasitism of the first order), law enforcement (police and “wetin u carry” ability), food vending, and farming! This is not to say that higglering (long distance buying and selling of eclectic items as in haberdashery), food vending or farming are not noble and respectable occupations which require a lot of entrepreneurial skill and discipline to be successful at; what rankles is the ignominy of the imbecility of such a directive from functionaries of government charged with the responsibility of leading present generations to secure better future for generations unborn. Regarding the vaunted rationalization bandwagon heralded by a cacophony of pollutive noise, what we witnessed was the loss of direction for both the educational system and traditions in terms of focus, principle, practice, and goal, to the extent that we started to glorify area boys and girls in the academy. Virtually all aspects of life are suffused with noise, panning into what I have described as the higgler-ization of the academy and the Coronation-ization of discourse, after the Jamaican Coronation Market open buying and selling traditions, which were retentions from the African heritage of those forcibly enslaved in New World plantations. In this discussion we suggest that the inherited humanities education, as we have it passed down to us with the legacy of colonialism and Oxbridge tradition, without liberation from the shackles of

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institutionalized intellectual slavery, colonialism, imperialism, cronyism, and global hegemonic pressures and directives from external erstwhile controlling colonial forces, cannot but continue to produce the parodies of humanity which have bred upheavals, discontent, insurgency, misplacement of resources, and total abandonment of reason in official quarters in Nigeria; of which the one mentioned earlier of (a) a government disparaging humanities education, as well as (b) the global unemployment/underemployment of the youth that pervades Nigeria and Jamaica, and indeed many African landscapes, and (c) the near failed state status of Nigeria and Jamaica, with rampant crime and near anarchy are just some examples. To clarify what is meant here we divide our discussion into four sections in which: a) We examine the epistemicide on which the inherited humanities education has been built in Nigeria, as well as in other Africana societies, b) We chronicle the deleterious effects of this epistemicide on Nigeria, Jamaica, and the rest of global Africa, bearing in mind that Africa has six regions as defined by the African Union. c) We articulate what we describe as liberation humanities and, d) We sketch, by way of recommendations, the potential positive effects of liberation humanities on Nigeria and the rest of Africa and its Diaspora.

Epistemicide By a quirk of macabre genius, Western (establishment male Western with its extensions in North America and the Pacific in the form of Australia and New Zealand) societies seem to have mastered the art of cultural engineering necessary to destroy the social, cultural, political, educational, psychological, religious, and all other intellectual modes of being of peoples of other climes (Mazower 1998). As Europe awoke from its primitivism and backwardness, being behind human beings in other climes until the middle of the last millennium, and carefully perusing the foundations of atavistic domination of other people, choreographed in its new found religion, with the most violent scriptures ever concocted in human history as guide, it set about the business of world domination in earnest. What is known as the Dark Ages in Europe was only dark because it was a time when Europeans suffered from extreme poverty, ignorance, disease, and want; a time when its humanities, the sciences, and technology were so rudimentary that it had only succeeded in occasional

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emergence from the cave to gaze in awe at the ferocity of nature, while looking down South and East in awe at the greatness of the Egyptians, the Abyssinians, the Persians, the Indians, and the Chinese with envy and greed (Mazower 1998). This was responsible for the sudden ferment of theories of political and social existence, evidenced in the contract theories, designed to explain and tame the extremisms of political power holders in society and generating strands of nihilism, fascism, and existentialism (Bewaji 1998). Clearly this was a time when Africans, as well as human beings in other climes, had understood the processes and forces of nature, domesticated animals, dammed the Nile, knew about Caesarean Section, neurosurgery on the human head, performed various feats of architectural engineering, mapped the movements of the “heavenly” bodies, created empires and states, and advanced the knowledge of pharmacology, metallurgies, mathematics, sciences, and technologies (Mokhtar 1990; Davidson 1992, 1995; Shyllon 1987). We may remember that when Europeans finally became aware that there were other human beings in other parts of the world and started venturing out of their abysmal enclaves, they called such forays explorations, discovery journeys and expeditions. Driven by the desire to find resources to support the miserable existence of the cold regions and the appetite of the bourgeoisie goods and services, by contrast with the exploited class, Europeans forayed into other climes for exploitation, appropriation, and expropriation. It was no wonder that when they got to the Caribbean they thought, in ignorance, they had reached the land of Genghis Khan and the Indian subcontinent, naming their newfound land the West Indies. Even more fantastic was the idea that Columbus discovered the Americas, a continent with which Africa had traded and to which its migrant and visiting traders and settlers had bequeathed the Pyramids and other accoutrements of civilization. But these European falsifications of history are still being taught to our children today, making us welcome and celebrating a black history month as a corrective to thousands of years and months of destruction of African history, indigenous knowledge systems, cultures, and civilizations. It is very serious that having been deceived that civilization began only 2,600 years ago, when the Western man became human, and that all else before then was naught; having been enslaved or colonized by superior brutality, and having been dependent for so long on the pittance that the oppressive West has ever been generous to drip and trickle down, the only thing that the Africana human being could aim to become is Western (Taiwo 2010, Fanon 1961, 1952). We not only do this by wearing three piece suits in 40 degree Celsius weather (in Botswana in December for

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example), nor do we simply ape the white male’s mannerisms and idiosyncrasies, we become disconnected socially from each other by becoming individualistic and atomistic, not caring to take interest in each other’s existence. To compound the situation we also disconnect by buying into the political party contestations of greedy cabals in the name of the warped farce called “democracy”, and we top it up by toning up our skins, so as to attain what is regarded as high colour (browning), or marry up (marrying a light skinned person or of Indian, Chinese, or Caucasian extraction, no matter how ugly the person may be) to gain acceptance for our humanity, within the group of those we consider superior on account of their complexion! And even when science tells us that there is no superior or inferior humans anywhere, and even when apostles of freedom in the West celebrate equality of humans (meaning equality of thieving whites), Africana peoples still, out of self-hatred or ignorantiam tremens, continue to prefer the rejects of the foreign societies as expatriates in their own societies. All of these add up to a rank failure that we must speak of, so that maybe, just maybe, someone in the quarters of power and authority would say: “Wait a minute! How did we get to this sorry pass so quickly? We, who were descendants of great ancestry, what happened to turn us into collective beggars that no one wants to see? How did we become a collective disaster as a people, capable only of dusting the shoes of other people? Why are we totally shameless in the decadence of our existence, pursuing crass primitive accumulation for personal aggrandisement, in opposition to looking out for our collective interest? Why are we capable only of drawing the proverbial water and hewing stones and making mortar and bricks for the development of other races, their cities and civilizations, and not finding anything good in ourselves and in our kind?” We even wholly swallowed the sham suggestion that borrowing and indebtedness were necessary for the development of our societies, thereby becoming enmeshed in the debt trap, grants and aids dependency syndrome, and using the best of our resources to service interests on these loans. We should instead be able to utilize our resources for education and other social services for our people. And probably then someone would do a more serious analysis of the diet of rubbish that we call education – Western education – the purveyor of Western barbarism, which is mostly capable only of destruction in the name of progress and civilization through inordinate consumerism and pollution, and then maybe we would seek to redirect our mode of upbringing of our young to a more civilized and indigenous African path, and then probably our humanity may be restored and the rest of the world may come back to learn from us again,

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as the masters who made humanity possible in the first place! But in order to properly understand the Africana predicament, there is a need to understand what I call “epistemicide”, which in my view, is the most carefully crafted and implemented mechanism for the destruction of Africana peoples.

Understanding Epistemicide Both “genocide” and “infanticide” are examples of crimes that have been recognized by all civilizations as acts of cruelty, inhumanity, and reprehensible oppression by humans to other humans and to our common humanity. Genocide has received the most condemnation, by comparison to infanticide, because of the experience of the Jews; but the other peoples who have been the targets of genocide, like the Palestinians or similar gruesome experiences in Africa, the Americas, or Asia, have not been fortunate to have equally condemned their oppressors and destroyers. This is probably a result of the limited capacity of the victims of these assaults to advocate, demand, and obtain redress, which evidences the Yoruba proverb, bi owo eni o ba i te eku ida, a ki I be e re iku to pa baba eni – if one is not holding the sword by the handle, one should not ask what/who killed one’s father. But no effort has been made, to the best of my knowledge, either to understand, document, and annotate the worst form of human cruelty and destruction, with the most effective harmful effects on peoples and cultures that has ever been devised by human beings and visited on other human beings – epistemicide – or to actively redress its effects. What is epistemicide? How does it work? How is it used? What are the motives of its purveyors? What effects or consequences does it have on societies and peoples and their development? Why is it so dangerous? Who benefits from it? How is it to be redressed or defeated, in order for Africa’s proper development to begin in earnest? These are only some of the pressing critical questions that must be asked and answered. It is clear to me that raising these issues may not be popular, just as mentioning the question of reparations to black people for the sordid slaveries in the Atlantic and the Arabian worlds are unpopular, and efforts to bring them to light usually disregarded. Let me itemize the various manifestations, stages, and advancement of “epistemicide” as was perpetrated by the Europeans on Africa, before undertaking a precise definition of the phenomenon. This inventorization, I believe, will place in proper relief, and beyond doubt, the situation which Africana peoples have to contend with, in order to ever begin to undertake

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the project of continental independence and there-after intellectual and cultural reclamation for the overall project of identity and existential redemption for global African peoples: a) In the first instance, we have the Hamitic hypothesis, which suggested that because of some egregious event in some remote part of the Arabian Desert, where one drunken man’s nudity was accidentally observed by his son, all blacks were cursed to be servants to all other hues of humanity. b) Second was the deliberate stealing of the intellectual cultural heritage in the arts, sciences, mathematics, technologies, civilizations, artefacts, religions, epistemologies, and metaphysics of Africa, among others (Bernal 1987; Davidson 1966, 1992; Diop 1974, 1978, 1992; James 1954; Okpaku 1988; Sertima 1991, 1993; Williams 1971; Williams 1931). Thus we now hear even from colleagues that Africans only had oral traditions, as if it was possible to build and maintain the cities that dotted the space-scape of Africa before the Common Era without writing, record keeping, and science and technology. c) The third stage which followed was a period of consistent, persistent, meticulous, concerted, and systematic assault on and destruction of African indigenous knowledge systems, the historical evidence of African civilizations, value systems, governance structures, arts, philosophies (metaphysics especially), religions and philosophies of religion, and identities (Diop 1974, Bernal 1987, Williams 1971, James 1974). d) The next stage is the denial of the existence of African civilization, the denial of African intellectual contributions to humanity, and the attendant denial of the great African scientific and technological knowledge systems and the denial of the existence and meaningfulness and validity of alternative and other epistemological and metaphysical paradigms, apart from the Judeo-Christian European and AraboIslamic paradigms (Hegel 1958; Locke 1990; Farrar, Tempels, Goody 1971, 1977; Horton 1993; Croegaert 2005, etc). e) The deliberate replacement of African knowledge systems, educational content, systems and practices, value systems, cultural ideas and practices, identities, religious systems and practices, ideologies and metaphysics of being, with European (and Arab) ones that were developed in environments of discord, poverty, and inhumanity of the most extreme became a systematic objective when the first Europeans finally ventured out of Europe.

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f) The culmination of the above was the total negation of the humanity and intellectual capacity of the subaltern peoples of the world – with Africa being the most affected. What then is “epistemicide”? I define “epistemicide” as the deliberate act, behaviour, exercise or crime, violent or non-violent, overt or benign, of omission or commission, committed against a group or groups with the sole or ultimate intent of destroying the existence of the group or groups; it is a coordinated plan of different actions and inactions aimed at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national or racial groups, with the ultimate intention of annihilating the groups themselves or making a nullity the identity, self-esteem, self-awareness or corporate existence, as autonomous or separate being, of a group or groups. It is the deliberate, calculated, concerted and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group identity, or belief in such separate identity and existence, through the negations of their knowledge systems, denial and expropriation of their intellectual property, and foisting on the intellect of the target society or group a mendicant and supplicant, genuflecting approach to existence. It is by far more dangerous than both genocide and infanticide combined, but it often manifests in the most sophisticated and benign manner, subtly appearing to create in the victim a Stockholm syndrome kind of reaction and attitude. This is because epistemicide, when visited on the intellectual heritage of any group, society, or people, has a lasting effect, which transmutes into internalized, replicable, self-destruction of the intellectual heritage of the target society or group, thereby becoming self-sponsoring, self-propelling, self-promoting, and almost irreversible in consequences. Old habits die hard and every local white researcher who has access to some funding and some half-baked idea constitutes himself/herself as an expert on Africa, claiming to know where Africans came from and how they have lived their lives in the jungles and in the crevices of the deserts! Various scholars have enunciated aspects of this phenomenon - from Fanon to Rodney and Taiwo - but what has been missing has been a synthesis, to explain why the Africana predicament is this parlous. Even as late as 1999, Croegaert would write the following imponderable nonsense: At a later date an important cultural landmark appears whose origins seem to be round about 900 BC: the Nok culture. This culture will develop in a surprising and original way between 500 BC and 200 AD on the Bauchi plateau north of the Benue-Niger confluent (sic) in what is now Nigeria. It is one of those privileged places where the classical elements propitious to

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Chapter One the birth and propagation of all cultures are present: streams and rivers, the “roads-that-walk”. Here then appears the first evidence of a typically Negro artistic creation: terracotta figurines with thick prominent lips, stylized coiffures, and enlarged eyes with slightly divergent pupils producing already the artist’s personal vision which goes beyond descriptive naturalism (Croegaert 1999, 19).

His exercise does not warrant being dignified in any way, but we note it just to show how deep-seated epistemicide is, and how lasting the epistemic deficit that arises from it has been. It is to this – leadership epistemic deficit – that we now turn.

Effects of Epistemicide on Nigeria and global Africa – Epistemic Deficit How does epistemicide work? How is/was it used? What are the motives or goals of its purveyors? What effects or consequences does it have on societies and peoples and their development? Why is it so dangerous? Who benefits from it? How is it to be redressed or defeated, in order for Africa’s proper development to begin in earnest? To answer these questions there is a need for us to annotate what is described as epistemic deficit here, especially on the part of Africana social, scientific, technological, political, economic, religious, intellectual, ethical, aesthetic, cultural, and psychological leadership. Olufemi Taiwo (2010) has described How Colonialism Preempted Modernity in Africa, by separating Christianity from colonialism and thereby lamenting the fact that the colonial masters did not allow Christian modernity to take root, so that the Europeanization of Africa would have been complete, and the cloning of the African humanity after the Western European ego-individualist destructive paradigm would have been total. He thinks that the various problems afflicting Africa, such as those of governance, economic disempowerment, technological weakness, social non-cohesion, educational deprivation, cultural and religious limbo, intellectual and scientific backwardness which leads to the acceptance of mediocrity, and numerous other ills in the Africana socio-political terrain, are consequences of Africa failing to be properly and totally colonized with wholesome ideas of modernity. He assumes that the colonizers were altruistic and benevolent human beings, who were set on the agenda of true “civilization” of the peoples of other climes, such that it was because some miscreants in the colonial process misappropriated and mismanaged, for personal and group narrow selfish interests, that Africa’s developmental process were scuttled and derailed. For Taiwo (2010, 51), it is:

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Needless to say, the program of economic transformation that a true transition to modernity would have necessitated never took off: from the standpoint of the dominant administrator class, the colonies were useful only for the natural resources that could be extracted from them. This is why we must develop a different attitude in our assessment of the missionary role in the transition to modernity in Africa.

For someone who started out an illustrious academic carrier with a careful examination of the philosophy of individualism, it is strange that he was able to make the kind of distinction that he makes between the instrument of colonization and the goal or effect of colonization, approbating one and denigrating the other, without seeing that there can be no meaningful way of separating the instrument from the product. The objective of his analysis is the empowerment of Africana scholars with epistemic tools for proper analysis and understanding of the African predicament, but this has become circumvented in a quagmire of personal disenchantment with the miasma of African material, cultural, intellectual stagnation, and economic underdevelopment. This is an understandable quagmire, but the exculpation of religion from the totality of the project of epistemicide leads one to appreciate even better the intellectual and leadership epistemic deficit that we wish to annotate in this section. As a person who is closely acquainted with the contributions of this author in the trenches with the progressive activism and protest movement against colonialism, it is strange how Taiwo came to the conclusions he has reached, especially when one bears in mind the content of the Christian scriptures and the use to which they have been put historically to underwrite slavery, colonial, and post-colonial projects. In my view, the objective is different, but the methodology is akin to what the colonial scholars have articulated. Taiwo’s objective is to stimulate scholars to begin to take a second look at the reasons why Africa’s development has, at best, been epileptic if not totally comatose, and why Africa has remained at the bottom of the socio-economic, material, and technological development. But his reasoning is so similar to that of Horton in uncanny ways and even in the selection of parsimonious illustrations, that one would wonder whether Taiwo realizes it. Take for example, when he says: The second obstacle to my kind of rethinking is that nationalist historiography, as well as a widely dispersed anti-colonial animus among African intellectuals, leads to a plague-on-all-your-houses attitude, under which it is almost de rigueur for African scholars to criticize anything colonial and, by association, anything Western. One unfortunate effect of this attitude is that it does not differentiate between what Christianity did

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Chapter One and what colonialism wrought; and as a result gives short shrift to the ideas and strivings of Africans who accepted Christianity but not colonialism and celebrated what it brought them in terms of social living, being human, and such like. It is part of my hope that the case made here will persuade more scholars to take the products – ideas, institutions, practices – of African agents more seriously, regardless of whether or not we agree with them (Taiwo 2010, 52).

To properly understand the hiatus here, it is only necessary to illustrate what I describe as “epistemic deficit”. At the presentation of my essay “Education and Society – Requiem for Western Education in Africana Societies” in Rio De Janeiro CBAAC International Colloquium in November 2008, one member of the audience asked me how I was able to celebrate the death of Western education, when it was that education which made it possible for me to be here, far away from my African continent hometown, speaking this foreign tongue – English– so well and being able to be understood by diverse peoples whose native languages were not even English? The assumptions were that were it not for good old colonization, I would not have been able to be so far away from home and to be understood by peoples of other climes, as if Africans had not roamed the world before Europe became civilized enough to venture out of its miserable land space. Further, it was presumed that my humanity would not have been meaningful or complete without my colonization, as if your, my, our ancestors who built the pyramids, the great cities of Zimbabwe, the West African cities before Western males visited them, dammed the Nile, and who had visited the Aztec country and built pyramids there were not way more civilized than the primitive cavemen which Europeans were until the beginning of the last millennium. For them, the best accident that ever happened to me was my being educated in Western schools and being able to speak in this forked tongue; after all, this is what Robin Horton (1993) had meant when he celebrated the world, or European language, English: “And comparisons between such thought-systems required a standard, universally-current medium. Both of these considerations dictated that the thought-systems of the various peoples of the world be translated into terms of a `world' language. And for the time being, ‘world’ language meant Western language” (Horton 1993, 2). When I say that contemporary Africans have a leadership epistemic deficit in all areas, I do not mean that Africana leaders are lacking in all manners or forms of technical know-how, formal or book knowledge, schooling in the form of attendance at classroom-based learning, geared toward parasitism and elitism. That type of oversimplification will not be

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meaningful, nor would such general intellectual insult be sustainable in any way. In fact, to make such an arrogant statement would condemn one’s analysis to a limbo of political grandstanding. Nor am I suggesting that some of the African intellectuals are not probably the most brilliant in the areas of their specialization – including sadly, as in the case of Taiwo above, being some of the most brilliant apologists of colonialism when they set their minds to it! To understand “deficit”, I use the analogy of finance and business – this is the domain from which I borrow the term. Deficit in finance and business is not necessarily evil, especially when the person, group, or state challenged understands exactly what is short, missing, or weak and it is temporary, but more importantly it is recognized as merely a contingency bridge and concerns investment in productive venture capable of generating profit in the future. In this regard, it is critical to have a terminal span within which the shortage will have been eradicated, so that healthy independence can be restored and normal – equilibrium – operations, which saddle the business with no compromising overhead, is emplaced. Liberal economists would urge that there is need often for externally generated resources – Foreign Direct Investment – to propel development and growth, with the ostensible goal of becoming independent and capable of operating on one’s steam. However, when deficit in this sense becomes the new norm and remains the only permanent feature of business; when businesses, individuals, or states persistently live on borrowing, with no end in sight for the liquidation of debt; when the temporary investment or expenditure bridge becomes recurrent, when deficit becomes endemic, when the agency borrows to service interest on a loan, when one receives aid, grant, or other such resource only to be repatriated to the source; then one must understand the vicious poverty cycle that it generates. Thus, when what should be an occasional and one-off event becomes the norm, such that one is hood-winked into the “Rome was not built in a day” syndrome, or into “it is common practice in business to borrow” mentality, then one may only be working or living to facilitate the wealth of the lender, rather than earning to sustain oneself and to generate prosperity. We have seen this in various Ponzi schemes in private organizations and in governments – the end result is bankruptcy, whether in Greece, United States of America, Jamaica, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, or France. It results in the debt trap – and this has meant that states and organizations become puns in the chess games of their creditors. Let me itemize the grounds on which I charge Africana leadership with epistemic deficit, and then synthesize these ideas to explain the

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phenomenon and its pernicious consequences for Africana societies, thereby directly and indirectly answering some of the questions indicated above. We listed the features above, but we can now better situate them in context. First, African knowledge systems, traditions, institutions, metaphysics, cultures, axiology, and modes of being, having been negated, denied, and consigned to flames of racial intellectual nonexistence and inferiority (epistemicide), and these foundations of existence became alien to African peoples, then the curse of intellectual deficit is manifest (Bewaji 2003, 2013). Africans had to struggle for affirmation of their humanity first and what should have been a brief preface to a narrative of being seems to have become the story itself, or put in the language of deficit, what should be a short-lived situation becomes a permanent trap, dissipating energies and consuming resources – for example, African intellectuals first having to show that Africa and Africans had indigenous philosophy or traditions of critical reflection on history, literature, or religion. Karenga represented the desideratum for this effort very clearly in the preface to The Book of the Dead as follows: This volume is another contribution to two ongoing projects – one general, the other specific. First, it is another contribution to the general ongoing historical project of rescuing and reconstructing African culture … We contended that the key crisis and challenge in African life was one of culture, the challenge to rescue the best of ancient African culture and use it as a paradigm for a renewed modern African culture and community. Only then, we argued, could African people retake control of their destiny and daily lives, shape their world in their own image and interest, and step back on the stage of human history as a free, proud, and productive people. Also in this way could they speak their own special truth to the world and make their unique contribution to the forward flow of human history (Karenga 1990, xi).

What constitutes education in Africa now relates to learning purely to be able to fit into a pre-ordained cadre in the scheme of the EuropeanAmerican world. African leaders were deluded into thinking that having attained political independence and kingdom, all other things will be added unto their societies; this was a pipe dream which the writer of the “Forward” to Claude Ake’s (1996, vii)) Democracy and Development in Africa represented as follows: In most of Africa, colonial rule left a legacy of intense commitment to independence, but few ideas regarding appropriate economic policies. Immediately after the new states achieved independence, the political

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environment was hostile to development. The internal struggle for power was the absolute focus of attention. But the new leaders soon realized that they needed some new legitimizing theme to replace liberation ideology, and they settled on economic development as a natural alternative. With sparse resources of their own to work with, however, they looked to foreign powers to finance their aspirations and thereby reintroduced in the economic context some of the issues of dependence they had settled in the political context.

Second, not having been properly schooled in the heritage of Africa, the leadership that inherited a well-fought independence then mortgaged the independence through various actions emanating from their epistemic deficit. They bought into the idea that what will make Africa developed is not derivable from Africa, as they thought that it was the superiority of the European culture that accounted for the colonization of Africa, rather than the opposite. They abandoned all things African, including the traditions of ethical existence, humanity of African relations, and commitment to community and careful protection of the weak and vulnerable in society. Embracing an invidious form of individualism, they began to study the various subjects, without appreciating the cultural foundations of these subjects, while the goal was not so much for enriching society but the self; they thereby facilitated the various schisms that have proven very debilitating to the progress of society. Third, African leaders were now without proper cultural foundations, being “roast bread fruits”, “coconuts”, or “Oreos”, exhibiting the Black skin, white mask syndrome which Fanon so ably discussed, or “Bhutus in Benzes” as Nettleford described them. Thus, African leaders would rather employ white technicians to provide solutions to technological challenges in Africa than African engineers with superior intellectual and technical capacity; they would rather be dressed in three piece suits even when the temperature is 40 degrees Celsius and there is no air-conditioning in the location, sweating like Christmas he-goats; and they would rather go to Europe for holidays than travel to another African country to know what their neighborhood was like. Fourth, since the success of epistemicide was total, many of our youths are more knowledgeable about foreign heroes and classical authors and foreign indigenous art and culture, while African schools teach next to nothing about African heroes, intellectual heritage, African religions, African cultures, and African modes of existence. Even more curious is the total manner in which Africa now imports foreign goods and ideas, technologies, educational systems, religions, values, beliefs, and practices, even when these ideas are worthless and only lead to pernicious

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consequences for Africana societies. The result is that epistemic deficit then leads to financial and business deficit for Africa, thereby becoming developmental deficit. Fifth, Africana societies now embrace a minimalist conception of education which only emphasizes certification and which fails either to approximate the etymology or the evolution of what one can call the equivalent of the concept in Yoruba language, eko. There is poor appreciation of Western understanding of education (in the way in which Western society makes sure that the foundations of their society are taught to their young). We have not tried to underline in our African context, the social, spiritual, and cultural aspects of a meaningfully rounder education, to make the individual male or female member of society an Omoluabi – a well cultured, humane, and civilized person, not just a trained, skilled, academic, intellectual, or certificated person whose only business is taking his/her society to ransom for perceived wages. Those of our intellectuals who have canvassed a deliberate attention to our indigenous ideas, beliefs, cultures, and intellectual traditions are then given bad names and called traditionalists, or reverse racists, or some other even more odious nomenclature. Without any attention to our own cultures, we expect the foundations of the cultures of other peoples to provide solutions to African problems. Sixth, having been intellectually emasculated, we have no compass in determining how to be human. Dispossessed of values that derived from the original ancestors of humanity who first traversed the whole world, before the migrations which led to the population of the furthest extremes of the globe and the racial differentiations occasioned by this, Africans cannot now resist the definitions of civilizations and advancement derived from Euro-American cultures. This leads to circumstances where certain preferences are regarded as normal, while others are not and societies which live on the fringes of sanity, being heavily inveigled by drugs and all other forms of sexual orientations and perversions, simply because these produce temporary pleasure and do not lead to immediate death, they are now foisted on Africans who cannot reject these fiats because of economic mendicancy, which a leadership that suffers epistemic deficit has imposed on their societies. Where anyone dares to challenge the validity of these new orientations and lifestyles, the usual fare is namecalling and denunciations at decibels that border on hysteria and irrationality. Seventh, in the political domain, the twin gridlock of neo-imperialism which makes independent African states maintain their treasuries in colonial Europe and the virtual colonial policies imposed on members of

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the same geographical domains where two European languages are used by different geographical sections of an African country are a perfect demonstration of the fruits of epistemic deficit that we discuss in this paper. In the first instance, the collusion and acquiescence of the so-called civilized west to the imposition of destructive taxation on Haiti after the latter had defeated the allied forces of Europe and America to gain its independence, leading to the total resource denudation of Haiti, is a case in point. In the second instance, the fact that the ex-colonial African countries of a particular language stock have no control over the resources accruing to their countries, because they have no independent banking arrangement or currency (Francophone Africa), means that these countries are being raped openly without any so-called civilized Western society raising a finger in objection. And in the third and final instance, the fact that Africans who used to live amicably together but who have now been colonized by different European countries now see each other as less than human (as in the case of Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons), in terms of inferiority and superiority, speaks volumes to the success of epistemicide and the consequent intellectual epistemic deficit which pervades the corridors of power in African countries. Last but not the least, the difficulties that African governments have had over the last half century in putting together a pan-African governance mechanism is evidence of the problems we are talking about. Even when the transition was made from OAU to AU, the endemic differences and polarizations have ensured that a United African Federation Government was impossible, because each time policies and programmes are fashioned in Addis Ababa, the different African governments have to consult with the colonial masters as to the expediency of carrying through with such programmes, and once they are told to demure, that is the end of everything. Any African government which disobeys must face the music – Patrice Lumumba, Julius Nyerere, Amilcar Cabral, Kwame Nkrumah, Muammar Gadhafi, Obafemi Awolowo, M. K. O. Abiola, and many others have been made examples of, so as to discourage recalcitrance and insubordination. What the above shows is that Africana leadership is totally off-base in its erroneous equation of education with literacy, acquisition of technical skills, attainment of various forms of certification, and attendance at Western format tertiary educational institutions for an extended period of time to all that is required to be educated and to become a decent human being in society. Thus, the sorry states of Africana societies cannot be otherwise, when we bear in mind the degree of epistemic deficit that is currently prevalent in Africana leadership corridors.

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Chapter One

I will conjecture that “culture”, properly understood, can be regarded as the embodiment of the ways of life of human beings within the collective that society enshrines, as evolved through their interaction with each other and with nature (Bewaji 2003, 2013). Historically, the culture of each society has shaped the modes of existence and interaction of members of society, both with those who are regarded as belonging to the society and those who are outsiders, and the various educational theory, system, process, content, tools, and practice have been instruments for the transmission and propagation of these ephemeral cultural dynamics – in changing, modifying, or perpetuating the culture. Based on the analysis we have undertaken here, Africana peoples have a serious challenge, which relates to the ways in which institutions, structures, practices, and belief systems foisted on their societies have concretized and become defining elements of existence, reality understanding, and moulding in these societies. What is the solution?

Liberation Humanities In order to appreciate what we call for here, we would first look at a comparative intellectual experience in Latin America. Ironically, this experience is purloined through the prism of religion, but what is significant is that the purveyors of this development were migrants from Europe, who disdain the intolerable encroachments of their homeland on their existence in the new spaces in which they have situated themselves. This is liberation theology: it was a Catholic insider insurrection against established conservative dogma which kept the poor in their ordained places in the schema of existence, and preaches that their poverty was a result of their sins. Added to this was the contention that truth, divinity, and salvation emanate from Rome and Europe and from nowhere else, and obedience is enjoined to the dictates of the Ecclesiastical authorities in Rome. Liberation theology attempted to challenge this orthodoxy. By definition, liberation theology contended that the church should derive its legitimacy and theology by growing out of the circumstances of the poor; the theologians who canvassed this view advocated that the Bible should be read and experienced from the perspective of the poor. The church should be a movement for those who were denied their rights and plunged into such poverty that they were deprived of their full status as human beings. The poor should take the example of Jesus and use it to bring about a just society. They interpret the Trinity as a model for cooperative and non-hierarchical relationships among humans. But the more contentious of their claims had to do with the claim that the church

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should act to bring about social change, and should ally itself with the working class to do so. Liberation theology provides the impetus for some clergy to get directly involved in politics, drawing the ire of the Vatican; while others even aligned themselves with the advocacy of liberation of the masses - by all means necessary, the masses of the people must be accorded equality of humanity. For this reason, some of the advocates shunned the trappings of wealth and pitched their tents with the poor, living in depressed housing conditions in which the poor lived. The bible of liberation theology is The Theology of Liberation. For our purposes, there are a number of things that must be understood. In the first instance, because the clergy were émigrés from Europe, being Catholics by descent, it was easy for them to oppose the domineering effects of Papal autocracy. It was not the masses of the poor who developed liberation theology, thereby fitting into the Marxian ideas of an enlightened middle class taking the lead in liberating the masses from the yoke of oligarchs and feudalists. Second, it could be found that the effects of liberation theology on political life in Latin America is bearing fruit now, as most Latin American countries are progressives, leftists, or liberal in orientation, taking seriously the empowerment of the masses of the people through culture-centered education (as in Brazil) or economic integration of the people (as in Venezuela). Lastly, the educational infrastructure of Latin America has undergone tremendous cultural domestication and overhaul, creating among the population an outlook that was patriotic and communitarian. For the purpose of this discussion, I will conjecture that the humanities, broadly speaking, are those academic disciplines that study human culture, society, modes of being within interactive spaces, peace, war, ethos and pathos of relationships, etc., using methods that are primarily critical, or speculative, and have a significant historical element, in contradistinction to the empirical approaches of the natural sciences. For this reason, I include, among others, the following disciplines: Languages, literatures, philosophy, education, religion, arts, history, anthropology, economics, sociology, archaeology, psychology media, development, sports, gender, finance, marketing, government or political science, environmental, communication studies, cultural studies, law and linguistics. The artificial distinction based on the pretended capacity for scientific exactitude which regards the social sciences as science, rather than as intrinsically humanities in nature, fissures here to accommodate liberation.

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Chapter One

As it is currently, the humanities is (as the other disciplines that are taught at our tertiary institutions in global Africa are) shackled by the hegemonic albatross of eccentric and alien orientation, which makes a number of assumptions favorable only to Euro-American continued domination of human existence in the world. The assumptions were elicited in the section on epistemicide. Claude Ake (2009) bravely explicated this in Social Science as Imperialism; I annotated these matters in Narratives of Struggle (Bewaji 2012), while Fukuyama, that ultrarightist scholar, also expounded on it in Trust (1995), and Gordon’s Disciplinary Decadence (2006) is seminal. What is even more significant is that outsiders – UNESCO, among others – have come to the same conclusions reached by the perceptive scholars mentioned above, and are urging that our educational institutions champion what I call for here – namely, overhauling what we call education, which has only produced parodies of human beings, who are only fit to serve other societies and not their own. What our educational institutions have done and continue to do for the last century of their existence almost is produce academics and graduates in all disciplines who hate themselves, politicians who not only hate themselves but hate their ancestry, and social scientists who are incapable of understanding that there is no perspective that is neutral and objective, whether in science or in mathematics or any other discipline. I would be bold to argue that it is impossible for any group of people to become liberated by others from poverty and control. The people themselves must take deliberate steps to liberate themselves, and the tool for liberation is first and foremost knowledge – knowledge of self, group, environment, ancestry, nature, society, the world and beyond. It is yet to be seen any group of people who develop on the basis of borrowed metaphysics or conception of being and reality, as it is also yet to be seen how borrowed undomesticated socio-political and cultural presuppositions can assist any group in self-liberation. And the starting point of such liberation is the humanities – knowledge derived and taught to affirm the being of the humanity of the individual within the collective of the sociocultural group. I will illustrate, beginning with what we have allowed to happen to African languages within the educational setting. Having been taught that our mother tongues are vernacular, we have hated our tools for engaging, documenting, researching, and transmitting our knowledge of reality, and as a result we do not teach our children our languages, write these languages or take pride in them to sing, love, resolve conflicts, and manage our existence. A good friend of mine once told me that he thought he was being civilized when he and his wife insisted that his children not speak Edo languages, and the second born,

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now living in Jamaica, says he understands, but cannot speak his mother tongue! It is not idle chatter to lament the fact that many middle class families prohibit the speaking of their own mother languages in their homes – a reflection, I suspect, of the punishment they suffered in high school where they were severely punished if they spoke “vernacular” at school – even during the indigenous subject periods! A visit to any of our urban churches confronts you with a congregation that is linguistically homogenous but which insists that the parson speaks in English and must be translated or vice versa for authenticity of sermon. Roman Catholicism insisted that sermons be in Latin originally, while in the case of Islam, its claim on the soul of the convert was complete, as the Quran must not be translated and prayers are called in Arabic and rendered in Arabic, because these are the only languages understood by Allah (God). I had a discussion with a graduate student of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, recently, and I was amazed by the kinds of ideas that our youth are still being taught. At the end of the exchange I was left with a bitter taste in my mouth. I am still stumped that in the 21st century colleagues still teach students ideas that devalue the indigenous traditions of Africa and the value systems built on it. It is my hope that this student will not stop at what was taught at the tertiary level, but ensure that a process of redress is embraced to correct the various errors inherent in what is propagated as education in these institutions. Recently there was the news item about how the Ghanaian Cedi was devaluing and, from high government officials to local clergy, all were praying for the demon that has tied the Cedi to release it! They would not address the real issues that were leading to the devaluation, but because they expect reality to defy the laws that govern events in the world, their actions at governmental and individual levels can be mitigated by divine interventions. This is very sickening! It was the same way that the Minister of National Security in Jamaica was praying for divine intervention to curb crime in Jamaica, after he was robbed where he had gone with his girlfriend for a weekend tryst. While in Nigeria, we as a people pray for divine intervention to stop crime and violence, and in the 1980s in Ibadan people were praying for Yemaja to cease cursing Omiyale, instead of addressing the causal factors responsible for crime and flooding! I remember quite clearly Baba Eleran and Balu balu n t'afin, Egibiti kii ri ran osan and the defeat of IICC Shooting Stars in Egypt, as well as at Adamasingba Stadium, Ibadan. When we look at other aspects of our existence, we cannot but wonder why it is we produce crude oil, send it to others to refine, and import the refined products at expensive prices and wonder why we are a poor

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people! Passing the unnecessary costs to the poor people then becomes a favor, because letting them have oil related products in the first instance is a favor! A serious people would know that, economically, there can be no benefit in such an arrangement, but that is not the kind of science, social science, or humanities taught to our technocrats – domestic and imported. All of them have had a disaster of no mean proportion happen to them – Western education! American youth learn about American football – NFL (which they carry with the hand), basketball – NBA, baseball, and wrestling – WWF. The English teach their kids about cricket and football, and Canadians teach theirs ice hockey. What do we teach our children? Not even wrestling (Ijakadi), Arin or Ayo Olopon is regarded as sportsmanlike enough to merit teaching. Our music, cultural, and medicinal chemistry are neglected, and various other indigenous knowledge systems, which can propel the transformation of our lives, are abandoned. At the end of the day, we wonder why we are so poor. This reminds me of Victor Famoyin, my Ilesha Grammar School Economics teacher in 1973-75, who gave us an assignment: Critically discuss – we are poor, because we are poor! You may wonder what a tautology, but when you look at it, and the fact that we have not improved since then, you will agree with him that the reasons we are materially and economically poor are because we are intellectually and spiritually poor. Boko Haram, armed robbery, kidnapping, and various other ills in society did not happen overnight. We worked hard for them and invested heavily in the conditions that make them possible, and fed them with ready hands and minds for the destruction of our collective patrimony! In Jamaica and the Caribbean region, the University of the West Indies boasts of producing the top government functionaries – Prime Ministers, Premiers, and leaders of governments at various levels. This is indeed commendable, as it shows that the institution has not failed society in the task of manpower development. But when you look at these societies led by the graduates of this University, their economies are dependent on aids, grants, remittances, and loans. Does it mean that the best the University could do was produce leaders who only know how to manage poverty, borrow money to pay salaries and wages, solicit for grants for social programs and poverty alleviation efforts, aids and loans for capital development – rank mendicancy? Is it not disgraceful that societies which were on the lower rung of development when Jamaica became independent are now being approached by Jamaica for technological assistance and other forms of hand-outs, as in the case of Singapore,

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Malaysia, and the other so-called Asian Tigers, and countries of the Pacific Rim?

Recommendations for Liberation Humanities The development of humanities education, based on foreign conceptions of humanity, society, culture, economics, security, conflict management and resolution, religion and family orientation, and others, is very misguided. When UNESCO identified the near century failure of the faculties of education in Africa to produce teachers who would lead the challenge of national and continental development, it was a single annotation of the mindless following of foreign ideology that must be squarely blamed on the weakness of our intellectual preparation of national and continental challenges. All societies of the world, keen on transformation, begin the process through a sense of nationalism, patriotism, and identity development, which create the trust capital between the leadership and following. Fukuyama’s discussion may be regarded as ultra-rightist by many, but the fact that many African societies have not been able to translate huge resources to development, on account of the leadership failure which, in greed, only promotes myopic self-interest, is the alien nature of the relationship between the governed and the leaders. Even more curious is the fact that members of the leadership cadre have continued to use styles of leadership inherited from the colonial system, which operated on the basis of domination of the colonized, divide and conquer, rentier extractive imposition of punitive and impoverishing taxation systems, and floundering insecurity challenges to diminish the capacity of the general population from investing time and energies in proper self-empowerment, instead of on unnecessary self-protection and procurement of basic necessities of modern living. And to compound the situation, members of the leadership group are not ashamed to send their own children to foreign educational institutions, seek medical attention in foreign countries, or invest so much of the stolen national resources in the development of patches of desolate arid wilderness in the Arabian desert known as Dubai or Doha! For the analysis, we have engaged calls for serious scholars to come together, first and foremost to have a retreat or workshop, one dedicated to pondering how the parlous situation of the humanities in Nigeria, and indeed the whole of the African world, can be redressed. There is no time to waste, as regardless of how many resources a society has, if there is no enlightened and committed leadership strata to drive the process of development, such development will simply not happen. African scholars

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must begin to recognize the wealth of knowledge which our ancestors developed, and by so doing begin the investigative and reflective engagement that will help us to generate homegrown foundations for Africana development. Even more serious is the fact that Africa needs to encourage the intellectual capital it has locally and extra-continentally (globally) to collaborate in the development of processes and mechanisms for extricating Africa and Africana societies globally from the crunching poverty and disease that afflicts masses of its people. But to take the suggested steps above, African scholars must lead the way in discarding the disrespectful disdain, contempt, and embarrassing disconnectedness that currently lead them to snigger at the intellectual foundations of their ancestral survival. They must see the parallel between the indigineous and foreign metaphysics of religion, ethics, science, social science, and psychology, among others, in order to be able to use the indigenous knowledge systems as propelling launchpads for greatness. The religiously brainwashed, the intellectually narrow-minded and diminutive attitudes of our academics, which suggest there is nothing in their own ancestry worth quoting or researching, must change. This interdisciplinary task must start with the humanities, and then extend to the pure or applied physical sciences, the technologies and applied technologies of nuclear, aeronautics, mathematics, medicine, etc. In the Caribbean and at the University of the West Indies, a number of steps must be taken immediately to begin the process of liberating the humanities. It is sad that we teach and expect our students to graduate and become reflective individuals and functionaries of society when we do not provide them with the intellectual tools to carry out such reflective engagement. That the University of the West Indies has existed for almost a century and had no Philosophy Department that is autonomous is a disaster of unimaginable proportions. The way in which everything we do at the University has been shortchanged cannot be fully comprehended unless we look at the cadre of divisive, clannish, tribalistic, and destructive leadership which this University provides for Jamaica, and which African Universities have produced globally. The best that Western education has done for global Africa has been to emplace a cadre of Western clones whose best effort can only affirm European hegemony at the expense of Africa. When it is stated that the 21st century is a knowledge society century, this does not mean that every society will participate. Some will be consumers, whose only contribution is to take the microphone made by the youth of other societies and shout inanities into it for feckless and drugged youth to jump up and down senselessly in the name of music – calling

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themselves dancehall artists or rappers. Yet some societies will go to Mars and determine how to avoid disasters of all kinds given the knowledge generated. How does one contemplate the situation in which Global Africa has no think-tank devoted to research in indigenous knowledge systems relating to society, pharmacology, environment, law, justice, education, etc? This is a grave omission on the part of Africana leadership globally. It is the shame of our intellectual collectivity that even while emplacing socalled centers of excellence in the five regions of Africa there is no vision to ensure there is a centre of excellence in the Africa Diaspora where coordination could take place for addressing the interests of global Africa and the knowledge systems diffused globally as a result forced and voluntary migrations of peoples of Africa from ancient, modern, and contemporary times in the same way in which China, India, and Europe undertake similar intellectual coordination to ensure continued attention to issues of geopolitical and cultural interests. Please, do not get me wrong. I am not being unnecessarily harsh to the University of the West Indies as an institution of higher learning, without reason. I am only making the University the stalking-horse to illustrate the collective failure of our capacity to plan and execute development strategies on our own terms. I ask why is it that the University of the West Indies (and other African Universities) cannot find space to recognize global African stalwarts in the diverse fields of human existence? Why are we so bent on micro-managing poverty and weakness at the University in global Africa in the name of our narrow conception of power – hugging up the little offices we occupy to the point where we forget that someone was in the office before us and someone will be there after us? Why is it so difficult for UWI to garner the goodwill of its past students in any appreciable way, such that there are no edifices to commemorate their successes and memories? Could it be that our culture of plantocracy is so alienating that our past students do not even want to be associated with us? Could there be some epistemological gap in the process – arrogance, posturing in emptiness, or absence of depth, which enforces a non-existent distance between faculty and student? As someone who has always lived away from home from very early, I have learnt that one must live within one’s means. Could a better humanities education teach our students, for their own sake and for their children’s, that there is virtue in modesty – and cultivate a philosophy of leadership and followership that will be capable of standing the challenges of external shocks and internal schisms? Could UWI and our higher institutions begin the process of building the humanity for the future in the Caribbean and global Africa, rather than doing business as usual, whereby

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the graduates of UWI and our higher institutions constitute the predators who manipulate, cheat, and oppress to attain and maintain power? Nigeria has been in the season of anomie for a long time, as Soyinka would aver. Before the 2015 national elections in Nigeria were postponed, I was thinking that the elections would have started and the liberation of the masses would have begun, but the old saying that corruption will fight back seemed to be immutable. What is being urged here is not to be interpreted as an empire quest, which is too late in the day, as this student of philosophy understands transience and appreciates the terminality of contracts based on retirement requirements. It is my considered view that a properly structured humanities academy at UWI and in global Africa, liberated from the modus operandi that produces only clones of narrowly educated parasites in Western (and now Eastern) societies, will have the capacity to engage leadership in reflective and reflexive interrogation of governance systems and practice – especially in philosophy of leadership, philosophy of culture, philosophy of governance, environmental ethics, etc. I suggested many years ago that leadership cannot be a hit or miss matter, because human nature is too volatile to be left to chance for global Africa, in the hope that one day Africa will be lucky to get the kind of leadership which will be Africa-centered and altruistic enough to make it a priority to use the resources of Africa for the development of the human inhabitants of the continent. My view is that departments of philosophy in global Africa could be combined with strategic studies institutes and centers for indigenous knowledge systems to provide the leadership workshops, retreats, briefing, and seminars for new executives, ministers, parliamentarians, and leaders of NGOs. For instance, this kind of approach has the advantage of, (a) preventing the kind of impasse generated by the regime of sex education material introduced into homes of wards of the state in Jamaica some time ago, because the agendas of national protection of interests of vulnerable youths will not be left in the hands of mendicant NGOs dependent on foreign donors to perpetuate the intellectual and cultural domination of local poor and vulnerable communities; (b) preventing the possibility or recurrence of the Dudus Saga, which seemed to have happened because the Jamaican government had a warped conception of how official Washington operates – America has no permanent friends (except the state of Israel) but permanent interests – in global affairs with impunity because of its dominant financial involvement in the multilateral financial institutions used to manage and coordinate the global debt and aids structures of the world; (c) enhancing the internally generated development programs are funded and orchestrated by local

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resources, without dependence for execution on the kindness of external donors whose goals and interests subsume the continued domination of world affairs. In the life of a people and a country, it is never too late to begin the process of putting in place lasting and concrete traditions that will help to consolidate on the good, and reduce the undesirables.

References Abiodun, R. 1983. “Identity and the artistic process in the Yoruba aesthetic concept of Iwa.” in Journal of Cultures and Ideas. Vol. 1, No. 1. pp. 13-30. Ajayi, S. A. ed. 2005. African Culture and Civilization. Ibadan: Atlantis Books. Ake, C. 2009. Social Science as Imperialism. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. Akiwowo, A. 1983. Ajobi and Ajogbe: Variations on the Theme of Sociation. Ile-Ife: University of Ife Press. Akiwowo, A. and O. Morakinyo. 1981. “The Yoruba ontology of personality and motivation” in Journal of Social and Biological Structures. Vol. 4: 19-28. Alao, A. 2011. Politics, Culture and Development in Nigeria. Lagos: Concept Publications Ltd. Alcoff, L. M. 2006. Visible Identities. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Andah, B. W. 1982. African Development in Cultural Perspective. Ibadan: Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan. Asante, M. K. and K.W. Asante. 1990. African Culture. Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press. Barthes, R. 1972. Mythologies. New York: Transaction, 1972. Bhabha, H. K. 1994. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge. Bewaji, J. A. I. 2012. Narratives of Struggle – the Philosophy and Politics of Development in Africa. Durham: Carolina Academic Press —. 2013. Black Aesthetics – Beauty and Culture: An Introduction to African and African Diaspora Philosophy of Art. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. Bewaji, J. A. I. and Elvis Imafidon. 2013. Ontologized Ethics. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Brophy, A. L. 2006. Reparations: Pro and Con. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Calvocoressi, P. 1985. Independent Africa and the World. London: Longman. Crowder, M. 1968. West Africa under Colonial Rule. London: Hutchinson.

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Craig, D. ed. 1996. Education in the West Indies. Kingston, Jamaica: ISER. Desai, V. and R. B. Potter. Eds. 2008. The Companion to Development Studies. London: Hodder Education. Dicken, P. Global Shift. 1999. London: Paul Chapman Publishing Co. Diop, C. A. 1990. The Cultural Unity of Black Africa. Chicago: Third World Press. Diop, C. A. 1991. Civilization or Barbarism. Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books. Du Bois, D. E. B. 1990. The Soul of Black Folks. New York: Vintage Press. Edwards, J. 1995. When Race Counts. London: Routledge. Elkins, S. M. 1962. Slavery: a Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Engel, S. M. 1986. With Good Reason. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Etuk, U. 2002. Religion and Cultural Identity. Ibadan, Nigeria: Hope Publications. Eze, E. C. 1997. Race and the Enlightenment. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Falola, T. 2003. The Power of African Cultures. New York: University of Rochester Press. Fanon, F. 1952, 1967. Black Skin White Masks. New York: Grove Weidenfeld. Fanon, F. 1961, 2001. The Wretched of the Earth. London: Penguin. Foucault, M. 1995. Discipline and Punish. New York: Vintage Press. Freire, P. 2003. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum. Gordon, L. R. 1995. Bad Faith and Antiblack Racism. New Jersey: Humanities Press. —. 1997. Existence in Black. New York: Routledge. —. 2000. Existentia Africana. New York: Routledge. Halwani, Raja. 2010. Philosophy of love, sex, and marriage: an introduction. New York: Routledge. Hord, F. L and Jonathan S. Lee. Eds. 1995. I Am Because We Are. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press. Horton, R. 1993. Patterns of Thought in Africa and the West. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hurston, Z. N. 2006. Their Eyes Were Watching God. New York: Harper Perennial. Idowu, E. B. 1966. Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief. London: Longman Inglis, F. 1994. Cultural Studies. Cambridge: Blackwell. Inikori, J. E. The Chaining of a Continent. Mona, Jamaica: ISER Caryl.

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James, C. L. R. 1980. The Black Jacobins. London: Penguin Books. —. 2005. Beyond a Boundary. London: Yellow Jersey Press. James, G. G. M. 1954. The Stolen Legacy. New York: Philosophical Library. Johnson, Samuel. 1921. History of the Yorubas. Lagos: CMS Press. Karenga, M. 1990. The Book of Coming Forth by Day. Los Angeles, California: University of Sankore Press. Lawson, W. A. 1996. Religion and Race: African and European Roots in Conflict, A Jamaican Testament. New York: Peter Lang. Lewis, R. C. 1998. Walter Rodney’s Intellectual and Political Thought. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press. Lewis, R. and P. Bryan. 1994. Garvey: His Work and Impact. NJ: Africa World Press. Loomba, A. 1972. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. London: Routledge. Magdoff, H. 1969. The Age of Imperialism. New York: Monthly Review Press. Magubane, B. M. 1994. The Ties That Bind: African-American Consciousness of Africa. New Jersey: Africa World Press. Martin, T. 1976. Race First. Dover, Mass: Majority Press. Mazower, M. 1998. Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century. London: Penguin Books. Mazrui, A. A. 1978. Political Values and the Educated Class in Africa. London: Heinemann. Mills. C. W.1997. The Racial Contract. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. —. 1998. Blackness Visible. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Moseley A. G. African Philosophy. Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 1995. Nettleford, R. 1993. Inward Stretch Outward Reach. London: Macmillan. Odinga, O. 1967. Not Yet Uhuru. New York: Hill and Wang. Okpaku, J. ed. 1972. Nigeria: the Dilemma of Nationhood. New York: The Third Press. Olela, H. 1981. From Ancient Africa to Ancient Greece. Atlanta, GA: Select. Osundare, N. 2005. The Universe in the University. Ibadan, Nigeria: University of Ibadan. Prior, M. 1972. The Bible and Colonialism. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academy Press. Ramose, M. B. 2002. African Philosophy Through Ubuntu. Harare, Zimbabwe: Mond Books. Reiman, J. 2007. The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison. Boston: Pearson.

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Rodney, W. 1982. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Washington DC: Howard University Press. Sanders, A. 1987. The Powerless People. London: Macmillan. Sartre, Jean-Paul. 1992. Being and Nothingness. New York: Washington Square Press. Scholte, J. A. 2000. Globalization: a Critical Introduction. New York: Palgrave. Schur, E. M and H. A. Bedau. 1974. Victimless Crimes. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Seligman, B. B. ed. 1968. Aspects of Poverty. New York: Thomas Y. Crowley and Co., 1968. Sen, A. 2006. Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny. New York: W. W. Norton and Co.. Shapiro, H. L. 1953. Race Mixture. Paris: UNESCO. Shyllon, F. 1987. Freedom, Justice and the Due Process of Law. Inaugural Lecture, University of Ibadan. Soble, Alan. 2008. The philosophy of sex and love: an introduction. St. Paul, MN: Paragon House. Strachan, L. S. 1992. Confronting the Color Crisis in the African Diaspora: Emphasis Jamaica. New York: Afrikan World Infosystems. Sumner, C. 1974. Ethiopian Philosophy. Addis Ababa: University Press. Taiwo, O.2010. How Colonialism Preempted Modernity in Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Trevas, Robert et al (Eds) .1997.Philosophy of sex and love: a reader. Upper Saddle River, N.J: Prentice Hall. West, C. 1993. Keeping Faith. New York: Routledge. Williams, C. 1974. The Destruction of Black Civilization. Chicago: Third World Press. Wolpe, H. 1988. Race, Class and the Apartheid State. Paris: UNESCO. Zack, N. 1998. Thinking about Race. New York: Wadsworth Publishing Co. Zaslavsky, C. 1999. Africa Counts: Number and Patterns in African Cultures. Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books.

CHAPTER TWO CONSENSUS IN PHILOSOPHY AND THE DYNAMICS OF AFRICAN CULTURE CHRIS OSEGENWUNE DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY, UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS, NIGERIA

Abstract The emergence of civil society is predominantly to ameliorate the human condition, since no individual, however wealthy, is self-sufficient. The provision of basic necessities of life by humankind created a platform for interaction and social progress. In this process of interaction, self and group interests surfaced, resulting in disagreement, conflict, and sometimes violence. For the purpose of progress and development, as well as to ensure peace and stability, various methods have been adopted at one time or the other to resolve these problems. One of such methods is consensus, which is an agreement by a group of people to adopt a common position in resolving conflict and controversy. In principle, consensus appears democratic, but in practice, it can become an ideological weapon of achieving a temporal harmony. The application of consensus in human decision-making process in Africa is increasing day by day, especially in the political domain. Unfortunately, these decisions affect the generality of the population without a corresponding positive result. The majority of the African populace is thus confronted with illusion and delusion, while the few in the corridors of power smile home with unquantifiable benefits. This chapter examines the prospects of adopting consensus in African socio-political environment through the prism of philosophy in the face of the dynamics of African culture. Key words: Consensus, Philosophy, Culture, Democratic, Dynamics.

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Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to examine the fallacies and contradictions of consensus in decision-making in social and political arenas. The question as to whether consensus is profoundly equipped to resolve contending issues is still debatable, in spite of the strategic role it plays in conflict resolution. This question becomes pertinent in view of the complex nature of conflicts in Africa and globally. Consensus as an ideological framework has all the potentials of stabilization, regulation, and synthesis towards a peaceful resolution of conflicts, but human nature tends to make its attainment difficult. Looking at the dynamic structure of society, and considering the tribal mindset inherent in our political decisions, the capacity and capability of attaining a permanent social and political stability appear elusive. This position has been articulated before by Max Weber, who sees consensus as existing when expectations about the behavior of others are realistic, because the others will usually accept these expectations as valid for themselves, even without an explicit agreement. For the Marxists, consensus is a highly ideological concept used to perpetuate class rule by attempting to disguise the extent of conflict within society (Grant 2007). The position expressed by Max Weber and the Marxists is a reflection of different conceptions of consensus in some societies. In developed societies, the application of consensus to resolve conflicts may record a huge success because of the level of democratic culture. It is doubtful whether the same can happen in Africa, where political gladiators deliberately manipulate the political process for selfish interest. Essentially, instead of agreement, there exists only coercion, and any resistance or opposition is usually eliminated. This chapter is therefore set to scrutinize the success or otherwise of consensus in managing political and social tension in Africa.

The Nature of Consensus The root of consensus in human decision is not only epistemological and metaphysical, but also ethical. These are core philosophical branches or aspects that make the concept an inevitable instrument for social and political action. At the level of metaphysics, Heraclitus, a pre-Socratic metaphysician, “identified change as the cosmic principle of reality; noting that reality is in a constant state of flux” (Durant 1966, 144-145). By this thesis, Heraclitus maintains that human reality is not fixed, but is a fluctuating phenomenon. On the epistemological level, knowledge needs

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cooperation and collaboration for validity, justification, and the avoidance of legitimation crises (Wamala 2004). From the point of view of ethics, values constitute a paradigm of right, wrong, good, and bad. These core branches of philosophy deploy vibrant methodologies to prescribe ways of evaluating the results of human actions. Going down memory lane, Partridge (1971, 10) maintains that: Throughout the history of social thought, consent and consensus have been ideas both persistent and elusive: persistent, because there have been thinkers in all times who have held that there must be an element of agreement or consensus in the constitution of human society; and elusive, because these thinkers have always found it difficult to specify what the nature of that consensus may be.

He stresses that the idea that human society somehow depends on a voluntary agreement by its members to associate for the achievement of common goods, and upon the voluntary acceptance of mutual rights and common agreements, is one of great antiquity. The point Partridge is making here is that political and social authority are created by, and sustained by, the will and consent of the governed. This is the philosophical foundation of the social contract. Over the years, especially in Africa, the people have lost control of their role in consensus as an instrument to resolve conflict. This accounts for the proliferation of crises and instability in African socio-political environment. Making a contribution on the fallacies and contradictions of consensus as an inevitable instrument of conflict resolution, Wamala (2004, 437) is of the view that embracing consensus in African traditional society is politically expedient to avoid legitimation crises. According to him, consensus seems to have been at the heart of social and political organization and the ethos of society. The necessity of consensus seems to have been rooted in the firm epistemological belief that knowledge is ultimately dialogical or social, and in the ethical belief in the collective responsibility of all for the welfare of the community. Western theorists, in his view - like Jurgen Habermas, who emphasized the social or dialogical nature of knowledge - are only restating an old truth long discovered and lived in traditional African societies. No one has a monopoly of knowledge; everybody is in need of the knowledge and opinions of others. Issues have to be examined, cogitated over, and discussed until a general agreement is reached as to what is to be done. Wamala has observed that a deliberate practice of what he calls “epistemological authoritarianism” has become the order of the day in most African societies in political and social decisions. Epistemological

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authoritarianism is an imposition of an ideological viewpoint, sometimes to the detriment of the common good. If we have to emphasize consensus as dialogical and social, then consultations, integration, and openness must be uppermost in its implementation. This is because consensus plays a role in philosophy as a discipline where practitioners present arguments from their orientational backgrounds. This accounts for why philosophy does not have a universal accepted definition, as theories are colored by perspectives and dimensions. The problem of epistemological authoritarianism in distorting consensus, and, by extension, leading to conflict and instability, is given a clear articulation by Kwasi Wiredu in his work Philosophy and an African Culture (1980). In this work, Wiredu outlines three complaints that can afflict society. These complaints include anachronism, authoritarianism, and supernaturalism. By anachronism, he means anything in the form of policy or principle that runs counterproductive as a model of development. Anachronism then becomes the failure to perceive things for what they are, and to discard or modify them as the case may require. He observes, quite frankly, that various habits of thought and practice can become unacceptable within the context of the development of a given society; but an entire society too can become anachronistic within the context of the whole world if the ways of life within it are predominantly unacceptable. My take in Wiredu’s position is that every society is to some extent afflicted with anachronism, which results in tension and conflict between groups and individuals. The manifestation of this shortcoming as observed in various societies is what tags a society as developed, developing, and under-developed. One of the best ways to manage the crisis that results from anachronism is the modification or the outright discarding of such a practice in order to make room for peace. Without peace, development becomes impossible. The second complaint that afflicts society, in Wiredu’s view, is authoritarianism. According to him, any human arrangement is authoritarian if it entails any person being made to do or suffer something against his will, or if it leads to any person being hindered in the development of his own will. This paper recognizes respect to constituted authority, but the use of force or subtle coercion, which authoritarianism represents, lays the foundation for violence and conflicts. Wiredu at this point observes authoritarian trends in our educational institutions, resulting in a distinction between education and indoctrination. For him, education is the kind of training of the mind that enables the beneficiary to make deliberate rational choices. Indoctrination on the other hand, is the kind of molding of the mind that leads to ingrained choices. Wiredu insists that any training intended to enable people to make

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deliberate rational choices must aim at enabling them to perceive, in relation to any given issue, as many relevant alternatives as possible; for there is no choice in the absence of perceived alternatives, and the omission or concealment of a relevant alternative extinguishes a potential choice. The implication of Wiredu’s thesis on authoritarianism, as it affects our present educational system, calls for a radical reflection. Educational institutions whose curricula are patterned on religious beliefs provide sufficient ground for debasing the mind, making it ill equipped to handle the complexities of development. For the most part, religious beliefs and practices in most African societies are responsible for the persistence of insurgency. A typical demonstration of authoritarianism happens when one raises questions on why certain things are done in a particular way instead of another way. One is likely to meet responses such as: “This is usually the way it has been done in the past; I do not entertain any argument”. The questioner may be frustrated, believing that there could be other better and simpler ways to carry out such a task. A radical question on an issue legislates between alternatives. The inability to entertain questions about the reasons behind an established practice by superiors or an institution is the groundwork of the authoritarian mentality. Wiredu concedes that the authoritarian mentality is deeply ingrained in our society, noting that political authoritarianism, which consensus reflects, is only an unsurprising reflection of this grass-roots authoritarianism. Wiredu raised a critical question on traditional culture and authoritarianism. This is the question; was there anything in our traditional culture that exhibited the authoritarian creed? His response is in the affirmative. Our traditional society was authoritarian because our social arrangements were shot through and through with the principle of unquestioning obedience to superiors, which often meant elders. Is it always the case that superiors are embodiments of knowledge, wisdom, and the technical know-how that drive our contemporary society? Nobody is an embodiment of knowledge in any society. Superiors may have capacity in terms of wisdom and strength because of their wealth of experience, but this does not rule out infallibility. Every opinion should be respected on its merit, whether it is coming from a subordinate or superior. The third complaint that afflicts African societies, in Wiredu’s view, is supernaturalism. Wiredu makes it clear that by supernaturalism he does not mean the belief in the existence of supernatural beings. Such forces may exist or not, but recourse to such beliefs as the basis of harm to humanity is rejected. Morality should not be directed towards supernatural forces as some African societies see it. The opposite of supernaturalism is

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humanism, the view according to which morality is founded exclusively on considerations of human well-being. He maintains strongly that when rules, policies, and actions are based on people’s appreciation of the conditions of human well-being, there is, indeed, no absolute guarantee that consequences will always actually be in accord with human ideals, human understanding being limited (Wiredu 1980, 5). The three complaints that afflict society, as listed by Wiredu, constitute the hub of traditional African societies. We claim to be in the age of modernism and postmodernism, but epistemological, metaphysical, and ethical authoritarianism is becoming entrenched in the way things are done. One is not suggesting that we should discard our value systems, except those that are counter-productive in our institutions, namely, laws, religion, and cultural practices. The way our value system is sustained in political and social realm does not seem to encourage the institutionalization of consensus as a tool for conflict resolution. On a closer look, these factors that afflict society are related, because there seems to be a common denominator between anachronism, authoritarianism, and supernaturalism. This does not rule out a position from the opposite direction of the ideal posed here. The issue of participation to enhance consensus in human decisionmaking in African socio-political environment has created a monster of instability, which is threatening peaceful co-existence, and, by extension, development. The questions that agitate our minds on the use of consensus in decision-making are as follows: What is consensus? Is consensus democratic? Does it take into cognizance the multidimensional character of human beings? Is consensus not another imposition of undeserving candidates, which affects the stability of the political process? To address these and other questions, this segment of the chapter takes a critical look at consensus and democracy in our national lives. Consensus and democracy in a theoretical framework are not just appealing and desirable, but also elusive in the realm of application to human decisions.

Consensus Key (1961, 27) observes that the magic word consensus solves many puzzles, but only infrequently is the term given any precise meaning. In his 1853 book, Cours de philosophie positive (The Positive Philosophy, reissued in 2009), Comte refers to radical consensus as social organization, where he emphasized the fullest mutual relation between all parts of an organism which, according to him, is the governing principle of Social Science. In his analysis, consensus appears to refer to the condition of

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integration or congruence of all parts of a social system; the inspiration for the use of the concept appears to be the functional interdependence of the parts of the organism. Comte also speaks of the regular and constant convergence of an innumerable multitude of human beings, each possessing a distinct and, to a certain degree, independent, existence, and yet disposed to concur in many ways in the same general development. For Comte therefore, consensus appears to have a wider connotation, referring to a general state of congruence, cohesion, and interdependence between the parts of a social system (or “organism”) and “concurrence”, the identity of beliefs, attitudes that may be characteristics of the members of society. This seems to be one of the manifestations or modes of the more general state of consensus. On his part, J.S. Mill appears to agree with August Comte on the ambiguity of the concept of consensus. In Book V1 of his 1843 System of Logic (2002, Chapter ix), he says that the term derives from physiology, and, referring to Comte, he says that consensus relates to the fact that nothing that takes place in the operations of society is without its share of influence on every other part. From here he defines consensus as the uniformities of coexistence between the different states of the various social phenomena. He is of the view that for some pioneers of scientific sociology, who introduced the term into sociological theory, the notion of consensus is not limited in its reference to agreement about beliefs, attitudes, values, norms, and objectives, but is used much more widely to refer to the interdependence or inter-connectedness of the parts of a society. In his Modern Social Theory, Cohen arrives at a definition of consensus through a discussion of conformity and compliance. In particular instances these latter may be induced by coercion, but Cohen argues that within any stable society, there must always be “some consensus on norms”. He maintains that consensus on norms, in contrast with enforced compliance with them, involves commitment, and especially commitment to values, which support the social norms. “What is usually meant by consensus”, Cohen says, “implies that adherence to norms is not purely based on inducement or coercion, but also on acceptance of certain values and on the psychological need to conform, which is itself a fundamental value” (Cohen 1968, 143-4). In view of the foregoing, we can state that consensus serves the function of integration, cohesiveness, and mutual dependence. The problem of coercion comes in through implementation to ensure compliance. This is where the concept appears to lose its symbolic value.

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One cannot argue convincingly that consensus does not lead to a temporal resolution of conflicts of interest, which affects the group.

Democracy The difficulty of defining consensus is also applicable to the term democracy. Individuals, groups, and societies claim to be democratic depending on the kind of goal or interest they are seeking. As a result of the inability to satisfy its mission, democracy has attracted a wide condemnation among its practitioners. One of the oldest and most traditional definitions of democracy was given by Abraham Lincoln as “government of the people, by the people, for the people” (Ebenstein 1967, 3). The heart of democracy is the fact that people govern themselves. In a democratic dispensation, a majority decision is imperative, while the minority should also have a say. In the Greek city of Athens, where democracy is said to have started, it involved equal participation of all adult citizens. This accounts for why Plato termed it a mob rule, because it did not allow the best candidate to emerge. Democracy has gone through various phases from one epoch to the other. In Africa for example, emphasis has been on its domestication, even though the foundation seems to be shaky. Since it is based on a majority decision, democracy is a government of consent and consensus. The question now is: do the people drive policies and decisions for their own welfare? This is a critical question, because politicians who have politicized democracy by reverence for partisanship in all circumstances have disregard for the people. Their practice of politics demonstrates that the party is supreme, while the people remain at the periphery. Africa is encouraged to democratize through the introduction of party pluralism. It has been observed that the democratization process is largely externally generated, and has not taken full cognizance of the internal cultural dynamics of societies in which these changes are being introduced. The multiparty system, and also the party system itself, is compatible to the consensual values of societies (Wamala 2004, 440). Wamala contended that political parties, through which vehicles elections are conducted, have come to the scene with many promises, but at the same time, with many inherent problems. The party system, as presently constituted, appears to alienate the people with the kind of consensus put in place, thereby de-emphasizing the role of the individuals and promoting the interest of the few in political action. With the rise of the party system, the party replaces the “people”. The candidates proposed by the party no longer appear as individual men and women of flesh and blood. What we

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have are party members whose target is to protect the party and to ensure through all means that the party remains in power. The essence of consensus is to carry everybody along in terms of common interest. This makes it democratic. Wamala is of the strong view here that there is a conflict of interest between party members and those they claim to represent. This is where consensus becomes problematic, with the aspirations and projects of the electorates. Party members seem to be above the people that they represent, even at critical moments showing their loyalty to the party. In the other hand, political parties have come with yet another problem. Any party worth its name will try to capture power in order to implement its programs. In order to come to power or retain it, political parties have had to resort to Machiavellian strategies, acting on the notorious principle that “the end justifies the means”, political parties in modern Africa have drained political practice of all ethical considerations. These ethical considerations, in my view, had been the key features of traditional political practice. As the traditional values that are thrown overboard were the guiding mechanism of consensus formation, what we are left with are materialistic considerations that foster the welfare not of society at large, but of certain suitably aligned individuals and groups. Articulating the philosophical basis for democracy and consensus, Wiredu argues that decision-making in traditional African life and governance was, as a rule, by consensus (Wiredu 1996). Like all generalizations about complex subjects, it is perhaps legitimate to be careful in accepting this suggestion. But there is considerable evidence that decision by consensus was more popular in indigenous Africa, which would qualify as a version of democratic practice. Wiredu stresses further that the reliance on consensus is not a peculiarly political phenomenon. Where consensus characterizes political decision-making in Africa, it is a manifestation of an imminent approach to social interaction. Generally, according to him, in interpersonal relations between adults, consensus as a basis of joint action was taken as axiomatic. This is not to say that it was always attained (Wiredu 1996, 183). He, however, observes that if and when a resolution of the issues was negotiated, the result was seen in the attainment of reconciliation, rather than the mere abstention from further recriminations or collisions. It is important to note that disputes can be settled without the achievement of reconciliation. However, reconciliation is a form of consensus. It is the restoration of goodwill through a reappraisal of the importance and significance of the initial bones of contention. Wiredu adds a caveat that consensus does not amount to total

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agreement by all parties; rather, it presupposes an original position of diversity. Wiredu’s contribution to the issue of consensus and democracy in Africa underlines certain salient points. It tends to demonstrate the practical problem of discussion as a precondition to reaching an agreement. It also shows that such agreement is not total, as diversity is very apparent. Accommodation and tolerance of diverse opinions are expected by all parties through the instrumentality of dialogue to resolve disputes in order to achieve stability. What matters is not coercion but persuasion, appeal, and constant dialogue. It would appear to me that much emphasis has been given to consensus in handling issues of conflict. There is an urgent need to re-examine the issue of consensus in the face of the dynamics of African culture. Unah further supports this position in his recommendation of what African culture and values through philosophy should engage in the 21st century. According to him, as we move into the new millennium with most of Africa, and indeed Nigeria, still embroiled in a moral, economic, and political quagmire, philosophizing in the continent should go beyond the analysis of myths, proverbs, and wise sayings, and the justification of witchcraft and reincarnation to the confrontation and actualization of our historical possibilities. The current task of philosophy in Africa “is to cultivate inter-subjective consensus with a view to evolving stable governments in the continent and hopefully pave the way for economic prosperity and buoyancy of the average person”. A relevant vital issue that should also engage the attention of philosophers in the present age is to re-order the extended family relations, which have prevented black Africa from ascending the pedestal of global humanism and true egalitarianism (Unah 2007, 46-7). Inter-subjective consensus holds the key for the stabilization of African development in the 21st century, because it will help to promote our communal interest and foster unity and harmony.

Consensus and the Dynamics of African Culture To borrow the words of Jean-Francois Lyotard: “what allows men to experience freedom, to think and to expand the frontiers of our possibilities, is dissensus, which means a permanent crisis in representation, an ever greater awareness of the contingent and localized – unstable – nature of all forms of representing the world” (Herman 1993,163). The message of Lyotard here is the unfettered access of all people, all groups, all sexes, and all ages, to discourse. Unfettered access of all and sundry to discourse should constitute the hallmark of social,

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scientific, cultural, and political legitimations. The emphasis here is the deliberate opening of windows of opportunity to the people to have access to participate actively in order to decide their social and political future. Using consensus as a tool of decision-making in African cultural setting as a transition to modernity in the face of global challenges involves for Africa a profound and perhaps radical change in several aspects of the culture of the people. The changes must also be sufficiently progressive to bring about the enhancement and fulfillment of human life. The idea of profound changes suggests the conviction that modernity must be seen in terms of the innovative spirit – of an unrelenting commitment to innovation. This leads on to the need of society to modernize certain values and cultural practices to pave the way for radical development and sustainability (Gyekye 2003, 172). The overhaul of our educational curricular, through a pragmatic local content, should not be overlooked. An educational system that will inculcate the dynamics of African culture in this epoch is a must for the success of our culture and civilization.

Conclusion This chapter studied the role of consensus in the philosophy and dynamics of African culture. It also recognized the application of consensus in conflict resolution, right from traditional African society. It is observed from scholars both of African extraction that consensus pervaded the three core branches of philosophy, namely, epistemology, metaphysics, and ethics, demonstrating the need for collaboration and co-operation in the attainment of feasible decision, as nobody has the monopoly of knowledge. It is also noted that consensus in the realm of application to resolve issues, tended to impose the will of individuals and groups that wield power and influence, thereby making it an imposition. This makes it seem violent and diversionary. The aspect that negates the positive perspective of consensus is the alienation of the people who own sovereign power while political parties take control. This is where consensus runs contrary to democratic norms and values. To this end, consensus cannot achieve its aims without democratization.

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References Cohen, P.S.1968. Modern Social Theory, London: Heinemann Educational Books. Comte, Auguste. 1853. 2009. The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte, 2 volumes, London: Chapman trans. by Martineau, H. 2009. Reissued in Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Durant, Will. 1966. The Life of Greece, The Story of Civilization, New York: Simon and Schuster Ebenstein, William. 1967. American Democracy in World Perspective, New York: Harper and Row Publishers. Gyekye, Kwame. 2003. African Cultural Values: an Introduction, Accra: Sankofa Publishing Company. Herman, David J. 1993. “Modernism versus Postmodernism: Towards an Analytic Distinction” in Natoli and Hutcheon. London: Unwin Paper backs Key, V.O. 1961. Public Opinion and American Democracy, New York, A.A. Knoff. Mill, John Stuart. 2002. A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive, Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific. Partridge, P. H. 1971.Consent and Consensus, London: Paul Mall Press Ltd. Russell, Bertrand. 1979. History of Western Philosophy, London: Unwin Paperbacks. Unah, Jim Ijenwa. 2007. Lectures on Philosophy and Logic, Lagos: Fadec Publishers. Wamala, Edward. 2004. “Government by Consensus: An analysis of traditional form of democracy” in A Companion to African Philosophy edited by Kwasi Wiredu, Madison: Blackwell Publishers, Ltd. Wiredu, Kwasi.1980. Philosophy and an African Culture. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Wiredu, Kwasi.1996. Cultural Universals and Particulars, an African Perspective, Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Wyn, Grant. 2007. Oxford Dictionary of Politics, available on http://www.answers.com/topic/consensus. Retrieved on February 3, 2014.

CHAPTER THREE INTEGRATIVE METAPHYSICS AND JUSTICE SYSTEM IN COMMUNALISM: RELEVANCE TO CONTEMPORARY AFRICA CHIEDOZIE OKORO DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY, FACULTY OF ARTS, UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS

Abstract Two ideas are of paramount importance in this chapter: (i) integrative metaphysics and (ii) the justice system in indigenous African communalistic societies. They are interwoven in the sense that the metaphysical system of traditional Africa, which we have christened integrative metaphysics, forms the basis for the structure of justice in traditional Africa. Therefore, the principal aim of this chapter is to delineate the structure of integrative metaphysics and show how it acts as a pivot of the justice system in traditional Africa. Proceeding from here, we then advocate that contemporary Africa has a lot to learn and to adopt from its traditional justice system. Key words: Integrative Metaphysics, Justice and Communal Justice.

Introduction Communalism was the societal system of organization in pre-slavery and pre-colonial Africa. In communalism, the aim was to attain a perfect fusion between the one and the many, in order to achieve an egalitarian existence in which a human being is a keeper of his fellow human being, and vice versa. Hence, the symbol of the community (especially among the Igbo people of South East Nigeria) is the broom, whose togetherness ensures strength and unbreakability. This is the reason why the Igbo have

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the expressions igwebuike (i.e. togetherness/solidarity is strength) and ibuanyidanda (i.e. complementarity brings about progress). Central to communalism, therefore, are the issues of empathy, sharing, community spirit, sense of belonging, moralism, co-existence, cooperation, and, above all, solidarity. But all of this was propped up by an integrative metaphysical system and a structure of justice based on the principles of conciliation and reconciliation.

The Nature of Integrative Metaphysics Integrative metaphysics simply means the metaphysical system that regards spirit, force, life force, or vital force as the primordial principle that permeates all things and is responsible for unity in diversity. It is the metaphysical system that sees spirit (i.e. mind, idea, subject, and all things mental or spiritual), and matter (i.e. body, object, and all things physical) as being equi-primordial and complementary. Since, for the African, the primary element that sustains the universe is spirit, Momoh (2000, 8), a member of the purist school of thought, maintains that African metaphysics can best be defined as the “African doctrine on the spiritual”. Thus for the African, “the concept of reality encompasses the totality of everything that exists, visible or invisible, real, actual, or potential” Momoh (2000, 8). And because this metaphysical system does not bifurcate mind from body, subject from object; because it does not separate politics from economy, economy from religion, religion from culture, culture from spirituality, spirituality from education, education from physical existence, physical existence from the totality of life; because it does not create a hiatus between theory and practice, action and reaction; it is referred to as an inclusive system, and is therefore integrative. Contrary to classical Western metaphysics, which is monistic and reductionist, African metaphysics is pluralistic in orientation. The adjective pluralistic and the noun pluralism, as defined by the Encarta Dictionary (Microsoft, 2009) depict a notion or a theory that reality is composed of many parts, and that no single explanation or view of reality can account for all aspects of life. This apart, pluralism/pluralistic can also refer to the existence of groups with different ethnic, religious, or political backgrounds within one society. Metaphysically speaking therefore, pluralism/pluralistic simply refers to the multi-faceted or multidimensional nature of reality. This is opposed to duality, which is the philosophical concept that reality consists of two complementary parts. This is opposed to dualism, which is the philosophical doctrine that reality

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comprises “two distinct and irreducible elements” (Encarta Dictionary 2009). In the paper entitled “A Critique of the Polarity in Edmund Husserl’s Inter-subjectivity Theory” (Okoro 2005), I made clear the point that dualism has the tendency of derailing into monistic dualism. Monistic dualism in turn operates on the principle of an excluded middle, which is that attitude of polarizing opposites or contraries, such that once one of the contraries is granted to be true, the other must be false. It can be further explained that this way of bifurcating or polarizing reality has the tendency of promoting the orientation of metaphysical antagonism, which is the basis for intolerance and absolutism. It can therefore be seen that the principle of duality further connects with the principles of complementarity and symbiosis, all of which combine to amplify the principle of pluralism. Consequent upon the above explanation, we argue that whereas classical Western metaphysics dissociates entities and is thus absolutist, totalitarian, and impositional, African metaphysics associates entities, and is therefore accommodating and tolerant of contrary views and opinions; whereas the classical Western metaphysical system operates on the law of the excluded middle; exclusivity is alien to the African metaphysical system, it is rather inclusive and integrative in character. The aim of African metaphysics is to harmonize all opposites by way of interfusion or integration. This system of metaphysics is also known as metaphysical vitalism, metaphysical symbiosis, metaphysics of interfusion, spiritual primacysm, or the principle of interpenetrability of forces. The tripod concept in integrative metaphysics is represented with the equilateral triangle superimposed in the circle. By the concept of the tripod, the universe and the totality of things are said to be of a tripartite composition. For instance, nature is thought of in organic terms. This means that nature consists of matter, soul, and spirit, and so it is with human beings. In the same vein, the cosmos, society, and human beings are thought to be an intricate whole. Again, in the hierarchy of forces, God, divinities, deities, and ancestors are said to belong to the spirit world and are therefore above humans; animals, rivers, vegetation, and minerals are said to be below human beings, while human beings are said to be at the centre of the hierarchy. It is in this sense that the circle is said to rotate on the tripod. Thus, we see that in this cyclical triad, ancestors represent the past; living human beings represent the present; while the spirit world represents the future. In pragmatic terms, we see the mutation of the past, present, and future captured in the age grade and mortuary rites. Newborn babies, which are said to be reincarnated spirits, grow to become adults, and soon get old and die. At physical death, the departed souls through mortuary rites go back to the ancestral world, then mutate into the spirit

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world, and once more incarnate. This cyclical mutation is simply known as reincarnation. The cyclical and tripological mutation of things are further propped up by the concept of duality. Here, duality stands in contradiction to dualism. Dualism applies to classical Western metaphysics, wherein opposites and contraries are said to be antagonistic. Besides, dualism operates on the principle of exclusivity, by which entities are thought to be superior to each other. This way, dualism crystallizes into dualistic monism, making dualism monistic and reductionist. These monistic and reductionist attitudes are responsible for the temperament of intolerance, absolutism, and impositionism. On the contrary, the hob of duality is the principle of inclusivity by which opposites and contraries are said to be complementary, thereby making entities to be in mutual reciprocal cooperation and coexistence. This way, duality becomes the basis for pluralistic existence. In pluralism, entities do not subsume themselves, rather, entities are left to be the way they are unadulterated. True, conflict cannot be avoided, because without conflict, without disagreement and agreement, there would be no improvement in life. But since in pluralism, absolutism, intolerance, and impositionism are abhorred, entities do not subjugate themselves. This attitude of letting things be the way they are, unadulterated, is captured by the Igbo proverb egbe bere ugo bere nke si ibeya ebela nku kwaya, meaning “let the hawk perch, let the eagle perch, whichever says the other should not perch, let its wings be broken”. By implication, conflict should not result into nihilism; it should rather produce mutual co-existence. This would explain why the concept of the vanquished state was alien to traditional Africa. Put differently, as attested to by history books on wars and military exploits in pre-colonial Africa, traditional Africa produced vassal states, not vanquished states. Vassal states only paid tributes to the reigning power; they however, retained their identity and autonomy. Vanquished states on the other hand are forced to lose the totality of their existence, including their identity and autonomy. We shall later show how integrative metaphysics forms the basis of communal justice, but before then, we shall pause a while to look at the meaning of justice.

The Meaning of Justice Justice is one concept that is deep, technical, and multi-dimensional in its meaning and implications. Justice can be legal, social, historical, cultural, political, judicial, economic, philosophical, poetic, and so on. The multi-dimensional nature of justice further complicates its technicality.

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Perhaps it is for such a reason that an imaginary scale is used when representing justice. It is then left to every society to develop the most appropriate way of balancing the imaginary scale of justice. As it pertains to the enforcement of law, justice is associated with that which is straight, fair, and virtuous. It is in this sense that we speak of equity and the equality of all before the law, which is implied in Polemarchus’ definition of the just state, whereby “everyone is given what is due to self” (Plato 1966, 8). To speak of communal justice therefore, is to draw the concept of justice closer to home. Our intention is to make a rational analysis [i.e. metaphysical abstractions] of the concept of justice in traditional or indigenous Africa. The expression “traditional Africa” in no way refers to Africa of the antiquities; it rather refers to the African thought process on justice as conceived by African forebears. Put differently, the expression “traditional Africa does not refer to an epoch or period in Africa’s history, but simply the thought system of traditional Africa, which forms the foundation from which the idea of integrative metaphysics is derived. That this cultural or communal notion of justice has persisted, in spite of the transposition of Western notion of justice upon the African psyche, makes it necessary and mandatory to investigate the metaphysics that underlie the notion of communal justice. Besides, we are quite aware that the idea of communal justice is not peculiar to Africa. In fact, communalism forms the basis of justice in most traditional societies worldwide. On the surface, it would seem that this latter point diminishes the objective of our essay. On the contrary, it is just at this very point that our position is strongly fortified, that is to say, given the fact that the contemporary world leans backward to borrow from the traditional communal society, the tripological conception of justice. A dilemma thus ensues, and this concerns how the contemporary society that operates the principle of individualism can successfully harness the tripological conception of justice that has its root in the principle of communalism? This last question is included among issues to be resolved in this attempt at the metaphysical investigation of communal justice. Needless to say, the tripological conception of justice, which forms the foundation of communal justice, finds expression in the post-modern spirit of multidimensionalism, as aptly captured in T. R. Young’s “constitutive theory of justice” (1997).

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The Metaphysics of Communal Justice There are two principal perspectives by which the metaphysical investigation of any issue whatsoever can be done. The first is the conventional, anthropological investigation of a people’s way of life, which includes their thought process and how this thought process informs their notions of justice, law, society, history, politics, and so on. The second is the a priori investigation of the rationale behind the thought process of a people, which forms the domain of metaphysics as a pure ontological analysis. Thus, while metaphysics as anthropology investigates the “how” of culture, metaphysics as ontology investigates the “why” of culture. Our essential aim is to do an ontological analysis of communal justice. Needless to say, the ontological assessment of communal justice draws extensively from the philosophies of Immanuel Kant and Martin Heidegger, as represented in their books Critique of Pure Reason (1970) and Being and Time (1962) respectively. Within the confine of Kant’s critical idealism, ontology principally refers to the human power of transcendence, which is that native ability of every human being to transit from the known to the unknown, from the available to the unavailable. This prowess of transcendence, endows us with the capacity to be creative, inventive, explorative, and for discovery. For Kant, it is this ontological power of transcendence that is the source of morality, ethics, and law. For Martin Heidegger, ontology is meant to dig into the ground or soil of being or simply makes enquiry into the being of beings. This digging into the ground of being should result into the march toward the overcoming on metaphysics or what Heidegger depicts as fundamental ontology. It is against this background that Kant makes a distinction between metaphysics as anthropology and metaphysics as ontology, while Heidegger makes a distinction between metaphysica specialis and metaphysica generalis. Kant’s metaphysical anthropology and Heidegger’s metaphysica specialis refer to other disciplines outside philosophy otherwise known as regional ontologies, while Kant’s metaphysical ontology and Heidegger’s metaphysica generalis refer to metaphysics as a branch of philosophy, the concern of which is to study being as a basis for a comprehensive view of reality. Going by the above analysis, ontological analysis, as used in this essay, combines the perspectives of both Kant and Heidegger. Hence, the expression “ontological analysis of communal justice” aims at demonstrating that the source and foundation of law and justice in traditional African society is human transcendence, not God, Gods, or

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Goddesses, not deities and ancestors. Therefore, contrary to metaphysical anthropology, which locates the basis of communal justice in the culture of a people and regards God, divinities and ancestors as the sources of law, morality, and justice; metaphysics as ontology locates the origin of communal justice in human reason, in the same way as it regards law and morality as the products of human rationality. In which case, the cultural foundation of justice becomes the rational process by which the custodians of law and morality make sense of their anthropological practices. An anthropological assessment of justice in communalism would rather stress the differences in perspectives or approaches among the various African societies, while an ontological assessment of justice in communalism emphasizes what is common or universal to the various anthropological practices of communal justice in Africa. In other words, the metaphysical evaluation of communal justice is meant to reveal the ontological structure responsible for the holistic and tripological nature of the African thought system, which in turn determines the holistic and tripological nature of the African conception of law and justice. The tripological concept of justice in itself rests on the metaphysical principle of “interpenetrability of lifeforces” (Anyanwu 1981, 87), otherwise known as spiritual primacysm, or simply integrative metaphysics. The African cosmos is often described as one of a plenum of forces. The operative word is life force, vital force, or spirit. Spirit has primacy over matter, which, principally, denotes its pervading and permeating essence. In fact, the world of forces or spirits is transformational and transmutational. Elements behave magically, miraculously, as they symbiotically interact. And since spirit interlinks, interconnects, and interpenetrates all things, it follows that everything is in everything. As Anyanwu puts it, the African thought system “cannot condone regimentations because there is a continuous interplay, intermingling, and interdependence between spirit [forces] and the material world” (Anyanwu 1981, 87). The point here is that there is no island in the universe of forces; a foundation is propped up by another and that by another and so on. Analyzing the nature of the African cosmos, Chieke Ifemesia (1979, 67 - 68), observes as follows: In the [Igbo] cosmology, nothing is absolute. Everything, everybody, however apparently independent, depends upon something else. Interdependence, exhibited now as duality or reciprocity, now as ambivalence or complementarities, has always been the fundamental Principle of the [Igbo] philosophy of life.

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There lies the power and integrative essence of spirit. Describing the nature of spirit that makes African metaphysics distinct, Idoniboye (1973, 83) states the following: The ontology of any distinctively African world-view is replete with spirit; spirit is the animating, sustaining creative life force of the universe. Spirit is real. It is as real as matter. Its reality is primordial and it is, if not superior, at least as primitive as that of matter. In its pure state it is unembodied.

In Bantu Philosophy, Placid Tempels (1959, 35-36) explains that among the Bantu, “being and force are inextricably juxtaposed, one can neither decrease nor increase being or force, because being or force is indestructible”. In essence, the indestructibility of spirit enhances its interpenetrating, self-sustaining, animating, and permeating nature. It is obvious then that the African universe is dynamic and that this dynamism operates the logic of “concentric circles” (Chinweizu 2005, 140). In other words, the cyclical nature of the African cosmos rotates and revolves on a triangular dimension, otherwise known as the tripod. The cosmos, society, and man are said to live in a symbiotic unity. Holism is the appropriate word for describing the African understanding of the inter-relationship between the cosmos, society, and man. Each is an individual whole, energized and interconnected to the other by spirit. Spirit as the motivating element ensures that the cosmos, society, and man are one intricate web, harmoniously integrated. This inter-fusion is such that the “world order is replicated in the “social order”, and the “social order” is replicated” in the “self-order”, and vice versa. Again, by way of interfusion, the three orders are said to be identical and hierarchical. The hierarchicization of the forces and their identical nature requires that: “All forces be strengthened and not weakened, that an individual should be seen in the light of the whole, and that meaning, significance, and value depend on the art of integration” (Anyanwu 1981, 371). By implication, world reorientation and social reconstruction should begin from the enlightenment and reformation of the self, for the re-atonement of the self-order to the social and cosmic orders. Furthermore, in the tripological conception of the cosmos in which forces and hierarchies interfuse, we do not speak of disunity or dissociation, but of association, co-existence, and co-operation. We do not speak of isolated activities, but of symbiosis. In the universe of holism, things are not compartmentalized, departmentalized, and fragmented. Based on this, Anyanwu (1983, 53 – 4) made the following submissions about the African view of man and the cosmos:

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(i) Since there are no isolated life forces in the universe, there can be no isolated individual persons (ii) Society is the manifestation of the order of the universe. (ii) All relationships between all life forces ought to be strengthened and not weakened. (iii) There is no dissociation of sensibility in the African culture. The duality of experience should not harden into dualism. Politics, therefore, should not be discussed as if it were separate from religion, or religion as if it were separate from all practical activities.

The African considers man and society to be embodiments of spirit and matter, which in turn rotates upon the cyclical triad or the tripod. Ancestors, living humans, and unborn children represent the past, the present, and the future respectively. This cyclical triad is most visible in the age-grade system. According to Onwuejeogwu (1997, 115), “agegrade is seen as a movement of the future through the present into the past, the future is transformed into the present by various ceremonies; the present is transformed into the past by retirement and mortuary rites; and the past is transformed into the future by reincarnation”. In the same vein, “every normal individual has three levels of existence: as an individual, as a member of a group, and as a member of a community” (Anyanwu 1981, 371). The same is applicable to the leader in traditional Africa. He is seen “as a symbol of authority representing the land as an embodiment of the spirit world, physical man, and unborn children” (371). All of these are however made possible by spirit, which happens to be the coordinating force. “Spirit embraces the power of beliefs, ideas, and thoughts. It constitutes the source of authority, vitality, possibilities, law, and integration. Spirit adds depth and cohesion to life. As a unifying principle, it eliminates all individual and group boundaries, and creates a wider and deeper social consciousness or community of people” (Anyanwu 1981, 372). Making a delineation of the communal nature of African communities, Emiko Atimomo (1988), in Poverty of Politics, explains that in traditional Africa, the relationship between man and society is like that between a fish and water. Fish cannot do without water, and water that is worth the name must harbour life. In the same way, one cannot imagine a river without a riverbank. Should the riverbank be destroyed, the river is no more. The symbolism between man and society is analogous to that between fish and water, the river and the riverbank. The disruption of this socio-spiritual harmony would amount to a “metaphysical contagion, which would affect the land, the community, the family, the past, present, future, and the entire universe” (Anyanwu 1981, 377) of the African. No wonder the

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African cosmos is extended. From kinship, family, and age grade to social and interest groups, all are extended. It can now be understood why Placid Temples likens the African cosmos to the network system of the spider web of which the vibration of a string shakes up and disrupts the entire edifice. Needless to say, this socio-spiritual cum psycho-physical system happens to be the anchor of communal justice. Communal justice itself is built on the principle of checks and balances captured in the symbiosis of the guild system, the age grade, and the extended family.

The Notion of Communal Justice The doctrine of communal justice is rooted in the foundation of African communalism, which has been described by Ekei (2001, 1) as “perhaps, the most common heritage (today) characteristic of the African holistic mode of being”. Ekei further explains that Julius Nyerere defines African communalism variously as “African familyhood” or as “African brotherhood”. Ekei also defines communalism as “a mutual-aid society” that operates on the maxim: “feeling-involved-with others” (2001, 1). Hence in his view, fundamental to communalism are principles such as “symbiosis, mutuality, integration, sharing, caring, moralizing, empathizing, sympathizing, involvement, commitment, coexistence, belongingness, and co-operation” (2001, 1). To be succinct, African communalism can be said to be spiritual, holistic, and egalitarian in nature, and it is these cardinal qualities that form the anchor of justice in communalism. As earlier stated, spirituality forms the cornerstone of the ontology of any distinctively African person. We also stated that this ontological spiritualism rotates on the tripod of the “cosmos”, “society”, and “man.” Exactly the same situation applies to justice in communalism. The notion of communal justice is holistic and spiritual, in the sense that it has dimensions that are “personal”, “social”, and “cosmic.” In contrast to the West, who conceives justice to be individualistic and materialistic, within the African context, an individual can never obtain justice in isolation, without being harmonized with the norms of the land and the elemental forces that constitute the cosmic order. Whereas in the Western conception of justice “the winner takes all the glory and benefit”, within the African universe justice is never done in this way if the forces or elements involved are not adequately reconciled and properly compromised to reach a mean. It is for this reason that the African notion of justice is described as being both “promotional and protective” (Ekei 2001, 189-190) in perspective. It seeks to promote the good of all by emphasizing human dignity, equality of all, thereby de-emphasizing materialism. What the West tries to achieve through material motivation, Africans achieve by

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inculcating personal discipline into individuals. Personal discipline in this context comprises conscientiousness, sense of duty, human-heartedness, or kindheartedness, whose watchword is “doing for doing sake.” Goodness is its own reward and a man who does well does so for the glory and wealth of all. This explains why Africans seek to protect individual rights in the society through the guild system. Nze (1989) reiterates this point when he states in the opening paragraph of the preface to his book that communalism is a socio-political structure that enables holistic justice in the society. As he says, communalism is a “socio-political order of life that accords all men with human dignity, that accommodates all men; that gives equal rights to all men because it is natural to them”. We can now understand why communal justice has also been described as “group morality” propped up by the doctrine of “collective responsibility”. African forebears realized that justice could not be based on the individual; for that would be tantamount to building justice with just one leg. All the attributes of justice such as “fairness”, “equality”, “corporate existence”, “cooperation”, and so on, belong to the commonwealth (i.e. the Igbo Oha or the Yoruba Ilu), not the individual. According to Ekei (2001, 84–85), the communal foundation of justice in Africa can be found in some Igbo proverbs as follows: Igbo 1. Mmadu buiya gba 2. Ofuosisi adiagho ohia 3. Egbutuojutu 4. Igwe-bu-ike 5. Ummunna-bu-ike 6. Onyeanwunam’ibeya efula 7. Aka nrikwuo aka ekpe, aka ekpekwuo anri 8. Onyeji akwu tuoro nchi maka adia lienu 9. Ofu mkpulu aka luta mmanu ozue ora nile enu 10. K’ayiri, K’ayiri, onwere sosoya yiri agu

Translation 1. Man is a chain 2. A tree does not make a forest 3. A felled tree touches other (nearby) trees inevitably 4. Multitude is power/strength 5. Kindred is strength 6. Let nobody die nor his neighbor get lost 7. Let the right hand wash the left hand as vice versa. 8. Whoever has palm nut, let him give nchi some to the grasscutter (nchi) because it does not climb. 9. If one finger is soaked with palm oil, it spreads to other fingers 10.This emphasis on living together, onye relating together, is anybody to be killed by a tiger for going it alone?

The chain (iyagba) concept is built on the principle of interrelationship, as captured in the expression man-in relation-to-others (2001, 85). This precisely captures the notion of communal justice. Justice must

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interpenetrate beyond the individual to include other members of the community. It is in this fashion that the Yoruba say that society consists in the symbiosis between man, woman, the child, and the stranger. When these four interact, they manifest strength, wealth, and wisdom for the smooth running of society. This explains why the victim (be he/she an indigene or a foreigner), insofar as he/she is a member of the community, must be compensated in the settlement of a dispute.

Communal Justice as a Principle of Jurisprudence and Law Central to the existence of jurisprudence and the practice of law are the conceptions of society and man espoused by a particular cultural group. Within the confines of the West, man and society are conceived as essentially evil. For instance, the Judeo-Christian culture has it that man disobeyed God in the Garden of Eden. Disobedience led to the fall of man out of God’s grace, such that human nature became evil or sinful. The evil nature of man corrupted society, such that life becomes a perpetual struggle to free man and society from sin. The social contract theorists, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Locke, present a somewhat different account of man and society from that of JudeoChristian belief. Hobbes is of the view that man is by nature evil that society evolved in order to reform human nature by way of deterrence through iron-fisted justice of the Leviathan. Rousseau and Locke on the other hand, uphold the view that man is, by nature, innocent, but that society, through its complexity, corrupts man to be evil. Hence, the essence of civil rule is to reform society so that the best of man can blossom. Whichever way we go about it, if man does not corrupt society, society corrupts man. This means that both man and society are evil. By implication, justice in this sort of cosmos is bound to be lop-sided and severely punitive. Little wonder the Western conception of justice operates on the principle of Les Talionis (an eye for an eye) and the “winner takes it all” practice. In the view of Okafor (1992, 13), contrary to the West, Africans express a “cosmological optimism” about the world. He explains that “the Igbo regard the world as ontologically good, perfect in structure, beautiful in design, and one whose architect is admirable and adorable” (14). The beauty, perfection, and goodness of the world are captured by the Igbo in the song Oyooyo uwadiya, which translates as Beautiful the world extends (14). This point is reiterated by Uchendu (1965, 18) in a dialogue between

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an Igbo leader/philosopher and a distinguished foreign visitor who made the following disparaging remarks about the host’s country: Do you say that my country is bad? Can the earth or the trees or the mud walls speak? How do they offend? No! The visitor answered. As far as I know they don’t. ‘Well answered’, the leader/philosopher replied. Never speak badly of my country again. Should any of my people offend you, accuse them directly.

The beauty and goodness of the world also extends to man. Man is conceived as the good that beholds the world’s beauty and perfection. As Ekei explains, “conceptually, the Igbo equivalent meaning of ‘man’ is mmadu” (2001,92). An analysis of the Igbo mmadu reveals that the term is a compound word that consists of the prefix mma, which could mean beauty or goodness, and the suffix ndu, which translates as life or existence. Therefore, the Igbo mmadu could actually be pronounced mmandu, which could variously translate as “the beauty of life, the goodness of life, or the spice of existence” (92). Ultimately, what all this boils down to is that man himself is the “intrinsic goodness” (93). Shedding further light on this matter, Ekei draws inspiration from Edeh and Mozia. Edeh (1985, cited by Ekei 92) captures the term man in the concept mma-di meaning “good that is”. It can also be translated as “the goodness that is there”. This does not mean that man is the good in se, but that he shares the attribute of the cosmos as perfect goodness or beauty and that of his “maker as the highest good” (Ekei 2001, 92). Mozia (1982, cited by Ekei, 92) on his own part thinks that the concept man is best captured in the expression mma-ndu, meaning “the goodness of life or the synthesis of all that is good in creation”. Three things are clear from the analysis made above. In contrast to the Western conceptions of man and society as being essentially evil, the Igbo African conceives man and society to be good by nature. Secondly, contrary to the Western view that law was evolved to restrain, curtail, and deter the excesses of man in the society, for the Igbo African law exists, essentially, as a tool of re-atonement, that is, the act of striking a balance between the nature and humans, and by so doing achieve harmony and cohesion in society. Third, within the confines of the West, society is conceived as an abstract or a rational entity, formed by man for the fulfillment of his needs; within the Igbo African cosmos, the notion of society extends beyond human rationality to the ontological and cosmological reasons for evolving society. No doubt, man is a rational being, but nature, by willing discord, challenges human rationality to seek for order in the midst of chaos. Without this challenge, man’s rationality

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will lay waste. It follows then that nature is the principal tutor who taught humans the act of societal formation and coordination by challenging their rationality to seek for unity in diversity. Granted that society and man are good by nature, how come it is crime and evil in the world that serve as the bases for law? True, Africans generally affirm the goodness of man, but they also acknowledge that human wants and desires are limitless. Thus, if the boundless desires of man are left unguided and uncoordinated, society would derail from its supposed cosmological trail, and this will cause total disharmony. The essence of law therefore is to institute justice by inculcating in everyone the etiquettes of cooperation, morality, empathy, and communality necessary for a symbiotic co-existence. If we look deeply, what we desire is not all that we really need, and even what we need so dearly may not come our way in haste. To forestall against desperation, the communal sense of justice teaches the act of sharing and confiding in close associates such as our kith and kin. Man holds the will power to decide which action, good or bad, he should do. He may decide out of greed, envy, ignorance, or vainglory to do that which is bad. It is in this sense that the Igbo say madubunjoala, meaning “man makes the world evil” (Okafor 1992, 13). The Igbo also say uwaezuoke, meaning that crime and evil are replete in the world due to human insatiability. Justice in communalism not only aims at taming human insatiability, but essentially, to enlighten individuals on the need to always put the interest of the community first in any endeavor whatsoever. The world is an umbrella for a multiplicity of events, so is society. Everyman must be taught to know that nothing can survive in isolation, and that the only way by which the myriad elements of the world can be sustained is by way of continuous integration. As is commonly said among Africans – you do not throw a stone in the market place, if not you just might hit one of your own. Hence, the clarion call by the Igbo - for the eagle and the hawk to perch, whichever says the other should not perch, let its wings be broken. We can now understand why the practice of communal justice is also cyclical and tripological in nature. In the settlement of a dispute of any kind, an attempt is made to re-integrate the offender, the offended (i.e. the victim), and the community, so that both can live in harmony afterwards. According to Elegido (2001, 128), this point is reiterated by Gluckman as follows: When a case came to be argued before the judges, they conceive their task to be not only detecting who was in the wrong and who was in the right, but also the readjustment of the generally disturbed social relationships, so that these might be saved and persist. They had to give a judgment on the

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matter in dispute, but they had also, if possible to reconcile, the parties, while maintaining the general principle of law.

Gluckman’s illustration of the nature of communal justice is drawn from the Barotse of East Africa. Needless to say, his illustration reaffirms the tripological nature of the African concept of justice, which is further anchored on the metaphysics of vitalism or vital force. In the metaphysics of vitalism, all forces are interfused. Thus, as it pertains to social interaction, disputes are tackled with “emphasis on conciliation and compromise” (128). In this case however, reconciliation and compromise does not mean that the offender is not adequately punished, it rather means that punishment must not be meted out to the offender without taking into cognizance of those forces that have been displaced and the need to reconcile them for continuous harmonious social intercourse. Once more, to buttress the foregoing point, Elegido (42 – 43) makes reference to Gluckman: Among the Barotse, a judge who, in a lawsuit between kin, rushes into cross-examination and judgment on the apparent issue of dispute, without drawing out the parties so as to try to reconcile them, is a bad judge, so estimated by the people. In order to reconcile, a judge must be cautious, discreet, and tactful; and a witness may well exercise considerable discretion and tact so as not to exacerbate disturbed relations between the parties. For this, the Barotse would approve him even while they demand from him precise truth or fact.

The concept to note here is victim remedy or victimology, which forms the focus of the contemporary legal system, especially in the West. From our analysis of communal justice so far, we are enlightened to the fact that the effective and efficient practice of the victimology concept is not possible without the principle of “group responsibility and the frequent use of informal enforcement procedures” (Elegido 2001,129) necessary for psychological re-atonement to the social and cosmological orders. This explains why the hiatus created between the offender and the state in the Western world is completely absent in the African cosmos. The litigation process in the court arena within the Western confine is dichotomized between the accused as the object and state as the subject. In this sort of world, deterrent measures are extremely punitive and lop-sided. Winner wins all, while loser loses all. Little wonder the Western practice of law is highly abstract, sophisticated, and obscurantist. The attendant consequence is that, since the mean has been ignored, the scale of justice is tilted to one side.

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The communal sense of justice is set against the background of humanizing law by overcoming the temptation of making law a procedure completely based on rational abstraction. The watchword for Africans is total “involvement” or “immersion” in the matter of the moment. Therefore, in the African procedure of settling disputes, it is necessary that all parties, the offender, victim, their kith and kin, and members of the jury, must be present in the local court centre or the king’s palace. In the settlement of a dispute, a balance must be struck between human rationality, emotions, and spirituality that constitute the human psyche. Needless to say, this cyclical tripology corresponds to the tripological symbiosis that exists between the cosmos, society, and man. It is in finding a blend between these tripological settings that victims are commensurately compensated, offenders adequately punished, while the parties on both sides are simultaneously reconciled.

Concluding Remarks By way of conclusion, we state categorically that contemporary Africa has a lot to gain from the analysis made above about the communal sense of justice. The reformation and harmonization of the various systems of law and jurisprudence in contemporary Africa (most of which are alien) should begin by a thorough study of justice in communalism. Such a research project should be initiated upon a new system of education intended for the comprehensive Africanization of law and jurisprudence. The Africanization of law and jurisprudence aims at touching base with the universal ideas, genres, and norms common with all the cultures that constitute the new state in contemporary Africa. The new system of education being advocated should largely draw inspiration from African spirituality, with a view to enriching African practice of jurisprudence and law. This new system of education has the target of re-cultivating the African mind in preparation for the emergence of a new generation of Africans that will uphold the torchlight of African spirituality and thereby reshape law and jurisprudence. As jurisprudence is the fountain from which law draws inspiration, so does culture constitute the bedrock from which inspirations are drawn to reform law and jurisprudence. Besides, what we advocate is not entirely new. The English did something close to this suggestion under King Henry VIII. The monarch decreed that the common features in the various legal systems of the cultures that made up the then England should be synchronized. The result is the Common Law System, which so much appeals to Anglophone Africa. Therefore, the Africanization of jurisprudence

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and law will not only serve as a means of harnessing what is common among the legal systems of the various cultures that make up the new states in Africa, but also serve as a dynamic tool for synchronizing Western and Islamic legal codes, which for now, seem to render the legal institution in Africa in complete disarray.

References Anyanwu, Chukwulozie. 1981. African Philosophy: An introduction to the philosophical Trends in Contemporary Africa. Rome: Catholic Book Agency. —. 1983. “Presuppositions of African Socialism”, The Nigerian Journal of Philosophy, 3.pp.49 – 68. Chinweizu. 2005. “Gender and Monotheism: The Assault by Monotheism on African Gender Diarchy”, Anatomy of Female Power: A Masculinist Dissection of Matriarchy, New Edition. Lagos: Pero Press. Edeh, Emmanuel. 1985. Towards an Igbo Metaphysics. Chicago: Layola University Press. Ekei, Chukwuemeka. 2001. Justice in Communalism: A Foundation of Ethics in African Philosophy. Lagos: Realm Communication Ltd. Elegido, Juan. 2001. Jurisprudence. Lagos: Spectrum Books Limited. Gluckman, Max. Natural Justice in Africa, Lagos: Spectrum Books Limited. Heidegger, Martin. 1962. Being and Time. trans. J. Macquarie & E. Robinson, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, Idoniboye, Dagogo. 1973. “The idea of African Philosophy: The concept of spirit in African Metaphysics”, Second Order: An African Journal of Philosophy, Vol. II, 1. Ifemesia, Chieka. 1979. Traditional Human Living among the Igbo: A Historical Perspective. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers, Kant, Immanuel. 1970. Critique of Pure Reason. trans. Norman Kemp Smith, London: Macmillan, Momoh, Campbell. 2000. The Substance of African Philosophy, 2nd edition, Auchi: African Project Publication, Mozia. 1982. “Solidarity in the Church and Solidarity among the Igbo of Nigeria”, PhD Thesis at Lateran Nze, Chukwuemeka. 1989. Aspects of African Communalism. Onitsha: Veritas Publishers, Okafor, Uzochukwu. 1992. Igbo Philosophy of Law. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co., Ltd,

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Okoro, Chiedozie. 2005. “A Critique of the Polarity in Edmund Husserl’s Inter-subjectivity Theory”, Analecta Husserliana: The Yearbook of Phenomenological Research Volume LXXXIV, ed. Anna-Teresa Tymieniecka, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, Onwuejeogwu, Angulu. 1997. Afa Symbolism and Phenomenology in Nri Kingdom and Hegemony: An African Philosophy of Social Action. Benin: Ethiope Publishing Corporation, Plato. The Republic. 1966. trans. Francis Macdonald Cornford. Oxford: Clarendon Press, Tempels, Placide. 1959. Bantu Philosophy. Paris: Presence Africaine, Uchendu, Chikezie. 1965. The Igbo Southeast of Nigeria. New York: Holt: Rinehart and Winston, Young, T. R. 2015. “A Constitutive Theory of Justice: Architecture and Content”, The Red Feather Institute, June 26, 1997. Web. 23rd September.

CHAPTER FOUR ATTAINING GOOD GOVERNANCE: LESSONS FROM ISOKO INDIGENOUS PHILOSOPHY OF LEADERSHIP OKPOWHOAVOTU DAN EKERE DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY, UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS, NIGERIA

Abstract This chapter argues that good governance is a product of shared values, and leadership is a collective responsibility of the supposed “leader” and the “led”. In Africa therefore, until those in positions of authority see themselves as a part of the people, not lords, and until the led see themselves not as serfs, but as stakeholders that have a shared responsibility toward the realization of good governance, it will remain a mirage. In Nigeria specifically, every community has its unique cultural values, institutionalized toward the realization of qualitative leadership; some of these values can be distilled from the people’s ways of life, and through their oral traditions (proverbs, songs, wise sayings, and certain praise names or titles, among others). It would thus be unwise for any community of people to copy an alien system of leadership without scrutinizing and evaluating such from the point of view of their own cultural values. For the Isoko people of Nigeria, the value of leadership is in the relationship that exists between the king and the people, as often expressed in some of the appellations of the traditional ruler and some wise sayings. Each time the people hail the King by calling his titles, other than for reverence, it is to remind him of the shared responsibility of leadership between him and the people. Through a process of hermeneutics and a systematic analysis, our aim in this chapter involves the advocacy for the establishment of good governance in Africa through qualitative leadership. Key words: Governance, Isoko, Philosophy, Leadership

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Introduction Prior to the advent of colonization, Africans had well-established systems of socialization and socio-political organization. The various great empires of Africa such as Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Oyo, Benin, among others are testimonies to that. At the level of the community, there were equally well-structured political systems. The advanced political arrangements implied a thriving economy as well as an organized army, as there cannot be an empire without a virile army and a sound economy, bearing in mind that food security and the security of lives, properties, and the protection of the territorial integrity are crucial to the survival of an empire. Though governmental and leadership arrangements among various African communities and kingdoms were well structured, the advent of colonization undoubtedly caused high levels of distortion of values and erosion of identity of the people. The continuous over-reliance on the West, which Nkrumah envisaged, dreaded, and warned against, has sustained the distortion. He stressed that if Africans were not careful they would fall into the trap of neo-colonialism, a more dangerous phenomenon, a natural stage in the development of the capitalist system, which for him epitomized a higher level of exploitation and oppression, which in essence is a higher and worse form of colonialism (Nkrumah 1962, 11). Africans are communal in orientation, and in Africa, leadership is both a skill and a value that is itself rooted in associated values and attained through socialization. The communal spirit that existed, and which to a large extent still exists, in Africa is the foundation of the extended family system which is itself founded on the interconnectedness of beings. The African world-view, as epitomized by the Bantus, conceives the world or the totality of reality in terms of forces or life forces (Tempels 1957, 6062). Both animate and inanimate beings have their vital forces, and all beings are interconnected and in hierarchy outside which the human being has no existence. The interconnectivity of forces accounted for the communal spirit that existed among the people, and which in turn made it possible for the value of “care for others”, or what Momoh (1994, 22) referred to as the spirit of “be your brother’s keeper” to be strengthened among the people and manifestly reflected in the relationship between the leader and the people. For Africans therefore, reality is an inseparable mixture of mind and matter that are constantly interacting, hence the world is suffused with an inseparable harmony; it is one of synthesis, unity, and mutual compatibility among all things (Unah 2002, 33). The point that all things constitute an interconnected vital force, makes Africans feel and think that

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everything is similar and share the same nature, though not in the sense that they cannot distinguish between a tree and an animal (Ruch and Anyanwu 1981, 90). In fact, as a result of the interconnectedness and unbreakable web of relationship among the life forces, Africans do not see things in isolation. The individual is thus not an isolated being (Ruch and Anyanwu 1981, 90), but simply part of the whole. It is on this premise that Africans believe that whatever affects the individual affects the group interest altogether. Hence, both the leader and the led have shared responsibility. In that environment, there is a strong consideration for ancestry and virtues of character, integrity, humaneness, and commitment to the well-being of others, partly due to the understanding of the web connection among the people (both the leader and the led) on one hand, and between the people and other beings or life forces (both spiritual, animate, and inanimate) on the other. There is also the belief that there could be untold consequences should one behave in a manner that is incongruent with acceptable norms. Like other Africans, this is also true of the Isoko people of Nigeria, and they have sustained these values to a very large extent even ‘till date, as part of the characteristic features of their socio-political organization. It is indisputable that a lot of Western orientations have crept in and caused some level of dilution to their culture, nevertheless, there is still a lot that is in tune with their traditional value system, which greatly characterizes their philosophy of leadership. At this juncture therefore, we shall examine the socio-political organization, the philosophy of leadership, and the relevance of the philosophy of the Isoko people to the quest for good governance.

The Socio-Political Organization of the Traditional Isoko People The basis of social organization among the traditional Isoko people is the age-grade system known as otu. The age-grade system indicated that the people are divided along age-brackets, and the various age-grades are charged with different and specific responsibilities and functions (Ikime 1972, 28). Every clan in Isoko land has a traditional ruler in the nomenclature of either Ovie or Odio-Ologbo. The history of the migration of the people from their various locations to where they now occupy suggests that the concept of Ovie as the leader of the people is not as old as the Isoko nation, as there is no historical account (oral tradition or otherwise) that suggests that an Ovie led any group of migrants to the place at the very beginning. What appears more original about the people

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is the age-grade arrangement with the oldest member of the group, in most cases, being the leader of the people. This was however before the era of colonial invasion. Among the Isoko people, the pattern of governance can best be described as gerontocracy, meaning government by elders. Beginning with the family, the father, who is usually the eldest, provides leadership though every other member of the family (the mother and the children) has his or her own role(s) to perform. The same pattern applies to the extended family wherein the oldest member is expected to provide leadership. Disputes are usually resolved by the elders in the family. Ipso facto, the eldest (Odio or Okpako) member of the community or Odio-Ologbo (the oldest of the elders), as the case may be, was naturally expected to provide leadership of some sort, except when he has become senile. Where the eldest is unable to function in leadership position, the next to him is saddled with the responsibility of leadership. Whereas so much is expected from the Odio or Okpako (eldest) in terms of leadership, the led also had their roles to guide and support the leader. It is not the case in which the will of the elder is imposed on the community; instead, it is the will of the people that prevailed. Apart from the family where the parents could practically have their way, at the community level it is a completely different thing altogether. Decisions are usually a product of consultation and consensus, not necessarily by vote. The various age-grade groups had their leaders, and, together with the entire group, provided leadership at their different levels. At the level of the clan, the Council of Elders with the Odio-Ologbo as the head of the council and the clan as the highest political authority, along with other groups, provided leadership for the entire clan. After the eventual colonization and full establishment of colonial authorities, warrant chiefs were created, and in some cases the warrant chiefs metamorphosed into kings over time. The council of elders was relevant in the day-to-day formulation of policies and administration of the clan. The activities of Ovies and Odio-Ologbos as traditional rulers became more pronounced with the establishment of the colonial administration, which used them as tax collectors. The Ovragwa (youth) were however not left out, as they constituted the militant arm of the government who were highly considered, consulted, and inmolved in the day-to-day affairs of the community. The system was such that community general meetings were convened by the head of the clan after due consultation, where issues of policies are openly debated by all adults. In essence, it was a democracy of some sort, but certainly not of the kind that was characterized by periodic elections.

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This situation, in which the ruler could not unilaterally make decisions on matters of public interest, except in accord with the council of elders and the assembly of the people, made it difficult for any kind of dictatorial tendency to emerge. This practice made it possible for the Ovie (King) to build a culture of interdependence in which the sovereign defered to the people, just as the people venerated him in return. The same applies to the Odio-Ologbo, who has been transformed into a traditional ruler. The two shall be used interchangeably. This mutual respect and consideration has entrenched the spirit of “putting the people first” in everything the leaders did. The women who usually led by an Odio-Out Ewheyae (leader of the women) were equally not left out. They had their own administrative structure within the general administration of the community. They were highly respected. They had their own ways of handling issues that affected them. However, where there were challenges in the handling of certain issues, they were referred to the council of elders. The Isoko woman was held in such high esteem that the typical Isoko man would go to any length to protect his wife. The office of the Odio-Out Ewheyae was very influential. She was not usually the wife of the Ovie, but a woman of proven leadership competence, character, and charisma, chosen by the women themselves. The leadership of the women was usually more dispassionate and forceful. The men were very careful on issues that affected the women directly because of their peculiar nature, unity, and importance. One very strong weapon that the women wielded when their interest was adversely affected was the threat to go nude before the person or group of persons that have undermined their collective identity and interest, or the interest of the whole community. It was believed that going nude attracted evil consequences to whoever induced it. This was because the Isoko people were very religious; they worshiped diverse deities (varying from one community to the other) that served as intermediary between the people and the supreme being and the deities (Nabofa 1992, 6-7). Despite the overwhelming influence of Christianity today, the people still believe in the potency of deities and ancestral forces. The point has been made that the colonial administration led to the establishment of traditional rulers or “paramount” rulers, such that the oldest man was no longer the leader (Odio-Ologbo) in every clan, but those that the colonial authorities eventually gazetted. That does not mean that those gazetted were actually imposed on the people per se. The difference was that the traditional rulers were given a status that originally never existed. However, in Olomoro, the oldest man is still considered as the Odio-Ologbo, but where he is senile his first son takes over the

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position in his place. Apart from those clans that had ancestral and social ties with the Benin kingdom where the tradition of kingship was well established, the idea of Ovie or Odio-Ologbo as paramount ruler is not as old as the people, but the colonial administration formalized it as an institution. Ordinarily, those that exhibited great leadership qualities were, and are still, chosen by the people to lead them in various respects. Nevertheless, age is still a crucial factor of leadership. It is important to point out that there is no record of any king who led any group of people to found any clan in Isoko land. There is equally no evidence that any king in Isoko land came to power by conquest. What this implies is that they originally had no traditional rulers in form of Ovie or Odio-Ologbo. The closest the people had was that those that exhibited great leadership skills, influence, and power were eventually endorsed by the people for protection and leadership. A typical example of this was the first Ovie of the old Enhwe (now Okpolo clan and Enhwe sub-clan) popularly referred to as Ovie Ojuwu. Ojuwu happened to be a hamlet of Enhwe, which was the Ovie’s economic base where he carried out his fishing activities by digging very large and deep fishponds. The intervention by the colonial administration institutionalized the stool of the Ovie or Odio-Ologbo as traditional or paramount ruler, such that the oldest man who used to be the leader of the people was no longer so considered. The emergence of kings was therefore by some form of processes of enrolment or by a decision of a council of kingmakers, and thereafter lineages of kings emerged through either primogeniture or inheritance. Some of these councils of kingmakers stemmed from the committees that the colonial authorities created as tax collecting officers who, with the exit of the colonial authorities, constituted themselves into very influential groups. Though the Ovie or Odio-Ologbo became the traditional ruler, the authority of the traditional ruler, who in some cases doubled as the chiefpriest of the community deities, was not absolute and dictatorial. It was to the extent of his ability to provide selfless and purposeful leadership in line with the aspiration of the people fully expressed in some cases through a council of elders, and in some cases through a direct meeting of the commonwealth as decided from time to time by a general assembly of the entire community. For the king to so remain and be respected too, he was obliged to always act in accordance with the wishes of the people. It is important to state at this juncture that the introduction of a traditional ruler (Ovie or Odio-Ologbo) was not through some sort of conquest but some form of evolution. This point is very significant as it impacted on the way the kings perform the day-to-day responsibility of providing leadership. Were the kings to have emerged through conquest,

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their attitude toward their kingdoms and people would perhaps have been dictatorial, rather than what happens today. Having fully entrenched a system of leadership and having built confidence over the years, the people took for granted that the Ovie or Odio-Ologbo as the case may be (both of which are traditional rulers of the same stature and status but with a difference of nomenclature), would not do anything to jeopardize the interest of the community or the people as that was his only sworn duty traditionally. It was from this solemn trust between the king and the people that the slogan of ewho no Ovie; Ovie no ewho (which means the people or community say it is the king and the king says it is the people or the community) actually emanated. What this represents is that the people are confident that the Ovie or Odio-Ologbo would not do anything that is detrimental or inimical to the interest of the community knowingly, as the people are the only reason for the existence of the throne. In the same vein, the people would not do anything consciously to undermine, desecrate, or jeopardize the sanctity and importance of the stool as it is the emblem and dignity of the community just as the services of the stool are for the wellbeing of the people or community. One sure way by which this trend has been ensured and sustained is the regular consultation with the various interest groups that constituted the community before decisions are taken, and the way the people have continued to take their destiny in their own hands by showing interest and being involved in the day-to-day affairs of the community. However, the impression should not be given that there has never been any over-ambitious king in any of the clans since their foundation and the creation of the position of Ovie, essentially considering that some (or all) of them were equally vested with spiritual powers cum responsibilities as the liaison between the people and their ancestors. It is important to state that governmental institutions and methods both in Isoko and everywhere else develop over time such that from time to time they are modified to suit particular conditions and to fulfill certain aims (Ikime 1972, 3).

Isoko Philosophy of Leadership It is also important to state at this juncture that not many pieces of literature exist with respect to the Isoko people. Obaro Ikime, a foremost professor of history who is of Isoko extraction even lamented that not much was known about Isoko until the discovery of crude oil in Nigeria. Apart from the few reports by the colonial authorities by way of intelligence report, and the book, The Sobo of the Niger Delta by J.W. Hubbard, Obaro Ikime’s book, The Isoko People of Nigeria, is about the

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foremost book on the Isoko people, even though some of his positions were contested on several grounds by some clans in Isoko land. In any case, philosophy is not dependent on documentation, just as a people’s philosophy is not dependent on documentation, otherwise the great ancient Greek philosopher, Socrates, would not have qualified as a philosopher, as he never scribbled a line of his philosophical postulations. In fact, that argument lay to rest the initial position by the West that Africans had no philosophy because it was not documented. The next argument, which has equally been roundly defeated, is that of whether or not philosophy can be African. The point, however, is that if there is nothing wrong with the concept “Western philosophy”, nothing can be wrong with the concept of “African philosophy”. Moreover, as it has been well elucidated, there is no neutral world philosophy. Ruch and Anyanwu (1981, 78) captured it thus: Some experts believe that there is no such thing as a separate African Philosophy; that philosophy is philosophy whether in Africa, Asia, or Europe. The contention… is that we do not have a neutral world philosophy applicable to all cultures at all times and in all places. Every philosophy is a cultural philosophy, conditioned and limited by culture. All culture may observe the same facts (trees, rivers, heavenly bodies, life and death, good and evil, joy and suffering), but their basic assumptions, theories, and standards with which they interpret such facts are different.

It has become absolutely necessary to make the above clarifications, essentially considering the point that this is more of an exercise in hermeneutics and analysis of both literatures, lifestyle of the people, our experiences, and interactions with the people (political, traditional and opinion leaders) over the years, as the author of this piece is also of Isoko extraction. Fundamentally, the underlying philosophy of leadership of the Isoko people is liberalism that emphasizes joint or collective responsibility between the leader and the led, and this is embedded in some of the praise names of kings and wise sayings of the people. For instance, the appellation of ikebe iride literally means big buttocks. The people generally refer to the King as having big buttocks. That is however not to say that all kings are fat or actually have large derrieres in the usual sense. What it simply means is that the King has the community behind him, that is, the King sits with the confidence of the people. His buttocks are as big as his people. The philosophical import of ikebe iride is that the King’s confidence to sit on the throne is dependent on the strength and cooperation of his people. When he sits on the throne, he does so with the

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realization that his people are with him. In this case, it is inconsequential that the king is very slim or not, in physique (Umukoro 2007). The appellation edhudhu k’opia also expresses the relationship between the king and the people. The word Edhudhu means hand fan, while opia means cutlass or machete. It should be noted that traditionally, the Isoko people are farmers, and the cutlass or machete is the major farm implement with which the people farm and earn their living. In this case, it means the King’s staff of office or authority is as sharp as a machete, because it is that authority that makes the people sustain him through the paying of tributes. Traditionally, kings do not go to farm, it is the people that sustain them from their harvest by way of tributes and gifts. At the end of the harvest year, the kings eventually get more than everybody, as virtually everybody brings a portion of their harvest to the king. It then means that the survival of the king is dependent on the survival of the people. To that extent, there is mutuality, as the king would do everything within his powers to ensure the people have a good harvest (Umukoro 2007). Another appellation of kings is aboworo oworo. It means pure and harmless hands. This particular appellation of the kings, whenever it is pronounced, is meant to register in his consciousness the point that, as the King, he should not do anything that is harmful or inimical to the wellbeing of the people (Umukoro 2007). One of the wise sayings that also express the philosophy of leadership of the people significantly is okodaroovo ore rue ude he, which means that one monkey does not see well. In other words, one monkey is usually not as vigilant as when it is in company of others. The philosophy of leadership that this saying underscores is that nobody knows it all, that it takes collective efforts for a people to get to their designated goal(s) (Akpokurierie and Ekere 2014). Ogodenokaroote dikihe, onoremuove dhei is yet another wise saying of the Isoko people. The statement means if the sheep or ram in front fails to move, the one behind has to hit it to remind it of the need to continue their journey to their destination. This implies that leadership does not necessarily mean occupying a political position or office, that even the led have a responsibility of gingering and where possible providing some sense of direction to the leader on how and where to lead the people (Iboma 2014). Also, there is ewhono Ovie; Ovie no ewho. Ewho means town or community, Ovie means king, while “no ovie” means “says the king”. The saying means “the people or community say our king, while the king says my people or community”. The philosophical import of this saying is that the leader has to defer to the people just as the people defer to the leader on issues that interfere with the wellbeing of the people (Iboma 2014).

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From the above, it could be said that liberalism and collectivism best captures the philosophy of leadership of the Isoko people. In a sense, it is unique and distinct from the ordinary democracy on the ground that it emphasizes participation of the people at all levels of governance of the community. What modern day democracy involves (at least in most African countries) is to simply elect people into offices of authority who then assume superiority over the people who elected them. Their rights more or less end with election, while the power of the elected starts from there, unlike among the Isoko people. The various praise names of kings and wise sayings of the people clearly reflect the true nature of leadership in its pure sense among the Isoko. Leadership promotes the liberal philosophy of live and let live, mutual respect and interdependence. What the idea of one unseeing monkey emphasizes is that the leader alone cannot be all knowing, but that he needs the cooperation of others to be able to perform better. More importantly, the point that the sheep or the ram behind has to hit the one in front to remind it of their corporate mission and destiny is very crucial to leadership and good governance. A situation where the people abdicate their responsibilities to fate or a celestial force does not augur well for leadership and good governance. The people must challenge the leadership class and demand accountability, probity, and performance in order to establish good governance. After all, it is said that power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely (Martin 1998, 1). If the people therefore fail to actively and qualitatively engage the system, the result is bad governance. The import of this is that bad governance is not totally a product of bad leadership, but also bad followership. The king realizes from the onset that his fundamental duty and responsibility is to serve the people. When any king or leader, realizes that his survival or retention of his office and glory as a king or leader (be it the president, governor, senator, etc.) is dependent on the people, then he will be compelled to think twice and consider the interest and wellbeing of his people or community before taking any major decision that will negatively impact on the people. In fact, the fear of the people is one crucial element to the survival and sustenance of democracy. Another very important factor in the philosophy of leadership of the Isoko people is the difficulty for an individual (who naturally should have class interest) to assume to know the affectedness of every interest in the community or the interest of every group. Of equal importance is the limited capability of one person to address all issues, irrespective of the size and capacity of his brain, being a human being and not a god. That is why it is extremely important for every interest to be consulted in matters

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of policy formulation and even execution. The fact remains that nobody can feel it exactly the way the person that had the experience feels. That is the more reason why every age-grade or shade of opinion is important. Apparently, children cannot be counted among these, as it is the responsibility of every right-thinking adult to know what is good for them and cater for them as a matter of priority. For the Isoko people, apart from the stage of pregnancy, it is the responsibility of everybody to train the child, as nobody can tell which child would eventually become a leader (in the sense of occupying an office of authority), bearing in mind that the training that the child gets would play itself out for the entire community to either relish or suffer in the long run (Akpokurierie and Ekere 2014). Equally very germane is the point that the various age-grades at certain levels attended meetings by representation, usually after the age-grade would have met and taken a position which the representative was supposed to guide himself with. It was often held that even when one was sent on an errand as a slave, he was supposed to deliver such a message as a free citizen. However, should such a representative fail to uphold the interest of his people adequately and instead chose to take laws into his hands, he would be publicly denied by the people.

Administration of Justice Much more fundamental to the philosophy of leadership of the Isoko people, was the issue of administration of justice, with particularly respect to the punishment of crime. One very easy way for a leader to lose his respect and possibly the recognized authority to lead the people was the way he treated cases brought before his court. It should be noted that there were different levels of administration of justice. The various age-grades had their various ways of dealing with conflict cases. The king’s council was however the highest authority, except where the parties were not satisfied and decided to take the matter to the regular courts of the state. However, most of the times the people were satisfied with the judgment of the king’s court, as it usually treated cases dispassionately on their own merit, irrespective of who was involved. Although there have been a few instances of alleged miscarriage of justice, such cases were eventually tried by ordeal (Ikime 1972, 41). Trial by ordeal was a traditional method or system of justice (other than the regular court or judicial system) used in establishing guilt or innocence. In this system, the accused person was made to undergo some very painful physical test to determine their involvement or otherwise in

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the alleged crime (Cayne 1987, 705). Some of the forms of ordeal in general used among the people included: 1.) The lobe of the ear or tongue being daubed with some native medicine and a needle thrust through. Should the needle penetrate with ease, the person was then cleared as innocent, and where it was otherwise, the person was considered guilty of the allegation. 2.) Picking cowries out of a pot of boiling water after the hand had been daubed with some native potion. While the presence of burns suggested guilt, absence of burns presupposed innocence. 3.) Picking an axe-head that had been heated in a roaring fire and walking about 25 yards with it. This was usually after the hand had been daubed with some native potion. In the same manner, while the presence of burns indicated guilt, the absence of burns was a proof of innocence. 4.) Drinking sasswood mixture. It was believed that a witch could not live after drinking the mixture (Ikime 1972, 41). The other ordeal with regard to detection of witchcraft was that of going to the lake called Eni to swim. Eni was the deity of the lake that is at Uzere. The lake was reputed for drowning witches without allowing their corpses to float thereafter (Welch 1936, 163 & 318). We do not intend to go deeper or dwell on this particular point as it is not the focus of this study. The point however is that the mere threat of trial by any of these measures created enough fear in many litigants such that they were compelled to confess the truth. The implication of this is that truth is an integral element of justice, but not only evidence. In fact, a lot of elders of Isoko today are of the position that in the pre-modern judicial system, perjury was far less than it became with the introduction of the Western-type judicial (court) system (Ikime 1972, 41). The Isoko people see justice as a key component of government. Indeed, it is the very heart or essence of governance (Ikime 1972, 37). The challenge with the administration of justice among the people is that, unlike what happens in modern states where the responsibility of the legislature, executive, and the judiciary are clearly separated (though not watertight), among the Isoko people the village council is saddled with legislative, executive, and judicial responsibilities, with the youth as the machinery for carrying out many of the actions. Though this makes the system appear susceptible to manipulations, it was hardly abused, probably because of the values of leadership that the people have imbibed

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and the fear of sanctions from the ancestral world and rejection by the people. Moreover, there was a very high level of transparency, fairness, credibility, and objectivity, due to the culture of socialization that instilled in the individual the discipline to be upright, objective, and dispassionate in dealing with matters of community. To that extent, the council was able to tell any party that was guilty of an offence as such, irrespective of who was involved. Hence, the king could pronounce a judgment of guilt on even his own child or wife as the case may be. At that point it would be left to the people to decide that, since the king was upright in his judgment, the penalty should be reduced, as a kind of respect for his objectivity and his royal stool, if the need arose. The consciousness that any act of perversion of justice could attract evil consequences from the ancestral world guided the administration of justice. This implies that the administration of justice was not purely a physical exercise, but also spiritual. The ontological import of this is the reflection on the true nature of the human being, and reality at large as being constituted by spirit and matter. Awolowo (1981, 129) conceives of the human being as a being that has a body (matter) and mind (spirit). The ontological foundation is critical because every political philosophy has an ontological basis. It was this involvement of the ancestral or spiritual world in the affairs of the people in ensuring social order that makes them resort to trial by ordeal in a situation where any of the parties was either dissatisfied or refused to own up or accept the verdict of the council with the understanding that at the end of the day truth and justice would prevail.

Lessons from Isoko Indigenous Philosophy of Leadership The point has been made that government among the traditional Isoko people was essentially gerontocracy, but this has evolved significantly to accommodate diverse views and cadres of members of society. What lessons can be drawn from it? Good governance is a product of quality leadership and shared responsibilities. One thing that propelled quality leadership is the point that those who eventually held positions of authority either as Ovie, Odio-Ologbo, or the head of any other group of the age-grade and ewheyae were not only chosen by the people based on their competence, character, and capacity, but also are products of the system. They would have shown good qualities even as part of the led. For them, it takes a good follower to become a good leader.

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Furthermore, the government was very much an affair of the people as a whole, from the bearded sire to the youngest adolescent. The process of socialization was such that by the time one got to a certain level of maturity, he would have acquired a sound grounding in village and clan governance, having participated in various activities of the community. It is very clear that leadership among the Isoko people is rooted in the sociocultural values of the people. We stress that, based on that premise, any attempt at importing alien cultural values and systems of government, without scrutinizing and weighing them against the existing scale of value, would seriously threaten the quest for good governance. Perhaps, due to the challenge of Africa’s personality crisis owing to Western forces, African leaders hold positions that are inimical to Africa’s quest for true emancipation and good governance. This makes them adopt bizarre behavioral cultures. “Instead of dancing to the polyrhythmic tunes of Africa, they condemn them, and dance to the strange tunes of foreign lands and predators” (Dompere 2006, 128). African political leaders are very quick at drawing from the West in terms of political systems, but very slow at learning the temperament of the West that makes the particular political system suitable for them. The idea of wide consultation on matters of general or public interest, which characterized Isoko philosophy of leadership, is crucial to the enthronement of good governance. Also germane is the dispassionate administration of justice through strict enforcement of laws by the concerned or relevant agencies or authorities and punishment of offenders or law-breakers when the occasion calls for it, no matter who is involved. In enforcement of law, everybody’s involvement is crucial, either by way of giving information or otherwise. The entire gamut of socialization in the pristine values of the people that prepares them for citizenship and leadership, which the Isoko people do, is crucial to good governance. Just as the Holy Bible says, if you train a child to know the way that he should behave, when he is old he will not do otherwise. When the culture of mutual respect for mankind is ingrained in a people, those who eventually rise to positions of government and authority put the people first, and when that is done, the tendency for the people to feel inspired and motivated will be higher. Another very crucial feature of the philosophy of leadership of the Isoko people is the point that it was and is still devoid of partisanship as there are no political parties. This makes the people’s allegiance to the community total.

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Conclusion/Recommendations It is crucial to understand that the political behavior of man is determined by human nature. According to Eme Awa (1996,10), the political behavior of the individual is determined by virtue of his inherent character and basic constitution as a human being and by a complex of fundamental dispositions acquired over the years through political socialization. It is true that a human being is a universal being endowed with the capacity for rational understanding, moral judgment, and action. He/she has the capacity to create and appreciate beauty and so on. These inherent capacities can however lie largely dormant in a situation where the human is incapable of satisfying his/her basic needs and also unable to acquire the requisite knowledge of the reality of his/her existence. The African has encountered some distortions and deprivations as a result of the vices of slavery, colonization, and neo-colonialism (Awa 1996, 11), and the apparent implication is the political inactiveness that is found among the people. As for the West, they are in a position to influence development of policies, whereas African masses are not. Apart from the universal elements of human nature such as the physical needs, social needs, and so on, there are equally particular elements which make it absolutely critical for Africans to determine their political systems and attitude in line with their peculiarities. After all, Montesquieu had argued that governments and laws should be particularized or environmentally conditioned (Montesquieu 1949, 6-7). For instance, the issue of individualism of the West against the extended family sentiments of Africans should be critically examined before embracing Western models. Moreover, the spirit of ‘be your brother’s keeper’ and a host of other values should be taken seriously. The dearth of these values has promoted the drive for corruption and primitive accumulation of wealth, at the expense of the people and the state. There is the dire need for citizenship and leadership training and socialization. We therefore recommend the introduction of the study of ethics and African cultural values at all levels, including the elementary level. More so, the culture of rewarding good and punishing evil should be introduced, enforced, and sustained. Equally very important is the process of choosing our leaders. It should be more transparent and our leaders made more accountable. It is equally important to state that politics of the party system does not, in most cases, throw up competent candidates because of party bureaucracies. There should be room for independent candidature in our political system such that a popular candidate that is

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unable to emerge as a party candidate would have the chance of participating in the political system as an independent candidate.

References Akpokurierie, Egba and Ekere, Ighigboja Michael. 2014. A Report of the Committee on Review of the Culture of Okpolo Clan on Marriages and the Role of Traditional Institutions.Unpublished. Awa, Eme. 1996. Emancipation of Africa. Lagos: Emancipation Consults and Publishers Ltd. Awolowo, Obafemi. 1981. Path to Nigerian Greatness. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Ltd. Cayne, Bernard. 1987. The New Lexicon Webster’s Dictionary of the English Language. New York: Lexicon Publications, Inc. Dompere, Kofi Kissi. 2006. Polyrhythmicity Foundations of African Philosophy.London: Adonis and Abbey Publishers Ltd. Iboma, Joseph Aziakpono Dele. 2014. AnAddress by the President, Isoko Development Union, Lagos Branch at the end of Year / Tenure Meeting of Isoko Development Union, Lagos Branch. Unpublished. Ikime, Obaro. 1972. The Isoko People: A Historical Survey. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. Martin, Brian. 1998. Information Liberation. London: Freedom Press. Momoh, Campbell Shittu. 1994. The Funeral of Democracy in Nigeria. Lagos: African Philosophy Projects Publication. Montesquieu, Baron de. 1949. The Spirit of the Laws. Translated by Thomas Nugent. New York: Hafner Press. Nabofa, Michael. 1992. Adam: The Evangelist. Ibadan: Daystar Press. Nkrumah, Kwame. 1962. Toward Colonial Freedom. London: Panaf Books Ltd. Ruch, E.A. and Kevin C. Anyanwu. 1981. African Philosophy. Rome: Officium Libri Catholici. Tempels, Placide. 1959. Bantu Philosophy. Paris: Presence Africaine. Umukoro, Alfred Esharegaga. 2007. A Position Paper on Traditional Institutions and Values. Unpublished. Unah, Jim Ijenwa. 2002. African Philosophy: Trends and Projections in Six Essays. Lagos: Foresight Press. Welch, James W. 1936.The Isoko Clans of the Niger Delta. Cambridge: University of Cambridge. Ph.D Thesis.

CHAPTER FIVE CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS OF PAUL FEYERABEND’S ‘FLIGHT FROM REASON’ FOR SCIENCE AND EPISTEMOLOGY IN AFRICA BLESSING O. AGIDIGBI DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract This chapter critically examines Feyerabend’s scathing attack on the authority of “reason” in modern societies. Specifically, it looks at its challenges and prospects for the development of science and epistemology in Africa. Feyerabend’s point is that “reason”, scientific methodism and rationality reduce our joys and our intellectual resources by singing the praises of cultural uniformity and decrying cultural diversity. It is argued that Feyerabend’s position, properly contextualized, provides the best approach to the problem of the nature of rationality and comes under the fallibilist, non-foundational epistemic tradition. This coheres with the post – modernist, post –empiricist or post-structuralist perspectives that a liberalized and humanized orientation is a feasible alternative method for the philosophical and scientific enterprises. Africa must de-emphasize the element of “formalization”, reanalyze the nature and content of rationality, and shift concentration on practice. Key words: Feyerabend, Reason, Science, Epistemology

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Introduction In modern times, the image with which the scientific community is commonly associated and in which it is projected is that of rationality par excellence. In other words, instead of the broad use of the word “science” to mean knowledge and to include the arts or the humanities generally, the naming of some claims or specific ways of reasoning or research programs as scientific is done in a way that is intended to imply some kind of merit or special kind of reliability. Thus, science becomes, as Gueye defines it, “the specific modality of human activity investment, which consists of producing objective knowledge based on the discovery of laws in the various areas of reality, enabling us to give a rational account and an extremely good anticipation of events and phenomena” (1995, 8). This implies that the task of science is to explain actual events, processes or phenomena in nature, by following laid down procedural rules. In fact, no system of theoretical ideas, technical terms and mathematical procedures qualify as science, unless it comes to grips with empirical facts and helps to make them intelligible. The only statements that the scientist is willing to accept are those that have satisfied the criteria stipulated by reason and scientific methodism. The natural sciences, therefore, are dispassionate and unprejudiced, because they do not admit subjective preferential choices. Choices are made strictly in accordance with scientific techniques and methods that are objective in character. Consequently, science is contrasted with such practices as astrology, oracular divination, and palmistry. It is also contrasted with such academic disciplines as history, law, religions, linguistics, and metaphysics (Aigbodioh 1997, 1-5). Paul Feyerabend, a contemporary philosopher, challenges this image of science. He regards the belief in that image as not only content-less, but politically and culturally destructive. In his book Farewell to Reason (1987, 13), he says: “It is time we bid it (i.e. Reason) farewell”. For Feyerabend, objectivity, reason, and/or rationality are false, destructive ideals that serve narrow and particular interests only, by encouraging uniformity and decrying diversity. Contrary to popular opinion of Western science and technology as a sine qua non of contemporary development, Feyerabend says that a variety of cultures are being destroyed by the advance of Western science. By extension, he posits that Western science is engulfing the whole world in a cultural uniformity that extols the ideals of “reason and objectivity”, but which in fact utilizes these ideals in order to mask and perpetuate special political and economic interests. The fundamental questions are: (i) What does Feyerabend consider as the problem with scientific rationality? (ii) Is

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his “flight from reason” a defensible program of inquiry? (iii) What significant lessons are there for Africa and other developing societies in the 22nd century? These questions are explored in this chapter.

Conceptualizing Reason, Scientific Methodism, and Rationality Reason refers to the power of the mind to think in a logical way, to understand and draw conclusions. Used as a synonym for scientific methodism and rationality, it involves the idea of a firm, unchanging, and absolutely binding principles for conducting the business of science. It is the idea that science can and should be run according to fixed and universal rules. In sum, these rules are conceived as universal (common to all genuine scientific or rational thought), fixed, and prescriptive. The central idea of scientific rationality is that knowledge claims in genuine science are made on the basis of humanly detached evidence, or is characterized by lack of alternatives with respect to rational orientations. As Gellner (1974, 101) expresses it: The salient feature of scientific knowledge is that its explanatory schemata are impersonal, indifferent to idiosyncrasy and identity, and articulated in terms that are socially and morally blind and which are indeed generally unintelligent without specialized and technical training.

Such an idea is associated with foundationalism - the belief that the quest for certainty ought to proceed on the basis of some privileged, incorrigible, or indubitable foundation (Quinton 1989, 55-56). It is the basis for the elusive and endless search for some permanent criteria of knowledge or an Archimedean point that will enable us to demarcate once and for all time, the boundaries between science and pseudo-science, rational and irrational cultures, logical and illogical methodological procedures for arriving at truths, and so on. Bacon was the first to attempt to articulate what the method of modern science is. In the early seventeenth century, he proposed that the aim of science is the improvement of man’s lot on earth and, for him, this aim was to be achieved by collecting facts through organized observation and deriving theories from them. He saw science as a product of methods of reasoning from experience, methods that present scientific claims as conclusions rationally drawn from empirical data and thus have rationally justified conclusions (Chambers1978, xvii).

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Rationality is also instanced by important rules of scientific method invented by Descartes, David Hilbert – a late 19th century mathematician (among others) and canonized by the logical positivists such as Rudolf Carnap and Karl Popper. These men, like Bacon, conceived the need to formulate explicitly rational procedures of science in a way that would free them from arbitrary and unfounded or superstitious assumptions, or what Bacon called “idols”, and ground them in a logically impregnable manner or the properties of “clear and distinct” or self evidently valid concepts (as distinguished by Descartes) (New Encyclopedia Britannica 1981, 387). Descartes’ contribution to scientific method and rationality lies in his conviction that the universe is a vast and complex mechanism whose laws are nevertheless discoverable by reason. He analyzed the nature of reason. He found that reason consists essentially in two “operations of the mind” – intuition and deduction. According to him, intuition assures us of the truth of statements composed of ideas that are at once simple, dear, and distinct. It is employed in our acceptance of the truth of definitions, which set out the essential properties of a concept and of axioms (first principles or premises) whose truth is so self-evident and self-guaranteeing that they do not require any more basic statement from which they need to be derived (Onigbinde 1996, 118). However, intuition is not all there is to reason; there is also deduction. By deduction, Descartes meant that act of the mind by which one derives, through a series of necessary logical steps, one statement from another. For instance, if p implies q and q implies r, then p implies r. In a deductive argument, each step is logically entailed by previous statements whose truth has been established, either by previous deductions, or on the basis of intuition. Intuition and deduction, according to Descartes, are thus the two most certain paths to knowledge. No other path should be admitted by the mind, and all the rest are to be rejected as suspect and liable to error (Onigbinde 1996). For Popper, genuine science proceeds by making bold conjectures, then strenuously attempting to test them by finding and observing situations in which they might very well fail to be correct. As he puts it, “scientific theories are empirically falsifiable, and the scientific approach is characterized by the non-dogmatic postulation of bold conjectures”(Popper 1972, 34). Popper’s idea is that pure facts form the bedrock of scientific theories and discoveries, and that this feature distinguishes the natural science from all other disciplines, cultures, and practices such as astrology and divination. It is the idea that scientific theories are criticized not merely or even primarily by confrontation with

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other people’s opinion and theories, but by the very world of which we seek knowledge. The natural sciences then are special because their critical dialogue is conducted in a world that exists independently of men, their perceptions, opinions, and thought processes, a world that sets an absolute standard that is not available to other disciplines. But is scientific rationality free from a-priori metaphysical presuppositions? Or is it true, as it is presupposed by scientific rationality, that the power of the human intellect, unaided by divine revelation and/or human interests, is capable of discovering the real nature and secrets of reality?

“Flight from Reason” in Feyerabend’s Philosophy In Farewell to Reason, Feyerabend challenges the authority of reason in modern societies. His fundamental conviction is that diversity is beneficial, while uniformity imposed by reason reduces our joys and our intellectual and material resources (Feyerabend 1987, 1). The problem is that the idea of “Reason and Objectivity” was used not only in creating knowledge, but also to legitimize existing information. What is being imposed is a collection of uniform views and practices which have the intellectual and political support of powerful groups and institutions. Consequently, cultural differences, indigenous crafts, customs and institutions have all been lost to the claims of objectivity. To say that a point of view or procedure is objectively true is to argue that it is valid, irrespective of human expectations, ideas, attitudes, and wishes (1987, 5). This is one of the fundamental claims that contemporary scientists and many scholars of other disciplines make about their work. Feyerabend, however, points out that while formal procedures make sense in some worlds, they become silly in others. Actions that seem perfectly normal in one culture are rejected and condemned in another. Our debates about abortion, euthanasia, homosexuality, capital punishment, gene manipulation and the intellectual, political, economic, and military exchanges between different cultures illustrate the ways in which values change opinion, attitudes, and actions. The tensions that remain are between values, not between reason and irrationality. It would be shortsighted to assume that only the champions of reason and progress now possess the key for survival. Feyerabend’s point is that knowledge is a local commodity designed to satisfy specific needs and solve restricted regional problems. While the objectivist illegitimately separates theory from practice, thought, and emotion and nature from society, all we really have, according to him, is a

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variety of approaches based on different models and successful in restricted domains. Orthodox science, accordingly, is merely one among many, not a standard for what is and what cannot be accepted (1987, 39). He agrees with Foucault that what passes as truth in science is basically an issue of institutional power, and that this is why science cannot afford to be tolerant of divergent opinions. Feyerabend wants us to realize that not everybody lives in the same world. In his words: “The worlds in which cultures unfold not only contain different events, they also contain them in different ways” (1987, 105). Thus, while dismissing the belief that humanity can be saved by groups of people shooting the breeze in well-heated offices, Feyerabend urges us to refrain from ratiocinating about the lives of people we have never seen. However enlightened such ratiocination may seem to be, it is as dogmatic and authoritarian as the allegedly unenlightened thinking it is supposed to supersede. The quality of the lives of individuals must be known by personal experience before any suggestions for change can be made, and those who wish to help others should proceed as ignoramuses in need of instruction, rather than as heaven’s greatest gifts. In fact, the only reasonable option that is now open, according to Feyerabend, is to say farewell to reason and return to life, where problems of truth, scientific practice, and knowledge are redefined in ways that allow a ready identification of what goes on in the lives of scientists and other ordinary human beings and cultures (1987). Indeed, Feyerabend’s central idea is that the objectivity of reason is a myth and it is essential that we face up to the fact. As he elegantly puts it, words like “reason” and “rationality” may have a good ring to them, but they are practically useless, as they can be connected with almost any idea or procedure to surround it with a halo of excellence… It is untrue that the progress of reason is inevitable (1987, 10-12). In his view, there is no single right way to behave, no single right way to think, only ways that are right for some of us, wrong for others. Man is, as Protagoras maintained, the measure of all things; the truth lies with us, with our opinion and experiences (1987, 50). Even in the physical sciences, universal truth is unavailable and unnecessary, there being only different points of view, valid in different areas. Feyerabend wants the citizens at large, rather than special groups, to have that last word in deciding what is true or false, useful or useless for their society. Whatever the rationalists may say, the content of our opinions depends on or is relative to the constituting principles of the tradition to which they belong. Hence opinions not tied to traditions are outside human existence (1987, 73). Once it is conceded that conceptions of reason are tied to traditions or historical products that are generated to protect the interests of a specific

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group, reason (conceived as a set of rules and standards for ensuring success) is itself relativized. It is open to different groups to explore the possibilities inherent in their theories or modes of cognition and, having achieved success, to formulate an appropriate conception of rational behavior that they think can account for. What one group cannot do is use its standards to evaluate as irrational the practices of the adherents of alternative systems of thought. Nor can it attempt to stop them on those grounds from pursuing ideas that they find attractive and useful. Only social and psychological pressures, dressed up in the trappings of reason, can do that (Krige 1980, 138). As Lugg correctly remarked, there are two sets of clams here. On the one hand, there are Feyerabend’s non-philosophical observations about society and science, most of which seem sound enough. Without doubt, scientism, the over-rationalization of human behavior, and the adulation of experts should be strongly condemned, as should the arrogant assumption that “non-scientific” cultures have nothing to offer. On the other hand, there are Feyerabend’s general philosophical views about the relativity of truth, rightness, and reality, which are much more difficult to swallow (1991, 109-120). Indeed, most scholars and philosophers of science would agree that Feyerabend’s philosophy was to a high degree analytical, critical, penetrating, and intellectually capturing, right down from his initial rejection of method and all universal standards in science. But the question is, by dismissing reason and objectivity or universal method, has Feyerabend helped his cause? How defensible is his flight from reason? No doubt, Feyerabend’s work cries out for attention.

Is the “Flight from Reason” a Defensible Program of Inquiry? Feyerabend’s attack on and eventual flight from ‘reason’ and ‘rationality’ begins on a plausible note. He claims that science develops unevenly. It is pluralistic and contains some form of complementarity. He advocates a thorough going methodological and cultural pluralism in which alternative methods and/or cultures are free to plot their own future courses; in which the culture of science and reason is exposed as only one among countless alternatives, rather than as the essence of a universal culture in which people determine what impact, if any, science and the culture of science have on their lives (Harvey 1991, 344). There is no doubt that Feyerabend’s flight from reason rests heavily on his distinction between theoretical and practical or historical traditions. Feyerabend is, of course, an opponent of such theoretical traditions.

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Consequently, in his view, the idea of one scientific method, objectivity, rationality, and reason are false because they are destructive ideals that trivialize history and serve narrow and particular interests. Here, Feyerabend’s point is clear - science must be connected in particular ways to the historical tradition. In particular, it must satisfy specific needs, and solve restricted regional problems. One can also readily agree with Feyerabend’s strictures against the idea of unchanging rules or methods. If there is a method or rule in science, we have to acquire it, discover it, just as we make discoveries in science itself. Accordingly, if a line of research in which a particular rule is being implicitly or explicitly followed is not delivering the goods, the way forward may well be to change the rule. And there is no doubt that there is a clear line of development of this view from Popper through Lakatos to Feyerabend concerning the role of reason in the growth of knowledge. As Krige succinctly puts it “all three (Popper, Lakatos, and Feyerabend) grant to the non-rational a crucial role in the development of scientific thought, it being the source of new ideas” (Krige 1980, 141). This is part of a conception of history that sees the historically disengaged, intellectually productive individuals as one essential motor of progress. Popper immediately restricts the freedom thus gained in the socalled context of discovery by combining modus tollens with a set of methodological rules in the so-called context of justification. Together, these specify what moves in the game of science are reasonable, emphasizing particularly the importance of eliminating empirically defective theories. And Lakatos, having been influenced by Kuhn’s historical studies, loosened the constraints in the context of justification. He found that it was extremely difficult to condemn as irrational scientists who refused to abandon a research program, even though by his own standards that program was degenerating. The best that he could do was to suggest that socio-psychological pressures should be used to remove it (Krige 1980, 141). Focusing on the significance of individual freedom and developing a conception of reason that sees it as essentially serving group interests, Feyerabend pushes Lakatos’ position to its logical conclusion. He claims there are no rational grounds for eliminating any cognitive system that people find helpful and attractive. The history of thought is a history of bodies of knowledge that spring up arbitrarily alongside one another and which would develop parallel to each other in perpetuity if external pressures did not force them beneath the surfaces of consciousness from which they may well up again at any time (Krige 1980). There is a fundamental tension permeating Feyerabend’s flight from reason. It is that between his recognition of the importance of criticisms in

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the light of alternatives, on the one hand, and his commitment to individual happiness and fulfillment on the other. Feyerabend values the freedom and happiness of the individual above anything else and consequently, his opinion of the role and nature of criticism is adjusted accordingly. To him, criticisms are essentially defensive, seeking to create spaces for different points of view alongside one another. This is clear from his claim that knowledge grows through combining proliferation, which allows for the introduction of new theories and ideas, with tenacity, which allows for their articulation and development: Proliferation means that there is no need to suppress even the most outlandish product of the human brain. Everyone may follow his inclinations, and science, conceived as a critical enterprise, will profit from such an activity. Tenacity means that one is encouraged not just to follow one’s inclinations, but to develop them further, to raise them, with the help of criticism (which involves a comparison with the existing alternatives) to a higher level of articulation, and thereby to raise their defense to a level of consciousness (Krige 1980, 143).

Feyerabend’s point here is that these two principles – proliferation and tenacity - are compatible with individual liberty in that they apply minimum pressure on us to deviate from our inclinations. This is reminiscent of Mill’s argument for freedom of opinion (Cohen 1961, 245, 258 & 268; Newton-Smith 1981, 132). Mill also noted that a theory incompatible with our current theory, while in error, may contain a portion of truth, and the general or prevailing opinion on any subject is rarely or never the whole truth, it is only through the collision of adverse opinions that the remainder of the truth has any chance of being supplied (Feyerabend 1987, 34). But would science or knowledge flourish if everyone were trying to develop his own totally unique theory all the time? According to NewtonSmith, the rationalist regards his principles of comparison as inductive rules to be used to guide us in the choice between rival theories in the face of the available evidence. It is the characteristic mark of such reasoning that something can be a good supporting reason for a hypothesis, even though that hypothesis turns out to be false. Thus, it cannot count against a particular inductive rule that it has on some occasions led us to hold false beliefs. To have a reason to abandon such a rule we would have to have reason to think that it has led us wrong more often than right. But the way in which Feyerabend regards the putative counter – productive instances to a principle of comparison indicates that he erroneously assumes that the rationalist is committed to believing in an exception-less algorithmic principle of comparison (Newton-Smith 1981, 134). Newton-Smith’s

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argument is that no rationalist will dispute the truism that their principle of comparison (inductive rules) may on some occasions lead them to wrong direction. But if historical evidence like that is to count against a particular principle, rule, or method, we need more than anecdotes about failures, we need proof that it has led us wrong more often than not. That would require a massive historical investigation. Feyerabend does not even begin to amass the sort of details that would be required. Neither does he provide us with any criterion whereby the particular rules may be assessed. What he says is that reason, objectivity, and all methodological rules inhibit progress. The truth however, is that, trapped as we are within the scientific enterprise without a divine road to knowledge, we have no recourse but to make such judgments on the basis of other principles of comparison. Any historically based attack on a particular procedural rule of the sort being envisaged will presuppose the viability of other such rules. An attack on a particular aspect of method, Newton-Smith says, presupposes method. For this reason we agree with Harvey that Feyerabend’s methodological and cultural pluralism, and the eventual flight from reason, provides a bad argument for a good cause. In particular, Harvey claims that Feyerabend’s position suffers, first, from self-inflicted depreciation; having been rendered impotent by Feyerabend’s view of objectivity and rationality, what claims to persuasion can his argument possibly hold? And second, the argument is said to be incoherent: instead of respecting and leaving diverse cultures, methods, and traditions alone as required by his views, Feyerabend fails to honor the rights of people in several ways by formulating from afar, abstract principles of cultural and methodological autonomy (Harvey 1991, 343350). The point is that, although Feyerabend explicitly rejects the objectivity of reason, he however, uses reason to defend his views and to challenge the views of his opponents. He (Feyerabend) argues that reason involves ignorant and irrational dreams of domination and a hegemonic and destructive development, whereas the reason of ordinary people trying to create a better and safer world for themselves and their children does not. He even chastises Einstein for relying upon subjective convictions only, and praises Mach for going beyond subjective convictions to examine the nature and source of their authority, despite his denial that there can be any objective authority underlying subjective convictions (Feyerabend 1987, 200). Feyerabend clearly appeals to and is fully committed to the objectivity and forcefulness of reason and method. In defense of Feyerabend, Nordmann claims that Harvey’s criticism or attack on Feyerabend represents a rationalist objective misapprehension of Feyerabend’s rhetoric devices. In

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other words, misunderstanding runs deep. Rather than recommending any particular courses of action, Nordmann claims Feyerabend helps by providing a resource for argumentation at the interface between traditions. Feyerabend’s flight from reason, methodological and/or cultural pluralism, expresses friendship with other cultures, traditions, and methods in the sense of appreciating their wisdom - even the strangest ways of life may have something to offer (Nordmann 1990, 320). Instead of prescribing notions of the good life, Feyerabend considers other traditions for what they have to offer, and that is hope. As he puts it, “there is, and always was reason (with a small r) for hope… Entire societies, primitive tribes among them, have taught us that the progress of reason is not inevitable, that it can be retarded and that things may get better as a result” (Feyerabend 1987, 12). Consequently, Nordmann urges us to understand Feyerabend’s view as reflecting what we would call an existential and historically contingent decision on how to conceive human nature and its rightful arrangement with the world. But does this vindicate Feyerabend’s attack against reason and rules in science? Feyerabend, like Kuhn, passes from the thesis of incommensurability to a thesis of the relativism of truth. According to Lugg, Feyerabend’s argument for the relativity of truth leaves much to be desired. It is one thing to argue that the criteria of success and acceptance change in accordance with the values of those interested in a particular area of knowledge, quite another to conclude that the relevant values are personal rather than cognitive, social rather than epistemic (1991,112). In fact, it is for this major defect that Feyerabend’s position is being accused of irrationalism, subjectivism, and anything-goes relativism. Nonetheless, we should hesitate before dismissing Feyerabend’s view out of hand if for no other reason than that he can also be interpreted as adumbrating a stance or outlook as opposed to a “premise”, “rule”, or “Methodism”. Nothing said so far undermines his view that relativism is a good option for the problems that now confront us, or shows him to be wrong in thinking that our present social arrangement could benefit from a little more freedom. If nothing else, Feyerabend, like Hans-George Gadamer, has shown that there are different types of knowledge and truths, which are not exhausted by achievements of scientific rationality and which are only available to us through hermeneutical understanding (Bernstein 1986, 105). While a more rationalist approach may be required in the future, for the time being, Feyerabend’s relativistic approach may well be just the one that we require. But what does such an outlook involve? Rather than thinking of real general knowledge or rational certainty and knowledge claims in science

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on the basis of humanly detached evidence, characterized by the lack of alternatives with respect to rational orientations, Feyerabend argues that one should understand rational certainty in terms of justification of the relation between persons and propositions in the logical space of reasons where one supports one’s claims by appeal to one’s current conceptual scheme, one’s web of presently held aims and most warranted beliefs. Like Richard Rorty (1979), he sees rational certainty as a matter of conversation between persons, rather than as a matter of interaction with non-human reality. Thus understood, rational certainty does not entail apodictic knowledge, foundationalism, or “the principle of rationality”, whose explanatory schemata are impersonal, indifferent to idiosyncrasy and identity or articulated in terms that are socially and morally blind. Borrowing still from the writing of Rorty, one could characterize rationality for Feyerabend as better understood in terms of hermeneutics rather than epistemology. The latter, being haunted by Bernstein’s Cartesian anxiety (Bernstein 1988, 16-20), attempts to reduce all rival claims to a single, privileged discourse, and to postulate a neutral algorithm capable of adjudicating between all such claims. As Rorty puts it: It is the hope that all theories may be brought under a set of rules that will tell us how rational agreement can be reached on what would settle the issue… where statements seem to conflict. These rules tell us how to construct an ideal situation, in which all residual disagreement will be seen to be non cognitive, merely verbal, or else merely temporary…. Epistemology sees the hope of agreement as a token of the existence of common ground, which, perhaps unbeknown to the speakers, united them in a common rationality (1979, 316-318).

On the other hand, the relations between various discourses is seen in hermeneutics “as those of strands in a possible conversation, a conversation which presupposes no disciplinary matrix which unites the speakers but where hope of agreement is neither lost so long as the conversation lasts” (Rorty 1979, 316-318). Epistemology thus understood, like the scientific method, conceives of rationality as rational closure, as determinant and conclusive. Hermeneutics, like methodological and/or cultural pluralism, on the other hand thinks of rationality in terms of rationales that are of good reasons relative to a scheme. It involves giving up foundationalism and the search for certitude. It is more than an injunction against seeking in one’s scholarly battles to score logical points and carry the day by forcing the capitulation of one’s opponent. As Peerenboom, correctly remarked “… it

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suggests that we move away from this adversarial winner-take-all conception of discussion and focus on exploring areas of commonality to see if agreement can be reached” (1990, 8). To this extent, it guides against dogmatism and promotes, rather than stifles, creativity and the exploration of new avenues. Thus, the message of Feyerabend’s ‘flight from reason’ is to restore to both the creative scientist and the general public, freedom of decision in matters of knowledge. It is in the light of the above that he contends that mankind and even science will profit from everyone doing his own thing. In Feyerabend’s view, freedom for science is just as important as freedom from the sciences. Science needs protection from non-scientific traditions no less than non-scientific traditions need protection from science. He does, indeed, hold that scientists may profit from a study of logic or of the Tao, but he also insists that this type of study should emerge from scientific practice; it should not be imposed. But to argue that traditions should be accorded equal rights and opportunities is, afterall, tantamount to arguing that it is pointless to go to the trouble of changing those that are now in place. That is, one can hardly reflect the export of freedom into regions whose inhabitants show no desire to change their ways. How could someone as antipathetic to contemporary society and science as Feyerabend end up arguing that the status quo is generally satisfactory? No doubt a large part of the reason is that he takes rationalism and relativism to be the only possible options. For all his distaste for traditional philosophical theorizing, he embraces the traditional identification of anti-rationalism with relativism, and takes it to go without saying that anyone committed to the former incurs the obligation of defending the latter (Lugg 1991, 115). Where he differs from his rationalist opponents is not with regard to how the matter should be understood, but solely with regard to the inferences that ought to be drawn. While the rationalist resists the anti-rationalism challenge on the ground that relativism is too awful to contemplate, Feyerabend takes it to be inescapable. In fact, he may be criticized for ignoring the fact that individuals who differ substantially in what they believe and how they act are often fully justified in taking their own beliefs and actions to be objectively superior. To do justice to his position, we must remember that he distinguishes practical relativism – which he accepts, from philosophical relativism – which he rejects. Actually, it is not too hard to cobble together a conception of thought and action, from his remarks, that is as far from relativism as it is from rationalism. In particular, his commitment to relativism is considerably less than total, and he can plausibly be read as arguing that the

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trouble with traditional versions of relativism and rationalism is that they are pitched at too high a level of abstraction.

The “Flight from Reason” and Africa’s Modernity It is a truism that Feyerabend’s “Flight from Reason” expresses a deep aversion to the traditional presupposition in Western philosophy and modern science that genuine knowledge claims are not or ought not to be, in practice, affected by the limiting conditions of human existence and the peculiar factors which define a people’s socio-cultural environment. As the world moves into the 22nd century, there are three significant lessons to be drawn from Feyerabend’s “Flight from Reason”. First, it helps in clarifying some of the conceptual issues involved in the growth of science. For instance, contrary to what might seem to be the case, the flight from reason reveals that science is neither simple nor uniform. It is a form of life [a culture], which is made up of many activities, new findings, and patterns of thought, which are not static. Through deliberate and accidental occurrences, modern science has acquired the status of the prevailing global paradigm of knowledge. It rules the world in its content, and its effects diffuse and super-impose its enabling culture around the globe. The flight from reason directs our attention to the fact that this modern science is a folk science most forcefully universalized, and that it is the product of several traditions that had long ceased to be separately realizable or distinguishable and thus, not immune from cultural mutations or synthesis (Oke 2003, 110). Secondly, there is the issue of relevance of science. In the world today, it is claimed that modern science has made marvellous contributions to our understanding of the world, and that this understanding has led to even more marvellous practical achievements. That is, relevance of science is judged by its practical and industrial values. In Africa, for instance, the clearest manifestation of this situation is the habit of shunning and relegating courses or disciplines other than the applied sciences by most young people and many of their parents. They do this to express their preference for technology and the applied sciences, which they perceive to be better valued and rewarded by society. In other words, relevance is conceived as social appreciation. Feyerabend’s flight from reason reveals that the above sense of relevance is clearly a deviation from the history of traditional science, and is hence inappropriate in the context of scientific development. Traditional science, from its ancient Greek origins, has remained primarily a quest for pure knowledge, an attempt to satisfy man’s intellectual curiosity about the world in which he lives. Technical

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and practical rewards were never intended as necessary consequences of research (Oke 2003, 112-113). Hence, the relevance of science is not to be judged by its practical, industrial, and commercial values. Related to the above is the third important lesson, which lies in the relationship between science and other disciplines. That the applied and natural sciences are related and relevant to one another is universally acknowledged. Very few, however, can readily see the relevance of such disciplines as linguistics, history, religion, literature, and philosophy to science. Rather, most would want to argue that whereas science is of relevance to those disciplines, they, in turn are irrelevant and noncontributory to scientific development. In many parts of Africa, for instance, the official view is that the study of science is more desirable than the humanities (Oke 2003, 114-115). The flight from reason expresses the important point that the history of science shows that many of the spectacular discoveries of science originated in humanistic studies. In fact, it takes little sober reflection to see how the study of religion, history, languages, philosophy, and sociology cannot be excluded from a meaningful and humanly progressive scientific education and development. Indeed, in many of the leading centers of modern scientific and technological excellence, the study of humanities is given no less prominence than the study of science and technology. Moreover, the tendency to relegate the humanities was detected early in the sciences and due remediation was applied, which must have enhanced the growth of science in Europe and America. From the preceding facts, one might be tempted to say that Western scientific ideas are unsuitable for Africa and should therefore be discarded. There might even be suggestions that Africa, as a developing continent, should evolve an indigenous science to replace Western or modern science. On the contrary, a commitment to modern science, technology, and industrialization seems both urgent and imperatively inevitable. We must, however, have a better understanding of what science is, especially the fact that scientific culture is not the exclusive way of life of any geographically defined group of people in the world. Indeed, it is a culmination of the continuous quest by human beings to improve their quality of life. In other words, if Africa is to make any appreciable progress in the growth of science and technology, it must bring about an African scientific culture. Modern science must be defined to include relevant African ideas and practices that pertain to the study and mastery of nature. One main reason for this is that science is cultural in its nature, and it is only in appreciation of its cultural nature that we can begin to give sense to such concepts as indigenous science, appropriate science and

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relevance, and then be able to grapple with the issue of growth in a given society. Science and technology are such crucial factors for the realization of the African project of development because the new world order is such that knowledge of the laws and principles discovered in the course of scientific inquiries determines the place and political influence of a nation in it. Apart from that, Africans require a strong sense of the past in the pursuit of the task of social and cultural reconstruction. Otherwise, alienation would be a permanent condition of social being in Africa. And if this happens, whatever positive changes may take place on the continent would remain superficial and unsustainable. In other words, the creation of modernity out of the cultural experience of a people will ensure that the institutions that are fashioned and the values that are established are those to which the people will have emotional, ideological, and intellectual attachments. Such modernity will not only endure but will also have real meaning for the people. From this, it follows that in order to know what is scientifically relevant, appropriate, and indigenous in a society such as Africa, society’s world-view should be seriously taken into consideration. The remedy to the poor state of modern science and technology in Africa consists in cultivating the right attitudes that are compatible with a scientific culture. An important aspect of this is ensuring that, in Africa, adequate and sustained attention must be paid to science and technology. This should start with giving adequate emphasis to science education as a component of basic education in both the formal and non-formal sectors. A sustained interest in science is important for at least two reasons. It would provide an enduring base for a real technological take off at a time in the history of the world when the dynamic connection between science and technology have increasingly been recognized and made the basis of equal attention to both: technology has become science-based, while science has become technology-directed. The second reason is that the application of science to technology will help improve traditional technologies. The cultivation of a scientific and technological outlook is imperative if Africa is to participate significantly in the modern world. Another area where revolution is certainly required is in the area of unnecessary rivalry that leads to inequitable allocation of national resources between scientific and humanistic pursuits. What is required is an integrative systemic approach that links science with other sectors of the productive community. This will not only ensure cohesion, but will enhance the spirit of unrelenting inquiry and encourage the sharing and understanding of many models and methodologies of knowledge. This could, perhaps, be aided by establishing courses in comparative science in appropriate institutions of learning. This will expose students and

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researchers to alternative models of science and thus broaden their views on nature and human knowledge of it. It has to be understood, therefore, that the rigid blind adherence to the Western model of science, as if it were the only one, is denying a whole range of alternative models which could have greater benefit, lead to a deeper understanding of nature, and facilitate a higher yield of knowledge in certain circumstances. In fact, for Africa, the traditional scientific attempts will do better when augmented and enriched with the kind of time-proven methods of modern science. This methodological enrichment should, however, not become a pollutant of the existing native metaphysical systems, which support traditional scientific practices. Africans have developed technologies that are enduring in metal works, architecture, medicine, and farming practices. Therefore, there is the need, in Africa, for proper domestication of all the progressive elements of global scientific traditions into the wider framework of already existing native African scientific practices. To realize this objective, we must be able to transmute, by the action of our minds, what we happen to learn from others. Until we are able to do this well, the foreign scientific ideas that we get from others will not take root in us and become elements of our own culture and civilization, in spite of all the efforts of the governments and the desire of the people to push the continent to a rapid scientific and technological breakthrough. Therefore, the crucial task before Africa and other developing worlds is not to evolve an indigenous science to replace Western or modern science; nor is it a rejection of rational inquiry. Rather, it involves a reanalysis of the nature and content of rationality. It is not the universality of the scientist’s claims that we need to combat; rather, it is their formalistic character. In other words, scientific progress and rationality must be viewed not in logical terms but in human terms. We must de-emphasize the elements of formalization, the level of theories and shift concentration on practice. It becomes clear, then, that the case that Feyerabend makes is that science develops in whatever direction it does due to the impetus arising from social needs, values, and problems that confront the scientist. Added to that is the impetus provided by new instrumentation and the consequential new perception that accompanies it. The thesis is that advances in science and technology should be environmentally sustainable or culture friendly. In other words, science and epistemology in Africa and other developing worlds in the 22nd century requires a liberalized and humanized re-orientation to ensure that knowledge, truth, and rationality would no longer be abstract terms to be studied independent of the intervening and conditioning factors of man and society.

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Conclusion In this chapter, we have examined the challenges and prospects of Feyerabend’s flight from reason for science and epistemology in Africa. What is obvious from Feyerabend’s view is that no knowledge claim is wholly justifiable in the prescribed, objectivist terms of the rationalist and/or the empiricist in traditional Western epistemology. Instead, real general knowledge ultimately finds justification in factors that are inalienably human, such as socio-cultural values and interests. Another obvious fact is the issue of freedom. Feyerabend wants to restore, to both the creative scientist and the general public, freedom of decisions in matters of knowledge. Like the post-modernist, Feyerabend’s point is that a liberalized and humanized re-orientation is a feasible alternative method of the philosophical and scientific enterprises. One reaction to the above has been to see the situation as a symptom of a dangerous rising wave of irrationalism and nihilism, as aptly expressed by Karl Popper: “How can we admit that our epistemology is an all-toohuman affair, without at the same time implying that it is all individual whim and arbitrariness” (1968, 16). By this, Popper does not deny that knowledge has a human dimension; rather, his problem is how to show that the involvement of human elements does not entail the acceptance of all sorts of beliefs as true. This indicates that there is much to be done and it is no defeat for philosophy and science to take Feyerabend seriously enough to start doing it. What matters is not whether or not a policy is rational, but the explanatory fruitfulness of a policy. Only this can determine the rationality of a policy, if at all. In Africa, we must, as earlier maintained, deemphasize the element of formalization, the level of theories and shift concentration on practice. What makes one policy or piece of knowledge better and more reasonable to accept, is the fact that it possesses the capacities to solve problems in a given society. And in this regard, policies should be allowed to co-exist without swallowing up the other. This is where Feyerabend’s ‘flight from reason’ appeals to our understanding. It rejects the need or possibility of any determinate, trans-historical, metastandard of scientific rationality.

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References Aigbodioh, J. A. 1997. Philosophy of Science: Issues and Problems. Ibadan: Hope Publications Bernstein, R. J. 1986. Philosophical Profiles: Essays in Pragmatic Mode. London: Polity Press. Bernstein, R. J. 1988. Beyond Objectivism and Relativism: Science, Hermeneutics andPraxis. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Chambers, A. F. 1978. What is this Thing Called Science: An Assessment of the Nature and Status of Science and its Methods. Buckingham: Open University Press. Cohen, M. ed. 1961. The Philosophy of John Stuart Mill. New York. Feyerabend, P. K. 1987. Farewell to Reason London: Verso Press. Gellner, E. 1974. Legitimation of Belief. London: Cambridge University Press. Gueye, S. P. 1995. “Science, Culture and Development in Africa”. CODESRIA Bulletin, 2: 5-17. Harvey, S. 1991. “Farewell to Feyerabend”. Inquiry, 32:.344-69. Krige, J. 1980. Science, Revolution and Discontinuity. London: The Harvester Press. Lugg, A. 1991. “Critical Notice”, Canadian Journal of Philosophy, 21:109-120. Nordmann, A. 1990. “Goodbye and Farewell: Siegel vs Feyerabend” . Inquiry, 33: 317- 331. New Encyclopedia Britannica. 1981. Vol. 16, New York: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc. Newton-Smith, W. H. 1981. The Rationality of Science. Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Oke, M. 2003. “Conceptual Issues in the Growth of Science in Africa”. Ayo Fadahunsi (Ed.), Philosophy, Science and Technology. Ibadan: Hope Publications. Onigbinde, A. 1996. The Human Exploration: An Introduction to Philosophy. Ibadan: Hope Publications. Peerenboom, R. P. 1990. “Reason, Rationales and Relativism: What is at Stake in the Conversation over Scientific Rationality”. Philosophy Today, 34: 3-19. Popper, K. R. 1968. Conjectures and Refutation: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge. New York: Harper and Row. —. 1972. Objective Knowledge. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Quinton, A. 1989. “The Foundations of Knowledge”. William, B. and Montegiore (Eds.), British Analytic Philosophy. New-York: Humanistic Press. Rorty, R. 1979. Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

CHAPTER SIX REVALIDATING THE CHILD DEPRESSION SCALE OF THE CENTRE FOR EPIDEMIOLOGY STUDIES IN NIGERIA RASAQ KAYODE AWOSOLA, DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY, NORTHWEST UNIVERSITY, MAFIKENG CAMPUS MMABATHO, SOUTH AFRICA

JULIA ARIT OMOTAJO DEPARTMENT OF GENERAL STUDIES, THE POLYTECHNIC, IBADAN- NIGERIA

AND JOY EBAMIEN AIGBENA DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, NIGERIA

Abstract This chapter attempts to revalidate the child depression scale of the Centre for Epidemiology studies used in assessing depression among adolescents in Nigeria. Depression has been a common phenomenon in Nigeria, especially among the adult population. Depression has been studied among the adult population in Nigeria. But there is a paucity of research on depression among adolescents. The researchers are of the view that revalidation of the depression scale would pave the way for research in this area among adolescents in Nigeria, as well as making it culturally relevant for use in Nigeria. 240 secondary school students were sampled from secondary schools in Esan West Local Government area of Edo State, Nigeria as participants in the study. Multivariate analysis was used to analyze the data collected. A Cronbach alpha of 0.76 was obtained for scale. It was concluded that the depression scale by the Centre for

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Epidemiology studies is a valid and reliable instrument that can be used among adolescents in Nigeria. Key words: Depression, Revalidation, Adolescents, Reliability, Validity.

Introduction Depression has been regarded as the most common form of emotional distress that people, especially adolescents, all over the world encounter (Katon 1987; Mackenzie et al. 2011; Kaplan et al. 2010). Depression has been a major concern, because of the burden it places on communities and health services around the world (Chisholm et al. 2004). Depression is characterized by feelings of sadness, anxiety, fear, guilt, anger, contempt, and confused thinking (Peterson et al. 1993). It was found that most adults who report recurrent episodes of depression had an initial depressive episode as teenagers (Harrington, Rudge, Rutter, Pickles & Hill 1990; Satala et al. 2004). This implies that the adolescent stage is a critical period in intervention in the management or prevention of adult depression (Satala et al. 2002). Early detection and treatment of depression would not only reduce the suffering, morbidity, and mortality associated with this disorder, it would prevent the development of other adverse long-term psychosocial and health outcomes (Dunn & Weintraub 2008). Therefore, there is a need to revalidate some of these depression scales for adolescents, as this will help to identify adolescents who are prone to depression or who have experienced depressive episodes in the past, for necessary intervention in order to prevent morbidity or mortality among such people. This becomes more important due to the increase in the number of people committing suicide, even in Nigeria, today. Also, Nigeria and other African countries are experiencing cultural and economic challenges that have adverse effects on the mental health of the people (Okulate, Olayinka & Jones 2004). Consequently, prevention of mental illness, most especially depression, through identification as well as treatment of these symptoms, poses a major challenge (Okulate, Olayinka and Jones 2004). It is a known fact that there is a paucity of epidemiological research in Nigeria and other African countries among adolescents as compared to Western countries. The dearth in this area requires the need for a quick and culturally sensitive screening instrument. In Nigeria, depression has been studied among different vulnerable groups like cancer patients (Osinowo & Ogunyinka 1995), prisoners (Akinnawo 1993), medical doctors (Udegbe and Ayasi 1995), and organisational women (Alarape, Okurame and Odum 2001). Also Oladiji,

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Akinbo, Aina, and Aiyejusunle (2009) report depression to be a common complication among stroke survivors. Afolabi et al. (2008) report depression to be highly correlated with socio-demographic variables like sex, age, educational attainment, and socio-economic status among patients who are attending family planning clinics. Adewuya (2006) studied postnatal depression in Nigerian women and concluded that African women who are at risk of post-natal depression can be detected in the early post-natal period through simple screening methods. It was found that Nigerian women suffer some level of depression due to loss of pregnancy, especially those with no living children, with pre-term after 20 weeks being the most contributing risk factor (Obi, Onah and Okafor 2009). Amoran, Lawoyin, and Lasebikan (2007) studied the prevalence of depression among adults in Oyo State of Nigeria, and found depression to be more prevalent among women than men, and among rural dwellers rather than urban dwellers. Yusuf and Adeoye (2011) studied depression among civil servants in Osun State, Nigeria. They reported that a majority of the Osun State civil servants are suffering from depression and it is also more prevalent among women than men. From the above, it is evident that adolescents and young people in Nigeria have been neglected in terms of research on depression. It is hoped that this study will pave the way for more research on depression among adolescents.

Methods i. Design The study is a survey research; therefore a cross-sectional survey design was adopted for the study. ii. Participants A total of 240 adolescents residing in Esan West Local Government area of Edo state Nigeria participated in the study. 106 (44.2%) of the participants were males and 134 (55.8%) females; 184 (76.7%) were Esan and 56 (23.3%) were Etsako. Religion distribution showed that 218 (90.8%) of the participants were Christians and 22 (9.2%) were Muslims; while the age distribution showed that 42 (17.5%) of the participants were between 10 and 12 years, 136 (56.7%) were between 13 and 15 years, 54 (22.5%) were between 16 and 17 years and 8 (3.3%) were 18-19 years. 100 (41.7%) of the respondents were in junior secondary school (JSS) 3, 6

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(2.5%) of the respondents were in senior secondary school (SS) 1, 68 (28.3%) were in SS 2, 66 (27.5%) were in SS 3. 124 (51.7%) of the respondents were attending private secondary school, while 116 (48.3%) were attending public secondary school. Since the English language is the mode of teaching in these schools, the questionnaires were administered in the English language. Hence, there was no need to translate into the indigenous language. iii. Measure The instrument for data collection is the 20-item Likert format Centre for Epidemiology Studies Depression Scale for Children (CES-DC). The scale has been reported to consistently show good psychometric properties, and was even translated to German by Ravens-Sieberer, et al. (2008). They reported that the CES-DC scale has a good factorial validity and stability. Each item of the scale is scored from 0 to 3 in terms of “Not at All” to “A Lot”. In scoring, items 4, 8, 12 and 16 are worded in the opposite direction; hence their scoring is reversed. A total score is calculated for the 20 items, which ranges from 0 to 60. A score of 15 is used as a cut-off score, which implies that a score above the cut-off point indicates depressive symptoms. iv. Procedure Participants were drawn from the secondary schools in Ekpoma and its environs. The choice of these schools was based on proximity and easy accessibility to the researchers. Basically, stratified random sampling was employed for data collection. The two categories of schools (that is public and private schools) constitute our strata. From each of the strata, participants were randomly selected. Personal contact was established in each of the selected schools. The contact persons in each of the selected schools helped to administer the questionnaires. The questionnaires were personally taken to the contacts in each of the selected schools and were instructed to adhere strictly to ethical principles in research; which are voluntary participation, confidentiality, and a sense of anonymity. Before the administration of the questionnaire, most items in the scale were revised to suit the Nigerian culture and to enhance easy comprehension by the respondents. For example item 1, which originally was ‘I did not feel like eating, I wasn’t very hungry’ was revised to ‘I do not feel like eating whenever I am unhappy’, item 2 which was ‘I was bothered by things that usually don’t bother me’ was changed to ‘I am bothered by things that

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usually are not supposed to bother me’, item 5, which was ‘I felt like I couldn’t pay attention to what I am doing’ was revised to ‘I find it hard/difficult to pay attention to what I am doing’. This also applies to the other items of the scale. This exercise made the questionnaire items concise and easy to understand for the respondents.

Analysis and Results x Reliability: The internal consistency of the whole scale was measured and it yielded a Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficient of 0.76, which is a good reliability. x Scoring: The scale is in Likert response format, which ranges from 0 to 3 in terms of “Not All” to “A Lot”. A total score was calculated from the 20 items, the range being 0 to 60. However, items 7, 18, and 20 are phrased positively, and are thus scored in reverse order. A score of 15 remains as the cut-off point, a score above the cut-off point indicates depressive symptoms. x Item Analysis: Items of the scale were analyzed in order to determine their usefulness and contribution to the scale. These analyses are interitem correlation and item total correlation. The inter item correlations range from -0.01 to 0.548, while the table below shows the item total correlations. Table 1: Showing Item Total Correlation

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Scale mean if item deleted 44.92 44.98 45.04 45.73 45.55 45.51 44.06 44.81 45.59 45.52 45.53 45.71 45.37 45.72 45.72

Corrected item-total correlation .195 .254 .250 .347 .364 .215 -.256 .164 .503 .582 .502 .617 .404 .533 .413

Cronbach’s Alpha if item deleted .759 .755 .755 .748 .747 .758 .783 .736 .728 .737 .730 .727 .744 .735 .744

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45.19 44.13 45.13 43.97

.330 .053 .314 -.074

.750 .767 .751 .772

Table 1 shows item total correlation, which shows the contribution and usefulness of each item in the scale. From the above table, items 7, 8, 18, and 20 are to be deleted from the scale or revised; the reason being that their exclusion from the scale increases the reliability coefficient of the scale.

Discussion Numerous studies have been conducted using the Centre for Epidemiology Studies Depression scale for children (CES-DC). But there is a paucity of literature regarding studies that have been conducted to reestablish its validity within Nigeria. Hence, there is a need to revalidate this instrument because of its importance in identifying adolescents who may be prone to depressive episodes later in life. The current study reports the psychometric properties of the Centre for Epidemiology Studies Depression scale for Children (CES-DC). The results suggest that CESDC is well suited for use in Nigeria and is sensitive to African culture. Similar results were obtained in the German translated version by RavensSiebereretal. (2008). Also, Soler et al. (1997) reported a high 0.90 coefficient of alpha among the Spaniards. Therefore, this scale can help in early detection of these adolescents, and with proper intervention, the suffering as well as mortality associated with depression among this group of people can be greatly reduced.

Conclusion From the results obtained and the discussion, the conclusion is that high coefficient of alpha value for this scale suggests that the Centre for Epidemiology Studies Depression Scale for Children (CES-DC) is suitable for use among adolescents in Nigeria. However, a parental assessment report should be used to complement the result obtained from the scale in order to have a comprehensive assessment of the respondents.

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References Adewuya, A. O. 2006. “Early Postpartum Mood as a Risk Factor for Postnatal Depression in Nigerian Women”. American Journal of Psychiatry, 163: 1435–1437 Afolabi, M. O., E. A. Abioye-Kuteyi, F. O. Fatoye, I.S. Bello and Adewuya. 2008. “Pattern of Depression among Patients in Family Practice Population”. South African Family Practice, 50: 63- 68. Akinnawo, Ebenezer O. 1993. “Prevalence of Psychopathological Symptoms in a Nigerian Prison”. Psychopathologie Africaine, XXV. 1:93-103. Alarape, A.I, D.E. Okurame and N. I. B. Odum. 2001. “Menopausal Status, Depression, and Life-Satisfaction among Some Organizational Women”. Ife Psychologia, 9,2: 18-26. Amoran, O., T. Lawoyin and V. Lasebikan. 2007. “Prevalence of Depression among Adults in Oyo State, Nigeria: A Comparative Study of Urban and Rural communities. Australian Journal Rural Health. 15,3:211-215. Centre for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale for Children (CESDC). www.brightfutures.com. Accessed 24 October, 2011. Chisholm, D., K. Sanderson, J. L Ayuso-Mateos & S. Saxena. 2004. “Reducing the Global Burden of Depression: Population-level Analysis of Intervention Cost-effectiveness in 14 World Regions”. British Journal of Psychiatry, 184: 393-403 Dunn, A. L. & P. Weintraub. 2008. “Exercise in the Prevention and Treatment of Adolescent Depression: A Promising but little Researched Intervention”. American Journal of Lifestyle Medicine, 2: 507-518. Harrington, R., H. Rudge, M. Rutter, A. Pickles and J. Hill. 1990. “Adult Outcomes of Childhood and Adolescent Depression”. Arch Gen Psychiatry, 47: 465-473 Kaplan, G. S. Glasser, H. Murad, A. Atamna, G. Alpert & U. Goldbourt. 2010. “Depression among Arabs and Jews in Israel: A Population Based Study”. Social Psychiatry Epidemiology, 45, 10: 931-939. Katon, W. 1987. “The Epidemiology of Depression in Medical Care”. International Journal of Psychiatry Medicine.17,1: 93-112. Mackenzie, S., J. R. Wiegel, M. Mundt, D. Brown, E. Saewye and E. Heiligenstein. 2011. “Depression and Suicide Ideation among Students Accessing Campus Health Care”. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 81,1:101-107.

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Obi, S. N., H. E. Onah and I. I. Okafor. 2009. “Depression among Nigeria Women Following Pregnancy Loss”. International Journal Gynaecology Obstetrics, 105,1:60-62. Okulate, G. T., Olayinka, M. O. and Jones, O. B. E. 2004. ” Somatic Symptoms in Depression: Evaluation of their Diagnostic Weight in an Africa Setting”. The British Journal of Psychiatry 184:422-427. Oladiji, J. O., S. R. A. Akinbo, O. F. Aina and C. B. Aiyejusunle. 2009. “Risk Factor of Post Stroke Depression among Stroke Survivors in Lagos Nigeria”. Africa Journal of Psychiatry, 12: 47-51. Osinowo, H. O. and A. O. Ogunyinka. 1995. “An Assessment of Anxiety and Depression as Predicted by Sex, Age and Severity of Illness among Cancer Patients”. Issues in Health Psychology, 2,2 : 35-41. Peterson, A.C., Compas, B. E., Brooks-Gunn, J., Stemmler and Grant, K. E. 1993. “Depression in Adolescence”. American Psychology, 47:155168. Ravens-Sieberer, U., C. Barkmann, S. Bettge, M. Bullinger, M.Dopfner, M. Erhart, B. Herpertz-Dahlmann, H. Holling, F. Resch, A. Rothenberger, Wille N. Schulte-Markwort, and H. U. Wittchen. 2008. “The German Version of the Centre for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale for Children: Psychometric Evaluation in a Population – Based Survey of 7-17 years old Children and Adolescents- Result of the BELLA Study”. Euro Child Adolescent Psychiatry 17, 1:116-124 Satala, T. A., Martunen, M., Henrikson, A. T.and Lonnqvist, J. 2002. “Depressive Symptoms in Adolescence as Predictors of Early Adulthood Depressive Disorder and Maladjustment”. American Journal of Psychiatry. 159: 1235-1237. Soler J, V. Perez-Sola, D. Puigdemont, J. Perez-Blanco, M. Figueres and E. Alvarez. 1997. “Validation study of the Centre for Epidemiological Studies - Depression of a Spanish population of patients with affective disorders”. Actas Luso Esp Neurol Psiquiatr Cienc Afines, 25, 4: 243249 Udegbe, B. I. and C. O. Ayasi. 1995. “Work Environment Factors as Predictors of Burnout and Depression among Medical Doctors”. Issues in Health Psychology, 2, 2: 30-34. Yusuf, A. F. and E. A. Adeoye. 2011. “Prevalence and Causes of Depression among Civil Servants in Osun State: Implication for Counseling”. Edo Journal of Counseling, 4, 1-2: 92-102

PART II: TRADITIONS: PATHOS AND ETHOS

CHAPTER SEVEN POPULATION GROWTH AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS: A STUDY OF EDO STATE, NIGERIA WILLIAMS WILLOSA EDOBOR DEPT. OF GEOGRAPHY AND REGIONAL PLANNING, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY–NIGERIA

AND EMMANUEL IBHAFIDON AIGBOKHAEBHO DEPT. OF GEOGRAPHY AND REGIONAL PLANNING, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, NIGERIA

Abstract In this chapter, we examine peoples’ perception and value for environmental ethics in Edo state. We scrutinize a number of environmental/geographic factors as they relate to the wanton exploitation of forest resources, construction and maintenance of public utility – drainage and sewage systems, roads, and non-sentient objects in the environment such as plant species, rivers, mountains, and landscapes, all of which are the objects of moral concern for the environmentalists. Against this background, the overall aim of the study is to investigate the role of human habitat in the environment as it relates to values and perceptions. Thus, the objectives of this chapter are (a) to assess the impact of population pressure on the environment; (b) to evaluate the level of adherence to environmental laws/ethics, and (c) to examine the cultural beliefs among the inhabitants of the state as it relates to the environment. With a focus on six local government areas across Edo State, both primary and secondary data was derived and analyzed, using simple descriptive statistics. The results of the analyses showed that there is a steady growth in the population of the communities around the areas. A multi-stage stratified random sampling procedure was adopted in selecting samples

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for the study. Descriptive and inferential analytical tools were used for the data analysis. 360 respondents, representing 94.5 percent of the population interviewed, agreed that there are environmental laws/ethics, but only a few obey these ethics. It is therefore recommended that actionable policies should be put in place that will promote environmental sustainability. Key words: Environment, Ethics, Moral, Right, Value, freedom, nature.

Introduction The term environment has been defined in many different ways. From Pojman’s definition, environment is everything that is not us (Pojman 2001). United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development (UNWCED) defined environment as the whole set of elements that form the frameworks, surroundings, and living conditions of humans and society, as they are or as they are perceived (UNWCED 1987a). In fact Jardins (2001) asserted that the notion of environment includes nature and culture. On the other hand, the term ethics is concerned with the way humans should behave. Environmental ethics is that part of applied ethics which examines the moral basis of our responsibility toward the environment (Bourdeau 2004; Andrew and Yeuk-Sze 2011). Environmental ethics is a theory and practice about appropriate concern for values and duties regarding the natural world. Environmental ethics emerged as a new academic sub-discipline of philosophy in the early 1970s, it did so by posing a challenge to traditional beliefs right from the time of creation. In the first place, it questioned the moral superiority of human beings to members of other species in the environment. In the second place, it tried to make provision for and establish a rational argument for assigning intrinsic value to the natural environment and its non-human contents. Some authors have argued that the practical purpose of environmental ethics is to provide moral grounds for social policies aimed at protecting the earth’s environment and remedying environmental degradation (Shrader-Frechette 1991; Yamin and Farhana 1997; Andrew and Yeuk-Sze 2011). Environmental ethics is primarily pre-occupied with this widely accepted fact that it is morally wrong for human beings to pollute and destroy parts of the natural environment and to consume a huge proportion of the planet’s natural resources without adding to it (Jardins 2001; Edobor 2011). This is simply because a sustainable environment is essential to human wellbeing, both present and future. It is also important to note since

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the natural environment and/or its various contents have certain values in their own right, it ought to be respected and protected (Edobor 2011). These are among the concerns investigated with respect to our perception and beliefs in this research. Some of them are specific questions faced by individuals in some circumstances, while others are more global questions faced by groups and communities. Yet others are more abstract questions concerning the value and moral standing of the natural environment and its non-human components (Sale 1985; Brain and Mary 1999). In the last few decades, practitioners in this field have been reflecting on how to work on perceptions, as well as the huge population growth that has led to a serious environmental crisis. This environmental crisis, as argued by some authors, is rooted in some religious beliefs that the main and ultimate creature is man. The Christian authority (Genesis 1:27 & 28) for example, states in this regard: God created man in his own image, in the image of God created him; male and female created he them. And God blessed them, and God said unto them, be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it: and have dominion over fish of the sea and over fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth.

This belief assigns a significantly greater amount of intrinsic value to human beings than to any non-human element, such that the protection or promotion of human interests or wellbeing at the expense of non-human things turns out to be always justified (Collins 1980; UNWCED 1987b and Julian 1994). This thinking encouraged the over-exploitation of nature, by maintaining the superiority of humans over all other forms of life on earth (Des Jardins 1997; Edward, Jessica and Richard 2000). However, we are in support here with contemporary exponents of environmental ethics who have pointed out that the word “dominion” should be understood to mean “taking custody” or “stewardship” (United Nations Environment Program – UNEP, 2007). It is true that there are conflicting media reports about the state of the earth. Although there is a scientific majority consensus that the environmental crisis is real, the voice of dissenters is amplified through the hope that there is no real problem. Scientists are debating whether global warming is a problem or not, whether it is caused by solar storms or not, and whether it is related or not to the emission of greenhouse gases and so forth (Jeffrey 2006; Anastas 2003). The reality is that the environment is in grave danger through the various exploitative activities of humankind.

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As such, it needs humankind to take responsibility for its rescue and preservation for future generations.

Objectives of the Study The overall aim of the study is to investigate the role of human activities in the environment. The specific objectives are as follows: (a) To assess the impact of population pressure on the environment; (b) To access the level of adherence to environmental laws/ethics and (c) To examine the cultural beliefs among the habitants of the Edo State of Nigeria as it relates to the environment.

The Study Area Edo State of Nigeria (our study area) is located in the SouthWestern part of Nigeria. The state lies between latitudes 60 171 and 60 261 North of the equator and longitudes 50 351 and 50 41 East of Greenwich. The present Edo State emerged from the old Bendel State that has had Benin City as the capital city until the present day. The history of Benin dates back to the 14th century, when it was the traditional headquarters of the ancient Benin Empire (Mabogunje 1968). Currently, Edo State is divided into three senatorial districts: Edo South, Edo Central, and Edo North. Benin City is the administrative headquarter of the state, with eighteen (18) local government councils. Six local government areas (two local governments from each senatorial district) were selected for this study. Here are the local governments and their population: Etsako West L.G. (198, 975); Etsako Central L.G. (94, 228) in Edo North Senatorial District; Esan Central L.G. (105,242); Esan West L.G. (127,718) in Edo Central Senatorial District; Oredo L.G. (374,515); and Egor L.G. (340,287) in Edo South Senatorial District. The total population of the six local governments is 1,240,965, as derived from the 2006 population census. The population is spread all over both the built-up area and peripheral satellite villages. The study areas are characterized by an indigenous core that is surrounded by medium to low density outer residential areas occupied by elites and second-generation migrants. Most of the settlements in the study area are rapidly growing towns and cities. Consequently, the area has witnessed an unprecedented influx of migrants with a concomitant phenomenal increase in population.



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The study area lies within the tropics and thus experiences a typical equatorial climate with heavy rainfall. During the raining season, most parts of the area are prone to flooding hazards, which sometimes result in closure of schools, markets, and other economic activities (Edobor 2006). Every so often, the roads are rendered impassable during this period, due to heavy floods and erosion. This leaves surface, underground, and all other available water sources polluted during heavy rainfall. Temperatures are generally high during the dry season, with an average of about 280c. The amount of annual rainfall is between 1,800 to 2,000mm. Climate change is also being witnessed, as it is elsewhere. The issue under study may have a significant contribution to climate change and other environmental imbalance. Figure 1 is the administrative map of Edo State, showing Etsako West L.G. and Etsako Central L.G. in Edo North Senatorial District, Esan Central L.G. and Esan West L.G. in Edo Central Senatorial District, and Oredo L.G. and Egor L.G. in Edo South Senatorial District, which form the study areas.

Materials and Methods The data required for this study was generated from both primary and secondary sources. The primary source involved the use of a structured questionnaire. A multi-stage stratified random sampling procedure was adopted in selecting samples for the study. Descriptive and inferential analytical tools were used for the data analysis. The secondary data includes a state administrative map that we converted to a digital map with the aid of the Geographic Information Systems (GIS) facility. The population figure used is acquired from the National Population Commission (NPC). The sample population size for this study is based on Yaro Yamane’s (1964) recommended population sampling technique. The formula is given thus: n=N 1+ N (e)2 Where n = sample size N = Population of the area 1 = constant e = (0.05)2 level of significance Substituting figure into the above formula, we have: n = 1240965 (population of the six local government areas) 1+1240965(0.05)2 1240965 1+1240965(0.0025)

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1240965 1+3102.4125 1240965 3103.4125 399.87 (this is approximately 400 as used in the computation)

Table 1: Computation of Sample Size S/no

LGA

Population

1

Etsako West

198975

2

94228

3

Etsako Central Esan West

127718

4

Esan Central

105242

5

Oredo

374515

6

Egor

340287

Statistical Analysis 198975 400 1240965 1 94228 400 1240965 1 127718 400 1240965 1 105242 400 1240965 1 374515 400 1240965 1 340287 400 1240965 1

Sample Size 64

Total 1240965 Source: National Population Commission and researchers’ computation

30 41 34 121 110 400

Stratified random sampling was used to administer 400 copies of the questionnaire (as computed in table 1) to respondents in six local government areas, which form the study area. 393 copies of the questionnaire were retrieved and 11 copies were voided due to incomplete responses. A total of 381 copies of the questionnaire were then analysed and results were presented. The frequency counts and item analysis method were used to analyse the data collected. The number and percentage of respondent’s responses were computed. Tables were used in data presentation.

Discussion of Results From our ecological point of view, land and its environmental constituents are objects of our moral concern, and certain moral obligations toward ecological wholes, such as species, communities, and ecosystems, need to be observed. In this section, we shall be discussing the respondents’ responses, which form the findings of this research. To do this, we bring our earlier stated objectives to bear. The first objective says:

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to assess the impact of population pressure on the environment. The table and the discussions below form the results and findings in this regard. i. Assessing the impact of Population Pressure on the Environment A stable environmental quality is necessary for the quality of human life. Humans dramatically rebuild their environments from time to time; a reality that implies that inexorably, the natural environment made up of resources such as soil and climatic elements change frequently. Of great significance is the fact that these inevitable changes are not all positive in nature, as demonstrated by our evaluation of population/environment pressure interplay. Table 2 presents responses in terms of frequency and percentages. Table 2: Assessment of population pressure on the non-human part of the environment S/N 1 2 3

Respondent Response Agreed Disagreed Indifferent Total Source: Fieldwork, 2014.

Frequency 316 54 11 381

Percentage 83.0 14.1 2.9 100.00

The result of the findings shows that 316 respondents, representing 82.94% of the population interviewed, agreed that population pressure on non-human things in the environment is a serious problem. 54 respondents, representing 13.65%, which forms a minority of the population, think otherwise. While 11 respondents, representing 2.89% of the total respondents, are indifferent. From the above, there is an obvious observation that a larger proportion of the population agrees and believes that population pressure is one of the problems facing the inhabitants of the study area, and this could be responsible for non-compliance with environmental ethics in the area. The work of Leopald (1968) and Botzler and Armstrong (1998) also observed that there is rapid decline and depletion of the forest stock in the reserve as a result of over dependence on the forest resources in the reserve owing to the growing human population. The problem of represention, which has been addressed by other researchers, is that of who will represent the interests of the nonhuman component of the environment (Johnson 1991; William McDonough and Michael 2002)). The answer to their questions is

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difficult, although our prudent view is that as many options as possible should be made available to future generations of humankind, by striving to embark on sustainable development. At the same time, we must bear in mind that the continuing destruction of the natural environment and the widespread loss of both plant and animal species pose problems for other forms of life on the planet (including humankind), now and in the future. This being that our wellbeing and very existence are intrinsically and extrinsically dependent on a sustainable environment (Norton 1991). ii. Accessing the level of adherence to environmental ethics The second objective of this study is to access the level of adherence to environmental ethics. Our concern here is to find out if there are ethics guiding the various activities of humans relating to the environment. If there are ethics, to what extent are humans obeying these ethics? Respondents’ responses are presented in tables 4a and 4b. It is important to note here that the respondents are quite aware of environmental ethics. They believe that to obey these ethics is to ensure that specific activities are carried out at designated places. Table 3a: Assessing the level of awareness about environmental laws/ethics S/N 1 2 3

Respondent Response Aware Not Aware Indifferent Total Source: Fieldwork, 2014.

Frequency 360 18 3 381

Percentage 94.5 4.7 0.8 100.00

Table 3(a) is an indication that many of the respondents agreed that they are aware there are environmental laws/ethics, but the question is whether they adhere to these laws/ethics. Some of these laws/ethics are what control man to a large extent, and his various environmental activities. In table 3(a), 360 respondents, representing 94.5% of the population interviewed, agreed that there are environmental laws/ethics. 18 respondents, representing 4.7 %, said there are no laws/ethics. This is another way of saying anybody can do as he/she pleases with regard to the environment. While 3 respondents, representing 0.8 % of the total respondents, were indifferent. Before we go further in our discussion, it is

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necessary for us to distinguish the level of adherence to environmental laws/ethics. This is presented in table 3(b). Table 3(b): Assessing the level of adherence to environmental laws/ethics S/N 1 2 3

Respondent Response Adhere No Adherence Indifferent Total Source: Fieldwork, 2014.

Frequency 206 166 9 381

Percentage 54.1 43.5 2.4 100.00

For the third objective, which is to examine the cultural beliefs among the habitants as it relates to the environment, we have tried to determine this alongside the second objective, because they are interrelated. The respondents’ responses as shown in table 3b. 206 respondents, representing 54.1% of the population interviewed, said they believe and obey environmental laws/ethics. 166 respondents, representing 43.5%, said they do not believe or obey any environmental laws/ethics. While 9 respondents, representing 2.4% of the total respondents, were indifferent. From tables 3a and 3b, we can draw some conclusions that many people believe there are environmental laws/ethics, but do not obey them. Therefore, there is a need for increasing the number of citizens, especially those who consider themselves to be environmentalists, and governments, to improve citizen awareness of environmental concerns, such as global warming and the necessity to enhance biodiversity. Table 4 Educational Attainment of Respondents S/N 1 2 3 4 5

Educational Qualification No formal education Primary school education Secondary school education OND and its equivalent First Degree, its equivalent and above Total Source: Fieldwork, 2014.

Frequency 5 13 84 182 96 381

Percentage 1.4 3.5 22.1 47.8 25.2 100.0

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Table 4 shows the level of educational attainment of individual respondents. 5 respondents, representing 1.4% of population, have no formal education. 13 respondents, representing 3.5% of population, have their first school leaving certificate. 84 respondents, representing 22.1% of population surveyed, hold a West African School Certificate and its equivalent. 184 respondents, representing 47.8% of respondents, are holders of an Ordinary National Diploma and its equivalent. While 96 respondents, representing 25.2% of population, are holders of university or polytechnic degrees. From these figures, we can state that there is no correlation between the level of education of people and the belief/perception they have towards environmental ethics. In other words, the level of awareness is almost non-existent with regards to the environmental imbalances resulting from educational attainment and human disregard for ecological crises; we must demonstrate respect for the non-human components of the environment.

Conclusion and Recommendations The problem of population explosion is a concern, especially in developing countries. This has resulted in humankind’s inability to dwell in a sustainable relationship with their environment. Human beings have not been sensitive enough to the welfare of the myriad other species in the environment. Biological scientists enlighten the world on the many similarities between human and non-human animals. For instance, the protein coding sequence of DNA for structural genes in chimpanzees and humans are more than 99% identical. We thus recommend that in their daily quest to endure their survival, humans should endeavor not to cause ecological damage that will endanger the survival of other components of the environment. Human beings should acknowledge the fact that animals get hungry, thirsty, hot, tired, and excited, just as humans do. We counsel that humans should appreciate the value in non-human elements in nature. In concrete terms, these ethics must lead to the control of production and consumption patterns so as to preserve the regenerative capacity of natural resources, as well as the natural cycles and balances. We have a right to eat; we also have a responsibility to respect the vitalities of the fauna and flora around us to thrive. Lastly, we propose that actionable policies should be put in place that will promote environmental sustainability.

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References Anastas, P. T. 2003. “Meeting the Challenges of Sustainability through Green Chemistry”, Green Chemistry (4–29). Andrew, B. and L. Yeuk-Sze. 2011. “Environmental Ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy”. http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-environmental Bourdeau, P.H. 2004. “The man–nature relationship and environmental ethics”. Journal of Environmental . ‘ . . Radioactivity 9–15 Botzler, R. G. and S. J. Armstrong. 1998. (Eds) Environmental Ethics: Divergence and Convergence, 2nd edition, New York: McGraw Hill. Brian, N. and A. Mary.1999. The Natural Step for Business: Wealth, Ecology & the Evolutionary Corporation (British Columbia, Canada: New Society Publishers). Collins, M. 1980. “Foreword”. In R. A. Gallant, Our Universe. Washington, DC: National Geographic Society. Des Jardins, J. R. (1997). Environmental Ethics: An Introduction to Environmental Philosophy, 2nd edition. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Edobor, W. W. 2011.“Environmental factors and the Prevalence of Malaria: An Impediment to Millennium Development Goals”. In E.V. Clark (Ed). Proceedings, of International Conference on Development Studies. Vol. 6 N0. 2. Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria (February 1st to 4th 2011). 61-71. —. 2006. Spatial Analysis of Water-related Diseases in Benin City, Edo State. Unpublished M.Sc. Thesis, Department of Geography, University of Ibadan Edward, F.R.; P. Jessica and H. Richard. 2000. Environmentalism and the New Logic of Business. New York: Oxford University Press.. Jardins, J. R. 2001. Environmental Ethics, an Introduction to Environmental Philosophy, 3rd ed. Wadsworth. Jeffrey, K. 2006. “Global Warming Heats Up”, Time 167 (6–9). Julian, S. 1994. Scarcity or Abundance? A Debate on the Environment. New York: W.W. Norton. Johnson, L. E. 1991. A Morally Deep World: An Essay on Moral Significance and Environmental Ethics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Leopold, A. 1969. A Sand County Almanac. New York: Oxford University Press. Mabogunje, A.L. 1968. Urbanization in Nigeria, 1st ed. London: University of London Press

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National Population Commission. 2008. Provisional figures. National Population Commission Nations United Environment Programme. 2007. UNEPAnnual Report 2005,http://www.unep.Org/Documents. (accessed February 14, 2014). Norton, B. G. 1991. Toward Unity among Environmentalists, New York: Oxford University Press. Pojman, L. P. 2001. (Eds). Environmental Ethics: Readings in Theory and Application, 3rd edition. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Sale, K. 1985. Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision. San Francisco: Sierra Club. Shrader-Frechette, K. 1991. “Environmental ethics, human health and sustainable development. A background paper”, WHO Commission on Health and Environment, 25 . The Holy Bible, New Kings James Version. London & New York: Collins’ Clear-Type Press. United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development. 1987a. Our Common Future, Oxford: Oxford University Press. United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development. 1987b. Environmental Protection and Sustainable Development: Legal Principles and Recommendations. William McDonough, and Michael Braungart. 2002. Cradle to Cradle: Remaking the Way We Make Things. New York: North Point Press. Yamin, H. and D. Farhana. 1997. “Environmental ethics”. In XXXVIIIth Meeting of the Group of Advisers on the Ethical Implications of Biotechnology, 19 June 1997, Brussels, (6) Yaro, Y. 1964. An Introductory Analysis Statistics, 3rd Edition, New York: Harper and Raw Publishers.

CHAPTER EIGHT EXPLORING THE ETHICS OF CARE IN AFRICAN INDIGENOUS THOUGHT JUSTINA O. EHIAKHAMEN DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, NIGERIA

Abstract Discussions on morality in African thought often focus on a descriptive account of morality, thereby giving the impression that indigenous African thinkers paid little or no attention to the normative aspect of ethics, in comparison with their Western counterparts. This chapter adopts the analytical method of philosophy in its investigation of African core principles of ethics of care that serve as the basis for its moral values. The intention is to identify such areas of beneficial values of collective family life and community wellbeing, and establish their convergence with care ethics. The findings of the chapter reflect the dynamism in African indigenous thought, how it affected social organization in the past, and how it would fare in the future. Key words: African thought, morality, care, social organization

Introduction Theoretical discourses in morality are often considered either from the perspective of meta-ethics or normative ethics. Meta-ethics refers to the quest to understand the nature of ethical properties, statements, attitudes, and judgments. Meta-ethics is concerned with clarification of concepts, as it addresses such questions as: What is goodness? How can we tell what is good from what is bad? While normative ethics concerns the attempt to justify the principles behind moral values, it determines criteria of what is morally right and wrong as it affects formulation of moral rules that have

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direct implications for human actions, institutions, and ways of life (Sahakian 1974). With this observation, this chapter attempts to annotate the moral values of some traditional African communities, with a view to determining the moral rules they fit into. Every human community is founded on some moral principles of rightness and wrongness of actions, whether implicitly or explicitly, on the basis of which life is coordinated. Though moral rules are not the same as laws that prescribe definite punishment for various offences, moral actions however, attract praise and condemnations. Through practice, moral rules are cultivated such that failure to do what one ought to do can generate personal (with the help of conscience) and community condemnation of the individual, particularly where there is a strong sense of moral respect and sense of duty. It may be argued that African traditional communities extol the virtual of moral life, which forms the essence of existence and which everyone strives with all vigor to attain, both in thought and in character. Such moral principles that bind the various peoples together in lifelong relationships are, however, underexplored in African intellectual circles. To the credit of normative ethics in the West are the classic principles of deontology, teleology, as well as justice ethics. Very recently, an alternative moral theory, called “care ethics” emerged, and this too has been at the front burner in recent ethical discourses; the United States of America, for example, is currently on a widespread campaign (through symposiums, seminars, workshops and conferences) enlightening Americans on the need for them to build viable social relationships on moral grounds. It is the view of the writer of this chapter that the precepts of care ethics share similar moral values with African indigenous moral ideals as the basis of the ethics of care in African traditional thought.

Clarification of Terms The moral theory known as “care ethics” is variously defined. One striking definition of care ethics as a moral theory is offered by Tronto (1989) as the ability to consider the needs of both the self and others, and to be responsible to both. It concerns the display of regards and respect, as well as sensitivity to the wellbeing of others. Thus in matters of moral decision-making, questions of what is right and best and what will meet the needs of the self and others weigh equally. Another key term used in this chapter is African reflections on the issue of care ethics. The assumption here is that there are generic features of the African reality enshrined in the communitarian worldview (Nel 2008), particularly in terms of moral life. In light of this, we seek to project the authentic

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African practices and views about reality in correlation to good and bad actions. The assumption is discussed in detail later in the chapter.

Morality of care as an Ethical Theory Carol Gilligan, to whom is credited the pioneer scholarly work in the Western academy, considered care as a necessary variable in the determination of human relationships. In search of moral principles, Gilligan appeals to human psychology as she finds feminine values such as emotions, feelings, attention, respect, attachment, responsiveness, responsibility, compassion, empathy, etc., as possible sources of human social strength that can generate peaceful co-existence (Gilligan 1982). Informed by this she articulated “care ethics” as the ability to consider the needs of both self and others, and be responsible to both. This implies that questions about what is right and best and about what will meet the needs of others weigh equally in the decision-making process. For Noddings (2003), the limit of Gilligan’s sense of care is obviously inadequate in the construction of a theory in ethics, since such scope of care could represent only to “care about”. Noddings therefore, widens the range of care to include “care for”; pointing out that to “care about” others without actually “caring for” them is possible. Such care hangs at the level of good intentions and favorable disposition to helping others. She notes that being favorably disposed to caring for others is a necessary process in care ethics, which actualizes in conscious and deliberate efforts to help others attain their objectives and desires. In this regard, Tronto (1989) defines care ethics from the perspective to care for, which involves responding to the particular, concrete, physical, spiritual, intellectual, psychic, and emotional needs of others (and oneself). One can then say, ‘care about’ and ‘care for’ give comprehensive insight to care ethics as a moral approach to determine what is morally right and best to do. In the first sense (care about), it expects mankind to be receptive to a broader horizon of all humans, that is, developing the virtue or willingness to care about others as human beings like you. In the second sense, care for is an expression of natural inclination to attend to those who are close to us; hence Noddings (2002) argues that real care must be limited to an individual’s environment; as she affirms that charity begins at home. Care conceived thus, becomes a transaction involving the face-to-face attempt to respond to the needs of one being cared for. Gilligan and Noddings’ aims were to achieve a network of relationships which makes ethical care practical and concrete, involving actions, actual help, consciously embarked on to improve the life of the person cared for,

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in such a manner that will enable him/her to develop his/her capabilities for self-determination. With this understanding, individual relationship is expected to be mutually productive; just as government policies informed by care should be that which would enhance, by all standards, the wellbeing of the people in general. This is the sense in which care ethics is propounded as an alternative theory, and preferred to the classic theories utility, duty, as well as justice (Noddings 2003). However, some care ethics analysts like Raja Halwani, Victoria Davion, Claudia Card, and many others, contested the possibility of care ethics meeting the rigorous standard demanded of moral theory (Halwani 2003). Raja Halwani, for instance, objected to care ethics as a moral theory for two reasons: first, that the presupposition of care ethics to attend to particular needs, the need for partiality according to needs, claim to emotional disposition, etc., might not be achieved in a system of theory because these precepts appear to be so personal and private. Second, given the default in the first point, care ethics appears to neglect justice and also, it contains no mechanism by which care can be regulated in order for care ethics not to become morally corrupt. Therefore, it makes more sense to consider care ethics as virtue ethics, rather than moral theory. Suffice it to say that the efforts of Gilligan and Noddings discussed above have no doubt raised the status of care ethics to that of a moral theory. What is a theory? A theory is simply an explanation of a phenomenon (Rosen 1992). There are different kinds of theories as there are different kinds of phenomena. An event could be given different perspectives - psychological, legal, medical, physical, theological, moral, etc.; the type of explanation given to a phenomenon depends largely on its nature. Therefore, we can say that ethical theories offer explanations of moral phenomenon, which arises most fundamentally, when the choices people make affect the well-being of others and/or self, either increasing or decreasing it, causing either harm or benefit (Barcalow 1994). An ethical theory is therefore a systematic exposition of a particular view about the responsibilities human beings have to one another in promoting mutual coexistence in line with nature, and the basis of what can be regarded as good or right in human relationships. Furthermore, an ethical theory provides standards or norms for judging acts to be right or wrong, and attempts to justify these norms. It also provides ethical principles or guidelines that embody certain values. These can be used to decide in particular cases what action should be chosen and carried out (Mackinno 1998). Ethical theory necessarily involves ethical reasoning, which in turn employs the scrutiny of available ethical theories to determine if their

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values are in consonance with, or repugnant to, common moral sense. If existing moral theories are not fruitful, the need for alternative moral theories then arises. An ethical theory could be accepted if it adequately explains a phenomenon, in comparison with rival theories. We, on the strength of this, find care ethics to be a viable alternative ethical theory due to the inadequacies of Western classic ethical models.

The Framework of African Moral Thought Indigenous African moral values are the product of communalistic form of life, which emphasizes the humanistic values of interdependence, with its universalistic appeal to equality and inter-subjective recognition (Aigbodioh 2011). This is a consequence of an ontological worldview held, particularly in Africa, where the community is seen as a communion of all beings - physical and non-physical, in their hierarchy, interacting together, necessarily for the survival of the social whole and the fulfillment of the individual selves. Leopold Senghor says “Negro-African society is a communion of souls rather than an aggregate of individuals”. Therefore, community life is not optional for any individual person who is at once a cultural being that cannot - perhaps must not – live in isolation from other persons in the community (Gyekye 1992). Community in this sense is seen as an organic unity in which suffering by any of its members destroys the equilibrium of the community as an entity; hence its preservation is the responsibility of everybody. On the contrary, Western ethical values ascribe priority not to the community of beings but to the autonomous person, as an individual with certain attributes like rationality, in its formulation of moral principles, as a justification for rules and rights (Keller 1997). The wellbeing of collectivity of beings is rather of primary concern to traditional Africa as a means of realizing the needed social stability and self-determination of the individual. Given this consideration, the conception of a person in relation to others is a prominent feature in the African thought system; in which the human person is seen essentially as a social animal, which lives in society and flourishes only in relations with others. Humans are simply interdependent, with personhood only as consequent. Personhood is then seen intrinsically as a social construct. Meaning that individuality, necessitating rights and autonomy, is not a primary focus in African considerations of the nature of the person. This is not to say that individuality is absent in communalism but, derivative, only as a consequence of maintaining the collective wellbeing. The human person actualizes the humanness in him only in expression of his communal social ties. Maintaining social existence in traditional Africa,

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John Mbiti has been formidable in his attempt to demonstrate the communalistic ties, its significance to the individual, social cohesion, and stability of the organic whole. Thus, he has this to say: Only in terms of other people does the individual become conscious of his own being, his own duties, his privileges and responsibilities towards himself and towards other people. When he suffers, he does not suffer alone but with the corporal group; when he rejoices, he rejoices not alone but with his kinsmen, his neighbors and relatives whether dead or alive. Whatever happens to the individual happens to the whole group, and whatever happens to the whole group happens to the individual. The individual can only say: I am, because we are; and since we are, therefore I am (Mbiti 1966, 106).

The reality of the communal world takes precedence over the reality of individual life histories, whatever that may be. And such primacy is meant to apply not only ontologically, but also in regard to epistemic essentials and character formation. The “who you are” is critically contingent, at every stage upon a web of social relations, and other considerations, with respect to the conventions and expectations of the larger community (Menkiti 1997). The discussion of Comaroff and Comaroff (2001) on the seeming absence of the idea of an autonomous person in the African conception of a personhood lends credence to the point we are making concerning the place of the moral person in traditional Africa. It is that, as they argue, personhood was everywhere seen to an intrinsically social construct. This, they say is in two perspectives: First, nobody existed or could be known except in relation, and with reference to, even as part of a wide array of significant others; and, secondly, the identity of each and everyone was forged cumulatively, by infinite, ongoing series of practical activities. This means selfhood was not ascribed. Status and roles were determined by factors other than birth or genealogy. Social construction of personhood in communalistic arrangement grounds its essence in the preservation and promotion of life. Respect fogwim r human dignity, promotion of common and humanitarian good, informs the determination of what is right and wrong. In this regard, Metz (2007), quoted Godfrey Onah thus: At the centre of traditional African morality is human life. Africans have a sacred reverence for life… to protect and nurture their lives, all human beings are inserted within a given community… The promotion of life is therefore the determinant principle of African traditional morality and this promotion is guaranteed only in the community. Living harmoniously

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within a community is therefore a moral obligation ordained by God for the promotion of life (329).

Also, for Wiredu (1992), traditional African communalistic arrangement, if nothing, served the purpose of inculcating in the minds of African people the strong moral feelings of togetherness, mutual interdependence of individuals in the society, mutual benefit of co-operative understanding, and sympathy for individual welfare, thereby helping to diminish self interest. Therefore, community is the basis for morality, which communal arrangement serves to foster. So, the priority given to the collectivity does not then mean the individual loses his/her individuality; it is in participation of the individual with his/her attributes of rationality that ensures the viability of the community.

Tenets of Care Ethics and African Moral Values Proponents of care ethics have provided us with moral norms which form the basis of what can be considered right and good in the following moral precepts: responsibility, feelings and compassion, respect and reliability, concreteness, empathy, reciprocity, etc. We shall discuss each of these in relation to African indigenous moral value and practice. When we conceptualize responsibility as a moral principle from Gilligan’s care ethics perspective, it simply means the readiness to help others and the self (Gilligan 1982). It means accepting that one has positive duties concerning the welfare of others. The utility of care as an ethical ideal finds expression in responsibility to advancing the needs of the self and others. For Gilligan (1982), responsibility signifies response, an extension, rather than the restraint of aggression; it means doing what others are counting on you to do regardless of what you yourself want. In most African societies, past and present, most individuals are taught that apart from the duty one has to self, another foremost duty owed is to take responsibility for other members of the community, without which he/she is considered immoral and anti-social. Social security, for instance, was everybody’s business, particularly those relating to children and young people, the aged, the sick, and the infirm (Oladipo 2008). In practical life, traditional Africans had no need for old peoples’ homes, not only for those who had their own biological children, but even those who did not bear children consider themselves to be the responsibility of immediate and extended family members when they need help in old age. Also, children enjoyed parental and community care on all sides. Every eye was on the growing child, to ensure that such a child was properly trained and well brought up. Therefore, the proper upbringing of children

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was not the responsibility of biological parents alone, but also of every member of the community. Other huge tasks demanding the responsibility of all include building a house, clearing a farm, burying the dead, etc. In addition to these, public activities were conducted on the basis of collective efforts, in matters of security, construction and repairs of roads, provision of ponds, provision of other amenities, etc. Metz (2007) corroborates this view in his paper entitled “Toward an African Moral Theory”, where he demonstrates the fact that many Africans have a stronger disposition in the discharge of care in identified issues of moral relationships than many individuals in the Western world; for instance, in terms of abominable incidents like rape, incest, murder, adultery, suicide, etc., in the community, most African communities take it as a collective responsibility to appease angry ancestors through sacrifices, thereby protecting the community from their wraths. Such abominable incidents soil the land and weaken the vital force and the spiritual potency of the clan. For an infringement of taboo, the perpetrator is not the only one to suffer; rather, everybody in the community suffers (Unah 2014). Therefore, immoral action upsets the equilibrium of forces in their ontological hierarchy and thereby generates tension that can cost the wellbeing of members of the community. This accounts for why the proper upbringing of children, and the way people conduct themselves is the concern of everybody. Also highlighted is the disposition of readiness among indigenous Africans to cooperatively create wealth, rather than the competitive form of economy practiced in the Western world (Metz 2007). This disposition is influenced by the urge to ensure social cohesion, social security, thereby protecting members of the community from criminal activities, which are most likely to be perpetuated by the economically disadvantaged members of the community. While Western morality is predominantly protective of individual rights to own properties and retain them without interference, which informs rule-based and right-based principles of morality, in traditional African society, land is ultimately owned in common and it is held that labor was undertaken for the sake of the community, not to make profit but simply to care for one’s immediate family. He summarizes Africans’ care disposition as the bedrock of existence in the parable of the cow: “if you have two cows and the milk of the first cow is sufficient for your own consumption, ubuntu expects you to donate the milk of the second cow to your underprivileged brothers and sisters” (Metz 2007). The condition for the receipt of such a donation is underlined, however, as being underprivileged, in order to ensure that no one is neglected and ignored; because the ontological and social implication of neglecting any individual

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is that a strong force is generated that can threaten the organic whole, social security, as well as the survival of the society. Nevertheless, in all this, African care disposition should not be mistaken for charity because every member of the community is expected to contribute to the common wealth of care, as well as reap the benefit. Everybody has something to contribute just as everyone has something to benefit. It should be stressed that any moral interaction without feelings and compassion would have no bearing on concrete individual lives. Feelings and compassion are reflected when in one’s action one considers the harm it would do to the other and refrain from it, and one is seen to put feelings into action. Care approach expects every moral agent to show compassion in dealing with others. Weighing the possible effects of any proposed action on every individual, in order to avoid harm, is the expression of compassion that was not excluded from the degree of responsibility shown to others in traditional Africa. These are necessary only because care considers moral relationships in concrete terms. The attitude of having feelings and compassion on others is inherent in African communalistic social orientations, which does not allow an individual to see himself standing alone and seeking personal interests; instead, individual image depends largely upon the extent to which his/her actions benefit others, other than himself or herself; this is not by accident or coincidence but by design (Wiredu 1992). The orientation, according to Gyekye (1997), is such that makes Africans see social life as one of unity. That is, a community is like a palace of a group of people linked by interpersonal bonds, which are not necessarily biological, but as members of a group who share common goals, values, ideals and interests. The above lends credence to the African conception of morality in terms of concreteness. Moral relationship is a deliberate attempt to affect somebody in a positive sense; it is to help others to achieve their life pursuit or objective. In the ethics of care perspective, concreteness is in contrast to abstraction. Gilligan and her admirers conceptualize care from the perspective of seeing the world in terms of context, attachment, and actual, not hypothetical, experience of rights and justice. Moral relationship is about the extent to which we can and should live together socially and politically. This can be achieved with an understanding reflected through a grounded knowledge of human relationships, that the self and others are interdependent. Concrete moral relations suggest particularity, which refers to uniqueness of a situation, and judges on the basis of that. Particular sensitivity helps to expel ambiguity from moral dilemma and creates the need to attend to moral needs. Its importance hinges on the fact that human

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situations are so different from each other that a principle of universality (whenever A, then do B) is either useless or serves to conceal the differences. For example, among the Esan people of the Southern part of Nigeria, as is common with most African societies, the traditional norm allows a hungry man to take a tuber of yam from a farm that does not belong to him in so far as the yam is meant to quench his hunger and not to make money for him (so that not every act of taking what does not belong to somebody is regarded as stealing) (Okojie 1994). It was nothing but a culture of “I live for you and you for me by attending to particular areas of need.” That there were hardly beggars on the street is an indication that no one was left alone, ignored, or neglected, no matter what. Such a relationship was strengthened within the framework of the ‘extended family system’. Against this backdrop, such terms as cousin, nephew, niece, etc., distinguishing degrees of relationship, is alien in Africa. To be able to observe all of these in moral relationships, there must be the hallmark of respect and reliability. Respect is considered as an integral part of care ethics, which is to put value and worth into something or somebody. Moral respect connotes that we refrain from hurting people, or not play down on people’s self-esteem and integrity. This is important, because humanity entails dignity that is intrinsically worthy of respect. This, when deeply considered, is because human beings have consciousness and awareness that can be hurt. From the list of practical examples of manifestations of care ethics in many African cultures, the bedrock of such disposition is no doubt predicated on respect for the self and others. A system that reflects sincere displays of care makes itself reliable. These tenets of care ethics are sustained only on the principle of reciprocity. In reciprocal obligation, relationship involves an awareness of the ‘I and thou’ in Buber’s existentialist expression, which challenges a sense of responsibility involving contributing one’s quota to the commonwealth. This is a reciprocal obligation which is ultimately so, because everyone is expected to do the same in relation to others for mutual benefits, as well as in the interest of social stability and progress. The community of care is, therefore, not a charity organization to which some contribute and from which others draw benefits, but an organization to which everybody is a contributor and everyone is a recipient. On this principle, the principle of trust and reliability is grounded. People should be able to trust the system of care as a base to fall back on, in place of the extended family, parish, and kinship relationships in times of need. Ensuring care ethics function in this regard, Noddings warns that caregivers must be involved in two basic things: “engrossment and motivational displacement” (Noddings 2003). In engrossment, the one

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caring attends to the cared for without judgment and evaluation, and he/she allows him/herself to be transformed by the other; while in motivational displacement, the one caring adopts the goals of the cared-for and helps the latter to promote them directly or indirectly (Halwani 2003). Where this is the case the sincerity of the caregiver can, to a large extent, be trusted.

Concluding Remarks The idea that care should form the underlying basis for moral interaction is not a new one, but has been prominent in most cultures in the world, particularly in traditional Africa, which is exhibited both in thought and in character. Indigenous Africa indeed enjoyed rich cultural heritages, which are being eroded by modernity, particularly in the 21st century. The norms of traditional African moral relationships that we have explored are intended to show the extent to which care was deeply rooted in the practical lifestyle of the people. Unfortunately, while the Western world is just beginning, in the last two decades to clamor for the adoption of morality of care, to strengthen hitherto eroded human interpersonal relationships, Africa, the originator and/or actor of the now appreciated form of morality, is drifting away from it. It is in the light of this that our recommendation involves the appreciation of the serious need to have a reappraisal of African care ethics’ understanding of human relationships to the self, others, and the world at large. The requisite of an enduring morality that can strengthen relationships in modern African societies has become indisputable, given the advantages of such morality regarding the enhancement of peaceful and harmonious co-existence of members of many African societies, as was experienced before the advent of European colonization and neocolonization.

References Aigbodioh, Jacob. 2011. “Stigmatization in African Communalistic Societies and Habermas’ Theory of Rationality”, Cultura, International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology, Vol. 8, No1, pp27-48. Barcalow, Emmett. 1994. Moral Philosophy: Theory and Issues, Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Gilligan, Carol. 1982. In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Gyekye, Kwame. 1997. Tradition and Modernity, NY: Oxford University Press.

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Comaroff, John and Jean Comaroff. 2001. “On Personhood: An Anthropological Perspective from Africa Social Identities”, Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, vol.7, no.2, pp267-283. Halwani, Raja. 2003 “Care Ethics and Virtue Ethics”, Hypatia, Vol.18, No.3, pp161-192. Mackinno, Barbara. 1998. Ethics: Theory and Contemporary Issues, 2nd ed. Belmont, Washington: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Mbiti, John Samuel. 1966. African Religions and Philosophy, Oxford; UK: Heinemann. Menkiti, Ifeanyi. A.1979. “Person and Community in African Traditional Thought”, Wright, R.A.(ed.) African Philosophy: An Introduction, Washington DC: University Press of America. Metz, Thaddeus. 2007. “Toward African Moral Theory”. The Journal of Political Philosophy: Vol.15, No.3, pp321- 341. Nel, Philip. 2008. “Morality and Religion in African Thought”, Acta Theologica. Vol. 2, pp60-70. Noddings, Nel. 2002. Starting at Home: Caring and Social Policy, Berkeley: University of California Press. —. 2003. Caring: A Feminine Approach to Ethics and Moral Education, 2ed. Berkeley: University of California Press. Okojie, Christopher. 1994. Esan Native Laws and Customs with Ethnographic Studies of the Esan People, Benin City: Ilupeju Press Ltd. Oladipo, Olusegun. 2008. The Need for a Social Philosophy in Africa. Convocation Lecture, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Nigeria. Rosen, Bernard. 1993. Ethical Theory Strategies and Concept, California: Mayfield Publishing Company. Sahakian, William S. 1974. Ethics: An Introduction to Theories and Problems, New York: Barnes & Noble Books. Tronto, Joan. 1989. Women and Caring: What can Feminists Learn about Morality from Caring? Jaggar, A. M. & Bordo, S. R. (Ed.) Gender/body/knowledge: Feminist Reconstruction of being and knowing. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. Unah, Jim. 2014. “Finding Common Grounds for a Dialogue between African and Chinese Ethics”. Imafidon Elvis & John Ayotunde Isola Bewaji (Eds.). Ontologized Ethics: New Essays in African MetaEthics, United Kingdom: Lexington Books. Wiredu, Kwasi. 1992. “The Moral Foundations of an African Culture”. Wiredu, Kwasi & Kwame Gyekye. (Eds.) Person and Community, Ghanaian Philosophical Studies. Washington DC: The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy.

CHAPTER NINE AFRICAN YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM ANTHONY O. ECHEKWUBE DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

AND JOY ITOYA DEPARTMENT OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract The African youth has a lot in common with their counterparts all over the world. They interact more easily with their mates as they are adventurous both in desire and outlook. They attend youth congresses and associate with youths from across the globe more often than can be imagined, especially at international sporting events and at many other fora. Their enquiring mind is yearning to love the internet without limit, to the extent of becoming popularly known as “yahoo boys and girls.” As youngsters, between the ages of 15 and 35, there is the urgent need to explore and enrich their cultural exposure. This chapter examines the philosophical principles about human nature using the descriptive analytic method. The age group system and hierarchal relationship in ordering and shaping the affairs of the society should be reappraised. This system could be helpful in utilizing the latent talents and skills of the majority of our youths who remain jobless, even after their university education. African youths are, no doubt, so highly gifted that they can utilize their wealthy environment and mental disposition to create wealth and contribute meaningfully to the development of the world in all the aspects of human enterprise. With proper care and enlightenment, our youths will be able to engage in creative and productive projects.

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Key words: African youth, Unemployment, God’s creativity, Entrepreneurship, 21st century, Human dignity

Introduction This chapter dwells primarily on the youth situation in Nigeria particular and Africa in general. It surveys the background of the upbringing of the youth in Africa so as to understand their predicaments and seek concrete solutions to such at the beginning of the 21st century. Among the perennial and recurring problems of the African youth is unemployment. It often leads to restiveness; kidnapping; and other negative acts of deviation from the right norm. In order to better explore the intricacies and implications of youth unemployment with a view to attempting a proposal on its management, we shall examine issues such as: the meaning of youth unemployment, employment as a divine mandate, restoring the dignity of humanity through creativity and productive community of enterprising youths, and the self as a centre of industry. The dynamics of voluntary sharing of talents can render unemployment irrelevant by his/her creativity. Situating the argument more concretely, we shall further clarify who is a youth, restiveness, development, and the necessity of a lasting solution to all these. It has been alleged that: “In Africa, youth unemployment has become a threat to socio-economic peace and stability. Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country. The unemployment rate in Nigeria for the year 2011 stood at 23.9 percent, with the youth unemployment rate at over 50%. In comparison to other African countries, the story does not get any better. The unemployment rate in South Africa increased to 25.2% in the first quarter of 2013 from 24.9% in the fourth quarter 2012”. These figures are as alarming as they are frightful because “youths represent a very important stakeholder in any society. They are not only the future of Nigeria, but also a major stakeholder and useful resource in nation building. For the youths to become useful resource in the Nigerian project, they must be gainfully employed” (Okafor 2011, 358). Okafor (364) also enumerates the causes of unemployment with meaningful solutions to resolving them. We need only cite these for reference and further action: “The first is the rapidly growing urban labor force arising from rural urban migration… The second is the rapid population growth… The third is the outdated school curricula and lack of employable skills… The Fourth is the rapid expansion of the educational system, which directly leads to increase in the supply of educated manpower above the corresponding demand for them. Further, there is no vibrant manufacturing sector that

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has the capacity to absorb unemployed youths in Nigeria. There are over 800 collapsed industries in Nigeria and over 37 factories have closed shops in 2009. About half of the remaining operating firms have been classified as ‘ailing’…”

Who is a Youth? The definition of a youth is conditioned by the context and situation that are prevalent at a given time. This is the reason why we have the popular expression “Youthfulness is in the heart”. Thus a 70 year-old man or woman could be called young for the virility and brightness of his/her physical appearance and eloquence in making dynamic contributions to societal and communal development. On a more serious note, available reports give variant figures with regards to the limits of who may qualify as a youth by age. Osakwe (2013) states clearly that as a result of its varying descriptions and definitions by organizations, countries, and cultural groups, the term youth cannot be easily defined. He further clarifies that “officially, the Nigerian Population Commission defines a youth or young adult as persons between the ages of 18 and 24” (Osakwe, 2013). However, he goes on to explain that the same country legally considers the age of 18 as an adult with voting rights. In order to avoid misrepresentation, it was further clarified the characteristics of youths as persons who normally would have completed secondary educations, and would either be in tertiary institutions such as the university, striving to secure employment or be already employed. Furthermore, persons between the ages of 18-35 years, male and female who are citizens of Nigeria have been defined as youth in the 2009 second National Youth Policy document of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The non-definite fixation of age limit is further shown in the 1995 international year of youth, in which the United Nations defined youths as persons in the range of 15-24 years, while the World Health Organization categorizes youths as persons between the ages of 10 and 29. It is understandable that youths are universally difficult to classify by age considering their flexibility and adaptability to situations, ugly and beautiful. With this clarification about determination of a youth by age, we may proceed to resolving the unemployment problem of youths.

Youth unemployment Youth unemployment signifies a situation in which those between the ages of 15 and 24 do not have any meaningful job to enable them to eke

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out a living. It is a situation in which youths who have attained maturity physically, academically, and in training desire to use their strength for meaningful survival but do not find jobs to do, a paid employment to engage them profitably. Despite their acquisition of the relevant skills, technical know-how and desire to be productive, they are rendered redundant and unproductive by unemployment. It is a universal experience as it seriously affects even the developed nations. We are reliably informed that: “The UK statistics for June 2010 showed there were 926,000 young people under the age of 25 who were unemployed, and employment rate of 19.6 per cent among young people.” As a result of this high rate of unemployment, some media commentators and politicians had to talk of a “lost generation”. The same group of youths has been called the “sandwich generation”, a generation that took care of their parents and at the same time taking care of their own children. The report concludes “it is a double tragedy” because such persons cannot even be taken care of by their unemployed children.

God’s creativity A meaningful discourse on employment can be fruitfully and positively posited from the point of view of a creator God. To dismiss the biblical account of creation as unrealistic and mythological depicts ignorance of the mytho-poetic constituents of the human person. The human person as a constituent of the three main elements: the mind, the soul and heart, has aspirations and yearnings that transcend the physical and material constituents of mankind. The word myth is a derivative of the Greek word mythos, which signifies an effort at understanding and unraveling the origin of things: how they had been at the beginning of the universe. The Darwinian evolutionary theory is highly deficient in explaining the origin and orientation of beings. The Big-Bang theory of accidental creation through a clash of forces is equally elusive. Therefore, we are left with the biblical account, which is popularly given, though with significant variations among the Babylonians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Jews, the Indians, the Egyptians, Nigerians, and very many other peoples of the world. It is noteworthy that mythology is an attempt on the part of the human mind to unravel the origins of life, death, sin, suffering, and other mysterious aspects of life. The discipline that is associated with the classics refers strictly to the great pantheons of the solar god, war god, and wisdom god among the Greeks and the Romans alike. For the purpose of this chapter, we wish to state that the association of human labour to a creator GOD remains most relevant to human aspirations. Nietzsche, who

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desired strongly to attain the status of a “superman”, failed as he suffered a mental collapse at the age of 45. His attainment of the “superman status”, had he succeeded, would only have been significant with reference to God. Man himself would have defended the proletariat more successfully by appealing to the bourgeoisie to live what they preached in defence of the oppressed laborers. We would, in the light of the foregoing, discuss the relevance of human labor with references to God, the master worker whose emulation is open to excellence. Employment is closely associated with dynamism and production. In this regard, employment originated from God whose essence it is to be. As an eternally existent substance, he continuously works, not out of necessity but the voluntary love to reproduce beauty, truth, harmony, goodness, et cetera. Hence he made humanity in his own image and likeness to facilitate human participation in this creative endeavor. But pride truncated this beatific harmonious flow of blessedness in the Garden of Eden. God restored the flow of grace through the birth of his son, Jesus Christ, as promised. It is significant that after the original sin, the human person was to live by the sweat of his/her brow (Gen. 3:17). Though mankind was to earn a living by his/her own sweat, it was meant to be for their creativity. The son of man had urged us to work in the light and to work during daylight for night cometh when very little can be done. “As long as day lasts I must carry out the work of the one who sent me, the night will soon be here when no one can work. As long as I am in the world, I am the light of the world” (John 9: 4-5). In fact, St Paul warns the Thessalonians against idleness and non-productivity thus: “Now we hear that there are some of you who are living without discipline, doing no work themselves but interfering with other people’s business. In the Lord Jesus Christ, we urge and call on people of this kind to go on quietly working and earning the food that they eat. Though St Paul could live on the support of the people to whom he preached, he never availed of such opportunity. As he says: “… we earn our living by laboring with our own hands” (1Cor 4: 12). Therefore, it is only proper that we appreciate the dignity of labor in its association with God, and especially as it affords us the opportunity to grow constantly in the likeness of God’s creativity. This is a manifestation of the dignity of labor in association with the rationality of the human person. Thus humanity is in addition to being Homo sapiens, Homo laborans (the wise and working class human persons).

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Restoring Human Dignity through Creativity The social teaching of the Holy Catholic Church encapsulates and illustrates with clarity what human dignity entails and how true human initiative and labor is brought to fruition. In Pope Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum on Capital and Labor, of 15th May 1891, he specified that “for man fathoming by his faculty of reasoning matters without numbers, linking the future with the present, and being master of his own acts, guides his way under the eternal love and power of God, whose providence governs all things…man precedes the state, and possesses, prior to the formation of any state, the right of providing for the substance of his body ( art .7 ). It means therefore, that man as imago dei can utilize his reason to cater for both his physical and spiritual needs and make his world a truly habitable place. In Populorum Progressio, Pope Paul VI talked about the development of peoples in his encyclical dated March 1967. He taught that: “The progressive development of peoples is an object of deep interest and concern to the Church. This is particularly true of those who are trying to escape the ravages of hunger, poverty, endemic disease, and ignorance, of those who are seeking a larger share in the benefit of civilization and more active improvement of their human qualities…” Indeed, these are the major concerns of the church as progressively taught by John XXIII, Vatican II in the Pastoral Constitution of the church in the Modern World (Gaudium et Spes, n.12). In the light of the above, we wish to contextualize the situation of youth unemployment in Nigeria, exploring the problems and possible solutions to such a knotty problem. There is no doubt that the solution requires both individual and group efforts. All facts of the problem must be handled, be they social, economic, cultural, or spiritual.

Entrepreneurship This is evidenced in the great achievements of the early missionaries who established schools for our children from the early years of the 19th century. We should honestly and sincerely distinguish the activities of those missionaries from those of the Portuguese, French, European, and other traders who were involved in slave trade. Nzemeke elucidates on this situation, clearly stating that: these agents who had been the main foreign carriers of trade with the indigenes of the Niger area as a result of the proclamation and imposition of protectorate status, which they said had conferred on them administrative rights over the area that England began

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to claim right of governance. The indigenes did not and could not understand this, and feeling that they were free people whose rights were being curtailed by the white man, they rose in rebellion against all whites in what came to be known in indigenous parlance as the Ekumeku war. So far, it has become clearly evident that we need an urgent appreciation of the dignity of the human person in order to channel our work force appropriately. Economic depression pervades the world today because of a low perception of human dignity and its role in the world. This has resulted in the poor performance of his/her duties in all the spheres of life. The effect is the critical downturn of human developmental projects. The Nigerian Vision 20:2020 envisages that Nigeria would be among the first 20 developed nations of the world by the year 2020. This seems a non-realizable dream in the face of power outage, incessant sack and dismissal of workers. Worst, productive industries are being shut down without regard for the survival of the affected families and communities. This view was strongly condemned by Senator Roland Owie who stated that: “The first priority of government all over the world is the welfare of the individual human being, created in the image and likeness of God. The development of infrastructure comes after food has been put on the table of Nigerians. As at today, hundreds of Nigerians that were staff of NITEL, Nigeria Airways, among others, have been dying daily because of the bad policies…” (Sunday Vanguard 2013). In seeking a workable solution to the hydra-headed problem of unemployment in Nigeria, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and other stakeholders have begun brainstorming on a banking industry funding strategy for the power sector. It was reported that the chairman, economic development of the banker’s committee Mr. Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, said banks are aware that the growth, prosperity, and national security of Nigerians depends on the success of the power sector’s transformation”. We are very grateful to the chairman for his acknowledgement of the importance of stable and adequate power supply on the national economy. We are even more grateful to him and the CBN for realizing that inadequate supply of power is the cause of under development and noncompetitiveness of the Nigerian manufacturing sectors” (Vanguard, 2003). In his own report, Kunle states: “Federal Government target of power generation hitting 10,000 megawatts in December, may well be wishful thinking as Nigeria generates less than 3,000 MW. He goes on to explain that over the years successive governments have set generation targets that were never realized, thus leaving major companies and small scale businesses to rely heavily on power generating-sets at higher costs than their businesses (Vanguard, 2013). Imoukhuede’s committee should as a

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matter of urgency address and implement decisions on the provision of constant power supply. There is no doubt that this will go a long way in alleviating the unhealthy unemployment situation in our country. The resultant effect will definitely be a high level of usefully and gainfully employed youths, higher income from taxes paid, healthier youths who make up more than 50% of our population. Hopefully, with such a favorable environment, armed robbery, kidnapping, terrorism, and all the other social ills befalling our nation will be reduced to the barest minimum. However, all these assertions have been repeatedly sung and rehearsed without implementation in the past. Except government functionaries do what they say, we shall continue to experience failure, which will culminate in a bloody revolution. We should stop deceiving ourselves, thinking that a revolution is impossible in Nigeria. Our level and degree of tolerance in the face of oppression will be reflected in the type of revolution that awaits the nation except our restive youths are meaningfully engaged.

The Self as a Centre of Industry At creation, God endowed Adam and Eve with the gift of creativity by asking them to be masters of the created order and bring the world to a perfect end (Gen. 1: 27-31). As Homo faber (worker, fabricator, builder, and industrialist), they had and still have the obligation to bring all of creation to a satisfactory end and St. Paul with joy extolled the eschatological jubilation of the saved world: “In my estimation, all that we suffer in the present time is nothing in comparison with the glory which is destined to be disclosed for us, for the whole of creation is waiting with eagerness for the children of God to be revealed… with the intention that the whole of creation itself might be freed from its slavery to corruption and brought into the same glorious freedom as the children of God. We are aware that the whole of creation until this time has been groaning in labor pains. And not only that: we too, who have the first-fruits of the spirit, even we are groaning inside ourselves, waiting with eagerness for our bodies to be set free”. In order to facilitate the task of cosmic, terrestrial, and universal salvation of creation our transformational agenda must be vigorously pursued in all sincerity. It is in the light of this that we implore all our youths to remember that as the Psalmist says, “even if father and mother should abandon me, God is ever mindful of me”. Again, our Lord, Jesus Christ assures us that if God caters for the birds of the air and the flowers

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on the field, then we can count on his everlasting support as every hair on our head is numbered. There is a popular saying that “he/she who is rejected does not reject himself/herself”. On this note, we must commend the NYSC authorities for introducing the skill acquisition and entrepreneurship programs into the orientation course content in March 2012. Ayansina explains that it is a nationwide initiative, targeted at young graduates mobilized and deployed in a year’s mandatory service, cascaded down to the states and LGAs. Reportedly, the program is aimed at the entrepreneurial and self-reliance spirit, helping corps members to explore income generation opportunities as suitable for their personal endowments. While we appreciate the efforts of those who introduced this scheme, we urge government functionaries to ensure its vigorous and fruitful implementation. Our youths should be able to learn to discern their unique God-given talents in the various fields of human endeavor. Former Head of State, Major General Yakubu Gowon, not long ago, had strongly advised Nigerian youths on the need to use their talents for productive ventures, especially in writing, information dissemination, and national transformation (Sunday Vanguard, 2013, 40).

The Dynamics of Voluntary Sharing Harmonious co-existence is the solution to youth unemployment. However, the youths should be allowed to exercise their rights and responsibilities with a view to a better future in accordance with the right conscience. This can be achieved by teaching the youths to maturely and responsibly resolve their problems by properly utilizing their charismas and talents effectively and efficiently. These qualities are best expressed in the yearnings of the youth who seek excellence, as shown in the following terms. x Youth: The word youth is used to qualify a person who is in the early years of development, between childhood and adulthood, often between the ages of 15 and 24 years. Youths are often regarded as having young blood because they are in the prime of their lives and are full of life. They are energetic, full of strength, and enthusiasm. This propels them to greater expectations and actions. It is, therefore, understandable that when we talk of youthful exuberance, we are referring to this quality of youths, which makes them seek to assert themselves. They are adventurous and would seek to go to many places that adults would rather

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avoid. Youths are easily influenced by their peers. They are easily carried away by what they see their mates doing. An awareness of these qualities of the youth should make the adults watch out for the best ways of helping the youths grow to adulthood in wellprogrammed ways. Definitely, a child who is let loose from infancy would have no manners and would grow at the mercy of his peers, and only God knows what he would become. But if the parents of the child teach him or her good manners, the child would hardly deviate from such ways. Such a child who enjoys a proper parental upbringing would have respect for the parents and constituted authorities. x Restiveness: This word is expressive of a state of restlessness, uneasiness, and obstinacy. It is often manifested in the unwillingness to accept instructions from superiors and those in authority. A person who is restive would rather do things his or her own ways than take instructions from others. Its derivation from the Latin “restare” (to remain still) and the French “restif” (inert) depicts this. It is then understandable that restiveness is associated with non-satisfaction with the present situation of things, either because of too much expectation or a sense of denial of rights. Psychologically, it could rise as a reaction to poor parental upbringing, especially when the person concerned has suffered parental neglect and sees no need for dependence on others, except to strive for self-autonomy. x Society: Society is made up of an aggregate of family units that form communities with a common purpose and interest. These families and groups that often have a common ancestry, as they expand and develop various specialties and division of labor is introduced. The implication of this is that institutions with various aims and objectives begin to grow. At this stage, we can no longer talk about single family units and groups but about communities that form still larger societies comprising the smaller ones with the religious, educational, political, and economic institutions, all for the realization of higher goals and ideals for humankind. It is in the light of this that we talk about human society that goes beyond the confines of ethnic groups and far more beyond individual and personal interests. Therefore, when we talk about societal development, we are challenged to first examine who we are, what we possess and how we can creatively improve our lots on earth, both as individuals and as groups in order to contribute positively

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to our larger Nigerian society and then to the growth of the society of humankind. x Development: The concept of development connotes improvement, a change from a lower status to a higher one, viewed by some in terms of material and economic growth. But in terms of integral, qualitative, and creative growth, it transcends these in the search for the realization of a greater and more responsible personality. In this context, we are talking about social transformation, seeking to increase individual and collective skills in order to attain true freedom exercised with self-discipline. This would result in a more effective internal relationship among members of societies both at the national and global levels. Thus development ought to transcend physical and mere economic levels to enthrone individual and collective initiatives for the attainment of safe environment, greater opportunity for all, shelter for all and freedom for all and sundry. The UNDP states that: Sustainable human development is development that not only generates economic growth, but also distributes its benefits equitably; that empowers people rather than marginalizing them. It gives priority to the poor, enlarging their choices and opportunities, and provides for their participation in decisions affecting them. It is development that is pro-poor, pro-nature, pro-jobs, pro-women, and pro-children (Adeyemo 2003, 13).

Youth Restiveness and the Need for an Urgent Solution We have already seen that youths are a vigorous, dynamic, energetic and adventurous group of people, who are full of expectations both for now and the future. Anything that impedes their justified expectations may not be tolerated for too long. When one enjoys their confidence, one can expect that they work with zeal and enthusiasm in carrying out the job on hand. But just as they cooperate maximally with enthusiasm, so do they react violently when in doubt about the honesty of the person with whom they work. For this reason, youths need to be told the truth at all times, even when it is bitter. They are more likely to accept difficult situations than being deceived with sweet situations whose reality eventually ends in deception. We give due consideration to our relationship with our youths and treat them with care. We are glad that some of our adults are beginning to do something in this regard. But there is really no other way out of youth violence and unrest except through sincere concern. Otherwise, our society will continue to degenerate rather than progress.

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The truth is that in recent times, hardly a day passes by without news of youths vandalizing oil pipelines, attacking whole villages, or engaging in bank robberies or other forms of violence. There are numerous cases of assassination involving kings of villages. Neither are our tertiary institutions spared the unrest. A few weeks ago, the students of the University of Lagos were sent packing for violence on campus. Within the same period, the students of the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA) suffered the same fate. The students of the Delta State University, Abraka, had had their own share recently. At the Ambrose Alli University, the students had to end their examinations earlier than scheduled in order to avoid further killings among themselves. A few days later, the authorities of the Polytechnic at Auchi had to send the students home abruptly, postponing their examinations. How long shall we continue to operate indefinite school calendars? How long shall we continue to live in uncertainty? How long shall we continue to brutalize ourselves? We cannot expect societal development in a chaotic situation.

Solutions to Youth Unrest It is heartwarming to hear that something is already been done about the sordid situation in Nigeria, as the issue of youth restiveness is now receiving the national attention it deserves. It is believed that a bill will guarantee a successful future for the youths. In Uchendu’s view, the bill will guide the youths safely and provide development centers that will provide general counseling for registered graduating students. He says that the bill that is now with the Senate would also provide a National Youth Development Commission (NYDC) that will provide intervention assistance to the States. Uchendu is optimistic that the bill will put many things effectively in place for the good of our youths because it will be unlike the National Youth Directorate for Employment (NDE), which failed because it could not really provide jobs for untrained people. The bill is equally expected to surmount the deficiencies of the National Poverty Eradication Program (NAPEP), which was also short-lived. The truth however is that the purpose of the bill expected to be passed by the Senate will fail if we do not collectively consciously strive to make it work. It is a well-known fact that a bill without a will can never ever work. We must realize that we are the ultimate law unto ourselves. The death penalty has not reduced armed robbery in our society. The truth is that when the youths are further neglected, they take the law into their hands and seek to work out their own destiny. The adults should begin now to demonstrate true love and concern for the welfare of the younger

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generation. Hitherto, we have flattered them as the leaders of tomorrow. But how are we preparing them to lead tomorrow? Is it by emptying the treasury or by strangulating them to death? Are they going to rule from the grave? Are they going to rule with an empty treasury? The House of Assembly was clamoring for debt repudiation. What moral justifications do we have when our leaders are stacking billions of dollars into foreign banks and spending lavishly all over the country? Recently, the then Minister of Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala stated that when the Swiss authorities asked her what would happen to the $240M Abacha loot, she told them that it had already been spent on education, health, power, etc. That sounds incredible for the medical doctors in the country had just suspended their strike action for non-payment of salaries. Again, no meaningful project was taking place in the educational sector, especially as the education minister was said to have been arrested on bribery charges. Onengiye Elekima, a Niger Delta youth leader explained that Niger Delta Movement became the government of youths in order to fight for their rights since the adults had failed them. In his own words: Before now, the youths in the Niger Delta could not come out to say that they wanted peace or round table discourse, it was our elders, our governors who were doing all the negotiations. But these people have failed us. We have since discovered that it is only the youths who can lead themselves to arrive at something good (The Guardian 2005, 10).

Elekima’s assertions indicate that the youths are dissatisfied with the roles the adults have been playing in protecting their rights, as a result of which they have got to fend for themselves. But as we have consistently maintained, it is not too late to swing into action. It would be unfair to allow the distrust to continue to mar the cordial relationship that should exist between the younger and older generation to facilitate societal development. Hence Benson warns: “The time to renegotiate is now because tomorrow, which is in the hands of our often more volatile youths may be too late”. That the youths are large-hearted and willing to cooperate is shown in Elekima’s assertion that: We have so many youth groups in the Niger Delta. We work with the Niger Delta Commission. We believe that if the Niger Delta must find the way to development, we must give peace a chance ... Consequently, on July 14, 2001 at a Summit at the Petroleum Institute (PTI) in Effurun, the NDYM pledged to the Federal Government to maintain peace in the region.

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There is the need to utilize this disposition of the youths as a ground for further negotiations with them even though we know the difficulty involved. We believe very strongly that through sincere dialogue and true concern about the welfare of every member of our society, we can develop integrally, intellectually, politically, economically, sociologically, religiously, and spiritually. Otherwise, we shall continue to drift into negativity, uncertainty, and mutual suspicion. In such a society, individualism thrives with its attendant evil consequences, cultism being one of them.

Conclusion The youths need to be assisted to get meaningful jobs, especially after they have graduated from the university. This will reduce the rate of kidnapping, armed robbery, and suicide bombing both in Nigeria and the whole of Africa. Alika underlines the indispensability of the proper upbringing of youths, saying that: “It is believed that personality failure in character is often based in family and childhood experiences” (Alika 2005, 378). Echekwube has opined that the youth should develop their intellect and will through qualitative education in “morality for students (practical morality against atheistic pragmatism)” (Echekwube 2005, 365). Above all, our youths should imbibe the spirit of communality, the basis of stability of African traditional societies, under the auspices of the ancestors, founders of our societies who are ably represented by the living ancestors (the elders) who are custodians of our traditions and customs. In fact, African culture gives pride of place to hardwork and every African child should creatively execute his or her programs in the 21st century for the elevation of Nigeria in particular, and Africa in general.

References Adeyemo, Ademola. 2003. Development and Underdevelopment Comparative Perspective, Port-Harcourt: Amythyst Press. Aig-Imoukhuede, Aigboje. 2013. Vanguard, 2/7/13. Alika, Joy. 2005. “The Role of Ethics in the Management of Firms”, Pantaleon Iroegbu and A.O. Echekwube (Eds), Kpim of Morality Ethics, General, Special and Professional, Heinenann: Ibadan, Echekwube, Anthony. 2005 “Morality for students (Pratical morality against Atheistic Progmatism)”in Kpim of Morality Ethics, General, Special and Professional Gowon, Yakubu. 2013. Sunday Vanguard, 2 June, 2013

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Kola, Kunle. 2013. “Nigerian Economy in Jeopardy as power drops”, Vanguard, 2nd July. Nzemeke, Alexander. 2013. “Heralds of the faith and the maturing of the church in Issele-Uku Diocese”, Echekwube, Anthony and Augustine Ojei (Eds). Issele-Uku diocese at 40, towards Reconciliation of Catholic Faith and Culture, Ekpoma, Kreativzone. Okafor, Emeka Emmanuel. 2011. “Youth Unemployment and Implications for Stability of Nigeria”, Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa, Vol.13, No.13, No.1. Onengiye, Elekima. 2005. The Guardian, Feb.10 2005. Osakwe, Chukwuma. 2013. “Youth, Unemployment and National Security in Nigeria”, International Journal of Humanities and Social Science vol.3, No 21 Owie, Roland. 2013. “Scrapping Government Agencies will worsen Unemployment”. Sunday Vanguard, June 16. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_unemployment_in_the_United_King dom https://www.nigerianstat.gov.ng/pages/download/62

PART III: AFRICAN RELIGIONS INTERROGATED

CHAPTER TEN CONTINUITY AND DISCONTINUITY IN ‘MISSIONARY’ CHRISTIANITY AND AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION CHRIS A. OBI DEPT. OF RELIGIOUS MANAGEMENT AND CULTURAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract The introduction of Christianity has greatly impacted and contributed to vast changes in African cultural, religious, political, and economic lives. Three responses of Africans to missionary Christianity are discernible. Scholars, likewise, have given two different assessments of the Christian missionary encounter with African culture and religion. This chapter discusses the dynamics of religion in Africa through the eye of continuity and discontinuity in missionary Christianity and African traditional religion against the background of the claim that missionary Christianity and Westernization have indeed dealt a deathblow to traditional religion such that the latter has no future of survival. The method adopted is descriptive, and partly historical, analytical, and anthropological. The findings show that in spite of the disruptions created by missionary Christianity on African (Igbo) traditional religion, there are traces of major lines of continuity and persistence of the traditional worldview, even in the practices of absorbed Orthodox and Pentecostal churches today. The chapter concludes that African traditional religion will survive, albeit in a modified form, through a principle of continuity and discontinuity evidenced in the history of religions. Key words: Continuity, Discontinuity, Missionary Christianity, African traditional religion, African worldview

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Introduction World religions, especially Christianity and Islam, invaded Africa many centuries ago. These external religious forces (the guest religions) have made great impacts and contributed to vast changes in African cultural, religious, political, and economic lives. However, the study of their impacts on African traditional religion (the host religion so to say) and society has been remarkable. Different scholars have offered divergent reasons on the cause of conversion from traditional to world religions, the patterns of the impact of these external change-agents on African cosmology, and an explanation of the persistence of traditional religion. One consequence of the invasion is that it led to what Ogbu Kalu has styled “the retreat of African gods” (Kalu 1985, 1). While missionary hagiography and accounts of travelers and colonial administration left the impression that the defeat was a rout, the degree and depth of Christianization and Islamization are not settled questions. However, when two cultures interact, there are bound to be interactive consequences for both. A historical phenomenon as colossal as European (or even Islamic) colonialism in Africa (Western education and Christianity inclusive), is bound to lead to revolutions in all spheres of life of the people and society. A social transformation, no matter how radical or revolutionary, involves a process of continuity - from the old to the new. Indeed, it is a process in which something is lost; something remains while something new is added (Nwala 2005, 31). At any point in time those elements of the past that it brings to the present ensure continuity despite what it has lost and the new elements it has acquired. Those European cultural elements that were introduced into Africa underwent some transformation. The English language for example, as spoken in Nigeria, is affected phonetically, syntactically, and lexically, in terms of vocabulary. While the native languages spoken in Nigeria have been affected by the presence of the English language, the Standard English spoken in Nigeria has been affected by the native language (Nwala 2005, 31) such that the English people themselves may have to be schooled to understand and be able to speak it. A glance at the history of religions shows that these too have always advanced and survived by a dynamic principle of continuity and discontinuity. This principle is demonstrated in Christianity vis-à-vis Judaism, as evidenced in three of the characteristics of Matthew’s gospel below. Can the same also be true of African Traditional Religion (ATR), which is rooted in the structure of African worldview? Since the encounter between missionary Christianity and the African Traditional Religion has

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gone through certain phases, from total condemnation and rejection of everything African as paganism and vice versa, total acceptance to critical questionings or questioning siftings, how has the persistence of the African worldview transformed the received Christian message thereby demonstrating the dynamics of religion in African culture? Can we discern a pattern of continuity or discontinuity between the past and future and how are these manifested? What factors in the African worldview are fuelling Pentecostal Christianity? It is in this context that this chapter discusses the dynamics of religion in African culture through the eye of continuity and discontinuity in missionary Christianity and African Traditional Religion. This is against the premise that missionary Christianity and Westernization have indeed dealt a deathblow to traditional religion so that the latter has no future of survival. By Missionary Christianity we include the evangelization strategy of the missionaries and their understanding of what the mission was intended to achieve (Oguejiofor 2001, 46). African religion as discussed here may be defined as institutionalized patterns of beliefs and worship practiced by various African societies from time immemorial in response to the supernatural as manifested in their environment and experience (Metuh 1987, 5). The method adopted is descriptive and partly historical, analytical, and anthropological, insofar as we seek to investigate the issue in terms of historical contexts and the people’s worldview because of the social anthropological definition of culture as worldview, and a system of symbols and their meanings.

Continuity and Discontinuity in Matthew’s Gospel One of the reasons why Matthew’s gospel was given priority among the gospels and in the New Testament as a whole was because it provides a stronger connecting link between the Old and New Testaments more than any other book in the New Testament. Written for the Jews to show that Jesus is the fulfillment of the Old Testament prophecy, it contains many quotations from the Old Testament using a large number of them to prove that in Jesus the Old Testament hope of the Messiah is realized. The quotations are often introduced with a particular expression made in one form or another. The most common form is “that it might be fulfilled…”, examples of which are found in Matthew 1:22, 23; 2:15; 2:17; 2:23; 3:3; 4:14-16; 8:17; 12:17-21; 13:35; 21: 4,5; 26:56. The very first verse of the book (Matt 1:1) announces the theme of the whole book: “The book of genealogy of Jesus Christ the son of David, son of Abraham”. Matthew therefore forms a remarkable point of connection and transition between

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the two testaments (Boer 1982, 12). At the same time, it balances its Jewish emphasis with a strong accent on calling of the Gentiles – a discontinuity. The wise men from the East greet Jesus at his birth and the last words of the risen Lord are “go therefore and make disciples of all nations”. In the entire book the message of Christ for the nations is put forward time and again. The second characteristic is particularism and universalism – two great emphases running parallel to each other throughout the book. On the one hand is the special place of Israel in God’s plan of salvation, and on the other hand the inclusion of the Gentiles in that plan, hence styled Israel’s particularism and gentile universalism (Boer 1982,12). The beginning genealogy demonstrates this by showing that Jesus is a true Israelite, being related to Abraham and David the patriarchal figures of Israel. He has been sent only to the lost sheep of the house of Israel (15:24) and it is to them that he sends his disciples to preach and to heal. His most intimate fellowships are all distinctively Jewish. Within this particularism, however, there is inseparably bound up a universal message. For example, in the very genealogy that establishes Jesus’ Jewishness, four women are listed who are not Jewish: Tamar (1:3), Rahab and Ruth (verse 5), and Bathsheba the wife of Uriah, the mother of Solomon (verse 6). Apart from Mary, these women are the only ones listed in the genealogy. In addition, the wise men from the East are Gentiles and Egypt the place of refuge for the family of Jacob, is Gentile. References to Gentiles appear throughout the book: a Canaanite woman is praised for her faith (8:5-13), as is a Roman officer (15:22-28). Jesus will be a blessing to the Gentiles (12:1821) and many shall come from East and West to enter the Kingdom (8:1112). The culmination is the Great Commission (28:18-2). The third characteristic of Matthew’s gospel is discontinuity between the two Testaments. As universalism stands alongside particularism, so discontinuity between the old and new covenants stands alongside the continuity between them. Matthew emphasizes both aspects strongly (Boer 1982, 20). The new situation that Jesus brings into being is one piece with the old out of which it comes; yet, it is wholly distinct from it. Hence the refrain: “You have heard that it was said to the men of old… But I say to you…” is found six times in the Sermon on the Mount (5:21-44). The law of the Old Testament is not put away; it is given a richer meaning. Thus, we can say that the Old Testament (Judaism) survived in the New (Christianity), albeit in an altered form by a principle of continuity and discontinuity.

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African Worldview Soon after Christianity arrived in Africa, Africans began to question its meaning within the cultural, social, economic, political, and religious contexts of Africa. Such questioning was not abnormal, for in the early church we see a parallel when Christianity, nurtured in a Jewish cultural ambience, first encountered Gentile culture. The encounter resulted also in questioning the relevance of a Jewish Christianity in a Gentile cultural context. Thus were raised the questions of the circumcision of Gentiles, and of Gentile observance of Jewish dietary laws. These occasioned a public confrontation between Peter and Paul (Gal. 2:11-14); conflicts in the Corinthian church (1 Cor 8:1-13) and between Paul and the law observant missionaries known as “Judaizers” (Gal. 1:6-9; 2 Cor. 11:1-35), which occasioned the Jerusalem Council of Acts 15:1-35. While in early Christianity the questioning was mainly within the religious context, in Africa it covers political, social, economic, and religious concerns (Ukpong 1994, 12). As it came to Africa, Christianity was a highly otherworldly religion based on the European secularistic and dualistic worldview that emphasized the separation of religion from the earthly sphere of life. The Western worldview sees reality in composite and dualistic terms, thus the pairs: matter and spirit, profane and sacred, secular and religious, history and eschatology, are seen not only as distinct and separate, but also as disparate (Ukpong 1994, 18). Political issues and concerns were considered to be outside the purview of religion. Christianity was supposed to be concerned with the salvation of souls, and was not to interest itself in seeking the earthly wellbeing of the peoples. Material privation, sickness, and suffering of different kinds were to be endured by Christians as a means of gaining heavenly reward for the soul. The traditional African view is, however, different. For it, religion is not only for the purpose of gaining a happy place in the afterlife, but also for the material wellbeing of the human person here on earth. Thus, political, social, and economic concerns are seen as inseparable from religion. In fact, salvation in the afterlife amounts to nothing if it does not start here on earth. Hence, worship, for example, is generally related to one or other human concern. Basically, the African worldview is rooted in the vision of God as immanent in nature and society, though transcending them while the worldview that undergirds Western theology sees God as highly transcendent. Thus, while for the former, salvation, starts with earthly life, for the latter it is only found in the afterlife. It is against the background of these two different worldviews that we can appraise the

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disruption or otherwise caused by ‘missionary’ Christianity to African Traditional Religion and the question of Christianity in Africa (Ukpong 1994, 12). Specifically, a people’s worldview is defined as “the complex of their beliefs and attitudes concerning the origin, the nature, structures, organization, and interaction of beings in the universe with particular reference to humanity. Metuh (1987, 50) affirms that a worldview seeks to answer fundamental questions about the place and relationship with the universe”. It is not only the multiplicity of beings, concepts, beliefs, and attitudes that they share, but also the underlying thought-link or logic that holds them together. Some characteristic features of the African worldview generally include the fact that all beings known to it can be said to belong to either of the two worlds – the visible world and the invisible world. The former is populated by human beings and all material surroundings familiar to them – sky, earth, rivers, forests, mountains, and so forth. The latter consists of the heavenly realm the home place of the creators and the deities who inhabit the natural phenomena they are associated with, and the ‘spirit land’ the home place of the ancestors, the spirits, disembodied spirits located somewhere inside the ground. Generally, however, in African beliefs, there is no wall of demarcation between the two worlds. The two realms shade into each other or overlap (Metuh 1987, 51). Thus, the dichotomy, which is so characteristic of the Greco-Christian worldview, is strikingly absent in African worldview, as said above. There is no clear-cut distinction or opposition between the visible and the invisible, the material and the spiritual, and the temporal and the nontemporal, the sacred and the profane. Rather, characteristic of African worldview in what Taylor (1969, 64) has described as “that sense of cosmic oneness which is an essential feature of primal religion”. In terms of the hierarchy of spiritual beings and powers, the African worldview can be structured into five categories: the Supreme Being, the divinities/gods, the ancestors, spirits, and the practice of magic and medicine (belief in impersonal mystical powers), especially in West Africa. The Bantu areas have three categories of spiritual beings instead of five – the Supreme Being, cult of the ancestors along with beliefs in magical powers (Metuh 1987, 65). The last point shows that there can be variations in the African worldview. Each of these categories affects the action of human beings. The picture that emerges from this structure is that the traditional African religion is the one peopled by innumerable supernatural beings. Many of these are ready to inflict destruction on human beings. Thus it is easy to attribute preternatural causes to terrestrial

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events. This is why the practice of exorcism and deliverance is rampant among Africans. In sum, African worldview is basically anthropocentric (Oguejiofor 2001, 40; Ejizu 1985, 144; Metuh 1987, 72). In spite of the evident multiplicity of African cultures and worldviews, there are certain fundamental characteristics common to them. Basic to these cultures and worldviews is the view of reality as a unity (a holistic view of life, a unified view of reality) rather than a duality in contrast to the Western worldview. African worldview sees reality as a unity in two aspects – the visible and the invisible. Consequently, there is an effort to maintain the delicate equilibrium that should prevail between the different realms. Oracles and divination therefore thrive as aids of explanation and control of mysterious occurrences. There is no separation of the secular from the religious, the profane from the sacred. Both can be seen as aspects of one reality (Ukpong 1994, 18; Ejizu 1985, 143; Ekwunife 1997, 6; Mbiti 1969, 97). Another basic feature of the African worldview is the interconnectedness between God, humanity, and the cosmos. There exists a network of relations between God, human beings and the cosmos, with human beings at the centre. Actions of human beings affect not only their relationship with one another, but also with God and nature. The third important feature is that of community – a sense of corporate existence. In the words of Mbiti (1969, 108), “I am because we are, and since we are therefore I am”. The fact is that the life of an individual human person and also of inanimate objects finds meaning and explanation in terms of the structure of relationships with human community, and between the human community and nature. In this regard, the community includes not only the physically living, but also the dead members in the community and the yet-to-be-born members (Ekwunife 1997, 6; Ukpong 1994, 18). Fourth, there is a heavy emphasis on the place of human life, its enhancement and continuity. Human existence is believed to be the prime value, and every other thing is subservient to its realization. It is within this context that childlessness, or barrenness, is regarded as a great tragedy (Ejizu 1985, 144). The last important basic feature in African worldview is the emphasis on the concrete rather than on the abstract, on the practical rather than on the theoretical (Ukpong 1994, 19). All these may be said to belong to the root paradigm of African cultures. They constitute the basic assumption that must inform our assessment of the Christian mission in Africa.

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Missionary Christianity and the Disruption of the Traditional Religion Galatians 2:1-10 tell us of the Jerusalem conference in which a division of missionary labor was done: Peter to go to the Jews while Paul and Barnabas to the Gentiles, provided they remember the Jerusalem headquarters church. Unlike this situation, the missionaries that evangelized Africa, Nigeria and Southeastern Nigeria came from diverse headquarters: Portugal, Britain, Ireland, France, and the United States of America. In fact during the last advent of Christianity in Africa, the church was introduced in the form of denominational entities. The missionaries of each denomination worked assiduously to spread the faith of their denomination such that from 1842-1864, no less than eight denominational missionaries were working in Africa. They include the Methodist, Anglican, Baptist, Presbyterian, and the Roman Catholic (Falaiye and Ebhomielen 2009, 59). Church historians as Baur (2009), Ayandele (1966), Dike (1957), Kalu (1978), Ekechi (1972), Obi-NwosuEke-Onwubuko and Okon (1985), Erivwo (1991), and Akhilomen (1992 & 2000), to mention but a few, have documented the history of missionary efforts in different parts of Africa and Nigeria, and this need not occupy us here. However, some of the common presuppositions that informed the diverse missionary efforts need to be highlighted. In the first place, the original missionaries were educated in postReformation polemic, which tended to see all ‘pagan’ cultures as the work of the devil and therefore thought they should be overthrown and rejected by the gospel message. Secondly, since they shared the then general prejudice about the so-called noble savage, there was not enough incentive to learn or understand the native point of view. Consequently, they were linguistically and psychologically ill equipped to enter the universe of discourse of the native people. Little attempt was made to understand what their alternative exposure exhibited as strange (Mbefo 1996, 40). Thirdly, the missionaries were indifferent to the colonial complex that assumed that the natives had first to be introduced to a higher level of civilization. In the words of Father Liebermann: We think that our faith will never be able to acquire a stable form among these peoples, nor will the nascent church ever have a secure future without the aid of a civilization that attains a certain degree of perfection... By such a civilization we mean one that is based on science and work in addition to religion… But civilization is impossible without faith. Hence it is the task, nay the duty of the missionary to work at it, not only in so far as

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Fourthly, the native peoples felt overwhelmed by the Whiteman’s abrasiveness, which was maintained by a high level of administrative competence and the intimidating presence of a disciplined army with superior firepower. The native population originally did not differentiate between the colonialists and the missionaries, the messengers of God’s good news. Whatever shortcomings the missionary effort may have experienced, it produced important personalities as Samuel Ajayi Crowther, Henry Venn, John Taylor, Bowen, Joseph Shanahan and a host of others. The contribution of these men to the development of Nigeria cannot be overlooked. With particular reference to South Eastern Nigeria, Igboland witnessed the presence and missionary work of the following Christian bodies: the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in the Niger mission, the Roman Catholic mission around the Onitsha area, the Presbyterians at the Cross River Greeks (Ututu, Ohafia, Abam Abriba, Igbere towards Bende), the Primitive Methodists (at Uzuakoli Axis, Agbai, Ihube Bende), and the Sects, namely, Faith Tabernacle, Seventh Day Adventist at Aba, and other sects from Yorubaland: the Aladura Churches. The common features of most of these sects with different names are their prophetic, visionary, healing emphasis based on faith and the use of symbols (Onunwa 1985, 66-67). Ekechi (1972) documents the rivalries between these religious bodies. The missionaries adopted several strategies and methodologies to reach their goal depending on the time and place, and financial and human resources at their disposal and nature of the people’s responses. For example, at the arrival on the Niger Bank, the CMS missionaries sought the favor and approval of the Obi of Onitsha and his council, and the Obi offered them a very extensive piece of land much like the breakthrough and patronage the Roman Catholic mission enjoyed in 1887 with Chief Idigo of Aguleri - an outstanding noble patron. Other methods included the ‘gathered colony’ approach, whereby converts who became social outcasts, orphans, and ransomed slaves were resettled and formed a type of ‘Christian village’ under the supervision of the missionaries; the industrial mission approach involving the introduction of teaching of crafts and skills to the ‘mission boys’. The most effective weapon for evangelization used by the missionaries was education. Baur (2009, 145) calls this the ‘school miracle’ in Igboland connected with Bishop Shanahan. Another is the use of medical services establishment of hospitals, the use of native agents, whereby the natives

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were co-opted as agents of evangelization (the Catechist-teachers, interpreters), and co-operation among Protestant missionary bodies vis-aviz the Catholic Church in the midst of interdenominational rivalry and scramble of sphere of influence (Onunwa 1985,76). In pursuit of the singular objective “to win the soul of the benighted and barbarous Igbo to Christ” (Ejizu 1985, 145), the pioneer Christian missionaries adopted certain strategies to enable them to dislodge the hold of the Igbo traditional religious beliefs and practices on the Igbo population. These include: open air preaching, regular visitation to homes and villages, intensive catechetical instructions, medical and other humanitarian services, giving of gifts, exciting public liturgical ceremonies. However, the phenomenal success of the Christian missionary enterprise in Igboland is largely due to two main factors: the success of the British arms with which the missionary campaign was for some length of time closely associated, and the magic of the Western-type education, which the Christian missions pioneered and capitalized on as a most effective instrument of evangelization (Ejizu 1985, 146). In spite of the traditional Igbo hospitality to missionaries, the initial encounter between the traditional religion and Christianity resulted in open conflicts in some parts of Igboland, for example, in Onitsha, Obosi, and Okija, on account of the persistent vilification of Igbo traditional beliefs and practices by the missionaries. The attack on the traditional practice of polygamy and making converts to send away their other wives did cause havoc in society. In addition, worthy of mention here is the crackdown/destruction of the most important oracular institutions especially the ones at Arochukwu, Umunneoha, and Awka in 1901-1902 and 1913. But backed up by British guns and the inherent attraction of the missionary’s more humanitarian strategies, the walls of Igbo traditional religion slowly caved in. The cheapness of doing Christian burial as compared to the expensiveness of the so-called first and second traditional burial rites, led a lot of people to convert to Christianity. Magnificent church buildings now stand at many former sites of forbidden ‘evil forest’ (Ajo ofia) and some of the traditional shrines and sacred groves in many areas of Igboland. At a glance, one can discern three responses of Africans to Christianity. First, those who completely accepted the missionaries and the Gospel message and swallowed it hook, line, and sinker. Others completely rejected them and vehemently resisted the encroachment of Christianity upon their traditional religion, culture, and independence. Thirdly, there are those who adopted the middle course: they accepted some elements or benefits they saw in Christianity but did not completely

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abandon their own indigenous religious traditions at least during severe crises of life (Onunwa 1985, 77). In like manner, there are two different assessments by scholars of the Christian missionary encounter with African culture. The first - the Eurocentric view - sees the encounter as a civilizing and christianizing one, to the benefit of Africans. They laud the work of missionaries. The second, the Afrocentric view sees it as a disturbing element. Arguments have been offered on both sides of the divide and Akhilomen (2000, 132-137), has an interesting appraisal of both. We cannot deny that European-African encounter in consequence of the Christian missionary enterprise has reshaped the religious and cultural landscape and heritage in Africa. The early Christian missionaries behaved like social revolutionaries, but while trying to achieve the goal of their mission – the conversion of Africans to Christianity – their attitudes and approach did not produce a wholesome result. They thought that by plunging into condemnation and eradication of indigenous religions, traditional values like polygamy and taking of ozo title, social and political means of control, they would produce a ‘new man’ born in a new faith. Traditional music, dance song, drama, and even names were totally denounced as heathen and immoral. For example, a manual of Catholic Doctrine called “Katechisma nke Okukwe Nzuko Katolic” (Catholic Catechism) by Father Vogler drew up a list of mortal and venial sins under the heading “Ndia buga nnukwu Njo” and “Ndia buga obele Njo”, and listed so many things as paganish including idol worship, funeral rites, and belief in dreams (Obi 1985, 81). Unfortunately, the “new man or woman produced became a split personality who could neither go back to the old nor formally hold the new” (Onunwa 1985, 81). Consequently, the missionaries bequeathed to the Igbo a brand of Christianity that did not affect all facets of life, which did not “fill the whole life” and this manifests in time of crises when people fall back upon the traditional religion. This situation is well expressed poignantly by Ayandele (1966, 340): Christians tended towards the individualistic conception of the Europeans, but they retained strong attachments to their extended family and their hearth. Christianity seemed to be embraced with zest and churches were filled to capacity, but reliance was placed more on the Jujuman’s charms for protection against unseen evil influences than on the supplications to the Christian’s God; European culture was apparently appropriated with gusto, but emotionally-charged traditional customs and institutions still exerted a greater appeal.

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In sum, in the face of modernity, the incursion of Christianity and Islam on traditional religion has acted as a social force that has played down the significance of traditional religion. As a result, certain customs have died a natural or forced death, while many traditional practices have either crumbled or disappeared. Finally, the loss of many vital cult symbols, death of genuine votaries and non-succession of many traditional custodians of a number of important traditional Igbo rituals and religious institutions, like the priesthood, decrease in the number of medicine men and women, have apparently or equally accelerated the discontinuity of many traditional religious beliefs and practices (Awolalu and Dopamu 1979, 280-282; Ejizu 1985, 148).

Persistence of Traditional Worldview Continuity The continuing confrontation and resurgence of Igbo traditional religious elements and Christianity in parts of Igboland today: Onitsha, Awka, Obosi, Okija, Nsukka, Abakaliki, Nanka to mention a few and the lives of some baptized Igbo Christians have unleashed new tensions and crises in contemporary Igbo religious scenes and show that it continues to be a potential factor and a living institution for a faithful remnant in the system. A number of developments in today’s religious history of Igboland conspicuously indicate the continued vitality of elements of the tradition as the Nanka incident of 1993 and the Okija ritual shrine saga of some few years ago (Vanguard of Friday May 9, 2008) illustrate, in addition to incidents of conflicts with traditional masquerade occurring once in a while. The Nanka conflict is connected with widowhood rite. A peculiarity of Nanka is that the widow does not see the corpse of her husband before burial. At Nanka, a Christian left instructions that at his death his wife should not be bound by the pre-Christian taboos connected with the widow. Supported by a group of equally committed Christians the wife was present at every moment of the burial rites. Another group of Christians equally committed to the directives emanating from Omenala, the tradition of the land, implemented the sanctions attached to its contravention. This group dug up the corpse and reburied it in Ajo ofia, the “bad bush” reserved for such an abomination. A violent conflict ensued in which a man and a woman were shot dead and a great number of others were seriously wounded. The bishop of Awka diocese declared the dead martyrs and the wounded confessors (Mbefo 1996, 44). A secondary school was later established and named after the dead.

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Especially in the rural areas of Abakaliki, Afikpo, Awka, Awgwu, Oji, Udi and Ogbaru districts, Igbo traditional religious beliefs and practices still thrive, notwithstanding the presence of the Christian religion in the areas. In many places the gods and deities are still acknowledged in the respective localities with their shrines and cults and symbols kept by the traditional priests and custodians. A good example is the Agulu incident. Some years behind The Sunday Times of April 1986, carried as headline news the caption: “Give us back our God.” Agulu people of Aniocha Local Government Area, who are Nanka’s neighbor, had a god, Haba, whose wooden image had been carted away to the National Museum at Onikan, Lagos, and is on display as an element of antiquity. The god has been appearing to Agulu people complaining of his confinement, and as a consequence he “has been causing spiritual problems disturbing” the Agulu people. The Agulu people are educated men and women (who today can boast of erstwhile Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State and late Professor Dora Akunyili) and they have written to the Director of the National Museum to return their estranged god with immediate effect (Mbefo 1996, 113-114). Today people still sue or summon their disputing opponents to Haba shrine to settle conflicts - land cases, business deals, and theft, just as they use Okija shrine and elsewhere Ayelala in Edo and the South West. In a related manner, just recently Vanguard (November 28, 2013) reported the case of the reappearance of a mysterious stream with healing powers in Nachi community of Udi Local Government Area of Enugu State, almost 42 years after it allegedly surfaced and disappeared in the same place. According to an octogenarian and community leader in Nachi, Mr. Festus Udeh, the stream surfaces and disappears every 20 to 30 years. It forbids evil things. He said that every evildoer that goes to the stream might run into serious problems. This has attracted a lot of pilgrimage among traditionalists and Christians alike. The annual liturgical calendar continues to be strictly lived out from cycle to cycle, with a good number that had joined Christianity participating in certain instances like Ifejioku festival and Ilo-muo. For example, the Catholic Archbishop of Owerri Archdiocese hosts the annual Ifejioku lectures by seasoned lecturers — an enculturated version of the earlier tradition. In the writer’s village Aguezechukwu, Aguata LGA Anambra State, masquerades still show up at the traditional feasts of Onwa Nkwo and Isigwu in October and November respectively. Elsewhere, divination, oracular consultation, charms, and other protective ritual performances associated with the major events of life, are practiced to maintain the harmony believed to exist between the world of men and the spirit world. Other forms of continuity

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of Igbo traditional religion is the syncretistic religious phenomenon known as Godianism of Chief K.O.K. Onyioha, comparable to the Oba of Benin’s Aruosa cult or Orunmilaism in Yorubaland - an attempt to blend both traditional materials and some Christian liturgical practices. Furthermore, the worldview of most Igbo professing Christians remains that which is inherited from the traditional religion. Certain traditional beliefs, such as reincarnation, Ogbanje, sorcery and the dynamic negative activities of the spirit and cosmic forces, still persist in the minds of many professing Christians today (Ejizu 1985, 143). These show up in moments of life crises of Christians who waste no time in seeking the traditional aids to solve such problems. Diviners and protective charm-makers still number among their clients a good percentage of Igbo baptized Christians including politicians (and pastors?). By far the most important area we see this continuity of traditional religion is found in African Independent Churches and Pentecostalism. This can be demonstrated in a few ways. Common to Pentecostalism in the attempt to offer people “a personal encounter with God through the power of the Spirit, healing from sicknesses and deliverance from evil in all its manifestations, spiritual, social, and structural” (Nnamani 2006, 244). Obviously, the belief system of the Pentecostals resonates what is obtainable in African worldview about the pervasive power of the spirit and belief that religion should address the “here and now” problems, taking care of our daily needs and providing healings from sicknesses and protection against the evil spirits. In this framework the divine is revered as long as it can provide the temporary needed service (Nnamani 2006, 241). Usually, the votaries come for one difficulty or the other and stay on as long as they retain the hope of getting what is being sought for. When this hope fails, there is a movement to another minister (or deity) who is acclaimed to be endowed with more powers or gifts. The abandonment of one miracle centre for another is the same tendency in the traditional African, which makes him ready to jettison, expel, or neglect an inefficient deity (Oguejiofor 2001, 43; Mbefo 1996, 119). It is therefore not surprising to find large crowds attend ‘Shiloh’ and the Holy Ghost Congress of Bishop David Oyedepo and Pastor Enoch Adeboye respectively. Secondly, in traditional religions, revelations from the gods, ancestors, and spirits were a day-to-day experience. Taking into consideration the will of the spirit world, the gods, the voice of the gods, and the ancestors made explicit through oracular divination were a standard way of life. In Pentecostalism, emphases on the spirit, prophecy, vision, revelation, faith healing, hearing the voice of God, and search for power are paramount. It is these factors that are rooted in our traditional religion that account for

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the huge success of Pentecostalism today (Obi 2006, 129) and even the Orthodox churches that initially criticized the practice are adopting the same today. Finally, the supreme place of religion in traditional Africa has been noted. The fact has led to the persistence of the traditional religion structured around belief in God, the divinities, ancestors, spirits, and the practice of magic and medicine. In this traditional worldview, the spirit world, the invisible is believed to control all facets of the visible life and has the final say. The divinities can intervene in human affairs, and reward or punish bad and good deeds. The ancestors, the guardian of public morality can also punish or reward behavior. The goal of the African is to live a good life and at death be joined to the ancestors after receiving proper burial. Its worldview is “this-worldly”. This fact explains why many traditionalists initially rejected the Christian message because the missionaries told them that at death they would not join their ancestors. This worldly worldview, anthropocentric, persists among Pentecostals particularly with ‘the prosperity gospel’ and “me I no go suffer” (“I will not suffer”) mentalities.

Conclusion The number of Africans still faithful publicly to their traditional religion has, since independence, drastically diminished from perhaps 30% to 15% of the population (Baur 2009, 416). In a few cases there has been a certain revival of African traditional religion, with individual returns to the religions of the ancestors. Most ethnic groups still have traditionalists; few ethnic groups have traditionalists in the majority; the best known are the Benin Fon and the Gurima on the Kenyan coast. The largest collective groups are the nomads, who have of late been open to dialogue. In this chapter, we have tried to demonstrate how the principle of continuity and discontinuity, which is at work in the history of religion, is also found in the encounter between missionary Christianity and African traditional religion. We found this principle to be a feature of Matthew’s gospel in relation to Judaism and also in early Christianity. Having outlined the African worldview we tried to show how the initial encounter between Christianity and the traditional religion led to much discontinuity, but the continuity aspects are not entirely absent. Using the South-East of Nigeria experience of missionary activities and strategies, we noted that in spite of the purported acceptance and overthrow of the host religion, Igbo traditional religion persists as a force of considerable consequences in contemporary society, even if it has

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undergone a number of modifications. And nowhere is this truer than in its continued transmuted practices in one form or another in Pentecostal beliefs and practices. Having traced the major lines of continuity of certain core traditional Igbo (African) religious beliefs, practices, values, and attitudes, such as the development of Ethiopianism, Godianism, syncretism, and Pentecostal remnants of the world. We can affirm that traditional religion has great prospects. The Nanka conflict of 1993 announced with unmistakable clarity that the time of the absorption of foreign invasion was over. The time for counter-attack has begun. What this means is that Christianity should not hoist the victory banner. African traditional religion is still alive and well (Mbefo 1996, 41). African culture and traditional religion have not surrendered and would not surrender to a foreign rival without a fight. Hence the urgent need and call for enculturation that African theologians must take seriously for the faith to sink in.

References Akhilomen, Donatus. 2000. “The Planting of Christianity and Cultural Imperialism: An Appraisal of the Eurocentric and Afrocentric Perspectives”. Epha: Ekpoma Jounal of Religious Studies 3, no.1&2: 127-144. Awolalu. Omosade J. & Peter Ade Dopamu. 1979. West Africa Traditional Religion. Ibadan: Onibonoje Press. Ayandele, E.A. 1966. The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria 18421914: A Political and Social Analysis. London: Longman. Baur, John. 2009. 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa: An African Church History. 2nd ed. Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa. Boer, Harold R. 1982. The Four Gospels and Acts: A Short Introduction. Ibadan: Daystar. Ejizu, Christopher. 1985. “Continuity and Discontinuity in Igbo Traditional Religion”. The Gods in Retreat: Continuity and Change in African Religions, Emefie Ikenga-Metuh (Ed), 133-156. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing. Ekwunife, Anthony. 1997. “Integration of Traditional African Values in Priestly Formation”. AFER: AfricanEcclesiastical Review 39, no. 4. Retrieved 1/22/2011 http://www.sedos.org/english/ekwunife.htm/1-10. Falaiye, Elsie Ade & Thomas Ebhomielen. 2009. “African Traditional Religion and Its Contribution to Pentecostalism in Nigeria: The Esan Perspective”. Epha: Ekpoma Journal of Religious Studies 7, no.2:5267.

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Kalu, Ogbu. 1985. “The Gods in Retreat: Models for Interpreting Religious Change in Africa”. The Gods in Retreat: Continuity and Change in African Religions, Emefie Ikenga Metuh (Ed), 1-20. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing. Mbefo, Louis N. 1996. Christian Theology and African Heritage. Onitsha: Spiritan Publication. Mbiti, John. 1969. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. Metuh, Emefie Ikenga. 1987. Comparative Studies of African Traditional Religions. Onitsha: Imico Publishers. Nnamani, Amuluche G. 2006. “The Ambivalent Impact of Pentecostalism in Enculturation”. The New Religious Movements: Pentecostalism in Perspective, Amuluche G. Nnamani (Ed), 235-251. Benin City: Ava Publishers. Nwala, Uzodinma T. 2005. “The Concept of Traditional African Philosophy”. Essence: Interdisciplinary-International Journal of Philosophy Vol. 2 :21-33. Obi, Celestine A. 1985. “The French Pioneers 1885-1905”. A Hundred Years of the Catholic Church in Eastern Nigeria 1885-1985, Celestine Obi, Vincent Nwosu, Casmir Eke, Kenneth Onwubiko and Fabian Okon (Eds.), 27-105. Onitsha: African-Feb Publishers Limited. Obi, Christopher Afuleke. 2006. “The Holy Spirit and Pentecostalism: Lessons from the Early Church”. The New Religious Movements: Pentecostalism in Perspective, Amuluche Nnamani (Ed), 119-137. Benin City: Ava Publishers. Oguejiofor, Josephat O. 2001. “Miracle Christianity”. The Nigerian Journal of Theology15: 38-54. Ogugua, Paul I. 2005. “Understanding Deities in Igbo-African World: A Religio-Philosophical Perspective.” Essence: Interdisciplinary International Journal of Philosophy Vol. 2:64-91. Onunwa, Udoabata R. 1985. “Christian Missionary Methods and Their Influence on Socio-Religious Change in Eastern Nigeria”. The Gods in Retreat: Continuity and Change in African Religions, Emefie Ikenga Metuh (Ed), 59-84. Enugu: Fourth Dimension. Peel, J.D.Y. 1978. “The Christianization of African Society: Some Possible Models”. Christianity in Independent Africa, Edward Fashiola-Luke, Richard Gray, Adrian Hastings and Godwin Tasie (Ed), 443-454. Ibadan: University Press. Taylor, J.V. 1969. The Primal Vision, 2nd ed. London: SCM. Turaki, Yesufu. 2001. Foundations of African Traditional Religions and Worldview. Nairobi: International Bible Society of Africa.

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Ukpong, Justin S. 1994. “Towards a Renewal Approach to Enculturation”. Journal of Enculturation Theology, Vol. 1 no. 1:8-24. Uzukwu, Eugene E. 1988. “Missiology Today: The African Situation”. Religion and African Culture: 1. Enculturation - A Nigerian Perspective, Eugene E. Uzukwu (Ed), 146-173. Enugu: Snaap Press. Setiloane, Gabriel. 1978. “How the Traditional World-View Persists in the Christianity of the Sotho-Tswana”. Christianity in Independent Africa, Edward Fashiola-Luke, Richard Gray, Adrian Hastings and Godwin Tasie (Eds), 401-412. Ibadan: University Press. Vanguard Newspaper. 2008. Friday May 9: 33. —. 2013. Thursday November 9: 6.

CHAPTER ELEVEN ISLAM AND ESAN CULTURAL VALUES ST IN THE 21 CENTURY B. A. R. ADESINA DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF PORT HARCOURT, NIGERIA

AND E. I. UKPEBOR DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS MANAGEMENT AND CULTURAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA, NIGERIA

Abstract The 21st century has been marked by a number of factors that clearly distinguish it from the previous centuries. It is remarkable for its deepening global concerns over terrorism, globalization of economies, and third world consumerism of differing products. Beliefs and practices of local communities in Africa have equally been influenced by the globalized cultural trends of the century. Thus, this chapter examines Islam, a universal religion and the cultural values of the Esan people in the dawn of the 21st century. Emphasis is laid on the contact of Islam with the Esan people of southern Nigeria and the significant changes that have taken place as a result of the contact. Key words: Islam, Esan, Culture, Values

Introduction Religion is an essential dimension of humanities and a cardinal aspect of people’s culture. There is no society without a belief system through which questions and answers vital to human existence are sought. Religion is as old as mankind. It gives meaning to life for people at all times. Esan people of South-South Nigeria have a belief system that is indigenous to

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them. It gives meaning and defines their existence. Like every other African society, Esan people believe in the existence of the super-sensible being that created the universe and everything in it. They call Him Osenobulua, meaning “God the creator, the carrier, the sustainer of the universe and of life and death” (Alli 2006, 44). They equally believe in spirits, divinities, and ancestors that they regard as intermediaries through whom the super-sensible being (Osenobulua) is approached and worshipped. Esan people have cherished cultural values enshrined in their religious ideas that shape and guild their way of life. However, the intercourse of Esan people with foreign influences have redefined and shaped their way of life and religious worldviews. The advent of missionary religions (Islam and Christianity) in Esan produces an effect that marks a significant shift from mode of reverence for the creator-God. This chapter looks at Islam, one of the foreign religions that crept into the life of Esan people and its effects on the cultural values, indigenous to the Esan people.

Conceptual Analyses Islam is misunderstood by many casual observers as a Muhammedan religion. In other words, it is seen as the religion of Prophet Muhammad and the Muslims, as the followers of Prophet Muhammad. Islam in essence is much more than the above conception. It is one of the three religions representing Abrahamic faiths. Islam, according to Ayoub (1996, 353), “signifies the commitment of its adherents to live in total submission to God”. To Adesina (2007, 59), Islam is not just a civilization and a social structure, but also a certain way of life. It represents a cultural tradition in its widest sense, articulated in different ways and in different contexts. Kilani (2007, 129) in his book Islamology asserts that Islam possesses remarkable features that make it distinct among the religions of the world. To him, Islam enjoys the unique distinction of having no association with any particular person or people. It neither belongs to any particular people nor to any country. He defines the word Islam as an attributive title that signifies submission, surrender, and obedience to the will of God. Although these scholars try to defend the claim of Islam’s universalism, it is expedient to mention that Islam has a historical beginning. It began in Saudi Arabia with Prophet Muhammad who claimed a prophetic mandate through the revelation given to him by angel Jibril (Gabriel) in 610 A.D. (Armstrong 2000, 3). However, Kilani (2007, 129) further describes a Muslim as “one who submits to an unshakable belief in the existence of Allah, knows the beautiful attributes of Allah so as to be able to fashion

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one’s life in virtue and godliness, and knows in detail the Divine law and has full confidence and conviction that his salvation lay in following the Divine law”. But Adeyemo (2006, 113), in his article “Islam: An Introductory Study”, defines Islam as derived from one of the attributes of Allah-AsSalaam meaning the Lord of peace, and total submission to the will of Allah. He went further to assert that Islam is not only a religion, but also a comprehensive way of life that covers the whole gamut of human life in all its ramifications, as it does not divide life into watertight compartment of spiritual and temporal. Adesina (2007, 175), in his article “Against Terrorism and Extremism: Islamic Discourse”, analyzed the word Islam in dualistic forms, to make peace with God by believing and practicing the pillars of Islam and the articles of faith; and to make peace with man by providing a good character to other fellows, a kind heart to help people in times of need and loving ones neighbors as oneself. The above definitions place us on course to the understanding of what Islam means and the place of the adherents of the religion. Thus, in this chapter we intend to show the way of life of Muslims, as stipulated by Islam and how it manifested within the cultural setting of the Esan people.

Esan Religio-cultural Background For administrative convenience, Esanland is divided into five local government areas (LGAs), namely Esan West, Esan Central, Esan NorthEast, Esan-South East, and Igueben LGAs. These LGAs geo-politically make up the Edo Central Senatorial District, lying in-between the Edo South and Edo North Senatorial districts of Edo State. History has it that Esan people are migrants from the Great Benin Kingdom during the reign of Oba Ewuare whose decree inflicted untold hardship, which led many to abandon the Kingdom for a safer and more comfortable place to settle. The word “esan” is derived from “E san fua” in Benin/Edo language, meaning “they have fled” or “jumped away” (Okojie 1960, 1). Many accounts have been rendered by different Esan groups as to their individual origins; these range from a myth of their dropping from the sky, to one saying that they came out of the ground. Thus, while the Opoji, Ewohimi, Ewu, Uromi, and Egoro people believe that their ancestors came out of the ground, the Ewu people relate that after the arrival of their ancestor from the sky, he was conquered by the Oba of Benin, who gave him a wife and the title of “Onogie” (Omokhodion 1998, 1). It is interesting to note that very few of these myths of origin speak of the existence of an indigenous Esan people before the mass exodus from

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Benin. Okoduwa (2002, 22) argues that Esan people did not all originate from Benin. To him, there are some autochtonous groups in the forest of savannah, which represent the earlier settlers of the Esan people. Besides the settlements of Ekpoma, Irrua, Uromi, and Ugboha located on the west, central, and north of the Esan plateau, which are usually regarded as the first people to settle before others in Esan, Okoduwa (2002) contends that there were settlements, now villages that claim to be the first and earliest settlers on the land. These settlements have the prerogative of being accorded the status of being the first settlers in the areas that later expanded into clans or chiefdoms. These people excluding those who later settled among them are the aborigines of the Esan plateau. They claim migration from nowhere (Okoduwa 2002, 23). However, the popular and common account of the origin of the Esan people conveys that their ancestors migrated from Benin in the middle of the 15th century during the reign of Oba Ewuare. Esan people are inherently religious. They possess, like other Africans, the basic belief in Osenobulua (God) “The Source of all beings.” He is referred to as Osenudazi “The Great Immense Being.” He is highly revered and honoured. The Esan also believe in divinities and spirits. They believe in earthly divinities such as Inyantor (god of iron), Idigun (god of medicine), Osun (god of fruition), and so on. Each of these divinities has priests and priestesses consecrated for his/her worship. They are regarded as the mediators through which Esan people worship God the Almighty. They believe that God is holy and cannot be worshiped directly, so they relate to Him through the divinities (Falaiye & Ebhomienlen 2009, 54). Also cardinal to the belief of the Esans is the notion of ancestral worship. Alli (2006, 61), in Esan Traditional Values and the Roman Catholic Church: a Comparative Discourse, illustrates ancestral worship among Esan people as “Enebieman Enekare” meaning "our fathers that lived before". They are the heroes and heroines of the various clans in Esan. They are believed to have acquired extra-human powers in the afterlife, and with these powers they are able to intervene in the lives of the living members of society. They act as intermediaries between God/divinities and human beings. They are the unseen presidents at family and tribal meetings and they perform the duties of guardians and policemen of public morality. They are honored, feared, and venerated through Omidiogbe- the family heir of the ancestor, who is equally respected (Falaiye & Ebhomienlen 2009, 54). On its cultural setting, Esan people have a unique cultural heritage that explains the presence of the Esan man/woman globally. The language of the Esan people is the Esan language. It is diachronically a dialect of

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Benin, but synchronically regarded as a separate though related language (Ejele 2012, 3). The language is spoken by the Esan people generally, with very slight dialectical difference but not enough to blur mutual intelligibility among speakers. The physical appearance of Esan people distinguishes them from other ethnic groups worldwide. This is evident in the pattern of dressing for the Esan people, which is in two forms. One consists of a large native cloth of three pieces sewn together, which is thrown across the body; over the left shoulder, like a toga. Underneath and round the waist is a smaller piece of cloth tied tightly at the back. The more elderly ones wear a soft cloth cap, and on the left shoulder, bear an Izakpa, usually made from teased leather or a cow’s tail. Round the neck the Onojie or Okhaemon or wealthy ones wear a long necklace of coral beads. The second and simpler mode of dress consists of yards of cloth tied around the waist, leaving the chest bare. This particular type is referred to as Ubunuku, but has long gone out of fashion, like the woman’s one piece dress consisting of a cloth tied round the breasts and extended to just above the ankles. A woman’s wrapper is a two-piece while a man’s own consists of three pieces (Alli 2006, 36). Esan people have quite a number of dances showcased during festivals. Examples of such are agbega, ohogho, uje. Others are asono, asonogun, ojeke, ijeleghe, lloh etc. The Igbabonelimhin (masquerade dance) of the Esan people is renowned among other masquerade dances worldwide. The dance has singularly projected Esan cultural heritage as it always holds its audience spellbound.

Advent of Islam in Esanland Islam came to Edo State as far back as the 1860s with the presence of Muslim traders in Etsako-Auchi, the Edo North senatorial district of the state (Balogun 1978, 41). Two accounts abound on how Islam penetrated Etsako (the Afemailand). The first is by violent expansion through the slave trade in which the Nupe slave raiders conquered Etsako in 1891 to establish a centre for slave raiding that served as a regular source of slaves, which were a lucrative commodity of trade at that period (Arunah 2006, 171). The second version relates to Islamic propagation that started after the Nupe hegemony in Afenmailand had been consolidated around 1840 (Seghosime 2011, 83-87). According to this source, the relative peace that returned to the land paved the way for the influx of Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba traders into the area. Whatever the case may be, the point to score here is that Islam penetrated the shore of Edo State through the Afenmai

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axis. The cross fertilization among the Auchis, Agbedes, Ewus, and Irrua brought Islam into Esanland in 1897. The spread of Islam in Esanland is most remarkable in Esan Central local government area (LGA). This area houses the pioneering clans that first had contact with Islam. The acceptance was not through the common factors of trading relations and immigrations, but through the satisfaction it offers to the inner desires of those that accepted it. Ruling families have always been prominent in the adoption of Islam in its historical penetration into the Western Sahara. This is why Clarke (1982, 28) dubbed Islam as the religion of “court and commerce.” Esan Central LGA also shares this feature of Islam, though with a slightly different outlook. Irrua clan was the first to have a touch of Islam in the area. Islam came to Irrua through the royal family of the Okaijesan of Esanland, during the reign of Eromosele the Great (1876-1921) in 1897 (Okojie 1960, 230). Prince Eromosele, who ascended the position of the Onojie of Irrua at the age of fifteen, desired a heartfelt treasure that could only be satisfied in Islam. The death of his father, Isidaehomin I (1864-1866) could not immediately usher him into the reign of power, for he was barely five years old. However, his mother, Ebuade, whose bravery surpassed the threat of the palace chiefs, secured the throne for him until the young prince was old enough to ascend it. She fought against the imposition of a regent ruler with her spiritual valor, and demanded that she should be crowned pending when the son had come of age. Consequently she went through all the rites of installation of a king and was crowned as the first ever female Onojie in the history of Esanland. She sat on the throne for a good ten years bearing the name of her son, Eromosele (Okosun 2005, 21). In 1876, when Eromosele was about fifteen years old, his mother handed over the throne to him. The young king full of youthful exuberance and zealousness decided to lead according to how his instinct led him. He could have continued with the status quo of his father and forefathers’ belief system, but the young king found himself in a love desire, which could be satisfied by a Muslim princess whose beauty captured everything he dreamed of in his queen. A condition was attached to this quest, and obliging to it met a shifting from the status quo. The young king was not deterred by the consequences because a change had taken place already with the installation of his mother a regent king. Thus, Irrua religious history had it turned around when Eromosele found love with an Agbede princess named Abaje, the daughter of great Akhigbe of Agbede. The only condition for the solemnization of the marriage was for Eromosele to accept Islam (Okojie 1960, 322). The Prince, not ready to let go of his

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beloved fiancé, decided to abandon his father’s religion to embrace Islam in order to secure his love for Abaje. Eromosele thereafter got rid of all the idols in the palace, and demolished the shrines and altars of ancestral worship to proclaim the Tawhidal-Rububiyyah, which is the unity of Allah who alone is to be worshipped. He was given the ritual bath of conversion (al-guslu) as a sign of total acceptance of Islam. He then called his chiefs and subjects to the new life he had found in Islam and gradually encouraged them to follow suit. In order to facilitate the conversion process of his chiefs, he bought white horses and Muslims’ dresses for them. These caught the attention of other subjects in the clan who later embraced Islam as well. To ensure Islam took a firm root in his town, Eromosele sent his children to Arabic school that had been established in Agbede under the tutelage of the Bida Mallams (Islamic scholars) who were the itinerant Islamic teachers at that time. Eromosele was succeeded by his son Esidahome II (1941-1971) during whose reign Islam suffered a relative setback because he was not among the children sent out to be groomed in Islamic tenets. His era recorded low progress of Islam in the area, as many were just nominal Muslims with lackadaisical attitudes toward Islamic ritual observance. However, his successor Alhaji W.O. Momodu II, who ascended the throne in 1971, revived the practice of Islam. He made the first ever journey of the holy pilgrimage to Mecca in 1982 and the experience transformed his entire life as he was exposed to the pristine Islam ethos. On his return he carried out an Islamic revolution within the palace court setting. He solicited the cooperation of his palace chiefs, and gathered the idols in the palace and destroyed them. He enlightened the people on the pristine Islamic tenet he learnt during the hajj and revived the celebration of Muslim festivals that were almost waning out. He became the Seriki Muslim of Esan kingdom, which was invested on him in 1996 (Audu 1997, 23)

Effect of Islam on Esan Cultural Values The study of the religion of a people is usually done in relation to their culture. Culture according to Aret Adam cited in Agidigbi (2006,143) is the “totality of the way of life evolved by people in their attempts to meet the challenges of living in their environment which gives meaning to their social, political, economic, aesthetic, and religious norms and modes of organization”. The influence of Islam in Africa generally is not a total break from the African way of life, but of integration and accommodation (Trimingham 1986, 41). Islam does not demand a violent break and

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unconditional rupture with one’s culture, so long as such culture does not contradict Islam (Kilani 2008, 161). However, Islam demands an identity from its adherents that distinguishes them from others. Language is an integral part of culture. It is the vehicle of transmission and preservation of culture from generation to generation. Esan language possesses concrete vocabulary in expression of thought and in social relations. Islam through Arabic language has influenced the expression of abstract realities and developed reflections. The rituals of Muslims’ social relations include phrases and expressions mined from the Quran. For instance, al-salamu ‘alaykum (Quran6:54; 16:32) meaning “peace be unto you” is a popular Muslim greeting that has replaced the Esan mode of greetings among Esan Muslims and even some non-Muslims. There is also a popular phrase that accompanies any human intention concerning the future. It is expressed as insha’ Allah meaning “if God wills”. There is ma sha Allah (what God has willed), al-hamdu li-llah (praise be to God), used when a person has been complimented or praised and when asked about the health status of the person. These and others, including the basmala (opening) are so commonly uttered by Esan Muslims, and sometimes nonMuslims living among them, which have even become a habit, but with deep religious meaning and significance. Esan people are mostly identified by the native names they bear. Esan custom places a high premium on names given to a child and each name has meaning that may provide a laconic but tacit insight into the father’s, mother’s, or family’s history (Alli 2006, 34). However, Esan contact with Islam brought Arabic names, which Esan Muslims now prefer to the indigenous names. Names such as Ehikioya (one’s guardian angel helps in averting suffering) suddenly turns into Abdullahi, whose meaning in Arabic is the servant of Allah. This phenomenon creates a shift in the identity of Esan Muslims when there is no indigenous name attached. For instance, an Esan person who bears Abdullahi Mohammad has nothing connecting him with Esan ethnicity, but this has almost become the norm for most Esan Muslims. On the socio-cultural life of the Esan Muslims, Islam has equally made a tremendous impact. One aspect in which this is apparent is marriage. Like every other African society, Esan people are deeply involved in polygamous marriages, that is, a man to several wives as far as he can cater for. This, perhaps, contributed to the easy acceptance of Islam by Esan people because of its closeness to their culture. Though Islam permits polygamy (polygyny), this is strictly restricted to four wives at a time, with equal love for all of them. The Qur’an (4:3) stipulates that a man can marry up to four wives, provided he deals justly with all of them. Esposito

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(2005, 14) opines that the reason for this “is to regulate the polygamous tendencies of men and to uphold the dignity of women”. There are three ways Okojie (1960, 140) pointed out that an Esan man could get married: by betrothal (Ebee), by dowry system, and by inheritance. Islam only provides for the dowry system (Mahr), which is to be handed over to the bride and not given to the parents (Qur’an, 4:4, 24). In Islam, there is no specific amount for dowry. The Holy Qur’an makes this clear by requiring the provision for the wife to depend upon the circumstances of the husband, “the wealthy according to his means and the poor according to his means” (Qur’an, 2:236). The lowest amount mentioned in Hadith is a ring of iron (Bu, 67:52), and a man who could not afford that, was told to teach the Holy Qur’an to his wife (Bu, 67:51). Thus, Islam simplified the matrimonial union among Muslims including Esan Muslims. This system has influenced marriage among Esan Muslims. An instance is the case of Ahmed Suleiman of Ukhun village who paid his dowry by giving a copy of the Holy Qur’an to his bride. Burial is another significant aspect in Islam. It detests the keeping of a corpse in the mortuary and the use of coffins when someone dies. Islam provides that a corpse should be buried the day the person dies and no elaborate ceremony is usually organized. Thus, the Esan Muslims are not forced into the trap of acquiring debts for the purpose of burial, unlike the non-Muslims who would want to perform a so-called befitting burial for their deceased loved ones by resorting to borrowing when they do not have the means. Islam therefore streamlines the burial ceremony among Esan Muslims. Also, the mode of dressing is another significant aspect of the religion. Before the introduction of Islam in Esanland, the mode of dressing for Esan men was in two forms. One consisted of a large native cloth of three pieces sewn together, which was thrown across the body; over the left shoulder, like a toga. Underneath and around the waist was a smaller piece of cloth tied tightly at the back. The more elderly ones wore a soft cloth cap, and on the left shoulder, was an Izakpa, usually made from teased leather or a cow’s tail. Round the neck the Onojie or Okhaemon or wealthy ones was a long necklace of coral beads. The second and simpler mode of dress consisted of yards of cloth round the waist, leaving the chest bare. The woman’s dress code is a single piece of cloth tied around the bust and extending to just above the ankles. However, Islam introduces a dress code that is different from the Esan traditional mode. Dress forms such as Caftan and turban represent Muslim men’s major identity in dressing. The women wear a veil (hijab), which covers the upper parts of the body, and a long dress that extends to the ankles. This is in line with what Clarke

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(1982, 261) stated that: “Muslims are often identifiable by their dress, by what they eat or do not eat. They pray anywhere and in the open and this makes Islam a highly visible and public religion. Islamic ritual is the genius of Islam and has counted a great deal in the diffusion of Islam.”

Conclusion This chapter has explicated the contact and effects of Islam on aspects of Esan cultural values. It revealed that Islam gained entrance into the shores of Esanland through the matrimonial relationship established between the prince of the Irrua kingdom and the Muslim princess of Agbede kingdom. The solemnization marked a shift from the traditional religion, which the palace of the Onojie held as a custodian of the people to a universal religion of Islam signifying total submission and obedience to God. The practice of Islam in Esanland shows the feature of accommodation, just like other African ethnicities, and most importantly the tolerance of other religious beliefs, views, and cultural practices outside the purview of Islam. Thus, there has not been a religious tension resulting from the interaction of Islam and Esan culture. The changes that were evident in the discussion above represent a process of cultural development through enculturation and not a complete rupture of the former. However, the trend of the 21st century through consumerism of differing products of the Western world constitutes a challenge to Islam. The phenomenon has diluted Islamic traditions and practices as a majority of Muslims in the area now consent to what Islam detests. Dispositions such as skimpy and mini-clothes, calypso and hip-hop dances, premarital and extramarital affairs are widespread among the people. These practices have in no small way affected a number of Muslim youths in Esan who appear to be jettisoning the Islamic teachings and traditions on such issues. Thus, there is a need for Islamic reawakening among Esan Muslims.

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Izibili, Matthew A. 2002. “The Concept of Time in Esan Traditional Thought and John S. Mbiti’s Challenge”, EPHA: Ekpoma Journal of Religious Studies.Vol.4 No. 1&2.193-200. Kilani, Abdulrazaq. 2007. Islamology. Lagos: Jetins Ltd. —. 2008. Minaret in Delta: Islam in PortHarcourt and Its Environs 18962007. Lagos: Global Dawah. Maulana, Muhammad A. 1986. The Religion of Islam, Delhi: Taj Company Okoduwa, Anthony I. 2002. “Emergence of Esan States”. EPHA: Ekpoma Journal of Religious Studies. Vol.4 No. 1&2. 22-34. Okojie, Christopher G. 1960. Esan Native Laws and Customs. Benin City: Ilupeju Press. Okosun, Victoria. 2005. “The History and Impact of Islam in Esan Central Local Government Area of Edo State”, a B.A. Long Essay, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma. Omokhodion, Julia O. 1998. The Sociology of the Esans. Chicago: Pearl. Oseni, Zakariyau I. 1998. “The Islamization of Auchi Kingdom in South Central Nigeria” First Auchi Day, Lagos: Efua Media. Seghosime, Momodu K. 2011. Origin and Development of Auchi. Auchi: Smilestal Global. Trimingham, J. Spencer. 1986. The Influence of Islam upon Africa. New York: Longman.

CHAPTER TWELVE TRADITIONAL BURIAL RITES AND CHRISTIANITY IN CULTURE CLASH: FOCUS ON MGBOWO COMMUNITY, ENUGU STATE VITALIS NWACHINDU DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY & INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERRIA, NSUKKA

AND NKEMJIKA IHEDIWA DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY & INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

Abstract In Igbo traditional belief system, death is not annihilation, but an entrance to a distinct land of the spirits and ancestors. It is an exit from the land of the living, though the dead are believed to maintain an infinite cordial or hostile relationship with the living. They in turn living continually pay allegiance to and seek answers, directions, and guidance from the dead. The cordiality or hostility of these interactions is established and fueled by rites of passage, sacrifices, and ceremonies. This chapter seeks to highlight the key traditional burial rites in Mgbowo and the opposing stance of Mgbowo Christians, thus underlining a clash of culture and belief system. It is not the intention of the chapter to raise a religious or cultural upheaval among the people, rather it aims to deepen the knowledge of peripheral observers and the unseen umpires in the cultural debacle. It would serve as a springboard for the understanding of the ritual aesthetics of burial rites in Mgbowo society and the conflict between the lines of divide existing perceptually between the traditional adherents and their Christian counterparts.

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Key words: Burial Rites, Culture Clash, Mgbowo.

Introduction In him who rose from the dead, our hope of resurrection dawned, the sadness of death gives way to the bright hope of immortality…. (Handbook on Directives for Burial and Funeral in the Catholic Diocese of Awgu, Enugu State, Nigeria. 2009, 1) The Ibo have a firm belief in a life after death. When a person dies, his soul or spirit (Nkpuru-obi/ Mmuo) wanders till [sic] it is received into the blessed company of his forbears on condition that the relations on earth celebrate the full funeral ceremonies. (Arinze 1967, 17)

Over the years, there have been upsurges in scholarship and researches on the Igbo concept of death, the complementarity associated thereto and the opposing factors or forces from the Christian folds. Although, both religions (Traditional African Religion and Christianity) believe in the transposition of the soul and life after death as indicated in the epigraphs of this chapter on the Christian funeral and on the Igbo tradition, they also maintain irreconcilable cum opposing doctrines on the rites of passage to the world of the spirits (burial rites). The origin of death on earth is still conjectural, although there are myriad myths and assumptions among Africans, especially the Igbo of South-eastern Nigeria, on the emergence of death. Metuh (1981, 14) articulated one of such myths that: Death is presented as a challenge to God, who created the world to be a good and happy place. Death came much later, after God’s creative act, and must have been the result of man’s sin or due to a mistake on the part of some other creatures. With death the greatest and most feared of all evils came all other evils.

Death as the end of all activities on earth for the individual, when it occurs occupies a central position in Igbo cosmology and as such, pivotal in the understanding of how the Igbo view death and its aftermath. Consequently, this conception creates an avenue for the respect, worship, and deification of the departed by the Igbo, so as to ensure that the dead is well received in the hereafter by the departed ancestors. Mgbowo, a town in Awgu Local Government of Enugu State, is located at about forty-one kilometers south of the capital city of Enugu, along Enugu-Port Harcourt expressway shares the popular ideology of Igbo religious practice of according respect and honor to the departed. The people have a firm belief in the correlation of the physical and spiritual worlds. The spiritual is the

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coordinator of the physical, thus, departed relatives of goodwill are honored and remembered occasionally, even after the burial rites. The rationale behind the myriad burial rites and death-related rituals in Igboland is elucidated by Arinze (1967, 17) in these words: The soul of the dead wanders [sic] it is received into the blessed company of the forbears on condition that the relatives on earth celebrate the full funeral ceremonies. The inability of according to the dead the needed burial rites would not only subject the departed soul into perpetual slavery in the land of the dead, but the restless ghost of the decreased would return to haunt and harass the relatives.

Burial rites in Mgbowo and Christianity in culture clash Burial rites in Mgbowo start from the point when a man breathed his last, and continue as time and economy permit the relatives. A notable rite of passage to the world beyond is Iwue-Ekwa (putting on wrappers). The rite of Iwue-Ekwa involves the children of the deceased, his in-laws, as well as his maternal relatives. The above mentioned would bring wrappers, which would be used to adorn the dead. The rite of Iwue-Ekwa is followed in the order of seniority, as the eldest of the Umunna (extended family) calls the names of the survivors one after the other and puts the wrappers in the coffin, praising the deceased for his/her heroic achievements, especially the ability to maintain the family name by begetting children. The rite of Iwue Ekwa is exclusively reserved for one who died, leaving successors (children) behind. Note that the Igbo regard “celibacy as an impossible prospect… Unmarried persons of either sex, except on special cases, are objects of derision, and to be childless is the greatest calamity that can befall a woman” (Basden 1966, 68). The non-accordance of the rite of Iwue-Ekwa to the childless and the unmarried at death often serve as deterrents to wayward youths in the community against squandering their hard-earned resources on frivolities and lessons to engage in family affairs and marriage. The idea behind this burial custom, is as expressed by Udeinya (2014): The dead would surely need clothes to wear in the world beyond. It is a measure of affluence and wealth in the land of the spirits. The manifestation of material consciousness and affluence in the physical world, is also exhibited in the spirit world, therefore, a deceased whose relatives were able to perform all the rites of passage with the necessary materials included in the coffin or at the burial site is adjudged wellreceived in the spirit world.

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It would be recalled that the ritual of burial with belongings is not peculiar to the people of Mgbowo, as Mbiti (1975, 114) acknowledged some similarities in the rites of passage among some African groups in the following: It is the custom in many parts of Africa to bury some belongings with the body, such as weapons, bows, and arrows… the belief behind this custom is that the departed needs weapons to defend himself along the way to the next world, or food to eat on the journey, wives and servants to keep him company when he reaches there, and other property to use so that he could not arrive empty-handed or remain poor.

Among some African groups, the practice has been an age-long one, though with the course of time, this has been modified from one culture to another. For instance, in ancient Egypt, the idea was common of burying their pharaohs and members of the royal house alongside valuable property like slaves, and material items in a large chamber. This was buttressed by the great discovery of 1922 in Egypt, where “treasures discovered in the burial place of King Tutankhamen of Egypt who died in B.C.1352 comprised jewels, furniture, shrines, and portrait masks all covered with gold, worth an inestimable amount of money” (Mbiti 1975, 114). Similarly, in pre-colonial Igboland, titled men like the Ozos, Ndi Ichies, Ezes, cult members of Okonko/Ekpe, priests of powerful deities, etc, were buried alongside their treasured properties, for the continuation of their affluent and powerful lives in the world beyond (Onyekelu, 2014). Christianity and its accompanying dogmas cast a different view on the rite of Iwue-Ekwa. The conflicting belief and thoughts among these two opposing religions is not nascent. The origin of the inter-religious squabbles in Igboland could be traced back to the 19th century, following the forceful intensification and imposition of Christianity on the people by the European colonists who used Western religion as a soft-landing and forerunner of colonialism and political dominance of the indigenes. The alien religion became antagonistic to the traditional religion and ancestral mode of worship in Igboland, as the former often creates avenues to impose the Western belief system on the people (Kalu 2002, 365). Nonetheless, some Christians, especially of Pentecostal denomination sometimes invalidate and relegate the rites of Iwue-Ekwa as “a waste of scarce resources and a practice by some directionless and misguided Mgbowo people, who have not seen the light of salvation in Christ Jesus” (Okereke 2014). More so, the conflict over Iwu-Ekwa was made manifest on the death Madam Nwainya Udeorji, whose son, Mr. Izu, a devoted member of

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Jehovah’s Witnesses, refused to be part of the traditional rite of IwueEkwa, to the chagrin of his kinsmen, who not only categorically labeled him a renegade, but an apostate of culture and tradition. Although, an alternative means was devised, as most rites were performed on his behalf by the brothers, it was a clash of ideology and belief system (Onyekelu 2014). Another very important inalienable traditional burial rite among the people of Mgbowo is the rite of Iche-Ishi (positioning the head of the deceased during interment). The people of Mgbowo, according to Ibeaka (2014) believe that: A man should be buried with his head facing the east, while a woman’s faces the west. The spirituality behind this gender-sensitive traditional rite could be traced to the belief that the dead man would always beckon on the rising sun for help and guidance in the land of the spirit.

This age-long tradition has generated rifts and unfriendliness between traditionalists and Christians in Mgbowo. The deepening disagreement does not seem to be coming to an end, especially with the remaining and strong traditionalists who appear to be beckoning on the society to maintain the torch of tradition handed down to them by their ancestors. In condemnation of the rite of Iche-Ishi, the Catholic Diocese of Awgu, Enugu State, took a bold position in her Directives on Burial (2009, 4) thus: At any burial ceremonies of a member and precisely at the lowering of the corpse into the grave that the Catechist delegated by the Bishop or Reverend Father would be the one to decide where the head of the corpse should face. This obvious arrogation of power and authority by a select few under the auspice of the church has often degenerated into disagreement and at times scuffle between the contending parties.

The conflict over whose directives would supersede the other over the rite of Iche-ishi was pronounced in the year 2001 at the burial of Mr. Fidelis Abba of Mgbowo-Azunkwo (Onyekelu, 2014) narrated that: It was a clash of culture, when the officiating priest, Rev. Fr. Christopher Chukwueze commanded the Christian youths to face the head of the corpse towards the west, to the disapproval of the elders and youths of Azunkwo. The scenario degenerated into chaos when the youths of the community engaged the Catholics in a free for all fight. It took the timely intervention of the police to restore peace at the ceremony.

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Ilor-Ekwa (mourning) is another burial rite in Mgbowo. A woman is supposed to mourn for her husband for a period of one year, vice-versa. The period of mourning is the most testing period for every Mgbowo woman (widow), as she is excluded from the socio-political, cultural, and economic activities of the community for a year. She is bound to stay indoors for the first two months of mourning, during which she would not go to market, or to the farm. She wears black outfits as a demonstration of gloom and pain and in veneration of her deceased husband. After the first two months of intensive isolation in the homestead, she would be allowed to attend markets and go to farm, but highly restricted from attending social or religious functions in the community. The widow or the widower “is traditionally bound to be at his/her home before the sun sets, in other not to meet evil spirits on the way. So, wherever the widow or widower goes, time becomes of the essence so as to avoid nightfall” (Ibeaka, 2014). On completion of one calendar year or thirteen lunar months of Mgbowo calendar “the mourner’s hair would be shaved, the black mourning clothes would be burnt as a significant break-up with her/his dead husband/wife” (Ndubuisi, 2014). This practice is not restricted to the Mgbowo society alone; other Igbo groups observe almost the same ritual, but with variations. Nwachukwu (2014) observed that, among the Mbaise of Imo State: The one year mourning period is also enshrined in the peoples’ burial rites, during this period, the woman or man would be forbidden from appearing in certain places, doing certain kinds of work, and avoiding farms where yams are planted or even going to the yam barn to take yam. This last one is exclusively for women, for the belief is that a woman who is still wearing mourning clothes, should not venture into the Oba Ji (yam barn) to avoid the Ahiajoku (the god of yam), from getting angry and destroying the yam before planting season, or making the next round of harvest poor, and slowly liquidating the yams of the particular family.

Contrary to the assumption from the Christian quarters that burial rites are means of depriving the mourner of his/her inalienable rights, “the litany of rites surrounding Ilor-Ekwaare not calculated attempts to punish the widow, but a cultural means of showcasing unreserved, heart-felt sympathy and honor to the dead” (Udeinya 2014). Testifying to the pivotal role of mourning the dead in Igboland and the moment of grief he encountered with her mother, Equiano (Edwards 1967, 9) recollected that he was very fond of his mother and almost constantly with her when she went to make oblations at his grandmother’s tomb, which was a kind of small solitary thatched house, there his mother made her libations and spent most of the night in cries and lamentation. The rite of Ilor-Ekwa (mourning) and its accompanying

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rituals has been a central-point of Christian aspersion and opposition to the adherents of traditional rites and practices. Mgbowo Christian community has been at the forefront of the agitation for the reformation of the rites of Ilor-Ekwa. Although almost every Mgbowo woman still abides by the rites of Ilor-Ekwa and widowhood practices; this is notwithstanding the continued intensification and agitation for change. Agnes Ndubuisi recalled that the 2013 Annual August Meeting of Mgbowo women nearly ended in deadlock when the issue of reforms for the mourning rites was brought up. The campaigners for the reformation and change clashed with the views of the traditional orthodox minded women of the town. The argument ended almost in fisticuffs. Sequel to the quest for change, the Catholic Diocese of Awgu, the Mother-Church Mgbowo belongs to, made it clear through the Directives on Burial (2009,17), that: The lengthy period of mourning in some towns, ranging from one to three years, with some attendant inhuman suffering, subjection, and confinement lacks Christian charity. The Church thus recommended a mourning period of four weeks, after which the widow or widower should participate in other social activities, like every other person in the society or community. Wearing of mourning dress should not exceed six months.

This decision of the Church now binds the Christians who adhere to Church rules so as to obviate the imposition of penance against any defaulting member, as is usually the case with the Catholic Church and other Christian denominations. Although challenged, the traditional practice for the non-adherents of the Christian faith has continued and very strongly for the traditionalists who usually warn their children to perform all the burial and mourning rites, failure to observe which would attract uncanny situations from their ancestors (Ibeaka 2014). The ceremony of Kitim-kim or Ogboruoigwe is another ancestral worship and recognition of the dead in Mgbowo. Kitim-kim is the highest stage of Mgbowo traditional burial rites. It is a celebration of life well spent. Kitim-kim is a feast, a demonstration of affluence and a means of title taking. Usually, the children of the deceased would buy five cows, which would be shared to the five communities that make up Mgbowo, viz: Amaeta, Eziobodo, Ezioha, Imeama, and Inyi respectively. They would also buy native cows, called Ehi Mmuo (cow for the spirits). It is an abomination and could lead to death for a man who did not kill a cow for his late parents to touch Ehi Mmuoor partake in the ceremony, much less eat any of the offerings or proceeds associated with the ceremony. The penalty for effrontery on the part of those who have not celebrated their own, and who blatantly take part in it, is death, as the spirit of his late

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father would visit him instantly (Onyekelu 2014). The only remedy for the impending death would be a hasty provision of a cow for his late father before the sun sets. This type of ceremony is present in many parts of Igboland, and called different names. Nwachukwu (2014) outlined that: In Mbaise area of Imo state, it is called Okwukwu, and marks the highest respect shown to the dead man by his children. Here, only those who have killed male Ehi Igbo, (cow) are qualified to be part of the ceremony; where one who has not done so dares take part in it, death is the resultant effect of such action. It is feared in many parts of Igboland and has led to the death of reputable men in society.

The ceremony is called Kitim-Kim due largely to the unending sound of the canon gun that greets the occasion. The whole town is invited to this grand occasion, as the celebrants entertain the guests satisfactorily. This epoch-making event of Kitim-Kim will eventually accord the celebrants the title of Ogbaruoigwe (shakers of the sky). The most important aspect of Kitim-kim is the role of Ikpa (warrior dance). Ikpa is a unique cultural dance of warriors. This dance troupe would be invited to the celebration by the midnight heralding the day of Kitim-kim. The warriors would dance and exhibit their prowess to the admiration of the people. The warriors would leave the venue at dawn, but not after they have slaughtered the aji (the ram), whose blood would be poured over the tomb. Exquisite funerals and burial feasts have been ways of distinguishing fallen heroes from the effeminate men at death in Mgbowo in particular, and Igboland in general. Achebe (1958, 98) assented to this in the course of describing the colourful nature of Ezeudu’s funeral in his classic novel Things Fall Apart. He said with some relish that: “It was a great funeral, such as befitted a noble warrior… but before this quiet and final rite, the tumult increased tenfold. Drums beat violently and men leaped up and down in frenzy. Guns were fired on all sides, and sparks flew out as machetes clanged together in warriors’ salutes”. Expectedly, Christianity abhors the ceremony of Kitim-kim, while the title of Ogbaruoigwe is dismissed as heathen. Agwu (2014) has maintained that: “The opposing force of Christianity on kitim-kim has relatively rendered the ceremony obsolete; the church also dismissed the title of Ogbaruigwe with contempt.” Burial rites in Mgbowo are categorized as holy obligations, and have to be performed on specified days. The people of Mgbowo, like other Igbo-speaking people of southeastern Nigeria have a four-day market calendar of Eke, Orie, Afor, and Nkwo. These four days are called Izu (week) and constitute the base for counting or calculating events in Mgbowo and indeed all other Igbo communities. Burial and

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funeral days are gender-based, just as the market days are. Afigbo (1981, 62) accepted the sensitivity of the Igbo market days to the socio-economic and religious activities of Igbo people (Nri) when he pointed out that: The Nri say the days of the Igbo-week, Eke, Orie, Afor (Aho), and Nkwo, were revealed to them in the beginning by Chukwu. Eke is the first day of the Igbo four-day week. It is their Sabbath on which farm work may not be done. It was the day Chukwu created man. Eke and Afor are men, and being men, are the husbands of Orie and Nkwo in that order.

Maintaining the exclusiveness of Nkwo in Mgbowo community, Boniface Iroka specifically pointed out that: “Nkwo is a feminine day and would never be taken for granted. The sacred nature of Nkwo is pronounced in marriages and burials. Men are not buried on Nkwo day, and marriages are never organized on Nkwo. Women may be buried on Nkwo, but it is an abomination for men to be interred on Nkwo day in Mgbowo (Iroka, 2014). There is a clash of culture and tradition between traditionalists and Christians on the sacredness of Nkwo. This has generated conflicts, as the traditional adherents always stand to oppose any attempt to bury a man on Nkwo day. This has always degenerated to keeping the corpse more than required and most often, intra-family squabbles among brothers. The position of Christian faithfuls in the Awgu Catholic Diocese towards the above situation has been elaborated in the following “a deceased Catholic is to be buried on any day convenient to the family, the parish priest and the entire Catholic family of the parish or station, irrespective of what day in the native weekday system (Eke, Orie, Afor, Nkwo) it falls” (Directives on Burial 2009, 15). The rituals surrounding death, burial, and transposition to the glorious state in Mgbowo are still much unexplored in an intellectual way. The study has attempted an elaborate examination of the key aspects of the people’s burial rites and the impact of Christianity on the age-long traditional burial rites. It is not an attempt to chastise or undermine the wave of Christianity in Mgbowo, but a scholarly research to outline the conflicting views of both religions (tradition and Christianity in conflict). Some scholars of cultural studies have summarily described the continuous clash between Christianity and African religion as “a clash between Western or European culture and African culture, than specifically religious conflict. Some of the conflicting areas are in traditional rituals, especially those concerning offering in connection with the departed” (Mbiti 1975, 191). Nonetheless, it is necessary, stating the obvious, that most of the clashes and inter-religious upheavals are products of a double-standard belief system of some Christians in Mgbowo. The double-standard belief

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system can be summarized as hypocrisy. The death of a hypocrite surely attracts the attention of the Christians and the traditionalists as well, with both parties struggling over the ownership of the corpse and whose directives should be followed during interment. The continuous opposition from the Christian folks and the demand for change of some cultural/traditional rites can be described as aspects of cultural imperialism that Western Christian religion has imposed on the African, thus making him straddle between two mutually conflicting and opposed points, whose irreconcilability is a constant.

Conclusion The myriad of clashes, divisions, challenges, and fanatical disagreements on the supremacy of which and whose religion would control Mgbowo terrain have continued to create tension in the community. The above scenario has polarized family ties and planted a seed of discord, as family members often project their different religious dogma and rites at the burial of a relative, thus fanning the ember of culture clash and bigotry in the society. Often times, few members of the family may connive and impose their desired religious rites, regardless of the belief system of the deceased. Consequent on the above, the study is suggesting a reappraisal of the traditional burial rites and a remodeling of knotty areas of conflicting views. Secondly, since the society is largely a non-literate one, the majority are bereft of the importance of will even at death, there should be a proclamation backed by the law of the community disassociating the religion of the deceased from that of the family members. The former should take prominence over individual wishes and desires. In furtherance to the above, the community should constitute a committee of equal representation of the two ‘opposing’ religions for dialogue and consensus building. The creation of Mgbowo Commission on Religious Affairs (MCRA) would also help in checkmating excesses and religious bigotry in Mgbowo, so as to reinvent the age-long peace, tranquility, and cohesion. The Church should not impose its will on the entire community; neither should the traditional religion as well. This is because everybody is free to make a choice of worship and religion to follow; therefore, the idea of one religion superimposing its will on the society that ab initio was there before the arrival of Western Christianity remains unacceptable.

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References Achebe, Chinua.1958. Things Fall Apart. London: Heinemann Afigbo, Adiele. 1981. Ropes of Sand: Studies in Igbo History and Culture. Nsukka: University Press Ltd. Agwu, Augustine.c.89.,Retired Education Officer, Interviewed at Amata Mgbowo, 12th February 2014. Arinze, Francis. 1967. Sacrifice in Ibo Religion. Ibadan: University Press. Basden, George.1966. Among the Ibos of Nigeria .London : Frank Cass& Co. Ltd., Directives on Burial and Funeral Ceremonies in Awgu Diocese. 2009. Enugu: Snaap Press Ltd. Edwards, Paul.1967.Equiano’s Travels . London : Heinemann. Iroka, Boniface. c. 50, Native Doctor, Interviewed at Mgbowo Azunkwo on 16 February 2014. Kalu,Ogbu . 2002. “Igbo Traditional Religious System” in A survey of Igbo Nation, edited by Ofomata ,G.E.K, Onitsha: Africana Publishers Limited. Mbiti, John. 1975. Introduction to African Religion. London :Heinemann Educational Books. Metuh, Ikenga. 1981. God and Man in African Religion. London: Geoffrey Chapman. Nwachukwu, Jerome. c.90, Farmer, Interviewed at Ubahi Amumara, Mbaise, 18th February 2014. Ndubuisi, Agnes. c. 46 Secretary of C. W. O., St. Georges Ndeaboh, Interviewed at Ndeaboh, 17th February 2014. Onyekelu, Anthony. 2014. c. 60, Farmer, Interviewed at Mgbowo Azunkwo, 15th February, 2014. Okereke, David. 2014. c. 40, Prayer Minister, Interview, Azunkwo Mgbowo, 15th February, 2014. Orji, Ibe.c.52. Farmer, Interviewed at Ezioha Mgbowo, 13th February, 2014. Udeinya, Vincent. 2014. c. 65. Community Leader, Interviewed at Azunkwo Ndeaboh on 16 February 2014.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN THE 21ST CENTURY NIGERIAN CHURCH AND ITS DYNAMIC INTERACTION WITH AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION DONATUS OMONFONMA AKHILOMEN DEPT. OF RELIGIOUS MANAGEMENT & CULTURAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, NIGERIA

AND THOMAS OSEYI EBHOMIENLEN DEPT. OF RELIGIOUS MANAGEMENT & CULTURAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, NIGERIA

Abstract The chapter examines the dynamism of the church in the 21st century, showing the resultant effect of her interaction with the indigenous religion African Traditional Religion (ATR). ATR permeates the African life in all ramifications, hence diviners and priests who officiate as intermediaries between the people and the supranatural world are held in high esteem. Adherents of the indigenous religion run to them, the intermediaries to unravel the mysteries of life. One would have expected that the advent of the church would interrupt this scenario. Rather, divination and prophetic utterances (fake and genuine), have become the order of the day in the church most especially in this 21st century. The increase of such a phenomenon has aroused rational minds to do academic treatise on the subject matter. This has prompted the writers of this paper to write on the church, showing how the indigenous religious culture has influenced the church to develop a dynamic feat of divination in order to win and retain adherents in Nigeria. The question at this juncture is: How far does this development corroborate the principles of Jesus Christ? The chapter will attempt a scholarly discussion of this issue in a bid to bringing the church, her adherents and the entire world to the understanding of the truth about

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the administration of spiritual gifts. To achieve the objective of this chapter, the researchers have adopted the historical and phenomenological methodology. This chapter summises that subscribing to the Bible model will promote the Christian faith and it will also redeem the integrity of the church, which is wracked by fake divination. Key words: Church, Interaction, Tradition, Religion

Introduction As religion is often discussed in the realm of spirituality, most scholars define it as a relationship that exists between the human person and deity or deities. On the other hand, religion is also seen as worship, homage, and honor accorded to God. These may be true and appropriate to religion. However, the practice of religion in Nigeria goes beyond a mundane relationship. The Nigerian person as an African desires active response from the supra-natural body worthy of worship. This brings a sense of security to such a religious adherent because of the environment where he lives. The peculiar spiritual needs of the African being accounts for the purpose of the emergence of African Initiated Churches (AIC). The missionary churches laid much emphasis on eschatological events, with less concern for the terrestrial ones and the spiritual world of Africa. This did not provide enough satisfaction for Nigerian converts whose environment is full of worrisome issues such as magical powers, sorcery, witchcraft, and poverty, which shake their very existence and thus require religious intervention. These issues make the practice of religion a serious associate of diviners and priests in Nigeria. The main thrust of this chapter therefore is the exploration of the economic and spiritual experience that has so affected the church in Nigeria, to the extent that divination for sale has become the order of the day in the church. We will discuss the presence of fake and genuine prophets in the church. The researchers reveal that the phenomenon of divination in the church is the impact of African Religious Culture on the church, most especially in the 21st century when poverty has driven so many people to the church pulpit. The chapter further argues that the development has created an ugly image for the church. The aim is to reveal that the only way to redeem the integrity of the church is to revert to the principle of Jesus Christ in the Bible governing the administration of spiritual gifts in the church.

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Divination: A Brief Definition Divination generally refers to attempts to learn "hidden things" that cannot be known through ordinary means. Divination falls into two broad categories: mechanical and internal. Mechanical divination uses physical means to discern hidden knowledge. Examples of this include such things as gazing into crystal balls, examining the livers or other internal organs of animals, interpreting the way arrows land after being thrown into the air, and reading Tarot cards. The internal category, sometimes called "soothsaying", involves conjuring up a spiritual entity during a trance or an altered state of consciousness. Sometimes this spirit entity will appear as a person no longer living, which returns and speaks words of wisdom. Sometimes the spirit who is "called up" speaks "through" a medium. In Acts 16:16 the slave girl had a "spirit of divination". It is interesting to note that, because there was often trickery involved in the first century, the word used for divination was also broadly used for the act of ventriloquism. Whatever the category or method used, divination is an attempt to ferret out hidden (occult) information. The incursion of divination into the church is of the internal rather than the mechanical category, and its focal points are the visualization techniques employed in "inner-healing" and imaginative prayer. Visualization techniques have a long history reaching back to ancient Egypt, where tradition taught that the physical could be transformed through mental imagery; they appear in Hindu/Buddhist practices both ancient and modern; they find expression in the contemplative prayer of the early Christian monastic movement. These imagery techniques are also well documented in current occult and New Age literature. In New Age circles it is widely held that the most effective and most widely used method to contact spirit entities or guides are called "imaginative visualization". Leading occult writer David Conway, in his book Magician Occult Primer, states the absolute necessity of visualization for performing ritual magic: "...The technique of visualization is something you will gradually master, and indeed must master if you are to make any progress at all in magic..." (Graham 1909). Among Christian practitioners who are teaching and experiencing inner-healing and imaginative prayer, there would be a heated protest to our use of the term "divination". But what else does one call the imaginative visualization (conjuring up) of a spirit entity, which presents itself to the person as Jesus himself, or an angel of God? Let's call a spade a spade - this is divination!

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Divination, a Brief Biblical Overview The Hebrews coming from Egypt — a land teeming with diviners — and dwelling in a country surrounded by superstitious tribes, would have their inborn desire for foreknowledge intensified by the spirit of the times and their environments. But God forbade them repeatedly to have anything to do with charmers, wizards, diviners, necromancers, etc., all of whom were abominations in His sight (Deuteronomy 8: 10, 11). The ideal was in Balaam's day when "there is no soothsaying in Jacob nor divination in Israel" (Numbers 23: 23), and to preserve this, the soul that went aside after diviner God declared He would destroy (Leviticus 20:6) and the man or woman in whom there was a divining spirit was to be stoned to death (Leviticus 20:27). God, however, as St. Chrysostom puts it, humored the Hebrews like children, and to preserve them from excessive temptation, lots were allowed under certain conditions (Joshua 7:14; Num. 26:55; Proverbs 16:33). Hebrew seers were permitted to answer when it pleased Him, prophets might be consulted on private affairs (1 Kings 9:6), and the high priest could respond in greater matters by the Urim and Thummim. Gifts were offered to seers and prophets when consulted, but the great prophets accepted no reward when they acted as God's representatives (2 Kings 5:20). When the Hebrews fell into idolatry, divination, which always accompanied idolatry, revived and flourished, but throughout their history it was evident that secretly and again more openly wrongful acts were used, and as a result, condemnations were frequent (1 Kings 15:23; 2 Kings 17:17 Zechariah 10:26; Isaiah 44:25; etc.). It should be borne in mind that their history is a very long one, and when we reflect how completely other nations were given over to all kinds of impious arts and silly observances, we shall readily admit that the Hebrew people were, in comparison, remarkably free from superstitions. When later these flourished more strongly and permanently, it was during the decay of faith preceding and following the time of Christ (Judges. 20: 1, 8 6; Jud. 7: 2) (Merril 1994, 271). In the New Testament, diviners are not specifically mentioned, except in Acts 16: 16, concerning the girl who had a pythonical spirit, but it is altogether likely that of Simon Magnus (Acts 8: 9), Elymas (Acts 13: 6), and others (2 Timothy 3: 13), including the possessors of the magical books burnt at Ephesus (Acts 19: 13). Under the New Law all divination is forbidden because, placed on a higher plane than under the Old Dispensation, we are taught not to be solicitous for the morrow (Matthew 6: 34), but to trust God implicitly, who numbers the very hairs of our head (Matthew 10: 30). In divination, apart from the fraud of the Father of Lies,

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there was so much that was merely human fraud and endless deception. The predictions were generally as vague and worthless as modern fortune telling and the general result then, as now, favored vice and injured virtue (Merril 1994).

A Brief History of the Church in Nigeria The story of the church in Nigeria has been told several times by different sources and from different perspectives. It is important to note the labor of the Portuguese Roman Catholic priests who, in the 15th century, accompanied traders and officials to the West African coast, including Benin. The priests, with the support of Benin king’s palace, built three churches to serve the Portuguese community and a small number of African converts. The influence of the Catholic missionaries waned and disappeared when direct Portuguese contacts were withdrawn (Okegbile 2012, 4). However, the success story of the modern Christianity actually began in the evening of September 23, 1842 with the Methodist Missionary Society, through the pioneering works of Thomas Birch Freeman, his wife and two devoted African helpers, Mr. and Mrs. William De-Graft. According to Ajayi the arrival of Rev. Thomas Birch Freeman on 24th September 1842, marked the effective beginning of missionary enterprise in Nigeria, (Ajayi 1991, 31). According to another source in Punch newspaper “They went under the thin shade of the stately palms to the lagoon, which was three quarters of a mile wide … A large canoe carried them across and, between two and three o’clock in the afternoon, they landed at Badagry” (Okegbile 2012,13). The same source also revealed that Freeman arrived in Badagry during the reign of King Warraru of Badagry, who countersigned Ferguson’s letter of appeal (dated March 2, 1841) to Reverend Thomas Dove, a Methodist Minister in Freetown, to send a missionary to Badagry. The first service was held under the Agia tree in Badagry and from there, Christianity spread like fire. The increase in the number of worshippers prompted the building of the bamboo cottage, which became the first church in Nigeria (Okegbile 2012, 13). The same source further disclosed as follows: on Monday, December 5, 1842, Freeman extended his missionary work to Abeokuta through the invitation of Alake Sodeke. The missionary journey took a whole week under the heavy imposing escort sent by Alake Sodeke. Freeman and his helpers held a service in the afternoon of Sunday, December 11, 1842 in the big courtyard of Alake, and that was the beginning of Christian worship in Abeokuta.

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The arrival in Badagry of a young lay missionary of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), Henry Townsend, sent from Sierra Leone “on a visit of reconnaissance similar to that of Freeman”, climaxed with the joint mission in Nigerian Christianity. On the eve of Christmas 1842, the two pioneers, Freeman and Townsend, met and also “spent the Christmas day in happy fellowship, holding a service of united worship … in the bamboo church”. The seed sown 172 years ago continues to grow, with the spread and emergence of varieties of Christian denominations. Despite the colonial leadership control, the Nigerian initiative in Christian missions had been a bittersweet engagement, with the colonial missionaries’ break away from mission churches, and the emergence of indigenous leadership and efforts among the natives, thereby making Christianity more relevant to the people. With the emergence of independent churches in Nigeria in the late 19th century, Nigeria experienced the contextualization of Christianity, including the 1930 Oke-Oye, Ilesa, revival, led by Apostle Ayodele Babalola. This was followed with the rise of the Aladura movement in Yoruba land and the Apostolic movement that provided the springboard for the emergence of Evangelical, charismatic, and Pentecostal movements in Nigeria (Iheanacho 2011, 56). Many of the mission churches today are still averse to adopting the African traditional worldview as a way of reaching the Africans for the fear of being labeled as syncretism. On the other hand, Africans have come to view some of the mission churches as Eurocentric, full of form and observance of religious rituals, but lacking in power to confront peculiar problems such as witchcraft, sickness, and afflictions of evil forces, diseases, lack, and poverty that are typically African. What has become a loss to the mission churches invariably has been the gain of Pentecostal and African independent churches. This group came simultaneously from various angles in this nation in a way conducive to the Nigerians, taking into consideration the culture, customs, and manners of the land in which they lived, and relating their God particularly to the life of their people. This group of people of God put their fingers on the religion of Christians as the primary source of the social, moral, and religious decay of the day. It led the first open battle against Christians in Nigeria, firstly, on the level of religious loyalty, and secondly on the level of ethical responsibility. Like prophets of old, they regarded sound theology and proper ethics as the two handles of the plough, which they must grasp firmly if they would plough a straight furrow for the Lord (Atansuyi 2014, 37). These churches did not only introduce an intensive practice of prayer into Nigerian Christianity, but also sought to liberate Christianity from Western practices. They sought to indigenize the Christian faith in the country

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through the religious parameters of the African traditional religion. Harvey Cox observes: African independent Christians seem proud that they have not forsaken the spiritual customs their ancestors passed on to them before the whites came, even though the first missionaries urged them to abandon these remnants of superstition. They believe that God was already present in Africa before the Europeans arrived, and that many of the ways Africans worshipped then are better than the ways the missionaries taught them. The result is a thoroughly Africanized” version of Christianity (Cox 2014, 247). With the accentuation of prayers and spiritual gifts by the emerging African Indigenous Churches, the Christian faith in Nigeria was given a Pentecostal direction. Atansuyi (2014) maintains: The basic truth which the (Aladura) taught their early converts were like that of the teachings of the Apostolic Church, rather than the administrative procedures that quench the spirit of togetherness. Their prayers were not stereotyped. Their charismatic attitude bestowed tremendous Pentecostal powers and blessings upon the believers. The African Instituted Churches concept of the church is that of the spiritual and invisible church, therefore, their determination is to practice all the ideals of Christianity and its peculiar association with the heavenly host. In this respect, the church is organized and ruled by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit and charismatic experience is given prime place in the worship of the church.

. These churches marked the beginning of the Pentecostal phenomenon in Nigeria. Falaiye and Ebhomienlen (2009, 53), on African Traditional Religion and its contribution to Pentecostalism in Nigeria, observed that Pentecostalism is a third phase of Christianity. It developed from the second phase, which is Protestantism, which broke from Roman Catholicism, the first phase of Christianity. Roman Catholicism grew in the Roman environment and was so cultured. Protestantism grew and was nurtured in the European environment and cultured respectively. The relationship between these brands of Christianity and the environment in which they grew is seen in the fact that religion is part of culture; the two are almost inseparable. In their paper it is an established fact that a cordial relationship exists between African Traditional Religion and Pentecostalism, which has helped to Africanize Christianity. According to Falaiye & Ebhomienlen (2009), divination and other activities peculiar to the African Traditional Religion have, to a great deal, helped Christianity or the Nigerian Churches to become more African than foreign, particularly in Edo land.

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Divination in the Church Today The teachings of Jesus Christ are contained in the New Testament and constitute the further divine revelation that Moses promised when that new "Prophet" came. These writings are authoritative and combined with the Old Testament constitute "the revealed things" (Deuteronomy 29:29) that belong to us. This is the limit of authoritative, divine revelation. Prophecy in the New Testament is not adding to authoritative revelation, but exhorting from it and applying it. Just as the Old Testament prophets (except Moses) were not lawgivers but law-appliers, so are the "prophesying ones' in the New Testament. The other function of Old Testament prophets was to inerrantly predict the future of Israel and her Messiah. Since the one to whom the prophets pointed has come and spoken in full and final revelation, that role no longer exists. All the prophecies about the future that we are allowed are already contained in the Bible. Using prophetic techniques to learn secret information or the future is divination. Today it is like it was in Jeremiah's days: "Then the Lord said to me, 'the prophets are prophesying falsehood in my name. I have neither sent them nor commanded them nor spoken to them; they are prophesying to you a false vision, divinations, futility, and the deception of their own minds" (Jeremiah 14:14). Those ways are revealed in the Bible. Going outside of God's ordained means is rebellion, which constitutes divination. Samuel told Saul: "For rebellion is as the sin of divination, and insubordination is an iniquity and idolatry. Because you have rejected the word of the Lord He has also rejected you from being king" (I Samuel 15:23). Using divination puts one in the realm of deceptive spirits. Paul predicted: "But the Spirit explicitly says that in later times some will fall away from the faith, paying attention to deceitful spirits and doctrines of demons " (I Timothy 4: 1).

A False Prophet in Christianity In Christianity a false prophet is one who falsely claims the gift of prophecy, divine healing, divine inspiration, or who uses that gift of God for evil ends. Often someone who is considered a “true prophet” by some people is simultaneously considered as a “false prophet” by others, even within the same religion as the “prophet” in question. The term is sometimes applied outside religion to describe someone who fervently promotes a theory that the speaker knows is false. The bible unequivocally condemns spiritual falsehood, as well as spiritual fornication; thus we read “if a prophet, or one who foretells by dreams, appears among you and

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announces to you a miraculous sign wonder, and if the sign or wonder of which he has spoken takes place, and he says, ‘let us follow other gods (gods you have not known) and let us worship them’, you must not listen to the words of that prophet or dreamer” (Deuteronomy 13:1-5). Like ancient prophets, they are expected to warn the people about the dangers of disobedience and guide them to the path of righteousness. Today indeed, instead of living by example, some pastors contribute to sociopolitical problems in society, through their false teachings and deliberate derailment of Christian principles. In Nigeria and elsewhere in Africa, the mercenary character exhibited by many so-called men of God has put a big question mark on the principles and doctrines of the faith they profess. The situation is such that prefixing one’s name with the title of pastor in today’s world often attracts immediate suspicion of decerning citizens. This sad development is as a result of the glaring and expanding scope of falsehood and misdemeanors of the majority of the collar. Indeed, the church has become a house of falsehood, scandals, and controversies in these shores. These ills have become firmly entrenched, taking root like an incurable cancer festering in the afflicted body of the Nigerian society. Hence, despite the number of churches springing up in all nooks and crannies of the nation, a tidal wave of iniquities is inexorably sweeping across the land. What seems to have emerged is a convoluted practice of the Christian religion, held under siege from within. Shola Oshunkeye, editor of The Spectator, captures the scenario thus: There are many such preachers out there, masquerading as angels of light. They are fathers of lies, mothers of hypocrisy, who, according to 1 Timothy chapter 4, have had their conscience seared with a hot iron. They are learned. They have sugarcoated tongues. They feign sympathy and fake listening ears in order to milk their unfortunate audience. They bamboozle with supernatural powers obtained from sources other than those stipulated by the holy writ, and use dubious, sometimes pre-arranged miracles to railroad unsuspecting citizens to their mega churches” (Olu 2014).

Today, contrary to the biblical doctrines, many Nigerian church leaders consciously or unconsciously measure success in life in terms of wealth, prestige, and power - three key principles of stratification and social mobility in secular society. Hence, in the churches, issues that concern the rich (even publicly corrupt politicians) are highly resoundingly applauded, while modest works of the poor are oftentimes unacknowledged or at best handled lackadaisically. Almost every Minister in the independent and Pentecostal charismatic churches (the self-proclaimed Evangelists, self-ordained Bishops, Archbishops, and

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General Overseers) is a vision seer and a miracle worker, or pretends to be one. Their miracles, blessings, prayers, and sundry religious services attract financial charges. A particular pastor is known to look straight in the face of some members and tell them their problems, ranging from matters of contract, search for the fruit of the womb, or for a marriage partner. After this, he would ask for payment - ଂ200, 000, ଂ50,000, or a brand new car (Waapela 2006, 58). The writers of this chapter see gratification for religious services as a carryover experience from the African traditional spiritual environment within which the church is founded. The traditional religious diviners often request financial charges for their services to their clients. Request for financial gratification is also seen as a bid to defeat the poverty syndrome ravaging the Nigerian society. Besides, the struggle for material wealth could be another motive.

Spiritual Gifts in the Church: A Testament Perspective All Christians have spiritual gifts (1 Cor. 12:7; Eph. 4:7). God gives spiritual gifts to his people so that they might be effective and enabled for ministry. These gifts are never given to believers that they might profit by them or somehow use them selfishly. They are given, as the apostle says, “to produce what is beneficial” (1 Cor. 12:7). Gifts entail ministry. This means that all Christians are ministers. All Christians have tasks to perform in the service of the Lord in the church. No one is ever meant merely to be a receiver of ministry; all of God’s people both give and receive ministry. Churches will never achieve the level of maturity that Christ means for them to have until all members are actively demonstrating their giftedness by engaging in the ministries that their gifts entail (Eph. 4: 12- 16). When churches discover the importance of an every-member ministry, they will truly experience the growth of the body, for the edifying of itself in love (Eph. 4; 16), (Brand and Butler 2004, 1530-1531). For the church in Nigeria to maintain her integrity and also represent God’s kingdom on earth, pastors should imbibe the New Testament principles guiding the application of spiritual gifts. This will help to gradually eliminate the scandalous practices prevalent in the Nigerian religious scene concerning the falsehood and abuse of spiritual gifts by socalled prophets who have turned the church to divinatory theatres for financial gains.

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Conclusion This chapter discussed divination, an important element of African Traditional Religion, and demonstrated how the church has adopted it for her own purposes. It is revealed in the discourse that although traces of divination were found in the Old and New Testament, its presentation was negative and it was never approved for believers. The chapter also narrated that although forbidden, the church in Nigeria has made divination an inevitable instrument of attracting, winning, and sustaining her membership. The impact of this traditional cultural element has overshadowed the preaching of righteousness, which believers are enjoined to seek first (Matthew 6: 33). We have argued that the presence of fake prophets in the church in Nigeria has made her a partaker in the activities of the antiChrist. Finally, we suggested that if the church would redeem her image, it should subscribe to Christ’s model, and that environmental influence should not dictate the church’s practices, rather, she should make the Bible her standard.

References Ajayi, Jacob Ademola. 1981. Religious Christian Mission in Nigeria 1841- 1891. Ibadan: Longman Atansuyi, Henry. 2014. “Gospel and Culture in the Perspective of African Instituted Churches”. Cyber Journal for Pentecostal Charismatic Research. pctii.org Web. Accessed 2/24/14 Brand, Chad and Butler Trent. 2004. Holman Illustrated Bible Dictionary. Nashville: Holman. Cox, Harvey. 2013. Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the Twenty-first Century, www. Amazon.com. Web, Accessed 2/24/2014. Falaiye, Ade and Thomas Ebhomienlen. 2009. “African Traditional Religion and its Contribution to Pentecostalism in Nigeria: The Esan Perspective”. EPHA, Ekpoma Journal of Studies .Vol. 7 No. 1 and 2, 52-57. Graham, Fuller. 1909. "Divination". The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 5. New York, Robert Appleton Company, www.newadvent.org. Web, Accessed 2/19/2014 Iheanacho, Ngozi. 2011. “A Critical look at contemporary Nigerian Church”. International Journal of Theology and Reformed Tradition (IJTRT) Vol 3, 54- 59.

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Ipinyomi, Reuben. 2013. “The False Prophets of our time in Africa”. www.google Web. Accessed 2/23/2014. Merrill, Eugene. 1994. Deuteronomy in the New American Commentary. Nashville: Broadman& Holman. Okegbile, Deji. 2012. “170 Years of the church in Nigeria, Beyond the present”. The PUNCH Olu, Folunso. 2012. “False Prophet”. www.osundefender.org Web. Accessed 2/18/2014 Waapela, Perpetual. 2006. “Commercialization of Religion”. The Case study of Christianity in Nigeria Yahya, Musa and Peter Dopamu. Issues of in the Practice of Religion in Nigeria, Jos, NASR, 56-63

CHAPTER FOURTEEN CHASTITY IN BIBLICAL TIMES AND EDO CULTURE: A REMEDY FOR HIV/AIDS PANDEMIC ST IN 21 CENTURY NIGERIA GLADYS BOSEDE OGEDEGBE DEPT. OF RELIGIOUS MANAGEMENT & CULTURAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, NIGERIA

AND MOSES IDEMUDIA DEPT. OF RELIGIOUS MANAGEMENT & CULTURAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, NIGERIA

Abstract In ancient times, the sacredness and value of chastity were indispensable. However, with the present wave of modernity, this highly priced treasure has suddenly become old-fashioned or "old school". Undoubtedly, the danger posed by the continuous spread of HIV/AIDS today is one that calls for recourse to the good old days of cultural and ethical correctness, rather than a total dependence on modern discoveries in the field of medicine. Research has shown that among other means, the virus spreads in an alarming rate via the sexual route. Though not yet curable, HIV/AIDS is preventable. It is in the light of the above that this chapter seeks to present chastity in Biblical times and in Edo culture as a panacea for the viral pandemic in 21st century Nigeria. The historical, analytical, and comparative methods of investigation have been adopted in this work and the findings are that the disease poses a serious challenge to Africans. The age bracket worst hit is between 18 and 45. This class is more sexually active and largely constitutes the nation's workforce too, making HIV/AIDS a threat to the national economy. The chapter concludes that, the value of chastity remains monumental and enduring.

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Moreover, chastity in Edo and Biblical worldviews, when properly deployed in the fight against HIV/AIDS, will drastically stem the spread of the virus. Therefore, to adequately address some of the sensitive issues/problems affecting man, in a world that is fully submerged in the modern and post-modern cultural ideologies and advancements, efforts must be made to draw from the moral values which were highly priced in the cultures of the ancient past. Key words: Chastity, HIV/AIDS Pandemic, Bible, Edo Culture, remedy

Introduction The trend of modern developments demands that the positive aspect of ancient culture be harnessed and deployed in dealing with challenges faced by humans today. Culture itself is dynamic and possesses the characteristics and capacity to continue into human’s distant future. However, the positive and negative changes in the culture of any people must be carefully observed for it to be relevant in addressing the needs of the people as they progressively change. This is important because culture itself is dynamic in nature. One very positive aspect of the Biblical times and Edo traditional culture is chastity. The term is encompassing and embraces all the ideologies and moral concepts that guided the conducts of the people in relation to the expression of their sexuality. The positive character of chastity in Biblical times and Edo culture particularly endears it to this work. This researcher sees this as effective tool that can halt the further spread of HIV/AIDS that is ravaging our world today. HIV/AIDS is today having an overriding impact on Africa and the world at large. The under-developed and developing nations like Nigeria are faced with greater danger because the largest incidence and scourge of the disease comes from and falls on them. HIV/AIDS is by far more dangerous than all the diseases man had encountered in his history of disease control. Collin Powel, a former American Secretary of State, notes: “No war on the face of the world is as destructive as the HIV/AIDS pandemic” (Awake 2002). It has also been emphatically stressed that HIV/AIDS is a paramount perplexing and heart-rending issue of a global magnitude, not just an African problem (Isiramen 2005). As scary as this reality is, a more disheartening truth is that the HIV/AIDS scourge has no permanent medical solution or cure, at least at the moment. Many people from all works of life, including the academia, have concerned themselves with finding a lasting solution to effectively dislodge this cataclysmic disease. Despite the plethora of recommendations from both medical

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practitioners and other people who have taken interest in finding answers to the challenges posed by HIV/AIDS, the disease continues to spread. It is against this background that this chapter seeks to amplify the efficacious potency of the concept of chastity, as found in the Bible and the Edo culture of Africa. The work argues for appropriate understanding of the concept, as originally conceived in these ancient cultures. The paper also notes the changes that have resulted in the progression of this cultural aspect into the modern day world. The work holds the conservative or the traditional concept of chastity as most appropriate for the fight against HIV/AIDS, rather than the watered down idea of sexuality that is greatly shaped by modern Western philosophies and ideologies that permit all kinds of perversions and promiscuities.

Conceptualization of Chastity Etymologically, the words “chaste” and “chastity” come from the Latin word Castus meaning “pure.” It is held that the word entered the English language around the middle of the 13th century as a description of virtuous or pure people who were deemed to have been free from unlawful sexual intercourse, especially extra-marital sex (Wikipedia 2004). To this effect, the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary describes a chaste person as one who does not have sex with anyone, or a person who only has sex with her/his marriage partner (Hornby et al 2010). To understand chastity as a concept in the Bible and in African culture especially among the Edo people of Nigeria, it is necessary here to see it as a sexual behavior of a man or a woman that is acceptable to the moral standards and guidelines of their culture, civilization, or religion (wikipedia 2004). Chastity as a concept and cultural virtue in both the Bible and Edo culture, frowns at any act of sexual perversion such as premarital sex, extra-marital sex (adultery), homosexuality (gayism and lesbianism), incest, bestiality etc. While some people are championing the course of homosexual rights today, such ideas were seriously frowned upon in the Bible and almost completely alien to African culture in the past. The historical case of the doomed Sodom and Gomorrah is perhaps a clue to the right perception of aberative sexual orientation in the Bible (Gen. 19.1-28). The Edo people like Israel of the Bible only celebrate sex within the context and confines of marital union. It is sacrosanct only to a husband and wife - a male and a female. To be chaste is to have selfcontrol over undue urge and desire for illicit sex and to refrain from all other traces of sexual immorality (Edohen 2014). Sex itself is, to the Africans, a matter exclusive to married adults. This perhaps accounts for

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the seeming silence of Africans over its discussion, and the reason why sex education to young unmarried people was grossly unpopular among the Edo people.

An Overview of HIV/AIDS HIV/AIDS is a compound acronym for Human Immune Deficiency Virus and Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome respectively. At contraction, HIV brings down the human immunes system thereby leaving the victim vulnerable to any disease attack (Schoub 1999). It is the prolonged stay of HIV in the human body that eventually culminates in AIDS, which is the final stage of the continuous effect of HIV (Mandal 2010). While it is agreed that the question of the origin of HIV/AIDS is of little relevance in the fight against the disease, it is essential to note a few things regarding the origin. Two popular views are examined here. First is the view that scientists have identified a type of chimpanzee in West Africa as the source of HIV infection in humans. According to this view, the virus most likely found its way into man when humans hunted these chimpanzees for meat and came in contact with their blood. It is claimed that over the years, the virus slowly spread across Africa and later into other parts of the world (The AIDS Institute 2007). The second view which to us, is more plausible, traced the origin of the disease to the United States of America where it was first discovered among sexually active homosexuals. According to Schoub (1999), “In the period of October 1980 - June 1981 five young men, all sexually active gays, were treated of AIDS-related cases, as reported by Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR)”. This is the earliest reported case and logically goes a long way to explaining the origin of the disease. A second perusal of these two views reveals the reasonableness of the second, which implies sexual perversion, against the illogicality of the first, which seeks to discredit the age-long cultural practice of gamehunting in Africa.

Scholars’ Positions on HIV/AIDS A brief review of what some scholars have said in regards to HIV/AIDS and the means for stopping its spread is important. It will help clarify the submissions of this chapter. In a paper entitled “HIV/AIDS and the Nigerian society: An Ethico-Theological Response”, Isiramen (2005) painted a vivid picture of the problem of HIV/AIDS in Nigeria and

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particularly stressed the alarming rate in which the virus was spreading in the country, especially since 1997. In conclusion, she submitted an ethnotheological approach as a way of combating the scourge. On her part, Akintunde (2006) opined in her “HIV/AIDS: God’s Punishment for Sexual Perversion? The Nigeria Experience”, that the spread of HIV/AIDS in Nigeria was rooted in some sociological factors like polygamy, female circumcision, culture of science over sexuality, low level of the use of condom, stigmatization and discrimination against victims, etc. To her, it was the correction of these native socio-cultural factors that would curb the spread of the disease. Olalekun (2006) argued that HIV/AIDS was more than just a case of the individual’s lack of morality. According to him, stopping the pandemic would require a change in both individual and societal morality. To effectively do this, he posited that the church leaders must begin to preach and emphasize abstinence and faithfulness. In a similar thread of argument, Esegbue (2006) expressed the belief that the Bible was the only solution to this problem. To her, it was only when one abided by Biblical dictates that the behavioral change required to dislodge HIV/AIDS could be attained. Meanwhile, Achalu (1993) on his part held that HIV/AIDS could only be prevented through continuous education of people and information about the disease. Then, from a psychological point of view, Afolabi and Adesina (2005) stated that there was already a serious psychological dimension to the crisis posed by the pandemic. They posited that psychotherapeutic intervention should go hand in hand with all medical and other prescriptions against the disease. The foregoing succinctly captures the fact that scholars are not complacent about the problem of HIV/AIDS. It is also obvious from the above that chastity has not been isolated as a moral and ethical part of the Bible and Edo culture in dealing with the issue of HIV/AIDS. It is on this later observation that this work is situated.

Mode of Transmission Commenting on the general mechanism of transmission of the disease, Schoub (1999) noted that HIV, like the majority of human viruses, was derived exclusively from human sources. Humans who are infected with the virus are termed carriers/hosts of the infectious virus. HIV is primarily found in the blood, semen, or vaginal fluid of an infected person. HIV is transmitted in four main ways, which include:

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a. Having sex (vaginal, anal or oral) with someone infected with the virus, b. Sharing needles and syringes with an infected person, c. Being exposed (fetus or infant) to HIV before birth or through breast feeding, d. Through blood transfusion from an infected person (The AIDS Institute 2007). Also identified as a potential means of transmission are any infected sharp objects like; razor blades, clippers, et cetera not properly sterilized before use (The AIDS Institute 2007). It is pertinent to note here that a larger percentage of HIV/AIDS cases in Nigeria are connected to unwholesome sexual relations. It has been expressed in this chapter that there is an undeniable connection between sexual perversion, promiscuity, and the spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. This fact cannot be disputed; hence, chastity becomes the most effective weapon at our disposal in the fight against the scourge.

Spread of HIV/AIDS and Endangered Class in Nigeria In the 2003 report of the Federal Ministry of Health, it was declared that the disease was discovered in Nigeria in 1986 in a young, sexually active, teenager. HIV/AIDS became popular with the death of Fela Anikulapo Kuti in 1997. From 1979 to 1999, over 250,000 deaths were recorded, as resulting from the infectious virus (Online Nigeria Group 2014). By the year 2001, a CDC (Center for Disease Control) report showed that at least 5.8 % of the estimated population of 126 million was living with the dreaded virus (UNFPA 2009). In 2003, the percentage of people living with HIV/AIDS dropped by about 0.8 percent. This was according to a government survey of pregnant women tested in antenatal clinics across the country. However, the sentinel survey conducted by the Ministry of Health in the same year showed that the HIV/AIDS epidemic continued to grow in some parts of the country (USAID 2013). In the year 2004 and 2005, the United States Program on AIDS Report on West Africa pointed out that Nigeria had the highest number of people living with the virus in the region. By 2006, Nigeria was still ranked among the 25th most critical-case country of the world, contributing 8.5% of the total global burden and 12% of the Africa HIV/AIDS burden (UNFPA 2009). According to UNFPA report, Nigeria had about 4.67% prevalence rate, with some states having as much as 5% prevalent rate. On

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the whole, it is believed that from 2009-12, over two million people were living with the virus in Nigeria (UNAIDS 2013). We wish to establish here that sexual intercourse with an infected person remains the major means of transmission of the disease. Statistics show that people within the age brackets of 15-49 are most at risk (CDC Report 2012a). According to Ayitoya (2007), the most vulnerable class of people is those aged 18-50. The reason for this according to him is that this is the reproductive age, and sexual intercourse is most prevalent among people of this age. The UNFPA report also shows that young people between 15-30 have a slightly higher incidence rate than other age brackets. Today, HIV/AIDS ranks as one of the highest causes of death in Nigeria (CDC in Nigeria Report 2012a). From this brief analysis it can be adduced that the dominance of unwholesome sexual relationships among youths and young adults account for the high rate of HIV/AIDS cases in Nigeria. Again, the prevalence of the disease among people of the working class in Nigeria, as well as the inability to tender medical solutions for the cure of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, should send a note of warning. If not checked, the virus can quickly spread across a large percentage of the working class, and may result in a dangerous sharp decline in the labor force of the nation.

The Fight against HIV/AIDS so Far For the last few decades, this ‘little virus” has engaged the mental and physical resources of top medical researchers across the world. Many African traditional healers have also attempted to proffer herbal solutions to the dreaded disease. As a result, while HIV/AIDS remains incurable, much has been discovered by both groups of medical practitioners, in mounting a defense of palliative measures against it. Thus, modern medical science has enabled researchers to develop drug combinations that offer new hope to HIV/AIDS patients. Infected patients have had to depend on retro-viral drugs to manage the disease (WHO Report 2013). The ABC campaign became popular as a result. The general public is sensitized on abstinence, the need to be faithful, and the use of condom. Other preventive measures like proper screening of blood before transfusion, appropriate sterilization of sharp instruments before use etc., have also dominated public awareness campaigns across Africa, and in Nigeria in particular.

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A Critical Remark on the Fight against HIV/AIDS A critical analysis of the above reveals that major effort is expended on curtailing indiscriminate expressions of sexuality. This is practically due to the fact that the life force of the spread of the disease is unrestricted sex. Again, the ABC strategy is in itself watered down by undue emphasis on the use of condoms. Many depend on condoms, which do not guarantee a hundred percent protection against HIV (CDC Report 2013b). This has led to the continuance of indiscriminate sex practices, especially among the youths. It is the view of this chapter that the huge billboards advertising condoms have done nothing to reduce the spread of HIV, but rather have served as fuel and encouragement for youths to continue in indiscriminate sex practices. To prevent or halt the spread of HIV in 21st century Nigeria, it will require more than the celebration and advertisement of condoms. It will require the understanding of chastity as a concept both in the Bible and African conception. The conservative position, which is to the modern man an “old school” concept, must be amplified as much or more than the voice given to condoms in adverts. What we find rather appropriate is "Zip Up", a slogan deeply rooted in chastity, as sex within marriage is worth waiting for.

The Concept of Chastity in the Bible and Edo Culture This work at this juncture attempts a merge of the idea of chastity in the Bible and African culture, using the Edo People of Nigeria as a sample case. This is done here to show in essence that the culture of the Bible days and that of Africa are essentially the same in content and position, especially in issues of morality and standard ethical conducts. Hence there is no need to discuss them separately. The assertion that the culture of the Bible is in most parts more synonymous with African culture is incontestable. African biblical scholars have adopted several methodologies in redefining the relationship of Africa and Africans with the people and culture of the Bible (Adamo 1998). There is indeed so much that comes to light when one compares the events of the Bible especially the Old Testament with similar events in African culture. When viewed together, the concept of chastity, which is the main thrust of this paper, particularly stands out. The concept of chastity flourishes in both cultures. Many biblical scholars agree that it is the call of Abraham that marks the beginning of the history of Israel (Flanders, Crapps, and Smith 1973). As early as the call, the concept of chastity was already evident. Apart from idol worship, which dominated the environment from where

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Abraham was called, sexual perversion also rated high among the gentile nation (Ewah 2010). According to Abe (2004), it was commonplace to have mystical sexual union of male and female prostitutes at the sanctuaries dedicated to gods and goddesses in that environment. It is from among these sexual perverts, Yahweh called Abraham. It can be said with certainty that the call was a call to purity or chastity. At the emergence of the Israelites, the people of the Bible, Yahweh showed His total abhorrence of sexual impurity by condemning every act of sexual perversion. The Edo people, although with an unclear history of origin, are a distinct ethnic group in Nigeria with many sub-units, each of which speaks a patois of the Edo stem-language (Aisien 1995). The Edospeaking group, whose traditional base is Benin City, is the focal reference in this chapter. Like the nation of Israel of the Bible culture prior to modernity, Edo people also frowned at every form of sexual immorality and physical nudity denoting illicit sexual union. With this thus as a foundation, this chapter now analyzes some critical aspects of chastity as a major concept in both the Bible and Edo culture.

Adultery What is today modified as infidelity or unfaithfulness in marriage is traditionally known as adultery in both the Bible and Edo culture. The Decalogue, which is considered the most vital of the Old Testament Laws, contains as one of its paramount prohibitions “you shall not commit adultery” (Ex. 20:14). The Old Testament Laws speak of intercourse as appropriate only within the marriage context. The act of Adultery was followed by a death penalty. It is clearly spelt out that if a man commits adultery with the wife of his neighbor, both the adulterer and the adulteress shall be put to death (Lev. 20:10). The consciousness of the punishment did more than strengthen their relationship with Yahweh their God, it also shaped the sexual orientation of the Hebrew society. This concept finds almost an equivalent in Edo culture where adultery is greatly abhorred. Once a marriage is contracted, the woman is bound by tradition only to her husband. Although both cultures allowed men to marry more than one wife, it was however a matter of choice. Among the Edos, it was a thing of shame for one to be found in the act of adultery. The act itself is termed awua meaning “abomination”. While the atrocity was visited with physical death penalty in the Bible, among the Edos punishment was completely left in the hands of the ancestors, which often time visited offenders with terrible sickness or even death (Osabuohien 2014), of self

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or child. Both cultures thus maintained a very strong position on chastity in marriage.

Virginity In ancient times, virginity was a highly prized virtue. It was a prerequisite for every female before marriage. Among traditional Edo people, sex was an exclusive reserve for the married ones. In typical Edo culture, it was foreign to hear of a young girl losing her virginity before the formal consummation of marriage. In the event of its occurrence, it was not only considered a thing of shame and disgrace for the girl, but also for the parents (Osabuohien 2014). Like the Edo people, virginity was highly treasured among the Hebrews of the Bible. Their culture celebrated virgins. In fact, the custom allowed a girl to go into her husband on her wedding night with a white piece of cloth which, when stained after intercourse, became a token for her virginity (Deut. 22). In addition, there were myriad laws that prohibited sexual violation of women in the Bible. The law was clear that any man who violates a woman marries her without provision for divorce (Deut. 22:19). These laws were not only to protect the woman against sexual assaults but they helped in ensuring a chaste society and a sexually transmitted disease-free environment. The typical Edo society was so organized in the expression of their sexuality that every young man got married as soon as they were deemed fit. According to Osabuohien (2014), one of the criteria for marriage was the ability to fend for a family, so that any man who felt the urge to have a wife had to show his readiness by hard work. This is unlike the 21st century Nigerian youths, who hide away their incompetence by subscribing to the use of condoms. Currently, the modern tide of “boyfriend and girlfriend” relationships has eliminated the remnants of the value of virginity among today’s youths. For a fifteen-year-old and above to be a virgin has almost become “abnormal”. It is now almost entirely old-fashioned to keep one’s virginity before the consummation of marriage.

Prostitution It will be a difficult task to try to define prostitution for the 21st century generation to understand. This is because it is only a thin line that separates the “boyfriend/girlfriend” syndrome from prostitution. However, prostitution was prohibited for the Hebrews as it was viewed as a perversion and was seriously discouraged. To show the gravity of

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prostitution as a sin in the sight of Yahweh their God, the Israelites’ ethical prophets often used whoredom as an allegory of the sum of their sins against Yahweh. The act was repugnant to God (Ezek. 43:9; Hos. 1:2). Historically speaking, until the Edo people started having contact with people from other cultures, it is believed that there was nothing like prostitution among them. According to Pa Ehiosu (2014), there are two common words used for prostitutes by the Edo people. They are Osukka and Igbiagia. The first one is a Benin corruption of the Igbo word nsukka. It is held that it was the trade contact of the Benins with the Igbos from Nsukka that first introduced prostitutes to Benin. This contact, although uncertain, is believed to be before the advent of the Portuguese in Benin in the 15th century. It is held in addition that it was the Igbo women who were stranded in Benin that began the act of sleeping with men for money. The Benins called them Osuka because they came from Nsukka. Eventually, it became a derogatory word, which the Benins used to refer to anyone with un-curtailed sexual behavior (Ehiosu 2014). The second word Igbiagia is probably from a more distant period. The meaning, though not certain, could have been “those who play rough”. The term gradually assumed a reference to a man or woman without decency in expressing his or her sexuality (Osahemwinda 2014). What is clear is that prostitution was prohibited in the Bible and Edo culture and was clearly against the idea of chastity that both cultures held strongly.

Chastity in the New Testament The 21st century Nigeria is acclaimed to have more than half of her total population as Christians yet the didactical morals of the church of the Bible are hardly visible among Christians of today. The New Testament opens with the story of the virgin birth of Jesus. This shows that the Old Testament concept of chastity was still being maintained in the New Testament. Why would virginity be used as a substance to explain the divinity of Jesus if not to show that the Hebraic concept of purity and chastity continued into the New Testament? It thus required a pure person like Jesus Christ to be born by a chaste person, the Virgin Mary (Matt. 2). In what might be seen as deeper understanding of the concept of chastity, Jesus Himself said when a man looks lustfully at a woman; he has committed adultery in his heart with her (Matt. 5:28). Again, regarding marriage, Jesus states that God intended a marriage to be between a man and a woman from the beginning, strengthening the fact that chastity in marriage is not only a cultural virtue, but also a divine mandate (Mark. 10:4). The Jerusalem Council, which addressed the basic issues that

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bothered the church at its formation, concluded with a set of rules, which the Gentiles (those who will come to Christ from other nations apart from Israel) were mandated to observe. The rules were: to abstain from the pollution of idols, from the meat of strangled animals, from blood and from unchastely conducts (Acts 15:20, 29). Writing to churches located in the Gentile world, where the moral standards were quite different, Paul was much more articulate and specific in affirming what was moral and not moral. Although he insisted on justification by faith, he however regarded the law as a sound guide to good moral conduct. Upon the premise of this understanding, Paul therefore labeled every sexual impurity an act of immorality – Porneia (Galatians 5:19). It is thus evident that the concept of chastity is well rooted in both the Bible and Edo culture. What remains is the deployment of the concept in remedying the continuous havoc of the monstrous disease - HIV/AIDS.

Chastity: A Remedy for HIV/AIDS One basic fact that has been established in this research is that HIV/AIDS only continues to spread in an alarming rate especially in Nigeria through indiscriminate sexual relations. Unwholesome sexual expressions account for more than 85% of new cases of HIV/AIDS contractions. In essence, the power or fuel of the monstrous disease is sexual perversion. To halt the progressive momentum of the HIV/AIDS pandemic in 21st century Nigeria, the power source must be decisively and consciously dealt with. Sex or sexuality must be perceived from the absolutely right perspective. Sex and sexuality itself must be understood not only as a gift from the creator, but also as a powerful tool that can make or mar the future of the people. All these must be done within a conceptual framework, which can easily be appreciated by all. In this regard, this paper has identified chastity as a comprehensive concept that appropriately defines the confines of sex and sexual relations. In this study, the extremes of celibacy are not intended, neither is the sexual voluptuousness of this modern age supported. Instead, chastity has been picked up from the Bible and the Edo cultures and the dust of many years removed in a way that it can be relevant in combating the spread of HIV/AIDS. Chastity is not one of the celebrated concepts of today. We are in the age where like in Sodom of old, men and women are championing homosexual rights, gay and lesbian marriages are sanctioned and backed by international laws, boys and girls bask in the euphoria of boyfriends

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and girlfriends, indiscriminate sexual relations dominate virtually every affair, prostitutes demand recognition and legal backing for their “trade,” nudity is celebrated in the name of modern fashion. In a world submerged in these modern trends, a disease like HIV/AIDS will not only thrive, but will undoubtedly wipe out the better part of humanity in a matter of time. The Biblical and Edo concepts of chastity, which celebrate purity in marriage, frown at adultery, celebrate virginity, and condemn prostitution; will unarguably be an efficacious remedy for halting the spread of HIV/AIDS.

Conclusion Attempts have been made in this chapter to examine the intricate dimensions of chastity in both the Bible and Edo understanding. The concept of chastity has been conservatively explored to give credence to the position that, when effectively deployed, chastity can be a remedy to the HIV/AIDS scourge in 21st century Nigeria. Therefore, all hands must be on deck in promoting this ethical principle.

Recommendations This paper has clearly established the point that chastity is vital in stemming the continued spread and the attendant consequences of HIV/AIDS. We therefore make the following recommendations: I

Parents and guardians should rise up to the challenge of ensuring the proper upbringing of their children and wards. The admonition of Proverbs 22:6 is very instructive in this regard. II The emphasis on chastity should be strengthened among the youths. This should be done in the various places of worship and learning institutions across the nation. Programs and events that teach and encourage chastity should be created and showcased in this regard. III The virtue of virginity should once more be encouraged, as it was in the beginning. Government, NGOs, Corporate Organizations et cetera should organize virgin pageantry/competitions and publicly reward winners. The models who emerge from these shows can effectively become role models and ambassadors in the campaign against HIV/AIDS in Nigeria. IV Religion and moral instructions should be taught and made compulsory at all tiers of our nation's educational system.

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References Abe, O. Gabriel. 2004. History and Theology of Sacrifice in the Old Testament, Benin City: Seevon. Achalu, E.I. 1993. AIDS and other Sexually Transmitted Diseases: What Everyone Should Know.Ibadan: Wemilore Press. Adamo, T. David.1998. Africa and Africans in the Old Testament, Eugene, USA: Wipf and Stock Publishers. Aisien, Ekhaguosa. 1995. Benin City: The Edo State Capital, Benin City: Aisien Publishers. Akintunde, Dorcas. 2006. “HIV/AIDS: God’s Punishment for Sexual Perversion? The Nigeria Experience”. Biblical View on Sex and Sexuality from African Perspective, Series 5, Edited by Abogunrin, O. Samuel, 268-277, Ibadan: Alofe Nig. Ent. CDC Report in Nigeria. 2012a. “Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS”, Feb. 8 2014, CDC Report. 2013b. “Condom Effectiveness: Male Latex Condoms and Sexually Transmitted Diseases”. March 4 2014. http://www.cdc.gov/condomeffectiveness/latex.htm> Dairo, A. Olalekan. 2006. “Christians and HIV/AIDS Scourge in Nigeria: The Issue of Abstinence and Faithfullness”, In Biblical View on Sex and Sexuality from African Perspective, Series 5, Edited by Abogunrin, O. Samuel, 312-319. Ibadan: Alofe Nig. Ent. Edohen, John. 2014. “Chastity in Edo Understanding”. Personal interview, Benin City, Feb. 13. Ehiosu, Osarobo. 2014. “Chastity in Edo Understanding”, Personal Interview, Benin City March 4. Esegbue, Grace. 2006. “Biblical Solution to the HIV/AIDS Scourge”, In Biblical View on Sex and Sexuality from African Perspective, Series 5,Edited by Abogunrin, O. Samuel, 320-331,Ibadan: Alofe Nig. Ent. Ewah, Daniel. 2010. “Prostitution in Nigeria: The Christian Perspective,” In Religion and the Nigerian Nation: Some Topical Issues, 241-267. Edited by Celestina O. Isiramen, Ibadan: En-Joy Press. Federal Ministry of Health. 2003. The Obasanjo Reforms: HIV/AIDS Response, Abuja: Federal Ministry of Health. Flanders, H. Jackson, Robert W. Crapps, and David A. Smith. 1973 The People of the Covenant, New York: Ronald Press Company. Hornby, S. Albert. et al (eds). 2010. Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, 8th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Isiramen, O. Celestina. 2005. “HIV/AIDS and the Nigeria Society: An Ethical-theological Response”. Readings in General Studies, 2nd ed.

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Isiramen, O. Celestina and Agbebaku, C. Agatha. 252-261, Benin City: Imprint Services. Lambo, Ayitoya. 2007. “The Fight against HIV/AIDS”. NTA Nationwide News, 4pm, Dec. 1 2007. Mandal, Anaya. 2010. “What is HIV/AIDS,” Feb. 8 2014,. Olukayode, A. Afolabi & Adesina A. Adelekun . 2005. “HIV/AIDS: Psychlogical and Therapeutical Issues in Disclosure of Diagnosis,” Iroro Journal of Arts, 10.2: 81-89. Online Nigeria Group. 2014. “AIDS” Feb. 8 2014, . Osabuohien, Robert. 2014. “Chastity in Edo Understanding”. Personal Interview, Benin City, March 4 2014. Osahenmwinda, Sunday. 2014. “Chastity in Edo Understanding”. Personal Interview, Benin City, Feb. 12 2014. Powell, Collin. 2002. Awake, Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society. Schoub, D. Barry. 1999. AIDS and HIV in Perspective: A Guide to Understanding the Virus and its Consequence, 2nd ed. London: Cambridge University Press. The AIDS Institute. 2007. “Where did HIV Come From?” Feb. 8 2014. . UNFPA Report on Nigeria. 2009 “HIV and AIDS”. Feb. 8 2014 . United Nations. 2013. “Global Report on AIDS Epidemic”. UNAIDS Global Report 2013. Feb. 8 2014, http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/documents/epide miology/2013/gr2013/UNAIDS_Global_Report_2013_en.pdf>. USAID Report on HIV/AIDS Pandemic. 2013. “Statistics on AIDS in Nigeria”. Feb. 8 2014, . WHO Programs. 2013. “HIV/AIDS: Use of Antiretroviral for Treatment and Prevention of HIV Infection”. March 4 2014, . Wikipedia FreeEncyclopedia. 2004. “Chastity”. January 23 2014, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chastity .

PART IV: CINEMATIC AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS

CHAPTER FIFTEEN AFRICAN CINEMA: TROUBLING THE (CINEMATIC WORLD) ORDER KENNETH W. HARROW DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH, MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY, USA

========================================================== Keynote Lecture delivered during the 2nd Faculty of Arts International Conference on The Humanities and the Dynamics of African Culture in the 21st century, March 11th to 15, 2014 at Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Nigeria ==========================================================

Introduction How does African cinema trouble the order of world cinema? The construction of the category of world cinema comes at a price: it produces order and simultaneously detritus. The detritus is seen in relation to the value “world cinema” generates by admitting “world films” into its lists, into its anthologies and courses and conference panels, into its sensibility of what is worthy of being a “world” film and not just a local film. The opposition of global and local is not neutral, any more than the construction of the category of world cinema has been neutral or unhierarchical. But to understand the cost of using the category, we have to have a notion of what is not world cinema — be it film that does not enter the global flow, in any of Appadurai’s terms (what he calls ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, financescapes, and ideoscapes; Modernity at Large), that is, that does not qualify for globalization, or that cannot enter the lists of the candidates. For instance, 1,000 or 1,500 Nollywood (Nigerian) films a year are too numerous to be vetted, and their use of melodrama and amateurish production tools disqualifies them. The question of what counts as world cinema compels us to query what qualifies as a film, rather than as amateurish footage thrown together

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inexpensively. And simultaneously it pushes us to ask what qualifies as African cinema. The three questions, what is a “real” film, an African film, and a global film lead to the key issue, what is the relationship between African film and world cinema, and how does a given definition of what is an acceptable film, much less a global film, drive that relationship. This study will consider the orders of world cinema as generative of their own detritus, their own extraneous materials where every order, to be an order, has to mark its exclusions. Some films from the global south are included in categories of world cinema, but many are not. What determines those categories, and what global systems now shape them by means that were not central in the past before globalization and commodity capitalism so deeply marked cultural flows? What disruptions to the orders are effected once we take seriously the African “trash” that is normally excluded? Dudley Andrew (in “An Atlas of World Cinema”, 2006) dances around defining the term “world cinema”, stating that it first replaced “foreign art film” when it was mobilized against Hollywood in the 1990s. “Sometimes post-colonial critics mobilize the term, as nations vie for recognition at film festivals”, and he associates the ascension of the term with the “shrinking” of national literature departments. He argues it should put students inside “unfamiliar conditions of viewing”: “This is the pedagogical promise of world cinema, a manner of treating foreign films systematically, transcending the vagaries of taste; taking the measure of ‘the foreign’ in what is literally a freshly recognized global dimension”. No need to ask whose “unfamiliarity” is at stake: he has already positioned the voyage as a departure for those used to the conventional approaches of art film classes, and they are his students, our students, the students in “our” classrooms. The voyage to the ports of the unfamiliar is viewed from the Archimedean point from which the familiar views the unfamiliar, and which for Dudley is located in the West — or now, we would say, the global north. Travel does not necessarily imply a one-way journey, but when we are moving to foreign locations with “local” cinemas, it is clear enough that the globally local is the site of an otherness that provides the nodes of unfamiliarity. “Hollywood” is the foil for the “local”, but more specifically, for the independents in film; and the “local” locations for independents could be anywhere, whereas the ports of call for the global are always elsewhere, and especially, in places that are “remote”, if not “exotic.” As Michael Chanan (2006) writes, world cinema appears, like “world music”, a marketing label performing its work of selection based on the

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rules of global commoditization of culture. For Chanan, world cinema, “it is not so much a body of work, however, as a certain approach, which seeks to escape the bias of conventional scholarship against the marginal”. As for the argument that the global and the digital revolution have eliminated the center-margin divide, he retorts, “The age of globalization has not basically changed the international balance of power in the field of cultural production from its post-war configuration when the globe came to be divided into three worlds”. He continues, provocatively, “The problem with trying to reconceive the centre-periphery model is that it remains in operation”. He links Hollywood, the majors, and their hegemony with superpower imperialism, and though the language has a certain old-fashioned flavor, his central claim is that neoliberal global capitalism is, more than ever, marked by the distribution of power. This point is captured effectively as he argues that the “de-centred image”, the image that challenges the dominant visual cultures, the norm, in the public sphere, is also what characterizes the notion of world cinema whenever it is evoked, and that is because the “centers” of cinematic production, constitute “a network of film studios around the world, typically located in or near world cities on different continents, like London, or Hong Kong, which belong to the same (or rival) cartel”. He concludes that: “It is impossible to think about world cinema as a concept or category without this divisive optic [World vs. First Cinema] entering in”. Our question would then be to ask whether the relationship he envisions between world cinema and Hollywood does not evoke, asymmetrically, that between African and world cinema — a question all the more pertinent in light of the digital revolution that has birthed Nollywood and its several reiterations in Ghana, Cameroon, Kenya, Tanzania, and elsewhere. Interestingly, when he returns to the geographic metaphor to describe the non-centered films, it is in terms like those used by Andrew, that is, far-off and unfamiliar: “From time to time we’re reminded of this otherness by new cinematic waves from countries previously beyond the horizon, like Iran or China, which stimulate great interest precisely because there’s nothing like cinema to create new imaginary geographies of far-away and unknown places” (3). Of course, this leaves open the question, “unknown” to whom, and far-away from where? In answer to this question, a number of important anthologies of world cinema studies have appeared. The Amazon description of The Oxford History of World Cinema (1999) unintentionally approaches self-parody: “In The Oxford History of World Cinema, an international team of film historians traces the history of this enduringly popular entertainment

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medium. Covering all aspects of its development, stars, studios, and cultural impact, the book celebrates and chronicles over one hundred years of diverse achievement from Westerns to the new wave, from animation to the avant-garde, and from Hollywood to Hong Kong”. There is one fivepage chapter on African cinema in its 767 pages. As leading theorists of international cinemas, Andrew and Chanan have marked the stagings of what has become “world cinema”, and they present lead essays in Dennison and Lim’s 2006 anthology whose title bears the mark of Andrew’s approach: Remapping World Cinema. The new map excludes African cinema altogether from the collection, perhaps indicating the extent to which the economics of globalization have driven African filmmaking to new lows in production. However, the older visions of this “world” exclude the quick and dirty productions of video films — now digital films — which by 2006 had resulted in approximately 1,000 films a year being made in Nigeria, and which had transformed the celluloid forms of serious African filmmaking into a highly commercial, financially driven industry, with small scale budgets making possible a vast local enterprise. More attuned to notions of local cultural productions as marked by transnational influences, Durovicova and Newman’s World Cinemas, Transnational Perspectives (2010) succeeds in evoking a range of perspectives that theorize the parameters of globalized cinemas, leaning on Appadurai’s flows, transnational exchanges, geopolitical imaginaries, framed by the sense of the inadequacies of past critical approaches, the dead-end of national or industrial models that replicated models of the center-marginal even as it celebrated the notions of diversity that sustained them. Durovicova introduces her volume by signaling that dissatisfaction: “The impulse for this volume came from the pairing of a pedagogic dissatisfaction with a historiographic question. Given the rapid and pervasive changes in moving image economies and technologies, the backdrop against which any represented geopolitical entity now appears is the scale of the whole - ‘the world.’ Yet the dominant strategy that teaching world cinema most commonly takes is the format of an aggregate of discrete units of national cinemas, arranged in a sequence of peak moments, even while presenting them ‘under erasure’; so as to acknowledge the limits of the nation-state paradigm as the basic filmhistorical unit. How then should the geopolitical imaginary of the discipline of film studies be upgraded to a transnational perspective, broadly conceived as above the level of the national, but below the level of the global?” Krings and Okome, in Global Nollywood: The Transnational Dimensions of an African Video Film Industry (2013), open a breach in the

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scholarship by identifying the transnational in Nollywood itself. Their emphasis falls on the audience and its desire to participate in modernity. They account for Nollywood’s popularity by stressing its “Africanity”, which its audiences find relevant; and they stress its vernacular modernity, what the Comaroffs (2011) have dubbed “Afromodernity”. Nollywood’s industry is continually positioned historically as fostering a popular cinema in contrast to auteurist African cinema. Their genres are grounded in experiences and aspirations familiar to the Nigerian audiences, in contrast to mainstream Hollywood films. It is no longer strictly oppositional to that dominant cinema, but rather functions without needing to respond to Western negative stereotyping of Africans. To get at the current scene in African film, I will turn to portions of Diawara’s 2010 African Film: New Forms of Aesthetics and Politics, only to the extent that they provide an opening to the central question of how the range of filmmaking practices in Africa today, from serious independent films to Nollywood style mini-industries across the continent, are generating a corpus of works that require a reconceptualization of the new transnational notions of globalization. Manthia Diawara sets about the task of presenting the “new” in a manner that is totally different from his first, programmatic study written twenty years ago, African Cinema: Politics and Culture (1992 Indiana), a book that has had a significant impact on African film studies, as has Frank Ukadike’s Black African Cinema (1994), written two years later. Both books set out to present the broad features of African cinema. In the last chapter of Diawara’s study in particular, he utilizes a few key categories, like Return to the Sources, Colonial Confrontation, Social Realist, which have been repeatedly cited over the years. What’s new, then, are two things. First, the kinds of films we are now seeing: Nollywood of course, but three other categories that Diawara lists in summarizing the films we have seen emerge in the past twenty years, that is, in the period following what has been called oppositional cinema. Secondly, new kinds of critical approaches, again those introduced by Jonathan Haynes in his groundbreaking writing about Nollywood, where he called for new work on popular genres and sociopolitical studies. I would say that the critical voices who have taken up this baton and carried the work forward in the most interesting and significant ways are Moradewun Adejunmobi (2007), especially in her essay on Nollywood as minor transnational cinema, and Carmela Garritano (2013), whose study of Gannywood is important, not only because of her careful historicizing and political contextualizing of the cinema of Ghana, but especially because of her appreciation of the ways video films are being conceptualized and

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received. In particular, I think the combination of Adejunmobi’s work and Garritano’s work leads us to ask: “What is the distinction to be made between films seeking to connect to audiences across wider, even transnational spheres of marketing, and those directed at local audiences?” To be concrete, when Socrate Safo made films in Twi, with local settings, familiar Accra neighborhoods, and culturally indigenous languages, he was trying to reach a niche audience that would not automatically turn to those Anglophone Nollywood films that had much higher production values than what he could compete with. The audiences in Accra that saw Shirley Frimpong-Manso’s films, more expensive than the usual, quickly turned out, video films, less local in their address, more professional in their post-production qualities, compared them to Hollywood, and, according to Garritano, placed them in that category of professional, as opposed to the local, presumably more amateurish, ones. We can link this to Franco Moretti’s (2013) well-known notion of distance reading, where he claims that the changes wrought by the global, in terms of literature, have obviated the necessity for close readings. Indeed, what would a close reading mean in translation, and for our purposes, what would a Yoruba, or even English, Nollywood film “mean” in translation. The issues raised by the critical apparatus concerning Nollywood are rarely framed in terms of close reading, but rather as variants of cultural studies, that is, popular studies or global studies in its economist iteration. Moretti states “distant reading” is not an indication of feeble, outsider epistemic violence, but rather a necessary consequence of distance itself, “where distance, let me repeat it, is a condition of knowledge: it allows you to focus on units that are much smaller or much larger than the text: devices, themes, tropes — or genres and systems. And if, between the very small and the very large, the text itself disappears, well, it is one of those cases where one can justifiably say less is more. If we want to understand the system in its entirety, we must accept losing something. We always pay a price for theoretical knowledge: reality is infinitely rich; concepts are abstract, poor. But it’s precisely this ‘poverty’ that makes it possible to handle them, and therefore to know. This is why less is actually more…” (101). In the Global South, it isn’t merely abstract concepts that are poor, but conditions of production that are actually determinant in shaping both the technological quality of the product, and the decisions about how to market the films, and, as a consequence, how to construct them. Kannywood offers a good model. For Larkin, local post-production imperfections generated their own scratchy style, what I would dub trashy, which generated the audience’s own cultivated tastes.

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II. The three new waves of cinema that Diawara identifies are Arte, La Guilde des Cinéastes, and the New Popular African cinema. Unlike Social Realist or Colonial Confrontation, which are defined in well-recognized genre or thematic terms, these three are very amorphous, allowing for any kind of genre or theme. What marks them, rather, are the conditions of production and of reception and exhibition. What accounts for their production, who sees them, and where. We are always tiptoeing around Nollywood in the discussion that follows. And we are always called to ask what relationship they bear to a cinema whose primary marker might well be identified as distant - distance from a dominant and its indifference, its economist models, or distance from its own genealogy that would account for its distinguishing traits. Arte films are described as, well, what you would think an Arte film should be. Auteuristic, but now inflected by African sensibilities, influenced by African approaches of the past, addressing key African issues, like immigration, in the present. Diawara emphasizes “language” in this study, so he contrasts the “poetic” language of Sissako with the “linear and realist language” of Sembène, although you have to understand that by “language” he is referring to film language. When Diawara describes, for instance, the shots in La vie sur terre (1999), he opens up the possibilities of reading grammar in ways that make possible an artist’s grappling with his desire to embrace a certain Africa whose rhythms of life he heard echoed as far back as in the work of Césaire. When Diawara describes the open square before the town of Sokolo, he writes: “As the donkeys come into the frame and move away from the camera, we realize that everything in the shot has been choreographed and directed to reveal the inscription of time on that particular space” (102). Then he goes on to show, with precision, how that occurs, how “human beings and animals are put on the same level and in a relation of equality by the way they occupy the space, as described by the movement of time” (102), how they each become objects of the mise-en-scene in such a way as to generate the “rhythm and architecture of time in space”, calling attention to the mise-en-scene. This ordering establishes a difference, within the visual space, from the “chaotic reality outside the frame”, toward which Sissako gestures in his opening, establishing shots of the supermarket, and in the frenetic sound of the radio broadcasts heard in Mali, announcing the New Millennium from Paris. All this new pleasure Sissako affords us differs from “Sembènian realism”, according to Diawara, in its poeticization, but also its selfconscious manner of evoking an African presence that is distinct from what Diawara calls the “imperfect” cinema of Sembène.

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The second wave has no clear formulation. What is La Guilde, after all, except those for whom filmmaking is an art, learned from the masters, with the new apprentices now free to experiment on their own. Bekolo is the choice example, and it is clear that Aristotle’s Plot (2000) works much better in this regard than his latest, more programmatic film Le President (2014), or than the second half of Les Saignantes (2005) where the parody of the Minister, and by association Biya’s government, or better still, Mbembe’s autocratic ruler, comes to replace the stupendous story of Mevoundou and her acolytes, the Saignantes. La Guilde seems to consist of the younger, or at one time younger generation in the 1990s, and lumps together people like Teno and Bekolo, whose styles and approaches could not be more different, but yet whose desire is to articulate a new ideology of cinematic language, and what we can call cinematic politics. What joins them is clear in their use of irony, especially in the ironic address to the camera. However, differences are significant: Bekolo has often turned to jump cut, disjunctive, jazzy, rhythms of editing and movement, whereas Teno has retained a more linear style, while heavily marking his narratives with a signature subjective voiceover whose deep irony is grounded not in postmodern aesthetics but in what Jameson disavowed as the marker of postmodernism, a commitment to foundational values rather than to the politics of pastiche. Teno is anything but anxious about his subjectivity, as the voiceover’s assurances of basic values conveys. In this regard, he is closer to other “Guilde” filmmakers like Danny Kouyaté, and especially those important figures like Akomfrah and the Black Audio Film Collective, with whom Diawara says they are in conversation, or their progenitors like Gerima or Clyde Taylor, who used the term L.A. Rebellion to define the LA School. Thus it is all the more understandable, while yet questionable, that Diawara both mocks a certain position of overly defensive African-ness, which he associates perhaps unjustly with the continent, while at the same time asserting the need for African voices to remain authentic. He writes, of the Guild cineastes, as largely diasporic, that they have “done more questioning of Western stereotypes of Africa than those directors residing in Africa who believe that simply telling ‘authentic’ African stories is enough. African diaspora directors, such as Germia and Akomfrah, are strongly convinced that the image of Africa and that of its diaspora are inextricably intertwined, and that fixing one without the other is like trying to save water by pouring it in the sand”. He continues, “The image must therefore be continually worked on; it must be imbued with connotations that resist negative signifiers of the African in Western media and with an imaginary that is both ageless and new”. This image, he claims, “refuses

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colonization and absolutist definitions” (130). This certainly defines Diawara’s own work itself, as conceiving of itself as faithful to a black identity and its imperatives, and yet not restricted to old school notions of revolutionary art and ideology. If the first wave is the most auteurist, and the second most marked by diaspora sensibilities, the third way, vaguely termed “New Popular African Cinema”, is at once the most amorphous and at the same time African. After praising Senghor’s call for an African specificity associated with qualities like rhythm - qualities that return in a more positive frame in cinematic terms than in terms of affect, which degrade Negritude into a cheap essentialism - Diawara looks to films like Finye (1982) or Le retour d’un aventurier (1966) or Love Brewed in an African Pot (1981) for the use of “African ingredients” to combat the “recognized genres of the West”. While they employ familiar genres like romance or melodrama, they take new popular forms, deploying “African ingredients and spices within old genres” (142-3). Popular is measured in the relationship of this cinema to its audience, in which he says the films have served to “constitute the first beginning of African cinema for Africans” (145). How these films, still not readily seen in Africa, and certainly not in theatres that are almost nonexistent, constitute a first beginning of an African cinema for Africans, rather than video films from Ghana and Nollywood, is a mystery to me. But the aspiration, if not the fulfillment of this claim, does much in defining its essential traits. The “real culture”, the “real people”, to whom this cinema relates is, strangely enough in an age of globalization, defined much in national terms. Thus he finds the film language informed by the national elements of dance, language, oral traditions etc, like Mouradism and the Sabar, Senegalese religious and dance forms. For the cosmopolitan, and global scholar, these might be termed local, not national formulations, and the circulation of these filmmakers work — like Karmen Gei (2001) or Le Prix du pardon (2001) cannot be separated from the international festival circuit and the transnational commercial circuit, such as is found on websites dedicated to African films. These films cannot be defined simply as a body of films targeting national audiences, even if “the colors of the national flag and the dress style of the Baye Fall” are deployed in what Diawara calls the “new Senegalese cinema” (146). In this clip from Tunde Kelani’s Abeni (2006), we are crossing the lines between Nollywood and the popular, as Diawara defines it as marked by “African spices” mixed with old genres. The genres of Nollywood encompass the romance, the juju thriller, the crime thriller, the travel adventure, etc. In this film, Abeni, the heroine, will have many miles to go before she can finally arrive at the

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happily married state the melodrama of romance demands. En route, Kelani comically introduces the Americanized hipster sons who have been spoiled by their encounter with African American hip-hop culture and crime. In each of Diawara’s moves to establish an African authenticity independent of the European dominant, the question becomes, what is the other against which an African authenticity is being established? On the one hand, it would seem to be Hollywood, or dominant Western cinema, or now, another transnational cultural scape called world cinema. But there is a third other, which is African cinema itself. Diawara takes his distance from Judith Butler’s (1997) notion of assujetissement, in which one must subordinate oneself to the other in order to assume a subject position. If being authentically African means not subjecting oneself to the European cinematic other, or to the critical standards located in the European, dominant, Western critical establishment, then Diawara rejects, in all three cases, as calabash cinema a simple “return to the sources” as a condition for African subjectivity. This, in fact, he attributes to what French producers found as their comforting image of Africans. Yet he also signals at every turn the need to achieve an independence from the “Western iconography of Africa” (127). If this iconography, and its accompanying ideology, is the other against which the African authentic has to establish its independence, then independence itself is marked by the West in its very move to be independent of it: it is the frame that determines the scope and shape of independence. And this would seem all the more true when we are talking about directors whose training – and this includes Sissako, Bekolo, Ramaka — was abroad, in Europe, and in one fashion or another, deeply marked by such central figures as Godard, Truffaut, French New Wave, Russian social realist, Italian neorealist, and, to a lesser degree, international versions of film noir. Even Teno’s Clando (1996) borrows heavily from the vocabulary of the latter, despite Teno’s great insistence on cultural independence from the French. It isn’t that Europe is necessarily present in this interplay of the subject and power; but rather than European cinema, its languages of the camera, and its forms of the story, alongside those being invented in Africa, are always present. The authentic African subject is still in revolt for Diawara, but for him the African cinematic subject position doesn’t make the double move of also identifying with, assuming the power of, the other against which he or she revolts. The other of these three categories is not as reductive as the concept of the West implies. For wave one, Arte cinema, and two, the Guild, it is not just or simply Western or world cinema, or

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Hollywood, that is the other, but African cinema itself. If the third category of the popular tropes on Western popular genres, it is closer to identifying with that other which is the target of revolt of the first two waves. What then would be the other of Nollywood? Here it is a cinema virtually freed of its own African cinematic antecedents. Yoruba travelling theatre and telenovelas are at a considerable remove from the “Fathers” of African cinema. Rather, Nollywood’s pursuit of an ideal of professionalism is modeled after Hollywood, and not African cinema, whose ideologies leave it indifferent, and whose production values are dismissed. The Nollywoodian films are blithely unaware of, indifferent to, African cinema, but very aware of mainstream Hollywood, dominant cinema, and even more, TV telenovelas and the like. Whereas for Diawara’s three waves it is primarily African cinema whose voice speaks in or through the new waves, as the other to be embraced and rejected. Between the twin poles of submission and revolt, the emphasis in wave one and two is on revolt against the African cinema as other, while the third wave emphasizes submission, although all three are also marked by their opposite emphasis. The name of this African cinema other I am calling the Spectre of Sembène. He haunts the premises of Diawara’s hotel in Ouaga, where he used to hang out during FESPACO. He laughs, pipe clenched in his teeth, at those who mock his program and night school, and at those who aspire to become the new father of African cinema, knowing that there can be only one father, and that in each new generation it will become necessary for the new African cinema to discover that it is time to give recognition to the marginalized mothers, once again, even as it repeats the sins of the sons. They imagine themselves as being in mortal combat with the father even as his name is slowly passing under erasure, as Faat Kine moves from her position in front of the lens to one that is behind the camera. Within a generation this has been accomplished in African literature. Now, in the time of the hyenas, it is her turn to take hold of the camera and redirect African cinema, as it will have to renegotiate the terms of the loan by which world cinema has sought to keep African cinema in its place.

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References Adejunmobi, Moradewun A. 2007. “Nigerian Video Film as Minor Transnational Practice.” Postcolonial Text 3.2 (2007), 1-16. Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis, Minn: University of Minnesota Press. Print. Butler, Judith. 1997. The Psychic Life of Power: Theories in Subjection. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press. Print. Chanan , Michael. “Latin American Cinema: From Underdevelopment to Postmodernism.” In Dennison and Lim, Remapping world cinema. Comaroff, Jean and John L. Comaroff, 2013. “Writing Theory from the South: The Global Order from an African Perspective.” www.Worldfinancialreview.com. Sept.-Oct. 2013. Accessed May 26, 2015. Comaroff and Comaroff, Theory from the South: Or, How Euro-America Is Evolving toward Africa (The Radical Imagination) Paradigm Publishers,: Boulder Co., 2011. Dennison, Stephanie, and Song H. Lim. 2006. Remapping world cinema: Identity, Culture and Politics in Film. London: Wallflower Press. Print. Diawara, Manthia. 1992. African Cinema: Politics & Culture. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Print. —. 2010. African Film: New Forms of Aesthetics and Politics. Munich [Germany: Prestel. Print. Dudley, Andrew. “An Atlas of world cinema” in Dennison and Lim, Remapping world cinema. Ćuroviþová, Natasa, and Kathleen E. Newman. 2010. world cinemas, Transnational Perspectives. New York: Routledge. Print. Garritano, Carmela. 2013. African Video Movies and Global Desires: A Ghanaian History. Athens: Ohio University Press. Internet resource. Haynes, Jonathan. 2000. Nigerian Video Films. Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies. Print. Krings, Matthias, and Onookome Okome. 2013.Global Nollywood: The Transnational Dimensions of an African Video Film Industry. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. Internet resource. Larkin, Brian. 2008. Signal and Noise: Media, Infrastructure, and Urban Culture in Nigeria. Durham: Duke University Press. Print. Moretti, Franco. 2013. Distant Reading. New York: Verson. Print. Nowell-Smith, Geoffrey. 1996. The Oxford History of world cinema. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Print.

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Ukadike, Nwachukwu F. 1994. Black African Cinema. Berkeley: University of California Press, Print.

Films Bekolo, Jean-Pierre. 2000. Aristotle’s Plot. —. 2014. Le President. Kelani, Tunde. 2006. Abeni. Sissako, Abderrahmane. 1999. La vie sur terre.

CHAPTER SIXTEEN THE ÉMIGRÉ RETURNS: A CRITIQUE OF MIGRANT CULTURE IN THREE CONTEMPORARY FRANCOPHONE NARRATIVES EUNICE E. OMONZEJIE DEPT. OF MODERN LANGUAGES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

AND AUGUSTA I. OHIOWELE DEPT. OF MODERN LANGUAGES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract Migration has always constituted an integral part of Africa’s, and indeed the world’s, history, causing cultural, social, and economic transformations. It has considerably affected the traditional structures of societies, particularly in African, fragmenting and creating new cultural norms and values. Through an essentially Afrocentric approach, post-colonial theory and histories of migration, this chapter engages in the exploration of the dialectics of cultural disintegration in Francophone African prose writing, with a special focus on three novels: Fatou Diome’s Le ventre de l’Atlantique, Alain Mabanckou’s Bleu-Blanc-Rouge and Aminata Sow Fall’s Douceurs du bercail. It argues that the three novelists demonstrate in their narratives, unequivocal concerns with cultural dislocations, and their far-reaching consequences in human terms. These are ostensibly manifested in the distortions and outright abandonment of behavioral and dress norms, languages, religious beliefs, among other socio-cultural practices in Africa. Having noted the writers’ efforts in their prose narratives, to stem the tide of cultural erosion in succeeding post-colonial generations, the chapter advocates a re-evaluation of mentalities in the face of transnational displacements and cultural disruptions.

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Key words: Migration, Cultural disruptions, Afrocentrism, Prose narratives, Francophone Africa

Introduction Culture, as the manifestation of the collective intellectual achievement of a particular people, constitutes a fundamental dimension of the development process of societies. The collective memory is the primordial element in the preservation of cultural identities, since it impacts language, religion, history, and tradition. An undisputed fact is that migration has always formed part of human histories, but the 20th and 21st centuries have witnessed a hitherto unknown explosion of dispersal and displacement of populations (especially from penurious economies), which has caused migration to become a global phenomenon. In Africa, displacement and migration have caused the fragmentation of families and ethnic communities, and the deconstruction of the collective memory of the people as it pertains to ideas, customs, and social behavior. Displacements, whether voluntary or involuntary, are in many ways calamitous, both within the sending community and in the host society. Migrations (along with the harsh circumstances of Africa’s encounters with colonization) are componential to social, cultural, and economic transformations that have radically affected the traditional structures of African societies, creating new cultural norms and values. This is to say that the consequences go way beyond the tangible fiscal benefits of migrant remittances to families and national economies. The inevitable socio-cultural corollaries of migrant mobility are pluralization, differentiation, and contestation of cultures among populations of the world, as outlined by Lechner (2002); and hybridization of culture or multiculturalism, as posited by Young (1995) and Thomas (2006). Migrations have disrupted and still disrupt the concept of local and global, and have problematized national, racial, and ethnic formulations of identity (Hall 1999; Ashcroft 2002; Sene 2003; Awe 2008). This cultural disintegration affecting migrant populations, abroad as well as in their home communities, is manifested in the distortions and outright abandonment of behavioral and dress norms, languages, religious beliefs, and socio-cultural practices. These issues are engaged in African migrant literature within the current global wave of redefinition of cultural identities. It transcribes the effects of displacement and exile, such as homesickness/nostalgia, painful adaptation, bitter disillusionment, and eventual failure or success (Louis Rorabacher 1976). The new generation of migrant writers (Cazenave 2003) such as: Alain Mabanckou, Calixthe Beyala, Fatou Diome, Thomas-

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Mpoyi Buatu, Daniel Biyaoula, Abdourahman A. Waberi, Lydie Moudileno, Bennetta Jules-Rosette, and Boniface Mongo-Mboussa, etc., write against the background of the migration erosion of African identities and to preserve African cultures. Francophone African fiction represents the reality of alienation and cultural disruptions in the lives of Black émigrés caught between two worlds (the Western world and Africa). It also transcribes the inevitable disruptions involved in the return of migrants to their homelands. This chapter, therefore, seeks to evaluate the Afrocentric literary strategies adopted by selected francophone novelists in the engagement of discourses on these cultural disruptions, implicit in the emigrants’ homecoming. This we will do through an exploration of a corpus composed of three fictional narratives of migrant writings, which are Bleu-Blanc-Rouge (Alain Mabanckou 1998), Le ventre de l’Atlantique (Fatou Diome 2003), and Douceurs du bercail (Aminata Sow Fall 1998). Mabanckou’s first novel, Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, relates the story of a young man, Massala-Massala, who decides to follow the footsteps of his compatriot Charles Moki, the émigré from France, who returns to his village with amazing financial and social success and affecting the manner of a Frenchman. He leaves for France, but meets with disillusionment as he confronts the ruthless realities of emigration, living with Moki and a band of illegal immigrants in Paris. Frantic to earn his livelihood and make enough money to lavish on his return to his homeland, the protagonist gets himself inducted into an intercity network of illicit activities coordinated by Moki, which included robbery, fraud, and impersonation. MassalaMassala is caught and ends up being deported after thirteen months in detention. The diegesis of our second text, Diome’s autobiographical novel Le ventre de l’Atlantique, is an outright condemnation of migration. Salie, the protagonist-narrator, recounts her own story of the unfortunate circumstances of her illegitimate birth, which pulled her away from her people to France, and the harsh realities of life abroad. She also illustrates the impressionable state of the youths in her village (including her brother), their desperation to leave home, and her near vain efforts to dissuade them from migration. Our third text, Douceurs du bercail, follows the itinerary of the protagonist, Asta, as she is detained at the airport in France after an altercation with a customs officer. She uses the ensuing 13 days in detention to form a bond with other African detainees, learning about their life histories, including their migrant experiences. She is then deported to Senegal, along with other emigrants, and on their arrival, a band of them

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follows her to set up a communal farm in the hinterlands where, together, they live off the land, finding both physical and psychological fulfillment. Thus, this study of African émigrés’ homecoming in the three novels will underscore their relationship with members of their communities, attitudes towards foreign cultures, and the implications of migration in home society. The divisions of this exposé will flow along the lines of the aspects of cultural shifts occasioned by the migrant’s homecoming, which incorporate erosion of cultural confidence, cultural alienation, dislocated traditions, and lies and deceit. The English translations of tracts of the selected francophone novels are entirely ours.

Erosion of Cultural Confidence The diegeses of the selected novels confirm the fact that Western cultures dominate local cultures (UNN 2003), and that migration acts as a catalyst of this cultural imperialism, creating what Akande (2002) termed “a crisis of cultural confidence”. Oftentimes, this causes emigrants to despise and disrespect their own cultural norms and traditions – considering them archaic, barbaric, and pagan (un-Christian). The erosion of cultural confidence causes the teeming number of African youths to readily and foolishly believe the many untruths dished out to them by unscrupulous returnee emigrants. They thus blindly follow the footsteps of those before them, perpetrating and sustaining the myth of a foreign utopia, regardless of their negative migrant experiences. The novels depict migrants’ importation of foreign cultures that the home communities suppose are superior to their local cultures. In Le ventre de l’Atlantique, emigrants return home with adopted attitudes of superiority, which convince their compatriots that French culture is superior to Senegalese culture. These returnee emigrants tell tall tales of a life of ease, luxury, and beauty, which elicits envious sighs from their countrymen and women and instills in them the desperation to relocate. The village youths hold tenaciously to the success images of the two emigrant characters (l’homme de Barbès and El Hadji Wagane Yaltigué) who return from Europe with enough money to build houses and businesses and buy the esteem of their community. Many young ones in Salie’s village, Niodior, including her half-brother Madické, crave that superior culture at any cost: A Niodior, les rêves de l’homme de Barbès suivaient le sillage de l’imaginaire, emportant avec eux le cœur des jeunes insulaires. Comme ses camarades, Madické était déterminé…Une seule pensée inondait son cerveau: partir; loin ; survoler la terre noire pour atterrir sur cette terre

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blanche qui brille de mille feux. Partir sans se retourner. On ne se retourne pas quand on marche sur la corde du rêve... . (Le Ventre de l’Atlantique, 165) [In Niodor, the dreams of l’homme de Barbès followed the pathway of imagination, pulling with them the hearts of the young islanders. Like his friends, Madické was determined… One thought only flooded his brain: to depart; far away; to fly over the black soil in order to land on the white soil that scintillates with a thousand lights. To leave without turning back; one does not turn back when one walks on dream’s cord…].

The author’s emphasis on the desperation of young Africans to abandon their patrimony spells out her critique: Mon frère avait la ferme intention de s’expatrier. Dès son plus jeune âge, ses aînés avaient contaminé son esprit. L’idée du départ, de la réussite à chercher ailleurs, à n’importe quel prix, l’avait bercé ; elle était devenue, au fil des années, sa fatalité. L’émigration était la pâte à modeler avec laquelle il comptait façonner son avenir, son existence tout entière… . (Le Ventre de l’Atlantique, 165 - 166) [My brother had the firm intention of emigrating. His elders had contaminated his mind since his early childhood. The idea of leaving, of success to be sought from elsewhere, at any cost, had deluded him; year after year, it had become his fate. Emigration was the modeling clay on which he was depending to shape his future, his whole existence. ]

The above comment made by Diome’s protagonist about her brother’s obsession with emigration aptly describes Mabanckou’s protagonistnarrator Massala-Massala and other determined youths in Bleu-BlancRouge. Moki’s disaffection with his culture of origin explains his deep sense of belonging to France, aligning with the dominant culture. His people call him ”le Parisien” [the Parisian]. He is completely and proudly engulfed in his deep admiration for French culture and his commitment to his adopted country. The narrator reveals the obsession of other youths with everything French: Notre club, les Aristocrates, était le plus prestigieux de tous les clubs de ce pays. Faites le calcul, c`est de là qu`ont émergé les vrais Parisiens. Nous avions le sens de l`organisation. Nous savions tout sur Paris, la mode, la frime, la vie quotidienne. J’étais celui qui parlait de la culture française. (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 75-76)

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The extreme nature of this attachment is highlighted by Moki’s boastful declaration: Il n’y a pas un autre pays qui ressemble à la France dans mon imaginaire. Je n’en vois pas. Elle n’est rien, mais elle est tout pour moi. De sorte que ne pas y aller est un péché impardonnable. Y aller, c’est accepter désormais de ne plus vivre sans elle. (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 86) [There is no other country like France in my imagination. I can see none other. She is nothing, but she is everything to me. It was such that not to go there was an unpardonable sin. To go there, was to accept thereafter to no longer live without her].

One is hard put to understand these ties when his actual miserable way of life in Paris is later revealed in the narrative. This adoption of the attitude of foreign superiority rubs off on Moki’s father, who was himself a Senegalese tirailleur in France during World War II. The alienation of the emigrant son thus translates into the alienation of the emigrant’s father, who sustains his own imbuement of foreign culture through current radio and newspaper contacts. He then bamboozles his peers in the quarter with his airs of foreign superiority, exhibited through his strictly Westernized dress code, his use of the French language, his passion for French gastronomy, and his wild tales about France: Aux réunions du conseil du quartier, les pauvres notables étaient dépaysés par ses récits sur Paris, la France et la bravoure de l’homme du 18 Juin… La voix du vieil homme se chargeait d’une émotion sincère. Ses yeux scintillaient de fidélité, une fidélité aveugle et ancrée au fond de son âme. (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 53) [At the area council meetings, the unfortunate notables were out of their elements with his stories about Paris, France, and the valiance of the man of June 18… The voice of the old man was filled with a genuine emotion. His eyes were sparkling with loyalty, a blind loyalty fixed in the depth of his soul.]

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The narrator emphasizes the old man’s sincere loyalty to a superior culture, as he believes it, all to the detriment of his own. Mabanckou thus expresses his distaste for the colonial mentality of the educated people who idolize and idealize everything Western, leading to the degradation of their souls and the erosion of African cultural heritage and values. The three novelists portray that the collective psychosis (Fadloullah et al. 2000, xxiii) displayed by African youths, their families, as well as members of their communities, induce their offspring into emigration, as a means of economic and social advancement. Then the novelists’ Afrocentric bias makes it manifest that apart from the parents, everyone in the local community in Africa is responsible for the desperation of youths to migrate to foreign climes and discard their cultural heritage. The whole community is blamed for inculcating the migrant mentality that compels people to flee their homelands. The narratives foreground the disgraceful attitudes of some Africans (elders and youths alike), who put so much pressure on émigrés, through excessive demands and expectations of grandeur. This forces them into deceit and affabulation in order to fit into the commonly accepted émigré mould. In Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, the emigrant’s detachment from his culture encompasses even the gastronomic tradition. Mabanckou underlines the people’s greed for material things and their nonchalance about how the emigrant’s money is made: Le premier jour du Parisien au pays était le jour des membres de la famille. Même les plus éloignés descendaient vite des branches de l’arbre généalogique et répondaient présents ce jour-là. Ils craignaient que l’hypothétique manne que Moki avait ramenée de la France ne leur échappât faute d’être présents. Les précautionneux, lorsqu’ils ne pouvaient s’y rendre pour cause de maladie, se faisaient représenter par leurs fils. Les oncles maternels et paternels, les tantes, les grands-mères, les grandspères, voire les ressortissants du même village que le père ou la mère de Moki débarquaient tous. (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 55) [The first day of the Parisian in the country was the day for family members. Even the most distanced ones were descending quickly from the branches of the family tree and were present on that day. They feared that the hypothetical manna that Moki had brought back from France would pass them by, if they were not present. The vigilant ones, when they were unable to go there due to ill health, were represented by their sons. The maternal and paternal uncles, the aunties, the grandfathers, the grandmothers, even the inhabitants of the same village as Moki’s father or mother, were all turning up].

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In the same vein, Salie, the protagonist of Le ventre de l’Atlantique, evidently attributes blame to the collective psychosis of people in the home community for their attitude towards emigrants who return home. This psychosis is such that they blatantly close their ears to the truth about the harsh realities of life abroad and they consider with disdain the ill-fated emigrant who returns home without the expected fortune. Diome’s novel underlines this attitude with the anecdote told by Ndétare, the schoolteacher, to his young compatriots about Moussa, the young man who emigrates from their village and returns empty-handed, with shamefacedness, to scorn and eventual suicide. The teacher does this in his attempt to dissuade the youths from following Moussa’s footsteps by immigrating to Europe. In Douceurs du bercail, the strong inclination of youths towards emigration is exemplified by Paapi, the protagonist’s son, and his unwillingness to enroll in a national university because of his desire to leave his country: “Je veux ‘sortir’, ne cessait-il de répéter; ici y a pas de débouchés” (Douceurs du bercail, 36). [I want to ‘go out’, he did not stop repeating; here, there are no prospects]. The novelist’s disapproval of migrant culture continues with the narrator’s statement on Asta’s principle against emigration and her blatant refusal to send Paapi abroad, even with the offer of assistance from her friend Anne who lives in France: …refuser à tout prix ce snobisme nouveau qui gagnait les parents et leur progéniture. Le must, c’était de “sortir”. Cela était incrusté dans le mental et on ne se demandait même pas si c’était pour aller décrocher une place dans une prestigieuse université ou pour user son honneur et ses semelles sur le macadam impitoyable des quartiers mal famés d’Europe et d’Amérique. (Douceurs du bercail, 36) [… to reject at all cost this new affectation that was mesmerizing parents and their children. The compulsion was to “get out.” This was ingrained in the mentality and one does not even ask oneself if it was to secure a place in a prestigious university or to file one’s honor and one’s soles on the cruel asphalt of disreputable quarters of Europe and America.]

Asta discloses the desperation of her son Paapi and other youths in Niodior who wish to emigrate and, thus, shun any counsel that is averse to their desire:”Je voulais la convaincre que le paradis n’est pas forcément ailleurs, qu’il y a des tas de jeunes qui partent, se cassent la figure contre le mirage mais persistent à croire à un bonheur qui leur échappe…” (Douceurs …, 201) [I want to convince her that paradise is not exactly elsewhere, that there are tons of youths who run off, have a collision against the mirage,

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and persist in believing in an ecstasy which eludes them]. Still in Sow Fall’s novel, the collective psychosis of the people in the home community is palpable in Asta’s description of the arrival in Senegal of the repatriated emigrants and the cold reception accorded them by their relatives: L’arrivée, c’était comme un enterrement : la foule silencieuse, les regards égarés des uns, la tête baissée des autres. Et le silence… Un silence de temps à autre fendu par des pleurs : pas ceux des expulsés. Il y a des moments où la détresse est si grande qu’on ne se paie pas le luxe de pleurer. C’était les parents, les enfants et les amis des rapatriés qui pleuraient. (Douceurs du bercail, 181). [The arrival was like a funeral: the noiseless crowd, the shifting looks of some, the hung heads of others. And the silence… A silence that from time to time was fractured by tears: not of those evicted. There are moments when the grief is so great that one cannot afford the luxury of tears. It was the parents, the children, and the friends of the repatriated who were crying.]

This attitude of the home community also fuels the desperation of the emigrant towards “success” at all cost. They therefore find abhorrent the idea of a return home without copious evidence of wealth. For Sow Fall, thoughts of this horror torment emigrants awaiting repatriation: “…la hantise du retour au pays, avec les ricanements des voisins et la grande déception de la famille et des amis” (Douceurs du bercail, 43) [the frustration of returning back to the country, coupled with the derision of neighbors and the great disappointment of family and friends]. For Mabanckou’s hero Massala-Massala, the thought of an empty-handed return fills him with so much dread that he is caused to attempt suicide. It bears mention that this character’s extreme reaction is reflected in the suicide of Diome’s character Moussa in Le Ventre de l’Atlantique. Massala-Massala evokes pity in the reader when he poignantly discloses his apprehension: “La perspective du retour au pays m’ébranle. Je ne suis plus qu’un bon à rien. Je ne suis plus qu’une loque. Un raté… j’irai au pays. Je serai la risée du quartier” (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 215) [The thought of returning to the country panics me. I am now nothing more than a goodfor-nothing. I am now nothing more than a rag. A failure… I will go to the country. I will be the laughing stock of the quarter]. He keenly notes the same dread in other such African émigrés: Les Africains sont résignés. Le dépit se lit clairement sur leurs traits. Ils rentrent malgré eux. Ce n’est pas tant le besoin de rester qui les tenaille,

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Chapter Sixteen mais la crainte d’affronter toute une grande famille qui les attend. Comme moi. Cette dure réalité. Cette autre réalité à laquelle on ne peut se dérober. Ces mains tendues vers vous. La famille qui vous encercle. C’est cela notre crainte. C’est un courage que d’arriver d’un long voyage sans un présent pour sa mère, pour son père, pour ses frères et sœurs. Cette angoisse habite l’intérieur de la gorge. Elle ôte les raisons de vivre. (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 219) [The Africans are resigned. The frustration is written clearly on their features. They return in spite of themselves. It is not so much the need to remain that torments them, but the dread to face the entire extended family that awaits them. Like me, that is a harsh reality. That other reality, from which one cannot escape. Those hands stretched towards you; the family that assembles around you. That is our fear. It takes guts to just arrive from a long journey without a gift for one’s mother, for one’s father, for one’s brothers and sisters. This anguish is lodged in the interior part of one’s throat. It eliminates the aims to live.]

The crisis of cultural confidence essentially gives rise to the erosion of African cultural values, leading to cultural alienation on the part of immigrants and their families.

Cultural Alienation Physical mobility often heightens the spiritual or psychological sense of alienation from the places within which one continually evolves. Frantz Fanon, in his work On National culture (1963), explains that the effects of alienation are real, material, and symbolic, and it breeds individuals without an anchor, without horizon, colorless, stateless, and rootless - a race of angels (176). In the three novels, displacements of Africans create cultural circumstances where equilibrium and harmony are constantly threatened: Ce n’est pas comme au temps où la mode de vie se déroule sur des espaces de sécurité physique et morale. Nos enfants subissent l’effet de ces bouleversements. Désirée aurait pu aujourd’hui, à l’âge de Maram, ne plus se reconnaître en moi et ne se perdre dans la tourmente sans même comprendre pourquoi. (Douceurs du bercail, 186) [It is not during the period when the way of life occurs within the spaces of physical and moral securities. Our children suffer the effect of these disruptions. It is possible that Désirée today, at Maram’s age, would no

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longer feel any connection between us and would be lost in the turmoil without even understanding why.]

Since, in the strict sense, Sow Fall’s protagonist, Asta, is not an émigrée as she journeys to attend a conference, her role is understandable as the character who is able to organize the deported emigrants into a more purposeful existence in their own country, contributing meaningfully to the cultural and material lives of the people and to their nation’s economic growth. The theme of estranged personalities is patently the intrinsic philosophical motif in the collectivity of our selected narrative texts, as our study shows. The altered identities of the characters are in evidence in both the host and the home communities. Diome’s protagonist, Salie, depicts herself as a victim of alienation on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Not only is she treated as a foreigner in her host community of Strasbourg, France, she equally suffers estrangement in her hometown, Niodior, where she is a foreigner to her own people. Salie resents the bonds of marginalization restricting her on each of her visits home. In her emigrant’s experience on her return home, her people no longer consider her as one of them, but treat her as a Westernized woman of a different world to theirs, no longer able to fit into the community setting. She explicitly describes the ambiguous nature of her reception in the house in her village – effervescent but segregationist: Irrésistible, l’envie de remonter à la source, car il est rassurant de penser que la vie reste plus facile à saisir là où elle enfonce ses racines. Pourtant revenir équivaut pour moi à partir. Je vais chez moi comme on va à l’étranger, car je suis devenue l’autre pour ceux que je continue à appeler les miens. Je ne sais plus quel sens donner à l’effervescence que suscite mon arrivée. Ces gens qui s’attroupent autour de moi … sont-ils simplement là pour observer et juger la bête que je suis peut-être devenue à leurs yeux? (Le Ventre de l’Atlantique, 166). [The longing to go back to my origins is irresistible, because it is comforting to think that life remains easier to understand where it buries its roots. For me however, to return is synonymous with leaving. I go to my home as one who goes to a foreign land, because I became the other to those that I continue to call mine. I don’t know any more what meaning to give to the effervescence that my arrival generates. These people who gather round me… are they simply there to observe and judge the beast that I may have become in their eyes?]

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Diome’s narrator articulates the segregationist attitude of the women in her community towards her – they marginalize and patronize her: Ma présence les dérange. Depuis longtemps, elles me considèrent comme une feignante qui ne sais rien faire de ses dix doigts à part tourner les pages d’un livre, une égoïste qui préfère s’isoler pour gratter du papier plutôt que de participer aux discussion attenant à la cuisine. (Le Ventre de l’Atlantique, 171). [My presence disturbs them. For a long time, they consider me as a pretender who does not know how to do anything with her ten fingers apart from turning the pages of a textbook, an egoist who prefers to isolate herself to work from paper, rather than participating in the discussions in the kitchen.]

Salie craves acceptance within the heart of the community, but she finds herself excluded from communal activities. Likewise in the hotel where she stopped over at her arrival in the nation’s capital, the receptionist’s comment hurt her to the bone, as it consigns her to the status of a stranger in her own country: Les phrases du réceptionniste dansaient dans ma tête : Bienvenue chez nous, comme si ce pays n’était plus le mien ! De quel droit me traitait-il d’étrangère, alors que je lui avais présenté une carte d’identité similaire à la sienne ? Étrangère en France, j’étais accueillie comme telle dans mon propre pays : aussi illégitime avec ma carte de résident qu’avec ma carte d’identité ! (Le Ventre de l’Atlantique, 197). [The sentences of the receptionist were dancing in my head: Welcome to our home, as if this country was no longer mine! What right had he to treat me like a stranger, when I presented to him an identity card similar to his own? A stranger in France, yet I was welcomed as one in my own country: as illegitimate with my resident permit as with my identity card!]

It is thus inferred in the diegesis of Fatou Diome’s autobiographical story that apart from the issues of integration facing Africans who sojourn in foreign countries, there exists a real cultural disconnect with the community of origin, which makes the émigré become a citizen of no city. The next section will expose another effect of migration (associated with alienation) which Diome, Mabanckou, and Sow Fall engage to underline the cultural rift between Westernized and African worlds, and the erosion of African cultural heritage and values.

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Dislocated Traditions The disintegration of the cultural heritage of the African people is depicted in distinct simplicity, exposing how local cultures are being distorted and risks being overwhelmed by foreign cultural influences. Europeanized returnees clash with members of the native community as a cultural terrain. In the novels under investigation, Africans who leave their homeland in search of greener pastures return radically disconnected from their cultures and traditions of origin. They display contempt for their cultural heritage, and constantly seek to obliterate every tie with their homeland. The authors thus enunciate clearly that their critique of the detachment of the new generation of alienated African children from their cultural roots inevitably jeopardizes the survival of the cultural patrimony. The deduction is that migration occasions a cultural rift that is almost irreversible. In Sow Fall’s narrative, conviction that cultural identity is lost through migration is underlined through the protagonist’s persistence in her explanation to her friend Anne on her two daughters’ disconnectedness from their African roots. Asta’s children Maram and Sira, schooling in France, find it impossible to comprehend their mother’s attachment to African traditional customs and memorials. They do not speak the language; they disdain sacred traditions, etc. But as Asta confesses: “C’est notre faute. Nous les avons éduquées en suivant une vague, sans nous poser des questions. Elles ne parlent pas notre langue…Dioula et moi n’avions pas réfléchi à cela ” (Douceurs du bercail, 185). [‘It is our fault. We educated them following a trend, without asking ourselves questions. They do not speak our language… Dioula and I did not think about that]. Moreover, Mabanckou’s narrator underlines that the emigrants’ detachment from their cultural origins implicates even the gastronomic traditions: On installait une petite table en lianes sous le manguier, au milieu de la cour. C’est là que le Parisien prendrait ses repas. Il mangerait à l’air libre. En réalité, c’était pour qu’il prenne ses repas au vu et au su de tous. Ces détails avaient toute leur importance pour le père de Moki. Son fils, disaitil, ne mangeait pas comme le dernier des paysans du quartier. (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 51) [A small table made of lianas was placed under the mango tree, in the middle of the compound. That was where the Parisian would take his meals. He would eat in the open air. In reality, it was so that he would take his meals in the sight and awareness of everyone. These details held their

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The young man’s disconnection with his people’s culture is proudly flaunted and encouraged by his father. He even shuns local meals, which he believes are less nutritious than the exotic menus concocted to impress people: Il ne mangeait plus le manioc ou le foufou, aliments de base du pays qui l’avaient fait grandir. Il leur préférait le pain. Le manioc et le foufou n’avaient aucune vertu diététique, constatait-il. Il regardait maladivement tout ce qu’il mettait dans sa bouche. (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 62) [He no longer ate garri or fufu, the traditional dishes of the country in which he grew up. He preferred bread to those. Garri and fufu had no nutritional value at all, he stated. He would view disparagingly all that he put in his mouth.]

The narrator projects the extent of Moki’s father’s rejection of the tradition of his people for his Parisian-ized offspring, showcasing and vaunting his foreignness and his separateness from his people. The apparent irony in the narration is that the old man is fiercely proud of this dislocation. “Le père de Moki, lui, détaillait le repas de son fils qui mangeait décemment: il prenait un apéritif, une entrée, un plat, du vin rouge de France, du fromage, un dessert et du café comme en France, chez Digol” (BleuBlanc-Rouge, 51) ; [Moki’s father itemized the meal of his son, who was eating appropriately: he took an aperitif, an appetizer, a course, some French red wine, some cheese, a dessert and some coffee, just as in France, at Digol’s’]. The old man is unmindful of the fact that his patrimony is being eroded as his son is eliminating all traces of his African heritage from his life and thus has nothing to transmit to his own children. This image of a disappearing cultural heritage is equally manifest in the two other narratives of our discourse.

Lies and Deceit In the African migrant culture, as well as in literature, emigrants and community members persist in keeping the impression of the Western world as an Eldorado, where life abroad is utopian and only good things are possible. The solitary and dreary existence of emigrants as strangers in a strange land is carefully concealed from the people at home. An overglamorized motif of success is consistently painted of the picture of

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African migration, creating that desperation to leave the homeland. Sadly, even when there is an attempt by anyone to correct the wrong impression, this is vehemently rebutted by all. But of course the young ones who strive to emigrate are confronted with “la brutalité du fait social” (Garnier 2004) [the brutality of the social reality]. In the migrant novel, characters are portrayed who project successes of emigration and feed the collective psychosis. Diome’s narrative exposes the deceitful exaggerations of the returnee emigrant through Ndétare’s character as the voice of conscience, who warns the exuberant youths in the village against the lies of the likes of l’homme de Barbès. “Méfiez-vous, petits, concluait-il, allez regarder la télévision chez l’autre parvenu, mais de grâce, n’écoutez pas les sornettes… ” (Le Ventre de l’Atlantique, 114); [Be careful little ones, he concluded, go and watch television in the other homecomer’s house, but for heaven’s sake, do not listen to his wild tales]. The narrator’s use of repetition of this admonition (Le Ventre de l’Atlantique, 117) underscores the dangers inherent in such exaggerations. Mabanckou’s character, Moki, the ‘successful’ emigrant, falsely regales the young ones with utopian descriptions of Paris as a land with streets paved with gold. In his boisterous way, Moki relates his supposedly fabulous life in Paris as a well-known figure or personality: Tout le monde me connaît à Paris et tout le monde m’appelle par mon nom lorsque je passe dans la rue : Charles Moki. Lui-même. J’ai été un des meilleurs sapeurs de la capitale, la ville de l’élégance. J’ai eu ma consécration au Rex club de Paris. J’ai fait taire tous mes concurrents. (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 74-75) [Everyone knows me in Paris and everyone calls me by my name when I walk along the street: Charles Moki Himself. I was one of the best dandies of the capital, the city of elegance. I had my consecration at the Paris Rex club. I silenced all my opponents.]

Hence Massala-Massala’s hopes are dashed when he gets to Paris to discover “un autre monde” [another world] and “la réalité nue” [the stark reality] (62) - that the much idealized Paris, with all its vaunted attractions, is beyond the reach of Moki and his gang of African émigrés who constitute a criminal underworld of unemployed, mostly undocumented, immigrants, living in overpopulated quarters in an abandoned dilapidated building. To eke out a living, they have to dabble into illegitimate businesses, such as selling metro passes purchased with stolen checkbooks:

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Chapter Sixteen J’avais ouvert les yeux sur un autre monde. Qu’est-ce que je voyais devant moi? Ces personnes noctambules. Ces conciliabules qui tiraient en longueur. Ces murmures sur le palier. Je doutais de ma présence. De ce Paris-là. Du Paris de Moki. Des autres compatriotes. De ceux qui le voyaient ainsi et qui s’en accommodaient. Que pouvais-je faire?... Je ne dus pas attendre longtemps pour apprendre à vivre autrement. Entre l’effet de surprise et l’attitude de Moki, j’étais partagé. Le cercle s’était refermé derrière moi. Moki avait deux visages. Il portait plusieurs masques. Un masque pour le pays. Un autre pour Paris. Sa fermeté m’avait sidéré. Je pouvais la supporter. (Bleu-Blanc- Rouge, 134) [I opened my eyes to another world. What was I seeing before me? These night owls. These confabulations that went on indefinitely. These grumblings on the floor. I was doubting my existence. Of that Paris. Of Moki’s Paris. Of the other compatriots. Of those who were seeing it like this and who were adapting to it. What can I do? ... I did not wait for long to learn to live differently. I was torn between the effect of surprise and Moki’s attitude. The circle was closed behind me. Moki has two faces. He was wearing many masks. A mask for the country. Another for Paris. His firmness had me flabbergasted. I could take it.]

Forced into a cycle of forgery, robbery, and impersonation, MassalaMassala is caught and later deported. Still as a way of negating the myths surrounding successful emigration, Sow Fall gives a similar painting of the stark reality of overcrowded living quarters of emigrants in Paris: Avec une population cinq fois supérieure a sa capacité, avec des conditions sanitaires exécrables défiant toute norme d’hygiène, de salubrité et de simple décence, le Foyer devint vite une aberrante boursouflure dans un environnement jadis select et calme. (Douceurs du bercail, 125) [With a population five times more than its capacity, with abominable sanitary conditions distrustful of all hygiene standard, of healthiness, and of simple decency, the home quickly became an absurd blister in an environment once select and calm.]

As such, Sow Fall’s protagonist does not hesitate at dishing out warnings against abandonment of the homeland. “Que l’on m’expulse… moi qui à longueur d’année répète à ceux qui partent : ne fuyez pas. Au bout de l’aventure, il n’y a que le mirage” (Douceurs du bercail, 53). In the novel, the detention hall of the airport where émigrés awaiting repatriation are kept, serves as an enclosed space where characters are forced into

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reflection on life and self realization of the ugliness of migration and abandonment of home. Here, the non-migrant Asta becomes the interested observer who records the vagaries of migrant life of African emigrants and their disillusionment, as divulged through their various intra-diegetic narrations. The disillusioned emigrant is equally illustrated in Diome’s narrative in the characters of the protagonist Salie and her compatriot Moussa who experience lives of hardship, extreme cold, and racism, as opposed to the utopian existence painted by other returnee emigrants to their village Niodior. The white Frenchman tries to exploit Moussa’s yearning to go and play football in Europe, but promptly abandons the young African to his fate when he falls short of his expectations. Moussa is repatriated unceremoniously; he returns to his village to shame and ridicule, which lead him to suicide. The point to emphasize here is that Diome’s narrative illustrates that Moussa’s failure as an emigrant, as narrated by Ndétare, is totally rejected by the village youths. Their psychosis causes them to prefer to believe the tall tales about life in France told by l’homme de Barbès. The narratives of the three novels under analysis are all in tandem with this thought.

Conclusion This chapter has demonstrated that the increasing rate of transnational migrations destroys the fabrics of African cultural heritage. Its devastating effects on the homeland are quite obvious. Many African youths are like the major characters in Mabanckou’s, Diome’s, and Sow Fall’s novels, with the acceptance of assumed superior foreign culture, they readily and foolishly swallow all fallacies dished out to them, and they romanticize emigration without the true knowledge of what lies ahead. The novelists do not leave out the parental and societal roles in the sustenance of migrant culture among the African youth. The whole community is portrayed as the facilitator of the youths who fail in its duty towards the cultural future of the African continent. The Afrocentrism in the narratives of the three novels is apparent in their defense of African culture and the critique of collective alienation within African communities. Consequently, the three novelists discourage transnational migration. The three narrators negate the emigrant’s impressions of foreign climes as constituting a supposedly enabling space and an escape route (France) and Africa as a harsh and traumatic space that repels. They hold that though several African economies might be benefitting from migration through migrant remittances, African cultures are disadvantaged by displacements

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and globalization; and for African societies to be able to keep culturally intact from disintegration, the history and cultural values of the communities should be cherished, preserved, and proudly transmitted from one generation to the other. We surmise that the three novels lament the erosion of African cultures caused by transnational migrations, and, to a large extent, agree with the novelists and uphold that African countries could significantly minimize the disadvantages of migrations and the globalization process if they were to adopt developmental policies that are rooted in their own cultural heritage.

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Hall, S. 1999. “Thinking the diaspora: Home-thoughts from abroad.” in Small Axe, JanMohamed, Abdul R. 1992, “Worldliness–Without-World, Homelessness– Without-Home: Towards a Definition of the Specular Border Intellectual”. Edward Said: A Critical Reader", Michael Sprinker (Ed), Cambridge MA: Blackwell, 96-120. Kaplan, Caren. 1996. Questions of Travel: Postmodern Discourses of Displacement. Durham: Duke UP, Mabanckou, A. 1998. Bleu-blanc-rouge, Paris, Présence Africaine, Mambenga-Ylagou, Frédéric. 2005. “Problématique définitionnelle et esthétique de la littérature africaine francophone de l’immigration”. CAUSE. Revista international de Filologia y su Didactica, No 29, 73 293. Norberg-Hodge, Helena. The March of The Monoculture. Sene, Nabo. 2003. "Des sociétés africaines morcelées", Le monde Diplomatique, No 586, Janvier 2003 Sow Fall, Aminata. 1998. Douceurs du bercail, NEI, Abidjan, Thomas, Dominic. 2006. Black France: Colonialism, Immigration and Transnationalism. Indiana University Press. United Nations. 2003. "Young People in a Globalization World". Chapter II in World Youth Report, 2003, United Nations: New York. Varan, D. 2013.Article 2.http://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/jgi/vol 3 /iss2/2 l Wikipedia, 2014. “Culture of Africa”, Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?=CultureofAfrica&oldid=5909871 07” Categories: 16 January 2014. Young, Robert. 1995. Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race. London and New-York: Routledge.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN ERUPTIONS OF NAKED NARRATIVE IN SELECTED AFRICAN NOVELS GABRIEL KOSISO OKONKWO DEPT. OF ENGLISH, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN, NIGERIA

Abstract In light of 21st century postmodernist ideals, contemporary African fiction writers have become increasingly forthright in their attitude towards narrative canons thereby giving birth to some sort of naked literature. This attitude has prospered with little or nothing said about its implication(s) for contemporary African fiction writing. This chapter therefore examines how these writers have become bohemian in their writings. This is to show that in every age and time, the state of the society determines what and how a writer writes. This study applied aspects of the postmodernist theory to account for fiction writers’ bohemian attitude towards narrative prose. Four texts - Tanure Ojaide’s The Activist, Alaa Al Aswany’s The Yacoubian Building, Moses Isegawa’s Snakepit, and Lilia Momple’s Neigbhours: the Story of a Murder were randomly selected from all the major regions of Africa to show the reality of this trend. All the texts share a common strand – deviation from the norm, which may be stylistic, but obviously a plus for literary aestheticism. The nakedness of these works of fiction range from temporal imperative, actual personal and place identities, references to real life experiences, to narrative modes of convenience. All the texts talk about human experiences through conventional modes and styles that betray traditional narrative ideals. These techniques conform culturally to the 21st century ideals: some sort of naked literature devoid of literary masks and obscure minstrelsy. These African writers are simply interested in a universal literature devoid of class distinction, technical embroidery, lexical difficulty and stylistic obscurity. Key words: Bohemian, Contemporary, Nakedness, Fiction

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Introduction With the physical exit of the white colonialists comes the beginning of a new era; an era of self-assertion, political freedom, cultural liberation, and vocal vindication. At the time when most African countries gained independence, these accompanying elements of the new era were seen as true symbols of the yearnings of the people; unfortunately, little did they know that “the fathers have eaten sour grapes and the children’s teeth are set on edge.” Ironically, the exit of the colonialists brought in an era of heartless, vindictive, and unpatriotic native tyrants, who derived so much joy from fattening themselves at the expense of the overall development of the African continent. Four literary texts have been randomly selected from all the regions of Africa to show how contemporary African fiction writers react to these disturbing issues. The selected novels - Tanure Ojaide’s The Activist, Alaa Al Aswany’s The Yacoubian Building, Moses Isegawa’s Snakepit, and Lilia Momple’s Neigbhours: the Story of a Murder are creative set pieces of enraged minds, digging into the very offal of Africa’s destiny in order to uproot the causative agents that have prevented the development of the African continent. In order to effectively do this, these writers adopt a realistic style in entertaining Africans. They wear graphical binoculars that allow them to see the problems clearly and then make critical statements. Their literary experiments reek of the sociopolitical issues in Africa. What we then have is a naked literature that is largely clear and open to the curious-minded. Their works of fiction are naked because of their conscious efforts to unmask surreptitious literary metaphors. As much as they indict native tyrants, they also cast aspersions on Western imperialists. Keith Booker (2009) indicts Western imperial hegemony and blames it for the myriad of problems confronting the African continent. He states that: For Ngugi, Achebe, and Soyinka (as for Fanon for that matter), European colonialism is the major culprit in the African legacy of (political) violence, though contemporary Western cold-war manipulations remain important here as well, especially in Ngugi. (154)

As much as the genesis of Africa’s problems can be directly or indirectly traced to the activities of the colonialists in Africa, it is also pertinent to point out that most African contemporary writers are beginning to apply a revolutionary approach in tackling these problems in their works (calling a spade a spade), just as the socio-political realities on the African continent are becoming endemic. J.N. Ogu (1986) corroborates this fact when he says that: “Black African writers are writing from a distinctive group

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experience of colonialism, just as the Hebrews of old wrote from a group experience of subjugation…” (112). African writers are social realists who react in various ways to the socio-political challenges confronting their continent. Ayo Kehinde (2005, 89) equally observes that: “The nineteenseventies to date have witnessed a more inward-looking socialist realist novel. Most of the contemporary African novels are reflections of the realities of post-independence Africa.” Therefore, it follows that the African writer is the conscience of his/her society. Through critical analyses of the selected literary texts, this chapter intends to present before the reader a discourse of unalloyed social commitment, dispassionate rage and communal ardor.

The Issues The sincere need to present the topical issues just as they really are, occupies the mind of the contemporary African writer. In Tanure Ojaide’s The Activist, we see stripped ruptures of man’s experiences in the society. The novelist brings to our collective consciousness the neglect, frustration, social and infrastructural decay that have been allowed to visit the ecological and psychological landscapes of the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria by the Nigerian government and stakeholders in the downstream sector. The Activist therefore becomes a satire of post-colonial politics in Nigeria, a politics of sectionalism, complacency, and social neglect. The lack of a conducive environment for development evident in the novel and real life reveals the inevitable need for activism in the two worlds. The resultant effect is the disillusionment and disappointment in the trust and confidence reposed in political leaders, which indirectly changes the mindset of the people and invariably makes the people embrace and condemn corruption at the same time. In exhibiting this trend, the writer mentions actual places in the Niger Delta, instead of the usual convention of literary masking and use of fantastic descriptions. He says: In the midst of the crisis, people came from as far away as Aba, Abeokuta, Kano, and Yola to buy body parts to prepare money doubling and other strong medicines. They thanked their God for meeting their difficult needs. The secret market of body parts under Otokutu Bridge outside town flourished as never before (The Activist, 235).

The novelist uses his work, in the words of Ashcroft (2000, 1), to “mediate conflict between a dominant discourse and a local reality”. The neglect that the people of the Niger-Delta suffer is as a result of “the wastage of the wealth accruing from the oil boom and the resultant moral atrophy that

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permeated all strata in the society” (Tsaaior 2006, 417). The use of raw fictional identities properly situates the meaning of the writer’s message in the minds of his readers. Hence they come to better appreciate the perspective of the writer. In The Activist, the protagonist sees the cynicism and the deplorable state of his geographical region and ignites a furious fire of activism to raze the oppressive structures and social obstacles to the ground. He is a fictional reference who conversely contradicts naked references to real life associations, names, and institutions in the Niger-Delta. Corroborating the activist’s bravery and zeal to transform his roots, we find references to the activities of the Egbesu Boys and sundry elements of change in the NigerDelta region of Nigeria, which take a semblance with the activities of Delta cartel, Egba Boys, students’ union and other institutions depicted in the novel. Every character in the novel is active and revolutionary as a result of the deplorable state of the region. According to Frantz Fanon’s theory of colonial and post-colonial literature, “… The native turns himself into an awakener of the people and then ignites the spirit of struggle, fighting, and revolution from all oppressive forces” (1965, 179). In the view of Amuta (1989, 96) this is seen as an “intense sense of progressive social commitment”. The fictional characters are constructed to effectively create the much-needed awareness that will free their people. Omagbemi’s character is an embodiment of integrity, a true symbol of freedom and liberation. The slogans for the students’ union election say it all “His posters carried such slogans as OMAGBEMI REVOLUTION, OMAGBEMI FOR REAL CHANGE, and OMAGBEMI FOR PEACE…” (217). According to Mayowa (2001, 196): Violence in Nigeria can be explained from environmental and economic perspectives. It draws its origin from very high living conditions, exclusion from political participation and the brutal experiences of ethno-communal skirmishes, which have recently become a feature of life in Nigeria....

Thus violence in the Niger-Delta region is influenced by several sociopolitical factors. Ojaide transcribes in his narration the recent crises in the Niger-Delta region, which saw the emergence of factions of militant groups, all claiming to be fighting for the socio-political emancipation of the Niger-Delta region. The writer uses actual place identities and ethnic references to depict the serious nature of this crisis: The situation in Warri became very confused, like the people themselves. Many Itsekiri fled to Ughelli, as Urhobo fled to Otumara, and Izon hunkered in Oginibo and Okwagbe. The federal military government was

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Tanure Ojaide’s The Activist is set in the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria. The unmasked setting contributes immensely to the overall realization of the plot. In fact, the state or condition of the setting in all the novels in this study conditions what the characters do and what they say. The protagonist-activist is forced into activism as a result of the deplorable state of the environment he sees when he returns from abroad. He comes back to find an abandoned homeland and natural resource overexploitation, which have stamped huge consequences on the topography of the region. The geographical setting of the novel also conditions the psychological, social, and economic settings. The activist forgets his status as he condescends to fight the cause of his people. His psychological setting is shaped towards revolution. Socially, the setting is charged with the sympathy of the downtrodden in Nigerian society, “the socially handicapped, the women, the children, the unemployed, the sick, and those who are not able to fight their own battle” (Emmanuel Obiechina 1988, 44). According to Ojakorotu (2008): It may be said that the struggles by the people of the region have been predicated on their exclusion or marginalization in terms of access to oil revenue… environmental degradation and egregious human rights violation. (93)

The narrator of The Activist expresses a tone of hope as he studiously invests much in activism. He is ready to modify, restructure, and change the status quo.

Blending and Negotiating New Trends For the contemporary African writer, there is no such thing as dogmatic literature. Every ground is fertile for experimentation. Hence cultural dynamism is conspicuous in this literary Elysium. Moses Isegawa, a Kampala-born Ugandan from East Africa, in his novel entitled Snakepit, also explores this trend. The title of the novel is a metaphor for fear and oppression in a regime of terror. The novel itself is an exposé into the life and times of the Ugandan dictator, General Idi Amin. A snake pit is a chasm of fear and danger where nothing else but death is possible. Hence the author uses the title of

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the novel to express his criticism of the Ugandan polity under the reign of the warlord, Idi Amin; a society where fear and pain reigned supreme and freedom was the language of the foolish. In Snakepit, the protagonist, Bat, returns to his native Uganda after his academic sojourn at Cambridge University, to behold an atmosphere of tyranny and fear where innocence and virtue have no other choice than to compromise. In the novel, there are a couple of references to actual names of places, people, and events. The novelist deviates stylistically from the traditional narrative norm in these lines where he mentions the names of actual place settings in Africa and elsewhere in the world: ...Do you know that Rwanda is now listed as a coffee-exporting country? Whose coffee does it export? Our coffee channelled through Kenya. I believe that the time has come to take the battle to the Kenyans. (Snakepit, 8)

We also find references to actual tourist sites around the world like “Lake Victoria” (Snakepit, 9) located in Africa and divided between three countries - Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania, “Owen Falls Dam” (Snakepit, 9) in Uganda, and a reference to Cambridge University in Britain (Snakepit, 6). Writers do this to make their readers better understand what they say. This is a deviation from the fictional experiments of the pioneer African writers like Chinua Achebe, Elechi Amadi, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, to mention a few. In Chinua Achebe’s Anthills of the Savannah, we see geographical references to Nigeria and indeed Africa in the fictional name Kengan State. Achebe also fictionalizes Amazon to represent another place imperative. The choice of the names given to most of the characters like Prof. Okong, Major Sam, Ikem, and Elewa shows the social stratification of the Nigerian society of that time. Everything is fictionalized to set the reader thinking, insinuating, and suspecting relational possibilities in real life. Isegawa’s attitude suggests an irate mind enshrouded in the 21st century postmodernist ideals. There is a reference to Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda. The text also bears unmasked reference to a proper entity in the person of General Idi Amin, a former dictator-leader of Uganda. These lines paint a clearer picture: At the zenith of his power, he was made a full colonel and he met General Idi Amin, commander of the Ugandan Army. It was love at first sight. In Idi Amin he saw a leader under whom he could rise to the top. Amin, for one, recognized his potential, his future useability. (Snakepit, 15)

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There is no page you open in the novel without seeing raw references to some political realities in African societies. This is a scheme the writer employs in creating the much-needed awareness about the challenges facing his people. His ultimate aim is to inform and enlighten his readers.

Committed to the Didactic Essence of the Novel The foremost aim of the novel is to instruct and edify the reader. In order to achieve this objective, the contemporary African writer employs every normative technique possible. In Lilia Momple’s Neighbours: the Story of a Murder, the epistemic essence of the novel corroborates the peculiar instances of the bohemian disposition. The writer’s nonconformist attitude is seen in the preface to the novel where she says: Oppression can take many forms. Neighbours was written out of my horror at the way countries can abuse each other’s sovereignty for their own ends and with impunity. Like many Mozambicans, I lived through decades when South Africa did as it pleased in Mozambique in order to protect the interests of the apartheid regime. During this period many Mozambicans were killed or had their lives destroyed. It is to them that I dedicate this book (Neighbours, 1).

In Neighbours: the Story of a Murder, references are made to actual geopolitical landscapes like Mozambique, Portugal, and South Africa (Neighbours, 102, 107). There is an allusion to the despotic Boers in the then apartheid South Africa (Neighbours, 107). Linguistically, the writer chooses to make reference to Afrikaans “but even he does not feel completely at ease in the presence of the two South Africans, who are either silent or exchanging rough words in Afrikaans” (Neighbours, 106). There is equally a political reference to the Republic of South Africa’s ruling political party “African National Congress” (ANC) in the novel. This is evident in the words of Januario “ANC other flat. We Mozambicans. We Mozambicans” (Neighbours, 119). Throughout the novel the reader continues to see vestiges of naked presentation of real life in the novel. Momple, like many African novelists, just makes literary aestheticism more realistic. In as much as this trend is true, it is pertinent to state that these writers still adhere to the tenets of traditional narrative writing. The only twist has been their creative ability and determination to create a hybrid literature comprising the fictional and the realistic. Even when we have fictional characters, such characters are representative of real life individuals, with allusions to actual places, time and events. The actions of the characters point to the political squabbles in

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the two societies. While political upheavals ravage the consciousness of Zaliua, Romu, and Dupont, Narguiss and her daughters are seen in a rhapsodic mood preparing for the feast of Eid, which is a Moslem festival (Neighbours, 3). The reference to an Islamic festival also shows the reality of this trend. Suffice it to say that time was when writers render apologies to the reading public for any coincidental reference to an actual name in real life in the use of character nomenclature; but many third generation African writers care less about the consequences of such stylistic renditions as they intend to unmask their characters and lead the readers into better understanding of their message. Momple uses the Islamic name Abdul for the husband of Narguiss, an amorous character who is careless about the welfare of his family and only engages himself in a pathetic life of debauchery. The name prefix “Abdul” is used before most masculine Islamic names as in Abdulrazak, Abdulraman, Abdulbasit, Abdulsalam, etc., and it is considered holy by the Islamic faithful. For Momple, names are just proper references that do not indirectly determine the moral standing of a man in the society; at least not in a rational estimation as it is also true that names are cultural markers, which have both religious and cultural implications. So because man exists within a human society, he is conditioned by the tenets and realities in that society, and not necessarily by his name. We can thus find depraved individuals in the United States of America, Nigeria, Somalia, Egypt, for example, without any connection or correlation between what they have as their names and their actions. In Neighbours: the Story of a Murder, Fauzia’s husband Saleem is an identifying contrast to Narguiss’ husband, Abdul. Fauzia flaunts her husband’s virtues to her cousin Narguiss who is moody because her amorous husband Abdul is unfortunately absent on the eve of Eid. The writer exceeds the boundaries of cultural and religious ethos in order to achieve her aim.

Transcending the Frontiers of Regional and Cultural Limits One of the criteria for rating a great work of literature is its ability to transcend geographical and cultural boundaries. Despite the popular scholarly notion that Northern Africa is a literary desert, Alaa Al Aswany’s The Yacoubian Building displays rich instances of literary grace. It deviates culturally from the socio-religious values of the traditional Egyptian society. Aswany blends cultural values with foreign trends

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typical of the 21st century world. Irrespective of its Northern African sensibility and religious orientation, the novel explores current issues, trends, and topicalities, which betray the values of the traditional Egyptian society. Some of these issues range from homosexuality to corrupt practices, political extremism, inordinate ambition, and moral decadence. Vestiges of bare fiction are then inevitable in the light of these trends. Zaki Bey, a character in the novel, gives the reader the actual address or location of the Yacoubian Building in Cairo, Egypt. This is captured in the description “Zaki Bey is one of the oldest residents of Suleiman Basha Street” (The Yacoubian Building, 3). Although the street now wears a new name “34, Talaat Harb Street in contrast to the old name Suleiman Basha Street” (The Yacoubian Building, 3). At that address, one can still see the Yacoubian Building. In fact, on page 78, in the address of the letter written by General Hassan Bazaraa, Director, Public Complaint Administration, to Taha Muhammad el Shazli, we find this actual reference “To: Taha Muhammad el Shazli, citizen Yacoubian building, 34 Talaat Hart Street, Cairo.” We also find references to geographical names like Egypt, Paris (The Yacoubian Building, 32, 165), and other place locations within Egypt such as Zamalek, El Tawfikiya, Antikkhana Street, and El Minoufiya Governorate, Cairo University (The Yacoubian Building, 34, 41, 80, 238). In addition to place references, there are lucid references to actual spiritual faiths, especially Christianity and Islam. References are also made to their religious practices: “the stores all shut their doors on Sundays and on the Catholic Christian holidays such as Christmas and New Year’s”; “the glass frontages scintillated with holiday greetings in French and English, Christmas trees, and figures representing Father Christmas...” (The Yacoubian Building, 32, 33). Apart from the evidence of Christian sensibilities, there are also instances where Islamic creed and expressions (religious acts) are used to make the story more realistic. For instance, in the meeting between Taha and the Sheikh, Islamic greetings become a motif, hence “in the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate” (The Yacoubian Building, 119). He admonishes the troubled Taha and gives him hope in Islam, seeing that he is greatly disturbed by the unrequited love of his heartthrob, Busayna. These lines abound with Islamic expressions: My boy, the true religion does not forbid love so long as it is legitimate, and does not lead to disobedience of God’s law. Indeed, the noblest of God’s creations, the chosen one – blessings and peace be upon him – loved the lady Aisha and spoke of this in sound reports, whose validity is generally accepted. (The Yacoubian Building, 119)

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The reader begins to appreciate the perspective of the writer, his feelings and thoughts about the state of things in his society. The recurrent references to the Prophet Muhammad in the adjoining pages also underscore the reality of Islam as almost a state religion in Egypt. The continuous use of narrative techniques of stripped fiction in the novel makes for easy conception for the reader. A comprehensive glossary given at the end of the novel further lays credence to the reality of this trend. We can affirm therefore that the contemporary African writer believes that the essence of any aesthetic piece is the conscious effort to define the obvious, uncover the hidden, and foster the kind of consciousness and awareness that will revamp and renew the minds of people for a better Africa, bearing in mind the realities of human existence in the different strata of society.

Conclusion Contemporary African fiction writers engage in an art for life’s sake exercise, meant to inform Africans about their realities, and reform them for a better Africa. This is ideologically opposed to the polemics of art for art’s sake, which privileges the special place of aesthetic value over extrinsic colorations. As much as literary aestheticism is important in line with the romantic dictum of John Keats in his Ode to a Grecian Urn, “beauty is truth, truth is beauty – that is all ye know on earth, and all ye need to know”, these writers blend weightiness with beauty in making conspicuous statements about socio-political issues in Africa that are quintessential. Since African literature is a utilitarian literature, these writers appreciate the fact that literature should be used to solve the basic problems of the African man or woman. For them, literature should not be an illusion, but a realistic tool of checkmating the excesses of any person in society, and to that extent; it should be picturesque and simple to comprehend in order to achieve its intended goal(s).

References Achebe, Chinua. 1997. Anthills of the Savannah. New York: Anchor. Amuta, Chidi. 1989. The Theory of African Literature: Implications for Practical Criticism. London: Zed Books. Ashcroft, Bill. 2000. Legitimate Post Colonial Knowledge.14, June. http://www.arts.uwa.edu.au/ motspluriels/mp1400ba.html. Aswany, A. Alaa. 2007. The Yacoubian Building. London: Harper Perennial.

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Booker, M. Keith. 2009. “The African Historical Novel”. The Cambridge Companion to the African Novel. Ed. Abiola Irele. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 141-57. Fanon, Frantz. 1965. The Wretched of the Earth.Trans. Constance Farrington. London: McGibbon and Kee. Isegawa, Moses. 2005. Snake pit. Johannesburg: Picador Africa. Kehinde, Ayo. 2005. “Rethinking African Fiction in the Era of Globalization: a Contest of Text and Context”. Journal of the Nigerian English Studies Association. 11:1. 87-100. Mayowa, Oladoyin Anthony. 2001. “The State and Ethno-Communal Violence in Nigeria: The Case of Ife-Modakeke”. African Development. Xxvi: 182:195-23. Momple, Lilia. 2001. Neighbours: The Story of a Murder. Essex: Heinemann. Obiechina, Emmanuel. 1988. “The Writer and His Commitment in Contemporary Nigerian Society”. Okike, 27/28:4-20. Ogu, Julius N. 1986. “Modern African Literature: A Literary Echo of Cultural, Political Reality”. Literature and Society: Selected Essays on African Literature.Ed. Ernest N. Emenyonu. Oguta: Zim PanAfrican Publishers.112. Ojaide, Tanure. 2006. The Activist. Lagos: Farafina Press, 2006. Ojakorotu, Victor. 2008. “The Internationalization of Oil Violence in the Niger Delta of Nigeria”. Alternatives: Turkish journal of Int.l Relations. 1.7:92-118. Quiller-Couch and Arthur Thomas. 2014. “Ode on a Grecian Urn”. The Oxford Book of English Verse. 12 September. http://www.bartleby.com/101/c Tsaaior, James Tar. 2006. “Ideology and African Literature”. An Encyclopaedia of the Arts. 4.5:411-421.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN TEXT, CULTURE AND MEANING IN EMMA EREGARE’S THE CURSE OF A WOMAN AND OSADEBAMWEN OAMEN’S THE WOMEN OF ORENA ARE WISER THAN THE GODS

KINGSLEY I. EHIEMUA DEPT. OF THEATRE AND MEDIA ARTS AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA, NIGERIA Abstract This chapter discusses the plays of two up and coming Nigerian playwrights, The Curse of a Woman, by Emma Eregare and The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods, by Osadebamwen Oamen, in order to assert that many texts of drama (and literature in general) are platforms for understanding the dynamics of culture and society through their production of meanings. It also seeks to foreground the relationship between text (as an artistic creation), culture (which signifies a way of life as well as literary conventions), and meaning (which is making sense of a range of signifiers in a text in relation to culture). Some of the affirmations of this descriptive critical endeavor are: (i) the plays of Eregare and Oamen under study, are reminders of how indeed culture and society are dynamic; (ii) when a significant portion of society unites and agrees that change is desirable, even the gods will be compelled to obey; (iii) literature in general is a reference point in contemplating the dynamics of culture; (iv) a creative artist and the interpreters of his/her works are at liberty to manipulate literary resources to their own advantage and to the bias of both reader and critic in order to tell a universal truth. Key words: Text, Culture, Society, Meaning, Dynamics, Artistic creation

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Introduction This chapter is a sociological reading of Emma Eregare’s The Curse of a Woman (TCW) (2006) and Osadebamen Oamen’s The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods (TWOAWG) (2009). The aim is to explicate in the two texts the inevitable process of change in an epoch and to establish the fact that norms and traditions are never static. It further affirms that if there is anything that best explains the nature of society and culture, it is a creative work of literature. The reasons are: (i) though a creative work is fictive and as such may not lay claim to objectivity, as Plato in The Repulic (Dukore 1982, 21-3) would argue, it is a critique of society and culture; (ii) it may be a representation of an aspect of society and of reality from the author’s perspective, or what the naturalists would call “tranche de vie” – “a slice of life” – (Brocket 1993, 184), but its content engages the intellect through its pedagogical and aesthetic functions; and (iii) the elements and devices of literature like the story, language, myths, folklore, rituals, songs, which the author manipulates to the bias of readers and audience, constitute the tangible and intangible materials of culture. Emma Eregare and Osadebamen Oamen are among the crop of upcoming Nigerian playwrights who, like many of their older and senior colleagues, represent “a certain kind of reality … from a certain angle of vision” (Wa Thiong’o 1981, 6). Eregare’s The Curse of a Woman and Oamen’s The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods, are examples of their creative outputs, which subject the societies of their texts to critical scrutiny. The writers demonstrate a dimension of artistic commitment to indigenous roots that have been associated with modern Nigerian drama and the entire post-colonial African literature. A large corpus of postindependence African literature has rendered its society to critical appraisal. If the work does not portray disillusionment, arising from the misrule of the emergent corrupt African leaders, it will target sociocultural values and belief systems, or examine the contemporary African social or domestic life in an urban or rural setting. Mythology, traditional religion, ritual, history, and folklore have also been traditional oral sources, available for the creative use of modern African dramatists. Lindfors (2007, 22) in “Politics, Culture, and Literary Form” argues that modern African literature in English and French has been “shaped by the same forces that have transformed much of the African continent during the past hundred years”. He further affirms that “Writers have served not only as chroniclers of contemporary history, but also as advocates of radical social change”; and that “their works thus both reflect and project the course of Africa’s cultural revolution” (2007, 22). The

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dominant literature that has emerged at every stage of Africa’s political and socio-cultural history is one of liberation. Such literary works always seek to challenge the cognitive and affective responses of its readers to issues of contemporary reality, or they provide alternative perspectives for the contemplation of political or social realities. These creative works liberate the mind, stimulate the consciousness of readers to re-evaluate social institutions, subject value system to scrutiny, promote an understanding of the indigenous culture, or ambitiously aspire to mobilize the masses against restrictive or reactionary forces opposed to social transformation. Arayela (2013, 511) writes: … Plays in … [post-colonial] era are socialist in outlook, and present the emergence of a new society as a collective issue that must involve all and sundry. Hitherto, heroic characters in African plays had been drawn from the upper stratum of society; and the evolution of any good thing in society had been as a result of individuals who sometimes lose all in the process of giving themselves totally; to ensure a better society. With the new emergent writers … the protagonists are not [only ordinary] individuals, but [they] are drawn from the consciousness of the oppressed masses. These writers identify the fact that everyone has a role to play in the emergence of the ideal society.

Observably, the issue of text, culture, and meaning in a postcolonial literary discourse embodies a system of dialectical engagement between the creative artist and his or her readers/audience, amongst whom is the critic, with the society, its value system and conventions the object of concern. The totality of the shared social and literary experience can be called a cultural process. Any writer who therefore writes about his or her society adds value to it. The critic who interprets his or her works does the same to both the creative text and society. The sociological reading adopted in this chapter illustrates F. R. Leavis’ method of socially conscious criticism, which, according to Habib (2011, 206), is cast in a “moralistic and humanistic tradition.” Leavis’ socially conscious approach to a critical study of creative works teaches that: We cannot go to literature in an external “manner”, treating it as a social document [and that] “literature will yield to the sociologist, or anyone else, what it has to give only if it is approached as literature.”1 [It insists] that literary criticism must go well beyond looking at “the words on the page” [because according to Leavis] the study of literature … is “an intimate study of the complexities, potentialities, and essential conditions of human nature”. In his essay “Sociology of Literature”, he affirmed that a real literary interest is an interest in man, society, and civilization… (Habib 2011, 206).

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This socially conscious approach, which takes “literary interest in man, society, and civilization”, is the focal point of the sociological reading of the two plays under reference.

Text, Culture and Meaning in the Two Plays The two Nigerian plays under study manifest issues of socio-cultural and political significance, which determine the cause and development of dramatic action and how conflicts between stakeholders in society are resolved through affirmative action. Victory for the oppressed and relegated women in the plays validates the significance of their struggles and reveals that drama can be a tool for social and cultural change. The two plays are themselves a critique of culture and society, in which the struggle to transform socio-cultural beliefs and values on the one hand and the conservative desire to preserve them on the other, assume the imperative of form in the dramatic texts, and make meanings the indispensable component of form and structure. In The Curse of a Woman (TCW) the long speech of Oshehor, the female protagonist at the beginning of the play, establishes the tension between two contending forces, namely: those in a predominantly male authority, and the oppressed females who have suffered centuries of subjugation and relegation due to existing social norms and values. Oshehor’s verbose outburst underlines the African woman’s burden under patriarchal chauvinism. When a mother swears against her son with her breast, success never smiles on him We are the mothers of the land. In between our legs comes the nation. We women have since time uncountable been suffering, paying for the sins of Eve. We have been put into undue hardship and humiliation …. We must tell our husbands, brothers, and fathers that enough is enough. True, they stay on top. But it’s we who carry the weight below. They drill us and pump their seed into us …. We are supposed to be seen not heard. Staying there like the stick only meant to wipe the anus …. We are the silent hoe with which the yam mound is dug. (TCW, 4-6)

It becomes obvious at the beginning of the play that the women reject their social status and the indignities they suffer due to cultural norms; and that they are ready to mobilize against the aspects of tradition that have made them inferior or second class members of the society. They

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are set to pressure those in authority to change the norms. This is patent in Oshehor’s revealing extended metaphor: We are the silent hoe with which the yam mound is dug. The hoe too grunts and protests as the handle flies in splinters; tired of being oppressed, it refuses to dig. Then the yams will rot and not grow. (TCW, 6)

The personification evident in the symbol of the “silent hoe”, grunting under the weight of oppression and which “protests as the handle flies in splinters”, signifies the women’s resolve to resist institutional and cultural oppression. And the allegory of the “yams will rot and not grow” foreshadows the disastrous consequences if the state authority, represented by the play’s monarch, refuses to heed to their clamor. These two metaphors, in conjunction with the lexical item in the play’s title – The “Curse” of the Woman – become the controlling signs, which advance dramatic action and also determine the principles behind character delineation. Oshehor’s prophetic proclamation “the yam will rot and not grow” do not only prefigure catastrophic consequences in the land, they also inform the conscious reader of the text about the sterility and decay that the state and her reactionary forces at the corridor of power will suffer if they continue to be opposed to change. We will now examine what the play reveals as being the curse of the women. It includes practices such as female genital mutilation, forced marriages, polygamy, the denial of inheritance, mourning a deceased husband by sleeping with the corpse in an isolated place for days without food, and several other forms of indignity. Some such indignities are revealed in the discourses of some of the female characters. Oshehor, who leads the group of female protesters to the palace, is aware that their real enemy is the tradition and customs of the land, not really the men in power who enforce them. This is explicit in Iyasere’s declaration: “Our people have been blind because of their beliefs, tradition, and customs … cannot now change that or we will be swept away and will no longer be a people” (TCW, 21). Then, Oshehor informs the King about the purpose of their visit to the palace, which is to make the monarch change the debasing aspects of tradition that dehumanize the female folk. The women, of course, are denied their requests by the King and his council, but they succeed in exposing the affliction (curse) suffered by the women (which they want reversed) before the state and throne. However, in the play, Tama is the woman who makes the king and the state suffer the consequence of not heeding the women’s clamor for a change in tradition. She is forced into betrothal to the heir apparent to the throne (name not given) who dies mysteriously. The younger prince, Utho,

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who is supposed to take the place of the deceased, commits suicide. The youngest of the three princes, Emena, to whom she is betrothed for the third time, also dies mysteriously. She is returned to her parents, and the king pronounces sanction of death against anyone who would go after her. It appears that the playwright sympathizes with Tama and the women’s cause to make their conditions change by making the three princes die as soon as Tama is betrothed to them. The death of the three princes after betrothal is difficult to comprehend as coincidence. If the travails of the women are the requirements of tradition, it is also hardly conceivable that the gods of the land are fighting on the women’s behalf, otherwise, Okpubeku, the traditional priest of the land would so divine. However, later the King unknowingly makes Tama his new love interest and impregnates her, thereby violating his own proclaimed prohibition. He discovers he has been deceived by her, under heavy disguise. The king then decides to execute his penalty by committing suicide just to uphold honor and redeem his integrity. Before the King’s death, he accedes to all the requests that have been made by the female activist, Oshehor, and makes pronouncements to change tradition. Oshehor is elevated to a prominent position in the king’s council. Tama’s unborn child is named the next heir to the throne, while she is to act as the regent until the child is born and comes of age. Similarly, the material basis for the focus and development of the dramatic action in Oamen’s The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods (TWOAWG) is the women’s protest against the privileged men who manipulate tradition and religion to perpetuate their selfish interests to the detriment of the female folk. Like in Eregare’s play, the women in TWOAWG are also victorious in making the monarch concede to their demands for alleviating the affliction plaguing young brides married to the palace. The women achieve this through affirmative action and a withdrawal of wifely duties, in order to force the insensitive monarch and his council to obey them. The questions that arise in the text are: why would the gods decide to kill every woman that the prince marries for the sin committed by the King and his Queen? Why not kill the King or the Queen, or even the Prince? What is the aim of the gods that they make innocent daughters of the underprivileged parents victims of the agony of bereavement? These poor parents in the play are also too timid and weak to confront the monarch when he forcibly demands the hands of their daughters in marriage. Could it be that the people’s gods have become as insensitive and irresponsible as the males who are their agents and who occupy the corridors of power? Could it be that the gods have no regard for the poor? These and so many

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other questions are likely to arise in the consciousness of the readers/audience as the plot of the play unfolds and, to which by the several possibilities in the text, readers could find answers themselves. However, Ataje, the reluctant mother of the seventh bride of the Prince, who leads other women of the land in protest, denounces the perpetual death of the Prince’s brides which have become an agonizing trend to them: Ataje: Join us to put forces together against the forces that cut the Queens apparent slot in their prime. My beloved fellow women of Orena, is it a crime to be a woman? Six of our children have seriously been plucked by an unseen hand of death. The man or woman who cracks kernel on a stone may lose count, but the stone that does the cracking does not. (TWOAWG 43)

When the women succeed in forcing the king and his men to yield to their demand to find a solution to the mysterious deaths of the young brides, Ataje indicts the gods: Ataje: Why is it that it is the innocent wife who bears the penalty? A man beats his wife with a child on her back. The man did not respect the innocent child and the gods did nothing to the man, his wife, or the son, but continues to kill every woman that is married to the child [in his] adulthood. … It is anti-mother and child. No seventh wife shall be. I am going home with my daughter. (TWOAWG 50)

When Ogidan, the Chief Priest of the kingdom, rebukes Ataje: “Do you mean the women of Orena are wiser than the gods?” Ataje replies with a threat that the women are determined to carry out: Ataje: If you cannot tell the gods to stop their anger against our daughters and women we shall stop the gods. … We shall kill the gods in our consciousness. It is [sic] gods because it [sic] lives in our minds. If it [sic] dies in our minds it ceases to live. (TWOAWG 55)

Ataje and the other women win at last and they succeed in making good their threats. The king and his council of chiefs and the chief priest are frustrated into submission. The women’s bidding is carried out. This victory is seen by Ataje as a landmark achievement that will make society “replenish itself” (TWOAWG56). The concluding conversation of the play between 1st woman and Ataje reveals the women’s sacrifice and unity of purpose, which are necessary for victory in any struggle.

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African history, in the pre-colonial and post-colonial societies, is replete with rulers whose conservative dispositions, manipulative tendencies, greed, visionless leadership, like those in the two texts, have been the bane of social cohesion, and which permitted the entrenchment of moribund and sterile values and norms to the detriment of society. They have also been crushed by the momentum and persistence of the forces of social change, because the culture of a people is an endless narrative. It is ever receptive, expansive, and vulnerable to change.

Dramatic Techniques in TCW and TWOAWG As stated earlier, the two plays under study are a critique of culture and society. Their aesthetic significance is discernible in their form, structure, language, contrast, and irony. These elements, including characterisation in the two texts, are some of the textual and literary resources, which communicate meanings between the creative writer and the reader/audience and help to establish the connection between fiction and cultural reality. Fictional strategies do not only help to define all nature of literary and aesthetic experience (Abrams 1981, 44), they reinforce literature as an important constituent in a nation’s culture (Sutherland 2010, 50-52). In other words, they give legitimacy to the perception of culture “as a story that people tell themselves about themselves” (Adelakun, 2011, 65) In The Curse of a Woman and The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods, contrast is an important dramatic element that gives form to the plays. It establishes the conflict in the texts and determines the organization of plot and structure. For instance, from the first speech of Oshehor which begins The Curse of a Woman, it becomes obvious that there are two contending forces in the society of the play, namely: the males who preside over the corridor of power and the custodians of the people’s norms and values on the one hand, and on the other hand the relegated and oppressed other - the women - who want aspects of tradition to change. The play therefore proceeds to present incidents of women’s subjugation in the society where Tama becomes one of its victims. The female consciousness of societal dehumanization of women in the text

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leads Tama to plot a strategy that eventually exposes the hypocrisy of the monarch who also doubles as a symbol of the resident forces that stand against change. The monarch vacates power, and a new order emerges in which all aspects of custom that dehumanize women are abolished. In the new order Tama (a woman) reigns as head of the community. The element of contrast also gives form to the dramatic action of The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods in a subtle but significant manner. This is seen not only in the usual male/female divide, also in the pursuance of goals by both groups of characters in the play. For instance, the women in the play, apart from the king’s two wives, constitute the main opposition against the continual betrothal of the young brides who keep dying to Zolobo, the prince and heir apparent, while the men see the women’s opposition as an affront to the state and throne. The mobilization of the women against the continuous, callous, and forced royal marriages that always end in the demise of the brides and the schemes by the men, including the palace chiefs and brides’ fathers to outwit and frustrate the women (some of whom are mothers of the demised and new brides), create a sharp contrast in the aspirations of the two gender groups and increase the tension and tempo of the play. This also establishes the conflict of the text, which assumes a bigger dimension when Ataje, the leader of the women and mother of the seventh bride, Omeme, is appalled by the reluctance of the monarch to find out the cause of the affliction. Ataje comprehends this reluctance of the monarch as an official expression of the age-long relegation of women; and she is unrelenting in mobilizing the women against the monarch and custom in order to provide a permanent solution to the persistent problem. In this play, the contrast between the aspiration/interest of the two different genders (the women and the men) constitutes the major principle that drives the play to its denouement. The language of the two plays emerges as a significant vehicle for dramatic expression. The creative extended metaphors in the plays beginning from the titles to the proverbs, locate the plays in their appropriate traditional and cultural roots. The first metaphor, “curse”, in The Curse of a Woman, appears in the title and stimulates both the readers’ curiosity and an awareness of a problem to the gender referent in the title. The use of the word “curse” is metaphorical because it is “a word which in the standard … usage denotes one kind of thing and [is being] applied to another” (Abrams 1981, 63). In the play, the word “curse” is used to refer to obnoxious customary/traditional responsibilities and practices involving women like widowhood rites, polygamy, denial of inheritance, female genital mutilation and others, which they want the state/monarch to

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abolish; whereas, literally “curse” means an offensive word or a solemn utterance intended to inflict harm or punishment on someone or something. The plot of the play subsequently reveals the curse of the women with the latter denotation. The metaphor of the small sensitive elongated erectile organ in the female genital, known as clitoris, which is referred to as “the devil’s finger” in the play, is humorous, as well as establishing the reason for the traditional abhorrence of that essential female organ and the cultural battle in favour and against it. Some of the other sexual images that reinforce the battle of the sexes are patent in Oshehor’s words: True, they stay on top But it’s we who carry the weight below They pump their seed into us… But it’s we who must carry and fertilize the seed to germinate. We are the soil that provides the harvest. (TCW, 5-6)

Ogbu’s use of simile in her description of Oshehor: “She is like a useless rag that must be swept into the dustbin before it poses a nuisance on the floor” (TCW, 31-2), portrays her as a bad influence on the women folk who should therefore be pulled down so that the women’s objectives in the play would not be achieved. The metaphors and proverbs enliven the dialogues of The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods. The play’s poetic language reinforces its cultural background and helps to link the title of the play to its thematic thrust. Again, the declarative nature of the language of the title, “The women of Orena are wiser than the gods”, has the potential of stimulating the play’s reader to seek to know what extraordinary wisdom the women of Orena community have acquired that accords them such extraordinary elevation over their gods. The figurative expressions all harbor some of the imageries that enrich the linguistic resources of the play and its rootedness in oral culture. (1) “… you are in my arms like the gazelle in the hunter’s trap” (TWOAWG 2) – [simile]; (2) “… the heavy stain is part of her withering monthly roses “ (TWOAWG 5) – [metaphor]; (3) “aren’t you glad that you are the first man to pass through that route?”(TWOAWG 6) – [euphemism]; (4) “I cannot set the teeth against the tongue or the tongue against … the teeth” (TWOAWG) – [synecdoche].

The figurative expressions in the text provide cultural knowledge and entertainment.

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The play’s proverbs are just as informative as other linguistic features visible in The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods regarding the indigenous culture represented in the text. For example: (i) “… the man or woman who cracks kernel on a stone may lose count but the stone that does the cracking does not” (TWOAWG 43) alludes to the insensitivity of the monarch or state to the pains of mothers of the brides who die as soon as they are married to the prince and a scathing attack on the men in authority for refusing to find traditional solutions to the affliction in the land. (ii) “… only the fowl ... feels the pains of laying an egg ...” (TWOAWG 41) is an earlier remark by the women which hints at the same meaning of the proverb given above. (iii) “... wherever death stops the killing of elders that is where seniority begins” (TWOAWG 40) is intended by the chiefs to emphasize the respect and privilege that should be accorded to a senior or an elder in a traditional forum. (iv) “… whoever forgets his buttocks at home because he is in a hurry may have nothing to sit with when he or she arrives at his or her destination” (TWOAWG 56) refers to the need to be at alert and prepared for any eventuality.

Through these proverbs and many more, the play’s reality evokes a familiar culture outside the creative text. The aspects of the tribal tradition portrayed in the play, apart from the characters’ names, which are drawn from the language of the Esan people of Edo State of Nigeria, are: the form of traditional marriage ceremony, the traditional honor accorded to the parents of brides when they are married out as virgins, the taboo for a king to see a corpse and the traditional requirement that a widower must not mourn his deceased spouse beyond seven days. The names of the characters in the first play, The Curse of a Woman, also suggest the play depicts the Isoko/Urhobo culture. However, some of the unacceptable traditional practices that the female characters in The Curse of a Woman revolt against are women-centered customary practices common to several tribes in the south of Nigeria, including the Urhobo people. It is obvious that the dramatic techniques of the two plays are stylistic/creative tools of their authors to critique some indigenous tribal cultures in Nigeria, especially those customs where the denigration of women is still the prevailing practice. To achieve this satirical aim, the two texts also use irony explored at both verbal and situational levels. In The Curse of a Woman, the mistress of the king turns out to be Tama, who has been betrothed thrice to three deceased princes, and who has been accused of bringing ill luck to the palace. She also eventually turns out to be the

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ruler of the community and a mother of the future king. It is a situational irony that she, who was married to the children of the king, ends up becoming the king’s mistress. She, who was thought to be a curse to the palace and to the entire kingdom, becomes a blessing to the community, its regent, and mother of the future king. Such situational irony is achieved in The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods at a less prominent, but equally effective level as TCW’s. King Omena, who believes so much in the gods and tradition of the people and knows where to seek answers to any mysterious occurrence threatening the lives of his subjects, simply refuses to call the chief priest of the land to seek a solution to the affliction from the gods. Ataje and other women eventually bring him to reality, and then a solution is found through the same source the king earlier said could not provide remedy (TWOAWG 34-5). The title of the play The Women of Orena are wiser than the gods is itself an irony at both situational and verbal conceptions. The women are said to be wiser than the gods, who, in traditional belief-systems, are the givers and repositories of wisdom. The incidents in the play that lead to the resolution of the conflict generated in it, demonstrate that the women are indeed wiser than both the gods and their male intermediaries at the helm of affairs in Orena. A bitter satirical attack through lampooning, target patriarchal men in authority and the gods in traditional societies, is palpably perceived irony in the two plays. This is also conceived as a driving principle behind the pedagogical aims of the plays.

Conclusion By and large, the creative artist and interpreters of his/her works are victims of endless subjectivity in their perception of society at no fault of their own. This is so because art, society, and culture are “a complex whole [encompassing] everything members of ongoing society socially learnt and shared” (Odelakun, 2011, 65, citing Taylor, 1981); and they are also vulnerable to change. The Curse of a Woman and The Women of Orena are Wiser than the gods are texts which evince the pervasive reality that society and culture are dynamic and always in a state of flux. The two texts are their authors’ dialectical engagements with the Nigerian society of their time on the following subjects, namely: the fate of women in both traditional and modern societies, the incompetence and manipulative tendencies of those who administer the people, the phenomenon of change, and the fruits of sacrifice and struggle.

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A reading of the two texts illustrates how a playwright uses his text to dialogue with his society, and any of the characters’ vision that triumphs in the plot’s denouement is his ideological position on the contentious issues in the society. This is the nature of art itself, which communicates a universal truth through a fictive medium and through the portrayal of the ever-evolving process of culture. This is why art must win followership for its messages to transform society. Again, the pedagogical and aesthetic interests in a creative work must be relevant to all cultural milieus for the text to be timeless. Between a creative text, culture and meaning is an infrastructure of codes that validates art as an indispensable component of culture, and a platform for understanding its dynamic nature.

References Abrams, M. H. 1981. A Glossary of Literary Terms. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Adelakun, Abraham O. 2011. “Cultural Documentation and Structural Analysis”. In Perspectives on Cultural Administration in Nigeria, edited by Olu Obafemi and Barclays Ayakoroma, 64 –74. Ibadan: Kraft Books. Arayela Taye. 2013. “Historicity and Protest in Selected African Drama”. In Arts, Culture and Communication in a Postcolony, edited by Ameh Dennis Akoh and Stephen E. Inegbe, 508 – 520. Kent: Alphas Crownes Publishers. Brocket, Oscar. G. 1993. The Essential Theatre. Texas: Harcourt Bruce Javanovich. Dukore, Bernard F. 1973. Dramatic Theory and Criticism Greeks to Grotowski. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Eregare, Emma. 2006. The Curse of a Woman. Benin City: Ever-Blessed. Habib, M. A. R. 2011. Literary Criticism from Plato to the Present: An Introduction. Malden Massachusetts, USA: Wiley-Blackwell. Kirwan, James. 1990. Literature, Rhetoric, Metaphysics Literary Theory and Literary Aesthetics. London: Routledge. Lindfors, Bernth. 2007. “Politics, Culture and Literary Form”. In African Literature: An Anthology of Criticism and Theory, edited by Tejuomola Olaniyan and Ato Quayson, 22 – 29. Maiden, Massachusetts, USA: Blackwell. Oamen, Osadebamen. 2009. The Women of Orena are Wiser than the gods. Benin City: Forthspring. Smith, Charles and Ce Chin. 2011. “Prefatory Note. African Tradition and Contemporary Writing”. Journal of African Literature and Culture. 8.

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Sutherland, John. 2010. 50 Literature Ideas you really need to know. London: Quercus Publishers, 2010. Wa Thiong’o, Ngugi. 1981. Writers in Politics. London: Heinemann.

CHAPTER NINETEEN CONTEMPORARY AFRICA IN LENRIE PETERS’ POETRY ISAAC I. ELIMIMIAN DEPT. OF ENGLISH, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract Born in 1932 in Bathurst in the Gambia, Lenrie Peters was educated at Cambridge University, where he qualified as a medical doctor. As a poet, Lenrie Peters’ lyrical themes encompass Africa’s socio-political values and the negative effect of Western colonialism on the indigenous African culture. Unfortunately, however, neither these themes nor the style with which Peters articulates them, have been given serious critical attention. This chapter provides the missing perspective, not only to expand the frontiers of his criticism, but also to draw attention to the series of Africa’s socio-cultural problems, which need to be urgently addressed in the new millennium. The chapter will focus on some Peters’ poems, such as “We Have Come Home”, “Homecoming”, “It is time for reckoning Africa”, and “Lost Friends”. Key words: Contemporary Africa, Lenrie Peters’ poetry, Western colonization

Introduction As a poet, Lenrie Peters’ subject matter encompasses a wide variety of themes. Douglas Killam and Ruth Rowe describe him as follows: “He is generally regarded as one of the most intellectual of his generation. Ideas – about politics, evolution, science, and music – orchestrate his images in the form of debates” (Killam & Rowe 2000, 211). Unlike some of his contemporaries who idolize or romanticize Africa (e.g. David Diop: “Africa”; Abioseh Nicol: “The Meaning of Africa”), Lenrie Peters does

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not go out of his way to celebrate the greatness of the mother continent. Rather, he looks closely at the challenges and predicaments of the region, against a backdrop of contemporary realities. For example, it is from this point of view that he presents the long poem “It is time for reckoning Africa.” To be sure, Africa for Peters has long been the object of denigration and ridicule by other peoples - both for what they perceive the continent to be (as backward and barbaric), and also for what they have done to it in material terms, including exploitation. The poet begins with an attack on the traditional rulers, whom he describes mockingly in stanza four as “Maudors” who “…sit on wicker thrones ghosted by white ants a hundred Marabus at hand living on the fat of the land” (Senanu & Vincent 1976, 169). Peters also has scathing words for the soldiers who recklessly stage military coup-d’états on the pretext that they want to sanitize the society or get rid of its problems. This is very much like J.P. Clark’s lyric “The Cleaners,” where the soldiers - who are the objects of the poet’s ridicule assert their readiness to clean up the rot in the body-polity; but rather than do a good job of cleaning the political rot, they themselves soon become the rot. Consequently, the poet urges all citizenry - that is, the soldiers, civilian leaders, and everyone alike - to take responsibility for their own actions, in order to ensure good governance. Apparently, for the poet Peters, he sees no end to the political mess: .

all threatening coups and claiming vast receipts like winsome children feeding on mother’s milk The seats of government leveled at the dice they get the mast who tell the biggest lies ………………………. oh country of great hopes and boundless possibilities will the seed grain perish forever. Will river run endlessly with bloods saints resort to massacre and all your harvests burnt? (Senanu & Vincent 1976, 169-170).

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Mention must be made of the poem’s title, “It is time for reckoning Africa”, which subtly hints at the fact that the continent has existed long enough to recognize the need to take stock of events, if it must grow. True, Africa is known as the cradle of human civilization. Today, however, that thinking appears to be a myth, especially considering the giant strides made by other continents, where, for example, in the field of science and technology, Africa pales considerably by comparison. As a historical poem it employs the Biblical allusion of Noah’s Ark, where humanity was saved from extinction from the face of the earth. It also employs the four-line quatrain structure, which makes it fairly easy to read. Beyond these, the turgidity of Peters’ verse is generally acknowledged which, for example, prompts David Cook to comment on him as follows: “Even in an established poet’s work like Lenrie Peters, there are moments when one is at a loss to interpret a certain arrangement of lines aloud, particularly when invited to emphasize a normally unstressed word at the end of line” (Cook 1977, 40). The concluding stanza of the poem is illuminating: it does not give up hope on Africa. Rather, it urges the continent to forge ahead, to follow the “strait path/from world to better world.” Indeed, the entire lyric recalls Chinua Achebe’s The Trouble with Nigeria, which its author says is “a savage indictment of the current system and a message of hope for the future”. The time for action is now (Achebe, 1983; Senanu & Vincent, 1976). Another poem of remembrance or reminiscence, where Peters bares his mind on the growth and development of things is, “One Long Jump,” which chronicles the state of human development in the universal scheme of nature. In this poem, man and nature are seen together, in close proximity and unanimity with one another, with nature speaking to man in “a language of birds and flowers” (an echo of Wordsworth’s “the birds thus sing a joyous song” in his Ode: Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood). Artfully crafted, Peters repetitively employs the complex phrase “One Long Jump” in each of its four stanzas, apparently to illustrate the continuity in human civilization and in nature. While the first two stanzas celebrate the celestial glory and beauty of the natural world, the concluding two stanzas lament the gradual deterioration and decay of the universe as a result of human activity and wanton inanity. The employment of such images as “Never quite the same/Because things get mouldy”, “And milk loses its taste/ On the coated tongue”, “So we can never arrive/At the beginning”, “It is enough/To seek the shortcut/To the grave”, clearly illustrates the gradual decline into oblivion of human quests and ambitions. Its message recalls Samuel Johnson’s The Vanity of

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Human Wishes. The poem would have lost its grace and effectiveness without documenting the contrary states of nature, and without its apt employment of the repetitive and complex line “One long jump”, which links the past with the present, the dead with the living. Furthermore, the moral lesson that the poem enunciates - e.g., that everything in life has its rise and decline, its beauty and ugliness - makes it an important literary masterpiece.

Aftermath of Western Colonialism Peters’ treatment of the subject of Western colonialism is reflected in such poems like “We Have Come Home,” “Homecoming,” and “Lost Friends.” But it is really the aftermath of Western colonialism, which he engages, and not its nature or its processes, as found in the works of most of his contemporaries. In “We Have Come Home”, the poet discusses the predicament of some African students who, upon returning home from their studies abroad, discover - to their chagrin - that nothing positive has been accomplished or preserved for them regarding the promises made to them to return home. In order to press home their demands, the students continue to emphasize their argument through the employment of the refrain, “We Have Come Home”, which runs through each of the respective four stanzas. The fulcrum of the poem’s argument derives its origin from the perennial problem often encountered by African students from their parents who urge them to return home upon the completion of their studies. Frequently, these students are promised several alluring benefits, which unfortunately are never fulfilled. The use of the following images, for example, suggests the students’ sense of disappointment that there is nothing for them at home to return to: “Sunken hearts”, “the true massacre of the soul”, and the “death march/violating our ears”. Similarly, the satisfaction which they derive from their foreign studies is suggested by “We have come home/Bringing the pledge” and the “spirit which asks no favour/of the world/But to have dignity” (Senanu & Vincent, 1976, 16364). As a poem that explores contemporary realities, it is likely to appeal to future generations, as well as to current readers. In this poem, there is a ringing tone of anger and satisfaction, sorrow and joy, exhortation and compromise. The interplay between the bad and the good, the hopeless and the hopeful, adds an interesting paradigm to Peters’ poetic narrative. In this poem, Peters does not directly mention the pain of suffering that some of his contemporaries like Senghor, Kofi Awoonor, David Diop, and others articulate in their works - e.g., discrimination, inclement weather,

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nostalgia; rather, he employs images, metaphors, and allusions to document his experience (e.g., “bloodless wars,” “massacre of the soul,” the “songs of other lands”). This strategy does not only bespeak the poet’s objectivity, it also shows his determination not to be sentimental about deep personal matters. “Homecoming,” much like the preceding lyric, portrays the havoc that Western colonialism has wrought on Africa’s socio-cultural and political values like malignant nemesis: The present reigned supreme Like the shallow floods over the gutters Over the raw paths where use had been The house with the shutters Too strange the sudden change Of the times we hurried when we left The times before we had properly arranged The memories that we kept. Our sapless roots have fed The wind-swept seedlings of another age. Luxuriant weeds have grown where we led The virgins to the water’s edge. There at the edge of the town Just by the burial ground Stands the house without a shadow Lived in by new skeletons. That is all that is left To greet us on the home-coming After we have paced the world And longed for returning (Gerald Moore & Ulli Beier 1998, 87).

The last two lines of this poem painfully highlight the frustration and agony of many African students who, having traversed the entire globe in quest of the golden fleece of knowledge, are rewarded with platitudes. The image “new skeletons” symbolizes the new sense of hopelessness - as distinct from the old, like illiteracy, ignorance, poverty, etc - that these students encounter upon their return home from abroad. In most cases, they find that there are no health facilities, no electricity, and no gainful employment. For these students, apparently, there is something dreary and foreboding about “homecoming”. The reference “Too strange the sudden

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change”, suggests the abrupt and dramatic reversals in their living conditions. Other images employed by the poet to illustrate his sense of disappointment include the “shallow floods over the gutter”, the “raw paths where we had been”, the “sapless roots”, the “luxuriant weeds”, and the “wind-swept seedlings of another age” (Senanu & Vincent 1976, 87). These images, especially the vegetal metaphors, connote and denote the sense of rootless-ness, ennui and hopelessness, which awaits anyone contemplating a homecoming upon completion of studies abroad. Also of interest are Peters’ frequent inter-textual allusions, some of which echo the work of established or famous poets - such as his employment of the phrase “sapless roots”, which recalls Ezra Pound’s “one sap and one root” in his lyric “A Pact”. Such reference as this enlarges the canon of Peters’ poetic experience. Nor can one fail to appreciate his skilled aesthetic craftsmanship, exemplified in the poem’s quatrain structure.

Contemporary Evils As a reflection of the harsh realities of contemporary times in Africa, the subject of post-colonialism looms large in Peters’ poetry. In “Lost Friends” for example, he laments and lampoons the behavior of the African elites, who foolishly imitate the Western lifestyle: They are imprisoned In dark suits and air-conditioned offices Alsatians ready at the door On the saliva carpeted floor They spend their nights In jet airlines --Would change them in mid-air To show how much they dare Drunk from the vertigo Of never catching their tails They never seem to know When not to bite their nails Their new addiction Fortifies their livers They are getting there While the going’s good They have no time for dreamers. (Senanu & Vincent 1976, 167)

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Each of the poem’s stanzas contributes progressively to the overall sense of greed, hypocrisy, and vanity that Peters castigates. For example, stanza one exposes the hypocrisy of the educated elites who wear “dark suits” to their offices in rejection of their indigenous cultural attire. Stanza two exposes their pride and materialism: in order to show off their wealth, they fly from time to time in “jet airlines”. Stanza three metaphorically condemns their excesses, as they do not recognize when “enough is enough” (“They never seem to know/when not to bite their tails”). And stanza four castigates the general sense of moral lapse and disorientation of the African elites. Each of the stanzas too, is a quatrain, except the fourth one, which is a quintet -- apparently employed either to demonstrate his maturity and independence to exploit his own freedom of “poetic license”, or to dramatize the state of cultural perversity and moral decay into which society has unfortunately degenerated. The poem’s title is also interesting: it suggests the fact that the current state of his “friends” is completely irredeemable. “The Fence” discusses the moral dilemma that confronts the poet as a result of the conflict between traditionalism and the new modernity triggered by post-colonialism. It is a watershed that divides humanity from making a specific determination: shall I or shall I not? Here the gains of traditionalism are set against those of modernity - a kind of “maze and morass” nexus. Herein lies the poem’s intricate rhetorical virtuosity. The moral divide which Peters projects in “The Fence” can be viewed from another perspective, which is as a conflict between the mundane world and the spiritual universe. Peters does not make a specific choice between the two sides. Rather, he discusses the gains and the losses of both and leaves us to make our own individual choice. As is usual with Peters, he has a penchant to explore diverse poetic forms; here, for the most part, the stanzas are written in trimerous lines (stanzas, 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, & 7), whereas stanza five contains seven lines. While the theme of opposites that he discusses is universal, he employs appropriate antithetical images to reflect his vision of thought (e.g., “truth and untruth”, “past and future,” “forwards and backwards”). Furthermore, the poem enacts philosophical aphorisms as exemplified, for instance in “time moves forwards and backwards,” and “the body ages relentlessly.” The overall effect of all this is that it places Peters and his poetics on a literary apogee that is metaphysical and yet authentic. Of note in the poem is the callous behavior of the African elites towards their neighbors: they are indifferent to the sufferings of others (“They have no time for dreamers”); they are selfish and greedy (“their new addictions/fortifies their livers”); and they are hypocritical (they

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would “change in mid-air/To show how much they dare”). Furthermore, the contempt which the poet has for the African elites is suggested by his reference to them passively and uninterestedly through the epithet “they”, which he repeats thrice in the poem. Finally, no adjective can be more disdainful than “lost” which Peters employs derisively in the poem’s trite title conjuring the image of loss of identity through the word.

Conclusion A close review of Lenrie Peters’ poetics reveals his wide technical range, both in the handling of his themes and in his architectonics. While his subject matter embodies colonialism, post-colonialism, and recognition of Africa’s socio-cultural values, he does not romanticize them like some of his contemporaries would do. His experimentation with poetic form consists of his adroit employment of repetition, antithesis, contrast, the quatrain measure, and metaphysical imagery. There is no room for sentimentality or romanticism in Peters’ verse. He writes dispassionately, cautiously with conviction and authority.

References Achebe, Chinua. 1983. The Trouble with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers. Cook, David. 1977. African Literature: A Critical View. London: Longman Group. Killam, G.D. & Ruth Rowe. 2000. The Companion to African Literatures. Oxford & Indianapolis: Oxford and Indiana University Press. Moore, Gerald & Ulli Beier. 1998. The Penguin Book of Modern African Poetry. London: Penguin Books. Senanu, K.E. & Vincent, T. 1976. A Selection of African Poetry: New Edition. Burnt Mills, Harlow: Longman Group Ltd.

PART V: LINGUISTICS/LANGUAGE DIALECTICS

CHAPTER TWENTY CAN REINCARNATION EXPLAIN LINGUISTIC COMPETENCE/PRODIGY? NNENNA NWOSU-NWORUH DEPT. OF LANGUAGES/LINGUISTICS/ LITERARY STUDIES, FEDERAL UNIVERSITY NDUFU ALIKE

Abstract Having realized that there is a striking difference between the Western belief in reincarnation (WBIR) and the African belief in reincarnation (ABIR), in this paper, it is the intention of the author to defend the Igbo belief in reincarnation as ‘ilo uwa’: dead person’s soul being born into another flesh in order to accomplish past life wishes or desires. This will be done by answering a few questions that are much often posed by opponents of reincarnation, review of related literature on reincarnation or manifestation of life after death (Western/African, religious/traditional, scientific/philosophical), narrating the true life story of Maama whose case study has been followed from infancy till adulthood. In this study, Maama is believed to be the reincarnation of her paternal grandmother whose greatest wish in her past life was to master a ‘foreign language’. Though a polygloti, she is referred to as bilingual by reason of having French and English in her language repertoire. Curiously, a French man who speaks Alsacien/Spanish/Catalan is already a language prodigy. What makes Maama and many Africans less prodigious? Why is African bi/pluri-lingualism dependent on its citizens’ proficiency in English and many other European or Asian languages? How can African linguists define their plurilingualism and engage their Western counterparts ontologically, drawing from existing Western theories? This chapter compares the theory of reincarnation to several beliefs/theories drawn from Abrahamic and contemporary religions. Though the list is not exhaustive, the objective of this chapter is not to prove the belief in reincarnation across the various religions and philosophies; it is rather an

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attempt to prove that knowledge of reincarnation can actually help shape the life of an individual, especially in pedagogical context. Finally, inspired by the Jungian theory of the collective unconscious, the study reviews Maama’s mastery of French language, as attributed to reincarnation, and redefines language competency from a psycholinguistic perspective. Key words: Reincarnation, unconscious, psychoanalysis.

prodigy,

competence,

collective

Introduction In recent decades, many Europeans and North Americans have developed an interest in reincarnation. Contemporary films, books and popular songs frequently mention reincarnation. In the last decades, academic researchers have begun to explore reincarnation and published reports of children's memories of earlier lives in peer-reviewed journals and books. As Ogbinaka (2001) claims in what he refers to as “ancestral reincarnation”, that Africans believe that death is a “rebirth” into another life (567). To corroborate Ogbinaka’s opinion, Parrinder (1969) is convinced that the elements of the universe are not destroyed, though their forms may change; yet life will continue in another form (83). Echekwube however added another dimension to reincarnation by claiming that in ABIR, “there is multiple reincarnation of one soul in many children” (1987, 169). Though, the author holds a contrary opinion that: there is only one major reincarnation that will be phenomenal while, the others will just be the manifestation of psychic qualities. According to the WBIR, life after death has been explained in seven ways (déjà vu or illusion, xenoglossy, xenography, prejudice, phobia, prodigy, and reincarnation). But for the purposes of this chapter, the focus is on reincarnation, whereas linguistic competence or prodigy is treated as being a manifestation of reincarnation.

Problem statement Prompted by the results from the search engine Google on language prodigy - 11 names of Westerners who spoke several languages before the age of 20, questions arose on what it means to be a “language prodigy”. Since the development of spoken fluency requires prolonged exposure to a given language, claims of extensive polyglottism must generally be understood to refer to the mastery of basic communicative skills along

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with the grammatical rules and (possibly) an extensive vocabulary in the target languages, rather than a near-native level of fluency. Victor Ginsburgh and Shlomo Weber (2011) discuss the interaction of global economics and multilingualism in their book How Many Languages Do We Need?, and argue that within a country, extensive use of various languages and excessive multilingualism restrict the ability of citizens to communicate with each other and dilute the sense of national unity and identity (26). In reality, Nigeria’s multilingualism, with over 400 languages, makes it difficult for neighbours to interact in any other language outside English. The only Nigerian languages studied in school are the major languages (Igbo, Hausa, Yoruba) and some others, with more than 1million native speakers. So, an illiterate Nigerian, even in the 21st century, is always disenfranchised, how much more in the 1940s? This is perhaps how Nnenma felt - disenfranchised.

Research Question How can African belief systems and/or theoretical explorations of African culture help shape the future of Africa, drawing from existing Western theories?

Objectives Having specialized in Didactics/Pedagogy, the author of this chapter seeks to establish a fact concerning a real-life case as opposed to experimentation or mysticism/mythology. The reasons for this digression being that: 1. In reference to Jung’s concept of collective unconscious, based on his experiences with schizophrenic persons, which states that every human being is endowed with a psychic archetype-layer from birth, the chapter tried relating the linguistic competence of the individual analyzed in this study (Maama) as a manifestation of Jung’s collective unconsciousii; since according to Jung one cannot acquire this strata by education or other conscious effort, because it is innate. 2. For the purposes of this chapter, reincarnation is being discussed, not as a myth but as an individual analysis. 3. Admitting that reincarnation may be part of the collective unconscious of the people of the Eziama community in Imo state, the author however, seeks autonomy in relating this singular

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personal experience to the Jungian concept of collective unconscious. As a matter of fact, Jung digressed from the Freudian theory of the unconscious, to later develop his own theory on the unconscious to include some new concepts, the most important being the archetype. 4. Having realized that there is a striking difference between the Western belief in reincarnation (WBIR) and the African belief in reincarnation (ABIR), this communication seeks to defend the Igbo belief in reincarnation (Eziama community in particular) as “alulo uwa”: dead person’s soul being born into another flesh in order to accomplish past life wishes or desires. This will be done by review of related literature on reincarnation or manifestation of life after death (Western/African, religious/traditional, scientific/philosophical), narrating the true life story of Maama whose case study has been followed to adulthood and finally refuting the too-common claims by Western scholars about manifestations of life after death, in particular reincarnation. Maama was constantly reminded of her past incarnation when she exhibited character or attitude, which, evidently her parents and elder siblings witnessed when their grandmother was alive. In particular, her ability to learn other languages fast, without much effort, continued to remind her family members that she “is” really Nnenma. Though the list is not exhaustive, the aim of this chapter is neither to disprove the belief in reincarnation, nor deny that reincarnation may be a projection of collective unconscious, but rather to prove that knowledge of reincarnation can actually help shape the life of an individual, especially in pedagogical context. The next section is a recapitulation of an interview of the subject.

Maama’s story (Maama Abel, 43 years, Lecturer) Maama had always wished to be a medical doctor. She is good in science subjects, but displays an admirable flair for languages. This is quite unusual for a science student, as it is believed that brilliance in sciences makes up for non-fluency in languages. She speaks more than 5 dialects of her mother tongue, and was always called in to solve some grammatical problems in English in the senior primary classes while she was only in primary two. She could read and write her mother tongue (Igbo language) by age 8 (Primary 3-1981), and started reading James Hadley Chase’s novels during the same period. What a child!

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In the first 3 years of her college education, she was lucky to study French language for 1 hour every week, which enabled her to learn how to read the French alphabet and to complete simple conjugation exercises. At the end of her junior secondary school, she came out as the best science student and was optimistic to continue in sciences. However, one of the brothers suggested to their old father (she was born when the father was 70 years!) to send her to a model school as a boarder. This was done and she started school as a science student. At the end of the first term, her father noticed that her highest grade was obtained in the English language. This prompted the old man to visit her school. He spoke to the Guidance Counsellor and requested that a French teacher be employed in the school at his own expense. Her father explained that the idea was to further encourage Maama to specialize in languages and master as many as she was exposed to. The school authorities did not accept this idea as they felt that a government school could not be run by parents. At this, the father got furious and threatened to withdraw his daughter from the school where she could not study the French language. Unfortunately, months later, Maama’s father died. She completed her secondary education without learning French. Upon graduation, she curiously failed chemistry and biology, but did very well in the arts subjects. This was hard for her older siblings to accept because they all agreed that she was brilliant enough to study medicine. She decided to study engineering and sat for the university qualifying examinations, but her name was missing from the list. Three months later, it was decided that she would sit for another qualifying examination to study liberal arts in the College of Education. One of her brothers suggested she apply for French language; this was the same brother that suggested her move to a boarding school (environmental factors were stable). Other siblings frowned at such an idea. Why French language when she hardly knew how to introduce herself in the language? At the end of the day, she sat for the exams and came out as the best candidate! Note that the only admission requirement at that time was just to “have an interest in the language”. This was how Maama started her journey of learning a foreign language with little or no knowledge. Today she teaches the language at the University level. The interview with Maama was recorded by the researcher in the presence of her 8 siblings, between 2007 and 2008. The researcher is Maama’s childhood friend and classmate.

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Manifestations of past life In this chapter, it is my intention to defend the Igbo belief in reincarnation by answering a few questions that are much often posed by opponents of reincarnation. According to the WBIR, life after death has been explained in seven ways. These are: “déjà vu, prodigy, xenoglossy, xenography, prejudice, phobia and finally reincarnation”.

a. Déjà vu This is when one believes he/she has previously had an experience, which in actual sense is new to him/her. The dictionary used the word “illusion”, which implies that the feeling cannot be real. For example, one might visit a house, street or town with which he/she feels an intimate familiarity, but is certain that he/she has never seen in his/her lifetime. The question that comes to one’s mind is “why such strong feelings of attachment or familiarity?” The answer to this question will not be found in this paper because Maama has never admitted to having past life memories, nor being familiar with Nnenma’s past life, property, or behavior.

b. Prodigy Someone with a very great ability that usually manifests when the person is young. After all, if we carry memories from a past life, will it be impossible to carry knowledge or skills from a past life? The question is “what type of skill or knowledge?”

c. Xenoglossy or hypnotic diction When one is under hypnosis, it is possible to speak foreign languages languages of which one have allegedly no knowledge of in the current life. Para-psychological researchers have described xenoglossy as the outpouring of “subconscious memory” The question here is “what type of language? Dead or living?

d. Xenography For those who doubt the possibility of uttering unknown languages, we also have examples of xenography, the writing of a language unknown to the author. A typical example of this is the case of a patient under

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hypnosis who was able to write something that was later interpreted to be “Sassanid Pahlavi”, a language used in Mesopotamia between 226 and 651 A.D.

e. Prejudice Many of us will agree with me that so many times, we have found ourselves in situations of inexplicable dislike or hatred for someone we have never met in our lifetime. Does it mean that in our past life we have had unpleasant experiences with the fellow? It is obvious that modern science would dismiss, such as “obnoxious” or “anti-social” behaviour.

f. Phobia It is true that prejudice can be carried out throughout one’s life, but can we carry it from life to life? If that is so, then phobia could well be a result of a past life experience. Dr Fiore has confirmed that phobias, fears, and even aversions are rooted in a traumatic past life experience.

g. Reincarnation In all these manifestations of past life, reincarnation may seem a plausible explanation in relation to manifestations of life after death. In each of the cases (from déjà vu to phobia), memories or skills are carried over from a past life. This claim might sound silly, but if one objectively considers the points raised above, it is no wonder that such memories may be more than just a case of nostalgia. In the case of prodigy, there is skill or knowledge transfer from past ‘incarnation’. Otherwise how can one explain the fact that Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, at the age of four, wrote a piano concerto, a sonata, and several duets? At age seven, he had composed a full opera! How does one explain this, particularly at such an early age? Is it genetics? Extensive practice? Reincarnation? Given that there are manifestations with near universality that reflect common human experience, they simply cannot be ignored. Such occurrences according to WBIR imply a recollection of past life. But it will be inadmissible in the Igbo culture for a reincarnee to recollect a past life experience. Only people around him/her should recognize such ingenuity and interpret such to be a manifestation of the dead person’s wish. In other words, reincarnation is considered the actualization of one’s past life wish. On the other hand, xenoglossy or xenography are inadmissible in the African setting. The Western world would dismiss this

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as part of Africa’s ignorance being an oral-based race. Nevertheless, from scientific point of view, it is widely known that whatever information you obtain from an individual under hypnosis should not be considered valid. How can one believe information obtained from a patient under hypnotic condition to be a fact, but consider untrue or fallacious the information provided by living witnesses of a past life of a reincarnee? Consider the following case of an individual who is believed to be a product of reincarnation owing to her linguistic prodigy. Neighbours and family members are the ones that identified her to be the reincarnee because they actually were living witnesses of the present person’s past life wish. The summary of the story is that her paternal grandmother made a wish in her lifetime to be educated to the level of “sakramenti”. A word she heard for the first time during her catechism classes (in Igbo language!) prior to her conversion to Christianity. What could have prompted such a wish? Maama’s family members and villagers alike called her “Nnenma”, which is the name of her paternal grandmother. For those who admit cross-sex reincarnation, it is not so in Igboland (in particular the Eziama community where this study was carried out). Sex has never been seen as a handicap; rather it is one’s ability to deal with situations. Nnenma’s son (Maama’s father) received Western education and spoke English very well, but not with his mother. Why did she not wish to be like her son? No! She was satisfied being a mother, married to a polygamist and being a successful palm oil dealer. Her greatest handicap was “illiteracy”. Nnenma said she was going to come back in her next life to “be educated” (gene mutation? heredity?). Not just to study, but that she would master “the white man’s language”. This passion for language was traced back to an embarrassing incident that occurred in her lifetime: It was in 1949, on her visit to her second daughter Mary, who was married and lived in the “township”. She was delivered of a baby boy, being her first child, and as custom demanded, the mother was expected to spend some time with the new mother to help put her through motherhood (omugwo duty). Since the daughter lived in the township, Nnenma had difficulties fitting into “township life” where people spoke in foreign tongue – pidgin and English. Every morning when the neighbours were going to their various places of work, they would greet Nnenma “Good morning Ma”. She always replied them in tears saying “A biaram abia, ndi nwe ulo anoghi ya” (I am a visitor; the owners of the house are not around). This went on for days that at the end she decided to return to her village humiliated.

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Review of related literature a. Contemporary religious philosophies and new religious movements Jainismiii: In Jainism, the soul and matter are considered eternal, uncreated, and perpetual. There is a constant interplay between the two, resulting in bewildering cosmic manifestations in material, psychic, and emotional spheres around us. This led to the theories of transmigration and rebirth. Change, but not total annihilation of spirit and matter, is the basic postulate of Jain philosophy. The life as we know now, after death therefore moves on to another form of life, based on the merits and demerits it accumulated in its current life. The path to becoming a supreme soul is to practice non-violence and be truthful (Mehta 1993, 7-8). Hinduism: Reincarnation in Hinduism is known as Punarjanma – one of the core beliefs of Hinduism that is generally accepted by many of its practitioners. Hindus believe the self or soul repeatedly takes on a physical body: Never was there a time when I did not exist, nor you, nor all these kings; nor in the future shall any of us cease to be. As the embodied soul continuously passes, in this body, from childhood to youth to old age, the soul similarly passes into another body at death. A sober person is not bewildered by such a change. Worn out garments are shed by the body; Worn-out bodies are shed by the dweller within the body. New bodies are donned by the dweller, like garmentsiv.

Islam: The idea of reincarnation is accepted by a few Muslim sects, particularly of the Ghulat, and by other sects in the Muslim world such as Druzes. Sinan ibn Salman ibn Muhammad, also known as Rashid al-Din Sinan, (r. 1162–1192) subscribed to the transmigration of souls as a tenet of the Alawi, who are thought to have been influenced by Isma'ilismv. Judaism: Reincarnation is not an essential tenet of traditional Judaism, rather it is a common belief in contemporary Hasidic Judaism, which regards the Kabbalah as sacred and authoritative, though unstressed in favour of a more innate psychological mysticism. Kabbalah also teaches that: "The soul of Moses is reincarnated in every generation". Other NonHasidic, Orthodox Jewish groups, while not placing a heavy emphasis on reincarnation, do acknowledge it as a valid teachingvi.

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Scientology: The essential tenets of Scientology are these: man is an immortal spiritual being, man’s experience extends well beyond a single lifetime and his capabilities are unlimited, even if not presently realizedvii. L. Ron Hubbardviii, the founder of Scientology, does not use the word "reincarnation" to describe its beliefs, noting that the acceptable definition of reincarnation to the scientologists is “to be born again into the flesh of another person”. And for the purpose of this research, this chapter upholds this definition. Christianity: Though reincarnation is not a Christian doctrine, as is shown in the following Bible verse, it was quite usual to believe in reincarnation in the days of Jesus: But the angel said to him "do not be afraid, Zechariah; your wife Elizabeth will bear you a son, and you are to give him the name John…And he will go on before the Lord, in the spirit and power of Elijah…to make ready a people prepared for the Lord (Luke 1:13&17).

This is not the only evidence for reincarnation in the Bible, and the other passages do not refer to special cases, but are universal in their nature. And it is not as if Elijah just came down from heaven and appeared as a herald for Jesus: his spirit and power manifested in a little baby, born in the normal way - just how reincarnation says souls return. Some Christians say this only shows John the Baptist was a prophet like Elijah, with a similar spirit and power. They are contradicting Jesus, even as John denied being Elijah (John 1:21). However, Jesus quite clearly, in the above passages, says John the Baptist is Elijah, and is not just like him. “For all the Prophets and the Law prophesied until John. And if you are willing to accept it, he is the Elijah who was to come. Whoever has ears, let them hear” (Matt 11: 13-15). This could, of course, be a special case of reincarnation, and by itself does not prove that everybody reincarnates.

b. Nigerian Fiction writers’ views on reincarnation Analysing the trilogy of Adimora-Ezigbo (The Last of the Strong ones 1996, House of symbols 2001, Children of the eagle 2002), Aito (2008, 166) explains that apart from the mother-daughter, great-granddaughter transmigration of souls and chi, Children of the Eagle is a reincarnation of the Last of the Strong Ones. Like the first novel, the text maintains an all female characterization to reinforce female bonding, thus proving their reincarnation. Contrary to the tragic end of the novel (Ejimnaka, the

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rallying point of women’s strength and culture, dies like Okonkwo of Achebe’s Things Fall Apart), Maama’s grandmother was settled in that life, accepting her mission as accomplished, hence the words:”n’uwam ozo…”. She readily prepared to live a life of literacy in her next life (clear objective), mastering the white man’s language, no longer a successful merchant.

c. Science/Psychology The discussion on science and psychology will be drawn from the Jungian theory of the ‘collective unconscious’ and what he referred to as “synchronicity”. Though a practising clinician and scientist, Carl Jung spent most of his time exploring philosophy, astrology, sociology, literature, and the arts. Known for his theories on self, archetypes, and the psyche, his theory of ‘collective unconscious’ was influenced earlier by his childhood experiences, and later his professional experiences. i.

ii.

Collective unconscious: a term Jung introduced to represent a form of the unconscious (the part of the mind containing memories and impulses of which the individual is not aware) common to mankind as a whole and originating in the inherited structure of the brainix. Synchronicity: Among his concepts, “synchronicityx“ seems closest in association to the manifestation of Maama’s linguistic competence. The psychic event or state being Nnenma’s wish and aspiration for excellence in her former incarnation, while the physical is the reincarnation of Nnenma’s soul in Maama, manifesting in Maama’s “excellent” performance in a foreign language of which she had no previous knowledge or qualification.

Discussion After these beliefs, thoughts, movements, then, what? The contemporary religious beliefs, African traditional religion and the new religious movements all believe in being aware of past lives. This helps to understand personal conditions in the present. Practising students of Eckankar, scientology, etc., claim to become aware of past lives, through dreams, soul travel, and spiritual exercises called contemplations or spiritual audits. But the African belief in reincarnation does not ascribe to that. Rather, reincarnation is “seen as a positive, progressive, and unifying channel established through history to create awareness of hopes” (Aito 168).

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In this study, the concepts of Ogbanje and Abiku in some Nigerian traditional cultures are not subjects for discourse because reincarnation is being presented in a true story and with a living individual, hence the need for today’s families to record events for the future generations, which will enable them to engage their Western counterparts ontologically. Having heard so much from the Westerners, the author believes it is time Africans told their story themselves, with evidence so as to leave an enduring legacy: “Originality is nothing but judicious imitation. The most original writers borrowed from one another. The instruction we find in books is like fire. We fetch it from our neighbours, kindle it at home, communicate it to others, and it becomes the proper” (Voltaire).

Developing Competence The term "competence" first appeared in an article authored by R.W. White in 1959 as a concept for performance motivation. A decade later, Craig C. Lundberg defined the concept in "Planning the Executive Development Program". Then in 1973, David McClelland wrote a seminar paper entitled "Testing for Competence Rather than for Intelligence". It has since been popularized by one-time fellow McBer & Company (currently the "Hay Group") colleague Richard Boyatzis and many others, such as T.F. Gilbert (1978), who used the concept in relationship to performance improvement. Its use varies widely, which leads to considerable misunderstanding. This is all the more true, that competence appeared in varied countries and varied scientific contexts, with different meanings (Klarsfeld 2000)xi. Linguistic competence theory is concerned primarily with an ideal speaker-listener, “in a completely homogeneous speech community, who knows its (the speech community's) language perfectly and is unaffected by such grammatically irrelevant condition […] in applying his knowledge of this language in actual performance” xii. A speaker's linguistic competence includes components corresponding to five of the major subfields of linguistics: phonetics, phonology, semantics, syntax, and morphology”. According to the Webster’s Online Dictionary, linguistic competence refers to “the knowledge that enables a person to speak and understand a language” (2013). In human resources, competence is the ability of an individual to do a job properly. It has been proven that competence is shown in action, in a situation, and in a context that might be different the next time you have to act. That is to say that competent people will react to situations following behaviours they have previously found to succeed, hopefully to good

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effect. This is exactly what Nnenma did. She analyzed the situation and drew a plan of possible action to take. Furthermore, success in undertaking it depends on bringing to bear a range of cognitive and affective components of competence: x x x x

Thinking about what is to be achieved How it is to be achieved, Turning one’s emotions into the task, and Persisting over a long period of time.

Note, again, that these components of competence cannot be assessed except the environment permits. Parents therefore should recognize the passion of their children, like Maama’s father and brother did. The guidance counsellor in her high school assessed her through the processes favored by psychometrics. Hence their neglect in her motivation based upon her innate abilities and pre-destination for language studies. Reincarnation may therefore signify that our present life is a result of past incarnations (lives), and that our future incarnation will incorporate our past life and the life we are living now. Though this idea may seem new to many, reincarnation is so clear that it can help solve many of life’s complex problems when compared to its twin doctrine - karma.

Conclusion Interestingly, the Western method of proving reincarnation through hypnosis may be seriously flawed. If a person undergoing hypnotherapy divulges information or speaks a language that no one could possibly have known before, does it prove reincarnation? There is no assurance that the person describing in detail a past life on earth is in fact the reincarnation of that past life; the person may not be remembering, but rather obtaining the life information from another source. Thus the fantasy of “past life memories” will not prove reincarnationxiii. Some people have argued that since reincarnation cannot be proven, it therefore should not be considered as a viable theory. Such a view is equally flawed, as there is no reason to assume a single life is more likely to be born twice than to be born once. To quote Voltaire: “It is not more surprising to be born twice than once, everything in nature is resurrection”. Destiny could certainly have been a possibility. But think about it - if you do not understand a language, would you cry, return to your home, spread the news to an entire village, then pronounce a wish before everyone on how to make up for such a handicap? According to the story, Nnenma’s exact words were “n’uwa m

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ozo, agam agu akwukwo buru sacramenti. O nweghi onye ga-eji asusu bekee nyem mkpari” (In my next world, I will be educated to the highest level so that no one will insult me in the white man’s language). Nnenma was very realistic. She admitted the fact that she was too old to attend school and therefore “hoped” to achieve such a feat in her next life (repression). According to Enoch Tan “When a person dies, the unconscious of the previous soul is still seeking expression in certain ways, and it is given new chances to do so through a new person in a new combination of conditions” xiv. Contrary to psychology, which works on the principle that all of peoples’ problems stem from childhood and that parents are to blame for whatever their children cannot achieve in life, Nnenma had the ability to deal with life’s problems. This is one area that Westerners can borrow a leaf from, instead of spending money on psychotherapy. Talking about competence, it englobes motivation, intelligence, expertise. For this particular case, modern psychology and contemporary religion may not have an answer to the credibility of Maama’s linguistic competence. Some people may dismiss this as ‘over-reaction’, but remember that Christians believe that “one’s calling is often connected to what troubles him/her” (see Jung’s explanation on archetypal shadow). Christ chose his disciples and empowered them; God called people to duty based on the work for which He had predestined them. Of course, this interpretation might raise arguments in favor of destiny. If that is so, then it may not be wrong to believe that reincarnation is a proof that people are born to actualize their inadequacies. Although the majority of sects within the Abrahamic religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam do not believe that individuals reincarnate, particular groups within these religions do refer to reincarnationxv. When the Sadducees confronted Christ, he made it clear to them that death is not the end: And as touching the dead, that they rise. Have ye not read in the book of Moses, how in the bush God spake unto him saying, I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob? He is not the God of the dead, but the God of the living: ye therefore do greatly err. (Mark 12: 26).

Maama has never experienced any intimate familiarity with her family abode, nor has she recognized any of Nnenma’s personal belongingsxvi, contrary to the WBIR. From this story, ‘déjà vu’ was manifested by neighbours and family members. All of them living witnesses to Nnenma’s testimony. In consonance with Jung’s concept of shadow as an archetype, Nnenma’s psychotherapy was as she expressed her shortcomings, desires,

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and instincts before her kinsmen, instead of repressing them, though at the end she projected onto Maama her next incarnation: n’uwam ozo (in my next world). Concerning Maama’s mastery of the French language, the author considers it to be prodigious, though she did not achieve this feat before attaining the age of 18. Nevertheless, Aito admits that “continuation is part of prodigy” and that “progress after all, is not achieved by the confirmation of hypothesis, but by adapting them to existing and future exceptions” (2008:10). If one believes in prodigy (in this case, linguistic competence) as a manifestation of past life, then the author errs not to say that Nnenma had already prepared the ground for this life by returning to the family where her dreams would be actualized. It may or may not be true, but this notion or belief is more objective than to simply dismiss it as ‘xenoglossy’ or that she was simply lucky. In Maama’s case, she actualized her past life dreams without being conscious of it. Call it innate genius or natural ability, until science proves otherwise, reincarnation is a major reason for motivation in a pedagogical context. Luck is explained as when opportunity meets preparedness. Not only did Maama graduate with a distinction in French, best student among 20 classmates in her NCE and B.A degrees (with no prior qualification in French), she also speaks French with a near native accent, so native speakers always ask if she grew up in France. One may cite examples of others who obtained 1st class degrees in French or other foreign languages, but remember that in any race/competition, whoever wins might not be a prodigy, but consistent wins or excellent performances (Mozart, Venus & Serena Williams) in a chosen field might be traced to reincarnation if such individuals are willing to subject their lives to scrutiny.

Limitations of the study/Suggestions for further research In answer to the research question, if African scholars are to appropriate this theory or concept of reincarnation and apply it, two major stakeholders must be involved in order to stabilize the environmental factor: parents and teachers. First, it is the duty of parents to identify the areas of strength of their wards, while the teachers need to be more imaginative and creative. 1. This chapter did not seek to describe how the structure of the psyche autonomously organizes experience, it simply presented an individual analysis, which, borrowing from Jungian psychology, represents in the physical, the manifestation of the collective unconscious.

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2. In this study, the linguistic competence attributed to reincarnation is yearning for reactions from readers/researchers from other fields, because collective unconscious is not only manifested in ‘linguistic competence’. Of course this may well be applied in other fields, but the author only depicted the scenario from a pedago-lingualxvii point of view. 3. The study discussed neither Nnenma’s linguistic incompetence, nor Maama’s linguistic competence, from the psychoanalyticxviii point of view. The reason being, that neither of them experienced the difficulty from childhood. At the time Nnenma experienced the embarrassing event in Port Harcourt (1949), she should be around 60 years old. Psychoanalysis therefore cannot be applied to this study either as a treatment, theory, or research tool. The simplicity of the story may not appear to carry much weight, but in the history of science the most complicated theories were usually wrong. This does not encourage Africans to be gullible, but encourages them to apply a psycho-cognitive approach to prove or disprove the theory, in order to explain their realities with as much clarity as research can permit. It is hoped that this article will be of help to African scholars in psychology, and parents, teachers, researchers, and guidance counsellors in colleges, towards understanding first, the psycho-social identity of individuals in order to enhance the academic or professional orientation, and then the performance of students.

References Aito, Ofure Maria. 2008. “Return of the Strong Ones: Reincarnation as Continuity and Development in Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo’s Trilogy”. In The Fiction of Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo: Issues and Perspectives, edited by Patrick Oloko, 165-174. Akoka: University of Lagos Press. Arce, Ana Maria 2000. “Changing States: Exile and Syncretism in Buchi Emecheta’s Kehinde”. In African Literature today 22, edited by Eldred Jones et al., 77-89. Oxford/Trenton New Jersey: James Currey/Africa World Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Consulted July 12, 2015 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Linguistic_competence. Bouchard, Thomas and McGue, M. 1981. Familial Studies of Intelligence: A Review. In Science 212, 1055–1059.PUBMED. Consulted May 10, 2013. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/7195071

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Tan, Enoch. 2008. Reincarnation as return of the soul information. Consulted February 27, 2014. Echekwube, Anthony Onyewuchi. 2000. “The question of Reincarnation: A Re-appraisal”. The Substance of African Philosophy. Ed. C.S. Momoh, 260-275. Auchi: African Philosophy Projects’ Publications. —. 1987. “The question of reincarnation: A Re-appraisal”. The Nigerian Journal of Philosophy 1 & 2:167-183. Freud, Anna. 1937. The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense. London: Hogarth Press and Institute of Psycho-Analysis. Consulted February 18, 2014. Feldman, David. 1993. “Child Prodigies: A Distinctive Form of Giftedness”. National Association for Gifted Children, Gifted Children Quarterly, 37.4: 188-193. Ginsburgh, Victor and Weber, Shlomo. 2011. How Many Languages Do We Need? The Economics of Linguistic Diversity, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Holy Bible. 1994. Michigan: Zondervan Publishers. Print. Hubbard, Ronald Lafayette. 2007. Scientology: The Fundamentals of Thought. California: Bridge Communications. Consulted May 13, 2013. www.scientology.org. Hutton, Ronald. 2009. Blood and Mistletoe: The History of the Druids in Britain. New haven, Connecticut: Yale UP. Jacobsen, Kenneth. 2009. “Three Functions of Hell in the Hindu Traditions". In International review of the history of religions, Numen, Vol.56. No. 2/3: 385-400. Consulted May 17, 2013. http://www.jstor.org/stable. Jung, Carl. 1970. Structure & Dynamics of the Psyche. In The Collected Works of C.G. Jung, Volume 1. —. 1964. Man and His Symbols. New York: Doubleday & Co. —. 1951. Phenomenology of the Self. The Portable. Kendler, Kenneth; Gatz, Margaret; Gardner, Craig, and Pedersen, Nancy Lee. 2006. “A Swedish National Twin Study of Lifetime Major Depression.” In American Journal of Psychiatry, 163: 109-114. Consulted May 8, 2013. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16390897 Mclelland, David. 1987. Human Motivation. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. —. 1973. “Testing for competence rather than for "intelligence”. In American Psychologist .Vol. 28: 1-14. Consulted March 15, 2010. http://www.lichaoping.com/wp-content/ap7301001.

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Nwosu, Nnenna N. 2009. “Understanding life through reincarnation: prodigy vs. competence in language studies”. ECAS 3. Leipzig, Germany: http://www.aegis-eu.org/.../ecas2009/.../conference bookecas web.pdf . Ogbinaka, Oghenekaro M. 2001. “An Epistemological Analysis of the African Ontology of Ancestral Reincarnation”. In Journal of Cultural Studies 3: 566-573 Parrinder, Geoffrey. 1969. African Three Religions. London: Sheldon Press. Quotes by Voltaire. Consulted May- August 2013. https://www.goodreads.com/author/quotes/5754446.Voltaire? Stevenson, Ian. “Reincarnation”. In Braude, Stephen. The Gold leaf Lady. Chicago: The U of Chicago P. 183-187. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English language. 2009. Fourth Edition. Houghton Mifflin Co., Web. Consulted October 14, 2013. ahdictionary.com Visscher, Peter., et al. 2006. “Assumption-Free Estimation of Heritability from Genome-Wide Identity-by-Descent Sharing between Full Siblings”. In PLoS Genetics 2(3): 41. Consulted May 4, 2013. wikipedia.org. Webster’s Online Dictionary. Merriam-Webster, Inc., 2013. Consulted October 15, 2013. http://i.word.com/dictionary Whitaker, Harry. 2011. A review of How Many Languages Do We Need? The Economics of Linguistic Diversity by Victor Ginsburgh, and Shlomo Weber. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 28. Consulted February 11, 2014. www.press.princeton.edu/titles/9481. Wikipedia. 2014. “Competence”. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Competence_(human_resources). Consulted August 2014.

Notes i.

She speaks 6 dialects of Igbo language: Owere, Ngwa, Mbaise, Anambra, Etche, Umuahia ; English: standard and pidgin variations - Nigerian, Sierra Leonean and Cameroonian; Hausa (intermediate level); Efik/Ibibio (passive user); French (advanced user); Yoruba (passive user); Chinese (basic); dutch/german (basic); ii In Jungian psychology, a part of the unconscious mind, shared by a society, a people, or all humankind, that is the product of ancestral experiences and contains such concepts as science, religion and morality. iii Several other studies hold the same view, see T.U. Mehta, Path of Arhat - A Religious Democracy Pujya Sohanalala Smaraka Parsvantha Sodhapitha, 1993, Pages 7-8

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Jacobsen, Knut A. "Three Functions of Hell In The Hindu Traditions". Numen 56.2-3 (2009): 385-400. ATLA Religion Database with ATLA Serials. Consulted May 10, 2013. v Seabrook, W. B., Adventures in Arabia, Harrap and Sons 1928, (chapters on Druze religion) vi See for further reading, http://www.oztorah.com/2007/09/reincarnation-ask-therabbi/ vii For further reading see, http://www.scientology.org viii http://www.britannica.com Web. Oct 15, 2013 ix http://www.britannica.com Web. Oct 15, 2013. x Chomsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. xi Read The Tighe/Bridey Murphy story which claims soon fell apart under a close examination of the facts. Many of her claimed memories did not fit historical facts. http://news.discovery.com xii http://www.mindreality.com/reincarnation-is-return-of-soul-information xiii As opposed to claims of reincarnation by Bishen, verified by Prof Ian Stevenson (1964-1971): Stevenson, I. Reincarnation. http://scholarship.rollins.edu/cgi xiv Author’s word xv In psychoanalysis various techniques are used to encourage the client to develop insights into their behavior and the meanings of symptoms, including ink blots, parapraxes, free association, interpretation (including dream analysis), resistance analysis and transference analysis.

CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE GENDER AND MEANING IN IGBO ROMANTIC PET-NAMES BIBIAN ANYANWU DEPT. OF ENGLISH, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA, NIGERIA

AND ANTHONY C. OHA LANGUAGE UNIT, CARC & UNICEF, ABUJA, NIGERIA

Abstract Meaning in names is a cultural thing. Igbo names are, most times, symbolic or metaphoric in meaning. Romantic pet names, by their nature, have gender bias in most cultures of the world depending on the situation of usage. In Igbo language and culture, the romantic connotation of some names also carries gender references. Igbo names have gender markers and this, to some extent, is reflected in the use of romantic names. Romantic names, in Igbo worldview, go beyond marriage and companionship. It involves secret admiration and interaction, whereby meanings are deciphered by the users only. By their usage in Igbo language, romantic names connote intimacy, beauty, fondness, appreciation, love, admiration, and lust. Thus, each romantic name in Igbo carries hidden locution among the users. In this chapter, we explicate select romantic names used by the Igbos through the yardsticks of gender, structure, and semantics. Key words: Meaning, Gender, Onomastics, Romance, Language application

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Introduction Igbo language belongs to the Benue-Congo family in the Niger-Congo group of languages (Lewis, Simons & Fennig, 2014). It is one of the three major indigenous languages spoken in Nigeria; others being Hausa and Yoruba (National Policy on Education 2004, 5; The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999). Igbo is spoken in the South Eastern part of Nigeria, specifically in Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Imo and Enugu States. It is also spoken in parts of Delta, Rivers, Bayelsa, and Akwa-Ibom States. The term “romance” refers to “an intimate sexual relationship between two people; the passionate affection and desire felt by lovers for each other; a strong enthusiastic liking for something; or an attempt to gain affection…” (The American Heritage Roget’s Thesaurus 2014). Thus, romance relates to love, sex, closeness, and privacy in English culture; while in Igbo culture, romance goes beyond sex and private relationships to a larger appreciation of everyone who deserves to receive some romantic overtures of encouragements through praise names and pet names. Obododimma Oha (2009, 9) agrees that “Igbos believe in sensitive naming”, even as Ubahakwe (1981, 68) adds more succinctly that “every name in Igbo language is more endearing than a term of endearment”. Indeed, Eze Onu Egwunwoke (HRH), in “Oral Tradition and Preservation in Igbo Culture” (1990, 16-7), asserts that: Igbos believe in praises and naming that connote closeness. Whenever a woman is called in names that praise her virtues she performs extraordinarily great in her domestic chores, romantic duties, and in her social engagements. A man whose family adorns with praises and pet names acts beyond his pocket and the children that are basked in praises and pet names become the stars of tomorrow. Romantic names are private but are seen in the public sphere whenever the woman or man exhibits moments of joy. Igbos cherish true love and celebrate it with romantic names.

Igbos hold that calling your mate a pet name signifies that you feel comfortable with each other. No matter how odd or how romantic the name is, there is something wonderfully sweet the first time you hear it. It is simply amazing what a little spoken fondness can do. In Igbo, like in English, some pet names are easier to use than fancier or more complicated ones. The simplest are the pet names that sound more like compliments in Igbo, such as:

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1. “Mmánù ánwù” (honey) as in “Mmánù ánwù nwányì” (sweet woman), “Mmánù ánwù nwòké” (sweet man). Since “honey” connotes “sweetness”, the translation of the word becomes ‘sweet’. These are rare references that often occur in private romantic situations. 2. “Nwá” (baby) as in “Nwám ómá” (my beautiful one). This is a common romantic statement which is non-gender marked. 3. “Ómá” (beautiful or handsome) as in “Nwòkómá” (handsome man), “nwányìómà” (beautiful woman). Then, there are also the ones that make no sense, or do so, but only in the context of the relationship where an intimate “in” joke is shared. In English, some pet names have been around for centuries. In the old days in English culture, the pumping action of the heart was considered to be the seat of the human personality. The term “swete hert” in Middle English was referred to by doctors as a fast beating heart. Eventually, the term found its way to the modern version “sweetheart”, as in someone who makes your heart throb. Some people feel quite comfortable using pet names. These warm platitudes seem to just flow naturally for them. Others are hesitant to call their mates something other than their proper names. Ebeogu (1990, 34) advocates that “romantic names in a culture like that of the Igbos are used as tools of enslavement, to cage the woman and make her a weaker vessel, and the man a stronger emotion” since pet names and/or romantic names are meant to uplift emotion. Oftentimes, people fear using pet names, as it may seem as if they are forming a commitment of sorts. Whatever the case may be, one thing is for sure, it will make your partner feel great and closer to you. Romantic names in Igbo make up the language of love. Some words and phrases in Igbo create sweet moments that draw people within a family closer, and make couples and friends become tighter. Thus, romantic names are names that bind families and increase productivity in men, women, and children. In English culture, the names used to portray or refer to romance are mostly in the realms of sex, thereby connoting sexual ecstasy. However, in this chapter, we seek to identify some romantic names generally used by the Igbos, attempt their translations, and unveil if the meaning could be retained and where possible complications occur. At any rate, some meanings may be lost in translation, while some may appear rather offensive. We will attempt translations and further show the dichotomy in gender applications of romantic names in order to define the fact that romantic names as used by the Igbos have gender semantics, which reveal the segmentation of meanings in their applications.

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Igbo Romantic Names Anthony Oha (2005, 9) explains that: “English romantic phrases translated into Igbo have little or no romantic significance in Igbo.” For example, most romantic phrases in Igbo are intensely sexual. Not only that, some Igbo phrases are set up in a way that they are completely alien to English. Very often a romantic name that you call a person in Igbo comes in the form of metaphors as in the following format: x "She does XYZ" or "He does XYZ" Here, you are not stating that the person does something, rather that whole sentence is a name by which a person is called, and depending on what that XYZ is in the statement, that name could be romantic or not. This is where titles of address such as:

4. 5. 6. 7.

Òlìákù or Òriákù (She who eats or spends wealth) Òbíagélí (She who came and will eat or spend wealth) Òdíbéézé (She who lives in the house of the king) Ómálíchá (The finest one or he/she who is so handsome/beautiful)

There are lots of ways of addressing people like this in Igbo, which in a way is similar to the Yoruba Oriki system, but invariably most of them begin with the word "O" or “Ӑ” which stands for the third person pronoun, “he” or “she”. So, you can call a man "Ómálíchá" which comes out to mean ‘He is so handsome’. Igbo is a very gender-neutral language and almost every word in Igbo is unisex in application. But, in terms of romance, the three key ideas in Igbo that are considered "romantic" are ‘beauty’ (for both sexes), “sex”, and “money/wealth”. However, “flowers”, “music”, and “piercing eyes” unfortunately, are not romantic in Igbo. Other romantic forms in translation include: 8. “Nkém” (my own). “My own” may not make much romantic sense in English as it does in Igbo 9. “Ùsóm” (my sweetie). This can be romantic in both Igbo and English languages 10. “Nwòké òmá” (good man). This usage is more romantic in Igbo than in English, because “a good man” may portray character instead of giving out a romantic overture in

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English. Some others that also carry romantic overtures in Igbo but not in English include the following: 11. “Nwòké dí mmá” (The fine man) 12. “Nwòké éjì éjé mbá” (The man of our pride) 13. “Ìfe nkílí” (Wonder to behold) 14. “Òdímn’óbí” (The one in my heart) 15. “Dím òmá” (My good husband) 16. “Békéé m” (That’s more for teasing him/her when he or she sounds too English or educated) 17. “Ónyèm bù n'óbì” (He/She who is always in my heart) 18. “Ónyèm húrú n’ányá” (He/She whom I love) 19. “Nwùnyém òmá” (My beautiful wife) 20. “Óbìdíyá” (Her husband’s heart) 21. “Óbìnwùnyéyá” (His wife’s heart) this is the opposite of example 20 above but it seems less applied since men tend to express the romantic overtures more than their wives as a way of petting them. 22. “Nwòké-òmá” (The fine man) 23. “Dédé m” (My elder). This may sound romantic only in the cause of erotic play but not in phatic applications of same expression. 24. “Ìhé-ùmù-nwányì-n'áchò” (What other women desire to have), this could be sarcastic in some sense but with underlying romantic essence in application 25 “Òbínwùnyéyá” (His wife’s heart) 26. “Dísògbúrúmùsó” (My sweetest husband/the incomparable husband) 27. “Díòmá” (Fine husband/good husband) 28. “Ónyénkém” (My own person) 29. “Dímòmá” (My good husband) This is semantically related with 26 above although this sounds more romantic than 15 above because of the inclusion of the personal pronoun “m” in “dim” (my husband) instead of just “dí” (husband) which is more generic 30. “Ònyémbùnóbì” (He that is always in my heart). This is quite a long sentence, but it is used to refer to a person who, in the course of a romantic relationship, has remained indelible in attitude, care, and love. It is often used by couples. If you translate some English endearments into Igbo it may still not be romantic or loving. As long as the other person gets the connotations, then you may say that you are communicating. There are English words, for instance, that are not romantic, yet even Anglo European people use them

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either in private or public to refer endearingly to their partners as in the use of some dirty sex talks. Also, if an Igbo person decides to give his son a more masculine name, rather than a gender-neutral name it comes as choice. But, lovers choose carefully not to douse the romantic moments with their choice so that the parties involved would not have issues with it. Every Igbo person makes choice of how to use language in a romantic environment. More so, it is grammatically and culturally correct to name a male child "Amaka", because of Western socialization, which puts strong emphasis on the separation of gender markers. Modern Igbo people have become reluctant now to give their children names that are gender sensitive, if the sex of the child conflicts with the gender association that the name has acquired, but this hardly occurs in a romantic situation. Using a pseudonym is a form of anonymity, but not all forms of anonymity suppress one’s sense of identity and being free to bring candour to freedom of expression is another issue. 31. “Ákùm” (My treasure/my wealth). Ákùm specifically refers to wealth that a person has amassed, or earned, or inherited, or whatever. Calling a person “Ákùm” shows the intensity of love in Igbo. 32. “Ùdóm” (My peace). This is mainly used for concubines by some Igbo men whose wives are the nagging or troublesome types. 33. “Ònám” (My treasure). “Òná” refers to precious metals and/or stones. For instance, Ònáèdò (“yellow precious metal” or “gold”). In the novel The Joys of Motherhood, one of the major characters is called Òná, which Emecheta (1983) described as “the treasure which pleases the heart of Chief Agbadi”, even though she is a stubborn concubine to him, he loved her beyond measure. Their short-lived romance brought about the birth of the major character called Nnù égó, meaning “bag of money, treasure or wealth”. This name also has some romantic underlay, as it carries the meaning of unparalleled love, which is incomparable. 34. “Òdódóm” (my flower) or “Òdódó òchám” (my white flower). This is rarely used by Igbos because “òdódó” (flower) could mean something esoteric rather than romantic. Flowers are beautiful, but the Igbos see flowers as something mystical, as they are used in incantations, rituals, and exorcisms. In some shrines,

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flowers are used as barricades because of the belief that flowers ward off intruders and make the environment sweet smelling and esoteric. In this vein, we could consider expressions like: 35. “Ókpù ézèm” (my diadem). Diadem means a crown; a jeweled headband used as a royal crown, and portrays royal power or dignity. Thus, beyond the royal situation it reveals some levels of romantic adoration beyond royalty. 36. “Òlá édòm” (my gold). Igbos use gold to represent beauty more than love. But, beauty and love go pari passu in some sense. Most times, we love what is beautiful than that which is ugly. 37. ‘Íhòm’ (my light). Igbos interpret the word “light” as ‘breakthrough’ or ‘progress’. So, it is romantic to call one’s partner ‘light’ as a reflection of the positive impact of the relationship. The problem here is that one could assume that words, ideas, or images that are considered romantic in English are also considered romantic in Igbo, but they are not. Flowers are considered romantic in AngloEuropean culture, but in Igbo culture, flowers are not considered romantic. The heart is the key symbol of love in Anglo-European culture, whereas in Igbo culture, the seat of love is the stomach. This is where the following names originate: 38. Áfòòmá (“love” literally, but translated as “good stomach”). 39. Áfòndú – (love of life). This example shows a word that has a generally complex connotation in Igbo. 40. “Afòmmá” (when translated means “good stomach”). The meaning is complex when related to the general Igbo meaning of the word. It refers to a general type of love. It is the kind of love you would have with your family or your friends, your society, your country, your school, etc. So, Afooma can generally be translated as Love, Harmony, Goodwill, Concord, etc., which makes it a complicated word when used in romantic situations. 41. ‘Ìfùnányá’ (kindness/liking). It is a specific kind of love, the love that exists between lovers/people in some sort of (presumably romantic) relationship. 42. ‘Íréòmá’ or ‘Íléòmá’ (fine tongue). This refers to someone with a sweet tongue; someone who uses language powerfully to convince other people. This name, though it may sound romantic, could be offensive, especially where it is used as sarcasm to attack the excesses of the person being addressed.

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The fact is that English and Igbo are not languages that can be or should be directly translated back and forth. Just because something sounds romantic in English does not mean it is even remotely romantic in Igbo. Only Igbo people who have grown up steeped in Anglo-European culture think and talk about flowers in Igbo as romantic instead of the stomach. However, not many romantic expressions carry the word “stomach” as a base for expressing love.

Structure of Igbo Romantic Pet Names Igbo names are morphologically structured thus: root + suffix. The suffix reflects the possessive nature of romantic names. Romantic names also have the structure of personalized nature, where the possessive pronoun “m” or “mu” (mine/my) are always applied in order to capture the referential meaning. Since love is a private affair, which exists between two lovers, it becomes paramount to indicate the privacy acts of those who are involved. Below are some structures of Igbo romantic names and their meanings: Names 43. Òbím 44. Nkém 45. Ùgóm 46. Nnùégòm 47. Òbódóòyíbòm 48. Mmánù ánwùm 49. Ìméóbím 50. Ùtóòbím 51. Òdómmá 52. Óbìómá 53. Nwámmá(m) 54. Ákwàmmá(m) 55. Ònyèmmá(m) 56. Úgòmmá 57. Úgèlémmà 58. Ìsíòmá 59. Òmémnòbì 60. Ómàsírìm

Word Forms [Òbí + m] [Nké + m] [Ùgó + m] [Nnù + égò + m] [Òbódó+òyibò+m] [Mmánù+ánwù+m] [Ìmé + óbí + m] [Ùtó + òbí + m] [Òdó + mmá + m] [Óbì + ómá + m] [Nwá + mmá + m] [Ákwà + mmá + m] [Ònyè + mmá + m] [Úgò + mmá + m] [Úgèlé + mmà + m] [Ìsí + òmá + m] [Òmé + m + òbì] [Ómà + sírì + m]

Morphology Meaning root + suffix My heart root + suffix My own or Mine root + suffix My Eagle root + root + suffix Priceless Jewelry root + root + suffix My Whiteman’s land root + root + suffix My honey root + root + suffix My innermost heart root + root + suffix My Sweetheart root + root + suffix The/my beautiful flower root + root + suffix The/my good heart root + root + suffix The/my beautiful child/one root + root + suffix The/my beautiful egg root + root + suffix The/my beautiful one root + root + suffix The/my beautiful eagle root + root + suffix The/my beautiful ornament root + root + suffix The/my good head (Good luck) root + root + suffix He that touches my heart root + root + suffix He/She that pleases me

From the analysis above, 43 to 60, we have typical romantic names explicated to reveal their morphology. It is clear that most romantic names in Igbo are possessive by nature. Although, the possessive pronoun ‘m’ is optional, the overall ideal in the use of romantic names is to show intimacy and love, thus, the possessive reveals the locution.

Gender and Meaning in Igbo Romantic Pet-Names

61. Ézìdím 62. Ònyém húrú n’ànyá 63. Ònyénwém 64. Nnà m úkwù 65. Íhùnányàm 66. Òmàsìrím

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My good husband He that I love so passionately He that owns me My big daddy My love He that pleases me

The example in 61 to 66 above are generally used by lovers whether married or unmarried, but these are some romantic names that are restricted to married couples, especially those whose marriage may have been old, as in having grown up children.

Gender in Igbo Romantic Pet-Names There is no gender identification in the use of the romantic pet names 1-66. Although some examples like, 11, 12, 14, 15, 20, 22, 26, 27, 29 and 61 have the words ‘di’ or nwoke (man) (husband) or nwoke (man) embedded in them, which actually marks out the male gender, the other examples of gender are universally applied by the lovers. Names in Igbo language do not really have restricted gender forms or boundaries because most names are unisex. For instance, the names Chúkwùéméká, Chíjìòké and Chìnédù, which were often restrictedly given to the male, are now given to the females too. The argument is that the meanings are not gender-based. For instance, Chìnédù, which means “God is my guide”, does not imply that God only guides the males and abandons the females. Adichie (2009), in her short story entitled “Headstrong Historian”, tries to give an onomastic approach to Igbo cultural renaissance. She created female characters with supposedly male names. A female character is even named Nwamgba and another is Afamefuna, a name reserved deliberately for males only because it is only men that remain in their ancestral homes to continue the family existence. Adichie caused some onomastic ripples on Igbo cultures in the story. Although, there are gender markers used in identifying romantic names, most of them reflect meanings that are most times beyond “mere” romantic feelings as in: 67. “Nnènná” or “Nnennam” (Father’s mother/My father’s mother). These names reflect reincarnation as a process of love. Igbos believe in reincarnation as a gift of love, which passes through a family and dies to return to that same family is a great show of love. It is not romantic as a name but it shows love, deep love, built in cultural synthesis.

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68. “Nném úkwù” (My big mother/My old mother). This is romantic but marked with candour and respect for womanhood. This name reflects a child’s love for his/her aged mother, or a man’s respect for his wife of many years standing. 69. “Nnéká” (Mother is great) 70. “Èzínné” (Good mother) Examples 69 and 70 capture the place of mothers as epitomes of love. These names are given to children in order to reflect the importance of mothers to every household. 71. “Nnánná” (Father’s father). This is a reflection of reincarnation as love. 72. “Nnám úkwù” (My big Father). This is a romantic name but used by married Igbo women to express romance while identifying the respect meant for the husband. 73. “Ézinná” (Good father) 74. “Nnámdì” (My father lives) Examples 73 and 74 have less romantic committal, but reflect the Igbo belief in reincarnation. Reincarnation is seen as a product of love. Igbos believe that people reincarnate back into their families because of their love for their household. 75. “Dìmkpá” (The strong man) 76. “Dìómà” (Fine/good husband) 77. “Ézìdìm” (My good husband) Examples 75 to 77 show strong romantic overtures. “Dìmkpá” is used by a woman to express her husband’s prowess in giving her sexual satisfaction, while the others could be flattery, but reflect expressed love. 78. “Nwànyíòmá” (good woman) 79. “Nwànyímmá” (beautiful woman) Examples 78 and 79 are romantic celebrations of the beauty of a woman. They show how passionate a woman’s beauty reflects romance in Igbo name-giving. 80. “Nwòkéòmá” (Fine man) 81. “Nwòké dí mmá” (The good man)

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82. “Nwòké dìm n’óbí” (The man in my heart) 83. “Nwòké m húrú n’ányá” (The man I love) Examples 80 to 83 reflect an Igbo woman’s idolization or celebration of her partner’s good nature, especially in romantic overtures. 84. “Ádànmá” (The beautiful daughter) 85. “Ádàòbí” (daughter of the household) 86. “Ádàèzè” (daughter of the king) 87. “Ádànná” (Father’s daughter) In Igbo culture, the name ‘Ádà’ is used for the first daughter in a family, although the name has also been used to mean ‘female’. It has become a psychological fact that fathers tend to love their daughters even as mothers love their sons. Thus, the names in 84 to 87 are often given to female children by their fathers. The names reflect the belief that daughters often feel loved, cherished, and admired by their fathers more. However, example 87 reflects generational link more than love. 88. “Òbínná” (His father’s heart) 89. “Òbíézé” (The heart of the king) 90. “Òbíòmá” (The good heart or compassionate heart) 91. “Òbíúkwú” (The great household) Just like the usage involving “Ada” above, we have another set of names in 87 to 90 involving the male name “Òbí”, which is a name given often to beloved sons. The names reflect love, the love of parents for their sons. Here, we have identified some gender markers like “nné”, “ádà”, “nwànyí” (female gender markers); “nná”, “nwòké”, “dí” (male gender markers) as reflected in examples 67 to 83. We also have a universal form “ezi”, which goes for both genders, as in examples 73 and 77. In some cases, there are aberrations where some male children are named Nnéká or Nnámdì; these are exceptional cases, which could be traced to family history or experience.

Igbo Romantic Pet Names in Translation On a more critical outlook, it can be argued that a word like ‘bitch’, which has a romantic connotation in English, may be offensive in Igbo. It follows logically that an inclined couple might use the word “bitch” in the privacy of their bedroom because “bitch” certainly has a sexual

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connotation of some sort in English. Contrarily, if you translate the word ‘bitch’ into Igbo it becomes offensive because “bitch” has never been associated with either romance or sex in the Igbo language, culture, and understanding. It just would not have the same effect as in English. The effect that you could elicit from calling your sexual partner “bitch” in the course of sexual pleasure would totally fall flat if you call her "Nwányi Nkìtá", which is the Igbo translation of “female dog”, also known as “bitch”. It will not make any romantic sense in Igbo as it sounds offensive and this is precisely what the phrase "lost in translation" describes. While the meaning of the word “bitch” can be carried over to Igbo, the feeling or atmosphere surrounding the word when used in the context of romance can never make the jump to Igbo consciousness. 92. “Nwányi Nkìtá” (female dog) 93. “Àgú Nwányi” (lioness) 94. “Nwùnyé Nkítá” (dog’s wife /female dog) 95. “Òké Nkítá” (male dog) “Àgú Nwányí” is used when leonine properties are ascribed to a woman. It is possible for “Odum” to be a lioness. “Nwùnyé Nkítá” is controversial in translation of the gender qualities in a romantic situation. “Òké ná Nwùnyé” is a figurative expression referring to “all and sundry”. It is not meant to be taken literally. Igbo animals are classified into male and female in two ways by adding “Nwányi” – “woman” before the animal to make it feminine such as: 96. “Nkìtá” (dog) and “Nwányí Nkìtá” (bitch) 97. “Àgú” (leopard) and “Nwányí Àgú” (leopardess) The second way is to add “Nwùnyé” – (wife) before the animal to make it female, such as: 98. “Òkúkò” (chicken) and “Nwùnyé Òkúkò” (hen) Most Igbo adjectives come after the noun being described but these are exceptional examples where the adjective comes before the noun being described. An example is “Nwùnyé Òkúkò”. 99. “Nwùnyé Òkúkò” (hen) not “Òkúkò Nwùnyé” (the wife's chicken)

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“Àgú Nwányí” is when leopard-like qualities are ascribed to a woman with leonine qualities. Many Igbo people keep making the mistake of believing that “Àgú” means “lion” when it actually means leopard. It is not clear how this trend began. Either way in Igbo culture, leopards (not lions) are considered fierce and symbols of bravery and strength. That is why there is so much reference to “Àgú” in Igbo and very little reference to “Ódùm” or “Ágábá” (both meaning “lion”). 100. “Òké Mkpí” (Mature male goat). The meaning of this name, even when used in romantic situations, could also be offensive. The male goat ‘mkpi’ is a symbol of promiscuity in Igbo culture. The name could also elicit humour where there is understanding, or could refer to a man’s excessive sexual prowess.

Conclusion It is deducible from the foregoing analysis that romantic pet names in Igbo language feature linguistic elements that portray meaning beyond sex and privacy. Romantic language is a matter of cultural acceptability. Words considered romantic in English could be offensive in the Igbo language, and some words considered romantic in the Igbo language could be considered meaningless in the English language. From the perspective of gender, Igbos use gender markers to identify romantic name recipients, unlike English where there are generalized applications beyond gender. Since the word ‘bitch’ can be used to describe a male and a female in English romantic name application, it is considered offensive using such terms for a woman, let alone a man, in an Igbo cultural situation. Thus, we revealed some gender markers and applications in romantic name usage in the Igbo language. This chapter also demonstrated that romantic names are sensitive and Igbos apply them sensibly in order not to offend the users. Romance is a way of life of a people and the Igbos reflect it with carefully chosen linguistic terms and pet names that capture the endearing properties of love, humility, honour, peace, truth, etc. Echeruo (1979, 14) succinctly concludes that: “Romance and realism are blended in Igbo life and Igbo names. Both are closely related to the extent that human characters are often associated with the names they are given. Romance, to the Igbos, is language in action.”

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References Adichie, Chimamanda. 2009. “Headstrong Historian”. In The Thing Around Your Neck, London: Knopf. Ebeogu, Afam. 1990. “Igbo Proper Names in Nigerian Literature Written in English.” International Folklore Review 7: 46-53. Ebeogu, Afam. 1993. “Onomastics and the Igbo Tradition of Politics.” African Languages and Cultures 6. 2: 133-146. Echeruo, M. J. C. 1979. A Matter of Identity: Aham Efula. 1st Ahiajoku Lecture, Owerri: Ministry of Information and Culture. Egwunwoke, Eze Onu. 1990. “Oral Tradition and Preservation in Igbo Culture”. Paper presented at the Colloquim on Aspects of Igbo Social Tradition following the Ahiajoku Lecture, Owerri, November 29, 1990. Emecheta, Buchi. 1983. The Joys of Motherhood. London: Heinemann. Lewis, Paul M., Simons F. Gary & Fenning D. Charles (eds.). 2014. Ethnologue: Languages of the World 17th edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. http://www.ethnologue.com. Retrieved March 5, 2014. National Policy on Education 4th ed. 2004. Federal Republic of Nigeria. Oha, Anthony. 2005. “On Morphological Onomastics in Igbo Language”. Nigerian Languages and Linguistics in the Era of Globalization. Ndimele (ed.) Port Harcourt: LAN Publication. Oha, Obododimma . 2009. “Praise Names and Power De/Constructions in Contemporary Igbo Chiefship”. Cultural, Lenguajey Representacion/ Culture, Language and RepresentationVii : 101-16. The American Heritage Roget’s Thesaurus, 2014.Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. http://www.freethesaurus.com/romance Retrieved February 29, 2016. The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Federal Ministry of Information, 1999. Ubahakwe, E. 1981. Igbo Names: Their Structure and Their Meanings, Ibadan.

CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO HAUSA AND RUNDI PROVERBS: A SEMANTIC ANALYSIS MARIE-THÉRÈSE TOYI DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH AND LITERARY STUDIES, FEDERAL UNIVERSITY LOKOJA, KOGI STATE, NIGERIA

Abstract In spite of the geographical distance between Burundi and Nigeria, striking cultural similarities in the area of dance, music, cow-rearing related activities, seem to exist between the Burundians and the Hausas from Nigeria. However, in the bulk of researches on African peoples, the gaze of scholars has rarely focused on comparative cultural and literary facts about different peoples. One of the pioneering researchers on African oral literature, Ruth Finnegan, highlighted the role of African oral literature as a source of pleasurable communication on the one hand, and a channel through which some dark corners of African past history may be highlighted, on the other. There is therefore, a need to carry out a crosscultural study of African oral literature, with a hope that such a study may enlighten the audience on some dark corners of African history and the cultural relationships that exist between people from different geographical backgrounds. Our work consists of collecting and analyzing semantically proverbs from Burundi and from the Nigerian Hausas, with the intention of highlighting the similarities and the differences in the meanings of the proverbs selected from the two peoples. The relevance of the study lies in its ability to establish literary and cultural ties between two geographically distant peoples, and in its potential to demonstrate the existence of a relationship between oral literature and other aspects of Africans’ life. Key words: Hausa, Rundi, proverb, culture, oral literature

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Introduction One of the most challenging issues in literature is to trace the similarities between two different cultures through the study of their oral literatures. Yet, the paper takes up that challenge, by studying comparatively, some proverbs from Burundi and from the Hausas of Nigeria. Striking similarities are assumed to exist between the two peoples, based not only on physical appearance (the researcher, who is Burundian by birth, has often rightly or wrongly been associated with the Hausas by Nigerians), but also on cultures, especially in the areas of the importance given to cows, cow milk, kingship, and certain dances and music. In order to ascertain the assumptions, we have undertaken a study of what can take us far into the past of the Hausas and the Burundians: proverbs. Proverbs as part of a people’s oral tradition can help a researcher to have an insight into people’s remote past and cultural values. Similarities may not surprise anyone if they are found among people belonging to the same geographical region, or the same language family. For example, the Burundians and the Zulus, who are both Bantu people, share the view that a corpse does not smell its own stink (Burundi), or that no polecat ever smelt its own stink (Zulu), to mean that people often fail to recognize their own faults. Likewise, one single proverb: every hill is a burial site (ntƗ sí idahƗmbá in Kirundi), which means that wherever a human being dies, he can be buried there even though it is far from his village or his family, is found in Burundi, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda, which are countries belonging to the same geographical background (Ntambara 2014). Outside some cultures, some unrelated cultural settings have proved to carry identical wisdom, expressed through proverbs. The following proverbs compiled by Scheven (2014) illustrate such cases: ` x Too many cooks spoil the broth. (Japanese) x Two captains sink the ship. (Persian) x Two midwives will deliver a baby with a crooked head. (Iranian) x With seven nurses, the child goes blind. (Russian) x With too many roosters crowing the sun never comes up. (Italian) In all the above proverbs, an element of the social/geographical environment is used to express the danger of excess in the workforce: to the Japanese, that element is the cook; to the Persians, it is a captain, while it is the midwife, the nurse or the rooster to the Iranian, the Russian, and the Italian respectively.

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Although proverbs belong to traditional oral literature, they remain upto-date and timeless, due to their educational function, the universal truth they carry, and their short form, which partly makes them easy to memorize, to remember and to use. Great books exist which educate or contain universal truths, but they are hardly summarized in one sentence, as proverbs do. A book content can easily be forgotten, while proverbs, used on a daily basis among educated and non-educated Africans, are the shortest literary form, easy to remember and handy for use in any circumstance. “Proverbs are the horses of thought; when thoughts get lost, we send proverbs to find them” (Irele 2013, 80). This Yoruba metaproverb lays emphasis on the speed with which proverbs can easily be found in somebody’s memory, ready for use at any time in people’s lives. Akporobaro has rightly observed that elements used in proverbs are inspired by the people’s environment. Seidensticker is of the opinion that “proverbs are a compact treatise on the values of cultures” (Moon 2013, 2). When similarities in wisdom and in environmental elements used to express this wisdom are observed among people who are geographically distant as Burundi is to Hausa land in Nigeria, that puzzles and calls for a research. In the instance of the Hausa proverb Don’t seek blood from a locust, God didn’t put it there (Akporobaro 2012, 105), and the Rundi proverb like Nobody seeks milk between the legs of a locust (NtƗwushâka amatá mu matáko y’ígih΅ri) is puzzling to understand why the two peoples use a locust to express lack of plenty, to tell somebody to be realistic and not expect spectacular things from poorly supplied creatures. The missing item (blood for the Hausa proverb and milk for the Rundi proverb) is associated with what is precious to feed either cow-breeding Hausa or Burundian people, who extract blood and milk from cows, for feeding purposes. The use of a locust as a deprived creature is identical among the two cow-breeding peoples where, if it were as useful as a cow, it should be used to supplement the feeding needs of the people. In this respect, a cow gets the highest value over all the other domestic animals because everyone of its body parts is useful to human beings. On the contrary, locusts abound in the bush where cows graze, but they are of no single benefit to human beings. The fact is that they come with drought to usher in a more acute period of lack as they ravage crops to leave devastation in their wake. This makes them of nuisance value to humans, unlike cows, which are always useful and greatly appreciated by Africans. Jan Vansina and Ruth Finnegan have extensively investigated how African oral literature is not only a means of enjoying life by Africans; it also communicates some cultural and historical truths. According to Gunner (2013, 68), Jan Vansina’s work in particular “demonstrates the

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different kinds of historicity that an oral form can generate with very different conventions of interactivity from those governing a conventional historical printed text”. Finnegan’s study on African oral genre has the merit of covering different African peoples and their oral literature, but it does not focus on a comparative study of two specific cultures. Some scholars, such as Ozumba, uphold that a proverb is “the soul of culture, the heart of the environment, and the spirit that innovates and directs a people’s life” (Etta and Asuquo 2012, 275). Within this line of ideas, we intend to discover what may be common between proverbs from Burundi and those from the Hausas, in order to reach a certain insight into their historical cultural resemblance. The collection of samples of Hausa oral literature is one major challenge: the researcher’s ignorance of the Hausa language. That explains the resort to Hausa proverbs, which are already written down and translated into English by those who understand the language. The results of this cross-cultural study are expected to confirm the relationship between literature and other areas of knowledge, such as history and anthropology. The study has been carried out in four stages: A. B. C. D.

Proverbs that are God-centred Proverbs that depict human relationships Proverbs that invite to realism Proverbs that call for a control of one’s words

A. Proverbs that are God-Centred One obvious fact about Hausa proverbs, as Akporobaro observes (2012, 82), is the influence of Allah or God’s presence and a helping hand in people’s daily lives. This view is also found in Rundi proverbs. The two peoples also have an almost similar way of expressing everybody’s needed effort before God intervenes in their favor. To the Burundians, God helps the one who helps himself (Imâna ifasha uw΃fashije), while the same truth will be expressed in a similar manner in Hausa as: God says, get up, and then let me help you. Both proverbs advocate the need of an individual effort for any person in need, to touch the heart of God and get his help. With the intention of expressing the privileged support one gets from God any time God is involved, the Burundians say that a plant which God keeps is not shaken by the wind (agatí gaterétswé n’îmâna ntígahenúrwá n’úmuyaga), which the Hausas express by saying that a plant which God favors will grow, even in the absence of rain (Akporobaro 2012, 102). The two proverbs make reference to a plant facing a survival challenge, due to

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wind in the first case or the absence of rain in the second. The two challenging elements stop being an obstacle to the plant’s continued existence when God is involved: he takes care of the plant, he provides for it, it has become God’s own and, as such, challenges may come and go, but the plant’s survival is guaranteed. The plant symbolizes human beings who, like a fragile plant are naturally fragile vis-à-vis the visicitudes of life, but who are safe under God’s protection and providence. It is important to mention here that the ever-presence of God in the lives of Burundians is so strong that some of their proper names are Godcentred in meaning, and are understood like proverbs or adages. These include proper names like Ihǀrihóze (God avenges in silence), NtƗkiyíruta /NtƗkirútimâna (nothing is greater than God), Niyíkizá (it is God who heals), NtƗwuyânkira (Nobody says “no” to God), to mention just a few. Whatever religious faith they adhere to, Burundians, like many other Africans, put God at the centre of their lives.

B. Proverbs that depict human relationships Proverbs belonging to this category may be classified into two groups: those directly related to families and those that concern the society at large. Nothing looks as precious as a sane relationship within one’s family, or within one’s community. Living in harmony with everybody is encouraged, and recognizing one’s position in the family or in the social hierarchy is important, especially in junior/senior relationships such as child/parent, youth/elder, or subject/master. In their constant will to encourage sane child/parents relationships, Burundians impute the proverb no matter how high shoulders may grow, they never pass the neck (igitúgu kirakúra ntígisnjmbá izosi), to mean that one’s parents are always greater than one, and therefore, respect to them is unconditional. The shoulders and the neck belong to the same body, but the shoulders are always below the neck, not above. The shoulders stand for the children, while the neck stands for the parents. No matter how great a child might grow up to become, whether he becomes intimidating in material wealth, in physical appearance, or in social standing, he is always a child to his parents. Not only does he owe them respect, but parents also owe him their unconditional love. The same is true of the Rundi proverb, which says that once a rabbit grows up, it sucks its child’s breast (urukwâvu rurakúra rukǀnka umwâna) to mean that the elderly depend on their children for care and protection. The roles are not inverted. An elderly person who has become his children’s dependent has not become a child; he remains respectable, like the neck which always stands high

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above the shoulders on a human body. In the same vein, it is upheld that the defects of one’s parents are overlooked; they do not stop a child from showing respect to parents because, in the Rundi’s vision of life, no child can refuse to suck his mother’s breast under the pretext that the mother has pimples (NtƗw΁nka kw΅nka nyina ngo arwƗye amahere). Pimples on a human body stand for human vices, which make one’s mother or one’s father socially or physically repulsive to everybody, except to one’s own children. By extension, good human relationships start in families and are extended to the whole community. Once the immediate family is taken care of, the reward is usually extended to the whole community. A Rundi proverb has it that if one refuses to farm for another person’s child, his own child gets slim (wƗnka kurimira umwâna w’úw·ndi uwâwé akananuka). Parallel to this, the Hausas say that if one refuses another, one refuses oneself. In both cases, the other and the self have the same meaning: whatever good which one refuses to others will result in deprivation or loss on the side of the potential giver. A parent, who refuses to farm because he fears that other people’s children will benefit from his effort, will have no food with which to feed his own child. That is a natural law: one must suffer for others’ welfare if one wants to enjoy wealth. The tendency for stepmothers to deprive their stepchildren of food is condemned thus: a mother who is not your biological mother remembers you when she finishes eating (umuvyМyi atarí nyoko akwƯbuka ahéjeje kuryá). No mother forgets to feed her kids. If anyone does so, it is because the kids are not from her womb. The proverb criticizes such wickedness and at the same time, it warns orphans to be smart in life: their happiness may not come from their stepparents. Africans believe that everybody needs others, since man is naturally a social being. Any new relationship among people is encouraged, and it needs to be nurtured. It is like a plant that does not thrive unless surrounding weed is removed and the soil is turned. A hoe that takes care of friendship is the foot (agafЬni kabagára ubucúti ní akarƝnge), say Burundians, and good relationships depend on feet, say Hausas. Understandably, for friendship to last long, there is a need for regular visits from the two parties involved. Though there is caution against the abuse of visitations in the behavior of Burundians. One and all are reminded of the apparent disadvantages of too frequent visits to neighbors: the one who likes visiting neighborhoods is the same person who brings evil back home (ingƝnzi y’ímihana níyo nzanyi y’ámazímwe). Visits among friends are necessary, but one should not visit neighbors aimlessly. Mutual assistance is a socio-cultural norm among Africans. In times of

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problems, one can rely on neighbors and friends for help. However, when someone gets involved in a self-destructive initiative, the neighbor is still present for assistance, but this time, sarcastically to help him speed up his mad act. Burundians have it that if a man is going to cut down his fence, you lend him your cutlass (uwutéma urwРwé bamutƯza umuhoro). It is not their duty to defend a property that even the owner does not care for; rather, he should be wise enough to act otherwise, like a responsible adult. In the same line of ideas, the Hausas pronounce: if a man says that he is going to swallow his axe, hold the handle for him (Akporobaro 2012, 105). In the two proverbs, household tools are involved, which are meant to cut things into pieces. Thus, anyone who desires to employ such fast means to destroy himself deserves ridicule, so that, after he counts his losses, he may desist from any self-destructive behavior.

C. Proverbs that invite realism Burundians and Hausas seem to hold realism to high esteem in their daily lives. To that effect, Burundians say, for instance, that the holes in a house are known only to those who live in the house (imyƟnge y’ínzu imenywa n’ábayíbamwó). A house symbolizes a human being, while holes in a house stand for human vices. If there is a defect in a house, those living in the house, not visitors, are in a better position to know all the problems of a house and a household. Discussing qualities in a person therefore requires a thorough knowledge of that person, otherwise errors of wrong judgments will surely occur. Parallel to this and with the same meaning is the Hausa proverb that says: it is the owner of the house who knows where the house leaks (Akporobaro 2012, 103). Appearance and reality do not match. Physical beauty, sweet words, fine dressing in a person, can always cover up serious problems in somebody’s life, and only those who know a person thoroughly can give an objective account of his personality. The two proverbs guard people against a subjective assessment of values in human beings, keeping in mind that perfection is not of this world. To express the need for objectivity, Burundians still say: nobody asks a crow for spittle (ntawusába igikôna igikórorwá), or, nobody looks for milk between the legs of a locust (ntƗwushâka amatá mu matáko y’igih΅ri). The proverbs start with a negation, an absolute negation: nobody should try doing what is impossible, or what will never yield results. Only cows, not locusts, can be milked for human beings to drink milk. Considered from another angle, the proverb calls for realism: everything produces what nature allows it to produce. In Hausa context, a similar reality is expressed

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with this proverb: don’t seek blood from a locust, God didn’t put it there (Akporobaro 2012, 105). It is no longer milk as in the Rundi proverb, but blood. Blood is life and food among cow-breeders, who extract blood from the veins of their cows, boil it until it turns to food through coagulation. According to the proverb, this blood could have been provided by God, the creator of everything, but he did not. Reference to God as the giver means that good is a natural gift. What nature did not provide, nobody else should force others to produce it: no result will be yielded. The reference to cowbreeding-related products reflects the importance cows have in the life of Burundians and the Hausas. Cows are a source of meat, blood, milk, skins for drums and bags, horns for music and for medicine, manure for soil fertility, and money from sale. Unlike cows, locusts are not only useless, they are also a nuisance to farmers, and one should treat them as such. Two other close proverbs are the following: There is no rest for a tired person (uwarúshe ntáruh·ka) in Kirundi, and there is no rest for a poor man in Hausa. Both proverbs address the situation of constant lack to which some people are doomed. In the Rundi vocabulary, a tired person can refer to someone who really works hard, or someone who always encounters obstacles in life, and who must sweat before he gets what others get effortlessly. In spite of the numerous similarities between the Hausa and the Rundi proverbs, they differ on one major area: appearance vs. reality. A few examples will illustrate this. Burundians say: A big spear one carries is not a sign of bravery (ubugabo sí urucúmu), or that a thick beard is not an indicator of manhood (ubugabo sí icănwa), while the Hausas say that a bearded man is a truthful one (Akporobaro 2012, 105). The visions of life expressed here are quite different. To Burundians, spear, beard, age, gender, are not indicators of a person’s value. After all, so many men carry a weapon without being brave. Likewise, nearly every man wears a beard. A beard is far from being an added value: Burundians have observed that even a he-goat or a he-rat has a beard (or whiskers), yet, they are not men. Burundians do not deny that with age come experience and wisdom, but they refuse to worship appearance, old age or gender for the sake of it. One’s value in life resides in one’s behavior, virtues, and achievements.

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D. Proverbs that call for self-control in words Hausas believe that silence is the best answer to a fool. Otherwise, it is the foolishness of the interlocutor that calls for control of one’s words. Likewise, silence is a great virtue among Burundians. Let us look at some Rundi proverbs. The one with an evil tongue died before a witch dies (sakírimi kibí yatânze umurozi gupfá) is a proverb, which condemns evil talk: one can put himself in trouble through what one says. A witch, who is a public danger to communities, may live peacefully if he knows how to hold to his secrets so that nobody suspects him. But a good person, whose words are not circumspect and as such suspected to be dangerous, may be harmed or killed by those who hear him, whereas he is actually harmless. A word that loves you stays inside your womb (IjƗmbo riguk·nze rikuguma mnj nda) praises the ability to reduce unnecessary talk. It is better to keep quiet than to say what you will regret later. This recommendation is further extended when the interlocutor is someone in authority. Burundians say: Instead of insulting someone in authority, one should rather treat him with disdain (hƗ gutúka umukúru wǀsiga umúgaye). You avoid telling the truth to the authorities, and you survive in peace. If any reaction is required, your disdainful attitude to him is enough, and, to Burundians, disdain is less harmful than verbal abuse! Restraint in speaking is so much valued by Burundians that the use of sedatives is well indicated if one wants to force secrets out of somebody’s mind. Alcohol is such a sedative, and it is used among the Hausas as well. The latter say: give a stranger a drink and you will hear (literary, drink the news). A high dosage of alcohol in a Burundian’s body is what is believed to force a quiet person to lose self-control and start talking uncontrollably. No wonder Burundians also say: beer is: ‘remove me from my jug and I remove you from the rank of men’ (inzóga ní nknjra mu mubƱndi nguk·re mu bagabo). Beer is kept in jugs, calabashes or cans. Once a person drinks it, he is likely going to behave disgracefully and, consequently, he will be marginalized by other men worth their name. Whatever is in the womb of a man is revealed by what is in the womb of a jug (akarí mnj nda y’úmugabo gaserurwa n’ákarí mnj nda y’úmubƱndi), is yet another Rundi proverb that develops the same subject of alcohol as the thing that forces secrets out of a man’s inner self. One only has to get close to a drunken person to hear the hidden truths that had long remained a secret.

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Recapitulation: Hausa and Rundi Proverbs Table 1. Hausa & Rundi proverbs Hausa proverbs Don’t seek blood from a locust, God did not put it there If a man says he is going to swallow his axe, hold the handle for him. God says: get up, and then let me help you A plant which God favors will grow even in the absence of rain Good relationships depend on the feet There is no rest for a poor man Give a stranger a drink, and you hear

If one refuses another, one refuses oneself

It is the owner of the house who knows where the house leaks -

-

-

Rundi proverbs Nobody seeks milk between the legs of a cricket If a man is going to cut down his fence, you lend him an axe God helps the one who helps himself A plant which God favors is not shaken by the wind A hoe that farms of friendship is the foot There is no rest for a tired man What is kept secret inside a man’s womb is revealed by what is kept inside the womb of a jug (alcohol) When you refuse to farm for another person’s child, your own child gets lean The holes in a house are known only by those who live in the house When you pray with eyes wide open, God gives you something which blinds those eyes No matter how high shoulders may grow, they cannot be taller than the neck No child can refuse to suck his mother’s breast under the pretext that the mother has pimples

Meaning Nobody should try to look for what is unobtainable A foolish man who shuns advice should be left to his own devices Prayer and action go hand in hand Under God’s protection, one has no worries Friends should visit each other Once unfortunate, always unfortunate Alcohol stimulates people to babble

You may be the first person to suffer the consequences of your own wickedness He who wears the shoe knows where it pinches / Perfection is not of this world Arrogance brings about ignominy

Parents are always more incisive than their children A parent/mother is always a parent/mother, no matter his /her deficiencies

Hausa and Rundi Proverbs: A Semantic Analysis -

A mother who is not your biological mother remembers you when she finishes eating

-

A word which loves you stays inside your womb

-

Alcohol says: “remove me from my jug and I will remove you from the rank of men” -

Having two homes provides protection against an outbreak of fire The width of one’s head does not make one go to meet thunder

-

329

Mothers’ first concern is their children’s welfare (feeding), while stepmothers’ main concern is not the stepchild’s welfare Control your tongue, especially on delicate or harmful issues Alcohol disgraces the imbiber

Do not put all your eggs in one basket Possession of physical strength should not make one to engage in foolish acts of bravery

Table 1 highlights, among other things, the importance given to God/Allah, to cows, to good relationships, to selfless love. Without downplaying their differences such as the overemphasis on silence, which is more recurrent in Rundi proverbs than the Hausa ones, one notices more glaring similarities in the proverbs produced by the two peoples under consideration. Their major meeting point lies in their use of proverbs as a tool to guard against foolishness and cruelty, to promote humanistic values through a sense of solidarity and a care for the needy, namely the orphans, the widows, and the elderly. Truth is universal, regardless of the language used to express it. Thus, proverbs that guard against foolishness, against cruelty, or any other form of the human vices have nothing special to bind different peoples culturally. However, the metaphors and the elements of nature that are used to express that truth are often related to the particular context of the users, and can bind them culturally. More specifically, few people would disagree with the fact that as the Hausas and the Burundians say in proverbs, prayer alone is not enough if it is not followed by action. Likewise, God’s readiness to help and protect the weak is not a controversial issue. But what makes these proverbs culturally peculiar are the elements of nature used to express an idea. The two following proverbs can clarify this statement: “a plant which God favors will grow in the absence of rain” (Hausa), and “a plant which God favors is not shaken by

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the wind” (Rundi) express an idea of God’s protection for his people, which any believer can hold as truth. The symbols used to express reality are a plant, life itself among those communities of farmers, which is used to symbolize human life. At the same time, that plant faces a threat: if there is no rain (among the Hausas who live in the arid regions of the Sahel), it cannot yield fruits. Likewise, if wind shakes it severely (as the tropical trees of Burundi can yield wind), the plant can get uprooted and die out. The reference to lack of water or to wind among the two different peoples is what enlightens their daily life. As for the choice of a plant as a metaphorically charged element to mean human beings, we are sent back to farming as the main economic activity of the Hausas and the Burundians. In the same line of ideas, we can consider once again the following two proverbs: “Give a stranger a drink and you will hear” (Hausa). “Whatever is in the womb of a man is revealed by what is in the womb of a jug” (Rundi).

As already discussed, the two proverbs shed light on the value given to silence among the two cultures. Silence is a sign of wisdom. Any sensible person tends to talk as little as possible in order not to fool himself in front of listeners. The use of alcohol is shared by the two peoples as the right sedative used to extract words, to force secrets out of the often naturally quiet Hausas or Burundians (traditional Burundi made only alcoholic drinks). The question arising now concerns the reason that explains cultural (or at least literary) closeness among Hausas and Burundians, who are geographically very distant. An attempt at explanation, which finds support in the views of Jan Vansina and Suret-Canale, is that of a shared historical past between the two peoples. In the view of Suret-Canale, elements of the Coushitic people – among whom are the Hima and the Tutsi from the Great Lakes Region – would have migrated to East Africa, namely to Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Burundi, and Rwanda, bringing with them their culture. Those migrants intermingled with the local population and formed an aristocratic ruling group (Histoire générale, 261). If we apply this hypothesis to literature and culture, we realize that both the Hausas and the Burundians have, among others, a special attachment to cows. Among both peoples, cowbreeding activities give a high social rank to the practitioner, and create an opportunity to improve on agriculture, which is beneficial even to farmers. Vieillard observes : “le bétail a pris de l’importance même chez les agriculteurs, parce que c’est la meilleure valeur d’échange ; mai duka, posssesseur de bétail, signifie

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l’homme riche” (qtd in Suret-Canale 105). [Cattle has become important even among farmers, because it represents the best exchange value; mai duka, cattle owner, means the rich man]. The statement shows the prestigious place given to cattle by the two peoples. Among them, after human beings, the second most precious valuable is a cow. With cow ownership, survival and dignity are granted. Thus, the two proverbs studied above, viz Don’t seek blood from a locust, God didn’t put it there (Hausa) and Nobody seeks milk between the legs of a cricket (Rundi) indirectly also emphasize the lowliness of animals that are not cows, but, more specifically, the uselessness of animals like crickets, which can produce neither milk, nor blood, nor skin. If we agree with Etta and Asuquo (2012, 267) that “proverbs and wise sayings may sometimes give an indication of the moral ideas underlying the people’s attitudes” or that “oral tradition is formed out of the intangible heritages of the African past” (Etta and Asuquo 2012, 273), there is a possibility to confirm that the Hausas and the Burundians have once shared the same historical past. However, for the sake of more reliability, further comparative investigations on the oral genres of the two groups of people need to be carried out before reaching a final conclusion.

Conclusion We would like to underline at this juncture, that Hausa and Rundi proverbs are expressions of universal human preoccupations, such as happiness, friendship, and mutual assistance. Both use everyday realities of their lives to express universal truths. What is interesting is not the universality of that truth (if it is universal, it can also be found in many other proverbs from different cultures). Rather, the choices of same or close elements from life to express this truth constitute the impressive. This is particularly true about cows, locusts, axes for destruction, farm and farming activity, alcohol, etc. If these people belonged to a same geographical area, this could have been a normal result of cultural exchanges across borders. But, given the distance between Burundi in East Africa and Hausa land in Nigeria (West Africa), one is forced to acknowledge the possible existence of a shared background in a remote past among the two peoples, giving credence to some scholars’ viewpoint that indeed, the Hausas as nomadic cattle rearers migrated to the Great Lakes of Africa (where Burundi is), and imposed their cultures on the indigenous people with whom they mingled and became one. In order to confirm such a position, which has drastic consequences on the life of Africans, there is a need to carry out further research on other oral forms

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of the two peoples, hoping that the studies will confirm this assumed shared cultural heritage between the Hausas and Burundians.

References Akporobaro, F.B.O. 2012.Introduction to African Oral Literature. Revised Edition. Lagos: Princeton. Etta, Emmanuel and Offiong O. Asukwo. 2012. “The Place of Proverbs in African Epistemology”. IRORO: Journal of Arts. Vol. 15: 266-281 Finnegan, Ruth. 1970. Oral Literature in Africa. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Gunner, Liz. 2013. “Africa and Orality”. In African Literature: An Anthology of Criticisms and Theory. Edited by Tejunde Olaniyan and Ato Quayson, 67-73. Malder/Oxford/Carlton: Blackwell. Histoire de l’Afrique noire, de Madagascar et des Archipels. Tome II : de 1800 à nos jours. Paris: PUF, 1971. Irele, Abiola. 2013. “Orality, Literacy and African Literature”. In African Literature:An Anthology of Criticism and Theory. Edited by Tejunde Olaniyan and Ato Quayson, 74-82. Malder/Oxford/Carlton: Blackwell, 2007. Moon, W. Jay. 2013. “African Proverbs: Stepping Stones within Oral Cultures.” Accessed September 23rd 2014. https://oralitystrategies.org/files/1/279/african Proverbs.pdf. Ntambara, Cyprien. 2014. “African Proverbs, Sayings and Stories”. Accessed September 22nd 2014. swahiliproverbs.afrst.illinois.edu/background. Suret-Canale. 1979. Afrique Noire: Geographie, Civilization, Histoire. 3e edition. Paris : editions sociales. Odiaka, Sam. 2014. “Hausa Proverbs and Sayings”. Accessed September 22nd 2014. www.teachyourselfhausa.com/hausa-proverbs-and-sayings.php. Scheven, Albert. N.d. Swahili Proverbs: Background. Accessed September 23rd 2014. http://swahiliproverbs.afrst.illinois.edu/background.html. Vansina, Jan. 1985. Oral Tradition as History. Oxford: James Currey. White, Landeg. 1980. “Literature and History in Africa”. Journal of African History, vol. 2: 537- 46

CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE EFFECTS OF GRAMMAR-TRANSLATION METHOD ON TEACHING OF FRENCH IN JUNIOR SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN EDO STATE, NIGERIA PEACE JOAN ALUFOHAI DEPARTMENT OF CURRICULUM AND INSTRUCTION, FACULTY OF EDUCATION, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract This chapter examines the effect of the conventional grammar translation that the teacher uses in the teaching of French language in junior secondary schools in Nigeria. The study explores the possibility of using the functional, notional, traditional approach to enhance the interest of students in the subject. A quasi-experimental design was used for the study. The population for the study included the students in the 324 public junior secondary schools in Edo State. Using the purposive sampling technique, two junior secondary schools were selected for the study. The instruments used for the study were the French Language Test (FLAT) and the Instructional Package for French Language (IPFL). The instruments were validated by experts. To analyze the data, the t-test was employed. Alpha level was set at a 0.05 level of significance. The findings revealed that students exposed to the functional-notional approach performed better than those exposed to the conventional grammar-translation method. The recommendations made, amongst others, require the teachers to refrain from using only the traditional conventional method, but introduce the new functional-notional approach, which will involve the students speaking the language, rather than just listening and writing. Key words: Conventional, Grammar, Translation, Teaching, French

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Introduction Language is a key factor and a critical resource in all human engagement, especially for smooth interaction in social, economic, and political contexts. In line with this thought, the Federal Government of Nigeria (1996), under the administration of late General Sani Abacha, declared the French language as the second official language. The French language is next to the English language as an exoglossic language in terms of importance. Thus, to make this declaration effective, the Federal Government maintained that the French language as a subject will be compulsory in primary and junior secondary schools, but elective at the senior secondary schools. That being the case, Nigeria is in an advantageous position to benefit from the effects of merging cultures that the acquisition of the French language would engender. Nigeria is a West African nation bounded in the North West by the Republic of Niger, on the North East by Chad, on the West by the Republic of Benin, and on the East by Cameroon. These four countries, whose official language is French, also speak and understand some measure of the English language, which is Nigeria’s official language. However, years after Abacha’s declaration, the French language as a subject is still not recognized and accepted by the majority of Nigerians, particularly the students who are today’s youths and tomorrow leaders. Although, the subject is taught in schools, the study however feels that the way the teachers teach the subject is a far cry from realizing the dream of understanding and speaking the language fluently in Nigeria. It is therefore on this premise that the study investigates the method commonly used by teachers in the teaching of French language in Nigerian schools. In carrying out this study, the method commonly employed in the teaching of the subject was investigated, along with the experimental method called the functionalnotional approach, which the researcher describes as the top-to-bottom method. Four basic skills have been identified for learning a language effectively. These skills are listening, speaking, reading, and writing (Williams 1990). A child first learns a language by listening, thereafter, the child learns to speak the language, then reads and lastly writes the language. The oral form is very important in the learning or acquisition of any language. However, this particular skill seems to be absent in French language classrooms in the Edo state of Nigeria.

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Research Problem The investigation carried out revealed that students in Edo State junior secondary schools are not interested in the subject. This fact is further emphasized by the junior secondary schools certificate examination results reviewed by the researcher from the Edo State Ministry of Education in 2012. A critical analysis of these results revealed that students’ academic performance in French is below 40 percent. Based on this analysis, there is a problem in the teaching and learning of the French language in Nigeria. Therefore, the problem of this study is to investigate if the method of teaching the French language is responsible for the failure rate of students.

Purpose of the Study The purpose of the study is to investigate the effects of grammartranslation method and functional-notional approach on students’ academic achievement in French.

Research Hypotheses 1. There is no significant difference between the pre-test scores of students in the experimental group and those in the control group. 2. There is no significant difference between the achievement scores of students exposed to the functional notional approach and those exposed to the grammar-translation method. 3. There is no significant difference in the achievement scores of students exposed to the functional-notional approach before and after the treatment.

Literature Review The oldest and most common method, often employed in the teaching of the French language in Nigerian schools, is the grammar-translation method. In this method, emphasis is placed on reading and writing (literacy skills) while aural and oral skills are ignored. In employing this method, the teacher hardly speaks the target language; thus, what is commonly observed in French classes is that the teacher employs English in the teaching of French. The grammar-translation method does not consider the theory of Brooks (1977), which considers language as a vocal behavior. Language as a vocal behavior is explicitly explained in the words of a linguist-cum-teacher, Polizer (Araromi 2005, 15) when he said:

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“As language is behavior, the only way it can be taught is by inducing the student to behavior”. Thus, students are expected to use the language by speaking it rather than mainly memorizing the grammatical rules, sets, or forms of words and analytic translation of text. It is on this basis that the researcher decided to investigate the effect of the functional-notional approach in the teaching of French in Nigerian schools. The functional-notional approach, according to Williams (1990), is not a completely new concept in language study. The approach is guided by a set of assumptions about what constitutes a proper syllabus for the learning of a second or foreign language. Materials for the syllabus consist of language functions, otherwise known as “speech acts”, not the traditional units of grammar. The title of the lesson units usually consists of situations like “asking for directions”, “expressing an opinion or views”, “apologizing”, “interacting socially”, etc. Therefore, these titles are different from titles like “the present continuous tense”, “countable and uncountable nouns”, “masculine and feminine pronouns”, and “conjugation of verbs”. The functional-notional approach to language learning places importance on the communicative purpose of speech. Ojo (2005) opined that the functional-notional approach trains students to express their feelings, desires, intentions, attitudes etc. The approach, according to Williams (1990) lays great emphasis on communication in the classroom and, as such, it is largely learner-centered. The approach is mainly concerned with the role of the individual learner in language interaction. The approach is eclectic in nature in the sense that it is a combination of several methods. Proficiency in a language according to Katz (2000) requires more than simply being able to form grammatical utterances.

Research Methodology The population for the study was made up of all the 341 public junior secondary schools (JSS) in Edo State. A total of 140 JSS III students took part in the study in their intact classes. This is in line with Ali (2006). Purposive sampling technique was used to select two schools from the population. The selected schools were grouped into two, that is the experimental and control groups. The experimental group was exposed to the treatment using the functional-notional method or approach, while the control group was taught using the traditional grammar-translation method. Both groups were tested and their achievement scores were compared.

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The instruments used for the study were the Instructional Package for French Language (IPFL) and the French Language Achievement Test (FLAT). The instructional package consisted of prepared lesson notes on selected topics based on the French language scheme of work approved by the Edo State Ministry of Education. The teaching was done for a period of six weeks. The French Language Achievement Test (FLAT) was made up of one section of forty questions. Students were expected to supply the answers by filling the blank spaces. Instructional Package for French Language (IPFL) was validated by two experienced French language teachers, while French Language Achievement Test (FLAT) was adopted from standardized tests following strictly the current JSSE syllabus. French Language Achievement Test was validated by two French language teachers and two French language experts. The instruments were validated based on the appropriateness and clarity of each item. For the reliability of FLAT, a group of 72 students from a neighboring state were used. Using the split-half method, the score of the 72 students were correlated. A reliability value of 0.76 was obtained.

Administration of the Instruments The instruments were administered personally by the researcher with the aid of five research assistants, and the instruments were later collected for analysis.

Data Analysis The data collected were analyzed using the t-test statistics and the hypotheses postulated for the study were tested at a 0.05 level of significance.

Results Hypothesis 1: There is no significant difference between the pre-test scores of students in the experimental group and those in the control group.

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Table I: T-test for the equality of means between the experimental and control group of students exposed to the pre-test. Group

N

X

std.dev.

Df

T

Sig. (2 tales)

Control Group Exp. Group

74

8.2

5.99

138

0.7679

0.4439

66

7.5

4.61

ɲ = 0.05

The analysis in Table 1 was derived from the pre-test conducted on the two groups of students (experimental and control groups) to find out whether the subjects in the two groups are homogenous or not. The result however, revealed that the exact significant level (0.4439) of the samples’ t score (0.7679) is greater than our 0.005 alpha level. Thus, the students randomly assigned to the two groups have the same level of knowledge to the topics of the study/subject. Hypothesis 2: There is no significant difference between the achievements scores of students exposed to the functional notional approach and those exposed to the grammar-translation method. Table 2: T-test for equality of means between the functional-notional approach and grammar-translation method. Group GTM FNA ɲ = 0.05

N 74 66

X 17.6 __ 29.30

std.dev. 3.88 4.30

Df 138

T -16.9242

Sig. (2 tales) 0.0000

Table 2 shows a mean score t 17.6 for students exposed to GTM and 29.30 for students exposed to FNA respectively. The exact significance level (0.0000) of this sample’s t score (-16.9242) is less than our 0.05 alpha level. Therefore we reject the null hypothesis, and conclude that there is a significant difference in the mean achievement scores between students exposed to GTM (Grammar Translation Method) and FNA (Functional- Notional Approach). Hypothesis 3: There is no significant difference in the achievement scores of students exposed to the functional-notional approach before and after the treatment.

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Table 3: T-test for equality means between the achievement scores of students exposed to the functional-notional approach before and after treatment.

Group Before Treatment After Treatment ɲ = 0.05

N

X

std.dev.

Df

T

Sig. (2 tales)

66

7.5

4.61

130

-28.0933

0.0000

66

29.30

4.30

A cursory look at table 3 shows that the mean achievement scores for students that fall under the experimental group had a higher score for their mean achievement score after the treatment when compared to their mean achievement score before treatment. The exact significant level (0.0000) of the sample’s t score (-28.0933) is much lower than our 0.05 alpha level. Thus, this analysis in table 3 shows that the functional-notional approach is effective in teaching French language students.

Discussion of Results The findings of this study were based on the hypotheses addressed at the beginning of the paper and analyzed in the tables. The results on tables 2 and 3 revealed that the functional-notional approach could be effective in the teaching of French to students. Table 2 revealed that there is a significant difference in the achievement scores of the post-test of students taught with the functionalnotional approach (experimental group) than those exposed to the grammar-translation method (control group). This is in line with Ushioda (1997) and Eyengho (2010), who declared that individual group mean achievement scores should serve as a basis for making judgments on whether a group or individual has achieved a stated objective or not. However, in table 3, when the two scores of those exposed to the functional-notional approach were compared and analyzed, it was discovered that the use of the functional-notional approach is better because the achievement scores of the students before treatment were lower, but after treatment the scores were higher than when they were exposed to the grammar-translation method. These findings are in line with the submissions of Katz (2000) and Araromi (2005).

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Conclusion The functional-notional approach is an effective method that can be used to attract students to learn and speak the French language. This will, to a large extent, help Nigerians to imbibe the culture of their neighboring Francophone countries, since culture is language. It can also be utilized to achieve the Federal Government of Nigeria’s wish for French to become the nation’s second official language. Therefore, the idea of using the old and conventional method of grammar-translation method that is teachercentered should be drastically reduced by French teachers.

Recommendations Based on the findings of this study, the researcher recommends the following: 1. French teachers should reduce the use of the grammar translation method and use more of the functional-notional approach that is student-centered, as this will enhance their spoken French language. 2. Curriculum developers should ensure that the French syllabus contains materials that consist of language functions, otherwise known as ‘speech acts’, and not the traditional units of grammar. 3. Teacher trainers of colleges of education and faculties/institutes of education should emphasize the importance of the functionalnotional approach in the effective implementation of the French language curriculum at the primary and secondary schools level. 4. Experts should produce materials and textbooks that would reflect the effective utilization of the functional-notional approach to the teaching of French. 5. Government should create audio-visual laboratories in schools where teachers and students can interact fully using the functionalnotional approach.

References Adegbija, Efurosibina. 2004. "Language Policy and Planning in Nigeria”, Journal on Current Issues in Language Planning. 5, 3. Ali, Anthony.2006. Conducting Research in Education and Social Studies. Enugu, Nigeria:Tashiwa Networks Ltd

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Alufohai, Peace Joan. 2009. “A Reflection on the implementation of French Language in Nigerian Secondary Schools, Journal of intellectualism 2, 5, 142-146. Araromi, Mac. 2005. “The Mother tongue, Language of Instruction and issues in Methodology: The Nigerian Experience”. Issues in language communication and education. A book of Reading in Honour of Caroline Okedera, edited by Dada, Ayorinde;Abimbade, Alade and Kolawole, Olaniran Olusegun, Ibadan: Counstellations Books. Eyengho, Toju 2010."Role of English Teachers in the Effective Teaching of Summary Writing in Secondary Schools", Journal of Teacher Perspective. 4, 2, 278-286. Federal Government of Nigeria. 2004. National Policy on Education, Abuja Nigeria: NERDC Press. Katz, Stacy. 2000. “A Functional Approach to the Teaching of French”. Oest-Cleft,The French Review. 74, 2, 96-102. Ministry of Education. 2012. French Results for JSSCE 2009-2011, Benin-City, Edo State. Ojo, Kolawole. 2005. “Teaching Methods: An Appraisal” in Issues in LanguageCommunication and Education. A Book of Reading in Honor of Caroline Okedara, edited by Dada, Ayorinde; Abimbade, Alade and Kolawole, Olaniran Olusegun, Ibadan: Constellation Books. 119-211 Ushioda, Ema. 1997. “The Role of Motivational Thinking in Autonomous Language Learning in Language Centers”, Planning for the New Millennium edited by Little David and Voss B, Plymouth: University of Plymouth. Williams, David. 1990. English Language Teaching: An Integrated Approach. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited.

CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR ASPECTS OF IGBO DIALECTOLOGY: EXPLORING THE SOUND CHANGE BETWEEN NRI AND OGWASHI DIALECTS OF IGBO MARIA. I. OBADAN DEPARTMENT OF LANGUAGES & LINGUISTICS, DELTA STATE UNIVERSITY, ABRAKA

AND BOSCO C. OKOLO-OBI DEPARTMENT OF LANGUAGES & LINGUISTICS, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

Abstract Time, space, and contact play a very crucial role in language change. One area in which this change mostly manifests in languages is in the area of sounds. This study investigates the phonological changes that have taken place in the Ogwashi dialect (whose speakers migrated from Nri). With the aid of the Ibadan (400) wordlist, cognates from both the Ogwashi and Nri dialects were compared using the comparative method (proposed by Schleicher in the 19th century). The result of our findings shows some level of phonological variation in both dialects, which have been occasioned by change. For instance, findings show that in cognate words, Nri speakers produce a word with /ѻ/ in a word like ‘head’ [íѻí], Ogwashi speakers produce the same word with /s/ as in [ísí]. The same variation goes for other sounds like Ѱ > f, ћ > j, r > h. Another interesting finding is that some of these changes can be related to the historical loss of a phonological rule. Key words: Dialectology, Sound Change, Nri, Ogwashi, Igbo.

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Introduction Variation in language, or language change as it is most commonly known in the field of historical linguistics, has come to be of interest not only to the historical linguist but also to the sociolinguist, who is interested in showing that language is not static, but subject to change under certain social settings. Language variation as a subject in sociolinguistics, studies change in language as occasioned by such factors as age, sex, class, region etc. Regional factors which result in the development of new language variety(-ies) called dialect have often been less emphasized. As Wardhaugh (1986) suggests, languages vary in many ways; one way of characterizing certain variations is to say that speakers of a particular language sometimes speak different dialects of that language. This area of study is regarded as dialectology and its concerns lie between the area of sociolinguistics and historical linguistic studies. Chambers and Trudgill (1988) succinctly state that dialectology is the scientific study of linguistic dialects; the varieties of a language that are characteristic of particular groups, based primarily on geographic distribution and its associated features. This is in contrast to variations based on social factors, which are studied in sociolinguistics. Dialectology treats such topics as divergence of two local dialects from a common ancestor. Basically, historical linguistics is “concerned with the diachronic aspect of language” (Ifode 2001, 31). It investigates the changes in languages in general over time, and through such investigation is able to establish the relationship between languages (or dialects as the case may be). Ifode asserts further that a basic assumption of the historical linguist is that languages are not static; they change with time. This change is the primary concern of historical linguists. One of the most prevalent types of change that has been studied by historical linguists over the years is sound change. Sound change affects both consonants and vowels over time. However in this study, observation shows that change has mostly affected consonants’ development without affecting vowels. This study therefore investigates phonological changes (in consonants) that have resulted over time, between two Igbo dialects (Nri and Ogwashi), which were historically homogenous. Nri (the community where the Nri dialect is spoken) is an ancient city in Anambra state, while Ogwashi-uku (the community where the Ogwashi dialect is spoken) is the headquarters of Aniocha South Local Government Area of Delta state. According to the Umunri Worldwide, a section of the population left Nri around AD 1500 and founded the present day Ogwashi-uku.Nwabua, (1956) adds that the foremost settlers and founders

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of the present day Ogwashi-uku were people from Nri, led by a Nri prince named Adaigbo, who was banished from his father’s kingdom. Taking this historical precedence into account, observation of the two dialects shows evidence that certain changes have occurred. It is in the light of this fact that this study intends to highlight some of these observable phonological correspondences between these two dialects.

Historical Development of Languages/Dialects The process of language divergence is a gradual process, which is occasioned by such factors as time and distance. As observed by Wardhaugh (1986), language differentiates internally as speakers distance themselves from one another over time and space; the changes result in the creation of dialects of a language. Over sufficient time, the resulting dialects become new languages as speakers of the resulting varieties become unintelligible to one another. So Latin became French in France, Spanish in Spain, Italian in Italy, and so on. In this model of language change and dialect differentiation, it should always be possible to relate the variation found within language to two factors of time and distance, e.g. the British and American varieties, or dialects of English are separated by over two centuries of political independence and by the Atlantic Ocean; Northumbria and Cockney English are nearly 300 miles and many centuries apart. Ifode (2001, 43) claims that if a relatively homogenous group of speakers by some accident of history gets divided into two groups between which there is little or no communication, as time goes by the linguistic system earlier shared by the two, will diverge more and more. Initially, this divergence may result in mere dialectal variation, as changes in language at the initial stage bring about dialectal variation. She further explains that this kind of separation may be brought by migration of a part of the community, or by imposition of political or military barriers. Whatever may be the cause of the separation, once communication between the two separated groups is broken, the linguistic fate of the two communities (once a single homogenous one) can no longer be the same. Once there is no communication between the two communities, a change that occurs in one will not affect the other and vice versa. Changes in languages may be either phonological (otherwise known as sound change), lexical, morphological, semantic, or even syntactic. In other words, all aspects of language change. However, a conspicuous success has been achieved in modeling changes in phonological systems, traditionally called sound change (which is primarily the basis of this

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study). Otsuka (2005) defines sound change as a change over time in the phonetic/phonological patterns of a language. He explains that a greater than sign (>) is used to indicate a sound change (or any historical change, in fact), with the older form on the left. For example, /b/>/p/ indicates a sound change in which an older /b/ devoices to /p/. Ifode (2001, 99) opines that the inventory of some sounds of a language can be changed over time. According to her, changes in the sound system may involve simply an alternation in the manner of production of a given segment, or classes of segment from one point in the history of the language to another. She asserts that changes in the sound system of languages are often reflected in phonetic correspondences in related languages or dialects of the same language. Where a phonetic correspondence is observed at one point in the history of a language and that of its direct descendant at a subsequent point in the history of that same language, that correspondence usually reflects the changes that have affected the segments through time. Phonological processes are synchronic phenomena that have diachronic implication. This is why we have phonological rules existing to relate the pronounceable units to abstract ones in languages. By such a rule for instance, we pronounce [s] before [i] as [‫ ]ݕ‬in Nupe. As the language undergoes change over time, such a rule may become more general. Generally, sound change can be typically classified according to whether they are unconditioned or conditioned. When a sound change occurs generally and is not “dependent on the phonetic context in which it occurs”, it is termed unconditioned (Aitchison, 2002). Unconditioned sound changes modify the sound in all contexts in which it occurs. In other words, unconditioned sound changes take place, irrespective of the phonological context in which the sound that changes may occur. However, when a sound change takes place only in certain contexts (when it is dependent upon neighboring sounds, upon the sounds position within a word), this kind of change is called conditioned sound change. There are numerous types of both conditioned and unconditioned sound change. However, as it relates to this study, we shall examine one instance of conditioned sound change (assimilation) and one class of unconditioned sound change. Assimilation is one of the most prevalent causes of historical sound change. According to Ifode, (2001), diachronic assimilation is almost the same as synchronic assimilation. The difference, however, between the two is that diachronic assimilation takes place over time, leading to different reflexes of the proto-forms. She explains that any feature or set of features may be affected by assimilation. As in the case of synchronic assimilation, one consonant may assimilate to the other, one vowel may

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assimilate to another vowel or consonant. Similarly, consonants may take on features from adjacent vowels, like stops becoming fricatives in the environment of vowels (intervocalic or initially before the vowel). Crystal (2004) says that when we talk about assimilation, we are talking about phonological rules that alter the phonetic realization of a sound over time. A concrete example is more useful than an abstract description here. According to him, in Old English, the voiceless velar stop /k/ freely appeared before a long front vowel [i:], as in the Old English word [ki:dan] meaning "chide". However, a bit later in the Old English period, the phonology of English adopted a rule of palatalization by which /k/ changed into the affricate [t‫ ]ݕ‬before [i:]. That's why today the word 'chide' begins with a palatal affricate instead of a velar stop. He notes that this rule is not active in English today, or else we wouldn't find words like "keen" or "keel" or "key". He explains that it is possible for a phonological rule that applies in a language to be lost or abandoned in the cause of the historical development of the language. Matthews (1997) defines lenition as any process by which a sound is, or is conceived as being, weakened; e.g., that by which, in the history of Spanish, a voiced stop ([b] [d] [g]) became a fricative ([ȕ] [ð] [ܵ]) between vowels, seen as one that reduced the effort of articulation (opp. fortition). Ifode (2001) adds that both weakening and hardening are attested in the development of Proto-Yoruboid-Itsekiri-Igala sounds, as some ProtoYoruboid-Itsekiri-Igala lenis sounds merged with their fortis counterparts in Igala, resulting in consonant with reinforced stricture. Iloene and Iloene (2013) report some cases of lenition in Ezeagu dialects of Igbo. Unlike most cases of lenition, which are occasioned by the effect of vowels, their findings show that such instances in Ezeagu result from ease of articulation that speakers of the language tend to employ in their pattern of speech. As a result, some of the following changes were observed: x The labialized velar nasal [ƾw] is weakened to an approximant [w] x The palatal nasal [݄] is weakened to a palatal approximant [j] x The voiceless labio-dental fricative [f] is usually realized as bilabial fricative [݊]

Igbo Dialectology According to Nkamigbo (2010), Igbo is a language that has many dialects. She presents Ikekeonwu, (1987) classification of the Igbo dialects into clusters using both phonological and grammatical criteria. On the basis of these criteria, she grouped Igbo dialects into five clusters, namely:

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1. The Niger Igbo 2. Inland West Igbo 3. Inland East Igbo 4. Waawa Igbo / Northern Igbo 5. Riverine Igbo

The Niger Igbo (NI) The Niger Igbo cluster, notes Ikekeonwu (1987), is found in areas on the West of River Niger, in what is currently known as Delta State. Niger Igbo has two main dialects (MDs), namely Ika Igbo and Aniocha Igbo. Ika Igbo has Agbor, Ukwali etc. as satellite dialects. Aniocha has Asaba, Ibusa, Ogwashi, etc. as satellite dialects.

The Inland West Igbo (IWI) This group is found in areas situated to the east of the River Niger. Ikekeonwu, (1987) points out that the title ‘West’ may then seem contradictory. These dialects, however, lie to the west of the group spoken further inland in Owerri, Umuahia, etc., and this is the basis for their classification as inland West. IWI has three MDs namely Onitsha, Awka, and Aguata. Onitsha satellite dialects include Enu-Onitsha dialect, General Onitsha dialects (Nkpor, Obosi, Umuoji, etc.) and Otu-Onitsha dialects. Awka has Enugwu-Ukwu, Nri, and Amawbia as satellite dialects. Aguata’s satellite dialects include Amaiyi and Orumba dialects.

The Inland East Igbo (IEI) This group includes those dialects spoken to the east and south-east of the IWI dialects. It comprises five main dialects, namely Central IEI, Orlu, Owerri, Ngwa and Aro. The Central IEI satellite dialects include Umuahia, Ubakala, Etiti, Ohafia, Ehugbo, Okigwe, Oriagu and Nsu. Orlu satellite dialects include Awomama, Oguta, Aba Nkwerre, IsuNkwerre, Dikenafia etc. The satellite dialects of Owerri are Uratta, Emekuku, Ikeduru, Mbaise, Aboh, Mbieri, Ogwa etc. The satellite dialects of Ngwa include Isiala, Osisioma, Obioma, and Enyimba central. Arochukwu, Ajali, Arondizuogu etc. are satellite dialects of Aro (Ikekeonwu, 1987).

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Waawa / Northern Igbo Waawa Igbo is spoken in the northern part of Igboland. The region is bound to the north by Idoma and Tiv speakers, while the southern fringes are occupied by the Inland West Igbo speakers, and the Inland East Igbo speakers to the east. West of the Waawa Igbos we have the Igalas. Waawa Igbo has six MDs – Achi, Enugu, Nsukka, Awgu, Udi, Abakaliki (Ikekeonwu, 1987:194). The satellite dialects of Achi include Isikwe and Elugu-agu. Enugu’s satellite dialects include Nara and Awkunanaw. Obukpa, Aku and Enugwu-Ezike are satellite dialects of Nsukka. The satellite dialects of Awgu include Mgbowo and Maku. Udi’s satellite dialects are Ezeagu, Umuaga, Umuabi and Oghe. Izii and Ezza are satellite dialects of Abakaliki.

Riverine Igbo (RI) This group, according to Ikekeonwu (1987), includes the varieties of Igbo spoken in Riverine areas like rivers and cross-river states. RI has two MDs namely Ikwerre and Cross-River. Diobu and Ahoada are statellite dialects of Ikwerre, while Itu-Mbauzo is the satellite dialect of CrossRiver.

Methodology Population of study In this work, we try to determine the sound variation between the Nri and Ogwashi-uku dialects. Nri is an autonomous community with a population estimated at around over 54,012, according to the 2006 population census, while Ogwashi-Uku has an estimated population of 140,604 according to the 2006 population census. We adopted the purposive sampling method as a means of collecting data for this study. Ten native respondents were interviewed in Nri; 5 males, 5 females. Among the 5 male respondents, 3 were between the ages of 62-70, while the other two respondents were 32 and 20 respectively. In this group of male respondents, all of them had at least senior secondary qualifications, except for the 70 year-old respondent. The 5 female respondents included people between the ages of 23-58. In Ogwashi-Uku, 20 respondents were interviewed from the various communities in Ogwashi-Uku. These respondents included 10 males and 10 females, selected from different age groups, ranging from 20-75 years, who were competent native speakers

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and had knowledge of English. In using the purposive sampling method in this research, our variable is regional or spatial; those are the differences between the two regional dialects. However, we ensured that the various samples cut across the different age ranges, sexes, and classes. The basic assumption is that all native speakers of a particular language (dialect in this case) have understanding of the same basic vocabulary. Sources of data collection Basically most of the data was gathered primarily through oral interviews we conducted on the sample population. In conducting the interviews, the Ibadan 400 Wordlist and a tape recorder were used as instruments for collecting the data. However, some other secondary sources such as textbooks, articles, and the Internet were consulted. It should also be noted here that during the validation of the wordlist, two words were ruled out due to their vulgar nature, leaving us with 398 words.

Method of data analysis For our analysis, we adopted the comparative method; a technique popularized by a linguist named August Schleicher in the 19th century. Schleicher was the first to propose a reconstructed form for proto-IndoEuropean languages. Using this method, linguists look for phonological, morphological, syntactic, semantic, and lexical changes in languages. According to Gess (2009), the comparative method is a set of techniques, developed over a century and a half, that permits us to recover linguistic constructs of earlier (usually unattested), stages in a family of related languages. It begins with vocabulary (usually basic vocabulary), and the recognition of cognates across the languages compared, then proceeds to isolate systematic non-motivated correspondences that recur among the compared languages. These correspondences are then presented in an economical yet linguistically natural formula. The comparison may focus on any linguistic level, though it is perhaps most familiar as a tool for phonological and morphological analysis. The comparative method is a proven set of linguistic techniques that linguists and semitists jointly apply with great success. The goals of the comparative method are as familiar as the method itself. Stated simply, comparative linguists seek: x To identify instances of genetic relatedness amongst languages; x To explore the history of individual languages; x To develop a theory of linguistic change.

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Identifying genetic relationships is of course fundamental to the comparative task and underlies such basic projects as linguistic classification. Exploring the history of individual languages, especially the changes that occur across related languages, often involves the abstractive and retrospective method of reconstruction. Recognition of sound correspondences is the bedrock of the comparative method of historical linguistics. At the phonological level, groups of languages are determined to be genetically related when sound correspondences are found to extend across them.

Sound change in Nri and Ogwashi-uku Among cognates in both dialects, variations of a single sound segment in a word have been observed. In such cases, attempts have been made to match these corresponding sounds in both dialects. These cases are provided in the data in table 1. Table 1 /r/ > /h/ Nri [àr‫ݜ‬ғ] [àr‫ݜ‬ғ‫ݜ‬ғn‫ܧ‬Ғ] [ár‫ܧ‬Ғ] [írú] [lár‫ݜ‬ғ] [r‫ܧ‬Ғl‫ݜ‬ғ] [ár‫ݜ‬ғr‫ݜ‬ғ] [r‫ݜ‬ғ]

Ogwashi [àhuғ ]ҕ [àh‫ݜ‬ғ‫ݜ‬ғn‫ܧ‬Ғ] [áh‫ܧ‬Ғ] [íhú] [áh‫ݜ‬ғ] [h‫ܧ‬Ғl‫ݜ‬ғ] [áh‫ݜ‬ғh‫ݜ‬ғ] [h‫ݜ‬ғ]

English gloss Skin Wall Year Face sleep (v) Choose Ant Roast

From the examples in table 1, it can be seen that the environments in a word where all the Nri dialect had the voiced alveolar trill /r/, voiceless glottal fricative /h/ appeared in the Ogwashi dialect instead. It should be noted here that the sound system of the Ogwashi dialect lacks the alveolar trill. Hence, among cognates, there is a total correspondence between the Nri /r/ and Ogwashi /h/. The alteration of /r/ > /h/ is not conditioned by any phonological environment; as seen in the examples provided in table 1.

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Table 2 /݊/ > /f/ Nri [à݊‫ࡊܧ‬n‫]ݜ‬ [áܼ݊ғܼ݊áғ ] [á݊já] [‫ܧ‬ғ݊já] [í݊é] [má݊ê]

Ogwashi [àf‫ࡊܧ‬n‫]ݜ‬ [áfܼfғ ܼғá] [áfjá] [‫ܧ‬ғfjá] [ífé] [máfê]

English gloss Beards Refuse Market Bush Thing jump over (v)

[gá݊ê] [ò݊ú] [‫ܧ‬ғ݊‫]ݜ‬ [é݊í]

[gáfê] [òfú] [‫ܧ‬ғf‫]ݜ‬ [éfí]

cross-over (v) One New Cow

[á݊à]

[áfà]

Name

Here, the difference among these classes of cognates is the variation between the voiceless bilabial fricative /݊/ in Nri and the voiceless labiodental fricative /f/ in Ogwashi. The occurrence of the Nri /݊/ corresponds with /f/ in the same word environments in Ogwashi. One may conveniently recall that Iloene and Iloene (2013) analyzed /f/ >/ ݊/ as an instance of lenition in Ezeagu dialect. However, in this instance we have a reversal i.e. /݊/ > /f/ historically. What this then implies is that the rule of lenition, which usually weakens consonant in the environment of vowels, is not applicable in Ogwashi. In other words, the rule has been lost historically, which resulted in the historical change of /݊/ > /f/. Table 3 /‫ݕ‬/ > /s/ Nri [‫ݜ‬ғb‫ܧ‬Ғ‫]ܼݕ‬Ғ [í‫ݕ‬í] [í‫ݕ‬ì] [ì‫ݕ‬í] [ó‫ݕ‬í‫ݕ‬í] [í‫ݕ‬íkí] [gó‫ݕ‬í] [‫ܼݕۮ‬ғ] [a‫ݕ‬í] [‫ݕ‬í]

Ogwashi [‫ݜ‬ғb‫ܧ‬Ғsܼ]Ғ [ísí] [ísì] [ìsí] [ósísí] [ísíkí] [gósí] [‫ۮ‬sܼғ] [así] [sí]

English gloss Day Head Smell Six Tree Hardship Show Feaces Lie Cook

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From the data in table 3, we can deduce a phonological rule that converts the voiceless alveolar fricative /s/ into a voiceless palatal fricative when it is followed by a front high vowel in Nri dialect. In the case of Ogwashi, this rule of palatalizing the voiceless alveolar fricative in the environment of a front high vowel does not apply. Thus, one can say that the palatalization rule has been historically lost at some point in the development of the Ogwashi dialect (this ties up with Crystal’s (2004) observation of a similar process in the development of English from the Old English). This phonological rule that changes /‫ݕ‬/ > /s/ only applies in Ogwashi where the following vowel is not a front high vowel. This explains the reason why we have forms such as shown in table 4. Table 4 Ogwashi [‫ܧ‬ғ‫ݕ‬á] [‫ݜݕۮ‬Ғ‫ݜݕ‬Ғ] [ó‫ݕ‬ú] [á‫ݕ‬á] [‫ݕ‬á] [‫ܭݕ‬ғ] [á‫ݕ‬à]

English gloss Bush long throat Twenty Market to flog to tie a type of bird

Table 5 /ܵ/ ~ /j/ Nri [áܵa] [ܵ‫ܭ‬ғ‫ܭ‬ғ]

Ogwashi [ájá] [j‫ܭ‬ғ‫ܭ‬ғ]

English gloss War Head

Another context free change observed among cognates in these two dialects is the instance where the voiced velar fricative /ܵ/ in the Nri dialect is realized as the voiced palatal approximant /j/ in the Ogwashi dialect. As seen from the data in table 5, the change is not traceable to any phonological rule or environment. It should also be noted that the Ogwashi dialect lacks the voiced velar fricative /ܵ/ in its consonantal inventory.

Conclusion Ogwashi is a dialect of the Igbo language in Delta State, which emanated from Nri dialect in Anambra State. Given the historical incidence of migration, factors such as contact, time, and space, has

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caused the dialect to undergo several changes both in their lexical, grammatical, and phonological features. Here we have been able to examine some of these phonological variations in the sound systems of both dialects. Such changes have made it possible for the Ogwashi to stand out as a distinct dialect of Igbo, with its own native speakers. From this study, we have provided some evidence to show that language is inherently variable (subject to change) given such a factor as migration in this case. It is hoped that this research will serve as a resource for further studies in the area of Igbo dialectology.

References Aitchison, Jean. 2002. Language Change: Progress or Decay? Cambridge: CUP. Chambers, Jack and Peter Trudgill. 1988. Dialectology. Cambridge: CUP. Crystal, David. Language Revolution. 2004. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Gess, Randall. 2009. “Reductive Sound Change and the Perception/Production Interface”. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 54: 229-253. Ifode, Shirley. 2001. An Introduction to Language in History and Society. Aba: NILAN. Ikekeonwu, Clara.1987. “Igbo dialect cluster: A classification”. University of Nigeria Nsukka: Linguistics Departmental Series. Iloene, George and Modesta Iloene. 2013. “Acoustic Investigation of Lenition in Ezeagu Dialect of Igbo”. A Paper presented at the 1stNational Conference of the Acoustical Society of Nigeria, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Matthews, Peter. 1997. Oxford Concise Dictionary of Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. National Population Census Provisional Result. 2006. Nkamigbo, Linda. 2010. “Phonology in Teacher Education in Nigeria: The Igbo Language Example”. Accessed March 3rd 2014. https://journal.lib.uoguelph.ca/index.php/ajote/article/view/1593/2200. Nwabua, Ben. 1956. The Genesis of Ndi Ogwashi. Asaba: Adaigbo Publishing House. Otsuka, Yuko. 2005. Proto language and its daughters. Accessed March 3rd 2014. http://www2.hawaii.edu/~yotsuka/course/PN_history.

PART VI: CULTURAL IDENTITIES AND VALUES

CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE AFRICAN YOUTH IN THE CONTEXT OF 21ST CENTURY CULTURAL DISLOCATION: A PEEP INTO NIGERIA NKEMJIKA CHIMEE IHEDIWA DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY & INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

AND BRIGHT CHIAZAM ALOZIE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY & INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

Abstract The 20th century no doubt, was one that brought a number of challenging phenomena to mankind. In very many ways, the century saw the progressive decline in not only traditional and cultural values, but also the moral fabric of African society. The African youth appears to be the worst hit by the ‘nihilist’ wave emanating from the West and embedded in technology and hybridized lifestyle. The traditional and cultural practices for which Africa has been known for ages are threatened as the youths are enthralled by Western hedonistic values alien to and scornful of their cultural patrimony. In Nigeria today, values that run in contradistinction to the pristine cultural values of our traditional society are extolled by the youths and these range from fashion, music and gastronomy to language and spiritual beliefs. While the cultural values of the society are rapidly eroded as a result of disinterest and abandonment on the part of Nigerian youths, an unrestrained accommodation of the Western value system is unfortunately aversely on the increase among them. This chapter holistically examines the varied dimensions in which the African, indeed Nigerian, youth, is trapped in the cultural ‘mesh’ of the 21st century with

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its orientation continuum of indifference in and apathy to traditional values, and proffers suggestions for a way out. Key words: African Youth, Culture, Dislocation, Nigeria

Introduction There appears to be a growing body of opinion that supports the reconstruction of the notion of youth. Youth are variously described as the hope and future of our species, or the most irresponsible and potentially violent of our kind. Unfortunately, it seems as though this later view has gained ground among certain social critics, who see a large youth population as potentially destabilizing (Khan 2012). Amazingly, an earlier observation on the youth which painted an equally grim picture of their plight, declared frantically thus “Our civilization is doomed if the unheard-of actions of our younger generations are allowed to continue” (Braungart 1984). In almost all the countries of the developing world today, the youth are found in the marginal spaces of the society, and are most often seen as a security threat. It is true that they constitute the highest ratio in the unemployment index of these countries. The International Labor Organization’s Report for October 2011 highlighted a horrifying portrait of global youth unemployment and called them a “scarred generation” (International Labor Organization 2011). The eclectic spirit of the youth the world over makes them vulnerable to a lot of damaging challenges, most of which could also be avoided with the right conditions in place. The challenges facing youth globally are multifarious, but these challenges vary from one geographical setting to another, and the application of solutions to them will also differ, according to historical background and environment. However, the worst hit of all global youth is the African youth. The greatest challenge for the African youth in the 21st century appears to be a blurred vision for the future, and the attendant hopelessness associated with the dangerous choices he has to make, where there are “few and constricted options”. The century harbors a great many spillovers that afflict and sedate the consciousness of the African youth, thus causing him to relapse into despondency and to make fear, uncertainty, and timidity his constant companions. This is no doubt the age at which events move at the speed of light, and the flurry of events and activities pioneered by the technology super-highways, cross-cultural contacts, all combine to trap the African youth in a mesh. As Khan (2011) aptly states, the society sees the youth as a “dreamer, full of energy, wants to make a mark in life, impulsive, and one who is not scarred to take

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risks”. The youth from every indication is a category with boundless energy, and always falling into temptation with regard to the application of energy, thought, and action. The paper concentrates on the Nigerian youth, whom it describes as being trapped in the culture mesh of the 21st century. It examines the multi-layered dimensions of multiple hybridisms in the 21st century, which has culturally afflicted the Nigerian youth, and the overall implications this has, and will continue to have, on the person of the youth.

Conceptual Clarifications Just as was earlier acknowledged in the chapter entitled “African Youth Unemployment in the Third MIllenium”, the concept of youth attracts diverse definitions which vary from organization to organization, as well as from one country to another. However the general consensus is that it is the transitory stage of the development of the human person - that stage between childhood and adulthood. The concept has had shifting and mutable forms, and has acquired, even in academic literature, distinct yet contradictory meanings, at least, since the 19th century (Fritz 2005). Some agencies have different age brackets and concepts for youth, while some scholars even negate the idea of youth and label it a Western agenda. De Waal (2002, 5) argues that: The concept of youth is a Western concept and a political construct... Youth is a problematic, intermediary, and ambivalent category, chiefly defined by what it is not: youth are not dependent children, nor are they independent, socially responsible adults.

The United Nations General Assembly defines youth as individuals between the age bracket of 15 and 24 years. The Danish Youth Council defines youth as people between the ages of 15 and 34, the commonwealth program works with “young people” who fall in the age bracket of 15-29 years, and German social scientist Gunnar Heinsohn also indicated the age of 15-29 years as a youth age bracket where the probability of youth in violent activities may increase especially in developing countries (Khan 2012). In Nigeria, a variation exists on how the term is understood and used. There are the “youths in spirit” as indicated above; these are adults who claim the status of youth because they feel young at heart. However, for the purpose of this chapter, we shall recline on the definition of the 2001 National Youth Policy, which defines the Nigerian youth as men and women of ages 18 to 35 (Federal Republic of Nigeria 2001).

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However, opinions are in harmony that the term “youth” elicits three overlapping situations. First the biological/physiological aspects of the age process, which is variously described as “puberty” and “adolescence”, which covers persons in the age bracket of 13 to 19 years. In this sense though, Fritz (1985, 5-30) argues that: “Youth rather than puberty, describes a sociological situation, rather than physical-biological changes involved in human development.” The second understanding of the concept of “youth” is seen as the transitional stage between childhood and adulthood, and popularly described by the simplistic term “young men”. Here, “youth” is described as a “stage of incompletion”, a transitional process, rather than the vexatious social and sub-cultural spaces which young people are inclined to occupy. The third understanding is what has been described as the “rebalancing of youth’s positive and negative connotations”. In this sense, it is a re-description/redirection from the negative connotations like ignorance and recklessness of a youth, to implicate more positive ones like flexibility, vitality, and freedom of young people; which then signifies that youth is not only a specific determinacy, that is, biological/physiological/psychological changes, but also indeterminacy and incompletion: a transition to a higher order (Fritz 2005). What this means is that it is not possible again to distinguish markedly and decisively those shifting and contradictory meanings attached to the term “youth”, without being conscious of the flexibility and pneumatic nature of the concept. For the purpose of this study, the “youth” is defined as an individual who falls within the ages of 15 and 35 years. We also imply that “youth” is not a uniform group, and as such, can further be classified into other convenient categories like female youth, male youth, youth with disability, privileged youth, underprivileged youth, married youth and unmarried youth, and so on. We have adopted this flexible approach to escape from the contradiction that would be posed by an attempt to impose a tight definition, and to create an avenue for the existence of some kind of subsets that would accommodate other categories without fertilizing the ground for polarization of ideas and understanding of the concept. We acknowledge here the fact that youth is not a uniform universe but a composite of diverse subsets. Defining it in terms of age will take into account all individuals who fall within this age bracket, delineated by the Federal Republic of Nigeria in her Youth Policy Plan.

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The Tragedy of Nigerian Youth in the 21st century The 21st century has seen the most pervasive encroachment of globalization on Africa, and the rise in the advancement of communication technology, chronic market capitalism, unbridled consumerism, and the flattening of borders of culture and traditions in African societies. Thus, the forces of globalization have the capacity to break down states and to build them up. It can undermine a state’s capacity and legitimacy; it can also impart new capacity and ascribe to a state at the same time new purpose and expectations. The youth in Africa seems to be entangled by this because of irresistible force modern technology has on them and its transmutational power, which inflicts an unrestrained appetite for hybridity on the youth. The growth of Nigeria’s population, which was placed at 140, 033, 542 in 2006, indicated an annual growth rate of 3.2 percent, and youth population was put at one out of every four Nigerians (Federal Government of Nigeria Population Census 2006). This is alarming and it confirmed that in 2015, the population of youth in Nigeria would be half of Nigeria’s total population, indicating a “youth bulge”. Youth unemployment in Nigeria is a chronic social ailment, and poses a dangerous problem not only for youth participation, but also for national development. A large number of the unemployed are youths, who are unemployable as a result of lack of requisite education and training, and the majority of them have drifted into the open society in search of an occupation. The rate of unemployment varies by age and gender, but it is the youth unemployment rate that is most alarming and has the potential of causing social explosion, as almost 60% of unemployed persons found in Nigeria are aged 15-24, followed by those between ages 25 to 44 (Olurode 2003, 116-117). Thus, joblessness alienates this largest segment of the productive sector of the Nigerian population, and thrusts them into crime, drug abuse, cyber criminality, kidnapping, armed robbery, political and electorial tuggery, hired assassination, pipeline vandalization and oil bunkering, drug peddling, and all other forms of vices. The Nigerian youth becomes “associalized” as a result of the challenges imposed on him by the inadequacies of governmental policies and the erosive Western nihilist culture that predisposes him to ideas and actions abhorred by mores of our traditional society. They indiscriminately ape Western culture, and valorise negativism associated with celebrity lifestyles abroad, in a mistaken belief that Western culture of free choice is the best. Discussing the Nigerian youth in the 21st century brings up the question of where their future lies. This is hinged on the fact that the average youth has become culturally warped by the impositions Western

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culture transfused into him. Technology has become a cult of some sort, holding and spellbinding the Nigerian youth so much that he aspires to be like a European or an American while in Nigeria. The youth culture of the West has permeated Nigeria, so much so that the Nigerian youth no more regard the moral values of our traditional society that have been practiced over ages, which extol respect for elders, hospitality, decency in outlook and character, and respect for the human body and sacredness of life. These virtues have been influenced by the processes of Western modernity that are passing through them. Some of these values are wearing new frames in order to meet the contemporary society (Ekpunobi and Ezeaku 1990, 76). Technology obsession is one of the myriad ways in which the Nigerian youth is trapped in the culture mesh of the 21st century. The Internet has placed the youth on a crossroads, where they are overwhelmed by change, numerous questions, and a search for answers; and not sure of which direction to take, they are presented with an abundance of confusing options (Mueller 2014). The crossroad of the internet fills their field of vision and overloads their senses with pointed and powerful persuasions that destroy decency and the humanity in them. The internet and modern computers became the springboard for fast money for the Nigerian youth, as many of them quickly veered into internet scamming, or what is more popularly called “419” or advanced fee fraud. Here, those involved would send letters through the internet to unsuspecting foreigners, telling them about all sorts of bogus business opportunities, and luring them to pay money. The Nigerian youth is channeling its energy and vigour into retrogressive social activities. The search for quick money without stress has become the focus of youths, and it dominates their thinking (Babarinsa 2003, 60). This scam business became very popular in Nigeria, and was a source of huge income for so many youths. It diverted their attention from education and other meaningful pursuits and made them lazy and useless. Many of those involved acquired money and dabbled into unrestrained sexual games, drug abuse, and occult practices, thereby sedating their capacity for genuine and productive thoughts and engagements. The foremost shock tool to attack the sensibility of the youth is the Internet, which unlocks the hidden treasures of immorality and sensuality to them. Immoral pictures, videos, and messages are transmitted through the Internet, and much of these come from the Western world, where human rights have accorded unrestrained liberty to the individual to do whatsoever he/she pleases with the body. These materials are circulated freely for the indulgence of the youth, and unfortunately, it has become the bane of Nigerian youth in the 21st century. Chastity before marriage is rooted in African culture (Iremeka 2011, 106) and in Nigeria in particular,

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and a woman’s body is respected and appreciated when not defiled; but in the Western cultural context, the balance sheet is different. Chastity is valued in Africa, and that is the pride of a woman in the sight of her husband. The modern Western cultural traditions that adore hedonism appear to be in contrast to this, and that is why the internet has become the fastest and most appreciated medium for the spread of pornography, sex contacts, nudity glamorized through celebrity, and all manner of vile and repulsive pictures and videos. Our youth have become addicted to this trash out of idleness and the sheer force of the desire to belong. Facebook and other social media platforms of the Internet are all in the destructive direction against positive youth development. Some time ago, a Nigerian youth, Cynthia Osokogu, was seduced through Facebook by her imaginary lovers, only to be killed in a hotel in Lagos (Tell Magazine, February 24, 2014). Many more have also fallen prey to the magnetic pull of the Internet. A Nigerian seductive and porn-loving lady, who claims to be a celebrity, also has a free special site on the Internet called “afrocandy”, for exhibiting sexually explicit pictures, as well as linking intending and pleasure-loving youths to “right partners”. Thousands of youths indulge themselves in viewing the explicit pornographic contents of her website. The consuming passion of the youth for hedonistic pleasure above their future is sickening. The many sides of the culture mesh in which the Nigerian youth is entrapped include the assimilated narcissistic attitude of the West. One can say that the youth have relapsed into self-destruction by watching movies and music videos that celebrate criminality, sex, drug abuse, gangsterism, and unbridled materialism, in contrast to the culture of an African. One classic example is the rap music videos from the United States particularly that of TuPac, Big Daddy, Snoop Dog/Lion, among others. These Western artists have exhibited violent disposition to relationships, materialism, lifestyle, fashion, and consumerism. These artists exercise a cult-like influence on the Nigerian youth, as this has accounted for the psychological, emotional, mental, and spiritual distortion of the mind of the youth, as well as the interpretations they give to the meaning of valour, success, strength, and dignity. Much of the cultist activities in the universities are influenced by how our youth see these artists and what they portend. The culture of alcoholism, drug use and abuse, is copied from the attitudes and lifestyles of celebrities out there in the West who indulge in those, popularized through video and films for our vulnerable youth to ape holus bolus. In Africa, the human body, particularly the woman’s body, has been highly respected, but with the increasing nude dressing by celebrities and

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stars of the entertainment industry in Europe and America, the Nigerian youth, especially those in the southern part of Nigeria, began to go nude as dressing. Here, fashion consciousness has driven away the focus of the youth from decency to aberration. They dress nude in an attempt to ape the dysfunctional street youth and punks in Europe and America. The boys and girls “sag” (wearing low-waisted pants and skirts which expose the bum cheeks or underpants). The girls expose their buttocks, belly buttons, and breasts to the relish of bemused and confused on-looker youth. The scandalous dress code does not seem to worry the society; only some religious groups have risen to condemn it through what they call “a war against nakedness” (Ehiemere 2007, 44). The segment of the society is at war against the “soul of the nation”. There is no doubt that the force of globalization has penetrated into the cultural fabric of the Nigerian society via technological avenues and other agencies. Through the tentacles of the Internet and the force of globalization, what before was abominable and unacceptable in our traditional value system, have begun to encroach into the fabric of our society. In Africa, the practice of gayism/homosexuality, as well as lesbianism has been in abhorrence. But in recent times, many Nigerian youths have ventured into these obnoxious practices. The Western cultural tradition imbued with its craze for unrestrained freedom of choice, perceive this animalistic and aberative sexual preferences as normal. Likewise, prostitution is no more considered an evil, and therefore has become a part-time job for many Nigerian university students and unemployed graduates in Abuja, Lagos, Port Harcourt, Kaduna, Jos, Warri, Calabar, Uyo, Owerri, Kano, Enugu, and other cities. The nation’s citadel of higher learning and positive civilization is not spared in the orgy of immoral sexual conduct and bottom-power syndrome (Nzimiro 1999, 11). Today, these heinous acts and behaviorial patterns are becoming commonplace among our youths as a result of the influence of Western culture, which sees no wrong in them. Drug use and abuse is common among the youth, and accounts for much of the crime committed in Nigeria today. The spread of HIV/AIDS is alarming within the youth bracket. The victims of HIV/AIDS are overwhelmingly young adults; so the nature of the ensuing long-term threat to social wellbeing is clear. In 2002, UNAIDS-Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS estimated that 1 million children orphaned by AIDS were living in Nigeria (UNAIDS 2002). This is as a result of the reckless lifestyle of the youth and drug use and abuse. There is no doubt that the existence of large youth bulge in Nigeria in the words of Huntington, accounts for many of the inter-civilization

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conflicts (Huntington 1996, 6) and challenges facing that category of people in Nigeria. So many odious practices in the West have slowly seeped into Nigeria - the most dynamic and populous black country in the world. The Nigerian youth are incapable of discerning what the correct norms should be. They fail to understand that the multicultural West cannot be the ones to legitimize their wrong and obnoxious practices in Africa, particularly in Nigeria. The government also shares the blame for some of the inappropriate attitudes of the youth. This is because the censorship right the government has over its communication apparati has not been exercised. The programmes broadcast on television and cable networks should be monitored to ensure that they do not become avenues for self-destruction for the youth. For instance the “Big Brother” reality show should be carefully monitored and censored to eliminate indecent and scandalous clips. That show is un-African and does not radiate any African decency. It has corrupted the youth in this country because it ignites ardent appetites in them, and distracts their attention from decency and reality. So youth are carried away by loose characters that style themselves as artists and celebrities, but are without morals and decency. So, responsible governments that are concerned about the future of their youth should adopt urgent measures to control the broadcast of such clips that offend morality and decency. Reality shows have captured the attention of the youth more than constructive activities that can secure their future. Clear and present danger of artificial happiness surrounds the youth in this country, since they engage in activities that solely provide momentary gratification and pleasure. Western culture has become inimical to the wellbeing of the Nigerian youth, because they tend to emulate its negative aspects without consideration for their future cultural stability. The essence of technology should be for the proper and overall development of the society, and not as a medium through which the society is destroyed. Information and Communication Technology in particular has rather become the destructive vehicle working in the reverse direction for the Nigerian youth endangering their future. This is what we have called “trapped in the culture mesh”. The danger posed by the untrammelled consumption of Western nihilist culture will definitely frustrate the prospect of breeding a robust, virile, resourceful and positiveminded youth that will take Nigeria to the next level of sustainable development.

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Conclusion This paper has analyzed the negative impact of Western culture, espoused via the medium of technology, on African youth with an overall focus on Nigeria. It has modestly looked at the nature of youth in Nigeria, and how their unrestrained imitation of Western culture has exposed them and our cultural patrimony to damaging consequences. It also examined some aspects of the problem of the youth from cyber addiction, to unhealthy sexual practices and celebrity worship, as well as the potential backlash of cyber-space on their disposition to the realities around them. It established that unhealthy appetites (including drug abuse, pornography, gay and homosexual dispositions and crime) are stimulated through cyber communication platforms. It also found that attitudes and dispositions unconnected to Nigeria’s historical experiences are gaining ground through the agency of the youth, and that these have really whittled down the possibilities of moral transformation. The truth of the matter remains that the Nigerian youth is titillated by transient and unproductive values, and does seem to have lost focus since the beginning of the 21st century. A full comprehension of the far-reaching degenerative effects of Internet culture on the morality of the youth in Nigeria would elicite dread as one contemplates the future of a nation with a drifting youth population.

References Babarinsa, D. 2003. “The Ivory Tower and its Cross”, Tell, Weekly. October 6 2013. Braungart, Richard. 1984. “Historical and Generational Patterns of Youth Movements: A Global Perspective”, Comparative Social Research, No. 7: 3-62. De Waal, Argenti. 2002. “Realizing Child Rights in Africa: Children, Young People and Leadership”. In Young Africa: Realizing the Rights of Children and Youth, edited by De Waal Argenti, New Jersey: AW. Ehiemere, I. O. 2007. “Womanhood at Crossroads: The Role of Christian Women”. Arise and Shine: A Magazine of Enugu Diocesan Women Anglican Communion, 43-45. Ekpunobi, E, and Ezeaku I.1990. Socio-Philosophical Perspective of African Traditional Religion. Enugu: New Age Publishers. Federal Republic of Nigeria. 2001. “National Youth Policy and Strategic Plan of Action, 2001.” Accessed on January 20, 2014. http//www.youthpolicy.com/policies/Nigeria.

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Federal Government of Nigeria. 2006. “2006 Population Census Official Gazette”. Accessed on January 20, 2014. http//www.nigerianstate.gov.ng/C onnections/Pop2006. Frtiz, S. 1985. The Sociology of Youth. New York: Causeway Books, 1985. —. 2005. “Youth”. In New Keywords, edited by T. L.Bennett, Grossberg & M. Morris, Oxford: Blackwell. Huntington, Samuel. 1996. The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of the World Order. New York: Simon and Schuster International Labour Organization. 2011. “Global Employment Trends for Youth: 2011 Update”; Accessed February 26, 2014. http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/ed_emp/emp_elm/trends/do cuments/publication/wcms Iremeka, Felicia. 2011. “Moral Values as the Pivot for Sustainable Development in Nigeria”, In Nigerian Peoples, Culture and Development, edited by Oloidi, Jumoke, Enugu: Ebenezer Productions Khan, Israr. 2011. “Youth Directory 2011-Youth Mapping Study of Punjab and Islamabad Capital Territory”. New Delhi: BargadOrganization for Youth Development. Khan, Israr. 2012. “Reconstructing the Notion of Youth”. Accessed Feb. 27, 2014. http://www.monitor.upeace.org/innerpg.cfm?id_article=913. Meuller, Walt. 2014. “Confusion of Clarity? Youth Culture at the Crossroads.” Accessed on March 4, 2014. https://www.cpyu.org/Page.aspx?id=76715. Nzimiro, Ikenna. 1999. Dark Days in Our Universities: The Issue of Cultism. Oguta: Zim Pam African Publishers. Olurode, L. 2003. “Social Policy, Social Services and Public Welfare in Nigeria: An Assessment of Obasanjo’s Regime (1999-2003)”, In Democratic Rebirth in Nigeria, 1999-2003, vol. 1. Edited by Gana, A. and Omelle, Y., 115-131. Lagos: Agency Publishers. Tell Magazine, No. 8, February 24, 2014. UNAIDS. 2002. “UNAIDS-Joint United Nations Programme Report on HIV/AIDS.” Accessed on February 24, 2014. http://www.Usaid.gov/pop_health/aids.

CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX GLOBALIZATION AND CULTURAL MANAGEMENT: BETWEEN MODERNIZATION AND WESTERNIZATION OF AFRICAN CULTURE OSEDEBAMEN DAVID OAMEN DEPARTMENT OF THEATRE AND MEDIA ARTS AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA, NIGERIA

Abstract This study is on globalization and cultural management and its two agents: modernization and Westernization, which are interwoven and fortified to spread Western cultural imperialism as globalization messages. While globalization supports infusion of Western culture as modernization, cultural management encourages distinctive interaction of each indigenous culture and their heritages. Africa is endowed with diverse cultures, and the management of these cultures has either been encouraged or discouraged by modernization and Westernization. At the moment, globalization is taking its toll with the force of modernization and Westernization in Africa, whereby Africans are caught in-between African and Western cultures. This makes cultural management, particularly in Africa more important than ever before, because it is the only means to sustain the distinctiveness of indigenous cultures and their heritages. The findings of this study revealed that globalization and its twin ally, modernization and Westernization have negative and positive influences on African culture and that the negative influence is heavier than the positive influence. This therefore is underlining the necessity for the engineering of African culture to support development. Thus the study recommends an effective cultural management to strike a balance so as to give African culture its rightful place in development. African culture has its merits, which ought to be enhanced through participation. It is at this juncture that cultural management becomes very important to the African

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continent. This is because it has the potency to engineer our culture to support development and entrench cultural freedom. Key words: Globalization, cultural management, Westernization, modernization and Africa.

Introduction The main concern of this study is on the interrelationship between globalization and cultural management. Globalization as a word came into usage in the late 19th century, though there are arguments about its etymology. It refers to the means of international integration of human activities in all spheres of life. Obviously, simply defined, globalization is the integration of all human activities: corporations, organizations, agencies; irrespective of nationalities. This includes culture; hence it becomes important to weigh the effect of globalization on culture to ascertain whether it is positive or negative. Modernization in this concept is to make modern methods and systems suitable for African endorsement. Meanwhile, Westernization is a process of imbibing Western culture. Globalization is not new; it has only been refocused. According to Shettima (2011, 104): Just about a decade ago, the term globalization was relatively unknown; though the process of globalization has actually been going on for centuries. For example, the diffusion of world religions, the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade and the European Colonization of many parts of the world, including the African continent, are manifestations of incipient globalization. Thus, though the concept of globalization is quite new, the process it describes is old.

The new thing about globalization is that the process is now more rapid through new channels of information and communication technology. Globalization certainly has its merits. They include the ease of transactions in business, education, health, defense, etc. These however do not strip globalization of its demerits, which include the re-enculture of less dominant cultures such as in Africa and Asia. It is clear that modernization has prepared the ground with a view to execute the blueprint for the Westernization of cultures and both hold the principles for the advancement of cultural imperialism. This is the latest political instrument for Westernization through globalization, having successfully relinquished the forces of colonialism and slavery. The problems of disguised cultural imperialism are already staring in the face of African

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culture, but this could be controlled through cultural management to mitigate the consequences.

Globalization and Cultural Management The merits of globalization are so remarkable that it could be assumed that it does not require a re-examination through research. Except in a careful examination, it will be difficult to identify the demerits of globalization. Arising from the definition of globalization according to Philip (2013, 636), which is the fact that “different cultures and economic systems around the world are becoming connected and similar to each other because of the influence of large multinational companies and of improved communication”. The connection of different cultures indicates interaction, which is bound to breed influences that might be positive or negative. Notwithstanding that the positive aspect of globalization is beneficial, its negative aspect could be imperialistic. The merits of globalization may prevent the people from seeing its demerits until a colossal damage is done, deliberately or not. That globalization involves the two important pillars of any society in the world: culture and economic system; and this depicts its volatility. In essence, if they are directly or indirectly taken over that means the people have been taken over, their identity tampered with, and their scale of value altered. No doubt, this has a lasting effect on the people, if left unchecked. There is thus the need to induce a cultural policy that will create a platform to monitor, and possibly regulate globalization’s grip on culture and economic activities in Africa. The introduction of a cultural policy is meant to manage intrinsic as well as extrinsic culture, so as to check cultural imperialists’ intent. This means that if a cultural policy is in place, it will guide the management of internal culture, as well as restricting imperialistic ideas that may be embellished in globalization. This is not to totally condemn globalization but to identify and restrict those aspects that may erroneously dislodge our culture from its original place and purpose. Crawford (2007, 31) had argued that “cultural conflict has become the most rampant of international violence as globalization has accelerated it…it relies on the role of economic forces triggered by globalization that drive both cultural conflict and integration”. In this regard, globalization is identified as the major cause of cultural conflict around the world, and Africa is not exempt. It was on this premise that the Charter for African Cultural Renaissance was articulated to manage the negative discharge of globalization into African culture. It signifies its awareness that African culture constitutes for our

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people the surest means to chart Africa’s own course towards technological development, and the most efficient response to the challenges of globalization (30). In this case Africa and Africans are already aware that it is only through their culture that they can efficiently respond to the challenges of globalization, particularly in the area of culture through which they intend to attain their own technological development. The Charter also acknowledged “that a common resolve provides the basis for promoting the harmonious cultural development of our states and our societies (3)”. It was on the basis of the common resolve that the Charter was floated, but its continental harmonization through implementation has been a problem. The harmonization of the charter through implementation is important because it will engender cultural development of African states. In considering this, the Charter acknowledged “that the globalization process facilitated by rapid developments in information and communication technologies constitutes challenge for cultural identities and cultural diversity and requires universal mobilization to promote dialogue between civilizations” (3). The processes for achieving all these have been taken care of by the Charter. It is only through implementation and evaluation that we can enable these factors, which are very central to African development, particularly to check cultural imperialism.

Globalization as Modern Westernization of African Culture At the wake of independence in Africa, Africans have been deceived into applying the concept of modernization to all areas of life. According to Phillip (2013, 952), the word modernization simply means: “To make a system, methods more modern and more suitable for use at the present time”. However, a modernization twist could make African socio-political, economic system, and methods more suitable for neo-colonization or cultural imperialism. No doubt, modernization to a large extent has done Africa good. At the same time it has been a construct that has enabled Westernization of African countries with a view to divest Africans of their culture and replace it with theirs through the globalization process. Their globalization agenda constitutes more of modern Westernization at postcolonial era to sustain their imperialistic hegemony in Africa. It was on this note that Kukah (2007, 29) observed that: “Westerners… have come to believe that because Western values are said to be universal, anyone who does not buy into them is outside the purview of this civilization”.

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In spite of the fact that Africa had her civilization before colonial arrival, the development of her civilization is undermined in favour of Western civilization because they assumed it is more modern than theirs. They forgot the fact that whatever they do does not make them more modern than Westerners, but rather their buying into Western culture, is an expansion effort for Western civilization. Kukah (2007, 26) again asserted that “… Marxist theories argued that Africa’s difficulties lay in the fact that Western models of development were exploitative, dependency driven, and did not have the capacity to transform Africa”. Why will Africans ignore the development of her culture and imbibe Western culture, which acquired its attractiveness from development? Kukah (2007, 30) opined that “the post-colonial African elite tended to suffer from inferiority complex and did not believe that Africans had much to offer the world beyond the collection of aid”. Williams supported this assertion that we appear not to have much self-pride because we lack an African spiritual foundation. These views were informed by the evidence of increasing inferiority complex with respect to our past cultures and traditions. We have adopted and wholeheartedly accepted the Western way of life by grafting Western body parts to what we believe is our sick body (11). That we do not have regards or respect for our own culture is the main reason we are unable to develop it. This is what has given the upper hand to modernization, which gave birth to Westernization and now refocused by globalization. We cannot ignore Western culture because we do not have a similar ideology that is African to fall back on, except Africa begins to develop one or strengthen existing ones. This has to be now, because the ocean of globalization enriched by the tributaries of modernization and Westernization is already at shoulder level of the African who unconsciously jumped into its waters. If there is no rescue, Mazrui’s (2000, 12) assertion becomes significant that: In Africa … the West’s cultural aggression… resulted also in imperialism … forcefully modifying their perception, standards of judgment, springs of motivation, bases of stratification, modes of communication, their very identities, as well as their means of production and patterns of consumption…all the seven functions of culture were turned upside down by …imperialism.

Obviously, the assertion is true that the forceful modification of our culture by Western culture has turned ours upside down. Its reversal is becoming very difficult because we have accepted it. We are now caught in-between two cultures, hence, we seem not to have a definite position

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that will favor its reversal which will create a vacuum that we are not prepared to fill now. The desire to check Western cultural influence on African culture must consider globalization as Western recent instrument strengthened with imperialistic ideologies against African cultures, inadvertently her people. The modern Westernization of African culture did not allow Africans to develop their culture. Their minds were overblown by the ease of modernization and the comfort of Westernization advanced by Westerners, not minding they are advanced cultural processes of the culture of a people, considering the cumbersome nature of some aspects of African culture. Whereas they ought to be spurred to advance African culture to generate the same ease and comfort that will sustain its usefulness.

Cultural Management as Panacea against Modern Western Cultural Imperialism Africa must espouse the notion of cultural management. This means the spirit must match the letter. That means it is not enough to draft a policy on culture, the policy should also be implemented and evaluated. It must be understood that cultural management is not a process of sustaining cultural crudity, but in Deng’s (1992, 476) view, it is towards: …Preserving and building on ethnic identities that have evolved over hundreds and thousands of years and providing the cultural resources needed for political, economic, and social development, and, on the other hand, transcending the cleavage of ethnic identification that tends to impede the realization of national unity and integration.

It is only when we recognize that our culture has political, economic, social, and technological resources that drive development internally and enable cultural diplomacy externally that we can pursue cultural management. Cultural management pursuit begins with planning a befitting policy formulation, documentation, legislative backing, implementation, and evaluation. A panacealic cultural policy must identify those areas the policy is to exert its corrective or eliminative strength on a short or longterm basis. The most important aspect of a policy is to make it implementable and assessable, and any implementable policy is expected to be assessable. That means, the process of implementation could be gauged to ascertain the level of implementation achieved for advancement or redirection. Primarily, a cultural policy should be focused on three areas, particularly if it is anti-imperialism. These are (a) a rediscovery of original culture, (b)

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provision for discontinuation of any aspect of culture that is repulsive, and (c) creating awareness and competitiveness for an imperialistic culture. Considering the fact that Western cultural imperialism is spreading gently like a drop of ink in a bowl of clean water, anti-cultural imperialism policy should go ahead to inform and educate the people of the implications of beginning or continuing with Western modern neo-colonialism. In situations where the people have imbibed Western modern culture, there should be the need for a revival and the will to accept a measure of the positive impact. For instance, in Nigeria, English as our lingua franca is an official language, which has helped the people to communicate in spite of the nation’s diverse languages. Though English has been helpful in the area of communication, its adverse effect is that it has not encouraged the development of our indigenous languages. In this case, we cannot eliminate English as a national language, but rather we must develop our indigenous languages for the purpose of communication and learning with a view to replacing English as our first language either at the national, state, or local government levels. The most imperialistic aspect of culture is language. This is because it controls the process of reasoning and conveys ideas that are vital components of culture. Cultural imperialism can downturn the totality of a culture and make it non-existent. It has the potential to corrupt all of its spiritual, physical, and emotional content. This is in addition to the qualities alluded to by Harris and Moran (1996, 10) definition of culture, which reads: Culture is a distinctly human capacity for adapting to circumstances and transmitting this coping skill and knowledge to subsequent generations. Culture gives people a sense of who they are, of belonging, of how they should behave, and what they should be doing. Culture impacts behavior, morale, and productivity at work and includes values and patterns the… attitude and actions.

It will be culturally disastrous for any nation or cultural entity to allow these values embedded in their culture to be eradicated by imperialistic vices when cultural management could serve as a panacea for restoration, revival, and refocusing of imperialized culture, on this note globalization, as it concerns culture, should be checked.

Conclusion The findings generated through argument within this study revealed that modernization and Westernization are phases of Western cultural imperialism and they also inform globalization content, which is a recent

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imperialistic dose against Africa. That modernization and Westernization are basically predominant in developing countries, particularly Africa, and that these processes have merits and demerits. While the merits have been acknowledged and are worthy of adoption, the demerits have also been seen as imperialistic to our culture. With this understanding, African countries under the Africa Union Umbrella had a Cultural Charter with the intention to repel imperialistic tendencies, which seem to be extended strands of slavery or neo-colonialism. The study found cultural management as an option to the dousing of the imperialistic elements in globalization and control of its adopted merits. The Charter for African Cultural Renaissance, stem from the various United Nations Economic Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Conventions, recommendations and far-reaching decisions of the meetings of Organization of African Unity, now African Union. It identified the serious need to manage African culture to enable it contributes to development, having realized that effective cultural management strengthens a people’s political, economic, social, philosophical, and spiritual ideas. In essence, the document stipulated the process of realizing the lofting task; however, implementation has been a major problem. It is not enough to initiate a policy without considering its implementation, which should be paramount in order to achieve the objectives of the policy. The objectives of the Charter for African Cultural Renaissance are anti-cultural imperialism, which is a major constituent of globalization. It is pertinent to state that the major way to control the negative effect of globalization is to implement the laudable content of the African Cultural Charter. That implies that members should be encouraged to implement the provisions of the Charter as it concerns globalization. As the continent collectively recognized the usefulness of a common cultural Charter against globalization in an attempt to reinforce the practice of African culture, it must also work for the implementation of the same Charter. This is an important process of managing African culture to overcome the negative effect of globalization. The African continent has already articulated a very viable process of cultural management in its Charter, but what is left is implementation and evaluation. Oamen (2013, 65) “had affirmed that the attempt to undermine cultural management would lead to… de-identification of the individual and communities which hold ownership to it, and possibly fertilize… inferiority complex”. This is imminent in the face of globalization without pursuance of the African Cultural Charter objectives. More so, it will be more dangerous to submit to the negative influences of globalization to pervade African culture when the leaders within the continent had

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anticipated it and initiated a Charter against it. The implications of not managing the Charter to achieve its objectives will continue to stall every other attempt to achieve the objectives of the Charter in future. That means African submitted to the culturally ravaging influences of globalization. This will ruin our cultural endeavors and render our children culturally crippled.

Recommendations Global cultural interaction has made cultural management difficult. However, our government’s attempt to manage culture against imperialistic tendencies in Africa must consider these: African countries should key into the globalization process, in spite of the fact that it has cultural imperialistic elements. The number one essence of keying into the globalization process is to be acquainted with its imperialistic content, while at the same time using the platform to launch African culture and deliberately make it competitive. All indigenous and tribal cultures should be encouraged through renewed linguistic practices at local, national, and regional levels, and should be introduced into nursery, primary, secondary, and university education curriculum. The theories and practice of these cultures must be stated clearly, so as to encourage participation. All indigenous languages must be encouraged and strengthened to aid cultural participation. This is important because when a people’s language is lost; their culture is also lost, since a people’s culture is safeguarded in their language. African Charter on Cultural Renaissance should be implemented, and implementation achievements should be evaluated. The Africanization of all aspects of our culture is no longer possible, hence we should allow our culture to interact and borrow what will make it richer from other cultures as it shelves its dehumanizing constituents.

References African Union. 2006. Charter of African Renaissance. Addis Ababa: African Union. Crawford, Beverly. 2007. “Globalization and Cultural Conflict: An Institutional Approach” In Conflict and Tensions. Edited by Hkanheier, Y.R. Isar. 31-32. London: Sage Publication.

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Deng, Francis Mading. 1992. “Cultural Dimensions of Conflict Management and Development: Some Lessons from the Sudan” In Culture and Development in Africa. Edited by Serageldin, I and June Taboroff, 465-409. United States: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Harris, Phillip and Robert Moran.1996. Managing Cultural Differences. Leadership Strategies for a New World of Business. London: Gult Publication. Kukah, Hassan Matthew. 2007. Religion, Culture and the Politics of Development. Lagos: Centre for Black Arts and Civilization. Mazrui, Ali. 2000. African in the Shadow of Clash of Civilizations: From the Cold War of Ideology to the Cold War of Race. Lagos: Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization, Occational Monograph, No. 8. Oamen, Osedebamen. 2013. “Cultural Policy Implementation Truss in Managing Nigeria’s Folkloric Diversity” In Arts, Culture and Communication in a Postcolony: A Festschrift for Lawrence Olalere Bamidele.58-66. Edited by Akoh, D.A. and S.E. Inegbe. Kent: Alpha Crownes Publishers. Philip, P. 2013. Ed. Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary. New 8th Edition. Oxford: University Press. Shettima, Abba Gana. 2011. “Nigeria: Cultural Diplomacy and Globalization” In Perspective on cultural administration in Nigeria. 103-110. Edited by Obafemi, O. and Barclays Ayakoroma. Ibadan: Kraft Books Ltd. Williams, Ishola. 2010. Can Our Culture and Traditions Overcome Corruption? Lagos: CBAAC Occasional Monograph No.1.

CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN EMERGING CULTURE OF NEGATIVE VALUES IN CONTEMPORARY NIGERIA: IMPLICATIONS FOR NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT JULIUS O. UNUMEN DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract Culture as the totality of the way of life of a people in their attempt to meet the challenges of living in their environment is an important vehicle of development. Culture gives order and meaning to the economic, social, political, and religious norms of a people. It is a means of perception that conditions how people view their world. Culture is also a means of motivation that induces people to work, as well as a standard of judgment that conditions the ethical, moral, aesthetic, taste, and legal standard of a people. Where a people imbibe a culture of positive values, it propels development. However, where negative values become the order of the day among a people or a nation, it results in regression, and perpetuates underdevelopment. It is against this background that this chapter examines the emerging culture of negative values in contemporary Nigeria. It posits that the current trend whereby the traditional virtues of hard work, honesty, accountability, integrity, peaceful co-existence, being one’s brother’s keeper, care for the physically and mentally challenged, as well as the aged, are being gradually replaced by the negative culture of violence, dishonesty, selfishness, corruption, intolerance, profligacy, impunity, and looting is inimical to development. At the end, the paper recommends a ‘critical renaissance’ if the country is desirous of advancing from its present level of underdevelopment and insecurity to one of the twenty largest economies by the year 2020.

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Introduction Nigeria is a country known to be blessed with abundant human and natural resources. These resources, if well harnessed and managed, have the capacity to transform it from its present quagmire of underdevelopment into one of the developed countries of the world. Although the country is the sixth largest oil producer in the world and the second largest in Africa, this has not translated into a prosperous economy, significant reduction in poverty, and adequate provision of basic social and economic services commensurate with the nation’s wealth. By all indices of development, Nigeria remains an underdeveloped country (African Peer Review Mechanism 2008). Although several development policies and programs have been initiated by the country since independence, such efforts failed to yield the expected results. It was against this background that at the dawn of the 21st century and with a new democratic dispensation in which Olusegun Obasanjo became the president (1999-2007), some bold efforts were made at stimulating economic growth and structurally transforming the nation’s economy. Such efforts were embodied in the National Economic and Development Strategy (NEEDS). The NEEDS strategy was aimed at accelerating economic growth and achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), including the reduction of poverty (APRM 2008). It was against this backdrop of the reform of the Obasanjo administration that Goldman Sachs, an American investment banking group based in New York, wrote a report that suggested that if the reforms were sustained, the country could emerge as the strongest economy in Africa, and one of the 20 largest economies in the world by 2025 (Ayodele, Obafemi and Ebong 2013). It was based essentially on the Goldman Sachs’ report that the administration of late president Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (2007–2010) inaugurated Vision 20:20:20, which is aimed at transforming the nation’s economy to become one of the largest in the world by 2020. The President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan administration (2010-2015) also keyed into this vision. The 20:20:20 vision statement, as quoted by Ayodele et al. (2013, 148), is that by 2020, Nigeria will have a large, strong, diversified, competitive, technologically enabled economy that effectively harnesses the talent and energy of its people, and “responsibly exploits its national endowments to guarantee a high standard of living and quality of life to its citizens”. To actualize this vision, the country hopes to effectively

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optimize its human and natural resources to achieve rapid economic growth and to translate that growth into equitable social development for all citizens with special attention to social, economic, institutional, and environmental dimensions of the economic development process (Ayodele et al. 2013). Thus, the Vision envisages that, in addition to stimulating economic growth, the country would reverse some of the prevailing socioeconomic conditions that have become an embarrassment to the country (Olusola 2011). Against this backdrop, the Vision 20:20:20 is an ambitious policy program that requires the seriousness it deserves for its actualization. Thus, there is no doubt whatsoever that one of the current challenges confronting the country is how to make Vision 20:20:20 a reality. Many analysts have advanced several reasons why Vision 20:20:20 may not be actualized, just like other development policies, visions, and programs that have preceeded it. These include the fact that there is no clear definition of the goals to be achieved in the key sectors of the economy, lack of commitment by the country’s leadership, poor governance culture, erratic and distorted policies, culture of policy somersault, poor and inadequate power supply, public sector dominance in production and consumption, corruption, and infrastructure deficit (Ayodele et al. 2013). In their scrutiny of why Vision 20:20:20 may go the way of other failed economic policies, visions, and programs of previous administrations, analysts often gloss over the equally germane issue of the culture of negative values. This chapter posits that the emerging culture of negative values, especially since the dawn of the new millennium, is capable of hindering the realization of the country’s Vision 20:20:20. This chapter argues that there is a nexus between cultural values and development. It examines the emerging culture of negative values in contemporary Nigeria and its implications for national development. In subsequent paragraphs, we will provide explanations on the key concepts in our study, which are culture, values, and development.

Culture The term culture has no generally acceptable definition. This situation is due partly to the fact that the meaning, notion, and usage of the term have changed over time, and partly because scholars often define it based on their understanding of what it entails (Shixue 2003). Initially, the word culture was used to designate tending or cultivating of some human qualities, which were considered prestigious. These included “refinement” in manners, spirit, sensibility, and taste, which had been achieved by

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privileged Western Europeans. It was in this sense that the word culture was used in Europe during the renaissance (Nzemeke 2000). It was based on this notion of culture that non-Europeans, especially Africans, and to a lesser extent, the poor in European societies, were regarded as having no culture, and classified as primitive. It was towards the end of the eighteenth century that the term began to be used as a “substantive noun”, suggesting that all people have culture (Shixue 2003). In its current usage, culture refers to the totality of the way of life of a people in their attempt to meet the challenges of living in their environment. The Nigerian Cultural Policy of 1988, as quoted by Ichaba (2004, 25), defined culture as: The totality of the way of life of a people in their attempts to meet the challenges of living in their environment, which gives order and meaning to their social, political, economic, aesthetic, and religious norms and modes of organizations, thus distinguishing a people from their neighbor.

On his part, Mazrui (1999), identified seven functions of culture, which included a means of perception that condition how a people will view the world, motivation that induces people to work, a standard of judgment that condition people’s ethical, moral, aesthetic, taste, and legal standards. Culture is thus a major determinant of the general conditions of any given society, and changes in culture could mean changes in those conditions (Unumen 2014). It is also important to note that culture is not static, but dynamic. It is a product of ever-changing historical circumstances, and factors including population, movement, contacts between societies, new ideas, wars, and general developments on the national, continental, or global scene (Adefuye 2011).

Values Values constitute an important aspect of the culture of a people. Values consist of the socially transmitted behavior pattern of a people. It is the predominating attitudes and behavior that characterize the functioning of a group or organization. Frey (1994, 19) defined values as: …Learned, relatively enduring, emotionally charged, epistemologically grounded and represented moral conceptualization that assist us in making judgments and in preparing us to act. In other words, the priorities we set, and the choices we make, are significantly based upon the values we hold.

Frey (1994) identified some significant characteristics of values. These are: they are learned, relatively enduring, may not be necessarily consciously

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known by either the individual or the society, impact on a society’s concepts of the morally desirable, are inundated with emotional feelings, are held with strong convictions, establish a disposition to act and are based upon, and expressed, in terms of certain epistemological criteria.

Development Like culture, the word development has a plethora of definitions and has undergone changes in meaning, usage, and scope over time. According to Simon (2008), there has never been a consensus over the definition of development. Like culture, development was initially restricted to economic growth measured in GDP and its per capita measure overtime (Ekpo 2014). This scope of development has since been expanded. Simon (2003) defined development as a diverse and multi-faceted process of a pre-dominantly positive change in the quality of life of an individual and/or society in both material and non-material aspects. On their part, Ogunfiditimi and Olawoye (1979) defined development as a process of change by which there are improvements upon existing conditions of society. This change is multi-dimensional in nature and involves economic, political, and social aspects. The progress that people value does not often show up, or not immediately, in income or growth figures that are the traditional economic criteria for measuring development. It was against this backdrop that United Nations Development Program’s (UNDP) Human Development Report (UNDP, 2006) articulated development as the process that enhances the freedom of people to pursue what they have reason to value, including greater access to knowledge, better nutrition, health care services, more livelihoods, as well as security against crime and physical violence. Other things often valued by people, especially in the less developed countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, are things taken for granted in the developed countries, including satisfying leisure hours, political and cultural freedom, and a sense of participation in community activities (UNDP, 2006). It is important to reiterate, too, that development is about people. For development to be said to have occurred, it should bring about an increase in the rate of employment, provision of health care services, provision of housing, food, and water, reduction in poverty, and reduction of inequality. If these conditions are in the negative, there is no development, no matter the rate of growth of the economy’s GDP (Ekpo 2014). One of the latest perspectives in the definition and measurement of development is the quality of human life perspective. The quality of life (QOL) is the

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aggregate of the general wellbeing of people in a certain country, region, or social stratum (Costanza et al. 2007). Unlike standard of living, which is based mainly on income, quality of life is often difficult to calculate. This is mainly because apart from the standard indicators of wellbeing such as wealth, employment, built environment, physical and mental health, education, recreation, leisure time, social belonging, freedom, and human rights, quality of life includes subjective indicators such as emotional wellbeing: joy, stress, sadness, anger, and affection. Quality of life is measured by the Quality of Life Index (QLI) (Costanza et al. 2007). Thus, development is an inclusive concept that has social, political, and economic facets.

The Nexus between Culture and Development Perceptions of the role of culture in development have undergone changes since the 1980s (Kalantzis 2003). Classical economists felt that land, capital savings, and labor, or pure economic factors, were all that countries required to catapult them into economic development. It was in line with this thinking that Adam Smith wrote on the Causes of the Wealth of Nations. As Kolantzis (2003, 1) maintained, the earlier economists assumed that cultures, more often than not, “were hindrances to modernization, development, and economic growth”. Following this line of thought, modernization theorists like Rostow, maintained that if a country wished to progress, it had to shed parts of its traditions, customs, and institutions. The argument was that the sooner the inherited culture could be neutralized, the better (Kalantzis 2003). As a consequence, modernization theory stated that for the underdeveloped countries to attain development, there should be a transfer to them of institutions, attitudes, values, and cultures, in addition to technological ideas, from the developed countries (Mbakogu 2004, 38). However, this view of the nexus between culture and development has since changed. It is now generally accepted, even by the United Nations (UN), that traditional cultures, in all their richness, variety, and creativity, should be treated with respect, and that they can make an important contribution to development. It is against this backdrop that culture is now regarded as: “potential sources of wisdom that modernizers have all too often been disposed to overlook, since they contain values of solidarity and creativity that are actually vital for the development process” (Kalantzis 2003, 2). According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO 2012), culture “contributes”, “enables”, “promotes”, and “results” in development in many ways. Firstly, cultural tourism

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contributes to the total global economy. Through investments in culture related activities, the economies of some major cities have been revitalized. These cities utilize cultural heritage to improve their image, attract investments and visitors, and stimulate urban development. Moreover, culture-led development has facilitated greater social “inclusiveness, rootedness, innovation, creativity”, and promoted smallscale business enterprises. Culture has also been a critical contributor to sustainable development. Indeed, culture is now considered as one of the pillars of sustainable development (Olukoju 2013). With regard to values and attitudes, it has been argued by Shixue (2003, 3) that: “Underdevelopment is not just a collection of statistical indices that enable a socio-economic picture to be drawn”. It is also a state of mind, a way of expression, “a form of outlook, and a collective personality, marked by economic infirmities and forms of maladjustment”. According to Max Weber in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, as articulated by Shixue (2003, 3), a set of values and attitudes, such as hard work, thrift, honesty, rationality, and austerity, which were associated with the “Protestant Ethic” was the base of achievement and material progress in Europe and the United States of America (USA), as well as Canada. Similarly, Gunnar Myrdal argued, concerning the rapid economic growth and development of the “Asian Tigers”, that cultural factors were principal facilitators to their rapid economic growth and development (Shixue 2013). Thus, there is no doubt that positive values, attitudes, and practices can promote economic growth and other aspects of development. However, each culture has its own unique positive and negative components. The positive ones cannot automatically create better economic performance without other necessary conditions, such as sound economic policies, effective institutions, favorable world economic situations, the right timing of a nation’s entry into industrialization, and political stability.

Nigerian Traditional Values From the pre-colonial period, and to some reasonable extent, up to the immediate post-independence era, notwithstanding the diversity in the culture of the peoples of Nigeria, Nigerians had a core cultural value system, which shaped the economic, political, moral, social, and religious aspects of their lives. These value systems include protecting family name, communal living, honesty, accountability, hard work, integrity, peaceful co-existence, being ones brother’s keeper, and the care of the mentally and physically challenged, as well as the aged (Madukwe and Madukwe 2013).

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If well harnessed and utilized, and with a combination of the right economic conditions, these values are capable of providing the base for taking the country on a flight or a path of economic growth and development. Traditionally, Nigerians attach serious importance to family name. Protecting family name invariably implied that people worked hard to protect their family name from being soiled by avoiding unacceptable behaviors. As a consequence, truthfulness, honesty, piety, especially among women, and respectfulness were part of traditional values of Nigerians. Indecent and dishonest acts such as stealing and moral laxity were abhorred. According to Elendu (2012), in each community, strict laws guided the people against violating any of these highly held values. Nigerians also traditionally had great respect for the sanctity and sacrosanctity of life. Life being the greatest gift God gave to every man was held in high esteem. Life was regarded as sacred, and as such it was an abomination for anyone to take the life of another person (Amadi 1982). The only exception was when communities were formally at war. No one was even allowed to take his own life. Suicide was not only forbidden, but attracted serious punishment on the living relations. Among Esan people, for example, the corpse of one who died through suicide was not properly buried as it was considered an abomination. It also resulted in the stigmatization of the affected family (Okojie 1960). Nigerians also valued communalism. Accordingly, the community was the custodian of individuals. It has been argued that the philosophy behind the African communalism was the need to guarantee individual responsibility within the communal ownerships and relationships (Emeka 2014). Unumen (2009) argued, with respect to the people of the Abuja Area, that communal living gave them a sense of belonging, promoted social solidarity, and instilled the spirit of cooperation. As a consequence, begging, destitution, stealing, and prostitution were not prevalent in the society. In addition, the communal social system discouraged anti-social behaviors that could have constituted a menace to the cherished peace and security of the communities. Another positive aspect of the traditional value system of Nigeria was the culture of love for, and deliberate practice of, peaceful co-existence. The love for peace found expressions in many aspects of the life of the people, including conflict resolution mechanisms, abhorrence of dangerous individualism, sanctions against infractions of taboos, customs, and tradition. This situation prevented disagreements, quarrels, and disputes from degenerating to crisis, communal wars, or violent destruction of lives and property (Emeka 2014). The communal system and the in-built

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mechanism for conflict resolution were anchored on other positive cultural values, such as the values of honesty, integrity, and moral uprightness. In turn, these values were also tied to the belief systems of the people of Nigeria. Among Esan people of Edo State, for example, one fundamental belief that regulated and promoted the values of truthfulness, honesty, and integrity, was that the dead could reward good, avenge evil, and justify the upright. The belief in ancestral spirits was responsible for ancestral worship, which was a very prevalent practice among them. Arising from this reason also, death was celebrated by the people, and the dead were properly buried according to custom and traditions. The belief was that if the dead were not accorded a proper burial, his children and other close relations could be punished with sicknesses, disasters, and even death, rather than receive blessing (Okojie 1960). Other aspects of traditional Nigerian values included respect for humanity and human dignity, respect for legitimate and constituted authorities, respect for hard work, dignity of labor, religious and moral values, and respect for elders (Madukwe and Madukwe 2014). There is no doubt that these traditional Nigerian values could promote and enhance development if properly harnessed. Unfortunately, contemporary Nigerian society is deficient of many of these values. Instead, negative values that continue to retard and impede development and progress have become the order of the day in the country. It is against this backdrop that the next section of this chapter examines the emerging culture of negative values in the country.

Emerging Culture of Negative Values In contemporary Nigeria, especially since the dawn of the 21st century, an emerging culture of negative values has been observed, especially among the youth, which if not urgently addressed, could retard the country’s development and thwart the realization of Vision 20:20:20. Such negative values include: the culture of violence, dishonesty, selfishness, brazen corruption, and intolerance. Others are profligacy, impunity, lawlessness, looting of public treasury, lack of value for human life, unwholesome associations, including cultism, worshiping of money, even if gotten through dubious means, and carelessness regarding family names. This culture of negative values has resulted in what Olukoju (2013, 10) described as “anti-development public culture”. Since 1999, when the country commenced a new democratic experiment, violence has characterized every aspect of the country’s public life that it is becoming a culture. This seeming culture has manifested in the form of

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political assassinations, activities of ethnic militias, communal crisis, ethno-religious clashes, violence in the nation’s universities arising from the activities of secret cults, kidnapping for ransom, gang-rape, vandalism, arson, riots, the menace of armed robbery, police brutality, and the latest to the list, and perhaps most devastating is the Boko Haram terrorism (Unumen 2012). This culture of violence poses a serious threat to all ramifications of human development. Many factors can be advanced to explain the phenomenon of violence in contemporary Nigeria. These include years of military dictatorship that has affected the psyche of Nigerians, social and moral decadence in the society, drug abuse, the importation and circulation of violent Hollywood films, which are shown on television stations in the country, production and circulation of violent Nollywood films, emergence of ethnic militias, religious fanaticism and political violence (Muhammed 2013). Self-help is also another culture of negative values that is fast becoming a culture in the country. Olukoju (2013) has argued that self-help is an indignant response to weak institutions, brazen injustice and impunity, as well as the might-is-right syndrome. Although Olukoju (2013) maintained that self-help is a widely acknowledged weapon of the weak in the face of perceived injustice, it is an anti-development culture. No nation can develop when lawlessness, which is euphemistically referred to as selfhelp, has become the order of the day. Another aspect of the culture of negative values in contemporary Nigeria is the value of dishonesty, which manifests in cheating, falsifications, forgery, examination malpractices, and corruption. These negative values cannot only be traced to lack of proper family upbringing and training, but also to the get-rich-quick syndrome that is prevailing in Nigerian society. Elendu (2012) declared that cheating and falsification of age, for example, have been so entrenched in the country that Nigeria was once banned for some years from participating in age tournaments arising from age falsification by players with the collusion of sports officials. Perhaps more serious in the emerging culture of negative values in contemporary Nigeria is the act of looting public funds. From a ten per cent kick back on contracts in the first republic, corruption was institutionalized during the years of military dictatorship. In the fourth republic, corruption degenerated to looting of public funds. Olukoju (2013) appositely considered it an understatement that corruption is the chief defining feature of Nigeria’s anti-development culture and the greatest threat to the corporate existence of the country. Corruption is behind abandoned projects, infrastructure decay and deficits, policy somersault, and the paradox of growth without development in the

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country. It was a national embarrassment that, in 2012, Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index for 2011 rated Nigeria as 143rd out of a total of 183 countries that were surveyed, with a score of 2.4/10. We agree with Sanusi (2012) that this situation reveals Nigeria as one of the most corrupt countries in the world, where government officials take huge loans from international institutions for the purpose of larceny and not for the development and welfare of the people. Closely related to the culture of corruption and looting is the culture of profligacy - as the mindless waste of public resources (Olukoju 2013). Another culture of negative value in contemporary Nigeria is impunity. Adegbite (2007, 1) explained that the Nigerian political elite: … Break their own laws at will, they only obey a law if it is in their interests to do so, they routinely pervert and subvert the very constitution they all swore to protect… the culture of violence and impunity among our uniformed men and women is second to none. The police will open fire on defenseless, unarmed, and innocent citizens with no consequence whatsoever.

Thus, one can unequivocally state that impunity has permeated the entire society. Another emerging culture of negative values in contemporary Nigeria is excessive materialism or the worship of money. Excessive materialism has given rise to the get-rich-at-all-cost-and-by-all-means syndrome. This situation has engendered pervasive, godless, soulless, and avaricious pursuits of money. It is this phenomenon that has made the citizens get involved in violent crimes and other fraudulent activities. In the international arena, Nigerians are notorious for activities of advanced fee fraud (popularly known as “419” in Nigeria), Internet fraud, credit card scam, forgery of travel documents, as well as counterfeit currency printing. They are also involved in drug pushing, illegal arms dealing, international prostitution, and terrorism. All these negative activities arise from the fact that, in Nigeria, “money is capable of buying anything, and everything else is a means of obtaining money, including human life” (Elendu 2012, 51). It cannot be overemphasized that this emerging culture of negative values is anti-developmental, anti-progress, and can inhibit the realization of Vision 20:20:20.

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Implications for National Development The culture of negative values invariably impacts negatively on all aspects of development in Nigeria, especially the economy. Notwithstanding that several laudable and lofty plans, programs, and visions had been launched, aimed at transforming the country and focusing the economy on the path of development, it is apparent to Nigerians and the international community that the economy has not performed to its fullest potentials (Sanusi 2012). The Nigerian economy has grossly underperformed relative to her enormous resource endowment and the achievements of her peers/other developing nations with similar characteristics. The culture of negative values is responsible for the paradox of growth without development in contemporary Nigeria. Available data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) indicates that between 2004 and 2010, the nation’s economy grew strongly at an average annual growth rate in excess of 6.6%, making the country the fifth fastest growing economy in the world. The country’s net growth rate stood at 7.8%. However, within the same period, the incidence of poverty worsened. The number of Nigerians living below the poverty line rose from 88.7m to 112.5m (63.7% in poverty incidence). Within the same period under review, population rose from 139.2m to 158.6m (13.9% rises in population). The rate of unemployment rose from 12.3% in 2006 to 23.9% in 2011 (BGL 2013). These are official figures. Unofficial figures are higher than these. Thus, the Nigerian experience represents a paradox of growth without development. In the face of economic growth, there is poverty, inequality, and high rate of unemployment. This situation is at variance with rational economic and social theories, as well as historical trends (BGL 2013). It is generally agreed that inept governance, corruption, and poor value and reward systems can be blamed for all this. Another inhibiting factor of cultural negativity to the country’s development concerns the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In 2013, the assessment by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) of the progress in Africa towards the Millennium Development Goals, Nigeria was nowhere close to the best performing countries in any of the eight goals. As table 1 clearly shows, Nigeria lags behind less-endowed countries on the continent. In the best performing countries category, the name of Nigeria is missing in all the goals and the different targets, except in one of the targets in goal 7, in which the country trailed behind less-endowed African countries, including Egypt, Gabon, and Morocco.

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Table 1: Africa’s MDGs Performance at a Glance, 2013 Goal

Status

Best performing countries, selected targets and indicators Target 1A: Egypt, Gabon, Guinea, Morocco, Tunisia Target 1B: Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Togo, Zimbabwe Target1C: Algeria, Benin, Egypt, Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Mali, South Africa, Tunisia

Goal 1: OffEradicate track extreme poverty and hunger Goal 2: OnIndicator 2.1: Algeria, Egypt, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Achieve track Principe universal Indicator 2.2; Ghana Morocco Tanzania, Zambia primary education Goal 3: OnIndicator 3.1: The Gambia, Mauritius, Rwanda, Sao Promote track Tome and Principe gender Indicator 3.2: Botswana, Ethiopia, South Africa equality and 3.3: Angola, Mozambique, Rwanda Seychelles, South empower Africa women Goal 4: OffIndicators 4.1 and 4.2: Egypt, Liberia, Libya, Malawi, Reduce child track Rwanda, Seychelles, Tunisia mortality Goal 5: OffTarget 5A: Equatorial Guinea, Egypt, Eritrea, Libya, Improve track Mauritius, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Tunisia maternal Target 5B: Egypt, Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Rwanda, health South Africa, Swaziland Goal 6: OnTarget 6A: Cote d’ Ivoire, Namibia, South Africa, track Zimbabwe Combat HIV/AIDS, Target 6B: Botswana, Comoros, Namibia, Rwanda TB, malaria Target 6C: Algeria, Cape Verde, Egypt, Libya and other Mauritius, Sao Tome and Principe, Sudan, Tunisia diseases Goal 7: OffTarget 7A: Egypt, Gabon, Morocco, Nigeria Ensure track Target 7C: Algeria, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Comoros, environmental Egypt, Ethiopia, Libya, Mali, Mauritius, Namibia, sustainability Swaziland Goal 8: OffTarget 8F: Kenya, Libya, Rwanda, Seychelles, Sudan, Global track Uganda, Zambia partnership for development Source: UNDP. 2013. “Assessing Progress in Africa towards the Millennium Development Goals, 2013”, p.xiv.

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One of the implications of the emerging culture of negative values on the nation’s development is that the country remains a quagmire of underdevelopment. The poverty index in Nigeria is 60 per cent, placing the country 156 out of 187 countries surveyed in 2012. By that same year, the exchange rate of the naira to the dollar was N162, foreign reserves was below $38 billion while inflation stood at 12.7 per cent from 10.3 percent level in 2011. The lending rate was 22 per cent, unemployment 37 per cent, indicating that over 40 million Nigerians were jobless. Domestic debt was 5.6 trillion, foreign debt $5.9 (BLG 2012). Considering the enormous human and natural resources the country is blessed with, and the amount of money the country earns from the sale of crude oil extracted from the Niger Delta region of the country, the underdeveloped conditions in the country can be linked with the culture of negative values. Nigeria’s culture of negative values could make Vision 20:20:20 unrealizable, except if urgent steps are taken to address the ugly trend. It must be reiterated that considering the country’s abundant human and natural resources, realizing the Vision is feasible. However, with the current levels of violence, corruption, and looting, which has resulted in insecurity and other negative values, the Vision may remain an impossible dream to be realized.

Conclusion The major argument in this chapter is that the emerging culture of negative values, including the culture of violence, dishonesty, selfishness, corruption, intolerance, profligacy, impunity, and looting of public treasury has negative implications on the country’s economic development. It argues that there is a nexus between the culture of negative values and the paradoxes of poverty in the midst of abundant natural and human resources, and of growth without development. Again, the country’s hope of meeting the MDGs is in jeopardy as the 2012 survey by the UN has shown. This is not withstanding the billions of naira that has been allocated to meeting the goals, especially since 2006. More importantly, perhaps, the country’s Vision 20:20:20 is at the risk of becoming unrealizable. It is against this backdrop that the chapter recommends a critical cultural renaissance, if the country hopes to advance from its quagmire of underdevelopment and insecurity to be among the twenty largest economies in the world by 2020. By critical renaissance, it is meant to filter traditional Nigerian culture, in order to adopt the positive values while discarding the negative aspects, as every culture has both positive and negative values.

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Among Nigerian traditional values worthy of reviving are the values of hard work, honesty, accountability, integrity, peaceful co-existence, being ones brother’s keeper, care for the physically and mentally challenged, as well as the aged. This can be achieved by incorporating moral and values education in the nation’s school curricula at all levels of education in the country. More importantly, history as a course should be incorporated into the curricula of the nation’s educational system from the primary to university levels in the country. This is because the culture of the country is partly embedded in its history.

References Adefuye, Ade. 2011. “Culture, Diplomacy and the making of a New Nigeria”, a paper delivered at the Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization (CBAAC), 7 August. Adegbite, Yemi. 2007. “The Culture of Violence and Impunity in Nigeria”, http://nigeriaworld.com/articles/2007/mar/163.html, accessed on 10/8/2013. Afonja, Simi and Pearce, Tola Olu. 1984. “Concepts of social change: Social Evolution to Models of Production”, Afonja, Simi and Pearce, Tolu Ola (eds.), Social Change in Nigeria. England: Longman. African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), 2008. Country Review Report, Federal Republic of Nigeria. South Africa: APRM Aiyede, Remi E. 2008. “The State, Values and Development: Towards Reorientating the Nigerian Youth for Positive Leadership”. www.guardiannewsngr.com, accessed on 3/4/2014. Amadi, E. 1982. Ethics in Nigerian Culture. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. Ayodele, Olumide, Francis Obafemi & Friday Ebong. 2013. “Challenges Facing the Achievement of the Nigeria Vision 20:20:20”, Global Advanced Research Journal of Social Science (GARJSS), 2 (7).143157. Barrett, Richard. 2010. “The importance of Values in Building a High Performance Culture”, February, accessed from “www.valuescentre.com”, accessed on 20 January, 2014. BGL. “The Nigeria’s Paradox of Growth Amidst High Poverty Incidence”, accessed from www.bglgroup.war, accessed on 7/2/2014. Constanza, Robert et al., 2007. “Quality of Life: An Approach Integrating Opportunities, Human Needs, and Subjective Well-Being”, Ecological Economics. 267 – 283.

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Ekpo, Akpan H. 2014. “Growth without Development in Nigeria: Confronting the Paradox”, a paper presented at the 43rd Annual Accountants Conference of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), International Conference Centre, Abuja. http://www.ngrgnardiannews.com/index.h/.teatner/town/142901growth-withoutdevelopment-in-Nigeria-confronting-+…?, accessed on 28/1/2014. Elendu, Ifeanyichukwu Christiana. 2012. “Nigeria Debased Values System at the Modern Era: Implications for Sports Development”, Journal of Education and Practice, 3 (3), pp.48-53. Emeka (n.d). “African Cultural Values”. www.emeka.at,africa_cultural_values.prof, accessed on 31/1/2014. Frey, Rodney. 1994. Eye Juggling: Seeing the World Through a looking Glass and a Glass Pane, (A Workbook for Clarifying and Interpreting Values). Lanham, New York, London: University Press of America. Hezel, Francis X. 2009. “The Role of Culture in Economic Development”. http://www.miscem.org/puls/counselor/ulture_economic_ development.htm, accessed on 20/1/2014. Ibhase, Kelvin & Hilary Okoye. 2012. “The understanding of Divination and Sacrifice in Esan Tradition”, in Ihensekhien, Mathew (ed.), Esan people: Our Culture, Our Faith Volume I, Ekpoma Association of Seminarians of Uromi Diocese, ASUD, Seminary of All faiths, UhieleEkpoma. Ichaba, Abiye E. 2004. “Museum and Intangible Heritage: A call for collaborative Efforts”, a lecture delivered at the International Museum Day Celebration, Abuja, 18 May, 2004, reproduced in Akunu Journal, 1(1), Abuja. 25-33. Madukwe, Chinyere Isaac and Madukwe, H. N. 2014. “African Values and the Impact of Westernization. A Critical Analysis”. http://www.academicexcellencesoiety.com/africa_value_systems_and_ the_impact_ of_Westernization.html, accessed on 21/2/2014. Mazrui, Ali. 1999. “The Social Dimension of Culture and Contemporary Expressions”. Seragelin, Ismail and Joan Martin–Bronwn (Eds.). Culture in Sustainable Development, U.S.A.: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank): 16-20. Mbakogu, Ifeyinwa Anastasia. 2004. “Is there really a Relationship between Culture and Development?”, Anthropologist, 6 (1). 37 – 43. Muhammed, A. Y. 2013. “Youth Violence in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Implication for Human Development in the 21st century”, http://www.unilonia.edu.ng/publications/youth violence html, accessed on 10/8/2013.

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Nzemeke, A. D. 2000. An Introduction to the History and Civilization of the Western World: Early Times to 1914. Benin City: Headmark Publishers. Ogunfiditimi, T. O. & J. E. Olawoye.1979. “Influences of Military against Common Development Strategies”, a paper presented at a conference on Alternative Development Strategy and life styles in West Africa region, University of Ibadan, July 4-7. Okojie, C. G. 1960. Ishan Native Laws and Customs, Lagos: John Okwuesa and Co. Olukoju, Ayodeji. 2013. “Nigeria’s Cultural Tapestry and the Challenge of Development”, Nigerian Academy of Letters 2013 Convocation Lecture, University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos, 1st August, Olusola, Kolade Oladele. 2011. “Achieving Nigeria’s Vision 20-20-20: A need for a New Economic Policy Order”. delekoloelesloggot.cor.2011/01/ach… August. Accessed on 28/2/2014. Pekarsky, Daniel. 1998. “The Role of Culture in Moral Development”. http://parenthood.library.wisc.edu/pelcavesky.html, accessed on 12/2/2014. Rodney, Walter. 1972. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Dar Es Salam: Tanzania Publishing Press. Sanusi, Lamido Sanusi. 2012. “Nigeria’s Economic Development Aspirations and the Leadership Question: Is there a Nexus?” a paper delivered at the 2nd General Yakubu Gowon Distinguished Annual Lecture, 19 October. Simon, David. 2003. Dilemma of Development and Environment in a Globalizing World: Theory, Policy and Paxis”, Progress in Development, 3 (1). 4-5. UNDP. 2006. “Human Development in a changing world” . http://hid.undp.org/doc./publications/occasional/papers/oc/.htm, accessed on 9/11/2006. —. 2013. “MDGs Report 2013: Accessing Progress in Africa Towards the Millennium Development Goals: Food Security in Africa: Issues, Challenges and lessons”. http://www.afob.org/fileading/uploads/afeb/ documents/publicaions/millenium%20De, accessed on 2/3/2014. UNESCO. 2012. UN System Task Team on the Post – 2015 UN Development Agenda, on the theme Culture: A driver and an Enabler of Sustainable Development. May 2012. Unumen, Julius O. 2009. “Socio-Economic Changes in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria: 1976-2002”, Ph.D Thesis, Department of History and International Studies, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State, 2009.

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—. 2013. “The Development of Abuja and the Destruction of the Indigenous People’s Culture, 1976–2002”, A paper presented at the African Berlin International Conference (ABIC) on Freedom, Self Determination and Growth in Africa, Humboldt University (HU), Berlin, Germany, 26th – 30th August, 2013.

CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT SCRUTINIZING SCALES OF KIDNAPPING IN NIGERIA: THE EDO STATE EXPERIENCE PETER O. O. OTTUH DEPT. OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES AND PHILOSOPHY DELTA STATE UNIVERSITY, ABRAKA, NIGERIA

AND VERONICA O. AITUFE DEPT. OF RELIGIOUS MANAGEMENT AND CULTURAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA, NIGERIA

Abstract One country where kidnapping has become a daily event of recent is Nigeria, and particularly the Niger Delta, of which Edo State is a part. Nigeria’s Niger Delta is rich in petroleum oil and has been explored by multinational corporations and the Federal Government of Nigeria amid high incidence of poverty, absence of infrastructures, and deprivation of the locals by oil communities. Kidnapping first attracted national attention on February 26, 2006, when the Niger Delta militants kidnapped foreign oil workers to press home their demands. Kidnapping has since become ubiquitous, politicized, and commercialized. It has spread from the Niger Delta to virtually all nooks and crannies of Nigeria, including Edo State. This chapter therefore examines the scales of kidnapping in Nigeria, with particular focus on the Edo State, and identifies the factors encouraging kidnapping. In the chapter, the possible causes of kidnapping were identified in relation to economic and political motivations, as well as kidnapping as an instrument of liberation struggle, as well as a means of revolt against the failure of the government to provide basic amenities, unemployment, inefficiency, and a corrupt security system. We recommend the need for inclusive governance (as opposed to the current practice of

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elitist governance), whereby all segments of stakeholders have the benefit of empowerment and capacity building, including good parental upbringing of children, a re-ordering of our societal values, and provision of functional education among others. Key words: Scales, Kidnapping, Youth, Societal values, Edo State,

Introduction Every day, tens of Nigerians are kidnapped for various reasons ranging from economic, political, and personal/corporate grievances. The “business” of kidnapping in Nigeria can be traced to what Townsend (2008) referred to as “natural resource nationalism”, which is the tendency to seek bigger shares of the returns from the nation’s natural resources. It is also supported by what Omeje (2010) termed as “accumulation politics”, which is the tendency for the ruling class to be involved in endless accumulation of natural resource rents accruing from the owner’s region through deliberate acts of marginalisation and deprivation. Since the mid-1990s, incidents of terrorism in the form of kidnapping and hostage taking in Nigeria have grown enormously, causing significant safety and security concerns to many Nigerians home and abroad, as well as to foreigners resident in the country. In Nigeria, many hostage taking and kidnapping operations have been targeted at foreigners, especially those working in the high-risk Niger Delta region of the country. Kidnapping has grown over the years to become a criminal industry involving every level of the society. However, studies on it have been a relatively recent phenomenon, with more of the literature coming from Asian, American, and European continents. The current situation in Nigeria could be likened to an inferno, which starts unnoticed in a particular spot and gradually spreads uncontrollably over time drawing to itself both the old and the young, the rich and the poor, the local and the international communities. Hardly a day passes in Nigeria without kidnapping incidents making the headlines. Kidnapping has now become a lucrative venture, with some jobless youths and a good number of mature adults involved in the business. Some victims are killed before they are rescued, while others are rescued by their relatives after they pay huge sums as ransom.

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Conceptual Meaning of Kidnapping The word kidnapping poses a number of definitional problems in relation to a country’s legal and moral viewpoints, as well as the availability of other variances such as hostage taking, hijacking, etc. Mohamed (2008) on his part attempted some clarifications of the definitional position of the term with respect to the legal point of view of some countries. However, the concept of kidnapping seems to have originated around 1682 among those who perpetrate this crime (Mohamed 2008). According to the American Heritage Dictionary of the English language, the two words ‘kid’ and ‘napper’ were slang the criminals used. Kid, which still has an informal air, was considered little (slang) when kidnapper was formed, and ‘napper' is obsolete slang for a thief, coming from the verb nap, to steal. In 1678, the year in which the word was first recorded, kidnappers plied their trade to procure labourers for plantations in colonies, such as the ones in North America. In criminal law, kidnapping is the taking away or transportation of a person against the person’s will, usually to confine the person in false imprisonment without legal authority. This act may be done principally to extract ransom or in furtherance of another crime, or in connection with a child custody as a fall-out of marital dispute. The kidnapping or abduction of a child is often labelled child-stealing and parental kidnapping, particularly when the act is done not to collect a ransom but rather with the intention of keeping the child permanently. The English common law website defines kidnapping as an offence involving that one person takes another person away by force or fraud, without the consent of the person taken and without lawful excuse. This definition attests that the act invariably includes confining or false imprisonment of an individual or groups. On the other hand, Turner’s (1998) broad working definition has been adopted, of kidnapping applying to all situations in which people are forcibly seized and transported to a destination where they are held against their will in unlawful confinement. It also describes incidents when people are lured away and then held illegally by force.

Historical Evolution of Kidnapping Looking at it globally, Turner (1998) has attempted a documentation of how kidnapping originated in the world. According to him, the term “kidnapping” originated in 17th century England, where children were “kidnapped” and often sold as slaves or agricultural workers to colonial

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farmers. It is interesting to know that centuries before, in ancient Rome, Emperor Constantine (AD 315) became so alarmed by the incidences of kidnapping that he ordered the death penalty as punishment for the crime (Schiller 1985). Robber barons were kidnapping merchants holding people for ransom in the Middle Ages in Europe. King Richard I of England was held hostage for years by the Archduke of Austria in the 12th century (Gallagher 1985). In 1800, in the Sulu Archipelago, now part of the Philippines, there was already a standard scale of ransom fees ranging from 2,000 pesos for a European friar to 30-50 pesos for a male Filipino. An upsurge in kidnapping in the USA by organised criminal gangs led, in 1931, to the introduction of federal legislation on kidnapping in both the Senate and House of Representatives (Warren 1985). In Nigeria, the current wave of kidnapping began with the abduction of expatriate oil workers by the Movement for the Emancipation of the NigerDelta (MEND) in late 2005 as a means of alerting the world to the many years of injustice, exploitation, marginalization, and underdevelopment of the Niger-Delta region (Onduku 2001). The apparent negligence and underdevelopment of the region have always been explained with limp reasons. The oil companies claim not to be responsible for the development of the region by virtue of the fact that they work for the Nigerian government and pay royalties to the government. The federal government on its own blames the ministries constituted by it to tackle the problems of the region, while the ministries blame the youths for disrupting projects.

Typology of Kidnapping The United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC 2003) has classified kidnapping as follows: kidnapping for extortion (for ransom, to influence business decisions or to obtain commercial advantage); kidnapping between or within criminal groups (for debt recovery or to secure advantage in a criminal market); kidnapping for sexual exploitation; kidnapping linked to domestic or family disputes (spouse or child abduction); revenge kidnapping; and kidnapping for political or ideological purposes. These typologies have been further broadly categorized into three by Pharaoh (2005) as follows: criminal kidnapping (hostage taking for ransom); political kidnapping (to settle political scores or further some political objectives) and pathological kidnapping (parental kidnapping and kidnapping for sexual purposes). To further simplify the classification, Turner (1998) listed four key rationales for kidnapping as follows: kidnapping for money but no politics; kidnapping without any political or

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monetary motive; kidnapping for money and politics and kidnapping for politics but no money. From these classifications, it is seen that kidnapping has criminal, political, and economic reasons. However, Yang et al. (2007) has added the cultural dimension of kidnapping, whereby some communities use it as a cultural practice (e.g. bride capture or kidnapping). This is the type of kidnapping that is often applied loosely to include any bride abducted against the will of her parents, though she is willing to marry the abductor. When this is the case, the bride conspires with the groom to elope and the bride family is denied the bride prize until reconciliation takes place. This type of kidnapping is still common in traditional nomadic societies of central Asia and Africa, where the subject of women’s rights in the marriage institution is still questionable. Other typology includes express kidnapping, which is a method of abduction used in some countries, mainly from Latin America, where a small ransom that a company or a family can easily pay is demanded without institution (Mohamed 2008). This is usually executed by amateur kidnappers who engage in the act out of sheer poverty. An example of this is reported in Business Day newspaper of Monday 13th June 2011, where a lady travelling to Port Harcourt was kidnapped at Upper Iweaka Onitsha and was released on the payment of hundreds of naira by her fiancé, a student of Rivers State University of Science and Technology. Tiger kidnapping is another form of kidnapping that involves making a hostage of a person to compel a lover or close associate of the kidnapped victim to carry out an action e.g. a bank manager is taken hostage to elicit an instruction for the bank vault to be opened. The action is similar to what a tiger does on the prowl.

Motivating Factors for Kidnapping in Nigeria It has always been argued that the marginalization of the peoples in the Niger Delta, the despoliation of their environments and the resultant conflicts have their roots in the discovery of oil, as well as its exploration and production activities by the oil multinationals in the late 1950s (Akpan and Akpabio 2003; Onduku 2001). The government of Nigeria has been compounding these problems through deliberate enactments of oppressive policies (e.g., the controversial Land Use Act of 1978), and persistent instances of marginalization in development. Statutorily, ownership of oil and all mineral resources in Nigeria is vested in the Federal government. All land is also, by law, state property, but this controversial law is only activated when the vested economic or political interests of the country are

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at stake (Omeje 2005). The government’s negative attitude toward the region is also reflected in the general absence of developmental attention as the people continue to live in deplorable conditions and in most cases without electricity, portable water, hospitals, housing and schools, in spite of the enormous wealth the government derives from the region. Nigeria is known to be one of the largest oil producing countries in the world. The home to these oil deposits is the Niger-Delta region, made up of Bayelsa, Rivers, Delta, Cross Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Imo, Edo, Ondo and Abia states, all in the Southern part of Nigeria. Niger-Delta ranks as the world's sixth largest exporter of crude oil, and ranks third as world's largest producer of palm oil after Malaysia and Indonesia (Akpan and Akpabio 2003). The region is also rich in other agricultural produce such as cassava, rubber, timber, pineapple, cocoa, cashew, rice, yams, and oranges. In spite of the enormous resources that abound in the region, the region still has majority of its people living and dying in poverty. The people have watched for many decades how politicians, foreign nationals, and government officials enriched themselves from the proceeds accrued from oil exploration, while leaving them impoverished and their environment degraded and polluted. There is a high mortality rate as a result of poor health facilities (in most cases one doctor for every 150,000 inhabitants), inadequate or lack of transportation facilities, lack of schools, epileptic electricity supply (in some regions, the only light that shines at night comes from gas flare from the oil wells), lack of portable drinking water, environmental degradation yielding poor and unhealthy agricultural produce (in some cases fishes smell of crude oil). Coupled with these is the hostility of the oil companies towards their host communities and the reprisal attacks on the side of the federal government when it comes to handling any dispute between the oil companies and the host communities (Ogwu 2010). The crux of the matter is that not only are the Niger-Delta people (Edo people inclusive) marginalized and excluded from the benefits of the country’s oil-wealth, they are treated as inferior humans. For instance, for over five decades of oil exploration in the Niger-Delta, the Dutch-owned Shell Petroleum Company, British Petroleum (BP) and other American and European-owned oil companies in the Niger Delta have been silent for years, the same BP over the ecological, environmental, and social consequences of their exploration activities in the Niger-Delta region, which include constant oil spillages, drilling, and gas flaring (Akpan and Akpabio 2003). In contrast, it was easy for the same British Petroleum (BP) to explain to the whole world the causes of the oil spillage in the Gulf

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of Mexico, and they came out with a responsive plan to clean up the affected areas. Although the struggles to ameliorate the deplorable conditions of the Niger-Deltans have been on since 1966, not much success has been recorded (Akpan 2010). Several attempts made by the Niger-Deltans and other well-intentioned Nigerians in the past to draw the attention of the Federal government and oil companies to their plights, were repressed and silenced. Eminent personalities such as Isaac Adaka Boro, Ken Saro Wiwa, and other Ogoni elites have lost their lives in their struggle for the development of the region. It is sad to note that perhaps for years, what has interested the Nigerian government and the oil companies is how much wealth could be accrued from oil exploration and exportation without agenda for human and infrastructural development in this region, which is paramount for human existence. Every year, thousands of Niger Delta youths graduate from higher institutions with no hope of gaining employment. Many are not even educated, not because they wished to be uneducated, but because there is no means of acquiring education. Yet in the same society, the wealth of the nation is left in the hands of a few. The little money mapped out for the development of the region is misappropriated by corrupt leaders and politicians, who manage appropriation offices and pretend to be working for the interest of the Niger-Deltans, thereby widening the gap between the rich and the poor. Unfortunately, many Niger-Delta youths and community’s representatives who benefited from the rare largesse of the Federal government and oil companies were however not judicious with the money or whatever benefits they received. This apathy to human and infrastructural development in the Niger Delta region has created a culture of violence as the people have resorted to various means to make ends meet. Therefore, there is bound to be disorder, chaos, and brutality in a country where politicians are more interested in amassing the nation’s wealth for themselves against the welfare of the citizens of the state, where the citizens have no confidence in government, where the future looks hopeless, and where a greater majority are treated like “a nobody, or simply a thing without any value” (Imaekhai 2010). This, of course, is the genesis of the motivating factors for kidnapping in Nigeria and Edo State in particular.

Youths and Kidnapping in Edo State Kidnapping is a crime that has become a new habit as a tool for social action in Edo State. The political importance of kidnapping activity has

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had a spillover influence on the jobless youths and criminals who take it as a new substitute or complement to robbery and pickpocketing. Such a group of kidnappers target not only prominent and well-off individuals, but also ordinary citizens who possess little wealth. The common targets include every person perceived with prospects of high ransom including teenagers, children, and adults alike. For instance, in mid-2008, the teenage daughter of a popular pastor was kidnapped and a ransom sought from the parents before her release (Akpan 2010). Robbers and other criminal groups have taken to exploiting this as a new way of making a living or sustaining their living standard. Today, armed banditry, urban terrorism, internet fraud, and kidnapping are among the vices that are currently plaguing the Edo State. Some of the identified possible causes of the youths’ engagement in this vice are not farfetched. First, the problem of idleness is a contributory factor. People are often driven by circumstances to do what they otherwise would not do, but because most of the youths in the state are just roaming the streets from dawn to dusk they are caught in this web. Some people commit criminal acts in an effort to bring about what they perceive as the solution to hardship and injustices in the society. Second, greed for money is another factor. Most people are willing to violate the rules of decency and morality when enough money is involved. Some who appear amiable and kind under normal circumstances seem to undergo a personality change when money is at stake, transforming into obnoxious and hostile characters (Onimhawo and Ehiemua 2010). Besides, so much money can be obtained without much stress, compared to bank or highway robberies and other crimes. Third, the nature of the kidnapping network contributes to the youths’ involvement. Kidnappers seem to operate in a very complex network, such that they are not easily detected. This is because they are suspected to work with inocuous individuals like callgirls, relations, bankers, business partners, close associates, disabled and beggars, etc. Fourth, wrong moral choices influence youths’ involvements. Other possible causes include: lack of proper orientation in the home by parents and guardians, unnecessary public displays of wealth, wrong societal values, lack of integrity/corrupt practices of government officers, and others (Ogwu 2010).

Socio-economic implications of kidnapping: The Edo State experience The kidnapping activities in Edo State have in many ways affected its socio-economic life in great measures. First, many lives have been lost. Most victims who tried to resist abduction or who could not pay the

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ransom as demanded by the kidnappers or pay on time, have been killed. Some were known to have been killed because the victim(s) would identify them if released. Several innocent people and passers-by have been killed by kidnappers’ bullets, sometimes in a cross fire with the police or in an attempt to scare people away to pave way for their escape. Many policemen have also lost their lives trying to defend innocent citizens. Consequently, in recent times, there has been an exodus of prospective and established businessmen and women from Edo State. The relocation of businesses from Edo State, especially Benin City, to other states in the country has been of significant importance. In fact, Edo sons and daughters in Diaspora no longer come home during Christmas, New Year, cultural celebrations, not even during the burial ceremonies of parents/relatives. The well-to-do émigrés would rather prefer money transfers than personal presence for kidnapping. This phenomenon of course has ricocheting effects. Regrettably, most Edo people no longer come home to contribute their quota to the development of their communities, for fear of being kidnapped. Several hotels in Edo State now run at a huge loss as a result of absence of visitors in the town and because of the recent decision of the state government to confiscate or demolish any hotel found to be used by kidnappers. Owners of residential houses in Edo State are not spared the fears that their houses would also be demolished. Launches and fund-raising programs have gradually disappeared from Edo State for fear of being targeted for kidnap. Social events such as weddings now record low turnout, and most people in attendance avoid the podiums (“high tables”) for fear of being marked and targeted. A good number of Edo State rich indigenes or residents who are residing in the Edo State for one reason or the other now resort to buying low profile cars or even bicycles as a disguise, for fear of kidnapping. Most national, regional, and international associations are reluctant and about holding congresses in Edo State because of that same dread. In the same vein, it is noted that most victims of kidnapping suffer severe emotional trauma and shock that sometimes leads to stroke. Some eyewitnesses have suffered the same. Although most people living in Edo State have developed tough skin and now see kidnapping as a normal every day thing, the majority still live in fear. Paradoxically, it might be of interest to mention that what may appear to be benefits of kidnapping that have equally been observed in Edo State could be: it has helped to check excessive display of wealth in public; it has also helped to a large extent, to control extravagant living; and extra-

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marital sexual recklessness of some males has also been reasonably put under serious check.

Kidnapping as a social tool Although kidnapping is a moral evil, from a religious philosopher’s viewpoint, it can also be seen as a social “tool” in the following circumstances. First, kidnapping is a tool for social justice, particularly at the on-set of the liberation struggle in the Niger-Delta. In this sense, early versions of kidnapping were believed to be part of a wider liberation call by the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) for the development of the state. It was then an activity with no monetary attachment as the key motivating factor, and in most cases part of the outcome of a confrontation between MEND and oil interests or the Federal Government of Nigeria (Akpan and Akpabio 2003). The key grievances oftentimes advanced by MEND as reasons for such confrontations involved three closely interrelated, but analytically distinct issues, namely: that all laws relating to oil exploration and land ownership be abrogated to give the locals more empowerment to have control of their resources; that the issue of natural resource control and self-determination be recognized and utilized as cardinal principles for the protection of their minority status; and that appropriate institutional and financial arrangements be put in place for the development, as well as addressing the numerous environmental problems associated with oil exploration and exploitation in oil producing communities in the Niger Delta. The refusal or inability of the Federal Government to respond to these demands has been at the core of MEND’s liberation struggle. Second, kidnapping is a tool for economic revivalism in Nigeria. Tzanelli (2006) has mooted the idea that kidnapping is regulated by the laws of demand and supply and is a type of social action that involves the calculation of the most efficient means to the desired ends. Kidnapping is a social enterprise, and according to The Nation (10 May, 2002), “kidnappers are businessmen, they just happen to be on the illegal side of it ... if you deprive them of the demand then there is not going to be any supply. Why would I kidnap somebody who will not pay?” It should be noted that kidnapping was first used as a weapon to fight for economic and environmental justice in the Niger Delta, the economic motivation was intermittently used as a means to fund and sustain the fight. Third, kidnapping as an anti-social action is a political tool. Turner (1998) describes this social action as “money and politics” where there are political motivations for kidnapping but where ransoms are also

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demanded. Such ransoms are often used to further the political objectives of the kidnapping organization, or simply to facilitate the survival of the organization. Recently, it is learnt that most top kidnapping operations are masterminded by government officials, opposition groups, unrewarded or uncompensated members of election rigging militant groups, among others. Kidnapping is then seen as an instrument for political vendetta and settling of political scores (Akpan and Akpabio 2003). The operation is organized and targeted mainly at key serving politicians or foreign workers or contractors working directly for the government. Once a victim is kidnapped, a high level negotiation is expected to ultimately lead to a very heavy ransom. Such a ransom is used to further political goals, selfsettling of aggrieved groups, or a way of financially crippling a serving politician. Finally, a careful examination of the state of affairs in the Niger-Delta region today, attests to the fact that kidnapping is more or less a palliative measure. In other words, it is only as a short-term relief and not a permanent cure to the deplorable condition. Therefore, to a very large extent, kidnapping is a moral evil, whatever it is assumed to have accomplished, which of course is little, compared to the devastating and damaging effects it had left behind. Due to its spread to other parts of the country, including Edo State, its negative impacts on individuals, groups, institutions, local communities, states and the nation at large, are colossal and far outweigh the perceived benefits. Therefore, our conclusion is that kidnapping is a moral evil because it is an evil committed by human beings against other fellow human beings. Kidnapping involves pains, agonies, and abuses of all kind, deprivations, denial, oppression, exploitation, intimidation, and the like.

Conclusion and Suggestions Kidnapping is morally and socially unacceptable. It is wrong because it does not promote peace, harmony, good neighborliness, and societal growth. The prevailing circumstances in Edo State today, where everyone is suspected as a potential kidnapper is unhealthy and does not promote sustainable growth and development. The solution to this menace is in the practice of African brotherhood of humanity, where each one sees everyone else as a brother and sister. Our position in this chapter is that there should be inclusive governance whereby all segments of stakeholders have the benefit of empowerment and capacity building, as opposed to the current practice of elitist governance. The study further proposes good parental upbringing of children, a re-ordering of our

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societal values, and provision of functional education (formal and informal) by all stakeholders.

References Akpan, N.S. & E.M.Akpabio. 2009. “Oil and Conflicts in the Niger Delta Region, Nigeria: Facing the Facts.”Journal of Social Development in Africa, 24(1): 935. Akpan, N.S. 2010. “Kidnapping in Nigeria’s Niger Delta: An Exploratory Study.”Journal of Social Science, 24(1): 33-42 Akpan, N.S. & E.M. Akpabio. 2003. “Youth Restiveness and Violence in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria: Implications and Suggested Solutions.”International Journal of Development Issues, 2(2): 37-58. Gallagher, R.J. 1985. “Kidnapping in the United States and the Development of the Federal Kidnapping Statute.” InTerrorism and Personal Protection, edited by B.M. Jenkins, 129-145. Boston: Butterworth. Ignatius, C. Monday, June 13, 2011. “Kidnapping, Armed Robbery Resume in Southern States, Security Experts link upsurge to post election violence Lull syndrome.”Business Day. Imaekhai, F. 2010. “The Three Major Religions Practiced in Nigeria and Human Values.” In Religion and the Nigerian Nation: Some Topical Issues, edited by C. O. Isiramen, 101-119.Ibadan: Enjoy Press & Books. Mohamed, M.K.N. 2008. “Kidnap for Ransom in South East Asia: The Case for a Regional Recording Standard.”Asian Criminology, 3: 61-73. Ogwu, P. O. 2010. “Changing perceptions as Nigeria’s milestone.” Accessed January 15th. http://www.gamji.com/article9000/News9399.html Omeje, K. 2005. “Oil Conflict in Nigeria: Contending Issues and Perspectives of the Local Niger Delta People.”New Political Economy, 10 (3): 321-334. —. 2010. “Oil Conflict and Accumulation Politics in Nigeria. Population, Health, Environment, and Conflicts.”ECSP Report, Issue 12. Onduku, A. 2001. Environmental Conflict: the case of the Niger Delta. A presentation at the One World Fortnight Programme organized by the Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, U.K. No. 22. Onimhawo, J. A. Ehiemua, G. F. K. 2010. “Kidnapping in Nigeria: EthicoReligious Evaluation.” InBook of Proceedings of 2010 Faculty of Arts’ National Conference, edited by J.A. Agho and A. I. Okoduwa, 91103.Ekpoma: Faculty of Arts, Ambrose Alli University.

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Pharaoh, R. 2005. “An Unknown Quantity: Kidnapping for Ransom in South Africa.” http://www.iss.co.za/pubs/crimeQ/No.14/pharaoh.pdf. Accessed February20th. Schiller, D.T. 1985. “The European Experience.” InTerrorism and Personal Protection, edited by B.M. Jenkins, 46-63. Boston: Butterworth. Townsend, J. 2008. “Poverty and Energy: Natural Resource Nationalism and the Natural Resource Curse”. Regions No. 271. The Newsletter of the Regional Studies Association, 11-12. Turner, M. 1998. “Kidnapping and Politics.”International Journal of the Sociology of Law, 26: 145-160 Tzanelli, R. 2006. Capitalizing on Value: Towards a Sociological Understanding of Kidnapping. Sociology, 40: 929-947 UNODC. 2003. “International Cooperation in the Prevention, Combating and Elimination of Kidnapping and Providing Assistance to the Victims.” http://www.unodc.org/pdf/crime/commissions/12_commission/7e.pdf. Accessed February 11th. Warren, J.F. 1985. “The Sulu Zone 1768-1898.” New Day: Quezon City. Yang, Shu-Lung B.W, Huang, S. 2007. “Kidnapping in Taiwan: the Significance of Geographic Proximity, Improvisation and Fluidity.” International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 51: 324-339

PART VII: MEDIA AND EVOLVING AFRICAN CULTURE

CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE NIGERIA, MASS MEDIA AND GAY CULTURE CHIDIEBERE A. NWACHUKWU DEPARTMENT OF MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

AND KINGSLEY C. IZUOGU DEPARTMENT OF MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

Abstract Mixed reactions have trailed the Same-sex Prohibition Act 2014, which criminalizes all gay activities in Nigeria. The law, which enjoys widespread support in Nigeria, has been strongly condemned abroad, with Nigeria being threatened by Western nations with economic and diplomatic sanctions. While Nigerians condemn homosexuality on the basis of culture and religion/morality, Western nations view it from the human rights perspective. This chapter, relying on secondary data, examines the gay culture within the context of the dynamics of the Nigerian society and the place of the mass media in the gay rights controversy. It is recommended that the government should continue to be alive to its constitutional duty to protect, preserve, and promote Nigerian cultures. The mass media, as socializing agents, should leverage on their reach and influence to promote and transmit Nigerian cultural values and inoculate Nigerians against foreign cultural domination. Key words: Mass media, Gay culture, Same-sex, legislation, Nigeria

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Introduction Gay culture has come a long way from the time homosexuals were called faggots, the men in the closet, queer, and all manner of derogatory names. Homosexuality then was not a sexual orientation that people were bold to associate with publicly. But times are now different. Gay people are bolder, more assertive of their rights, non-apologetic of their orientation, unashamed of it, and even proud of what and how they are. Public perception of homosexuality and attitude to homosexuals equally appear to be changing. The change has been gradual, but steady over the years. The same society that was against the gays has become protective of them. Politicians, celebrities, and even religious leaders have also had a hand in putting the toga of respectability on homosexuals and homosexuality. However, notwithstanding the increasing support for homosexuality, it is being met with stiff resistance from those who view it negatively. Such resistance has virtually polarized the world into two: The pro-gay and anti-gay people. This has engendered much debate and controversy. Africa has been in the thick of it, with many countries in the continent against the practice, with some already having pieces of anti-gay legislation in place.

Nigeria’s Anti-Same-Sex Marriage Law Nigeria’s Same Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Bill was passed by the National Assembly in December 2013, and assented to by President Goodluck Jonathan in January 2014 to the disappointment of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) community, and human rights advocates in the world. The bill, which recognizes as valid only marriages contracted between a man and a woman, forbids the following: x x x x x

A marriage contract or civil union entered into between persons of same sex. The punishment for offenders is 14 years imprisonment. The solemnization of same sex marriage in places of worship. Registration of gay clubs, societies, and organizations, their sustenance, processions, and meetings. The punishment for offenders is 10 years imprisonment. Public show of a same-sex amorous relationship directly or indirectly. Administering, witnessing, abetting, or aiding the solemnization of a same sex marriage or civil union, supporting the registration, operation, and sustenance of gay clubs, societies, organizations, or meetings in Nigeria. This offence attracts 10 years imprisonment.

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Africa’s opposition to homosexuality has brought it into a collision course with Western powers. While the Western world sees homosexuality as a human rights issue, Africa sees it as a moral issue. While the former sees the hand of nature in one’s homosexual orientation, the latter blames it on nurture, seeing it as a lifestyle deliberately and freely chosen by those who practice it. In the wake of Nigeria’s Anti-Gay Bill, which was assented to by President Goodluck Jonathan, the United States of America, Canada, and the European Union expressed their displeasure, threatening sanctions against Nigeria, with the United States Ambassador to Nigeria, Mr. James Entwistle, complaining that the law that criminalizes homosexuality, including same-sex marriages, “seems to restrict the fundamental rights of a section of the Nigerian population” (Ndiribe, Eyoboka and Ojeme 2014). The same scenario is also playing out in Uganda. President Yoweri Museveni’s recent public declaration of support for the Ugandan Anti-Gay Bill provoked a “backlash from the West, and several threats to cut foreign aid with President Barack Obama of the US threatening that the bill would complicate U.S/Uganda relations” (Hogan 2014). While human rights remain the justification pleaded by the Western nations in defense of homosexuality in Africa, many in the continent see it differently. Morality, religion, and culture are cited as reasons for the rejection of homosexuality in Africa. Ajaero (2005, 18) quoted Gabriel Osu, a Roman Catholic Priest, as arguing that: Same-sex marriage negates the concept of childbearing. It is like turning the Bible upside down. It is very offending since it is not in consonance with proper family values as regards childbearing. We should all say no to this. The African is driven by his culture and homosexuality is not one of them.

Olusegun Obasanjo, former president of Nigeria, also petitioned the Bible, culture, and religion in his condemnation of homosexuality when he said that it is “unnatural, unbiblical, and un-African” (Ajaero 2005). Despite the public opposition to homosexuality in Africa, gays are pursuing the fight for acceptance, and have actually made some gains in the continent. Already, South Africa has passed a law legitimizing samesex marriages and protecting gays. The South African Civil Union Bill passed by parliament on November 4, 2006 and assented to by the President on December 30, 2006 made South Africa the fifth country in the world and the first in Africa to allow same-sex marriage. Ivory Coast, while not legalizing homosexuality/same-sex marriage, is already being viewed as a safe haven for gays because of their high level of tolerance for them. A Vanguard newspaper report of February 11, 2014 quotes an

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Ivorian government official as saying that “Ivory Coast, which is recovering from a bloody political and military crisis that ended in 2011, had more pressing matters to address than its citizens’ sexual orientation”. It is significant in the gay rights controversy in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular that the two dominant religions, Christianity and Islam, have not been spared gay influence. There are already both Christian and Muslim gays. The first notable victory of gays over the church was the legalization of same-sex unions by the Anglican Church. This act has led to a wide crack in the Anglican Church with the African arm of the Church led by Nigeria vowed to have no dealings with the Church of England until the pronouncement was reversed (Ajaero 2005). The Roman Catholic Church, which had opposed homosexuality strongly for many centuries, also appears to be adopting liberal views about gays and lesbians. The Roman Pontiff, Pope Francis, in July 2013, suggested that gays and lesbians should be integrated into the mainstream of society and not made to suffer discrimination and marginalization (Ghosh 2013). Another prominent Christian figure, Archbishop Desmond Tutu (Ghosh 2013), has also risen in defence of gays and lesbians: I am as passionate about this campaign as I ever was about apartheid. I would refuse to go to a homophobic heaven ... I mean I would much rather go to the other place (hell). I would not worship a God who is homophobic, and that is how deeply I feel about this.

Islam on its part is not free of gay elements in its ranks, for as Murray and Roscoe (Minwalla, Rosser, Feldman and Varga 2005) affirmed, “despite contemporary perceptions that homosexuality is a Western phenomenon, same-sex dynamics of many varieties are an integral part of Islamic history and culture”. The involvement of Christians and Muslims in homosexuality has fundamental implications for the march of the gay culture across the world, especially in Africa and Nigeria particularly. The two religions and the positions of their leaders have a lot of influence on the behavior of their adherents. The success recorded by gays and lesbians in the world did not come by way of a social accident. There are indications that it was a well planned and executed campaign by gays that has brought them the acceptability and protection they now enjoy in many places of the world. In their article “The Overhauling of Straight America”, Kirk and Pill (1987, quoted in Alexander 1994) laid down procedures for accomplishing the gay agenda:

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Chapter Twenty-Nine The first order of business is desensitization of the American public concerning gays and gay rights. To desensitize the public is to help view homosexuality with indifference instead of with keen emotion. At least in the beginning, we are seeking public desensitization and nothing more… You can forget about trying to persuade the masses that homosexuality is a good thing. But if only you can get them to think that it is just another thing, with a shrug of their shoulders, then your battle for legal and social rights is virtually won. And to get to the shoulder-shrug stage, gays as a class must cease to appear mysterious, alien, loathsome, and contrary.

The emergence of homosexuals from the closet in the West, and subsequent metamorphosis of their status into that of persons of a respected sexual orientation, proves the accuracy of Kirk and Pills’ submission. Gays and lesbians have been so successful in their public relations campaign that President Obama has become a gay rights advocate. Nsehe (2011) reported that Obama issued a memo ordering American diplomats abroad to advance the rights of lesbians, gay, bisexual, and transgender persons. The American government also announced that: “The fight against gay and lesbian discrimination would be a central point of its foreign policy and transgressing nations could be denied aid”. This gives the gay rights issue a cultural imperialism hue. The West cannot be ignorant of the fact that a very large majority of Africans, especially Nigerians, abhor homosexuality. A Pew Research Centre survey of 39 countries in 2013 revealed that the public in Africa, predominantly in Muslim countries, remains among the least accepting of homosexuality. In sub-Saharan Africa, at least nine in ten in Nigeria (98%), Senegal (96%), Ghana (96%), Uganda (96%), and Kenya (90%) believe homosexuality should not be accepted by society. Even in South Africa where, unlike in many other African countries, homosexual acts are legal and discrimination based on sexual orientation is unconstitutional, 61% say homosexuality should not be accepted by society, while just 32% say it should be accepted. The result of the Pew Research Center study indicates a repudiation of the gay culture in Africa, especially in Nigeria. That notwithstanding, Nigeria and the rest of Africa continue to be a battleground for those who wish to spread the gay culture globally.

Theoretical Framework This work is undergirded by the cultural imperialism theory. This theory, propounded by Herb Schiller in 1973, focuses on how cultural domination of the developing countries (the Third World) can result through routine consumption of foreign media programs. This happens

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because foreign media fare, including films and news are laden with glorification of Western culture and values. As the Third World purchase and consume the foreign-produced programs, they begin to imbibe and internalize Western values, culture, and beliefs, with the result that they give up their own culture for Western ways of life. This is called cultural domination or imperialism, made possible by superior Western media technology. Ansah (1989 quoted in Okunna 1994) opined that: The fear is prevalent that through the use of modern technology and mass communication, some cultures risk losing their identity and become submerged by the cultures belonging to those who control modern technology and communication software.

Major assumptions of the theory according to Anaeto, Onabajo, and Osifeso (2008, 151) are: 1. Western nations dominate the media around the world, which in turn has a powerful effect on Third World cultures by imposing on them Western values and thereby destroying their native cultures. 2. Humans react to what they see on television because there is nothing else to compare it to besides their own lives, usually portrayed as less than what it should be. 3. Theory is value-neutral and objective. It does not matter what beliefs the people of the Third World may already hold, the television programs from the Western World will communicate the same message and affect them in the same way.

While some argue that such consumption of foreign media programs is not forced on the Third World (McQuail 2010, 82), the fear nonetheless, is real, not just among developing nations, but virtually all nations. Even the developed nations have one form of legislation or the other to protect local culture from foreign domination. Baran (2009, 508-509) submitted that Canada, France, and the European Union all had such regulations that required mass media programs to reflect local culture and limit the amount of foreign programs to be aired in their countries. The relevance of the cultural imperialism theory to this work is predicated on the fact that Nigeria is a developing nation in a world that has turned into a global village, with the citizens exposed each day to foreign media contents that are contrary to the nation’s culture and values, including homosexuality.

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Literature Review A lot of research has been carried out, debates done, but there is no agreement among scholars, scientists, and the public about the real cause of homosexuality. What cannot be ignored however is the correlation between belief about the causes of homosexuality and reaction to homosexuals. There are two sides to this debate. Some say that it is biological and innate, while the opposing view is that it is a matter of individual choice and therefore controllable. The American Psychological Association (APA) once held the later view, but later dropped it under controversial circumstances. Thompson (2014) states that the first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM 1) released by the APA in 1952 listed homosexuality as a sociopathic personality disturbance, but in 1968 the second version (DSM II) reclassified homosexuality as sexual deviancy. Pressure from gay protestors who began picketing at the APA’s annual conventions demanding that homosexuality be removed from the list completely, led the APA in 1973 to remove homosexuality from its manual (DSM III). Besides the scientists, the masses hold their own views about what causes sexual orientation. A research by Bowman (2009, 229-238) in two New Zealand cities, Wellington and Hamilton in July and October of 1978 respectively, revealed varying perceptions of the cause of homosexuality. While over half of 321 samples agreed that homosexuality is a natural sexual variation in humans, over 46% held that homosexuals are so by choice. Haider-Markel and Joslyn (2008, 292) submitted that believing that homosexuality was biological in origin implied sexual orientation could not be controlled. On the other hand, a belief that homosexuality was acquired, learned, or a personal choice suggested homosexuals can control, and therefore were responsible for, their homosexuality. The selected attribution should then affect behavior toward homosexuals and policies specific to homosexuals. In their work: “Beliefs about the Origins of Homosexuality and Support for Gay Rights: An Empirical Test of Attribution Theory”, they made some findings that are significant. For instance, conservatives were less likely to attribute homosexuality to innate origins, whereas liberal-minded people were more likely to attribute it to genetic origins. Also, church attendance had influence on one’s belief about the cause of homosexuality. Those serious with church attendance, being affiliated to Protestant denominations and being born-again Christians, were less likely to attribute homosexual orientation to biological origins. The study further found out that 53% of those surveyed viewed homosexual activity as a sin.

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The study provides a context to situate the attitude of Nigerians to homosexuality and the reason for the near unanimous support the AntiGay Law is enjoying in the country. Nigeria being a conservative society, with the two dominant religions, Islam and Christianity, teaching the sinfulness of homosexuality, it is easy to understand why Nigeria is not embracing the gay culture. The view that homosexuality is controllable and therefore depends on individual choice finds support, even among confirmed homosexuals. In what appears like putting a lie to the assertion that homosexuality is genetic and therefore beyond the control of gays and lesbians, Minkowitza, a confirmed homosexual (Alexander 1994), argued: Remember that most of the line about homosexuality being one’s nature, not a choice, was articulated as a response to brutal repression. “It’s not our fault!” gay activists began to declaim a century ago, when queers first began to organize in Germany and England… One hundred years later, it’s time for us to abandon this defensive posture, and walk upright on earth. Maybe you didn’t choose to be gay, that’s fine, but I did.

We share the opinion of Haider-Markel and Joslyn (2008) that religion is another factor that has a lot of bearing on people’s attitude towards homosexuality. Its immense hold on people could be a divisive factor just as it could be a rallying point. Smith and Tatalovich (2003 quoted in Oldmixon and Calfano 2007, 56) see religion as one of the strongest forces on Earth, which affirms traditional values. This is acknowledged by Nwosu (2007), who submitted that “people all over the world, but especially in the developing countries, take their religion so seriously that anything including development efforts, philosophies that run counter to their religious beliefs or practices are strongly rejected”. There is empirical evidence to show religion’s influence on people’s perception of and attitude to homosexuality. According to the Pew Research Centre (2013), acceptance of homosexuality is particularly widespread “in countries where religion is less central in people’s lives. These are also among the richest countries in the world. In contrast, in poorer countries with a high level of religiosity, few believe homosexuality should be accepted by society”. This research finding agrees again with that of Haider-Markel and Joslyn (2008) that revealed a link between church attendance/religiosity and negative attitude to homosexuality. In this, clergymen play a strong role. HaiderMarkel and Joslyn found out that 52% of religious anti-gay people noted that their clergy spoke out on laws regarding homosexuality, and 75% of this number admitted that their clergy publicly discouraged homosexuality. This is an eloquent testimony to the power of the pulpit. It is also significant in that, in Nigeria, religious leaders enjoy a near cult followership.

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Gays and lesbians have always been aware of religion’s capacity to influence public attitude to them, and they have found ways to fight back. Part of their strategy has been to reinterpret antigay scriptures in the Bible and the Koran. Kirk and Pill (1987), quoted in Alexander (1994), explained the gay strategy thus: Would a desensitizing campaign of open and sustained talk about gay issues reach every rabid opponent of homosexuality? Of course not. While public opinion is one primary source of mainstream values, religious authority is the other. When conservative churches condemn gays, there are only two things we can do to confound the homophobia of true believers. First, we can use talk to muddy the moral waters. This means publicizing support for gays by more moderate churches, raising theological objections of our own about conservative interpretations of biblical teachings, and exposing hatred and inconsistency, second, we can undermine the moral authority of homophobic churches by portraying them as antiquated backwaters, badly out of step with the time and with the best findings of psychology. Against the mighty pull of institutional religion, one must set the mightier draw of science and public opinion.

Even gay Muslims have also sought to reinterpret the anti-gay Koranic scriptures, challenging and casting doubts on the authenticity of some of them, seeking to change traditional interpretations (Minwalla et al 2005). This attempt to undermine the accepted doctrines of scriptural texts has led to divisions among religious people of even the same faith, resulting in the formation of both anti-gay and pro-gay movements in the church/mosque (Oldmixon & Calfano 2007). Closely related to religion is culture. It is a people’s culture that defines and gives them identity, culture is according to Nwosu and Kalu (1978 quoted in Anichebe 2009) “the totality of a people’s way of life, it refers to the gamut of knowledge, beliefs, customs, traditions, and skills that are available to the members of a society… they are designs, prescriptions, and responses, which are deliberately fashioned to guide all aspects of a people’s life.” Culture is of such importance that any attempt to denigrate it will spell doom for a people. It is the view of Nwosu (2007) that in “Nigeria and Africa, cultural values, beliefs, norms, mores, and so on are so close to the people’s lives that any attempt to neglect or underplay them in any development plan or scenario will be disastrous and of no effect. Culture therefore cannot be divorced from the gay culture discourse in Nigeria and Africa. Labaran Maku, former Nigerian information Minister struck a cultural chord in defense of the nation’s anti-gay law when he declared in Nsehe (2011) that “between Europe, America, and Africa, there is a huge

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culture gap. Some of the things that are considered fundamental rights abroad can be very offensive to African culture and tradition and to the way we live our lives here”. Ezeanya (2009), who described same-sex unions as a moral aberration, blamed “highly powered communication networks with which globalization functions effectively” for serving as tools for globalizing Western values, ideas, and definition of reality. This again raises the age-old issue of cultural imperialism, which is still a touchy one in the world, especially to the developing nations. Unfortunately the developed nations do not appear to be interested in respecting the cultural sensitivities of the developing nations. The mass media are the means by which imperialism takes place. Udeze (2005) explained imperialism as the “subtle conditioning through the mass media of the minds of the people to make them imbibe values that will make their desire for certain goods, services, or ideas increase”.

The Mass Media and the Gay Culture The mass media has become an indispensable feature in people’s daily life because of the myriad roles it performs in society. The traditional roles of the mass media are information, education, mobilization, and entertainment. The mass media in the course of their informational, educational, and entertainment functions expose their audiences to all manner of contents. There have been several debates over the effect of media contents on the audience. It was once thought that the media were all powerful and that their audiences were passive, indeed, helpless before the media. While no one holds that view today, no one doubts that the media has some influence on its audience. This is why the media cannot be separated from culture, for they are carriers of culture. They shape our perceptions of reality through their reportage and interpretation of daily events. Many have argued that media forms like television, film, and print – as well as media content – affect our ways of thinking and seeing the world. In this era of information and communication technologies (ICTs), which make it possible for people in one nation to be exposed to foreign media content, fears have been raised about the impact of such foreign media fare on the local culture of developing countries, like Nigeria. This is the fear of cultural imperialism, which Ugande (2007) referred to when he posited that the constant exposure of African peoples to cultural materials from other nations was making them acquire or imbibe tastes and values that were alien. These values of violence, sex, horror, and many others, expressed through media portrayal, are gradually changing African political, social, and cultural systems. The mass media has thus been

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linked with the popularization of gay culture in the world. Dreher (2012) argued that liberals in the media won the battle on same-sex marriage by portraying traditional views as irrational. Also Igbodo (2012 quoted in Uneze, Unumadu and Uzokwe 2013) commented on the part the media played in promoting homosexuality: The idea of having same-sex relationships was a taboo on our shores. As a matter of fact, it was almost unheard of. It was also embarrassing to see gays walking hand in hand … No it didn’t start here. We saw it on our screens, in the movies, in the tabloids, on our computers as we surfed the net.

As a way of combating cultural imperialism, Ansah (1989 quoted in Okunna 1994) encouraged local production of mass media software to lessen excessive dependence on, and importation of, Western media culture by Third World countries. This will ensure that messages that are compatible with local cultures are built into media content.

Conclusion There is a gale of support for homosexuality across the world. While it has been largely accepted in the West, homosexuality is being stiffly resisted in Nigeria and almost all other parts of Africa. Reasons for such rejection include religion, culture, and the people’s belief about the root cause of homosexuality. While it is argued by some that the homosexual orientation is genetic, others hold that it is acquired. The media are noted to be playing a part in the spread of the gay culture, as people are exposed to media fare that portrays homosexuality positively.

Recommendations Based on the foregoing, the following recommendations are made: The mass media as socializing agents should leverage on their reach and influence to promote and transmit Nigerian cultural values and inoculate Nigerians against foreign cultural domination. This they can do by producing media fare that promotes the nation’s cultural values. The mass media as agenda-setters should also continually advocate for policies that promote Nigerian culture. Parents should monitor the kind of media fare their children are exposed to, in order to check their imbibing of immoral and anti-cultural practices. The family as a primary socializing agent must not shirk its responsibility to teach the children moral values.

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The government should at all times be alive to its constitutional duty to protect, preserve, and promote Nigerian culture. The way to go is to have the courage to prosecute those who break the nation’s Anti Same-sex Prohibition Bill.

References Ajaero, Chris. 2005. “Evil in the Church”. Newswatch. Aug. 22 Alexander, Mary. 2006. “South Africa Legalizes Gay Marriage”. Accessed Feb. 4, 2014. http://www.southafrica.info/services/rights/same-sexmarriage.htm Alexander, Ron. 1994. “The Gay Rights Agenda”. Christian Expositor, 8(1 ):7-12 Anaeto, Solomon, Olufemi Onabajo & James Osifeso. 2008. Models and Theories of Communication. Bowie: African Renaissance. Anichebe, Obiora. 2009. “Humanities and cultural development in Nigeria”. Issues in Nigerian Peoples and Culture, edited by Obiora Anichebe. Nsukka: Afro Orbis. 16-30 Baran, Stanley. 2009. Introduction to Mass Communication: Media Literacy and Culture. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Bowman, Richard. 2009. “Public attitude towards homosexuality in New Zealand.” International Review of Modern Sociology, 9: 229-235. Dreher, Rod. 2012.” Same-sex marriage: Conservative and Liberal Views”. Accessed Jan 23, 2014. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-uscanada-18010391 Ezeanya, Patrick. 2009. “Socio-moral implications of globalization to the African family”. In Issues in Nigerian Peoples and Culture, edited by Obiora Anichebe, 80-112. Nsukka: Afro Orbis. Ghosh, Palash. 2013. “New Frontier? Pope Francis and Desmond Tutu Speak Favourably of Gays and Lesbians”. International Business Times July 29. Accessed Jan. 30, 2014. http://www.ibtimes.com Haider-Markel, Donald and Mark Joslyn. (2008). “Beliefs about the Origin of Homosexuality and support for Gay Rights: An Empirical Test of Attribution Theory”. The Public Opinion Quarterly, 72(2):291-310 Hogan, Caelainn. 2014. “Uganda Gays Face New Wave of Fear under Anti-Gay Bill”. The Daily Beast. Feb.24. Accessed Feb. 24 2014. http://www.dailybeast.com/uganda-gays-face-new-wave-of-fear-underanti-gay- bill Littlejohn, Stephen, and Karen Foss,. 2005. Theories of Human Communication. Boston: Wadsworth.

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McQuail, Denis. 2010. McQuail’s Mass Communication Theory. Los Angeles: Sage. Minwalla, Omar., Simon, Rosser., Jamie Feldman, and Christian Varga. 2005. “Identity Experience among Progressive Gay Muslims in North Africa: A Qualitative Study within Al Fatiha.” Culture, Health and Sexuality, 7 (2):113-128 Ndiribe, Okey, Eyoboka, Sam. and Victoria Ojeme,. 2014. “Gay Marriage law: U.S Threatens to Sanction Nigeria”. Vanguard, Jan.21. Accessed Jan. 24, 2014. http://www.vanguard.com/gay-marriage-us-threatens-tosanction-nigeria. Nsehe, Mfonobong. 2011. “Obama Fights Nigerian Anti-Gay Bill, Threatens to Cut Off Aid.” Forbes. Dec.9. Accessed Jan. 20, 2014. http://www.forbes.com/.../obama-fights-anti-gay-bill-threatens-to-cutoff-aid Nwosu, Ikechukwu. 2007. “Development communication for equitable ecosystem-compliant globalization Paradigm: The UNO, the developed world and the rest of us.” In Communication in Global, ICTs and Ecosystem Perspectives: Insights from Africa, edited by Ikechukwu Nwosu and Oludayo Soola, I- 17. Enugu: Precision. Okunna, Stella. 1994. Introduction to Mass Communication. Enugu: ABIC. Oldmixon, Elizabeth & Brian Calfano. 2007. “The religious dynamics of decision making on gay right issues in the U.S House of Representatives 1993-2002”. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 46. (1):55-70. Accessed Jan. 12, 2014. www.jstor.org/stable/462195 Pew Research Center. 2013. “The Global Divide on Homosexuality”. Accessed Jan.14, 2014. http//www.pewglobal. org Thompson, Chad. 2014. “Loving Homosexuals as Jesus Would”. Unhappy Gay. Feb.25. Accessed Feb.28, 2014. unhappygay.wordpress.com/theamerican-psychological-association Udeze, Sunny. 2005. After the Whirlwind: A Discourse on International Communication. Enugu: Rhyce Kerex Ugande, Gabriel. 2007. “Direct broadcasting satellite and developing nations: Threats and Opportunities”. In Communication in Global, ICTs and Eco-system Perspectives: Insights from Nigeria, edited by Ikechukwu Nwosu and Oludayo Soola, 245-258. Enugu: Precision. Uneze, Genevieve, Unumadu Collins, and Ogechi Uzokwe. 2013. “Media audience perception of gay rights issues in Nigeria: A study of Abuja, Lagos, Kaduna, Enugu and Portharcourt”. B.A. Thesis. University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

CHAPTER THIRTY CURTAILING SECURITY CHALLENGES AND STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC SPACES IN NIGERIA THROUGH MEDIA INVENTIVENESS OSAKUE STEVENSON OMOERA DEPARTMENT OF THEATRE AND MEDIA ARTS AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

AND OLURANTI MARY AIWUYO DEPARTMENT OF THEATRE AND MEDIA ARTS, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract With the declaration of a state of emergency rule in the northern states of Adamawa, Bornu, and Yobe by the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) in May 2013, and the militarization of a number of democratic spaces, the media’s response to security issues in the Nigerian context has become more challenging and direr. Indeed, the issue of national security in democratic Nigeria has come to a head. This is more so because information sharing and security reportage are crucial for effective national security, as development can only thrive in an environment where investors (both Nigerians and other nationals), can feel safe and confident to do business and engage in other productive activities. As the public domain is inundated with strident calls from across the length and breadth of the country and beyond, those at the helm of affairs appear to now agree with the intelligentsia, civil societies, and well-meaning Nigerians on the need to take proactive rather than reactive steps to save the country from going under. The study is anchored by the developmental media, and agenda setting theories of the media. It is within this context that this study uses the historical-analytic methodology to intellectually attempt to put the issue of security challenges in Nigeria in perspective and suggest how,

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through media inventiveness, among other initiatives, democratic spaces in the country can be more secure, vibrant, and productive. Ultimately, this is to ensure that the dividends of democracy get to the greatest number of Nigerians, who have longed for good life in a country so blessed but so poor because of lack of foresightedness of the political leadership, which regrettably perennially runs on a deficit plane. Key words: Democratic space(s), Security, Media inventiveness, Development, Political leadership

Introduction “We have lost everything we met on the land. Cocoa, palm oil, groundnuts, cotton, cashew, and rubber have been forgotten and are better produced by nations that came to learn from us. We have lost our moral compass, our society is fractured, and our statehood is threatened. Our citizens are in all prisons around the world. Some of them prefer foreign prisons to coming back to Nigeria. Our passport is treated with disdain everywhere you present it. Why should our senate leader earn 600 million per annum? Why should each senator earn 30 million per annum? Why should our National Assembly gulp 1.2 trillion naira per annum, while we try to save 1.4 trillion from subsidy removal? Why should our government be this big, with special advisers on cassava and beans affairs? Do we need 36 profligate ministers? Why would our president spend close to a billion on food while close to eighty percent live on less than a dollar per day? Why should he budget a billion for generators and diesel when he is urging us to believe in his power sector reform? What does our president need 6 private jets for? Why do our governors move around with twenty-vehicle convoys, while David Cameron has just two vehicles and one outrider? Why should our politicians keep their salaries when Obama slashed his? Why should we continue to be wasteful when the handwriting on the wall says “danger”? Why...”

The rather long and caustic but candid quote above is only a part of a piece entitled “Many Rivers to Cross”, anonymously posted on the Facebook social media platform in 2010, in the heat of the fuel subsidy removal crisis in Nigeria. It clearly speaks of the myriad developmental issues, including security challenges, bedevilling contemporary society, and recalls the leadership deficit challenge in Africa, particularly in Nigeria. It was this same point the immortal mortal, Chinua Achebe, bemoaned in his classic The Problem with Nigeria over three decades ago, which he insistently reiterated in 2012, in what one may call his last testament on

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the ‘Nigerian Project’ - There was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra, where it appeared that he had lost hope for the country. An unassailable illustration of this leadership deficit index in Nigeria (Africa) is the inability of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, for the umpteenth time, to locate an African leader on whom to confer its annual leadership award, because, as its managers say, they cannot find an African leader who has been able to bring his people out of poverty and believes in the processes and procedures of democratic elections and ethos (BBC African News 2014). Other studies have also identified leadership as the greatest challenge facing 21st century Nigeria in particular, and Africa in general (Wali 2013; Oyedepo 2013; Osaghae 1998). While maintaining that leadership is not an endowment but a commitment to the future, Oyedepo (2013, 3) asserts that: “Leadership is not occupying a seat; it is accomplishing a feat. It is not occupying a position; it is making outstanding contributions. It is not occupying a place; it is setting a pace; it is an art that must be continuously and intelligibly developed.” But why have African leaders, particularly Nigerian leaders, refused to learn and develop? Why have they allowed the multifaceted problems of corruption, unemployment, poor infrastructure, primitive acquisition of wealth, etc, to become so entrenched as to pose serious security threats to everyone (including themselves) in hollow democratic spaces? And, how can the media inventively respond to, and help to curtail, mounting security challenges, and strengthen democratic spaces for even development in society? It is in this regard that this paper hopes to contribute to one of the subthemes of this conference, which is on the humanities and the question of security in 21st century Africa, by using Nigeria as the fulcrum of discussion. In Nigeria, the deterioration of state structures has led to a corresponding increase in the uncertainty and insecurity of daily living (Omoera 2013, 49), as many Nigerians have longed and yearned for good life in a country so blessed but so poor because of a leadership deficit and lack of foresightedness. In this regard, Tsaaior (2013, 2) recalls Achebe’s artistic endeavour as he has consistently invested his oeuvre with timeless didactic currents, which speak to and about Nigeria and Africa’s distressed condition. As part of his irrevocable commitment to the national ideal in his aesthetics, Achebe has also acquired a solid reputation for speaking to government authorities in undisguised and powerful cadences. Appropriately, he has been denouncing in unequivocal and unambiguous terms the political shenanigans in postcolonial Nigeria associated with an entrenched culture of corruption, irresponsible governance, and pervasive insecurity.

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Security challenges occasioned by institutionalized political corruption, ethnic chauvinism, and economic injustice are threatening to tear apart democratic Nigeria. This has prompted, among other efforts, the frantic militarization of communities in the Niger Delta, north eastern parts, and pockets of other areas where insurgents, hoodlums, ethnic militias, etc. have reared their heads by the Nigerian government. Although such ventures are aimed at ensuring the security of lives and properties of Nigerians, as well as other nationals in the country, it appears that they have now exacerbated the level of insecurity, and democratic space(s) are worst hit. People are hardly able to move freely or do business in many areas of the country. Ate (2011, 12) observes that the “Nigerian democracy is threatened by security challenges like kidnappings, armed robbery, ritual killings, ethic skirmishes, bombing, and unwanted destruction of lives and properties, among others.” The issue now is how can the situation be redressed to allow for necessary development in Nigeria to take place? How, among other initiatives, can the media deploy their inventiveness to curtail the security challenges Nigeria has inadvertently thrust upon itself? This is what constitutes the crux of this chapter. Democracy by whatever definition is ascribed to it is fundamentally about the building and sustenance of equality in society. This implies that democracy is a system of government in which every individual participates in the process of governance, superintended by those that have been elected into power through popular consultation (Izibili and Eribo 2008; Kura 2013). It follows therefore that popular participation, freedom of speech, religion, and the preservation of the rights of people are critical to democracy. It is the responsibility of a democratically elected government to nourish democratic ethos and open up democratic space(s) in any polity for development to take place. Indeed, the practical operations of democratic governance are equal to the security of the people. Security is all about people being free from danger, free from harm, and thus enjoying protection, safety, care, support, etc, in a polity. Historically, one cannot confidently say the Nigerian citizens have been availed of sufficient democratic space(s) by the various governments in Nigeria, whether military or civilian in view, of Achebe’s and Tsaaior’s earlier observations. Governance is about motivating people to achieve certain deliverables for the greater good of society. In other words, government exists for the common good of the society, where key sectors such as the economy, the polity, and the legal system, education, and diplomacy, cultural, moral, religious, and family values are given priority to ensure prosperity,

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sustainable growth, and the security of the generality of the people. Haftendorn (1991, 3) posits that the situation of security assures survival of a state, its territorial integrity, repulsion of a military attack, defense and protection of citizens’ life and property, protection of economic welfare, and social stability. The concern for security is a basic preoccupation of every nation and, indeed, of every human person or community. This is because security affects not only the satisfaction of human needs, but also the fundamental issue of the survival of people or the nation. It is only under a secure atmosphere that individuals within the state can engage in productive activities to meet their needs. Similarly, it is under a secure atmosphere that the state can effectively mobilize its human and material resources for meaningful and sustainable development (Imobighe 1998, 10-11; Ajagun 2011, 171). The trillion naira question that arises is how secure are African states, including Nigeria, to create room for concrete development? The various crises that have marked the continent’s recent history demonstrate that there is a need to reflect on the issue of security and democratic governance in Africa more seriously. Terrorism, brazen corruption, religious fundamentalism, organized crime networks, and illicit trafficking of all kinds have taken center-stage; they pose a danger to people’s well-being and impose new challenges and jeopardize the authority and sovereignty of different countries. Reflecting on the relationship between security, democratic governance, and human security becomes a theoretical imperative in order to be able to confront the challenges of building sustainable democratic governance systems in Africa in the twenty-first century.

Theoretical Mooring Attempts made at curtailing insecurity and opening up democratic space(s) are usually aimed at developing the human capital and community for greater dividends. It is in recognition of this fact that this paper theoretically relies on the developmental media and social responsibility theories of the media as conceptual moorings. Developmental media theory advocates that the media could be used to facilitate the process of socioeconomic development of a country (Baran and Davis 1995; Baran 2004). The theoretical construct further holds that by supporting development efforts, the media could be an aid to society at large. In other words, the media could and should be used to rally people, infrastructure, and institutions in aid of national development in contemporary society. Hence, the media can help to prioritize societal issues, including security

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and sustainable development issues in a human community such as Nigeria. Equally, the social responsibility theory, which derives from the synthesis of thoughts put forward in the Hutchins Commission’s report of 1947 (Siebert, Peterson and Schram 1963), stresses the media’s obligation to society, among other things, and assumes that the press is responsible for performing some essential roles (Umechukwu 2001). Having examined the positions of McQuail, and Baran and Davis, Ekeli (2012, 37) captures the basic principles of the social responsibility theory as follows: x x x x x x

x

Media should accept and fulfill certain obligations to society. These obligations are mainly to be met by setting high or professional standards of informativeness, truth, accuracy, objectivity, and balance. In accepting and applying these obligations, media should be selfregulating within the framework of law and established institutions. The media should avoid whatever might lead to crime, violence, or civil disorder to give offence to minority groups. The media as a whole should be pluralistic and reflect the diversity of their society, giving access to various points of view and right of reply. Society and the public have a right to expect high standards of performance, and intervention can be justified to secure society and ensure public good. Journalists and media professionals should be accountable to society as well as employers and the market.

Salawu (2013, 43) adds that though the effectiveness of mass media as the sole agent of opinion formation, attitude change, and mass mobilization can be quite suspect, what is certain is that the media can set agenda in the sense of determining the issues the public thinks and talks about, that is, raising people’s consciousness. The place of these theories in this study can be seen in the appreciated necessity for the media to be proactively involved in drawing the attention of the Nigerian populace/people to the possibilities of firmly holding the political leadership accountable, to ensure that the dividends of democracy get to the generality of Nigerians within a peaceful atmosphere where insecurity is reduced to its barest minimum. It is within the dynamics of the developmental media and social responsibility theories of the media that this paper examines the interventionist role of the media in curtailing security challenges and strengthening democratic space(s) in Nigeria.

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Nigeria, a Case of Arrested Development? Many studies indicate that the problem of Nigeria lies in its defective foundation for nationhood (Achebe 1998; 2012; Tsaaior 2010; 2013). Nigeria inspired a lot of optimism and promise at birth, and was seen as a country with the manifest destiny to lead the Black race, but brazen corruption and failed leadership, which has now snowballed into monumental insecurity, appears to have crippled it into a state of arrested development (Osaghae 1998; Omoera 2008; Tsaaior 2013). However, Onimhawo and Ottuh (2007, 93) have noted that: “In any nation, what is needed for rapid development is peace, security, and unity. In this sense, national development implies economic growth, modernization in terms of scientific and technological development, socio-economic transformation, and distributive justice.” These are all of course the deliverables of responsive and responsible democratic systems. How much of these deliverables are those at the helm of affairs in Nigeria sincerely pursuing or have achieved? This is another trillion naira question staring all of us in the face. Omole (2011, 66-67) observes that in the Nigerian society, “hundreds of thousands of our youth … seek admission into schools, but cannot be placed because of limited vacancies… Those that passed the admission examination cannot matriculate. They have no option of vocational schools; neither do they have jobs to occupy their hands and minds”. Rather than becoming part of a process of national development, they become a threat to national security. It bears mention here that the public universities are recurrently closed down due to the failure of the government to properly fund them and truly make them centers of learning, which can contribute to the process of accelerative development in Nigeria. To Tsaaior (2013, 9), what Nigeria is experiencing today represents the decrepitude and systemic dysfunction that defined failed nation-states. The several attempts at democratizing the country and its educational, social, political, and economic space(s) or spheres have virtually ended in fiascos. In fact, Achebe argues that: “There is no true democratic process in the country” (Achebe 2012, 245). Such a position may have also informed the tagging of democratic governance in Nigeria (as well as in Kenya and Zimbabwe), as “democracy without credible elections” (Igbuzor 2010, 3), characterized by “manipulation of ethnicity and religion, weak institutions, and poor infrastructure” (Aigbokhan 2011, 45-46). This is why the media and other developmental agents need to be strategically deployed to refocus, reinvent, and accelerate the process of

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socioeconomic reengineering, to get the country out of the woods into which its political leaders across generations have plunged it. We should underline at this juncture that the threat to democratic space(s) in Nigeria is traceable to the activities of the British in the country. Tsaaior (2013, 8) notes that: “An interesting sub-plot in this narrative of a defective foundation for Nigerian nationhood is the culture of elections in Nigeria, which are mere selections of preferred candidates who are mostly incompetent and lack the requisite credentials to occupy public offices and positions of trust and responsibility. It is interesting that this undemocratic culture started with the British colonialists, who in their imperial posturing, constituted themselves as civilizing agents and purveyors of a democratic ideal for the colonies.” Tsaaior (2013, 8) further contends that: “It is manifest that Nigeria’s serpentine, tortuous, and torturous journey to nationhood was destined to come to grief and misfortune based essentially on its defective beginning. This started with the satraps of the imperial and colonial enterprise, the British administrators who created regional squabbles, ethnic rivalries, sectional sentiments, and political instability long before they retreated to metropolitan London.” The nationalists who slipped into the vacated political positions did so with an air of imperial arrogance and cult of personality as veritable heirs to the departing colonialists, not as humane and visionary founding fathers. They proceeded to build on the colonial legacies of divide and rule, ethnicity, regional loyalties, religious bigotry and political intolerance, skewed quota system, fuzzy federal character, etc. All these led to political wrangling across the length and breadth of the country, which culminated in a series of putsches and political torpedoes that marked watershed moments in the last two and a half decades of the 20th century in Nigeria. Ugor (2004, 75) argues that: Nigeria as a nation has not recovered… from the backlash of the economic depression, which peaked in the 1980s, and the woes that came with the institutionalization of military rule for over two and a half decades. In spite of the enthronement of democracy, which brought with it greater freedom for the citizenry and a benign atmosphere for foreign investments, the nation is still under the yoke of weighty economic problems – unemployment, irregular wages, high poverty level and general low standard of living. The result of all these has been a meteoric rise in robbery, ritual murder, arson, and a general atmosphere of insecurity.

With all these challenges to contend with in the country, Ibagere and Omoera (2010, 69) observe that: “It is hardly surprising that the various attempts at democratization have failed abysmally.” This is evident in the

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increasing bifurcations in virtually all vital sectors of the Nigerian economy, rise of ethnic militias, pauperization of Nigerian masses, gender disparity, escalation in crime waves, among other problems tugging at the heart of Nigeria. For instance, from the testimonies of many kidnap victims, it could be said that the motives behind kidnapping include poverty, high rate of unemployment, “get-rich-quick” syndrome, porous and inadequate security or intelligence gathering, greed, and the erosion of the value system. More painful is the blind denial that ‘all is well’ by those at the helm of affairs. For instance, President Goodluck Jonathan, in a Presidential Media Chat of September 29, 2013, which was televised live on major TV networks, insisted that corruption was not the main problem of Nigeria, and that the country was not bankrupt because the economic indices were strongly positive. However, the evidence-based critical readings by Achebe, Osaghae, Tsaaior, Oyedepo, and others of Nigeria’s political and economic physiognomy run contrary to the official position held by the state, as represented by the statements of the Nigerian president. Indeed, Achebe pointedly remarks that “the main problem in contemporary Nigerian society, as well as in many independent African societies, is the lack of restraint in wielding power, added to an unbridled scramble for materialism, which in most cases result in the destruction of democratic principles” (Ojinmah 1991, vii). An irrefutable outcome of this is that “Nigeria ranks as one of the most corrupt countries in the world” (Fafiolu 2013, 21). The foregoing has led to and aggravated the rise of militant groups such as Ahlan Sunnah Lid Da’waati wal Jihad Yaanaa popularly called Boko Haram, with links to Al-Qaeda, Al-Shabab, and Islamic State of Syria and the Levant (ISIL) terrorists networks, Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), etc, operating with impunity to the detriment of lives and properties in Nigeria, Kenya, Egypt, Yemen, and elsewhere. In the Nigerian context, Oviasogie (2013, 29) contends that the inability of the Nigerian state to respond adequately to nipping the phenomenon of terrorism in the bud poses serious danger to the country’s nascent democracy and economic development. Coupled with this is the issue of porous borders, where it is reported that there are over 1,997 illegal routes through which foreigners can enter Nigeria, thereby increasing the internal security challenges. Not to mention the poverty crisis, which not only causes extremism but also plays havoc in other scenarios such as the gruesome political and ethnic violence that is witnessed in Nigeria and around the world on regular basis (Ogbonnaya 2013).

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The Media and Security Imperative of Democratic Space(s) for Development The mass media have tremendous influence on diverse issues in contemporary society. Ekpu (2007) states that the role of the media, with particular emphasis on democracy and development, includes: x x x

To keep the people informed so that they can make good political choices and participate in the process of nation building. To provide critical information by updating the public on political candidates and issues that are relevant to their existence. To set an agenda for the public by highlighting such issues as human rights, rule of law, protection of minorities and other marginalized groups, corruption, and development.

The effectiveness of the media in discharging the above functions, according to Ekpu, depends on: the quality of the media personnel, ownership, poverty level, ethnicity, civil society, professionalism, ethical orientation of the media, religion, influences on the media such as powerful groups, advertisers, and public relations people. Sambe (2008) argues that the number one task of the mass communicator/media professional is “recording history.” He adds that the instantaneous nature of mass communication also empowers communicators, as they are “doing more than recording history; they are helping to shape it” (Sambe, 2008, 226). Hence, the media have a lot of influence on issues relating to governance and development. Nzimiro (1988) further confirms this assertion: In any given society, the role of the state is to mediate amongst different interests such as trade unions, student unions, the academic staff unions, church organizations, etc. Each of these groups has their own interests. The state is to mediate and ensure that the interests of these various groups are looked into. The press in such a society is supposed to articulate the interest of each section and to defend their interest, to remind the controller of the state power that justice, as spelt out in the law of the land, is melted out to each group. Here, the journalists play the role to ensure that no section or group is hurt.

In other words, functional media are critical to the development process of any country, where they (the media) help to accelerate socio-economic, socio-cultural, and socio-political changes for national progress. In this regard, Ate (2011) firmly asserts that the importance of the mass media in the art of governance cannot be underestimated, as he underlines

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McQuail’s roadmap of the variety of forms of governance that apply to the media, which includes: o The protection of essential interests of the state and of public order, including the prevention of public harm; o The safeguarding of individual rights and interests; o Meeting the needs of the media industry for a stable and supportive operating environment. o Promotion of freedom and other communication and cultural variables; o Encouraging technological innovation and economic enterprise; o Setting technical and infrastructural standards; o Meeting international obligations, including observance of human rights, and o Encouraging media accountability.

Aside from governance, the media have enormous powers in influencing the economic decisions of the society. Daramola (2003) affirms that the media, both in structure and content, have an intricate relationship with the economy in its geographical location. He contends that without the media, society’s economic life would be bound to suffer. He acknowledges the influence of the press for its direct contribution to the Gross National Product (GNP) through its impact on productivity and employment. Aside from this, the influence of the media can also be appreciated from an economic point for the volume of advertising which they handle, and the series of economic activities which they expose their audiences to, almost simultaneously. It is in view of this that Ate (2011) claims that the mass media have direct influence as a social force on a person and a thing, which explains the social effect of the media in society. Consequently, professionals managing communication media channels – radio, television, film, social media, and print in Nigeria must creatively explore ways of productively engaging the minds and hands of the people, especially the youths. Beyond traditional functions of edutainment, infotainment, and diversion, media professionals need to extend their corporate social responsibility (CSR) functions to include collaborations with other well meaning organizations to provide platforms for the youth to unleash their talents and creativity and get empowered economically. For instance, Independent Television and Radio (ITV/Radio) Benin, signed an MOU in July 2013, with Pik Entertainment to organize a talent hunt show, “Dream Alive with Pikolo” in stand-up comedy, singing, and dancing, etc. in Edo and Delta States of south-south Nigeria. Such deliberate interventionist efforts to engage youths need to be encouraged and emulated by other media outfits in Nigeria to expand the platforms of opportunities for the growing jobless population.

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To contemplate the size of the hordes of idle hands in this region and other areas of the country is to test the burden of vices that can come out of the devil’s workshop. In fact, it is common knowledge that the youth are susceptible to vagaries of influences from their environment. This is understandable because they exist within a period of life when their perceptive sensory organs have been fully sharpened, especially by exposure (Nwamuo and Esekong 2004, 79). Those interested in the “Nigeria Project,” including the media, must recognize this fact and put structures in place to determine the quality of ideas or influences to which the youths are exposed. A situation where legislators in the chambers of Edo and Rivers States Houses of Assembly and in other fora, engage in thug-like fights, speak volume of the deficit in the political leadership and set bad examples for the growing generations of Nigerians. The media must take advantage of the freedom of information act (FOIA) to engage in more incisive, investigative, and responsible journalism. The current level of pervasive corruption in public offices, where anyone who gets into elective or appointive office sees it as an opportunity to eat his/her portion of the ‘national cake’, must be condemned roundly and tirelessly by the media. The media must hold the government accountable and make it fulfil its role of providing or synergizing with civil society organizations to provide human capital development. There is nothing wrong with the government at any level collaborating with organizations such as Lift Above Poverty Organizations (LAPO) to expand space(s) of opportunities for the teeming Nigerian youths. This is underscored by the fact that “the overriding objective (of development) is to build legitimate institutions that can provide a sustained level of citizen security, justice, and jobs” (Igbinovia 2011, 4). Finding a way to beef up security through surveillance programmes and activities should be of paramount importance too to the Nigerian media and their managers. Grassroots media should be encouraged, together with community policing, to ensure crimes are promptly reported, or nipped in the bud before they are even committed. Hoffmann (2007, 154) asserts that instrumental as a media function is, it’s all about using the media to transmit information that is useful and helpful in everyday life. Therefore, the first line on security should not be physical security but intelligence and interception capabilities, and the media in its variegated forms should be critical of all of these in a 21st century world. Countries like the United States of America (USA), England, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Kenya, etc, heavily rely on media surveillance for proactive, daily, security operations. For instance, the Saudi Arabian authorities have, for years, deployed thousands of closed circuit televisions (CCTVs), among

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other media gadgets, as part of the security management systems of protecting the lives and properties of their citizens, as well as Muslim pilgrims who come from around the world to observe religious obligations all year round. In Nigeria, security programmes such as CrimeWatch, on Edo Broadcasting Service television, CrimeFighters on ITV, NTA, etc, have been used by media managers to appraise or furnish the public with crucial security tips and information, as well as assist security operatives on zeroing in on criminal hideouts and flashpoints. More such programmes need to be resourcefully floated by both print and electronic media channels in Nigeria to help stem the rising tide of crime and criminalities, and reassure the masses of their safety. Citizen journalism can be used to reinforce security programmes for the broader media. Although there are questions of challenges to the veracity of its content, if creatively and professionally deployed, Okoro, Diri, and Odii (2013, 4) note that a rather amazing benefit of citizen journalism is that it delivers news almost at the speed of lightning. It has surpassed the immediacy of the broadcast media (radio and television). Citizen journalism, via social media, spreads news like wild harmattan fire in split seconds, apparently because the news does not need to wait for any editor to process it. Feedback is also immediate. The audience has the opportunity to react to the news instantly, and even add to the content. This is why citizen journalism has been called “We Media”. In fact, we can simplify it by calling it “Our Media”. This is because the content of this brand of journalism is what we make it. This can be very useful in Boko Haram and post-Boko Haram Nigeria to secure democratic space(s). Indeed, Muhammed-Nasiru and Kasimu (2011, 15) assert that surveillance information and communication technologies (ICTs) as tools for information gathering and security management remain a vital aspect of our life. It is important to note that at the federal, state, local government, and even in remote, areas, security management has become an issue of national and international concern. The contribution of surveillance and ICT in security management goes beyond the comprehension of the ordinary man on the street. However, at this critical stage of national life, where insecurity of lives and properties remain an issue of concern, and where people now live in uncertainty and fear, where they are forced to sleep with one eye open, the employment of surveillance and ICTs seems vital. Importantly too, the media can be innovatively involved in intelligence gathering and strengthening response capacity of authorities concerned in times of security threats and scares. Looking at the larger African context, Shaw (2013, 4) argues that to maximize its development

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and security, Africa needs to advance “network” or “public” rather than traditional “club” diplomacy, involving civil society and private companies, as well as states and intergovernmental agencies, using new technologies/media. In the same vein, the media need to take the lead in addressing the issue of pervasive ignorance in the country. A situation where over 70 percent of the citizens are illiterate does not augur well for a society in the age of information and communication technology, where virtually all economies are knowledge based. Moreover, the economic literacy level of the Nigerian populace is unbearably low. Such situations breed ignoramuses and create room for rumour mongering and poor human capital development, which eventually leads to widespread insecurity. The media can intervene by way of designing and mounting educational programmes on security and terrorism. For instance, the short but highly informative security tips before and after every news broadcast on virtually all Nigerian television and radio channels is a step in the right direction towards securing democratic spaces, and more of such enlightenment programmes should be aired or printed for the effective education of the Nigerian masses on security and terrorism matters. Again, the mental poverty level is intolerably high and the many years of suffering appear to have exacerbated the warped mental abilities and capacities of the Nigerian masses, to the extent that they find it extremely difficult to sufficiently contribute concretely to the development processes of their fatherland. Unfortunately, the political leadership seems to be very pleased and comfortable with this somewhat dwarfed position of a greater number of Nigerians who are hardly able to feed, let alone organize themselves enough to articulate issues. This is the observation of Oladimeji Olaniyi in his syntactic analysis of two of Olu Obafemi’s poems, Song of Hope and Only Hope Persists. Olaniyi analytically captures the precarious state of affairs in Nigeria. He argues that the poems are a lamentation of the indigent Nigerians who are being underfed, while politicians, their malefactors, are overfed. These politicians horrendously keep the gap between them and the helpless poor wide (Olaniyi 2013, 14). Though it appears that the thick-skinned political leaders are willing for the situation to remain like this forever, the Nigerian media must acknowledge this critical point and devise means of reversing it. The media – radio, television, newspaper, internet, etc. - must determinedly produce programs aimed at revolutionalizing; sensitizing the minds of Nigerian masses, especially the youths, towards development. As Nigeria strives to democratize itself, the media must help to bring the country’s human and material resources to bear on its developmental efforts. More programs such as “Political Platform”, “Focus Nigeria”, and

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“Matters Arising” on African Independent Television (AIT), “Political Discourse” and “Politics Today”, on Independent Television (ITV), and “Point Blank” on the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), need to be designed and mounted to openly debate development options available, track development efforts, and put government authorities in check for the greater interest of the country. The coalescence of effective media and the public sphere is a synergy that brings about true democracy, sustainable development, and good governance. In this regard, the media must also shun sensationalism and be a committed agent of democratizing space(s) for development in Nigeria by being interpretative of societal happenings for the common good of all. A situation where a Nigerian newspaper on the 1st of August 2013, screamed in its front page that “Oshiomhole Shuts Down Benin Airport”, when the actual issues on the ground were a far cry from such sensationalism, must be resisted and avoided. The ethics of proper journalism and of balanced reportage of news on any matter must be the watchword for media professionals and organizations across the country. Another example comes from the Nigerian media’s seemingly shallow interpretation and analysis of some of the statements of former President Goodluck Jonathan during the Presidential Media Chat of September 29, 2013. The president had said that state universities had no reason to join federal universities in industrial action to compel the government to honor an agreement it willingly entered into with ASUU in 2009. To all intents and purposes, this statement evaded the issue at hand, and the media ought to have given a more balanced interpretation of it by profiling the background and circumstances leading to the educational imbroglio. Instead, virtually all the media – TV, radio, Internet, print - were awash the following day with sensational statements such as “President Jonathan advocates a review of labor laws to check the excesses of ASUU”. This is a sensationally skewed statement, which turns reason on its head, considering the issues on the ground, which the media ought to objectively interpret and suggest the way forward from for national security and development, especially considering the embarrassing circumstances that kept youths in Nigerian public universities at home for over five months. The Nigerian media, as a bastion of hope of the common man and watchdog, must avoid playing to the gallery, ensure that no harm touches the truth, and should be clearly seen to be doing in-depth, balanced analysis of situations for the greater national interest, not a section of it. Media professionals must live above board by going for hard facts in any matter of both public and private interests. This way, the media will be helping to strengthen the democratic ethos through responsible and

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responsive practices. Professionals in the media sector should genuinely lead the way in the mental revolution of Nigerians to be more involved in the process of producing their leaders. This will ensure that the leaders will be sensitive to their needs. In compliance with the foregoing, Nigerian media professionals must avoid the syndrome of the proverbial “house divided against itself”. Jibo and Okoosi-Simbine (2003, 181) noted this in the relations between Southern/Northern Nigerian media due to the age-long politics of the North-South divide that pervades social interactions in the country. They cite the well-known event of 1974, which is generally referred to as the Daboh-Tarka affair. It was one instance in which the Nigerian media demonstrated its North/South divide over an issue of probity in public office. There have been several cases of corruption in which the media were bitterly divided along ethnic/regional lines. Such actions tend to compromise the avowed responsibility the media are charged with, as they generally tend to treat allegations of corruption with benign neglect, or at best engage in claims and counter claims that do the country more harm than good. Nigerian media professionals must close ranks and put national interest, security, and development above regional loyalty or partisanship. Indeed, the media in Nigeria should be used to breakdown and overcome the scales of exclusion, and strengthen the bonds of inclusion in Nigerian society. This is because the media are expected to assist Nigeria in repositioning itself as a democratic polity with a strong commitment to transparency and accountability, as enshrined in chapter two, section 22 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Okhakhu 2010; Omoera 2008; Jibo and Okoosi-Simbine 2003). The media must help to strengthen the ties that bind the different sections of Nigeria, and be more reflective of positive values for the common good of all Nigerians. In doing this, Nigerian media professionals must not work at cross-purposes with other agents of development such as nongovernmental organizations, security operatives, and community-based organizations. In fact, there should be a greater synergy between the media and security agencies for lasting peace, harmony, and a sense of belonging, which are critical nuts and bolts for enduring democracy and development. The media should play up the mantras of moderation, living less ostentatious lives, and the development of more altruistic attitudes of voluntarism, charity, and fairness, which are the greatest instruments of what Imobighe (1998, 10) designates as “human security”. Furthermore, there is a need for constant interface between functional media and development workers for the delivery of responsive democracy and not the

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self-serving democracy which the current Nigerian political leadership is enmeshed in (though they want us to believe otherwise). Equally important, is the urgent need for the media to develop programs on, and encourage policy makers to emplace a national social policy to help address social exclusion and extreme poverty, which are the twin breeding grounds for youth restiveness and other antisocial tendencies in contemporary Nigeria. There is likewise the pressing need for the media and other development agents to canvass for gender parity and female empowerment. These are critical keys to poverty reduction, economic prosperity, community peace, and family bonding in developing societies, including Nigeria. This thinking may have informed the United Nations Organization’s (UNO’s) celebration of the 2014 World Radio Day, with the theme “Gender Equality and Female Empowerment”, as a means of drawing the attention of governments, development workers, and agencies, including the media, to the necessity to promote gender equality and female empowerment. Raising the level of female participation in development efforts in Nigeria will inevitably promote the expansion of democratic spaces, ensure social justice, and provide safety nets for the socially excluded.

Conclusion There is a consensus of opinion that the issue of leadership constitutes the greatest challenge in Nigeria, and indeed in Africa. This chapter has argued that it is the failure of leadership at all levels of authority that has spiraled into massive corruption, misappropriation of government funds, high level of unemployment, extreme poverty, emergence of ethnic militias, high rates of armed robbery and kidnapping, among other security challenges that now threaten the corporate existence of Nigeria. Therefore, the media, in contributing to the collage of efforts to redress the situation, must inventively seek new ways of making Nigerian leaders accountable to the people for whom they hold power. This will ensure round pegs are put in round holes; profligate white elephants are eliminated, along with stashing of government moneys in foreign vaults; reduction of public corruption to its barest minimum; provision of safety nets and opportunities for the unemployed and the socially excluded; and respect for the rule of law. Consequently, over time, the tension-prone regions of the country, which are crime-prone and fraught with youth restiveness, will begin to calm down and give way to concrete and secure development and the emplacement of democratic ethos. Oyedepo (2013) notes, though in a slightly different context, that: “The thrust of our vision is to create

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leadership imbued with strong character. We want to build people of depth, a revolutionary army of intellectual giants, a people to be envied, young men and women in pursuit of a vision, driven with unquenchable passion, countless exploits in every direction, a people of honour set to take the world by storm.” The point being made is that the character of a leader determines the character of the people or organization he/she leads, and this readily translates into the proper definition of democracy and development in the context of a nation.

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Ekpu, Ray. 2007. “The Press, Public Opinion and Democracy”. A Paper delivered at the Centre for Presidential Studies, lgbinedion University, October 30, 2007, Okada, Edo State. Fafiolu, Gloria O. 2013. “Nollywood: A Viable Vehicle of Public Diplomacy in Nigeria”. New Media and Mass Communication 11: 2124. Haftendorn, Helga. 1991. “The Security Puzzle: Theory-Building and Discipline-Building in International Security”. International Studies Quarterly 35 (1): 3-17. Hoffmann, Michael. 2007. Dictionary of Mass Communication. New Delhi: Academic (India) Publishers. Ibagere, E. and Omoera, Osakue S. 2010. “The Democratization Process and the Nigerian Theatre Artiste”. Studies of Tribes and Tribals 8 (2):67-75. Igbinovia, Patrick E. 2011. “Policing out of Nothing: The Police, Politics, and Development in Nigeria”. Ekpoma Journal of Social Sciences 5 (2): 1-39. Igbuzor, Otive. “Democratic Governance: The Role of International Community”. A Paper Presented at the Afri-Network for Empowerment and Economic Justice (ANEEJ) One-Day Workshop, March 5, 2010, Abuja, Federal Capital Territory. 1-13. Imobighe, Thomas A. 1998. The Management of National Security. An Inaugural Lecture of Edo State University, Ekpoma, Series 10. Ekpoma: Edo State University Publishing House. Izibili, Mathew and Eribo, Nosa M. 2008. “Functional Democracy in Nigeria: A Philosophical Evaluation of Democratic Ethics.” Iroro: A Journal of Arts 13 (1&2):1-10. Jibo, Mvendaga and Antonia T. Okoosi-Simbine. 2003. “The Nigerian Media: An Assessment of its Role in Achieving Transparent and Accountable Government in the Fourth Republic”. Nordic Journal of African Studies 12 (2): 180-195. Kura, Sulaiman B. “The Pragmatics of Inclusive and Participatory Budgeting: A Conceptual Note”. The Constitution: A Journal of Constitutional Development 13 (1): 23-39. Ogbonnaya, Ufiem M. 2013. “Globalization, Religious Extremism and Security Challenges in the Twenty-First Century”. Journal of Sustainable Society 2 (2): 59-65. Ojinmah, Umelo. 1991. Chinua Achebe: New Perspectives. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Okhakhu, Marcel. 2010. “Public Interest and Media Economics.” Benin Mediacom Journal I-4:93-102.

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Okoro, Nnanyelugo, Christian T. Diri, and Chijioke Odii. 2013. “Citizen Journalism in Nigeria: Possibilities and Challenges”. New Media and Mass Communication 11: 1-7. Olaniyi, Oladimeji K. 2013. “A Syntactic Analysis of Olu Obafemi’s Song of Hope and Only Hope Persists.” EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts 4 (1&2):14 -28. Omoera, S. Osakue. 2008. “Public Relations in a Growing Democracy: A Study of the Nigerian Situation.” Enwisdomization: An International Journal for Learning and Teaching Wisdom 4 (1&2): 63-76. —. 2013. “Bridging the Gap: Answering the Questions of Crime, Youth Unemployment and Poverty through Film Training in Benin, Nigeria”. In The Education of the Filmmaker in Africa, the Middle East and the Americas, edited by Mette Hjort, 39-57. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Omole, Wale. 2011. “Rethinking Tertiary Education Financing in Nigeria”. The Constitution: A Journal of Constitutional Development 11 (3): 66-76. Onihawo, John A. and Ottuh, Peter O. 1998. “Religious Extremism: A Challenge to National Unity and Development”. Iroro: Journal of Arts 12 (1&2):88-96. Osaghae, Eghosa E. 1998. Crippled Giant: Nigeria since Independence. London: Hurst and Company. Oviasogie, Osasumwen F. 2013. “State Failure, Terrorism and Global Security: An Appraisal of the Boko Haram Insurgency in Northern Nigeria.” Journal of Sustainable Society 2 (1): 20-30. Oyedepo, David. 2013. “Living the Covenant Dream – Our Leadership Development Mandate”. A Paper Delivered at the Eighth Graduation Ceremony of the Covenant University, July 26, 2013, Ota, Ogun State. Muhammed-Nasiru, Ikhazuagbe and Kasimu, Sule. “Surveillance, Information and Communication Technologies (ICTS) as Tools for Information Gathering and Security Management”. A Paper Presented at the National Conference/AGM of the Institute of Mass Communication & Information Management of Nigeria (IMIM), November 18, 2011, Akure, Ondo State. 1-18. Nwamuo, Chris and Andrew Esekong. 2004. “Complexities in the Development of the Nigerian Youth”. Theatre Studies Review: A Journal of Theory, Criticism, Aesthetics, Administration, History and Practice of Theatre Arts 4 (1):79-92. Nzimiro, Ikenna.1998. “Governance and the Press: What Relationship?” In Contemporary Issues in Mass Media for Development and National Security, edited by Ralph Akinfeleye. Lagos: Unimedia Publication.

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Tsaaior, James T. (2010). “The Private, the Public and the Prophetic: Politics of Achebe’s Art and Fifty Years of Things Fall Apart.” The Atlantic Literary Review Quarterly 11 (2):78-94. —. 2013. “From Cultural Nationalism to a National Democratic Culture: Chinua Achebe’s There was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra.” SMC Journal of Cultural and Media studies 2 (1):1-19. Salawu, Abiodun. 2013. “Recall of Politics of Identity in the Narratives of the Nigerian Press.” Journal of Communication 4 (1): 41-48. Sambe, John A. 2008. Introduction to Mass Communication Practice in Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd. Shaw, Timothy M. 2013. “African Agency versus Dependency: From Fragile to Developmental States in the 21st century”. The Constitution: A Journal of Constitutional Development 13(1):1-22. Siebert, Fred S., Peterson, Theodore, and Wilbur, Schramm. 1963. Four Theories of the Press. Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press. Ugor, Paul. 2004. “Folklore, History, Identity and Social Critique: Classifying Popular Indigenous Igbo Video Films”. Theatre Studies Review: A Journal of Theory, Criticism, Aesthetics, Administration, History and Practice of Theatre Arts 4 (1): 64 -78. Umechukwu, P.O.J. 2001. Mass Media and Nigerian Society: Developmental Issues and Problems. Enugu: Thompson Printing and Publication Company. Wali, Okey. 2013. Keynote Paper on “The Law, Leadership Challenges in the 21st century Nigeria”. Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association, September 11-14, 2013, Calabar, Cross Rivers State.

PART VIII: CULTURE: THEORETICAL/HISTORICAL CONCEPTUALIZATIONS

CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE AFRICAN CULTURE AND ITS PARADOX ST IN THE 21 CENTURY: THE NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE ANTHONY I. OKODUWA DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, AMBROSE ALLI UNIVERSITY, EKPOMA

Abstract Nigeria is a multi-ethnic nation, which harbors three major ethnic groups and several minority ethnic groups. Having been described as an artificial creation of the British colonial government in 1914, Nigeria remained, after colonial rule, a geo-political entity struggling to forge alliances of mutual convergence and tenuous ties. This is so because a marriage between traditions and modernity is absurd or contradictory, but possible. Since 1914, all efforts at modernity stifled the growth of the ordinary, traditional, and so-called archaic institutions in Nigerian government, economy, and society. The culture of change laid emphasis on the new, without improvement on the old. Therefore, the root of change became traumatic, while the old was relegated as anachronistic and unyielding, and gave birth to rivalry and tension, stress and clashes, which became endemic in a new Nigeria from about 1914. This chapter explains that gerontocracy is an aspect of the old scheme of things and a former culture of socio-political and economic organization in Nigeria. It was forced into redundancy by the forces of modernity in Nigeria, but continued to be tenacious, in spite of obvious vicissitudes. Over the past one hundred years, this effort yielded few positive results. The chapter therefore suggests that harnessing gerontocratic principles of old into the new scheme will give Nigeria a new tonic, which can be revitalizing in its ailing economy, governance, and society. It will forge new alliances in state formation and modern nation building patterns in Nigeri

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Key words: African Culture, Paradox and 21st Century, Experience

Introduction The liquefaction of indigenous culture in politics, economy, religion, and society was and still is the main thrust of modernity. Culture is usually described as a people’s way of life, and it is full of borrowing. Nigeria was inundated by Western European culture with the extension of colonial tentacles into its communities and polities from the end of the 19th century. From the 15th century, the people, mainly at the coast, gradually adopted aspects of European ways and values that were accessible to them through the activities of the early European traders and missionaries. This gradual trend in acculturation was disrupted when colonial rule was violently imposed from one community to another until the amalgamation of the north and south became Nigeria in 1914. The violent impact created by colonization led to disruption in the traditional scheme of things. At the end in 1960, a melting pot had emerged from a fusion of the old and new ways. It embraced all aspects of the society with differing degrees of acculturation from the old to the new, among individuals or between rural and urban communities. There was a complex pattern of differences in acceptance and rejection among the diverse peoples; for example, the educated Christian or the Anglicized who lived in the urbanized centers lived in contrast to the fisherman or farmer in the village. The further one moved away from the centre, the more traditional the communities were. Therefore, from colonial rule, a hybrid society emerged that was neither wholly Westernized nor wholly indigenous. This chapter explains that British colonial rule in Nigeria was synonymous with modernization that did not develop the traditional fabrics of the society. Instead of putting pressure on indigenous institutions to be modernized in what became Nigeria, such traditional institutions were abandoned or replaced with the new European values. This was the anathema that bedeviled generations of Nigerians in their quest for a true meaning of existence. Correspondingly, Tignor and Ali (nd, 4) elucidate that: “The modern Western world is the result of pressures for modernization interacting upon traditional Western institutions. By the same token we can expect that the pressure of modernity will interact with traditional institutions in the non-Western world.” Europe’s attempt to transfer the ideas of Christianity, commerce, and civilization were thought to be the sure way towards Westernism and modernization in colonial areas. In a similar vein, Jomo Kenyatta expressed that: “There certainly are some progressive ideas among the Europeans. They include the ideas of material

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prosperity, of medicine, and hygiene, and literacy, which enables people to take part in world culture” (Kenyatta n.d., 305).

Significance of Gerontocracy The significance of gerontocracy in African culture cannot be underestimated. It is the main supporting element with which African cultural activities start. Every village or community was and is ruled by elders. Gerontocracy is sometimes described in simple terms as the rule of the elders. The fact was that gerontocracy was a form of government and social organization, in which all members of the society performed varying roles in the scheme of things and as members of society. Defined as a rule of the elders, gerontocracy was a form of social organization in which a group of old men or a council of elders dominated decisions by exercising some form of control (Webster 1990, 5). Usually elders exercised a general control over the people. The laws that govern communities in every part of Nigeria were based on the customs and traditions of the people, which the elders were the main repositories of power. Oyebode agrees that blanket respect, loyalty, and veneration are given to the ancestors, living elders and godfathers in all cultures in Nigeria and their celebration in politics (Okojie 1960, 76). The belief and utmost confidence in the elder as the head was a natural inclination that began with the family. In pre-colonial times, the home was not an isolated unit, but part of an extended family. Each home consisted of a man, his wife or wives, children, younger brother(s), his yet unmarried sisters, and any other person(s) within, either as a mother or servant, provided he or she was within the circle. A combination of such homes represented the extended family. The head of the extended family unit had a specific name, which was tied to the culture of the people. As the younger brothers’ families multiplied, this man’s position as head of the family increased in importance (Philips and Titilola 1995, 94). Being the head, he was the spokesman for the unit and was in charge of the ancestral shrine (Umobuarie 1976). The day-to-day administration of the family lay on the shoulders of the head of the family. He was in fact in a position to control not just the religious, but the political activities of the family, thereby ensuring maximum security of all members. He was also regarded as the person at the helm of affairs and the orbit around which all things revolved. According to Monday Noah: “His age had acquainted him with the right customs and tradition, his opinion on judicial matters was considered to be divinely inspired, and such opinion always carried considerable respect” (Noah 1987, 92). In the event of any disagreement in

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the family, he was seen as the arbiter, and he reserved the right to punish any erring member. However, in the event of any conflict between members of the family, a protective position for his family by soliciting for peace or asking for compensation was required. But in cases where it was difficult to arrive at a compromise with an out-going or out-group, the matter was then referred to the highest person in the gerontocratic ladder. This was the eldest of the elders. The head of the family also participated in the religious life of members of his lineage. For example, he was the go-between or the mediator through whom the members of the family appeal to their ancestors. Consequently, it was his direct responsibility to control the family shrine, pray to the ancestors for peace and forgiveness of wrong doing, as well as for prosperity. It was to this end that members of each community believe that the living descendants of the ancestors must, as a matter of fact, pay due respect to the ancestors to prevent any form of disaster and to attach to themselves some good fortunes or blessings (Ukhun 1997). Many lineages that were contiguous formed larger entities that were known as quarters. The leader of the eldest lineage was seen as the head or leader of the quarter. One important thing about this organization was that members usually had to cling to common descent of blood relation, hence inter-marriages were not allowed. Many quarters usually came together to form the village. The most elderly of the elders by age was usually made to assume office as the head when the old one died. The organization of each village rested on the division of the male population into age sets, namely sweepers, who were regarded as the youngest male members of the society. The scavengers were the next in the age ladder, while the elders were made up of the eldest male in the society. Gerontocracy worked well in villages, not in cities or urban centers with people of diverse interest or background. Usually the head of the village was the eldest, who presided over its affairs. The eldest was regarded as the pivot around which all activities revolved. He presided over all meetings and took decisions with his executives. The post of the eldest needed to be qualified because if a stranger settled in a village and became the eldest member he would still not be an eldest member of the larger family. An eldest family member must have existed long enough in the village to lose all the identities of a stranger. The eldest with three most elderly ones formed the most elderly four of the community. The elders had messengers or post-masters who were, by general standards, immune from reprisals. It was the messenger’s sole responsibility to summon all the elders in the village whenever there was

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an issue to be discussed. The choice of who became the post-master general was essentially the prerogative of the eldest male, who considered the quality, honesty, wisdom, and out-spokenness of the individual. Usually, meetings that concerned the wellbeing of the community were held at the village square. The elders formed the village council, who handled serious crimes and offences of all sorts. They possessed walking sticks carved from wood, which they used to support themselves whenever they walked from their homes to distant places. Such walking sticks constituted the effigies that were counted by historians and anthropologists to have a glimpse of the past and its political profile (Olumense 1997, 4549). Apart from the administrative function of the elders, they also arbitrated religious issues. For instance, elders were not usually the chief priest and custodian of the ancestral shrine in the village. Every year before the new yam festival or at any other ceremony to the ancestors of the land, he would pray to the ancestors on behalf of the village. The religious aspect of village life rested on both the chief priest and the most elder. In fact, he was the custodian of the village land, which he held in trust for the living members of his village, the dead and yet unborn. Before any new settler acquired land, the most elder must give approval (Okoduwa 2006, 49). The adult males were next to the elders. They were usually not called to public duties unless such duties were beyond the competence of the junior grade of the sweepers. Like the elders, they held meetings from time to time to discuss issues of common importance. The military and physical defense of the village actually rested on the group. Its members headed such major works as house building or roofing, and were really the daredevils of the village community. They were usually called upon when there was a serious matter like fire outbreak, burglary, or theft. They also assisted with burying the dead, and helped the junior age-grade in the digging and clearing of ponds. The leader of the adult age-grade controlled the affairs of the unit and effected discipline among its members. This was done through the imposition of fines on any erring member of the group (Okojie 1960, 76). The street sweepers were the last in the age groups. Their known jobs were mostly the sweeping of streets, clearing of marked places, farm paths, streams etc. The normal duty was the regular sweeping of the village square, and it was done once in every four days. Sweepers were responsible for a major part of communal labor in the village, and they only got help from the adults when the task was too daunting for them. The demand for assistance was usually in the form of an appeal to the

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elders, who then requested the adults to meet the required assistance from the sweepers. The leader of the sweepers maintained discipline within the age grade. As the head, he reserved the right to punish any erring member. Such offences included failure to participate in the sweeping of the village square on market days, fighting in the square, and failure to attend assigned tasks at an agreed time or date. Like the scavengers, the punishment was usually in the form of a fine that was either paid in cowries or by confiscating any possession of the offender in lieu of cash. Money, or items so acquired, was divided amongst members of the grade in order of seniority (Okoduwa 2006, 50). The leader of the sweepers was expected to take the biggest share of any cash or commodity collected at any time, followed by the next three people in age. The expansion of communities from villages into chiefdoms or ruled by recognized leaders did not negate the rule of elders. The most senior elder continued to exercise his right to rule at the village level by virtue of his being the oldest member of the community. In the same way, other male members of the community were potential successors to the stool of the most elder. The belief of the people about their elders being closer to the ancestors greatly aided the principles of gerontocracy, to the extent that, despite colonial rule, it remained a pattern of governance in villages and rural areas. The belief in the ancestors enhanced the belief in the continuity of life after death and in an unbroken intercourse between the “living dead” and the living members of the society. As the living father provides for and protects his children, so the departed father was expected to continue with a greater spirit in the world beyond. This means that, in reality; the survivors were never cut off from the protection and guidance of their deceased relations who trod the path of life that the livings were on. Ancestors have their feet planted in both the world of the living and that of the spirits. They therefore know more than the living, and are consequently accorded great respect. Also, as the deceased possessed powers of omniscience, to influence, to help, or molest the living; ancestors represented an order of intermediaries who related prayers to God. Pronouncements by elders were regarded as law. The belief in the wrath of the ancestors, and the elders who follow them as the most senior members of the living, enhanced the potency of gerontocracy. Elders were experienced through age and knowledge over time. This belief is strongly rooted in the popular saying that “what an old man sees sitting down, a young man cannot see even while standing”. Although there is the contemporary view that age does not confer intelligence, elders and their

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age-old institutions still remain an untapped significant part of modern administration in Nigeria.

Westernization and Gerontocracy Christianity, which is a major aspect of Western civilization, had a profound impact on African culture, especially as many aspects of gerontocracy, including the age sets and the rule of the elders, were condemned and driven underground, especially in the urban development process of colonial administration. According to Temple (1968), British colonial rule was a system of administration, which enabled British officials on the spot to rule their colonial people through their native authorities, so as to reduce the cost of administering colonial peoples. Consequently, the Chief remained as the head of native justice and the final court of appeal at the level of chiefdom, while village life continued to be administered by the elders, who were not significantly and directly affected by the administrative change (Aveling 1923). In fact, British colonial rule in Nigeria jettisoned the rule of the elders for the educated elites with legislature, where elections were always a fraud (Undiyaundeye 2012, 272). In the post-independence period, paradoxically, colonial legacies appeared comparatively progressive. But a hundred years after, Nigeria failed to make significant progress in her political development, especially because political parties could not link masses of people without great material possessions into an organizational weapon capable of realizing the philosophical goals of democracy. In fact, parties declined everywhere in their efficacy to reach political goals and in their ability to retain the deep loyalty of the masses (Markovitz 1977, 298). Immanuel Wallerstein (1977, 203) described it as the loss of revolutionary momentum after the achievement of independence by the party. This loss in enthusiasm for mass participation came as a result of the neglect of gerontocracy as a tool for true loyalty and mass mobilization in a modernizing African cosmological orientation. With the development of a political super structure that was introduced in the colonial era, the rule of elders in loosely knitted villages would have played a significant role as the bedrock of grassroots’ mobilization and cohesion. It was jettisoned for the rule of chiefs, who had little or no direct influence on gerontocracy. Consequently, it was easy to lose grip on areas of control by indigenous standards. As a result, public officers in Nigeria could swear by the Christian Bible or Muslim Koran to say the truth and nothing but the truth and end up telling lies, because they did not believe in what they swore on. The proliferation of such phenomena has made some leaders

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call for the introduction and recognition of traditional sanctions in the contemporary scheme of things. In the same vein, the rising rate of crime, insecurity, and insincere relations among peoples who would have been bound by ancestral oaths or blood covenants, suggests a people with individual consciousness rather than that with community understanding. There is a rising cry for community policing, just like what was obtained in a gerontocracy - a call for all adults to protect their motherland from the vices of evil. Again, this ends up as a piecemeal approach in tackling a general problem of neglect of gerontocracy that could have been modernized, along with the influx of Western ideas. This approach would have provided Nigerians with rulers that have histories to govern their people, unlike what is in place in contemporary times, that colonial legacy introduced the domination of profligate rulers without histories. The loss is endless because Nigeria ranks among the most corrupt nations in the world.

Conclusion In spite of the level of Westernization erroneously taken by most Nigerians as modernity, they hop back to their villages at the slightest opportunity, especially during the holidays. This goes to explain the seemingly self-contradictory personality that works and live in the urban area but loves the village setting and that is dominated by the idea of gerontocracy. Villages in Nigeria and at the grassroots function with the age grades that participate in the welfare of all and their council of elders, headed by the most senior of the elders, who is consulted in all that concerns the people. Generally, it must be said that until the individual moves from the village to the urban area, he is guided by the principles of gerontocracy, which are respected. Gerontocracy has remained as an unyielding culture of the people in spite of modernity, perhaps waiting to be harnessed for use. The general belief in life after death reinforces the belief in the ancestors as spirits who live with the people, their economy, and government. If harnessed, gerontocracy and its ambience can be a tool for sustainable development in 21st century Nigeria.

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References Avelinget, et al. 1923. Intelligence Reports on Ishan Division, Benin Province. Izuegbu, Ikechukwu and Utagba-Uno. 2003. A political History (A.D. 1600-2001), Spectrum books Ltd. Kenyatta, Jomo. nd. Facing Mt. Kenya, Random House, New York Markovitz, Irving Leonard.1977. Power and Class in Africa: An Introduction to change and Conflict in African Politics, Englewood Cliffs, New Jerssey: Prentice- Hall, INC. Noah, Monday E. 1987. “Social and Political Developments: The Lower Cross Region, 1600-1900”. In Monday B. Abasiattai (ed.), A History of the Cross River Region ofNigeria, University of Calabar Press. Okoduwa, A.I. 2006. “Tenacityof Gerontocracy in Nigeria: An Example of Esan People in Edo State”, Studies of Tribes and Tribals, Vol. 4. No.1. Okojie, C.G. 1960. Ishan Native Laws and Customs, John Okwessa Publishers, Lagos, Nigeria. Olumense, P.S. “Socio-Cultural Relations in pre-colonial Esan”. In A.I. Okoduwa (ed.), Studies in Esan History and Culture, Vol.1, OmoUwesan Pub. Oyebode, M. O. 2014. Rethinking deification, gerontocracy and clientelism in Nigerian political space, International Journal of development and sustainability, Vol.3 Philips, Adedotun and Titilola, Tunji. 1995. (eds.) Indigenous Knowledge Systems and practices, Case studies from Nigeria, Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research (NISER). Temple, C. L. 1968. Native Races and their Rulers, Frank Cass and Co. Ltd., London Tignor, R.T. nd. Ali Muhammad Modernizer of Egypt, Tarikh, Vol.1, No. 4, London: Longmans Ukhun, C.E. 1997. “Ancestral Worship, Core of Esan Cosmology in A.I. Okoduwa (ed.), Studies in Esan History and Culture, Vol.1, Omo-Uwesan pub. Umobuarie, David O. Black Justice, Ibadan, O.U.P. Undiyaundeye, U. A. 2012. “Colonialism and Nation Building, Problems in Nigeria”. In J. Mangut and T. Wuam (Eds.), Colonialism and the Transition to Modernity in Africa, Ibrahim Badamasi University, Lapai Webster, J.B. 1990. “Pre-Dynastic Uromi: A Model”. Itan Journal of Historical Studies, Vol.1, Department of History, Bendel State University, Ekpoma Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1977. “The decline of the Party in Single Party African States”. In LaPalombara and Weiner, (Eds.), Political Parties and Political Development

CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDING OF THE DYNAMICS OF AFRICAN CULTURE IDAHOSA OSAGIE OJO DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES AND DIPLOMACY, BENSON IDAHOSA UNIVERSITY, BENIN CITY, NIGERIA

Abstract This chapter focuses on the theoretical and conceptual analysis of African culture, and explains the causative forces of its dynamism. It observes that African culture carries the values, ethics, morals, and aesthetics that define experience and history. Like other cultures, it includes capabilities or habits acquired by man, aids social articulation of differences, and determines how behavior is shaped, cultivated, and imposed communally and transmitted from generations to generations. It consists of patterns of and for behavior, and differs from individual to individual in terms of the frequency, duration, and intensity of learning. Thus, it is neither homogeneous nor uniformly distributed among members of a group. Cultural differences are patterned in space and time and it is both a practice and a system of symbols and meanings. The frequency of culture diffusion also differs from culture to culture, and even within a sub culture. Several internal and external forces also lead to new discoveries and inventions that culminate in cultural innovations and the resultant culture change or dynamism. Adding impetus to these causal factors in the dynamism of African culture is its exposure to other ways of life through the impacts of colonialism and the globalization process. Consequently, African culture is very rich, vast, flexible, and dynamic. Key words: Theoretical, Conceptual description, Dynamics, Culture

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Introduction This chapter explains the dynamism of African culture and its values, ethics, morals, aesthetics, and other elements that define group’s experience and history, and concludes that though culture is exceptionally useful, it is a very complex and multifaceted concept. It focuses on the theoretical and conceptual description of culture, in particular in relation to the African scene. Despite being a staple in several academic disciplines such as anthropology, sociology, social works, and cultural studies among others, the term culture “refuses to be pinned down within a narrow range of uses and definitions” (Rashed 2013, 12), and its concepts are as multifaceted as its writers and scholars. As far back as 1952, for instance, Kroeber and Kluckhon provided a list of 164 different definitions of the concept available at the time, and since the 1980s critical voices within anthropology have rejected the way in which culture is used to stereotype those whose ways of life are being described (Rashed 2013, 12). Adding to these conceptual hitches is the fact that most definitions of culture, in the words of Akinyela (1996, 145), are “usually either anthropological, focusing on what particular cultures look like, or they are sociological, focusing on lists of elements of culture”; and they assume that culture is self-expression of monolithic and ethnic values through phenomena such as art, food, music, clothing, religion, or other outward forms. For instance, Karenga (1993) writes that every culture possesses seven elements - mythology, history, social organization, economic organization, political organization, creative motif, and ethos, making it difficult to form an all-embracing definition. Exacerbating the aforementioned conceptual challenges are noticeable vicissitudes in cultural studies, particularly throughout the last century. Between 1940 and 1960 for example, cultural studies received significant attention as ingredients in understanding and explaining societies and the economic and political differences among them. Lawrence E. Harrison and Samuel P. Huntington (2000, xiii), identify Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, David McClelland, Edward Benfield, Sidney Verba, and Lucian Pye as some of these early scholars. This interest in cultural studies dwindled in the 1970s and 1980s, only to be resuscitated in the 1990s with the works of Lawrence Harrison, Francis Fukuyama, Robert Kaplan, Thomas Sowell, and Samuel Huntington in various disciplines. These scholars increasingly turned to cultural factors in explaining the social issues of modernization, economic development, political democratization, military strategy, the behavior of ethnic groups, and the alignment and antagonism between countries, among others (Harrison and Huntington

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2000, xiv), and cultural studies again became a “hot cake” in the academic world. This rejuvenated interest has been logically followed by the current renewed call for a more comprehensive clarification of the concept, and has necessitated the need for this theoretical and conceptual description that embraces most, if not all, of the notions and senses of its usage as a concept and as a method.

Understanding the Concepts of Culture Culture is the whole way of life, with attributes that define human experience and history. It is a complexity of ideas, beliefs, values, outlooks, habits, practices, and institutions, whether endogenous, inherited, or appropriated (Gyekye 1995, xii). Iraki (2010) explains that it encapsulates what a community values or cherishes at a particular time, accompanied by standards or norms that regulate the adherence to those values or desirables. This implies that there is a certain degree of consensus in the cultural community about the expected values and norms. As the total way of life of a people, culture includes “how they dress, their marriage customs and family life, their patterns of work, religious ceremonies”, leisure pursuits, “goods they create which become meaningful for them such as bows, arrows, ploughs, factories, machines, computers, books, and dwellings” (Giddens 1993, 31). Through the values, norms, and material existence that it carries, culture, according to Mbiti (1975), can also define intellectual achievements of a group, through art and literature, dance, music and drama, in the styles of building houses and of people’s clothing, in social organization and political systems, in religion, ethics, morals, and philosophy, in the customs and institutions of the people, in their values and laws, as well as in aspects of their economic life. Culture is versatile, embracing both material and non-material objects and concepts transcending folklore, literature, music, dance, and other artistic paraphernalia to the totality of a people’s norms, ethos, values, beliefs, raison d’être, codes of socially acceptable conducts, modes of life, religion, philosophy, and ideology. It also includes communal education and technology, and it structures the way social institutions shape life, as well as cultivating and imposing behavior that is communally transmitted from one generation to another. As a method, culture includes the values, ethics, morals, aesthetics, principles, belief, and behavior that define phenomena and form a framework that guards the behavioral sciences and their theories. Values, ethics, morals, and other aforementioned components of culture also help to define any experience or history and provide practical schemes for the

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explanation of man’s actions. Thus, cultural elements are crucial in understanding man and his behavior, because they are the tools, capabilities, or habits acquired by him to live harmoniously in society. It is also a collection of edicts that is passed from community to individual and diffused through language, customs, arts, and symbols, and a network of dynamic attributes that direct and train perception, reasoning, interaction, and behavior that forms collective practices and joint interpretations of social phenomena. In any organization for instance, culture includes everything from the physical layout, the dress code, the manner in which people address each other, the smell and feel of the place, its emotional intensity, and other phenomena, to the more permanent archival manifestations, such as company records, products, statements of philosophy, and annual reports (Spencer-Oatey 2012, 2). Insufficiency of the cultural approach has been identified as a major factor in the failure of development strategies in many parts of Africa. This is because development involves changing existing cultural attitudes and institutions for economically better ones (The Centre for Gender and Social Policy Studies, 2001, 3). All cultural elements are learned through a process known as acculturation, and they are “socially acquired, and consist in meanings and significances that condition subjective experience, influence behavior, and permit inter subjective understanding and communication” (Rashed 2013, 12). Thus, Geertz’s (1973, 89) conception of culture is a “historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes towards life”. The strength of nature in the nature or nurture debate is explicit in the fact that culture differs from individual to individual due to the fact that the frequency, duration, priority, and intensity of learning vary. Thus, culture consists of the derivatives of experience, more or less organized, learned or created by the individuals of a population, including those images or codes and their interpretations transmitted from past generations and contemporaries, or formed by individuals themselves (Spencer-Oatey 2012, 1).

The Dynamics of African Culture The dynamics of culture evoke cultural changes in contents and structural form, with new elements constantly being added and old ones dropped. Consequently, African culture is vastly flexible and dynamic, constantly changing, and accordingly presents diverse manifestations and

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identities. There is a continual appropriation, recreation, and loss of symbols. Cultural transformations in forms of traditional rites or technology are invariably accompanied by linguistic mutations, especially in the domain of lexicon, thus culture is dynamic, and so is language (Iraki 2010, 262). “It may be deduced that stability and change could be positive and negative factors in cultural dynamics. More importantly, cultural dynamics could breed negative changes, which result in cultural dearth” (Mbakogu 2004, 38). Internal and external forces also propel cultural innovations and the consequential culture change or dynamism resulting in discovery and invention. All countries are prone to a tendency towards cultural change because the individuals in the society or the “cultural architects” constantly modify “their cultural plans, improve and adapt their behavior to the caprices and exigencies of their physical, social, and ideological milieu” (Mbakogu 2004, 38). For instance, frequent cultural changes in Africa are also partially due to African exposure to other ways of life through the impacts of colonialism and the globalization process. Culture is both evolutionary and revolutionary, and it goes through an internal evolutionary process involving growth, greater heterogeneity, and coherence. It also goes through a process of change and adaptation as a result of contact and the subsequent influence of other cultures probably with a dominant mass media or communication technologies, among other things. As a result, culture must be seen as a dynamic mechanism that must adjust and adapt to external and internal conditions of existence” (The Centre for Gender and Social Policy Studies, 3). An important aspect of contact with the Western world was the creation of a vacuum in the Africans that derided a proper fusion or blend of cultures, which would have created a balanced reintegration. Cultural disintegration could be explained as that destabilization instituted when cultural changes go beyond the control of the people in the affected society (Mbakogu 2004, 38). In this globalizing world, the cultural boundaries are becoming increasingly fluid, leading to some form of identity crisis. Within the globalization process, new thinking, particularly amongst African scholars, is also emerging to deal with the challenges of cultural intrusion and change. Such intrusion has, in some instances, been accepted without critical evaluation. This has resulted in colonial mentalities that Wiredu (1992), defines as that which makes a formerly colonized person or nation over-value foreign things, including material objects, modes of thoughts, and behavior coming from his erstwhile colonial “master” and “superior”. This is what he believes is causing a crisis in African identity. Africa’s problem of identity in the contemporary world does not lie in a cultural

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traditionalism but in a critical and reconstructive self-evaluation (Wiredu 1992, 64). The tragedy in Africa is that colonial impositions have weakened the traditional institutions, and the value for several other aspects of the African culture. In line with this, Abraham observed that wherever Western educational, economic, and social practices were firmly established in Africa, there too witnessed the greatest dislocations from traditional cultures as the manner of crisis resolution and debates becomes determined, without significant consideration of the cannons of traditional cultures (qtd. in Wiredu 1992, 16). Binsbergen (n.d.) buttresses this fact when he observes that prolonged personal exposure to the growing global culture in form of formal education, a world religion, mass consumption, and electronic media has reduced African elites’ continuity with the original culture, language, and religion to only selected life spheres. When the African elite claims to search his own cultural roots, this does in part reflect an existential problematic of alienation and symbolic erosion, as a parallel to what culture critique has long since signaled. Accordingly, the hitherto institutions of extended family, communal living, and belief system are near total collapse because of poverty and global cultural influences. The sense of community and benign living were highly cherished values of traditional African life, and the community was basically sacred, spiritual, and surrounded by religious forms and symbols. Traditional African families lead very similar lives, and kin groups generally lived together (Wakholi 2005, 28). Cultural disintegration in Africa has been attributed to both internal and external factors, some of which include contact with Europeans, the slave trade, colonial wars, conquests, migrations and colonialism, urban overcrowding, and industrialization, among others. There are historical instances of such cultural disintegration in the ancient empires of Africa, and it is evident from history that cultural systems in Africa were irreparably torn apart to create room for the exploitative Western rule (Mbakogu 2004, 38). The dynamics of African culture are also explicit in the fact that they are not homogenous but heterogeneous, since they differ from group to group and individual to individual. Scholars like Mbiti and Gyekye have also explained that within the diversities of African cultures, there are similarities and differences, and it is thus impossible to speak of it in the singular form. Two people in the same type of environment will certainly internalize several situations and environmental factors differently based upon their own make up and past experiences, which they use to filter the new ones.

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Another reason for this heterogeneous nature of culture is that the frequency of culture diffusion differs from culture to culture and even within a sub culture or individuals (Bhabha1994, 199). Thus, culture is neither homogeneous nor uniformly distributed among members of a group; it is therefore both a unifying and a contentious phenomenon. Rejecting the theories of cultural purity and cultural universalism, Bhabha adopts cultural difference as a valid macro-cultural theory and framework of analysis. Cultural diversity, according to him, “is an epistemological object - culture is an object of empirical knowledge, whereas cultural difference is the process of the enunciation of culture as knowledgeable, authoritative, and adequate to the construction of systems of cultural identification” (The Centre for Gender and Social Policy Studies, 14). Cultural differences are patterned in space and time, and it is both a practice and a system of symbols and meanings.

The Value of African Culture The value of African culture cannot be over emphasized. First, culture is the principle that enables a social group to evolve the best possible means of living in peace and harmony as humans. Cultural principles and practices for peaceful interpersonal relations in the society is necessary because man is a societal animal and has personal interests and goals that could clash with other members of the society. There is therefore bound to be a conflict of interests between him and other members of the society and consequently, cultural principles and rules are made to govern his social relationship (Pelfrey 1983, 1). Oguejiofor believes that man’s tendency towards conflict is due to natural and human factors such as limited knowledge, limited resources, limited rationality, and limited sympathy, and that it is in order to obviate this inherent tendency of man’s behavior that morality and other cultural norms and values make sense. Thus, through morality, norms, and values, African culture is able to create peaceful relations in the society. But “the human judgment is never in vacuo; there is always reference to a standard, or to an extrinsic situation against which the object of judgment is measures” (Oguejiofor 2011, 7). For instance, Nigeria is considered a very corrupt nation when compared to the more transparent nations, particularly those of the west. Culture also consists of patterns of and for behavior and a set of basic assumptions and values, orientations to life, beliefs, policies, procedures, and behavioral conventions that are shared by a group of people and influence each member’s behavior, as well as their interpretations of the behavior of other people (Spencer-Oatey 2012). Morality is the cultural

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understanding and experience of the right order of relations in human society and the “totality of expectations and customs demanded of every member of society, which promote and preserve social harmony and equilibrium” (Chuka and Ani 2011, 5). The idea of morality, like language and culture, is also directed towards the realization of the human person and social order, and of the standards that an individual or group has about what is right and wrong, or good and evil (Chuka and Ani 2011). Morality works towards the realization of the ultimate end of society within a definite context of social life, and there are always standards of behavior for people, expectations, duties, and obligations, which enable both the individual and collectivists to sustain the vision of the realization of their ends. In this way, morality enhances the orderliness, harmony, and peace of society. Chuka and Ani (2011) are quite expressive in their presentation of the various aspects of morality. They opine that without some certain moral restraints on conducts of individuals and groups, society will definitely become chaotic, and insecure language can only promote a moral ideal by enhancing the attainment of social order. Culture is at the basis of man’s greatest spiritual and material accomplishments, and man, as demonstrated in the nature or nurture debate, is more of a cultural than a natural being, as he makes himself and builds the model of society best suited to him through the instrumentality of culture. They continue that culture is the organizing principle of every aspect of social life that enables society to organize and order all social and individual activities towards the perfection and attainment of its goal. Culture is also at the basis of society’s determination and ordering of values that safeguard its protection, perpetuation, and development. Mondin (2005, 16) has also identified three basic functions of culture relating to its nature and purpose as both a human and social reality. These include “…elitarian, pedagogical, and anthropological”. He further explains that in the pedagogical sense, culture indicates the education, formation, and cultivation of man and the progress through which man comes to the full maturation and realization of his own personality. In the anthropological sense, culture signifies the totality of customs, techniques, and values that distinguished a mode of living ascribed to a social group (Mondin 2005, 17). While in the elitarian sense, culture can be understood as vast forms of knowledge, while the pedagogical and the anthropological meanings address the core of culture as a principle of social order (Chuka and Ani 2011). Culture also aids social articulation of differences, and determines how behavior is shaped, cultivated, and imposed communally, and transmitted from generations to generations. Cultural expressions influence and shape

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the life of individuals in their society, and in turn individuals make cultural contributions to their community through participation in its life, and in some cases through creative work (Wakholi 2005, 28). In recognition of this fact that culture is the most important distinguishing feature of man, Chuka and Ani (2011, 4), assert that: Culture characterizes man and distinguishes him from animals no less clearly than his other attributes, such as reason, freedom, and language. It is however culture that gives these attributes their proper social and moral color. Culture makes man fully man, he makes himself through culture. Through culture man cultivates and actuates other faculties for a fuller life. By this we mean that …man, in place of all these things, possesses the reason and the hands, which are the organs of organs, in that with their help man can procure for himself instruments of infinite styles for infinite aim.

A relationship has also been drawn between culture and economic development. In this regard, culture is seen as crucial in the development process. This importance of culture has been acknowledged by several scholars, who stressed the relevance of the cultural factor in the social, economic, and political evolution of contemporary societies. In precolonial Africa for example, cultural practices were the bedrock of societal progress and economic development (Ojo 1996). Features of culture in this sense are seen as assets that can facilitate the development process, and these assets comprise a people’s technology, their manners and customs, religious beliefs and organizations, and systems of valuation, whether expressed or implicit (Benedict 2010). Each African society has its own distinctive system of values that constitute an important part of its culture, and contribute to societal progress. This explains the indigenous capitalist traits that dovetail with elements of contemporary assets and their usefulness in the promotion of an economically healthier society and the various opportunities available to the poor in the society for upward social mobility in pre-colonial Africa (Olomola 1984). Learning from history therefore, a cultural approach to development teaches that society needs to harness and maximize the resourcefulness of its culture in a dynamic manner to develop harmoniously (Salim 1998). This same author argues that it is important, however, to stress that we live in an interdependent world, within which each society or culture must strive to keep pace with scientific and technological progress to ensure economic development.

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Conclusion Cultural elements are invented or created, learnt or borrowed. They are then accumulated and transmitted from one generation to another through the process of acculturation. Although the mind is capable of imagining new ideas and creating new cultural elements, it is also like a plain sheet, where cultural norms and values, beliefs and knowledge, as well as practical skills, are implanted to enable a human being to become a functional adult (Ocholla-Ayayo n.d., 1). Like mental software, culture is the collective programming of the mind, which distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from others, even between individuals’ attitudes. As a method of analysis, culture is a ready framework of behavioral patterns, values, assumptions, and experiences that influences and shapes human conduct within a group. It is an automatically or unconsciously applied oriented system of collective values that makes its group members’ behavior, to a great extent, predictable. This helps in the formulation of hypotheses and theory. The knowledge and understanding of culture as a framework of behavioral patterns become a vital resource in the study of social phenomena, particularly in behavioral studies. Success in economic development also lies in determining the way and means of fostering a synergistic relationship between science and technology on the one hand, and cultural values on the other. Benedict (2010) observed that technology has cultural implications and that when introducing new technology, due consideration should accordingly be given to the cultural values inherent in the recipient society. Many development projects have failed because they were superimposed on cultural environments that were not conducive for them, and therefore could not enlist the support of the people concerned. Like the tip of an iceberg, visible aspects of culture such as aesthetics are easy to see, but under the surface, hide a huge and potentially fatal portion made up of beliefs, values, customs, experiences, and assumptions. Knowledge of the deeper parts of the iceberg helps us understand the “why” behind the behavior. It enables us to make more informed evaluations of global counterparts, and avoid misunderstandings that can waste time and damage relationships. Awareness of our own cultural conditioning and knowledge about other cultural systems build the foundation of crossǦcultural training, while paving the path towards crossǦcultural competence.

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References Akinyela, Makungu. 1996. “Black Families, Cultural Democracy and SelfDetermination an African Centred Pedagogy”: PhD Thesis, California: Pacific Oaks College. Akpomuvie, Benedict. 2010. “Culture and the Challenges of Development in Africa: Towards A Hybridization of Traditional and Modern Values”. African Research Review, an International Multidisciplinary Journal, Ethiopia Vol. 4 (1) January, (pp. 288-297) Binsbergen, W.M.J. n.d. “Dynamics of African Cultural and Ethnic Identity in a Context of Globalization: An approach to African popular culture”. http://www.shikanda.net/ethnicity/dynamics.htm on February 28, 2014. Chuka, Aghamelu Fidelis and Emmanuel Ifeanyi Ani. 2011. “The Moral Imperative of Language and Communication in Culture and Society”. African Research Review, an International Multidisciplinary, Vol. 5, 6. pp. 1-17. Geertz, Clifford. 1973. The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic books. Giddens, Anthony. 1993. Sociology. Cambridge: Polity Press. Gyekye, Kwame. 1995. An Essay on African Philosophical Thought: the Akan Conceptual Scheme. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Harrison, Lawrence E. and Samuel.P. Huntington. 2000. Culture Matters: How Values Shape Human Progress. New York: Basics Books. Iraki, F. Kungu. 2010. “Culture & Development: Lessons learnt from the Post-Election Violence in Kenya”. The Journal of Language, Technology & Entrepreneurship in Africa, Vol. 2. No.1. pp. 261-276 Karenga, M. 1993. Introduction to Black Studies Los Angeles: CA Books. Kroeber, Alfred & Clyde Kluckhohn. 1952. Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. Cambridge, MA: Peabody Museum. Mbakogu, I. A. 2004. “Is There Really a Relationship Between Culture and Development?” Anthropologist, 6(1): 37-43 Mbiti, S. J. 1975. Introduction to African Religion. London: Heinemann Educational Books Mondin, Battista. 2005. Philosophical Anthropology. Rome:Pontificia Universitas Urbaninan. Ocholla-Ayayo, A.B.C. “Culture as A Lived Experience” Retrieved on March 6th, 2014. http://www.commonlii.org/ke/other/KECKRC/2002/2. Oguejiofor, Obi. 2001. Philosophy and the African Predicament. Ibadan: Hope Publications.

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Ojo, Afolabi. 1967. Yoruba Palaces: a Study of Afins of Yorubaland. London: University of London Press. Olomola, Isola. 1984. “Yoruba States and Civilization before 1900: a Study of Patterns of Inter-state Relation”. Unpublished Monograph. Pelfrey, William. 1983. The Evolution of Criminology. Ohio: Anderson Publishing Co. Rashed, Mohammed Abouellei. 2013. “Talking Past each other: Conceptual confusion in ‘culture’ and ‘psychopathology’ ”. South African Journal of Psychiatry, 19(1):12-15. Salim, A.S. 1998. “Opening Remarks of an International Conference on Culture and Development”, held at the World Bank, Washington D.C. Spencer-Oatey, Helen. 2012. “What is Culture? A Compilation of Quotations”. Global pad Core Concepts. Available at http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/al/globalpad/openhouse/intercultur alskills/ The Centre for Gender and Social Policy Studies. 2001. “Culture, Gender and Development: A Report submitted to the African Institute for Economic Development and Planning (IDEP), Dakar, Senegal” by The Centre for Gender and Social Policy Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria Wakholi. 2005. “African Cultural Education: A Dialogue with African Migrant Youth in Western Australia”, a Thesis presented for the Degree of Masters of Education, Murdoch University, Western Australia. Wiredu, Peter. 1992. “Problems in Africa’s Self-Definition in the Contemporary World”. In Wiredu, K., & K. Gyekye (Eds.), Person and Community: Ghanaian Philosophical Studies, Vol.1. Washington: The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy

CHAPTER THIRTY-THREE MULTIDISCIPLINARY APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF AFRICAN HISTORY ST IN THE 21 CENTURY ADEWALE ADEPOJU DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND DIPLOMATIC STUDIES, TAI SOLARIN UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, IJAGUN, NIGERIA

AND TOPE OMOTERE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN, NIGERIA

Abstract Literature is abundant on the multidisciplinary approach to the study of African history. However, a review of literature shows that historians have a bias for the traditional disciplines of archaeology, anthropology, linguistics, political science, statistics, economics, etc., thereby sidelining other emerging fields that are of immense value to historical studies. The limitations of the reviewed literature, which are primarily linked to the rapid changes in the academic world in recent years, prompted the updating of the list of disciplines from the traditional ones to include international relations, food studies, information and communication technology, and gender studies. This is done to expand the scope of the multidisciplinary approach to the study of African history in the 21st century. Hence, the chapter’s main input is based on the updated list of disciplines, and how they enhance historians’ studies of Africa’s past. Key words: African history, Multidisciplinary approach, Africa, 21st century

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Introduction A multidisciplinary approach in historical study combines the strengths of two or more disciplines, with the aim of identifying problems in historical research and providing solutions that are beyond the realms of the historian. This approach usually produces new and unexpected results. One of such results in the last fifty years was the publication of the eight volumes of UNESCO’s General History of Africa. Historians collaborated with archeologists, anthropologists, linguists, geographers, political scientists, economists, statisticians, and ethnologists, as well as scientists from the natural sciences, to establish Africa’s cultural identity and rectify widespread ignorance about the continent’s heritage. This academic collaboration had far-reaching effects on historical study, with recorded success on the international acceptance of Afroncentric view of African history. At the national and sub-national levels, historians have also worked with academics from other disciplines, particularly archeology, anthropology and linguistics to reject or accept certain myths about the African past. For instance, in order to locate the Near East’s theory of the Yoruba race, the Western Region Government of Nigeria established the Yoruba Historical Research Scheme from 1955-1960 (Emmanuel 1984, 36). Historians worked together with scholars in other disciplines and conducted rigorous research to verify this theory. In the end, the Near East theory was rejected in favor of the indigenous evolution of the Yoruba in Africa. By implication, African historians have come to agree that the earlier history of African societies can best be reconstructed through the combined use of insights from archeology, linguistics, anthropology, and other related disciplines (Alagoa 1985). Today, a multidisciplinary approach is applied at all levels of historical study due to the growing recognition that it is needed to answer complex questions, solve prehistoric puzzles, and gain coherent understanding of modern historical issues that are increasingly beyond the ability of any single discipline to address or resolve adequately. Thus, the methodology adopted in this presentation is itself multidisciplinary in nature. First, it conceptualizes the term “history” as an academic discipline, and follows it up with the meaning of “multidisciplinary approach”. Second, it reviews existing literature on multidisciplinary approaches to the study of history. The limitations of the existing literatures, which were primarily linked to the rapid changes in the academic world in recent years, prompted the updating of the list of disciplines from the traditional ones (archeology, anthropology, linguistics, etc.) to include international relations, food

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studies, information and communication technology, and gender studies. While brochures on these areas were largely explored, experts from these fields were also consulted, some outside Nigeria, through online research networks such as H-Net, to give their professional views about the relevance of their disciplines to historical study, particularly on African history. The study goes on to identify and discuss the challenges of a multidisciplinary approach to the study of history.

History: A Conceptual Clarification Many regard Henry Carr’s What is History? as the starting point in the definition of history as an academic discipline. Although Carr had no formal training as a historian, his treatise on the concept of history has influenced historical thought for over fifty years. With his definition of history as “facts”, he tasks the historian with seeking facts as the ultimate science of history. According to him (Carr 1967, 27): History consists of a corpus of ascertained facts. The facts are available to the historian in documents, inscriptions, and so on, like fish on the fishmonger's slab. The historian collects them, takes them home, and cooks and serves them in whatever style appeals to him.

Put differently, the historian must first get his facts straight, and then proceed to interpret them objectively. Carr’s definition of history is primarily centered on the historians’ use of facts. In his words: The historian and the facts of history are necessary to one another. The historian without his facts is rootless and futile; the facts without their historian are dead and meaningless. My first answer therefore to the question 'What is history?' is that it is a continuous process of interaction between the historian and his facts, an unending dialogue between the present and the past (Carr 1967, 30).

While continuing in the tradition of Carr, the book What is History Now? agrees that “History was an attempt to understand and interpret the past, to explain the causes and origins of things in intelligible terms” (Evans 2002, 1). This definition, within its own context, seems to care about the changing trends in historical research, focusing more on ordinary people, with women, children, peasants, business owners, and civil servants as the concern of modern historical study. Many works on historiography, particularly those authored by Nigerian historians such as Professors Dike, Akinjogbin, Afigbo, Oloruntimehin,

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Aghalino, Ajetunmobi, among others, hold in high esteem the academic definition of history given by Arthur Marwick in his popular book, The Nature of History. Marwick’s three definitions of history center on, first, “the entire human past as it really happened”; second, “man’s attempt to describe and interpret the past”; and third, “the systematic study of the past” (Marwick 1970, 15). The second and third definitions are regarded as academic definitions of history. It must be quickly pointed out that Marwick has revisited this definition in his new book, The New Nature of History: Knowledge, Evidence, Language (Marwick 2001, 28). Realizing the inadequate nature of his definition of history thirty years ago, Marwick updated and expanded this definition to take care of the issue of “reconstruction” and argued that historians don’t reconstruct the past; they produce knowledge about the past. According to him (Marwick 2001, 28), the best and most concise definition of history is: “The bodies of knowledge about the past produced by historians, together with everything that is involved in the production, communication of, and teaching about that knowledge.” In practice, this definition has expanded the domain of modern historical study to include, not just the systematic study of the past, but also the communication of historical knowledge to the wider audience, who are now interested in their past. More so, this definition agrees with the etymology of history, Historia, meaning "inquiry, knowledge acquired by investigation" (Fadeiye, 2004: 22). Hence, for this research, we define history as: The academic discipline concerned with the methodical study of artifacts, written documents, and oral records relating to past human activities, with such tools of Why, How, Where, When, Who, and What to produce knowledge that would further the advancement of man.

A Multidisciplinary Approach A multidisciplinary approach, sometimes referred to as Interdisciplinary Approach (Lawal 2001, 1) could imply two things: where a historian either synthesizes the methodology of other disciplines to produce historical knowledge, or where historians collaborate with professionals from other disciplines to produce knowledge of the past. In developed countries, a multidisciplinary approach itself has evolved as an independent academic discipline called Interdisciplinary Studies. In most of the universities offering the program, students are trained in such areas as history, ethnography, anthropology, communication and psychohistory. According to George Mason University (2014), the program:

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Seeks to synthesize knowledge from several academic programs in the pursuit of gaining a more dynamic understanding of a given topic. The program addresses the rapidly evolving demand for unique graduate study by promoting advanced scholarship that transcends traditional disciplinary boundaries.

However, since it is the sole aim of this chapter to situate a multidisciplinary approach in historical study, a proper definition of multidisciplinary approach must begin with the meaning of discipline. The word discipline is derived from the Latin word disciplina, meaning “the instruction given to a student (or ‘disciple’) by an older person, a mentor, or a teacher” (Slavicek 2012, 108). Slavicek describes discipline from two angles, first, as a measure to maintain order and control (for instance, among scholars or students as well as soldiers); and secondly to divide and classify knowledge. More applicable to this presentation is the second description of the term, discipline. Therefore, an academic discipline or field of study is a branch of knowledge that is taught and researched as part of higher education (Slavicek 2012, 108). The prefix, multi, which is derived from the Latin word, multus, means “more than one or many” (Cambridge Dictionary 2015). Put together, multidisciplinary involves drawing appropriately from multiple disciplines to redefine problems outside of normal boundaries and reach solutions based on a new understanding of complex situations. To professional historians, a multidisciplinary approach is a necessity, as “no single source can give a clear picture of the past” (Adeboye 2006). Hence, a conceptual framework of a multidisciplinary approach to the study of history is anchored on the need for historians to examine their evidence through the aid of other academic disciplines. This is better expressed by Aghalino (2001, 40): The fact that history deals with the past in a time perspective understandably makes it peremptory for the researcher to approach his study from a multi-disciplinary perspective. To be sure, the limitations imposed on the historian in his use of oral and written sources make it imperative for him to adopt a holistic approach to retrieving the past.

The importance of a multidisciplinary approach to the study of history was explained by Alagoa (1978, 13) when he contended that: The difficulties of penetrating the distant past of African societies through oral traditions, literature, ethnographic data, and ancient artifacts have imposed on African historians the necessity for an interdisciplinary or multidisciplinary approach.

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Alagoa’s position was based on the fact that the historian does not have the expertise and necessary training to interpret all the body of evidence on the past. Another scholarly article on a multidisciplinary approach to the study of history was Ake’s History as the Future of Social Science, which pointed out the tendency amongst historians to look at history as an isolated rigid discipline. He debunked the idea that historians cannot employ the tools of social scientists to interpret the past. His view of the inter-relationship between history and other disciplines is tailored towards the benefits that science has to offer historical research. He posited that the essential feature of science is open-endedness; its willingness to allow for the possibility that things that seem chaotic and complex today might be understood and reduced to simplicity tomorrow (Ake 1978). Of importance to this research is Ki-Zerbo’s contribution to UNESCO’s General History of Africa, “the interdisciplinary methods adopted in this study” (Ki-Zerbo 1981, 348-354). He started with the fears expressed by historians as well as experts in other related fields when it comes to collaborative research. According to him, any suggestion of multidisciplinary approach is thought of in terms of take-over bids. Perhaps Ki-Zerbo’s line of argument that all disciplines complement each other lent credence to the multidisciplinary approach used in producing the UNESCO General History of Africa. He went further to bring out the weaknesses in related disciplines and then argue that when alone, they may yield few results. Their strengths therefore lay in a multidisciplinary approach to understand the past in an objective manner. However, Ki-Zerbo’s writing is over 30 years old and thus cannot cover the many new fields in the sciences that now have direct relationships with historical study. The list of literature on multidisciplinary approaches to the study of history is not exhaustive. In fact, only three have been selected for review in this study. Nevertheless, these largely represent the opinions of historians on the need for a multidisciplinary approach to the study of history. Unfortunately, as authoritative as these works are, they still leave much to be covered on emerging trends in multidisciplinary approaches to historical study. While efforts were made to examine the popular related disciplines to history such as archeology, anthropology, geography, linguistics, and economics, the study tasks itself more in updating the list with food studies, international relations, information and communication technology, and gender studies. This is done to avoid reproduction of what past historians have properly researched and documented.

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History and Archaeology Archaeology is the study of human activity in the past, primarily through the recovery and analysis of the material culture and environmental data that they have left behind, which includes artifacts, architecture, biofacts or eco-facts, and cultural landscapes (Wikipedia: 2015). What makes archaeology so important to the study of history is its dating techniques. According to Aghalino (2001, 41): “in the area of dating, archaeology has helped the historian to get out of the complex web of mere projection and speculation”. This has contributed to comprehensive knowledge of African prehistory, the distant past that oral and written materials could not reach. Although historians are conversant with Radiocarbon 14 method, the Potassium Argon dating, Thermo luminescence dating and dendrochronology; professional archaeologists still have in their arsenal other dating techniques that are yet to be explored by historians, such as the newly discovered Rehydroxylation Dating, which can be used to date fired clay ceramics like bricks, tile, and pottery for up to 10,000 years (Jonathan 2007, 93). Such a tool could further help historians understand the behavior of those who made and used certain artifacts, such as the IgboUkwu cultural objects.

History and Anthropology Anthropology is the discipline that studies races, cultures, languages, and the evolution of the human species (Dart 1925, 195-199). In Africa, anthropology has helped historians to provide insights into features of the past that were really strange. This includes complex rituals, as found in several cults, such as Arochukwu, Ifa, Egungun, Oro, Yemoja; witchcraft; as well as myths, legends, and folklore, as they affect the lives of people in the past. Anthropology has aided historians in the areas of understanding language evolution, and socio-cultural and biological development of Africans in the past. Perhaps the most visible contribution of anthropology to the study of history is in the area of human evolution in Africa. Anthropologists such as Dart established that Australopithecine and other early hominin fossils, some dating back to 4 million years ago, have been found only in Africa. In other words, the findings of anthropology become the starting point for historians who want to reach back into the prehistoric era. Historians should keep abreast of the changing nature of the field of anthropology, whose focus is shifting towards race, sexuality, class, gender, community, rituals, kinship, marriage, diseases, poverty and development. This would enable historians to better understand their own

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emerging field of microhistory, which covers gender history, family genealogy, and village history.

History and Geography The term geography comes from a Greek word geographia, which means to study the earth. Geography is the study of place, earth’s physical systems, and the people in them. According to Pidwirny (2014), a better definition of geography may be the “study of natural and human-constructed phenomena relative to a spatial dimension”. Geography is divided into two sub-fields of knowledge with similar methodology: Physical geography and human geography. Physical geography primarily studies the Earth's atmosphere (meteorology and climatology), animal and plant life (biogeography), physical landscape (geomorphology), soils (penology), and waters (hydrology). Some of the dominant areas of study in human geography include: human society and culture (social and cultural geography), behavior (behavioral geography), economics (economic geography), politics (political geography), and urban systems (urban geography). Generally, geographers use maps, globes, interpretations of aerial photographs, and remotely sensed satellite data to analyze and display geographic data. In most cases, without the aid of the geographer, a historian would be studying amiss. Historians rely on the findings of geographers to produce knowledge about population distribution, migration of people, goods, or animals, settlement patterns, distance, time and time zones, latitude and longitude, size and shape of empires, kingdoms, or states, territory and sovereignty, transportation and communication systems, locality and region of a people, and perpetual human transformation.

History and Linguistics Linguistics covers an area of research that supplies history with at least two kinds of data: linguistic information and supra-linguistic. Linguistics can be used to see beyond the evidence of thought, beyond the conceptual apparatus used in a language and the oral or written evidence, to the history of men and their civilizations. According to Diagne (1981, 233), other relevance of linguistics to history lies in the translation of historical documents for historical knowledge. In his words:

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For historical reasons which are familiar, Arabic and Semitic languages and also French, Portuguese, Afrikaans, and English have been depositing a considerable amount of vocabulary in many African languages for several centuries, sometimes for thousands of years… The reconstruction method makes it possible to retrace the history of a language or a language family; it helps to establish the original proto-language, and to date the times at which the various branches split off. To this extent, reconstruction is an invaluable taxonomic aid.

History and Economics Economics is the social science that studies the choices people and societies make in order to survive and cope with scarcity. The term economics comes from the Ancient Greek, oikonomia, meaning "management of a household administration" (Ade 1996, 126-130 important influence of economics on the study of history is in the areas). Economics and history both strive to understand causations, the most important of which are class system, demography, and trade done in the past. Economic theories have provided historians the tools to interpret economic activities of prehistoric Africans, how the articles of trade during the trans-Saharan trade led to revolutions in North and West African sub-regions, why the technological discoveries of the Industrial Revolutions is the primary reason for the abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, and the neo-liberal ideologies of the West have further underdeveloped Africa.

History and Food Studies Food studies offers an interdisciplinary approach to the study of food in its historical and cultural dimensions. It is different from other foodrelated areas of study such as nutrition, gastronomy, and culinary arts in that it tends to look beyond the mere consumption, production, and aesthetic appreciation of food, and tries to illuminate food as it relates to a vast number of academic fields (Dimitri 2014). Food studies, by definition, is an umbrella term that includes food ways, gastronomy, and culinary history, as well as historical, cultural, political, economic, and geographic examinations of food production and consumption, using food as a “lens” through which to view, explore, analyze, and interpret society in the present, as well as in the past. The political economy of food systems and the associated concepts of food, food plants, food networks, and its diffusion have helped historians

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to examine the process of migration in the past. Food is critical to man’s evolution, and still remains one of the best ways to classify a group of people or trace their evolution. According to Mabogunje, the vegetal resources of Africa can thus be seen to have played a very vital role in the historical evolution of man in Africa. The increase in food supplies facilitated the steady growth of the African population (Mabogunje 1981, 340). Its most promising area of contribution to historical study would be how foods, food plants, and food distribution systems shaped civilizations in Africa.

History and Gender Studies Gender studies as an academic field is devoted to gender identity and gendered representation as central categories of analysis. This field includes studies concerning women, feminism, gender, and politics. Sometimes gender studies are offered together with the study of sexuality. These disciplines study gender and sexuality in the fields of literature, language, history, political science, sociology, anthropology, cinema, media studies, human development, law, and medicine. Until the 1970s, there were two schools of research in women’s history. The first one took a view of it as the history of the liberation of women based on Marxist history, and the other approach was a historical study of how women lived, focusing mainly on their everyday lives (Essed, Goldberg, Kobayashi 2009, 415-435). Gender studies stands to offer historians the unique modes of inquiry that critique forms of power, privilege, marginality, and social norms in the past. This multi-disciplinary approach promises to offer various notions of black female 'selfhood' through the lens of the sexual codes that are founded in traditional sexual norms. Also, its approach reaches across various geographical locations, historical periods, and theoretical genealogies, drawing upon how sexuality redefined the African Diaspora, as well as power and wealth in Africa.

History and International Relations In mankind’s evolutionary process from the cave to the computer age, a central role has always been played by the idea of relations among kingdoms, states, and empires. When sovereign states conduct their foreign relations under political and governmental leadership, they are said to be involved in international relations (George & John 2008, 415-435).

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Historians are yet to fully explore the field of international relations theory to explain causal relations among different kingdoms and empires in pre-colonial Africa. To some extent, leading figures in international relations such as E. H. Carr, Hans Morgenthau, Martin Wight, Hedley Bull, and Stanley Hoffman have all employed history as a means of illuminating their research. While most scholars have tended to treat neorealism, constructivism, and triumvirate and neoliberal institutionalism as the representatives of mainstream international relations, historians, more than ever before, need to look into these theories and how they apply to foreign relations in pre-colonial Africa.

History and ICT By definition, information and communication technology (ICT) includes electronic networks - embodying complex hardware and software -linked by a vast array of technical protocols (ECA: 2014). ICTs are embedded in networks and services that affect the local and global accumulation and flows of public and private knowledge. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), as quoted by Iyalla (2004, 2-6): ICTs cover Internet service provision, telecommunications equipment and services, information technology equipment and services, media and broadcasting, libraries and documentation centres, commercial information providers, network-based information services, and other related information and communication activities; quite an expansive definition.

Information and communication technology serves as a powerful tool for historical studies. Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are a tool that have become increasingly popular in many fields, including land evaluation, town planning, spatial distribution, and locality. They play an important role in many spheres of planning, ranging from basic spatial representation of features, to advanced analysis and data manipulation. GIS is used to aid in zoning, land use inventories, site suitability assessments, comprehensive planning and socio-demographic analysis. Since GIS tool provides an extensive amount of detailed information on crop growth, crop health, crop yield, water absorption, nutrient levels, topography, and soil variability. Historians will therefore benefit from GIS researches on agricultural practices, land usage, and geographic distribution of people in the past.

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Conclusion In spite of the importance of a multidisciplinary approach to the study of history in the 21st century, there are obvious limitations to its practice. At universities, every department has its specialized methodologies, and no discipline wants to let go of its primacy and authority. This poses the greatest threat of all to multidisciplinary approaches to the study of African history. However, multidisciplinary approaches have revealed not only European activities in Africa, but also the activities of Africans from prehistoric times up to the present day. This approach has increased our understanding of complex events such as the trans-Atlantic slave trade, by unearthing the patterns of movement, statistics of slaves taken, death tolls, developments it brought to Europe and the Americas, and the eventual underdevelopment caused in Africa by over 300 years of slavery and over 100 years of colonization. It further enriches our knowledge of the problems of border disputes, and gives near-precise data of what happened during conflicts. It invalidates the erroneous writings of Europeans on certain events in Africa. For example, the Europeans’ belief that the Yoruba internecine wars were largely caused by external factors particularly the slave trade. The use of a multi-disciplinary approach by African historians has enabled them to debunk this claim and posit that the factors were also indigenous to the Yoruba. Perhaps one of the greatest contributions of a multidisciplinary approach to the study of history is that it has enhanced the Afrocentric view of African history.

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