The House of Sciences: The First Modern University in the Muslim World [Illustrated] 0190051558, 9780190051556

Table of contents :
Cover
Title_Pages (1)
Contents
Preface
Acknowledgments
Note_on_Transcriptions
Abbreviations
IntroductionUniversities_in_Europe_Medreses_in_the_Muslim_World
Genesis_Development_and_Closure_of_the_Darlfnun
Transforming_of_Ethos_and_Developing_New_Norms_and_Institutions
The_Legacy_of_Darlfnun
An_Analytical_Overview_of_the_Foundation_of_Darlfnun
Appendix_Institutional_Topography_of_the_Darlfnun
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

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The House of Sciences

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The House of Sciences The First Modern University in the Muslim World

zz   EKMELEDDİN İHSANOĞLU

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1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America. © Oxford University Press 2019 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. CIP data is on file at the Library of Congress ISBN 978–​0–​19–​005155–​6 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America

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Contents

Preface

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Acknowledgments

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Note on Transcriptions

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List of Abbreviations

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Introduction: Universities in Europe, Medreses in the Muslim World

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PART I:  Genesis, Development, and Closure of the Darülfünun 1 New Pursuits in Education, Orientation to the Occident  1 1.1  Planning of Central Education  8 1.2  Birth of the Idea of Darülfünun  11 1.3 The Establishment of the Society of Science [Encümen-​i Dâniş]  16 1.4 A Critical Voice From Within  21 2 The First Attempt: Enlightening the People  23 2.1 A Drive Toward Harmony Between Modern Science and Islam  26 3 The Second Attempt: Darülfünun-​i Osmanî [Ottoman University]  30 3.1 The Comprehensive Modern Framework and 1869 Regulations of Public Education  32 3.2  The Ottoman Version of a French University  33 3.3  Student Affairs  34 3.4  Administrative Structure  35 3.5  Financial Resources  35 3.6  Inauguration of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî  36

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4 The Third Attempt: Darülfünun-​i Sultanî [Sultanic University]  42 4.1  The School of Law  46 4.2  School of Civil Engineering; School of Roads and Bridges  49 4.3  The School of Arts  51 4.4 Administrative and Financial Structure of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî  52 4.5 Language of Instruction and the Translations of Textbooks  53 4.6 The Legacy of the Sultanic University  55 5 The Successful Commencement 1900  56 5.1 The Inauguration of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane [Université Imperiale]  59 5.2  Darülfünun-​i Şahane Regulations  61 5.3 Curricula  62 5.4 The First Teachers of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane  63 5.5 Admission of the First Students and the Beginning of Education  63 5.6  The First Graduates of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane  65 6 The Second Constitutional Period 65 6.1  Tuba Tree Legend and Emrullah Efendi’s Project  68 6.2  The New Bylaws of the Darülfünun  74 6.3  University Education for Girls  79 6.4 Controversy Regarding the Education of Girls and the End of Segregation  83 7 The War Years: 1914–​1918 and the German Influence  85 8 The Armistice Years and the Pre-​Republican Period  94 8.1 Nationalism and the First Student Boycott in the Darülfünun  99 8.2 The Rapprochement Between the Darülfünun and the Ankara Government  101 9 Darülfünun after the Proclamation of the Republic  103 9.1 A Short Honeymoon  103 9.2 Solving the Building Problems and Sparking the Autonomy Privilege  106 9.3 Accusations and the Recurrence of an Old Refrain: Reform of the Darülfünun  108 9.4 The Resignation of Darülfünun Rector Ismayıl Hakkı Bey and the Election of a New Rector  110

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Preface

This book examines the process of founding a Western institution, namely a university, in the Ottoman Empire, a cultural environment wholly different from that of its place of origin in Western Europe. The Ottoman Empire (1299–​1923) possessed deeply entrenched academic traditions and institutions of its own that made the transfer much more than a simple process of appropriation. Those who initiated the efforts to found this modern institution of learning were the very Ottoman administrators and intellectuals who styled themselves as the protectors of Islamic civilization. This fact has left its mark as one of the distinctive features of this process. The Ottoman Empire assumed the leadership of the Islamic world throughout the centuries, and considered the seat of their empire, İstanbul, as the capital of the Islamic world. The Ottoman sultan, who was also the caliph of the Muslim world, and his government, the Divân, also assumed responsibility for the development of Islamic civilization and its advancement. Early on, they became familiar with Western science and technology, which they were able to utilize in a “selective” fashion in line with their own particular needs. As far as education was concerned, the Ottomans inherited the academic institutions and traditions that had proliferated under the rule of their political predecessors, the Seljuk Turks (1037–​1194). The most important of these institutions and the primary source of scholarly–​scientific activities were, without any doubt, the medreses. These charitably funded centers of learning had been in continuous existence since the founding of the empire until its end in the first quarter of the twentieth century. The intensity of Ottoman medrese construction paralleled the political and economic advance of the empire, and these developments reached their peak during the sixteenth century. The number of medreses in each century was double that of the previous century. The city that had the largest number of medreses was the imperial capital, İstanbul. During the nineteenth century, prior to 1869, the period when modern Western educational institutions were also becoming

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more widespread, there were 166 active medreses in İstanbul and 5369 students [talebe-​i ulûm] at these institutions. According to one estimate, the Ottomans founded 665 medreses in the European provinces that currently constitute the nations of Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Albania, Hungary, and the former Yugoslavia. The Italian priest Giambattista Toderini, who stayed in İstanbul from 1781 to 1786, where he studied and documented aspects of its cultural life, held the opinion that Ottoman medreses were in many respects more advanced than their counterparts in Europe. This was particularly the case for their scientific autonomy.1 Medrese education in the Ottoman period was divided into two major branches of learning. The first group was composed of the so-​called traditional sciences [culūm naqlīyah], which consisted of Arabic linguistics and grammar, rhetoric, and religious studies. The remaining disciplines were categorized under the rubric of the rational sciences [culūm caqlīyah]. They had been appropriated and assimilated into various cultures of Islam from classical Greek, Persian, and Indian antecedents, and included logic, mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. The medrese provided a common education, culture, and shared worldview among the mosaic of Muslim peoples of diverse ethnic origins. At the same time, it functioned to ensure equality of opportunity in education for the individual, as well as providing mobility, both vertical and horizontal, among the various strata of society. Structurally, medreses were charitable institutions initiated by wealthy patrons and protected under shari’a law through a system known as the waqf [Turkish Vakıf]. Because the medreses’s land endowments and revenues were held in trust through the waqf, they were able to achieve financial autonomy and institutional longevity.2 The system continued as such over a period of hundreds of years. The state officials and medrese teachers, as well as their students and graduates, were an integral part of the Ottoman social fabric and the political powers that governed them. They were all essential to the strength of the empire and the stability of society.3 Until the nineteenth century, the Ottomans would continue to seek answers to their most pressing intellectual and practical problems from within Islamic 1. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Science, Technology and Learning in the Ottoman Empire: Western Influence, Local Institutions, and the Transfer of Knowledge (Oxford: Ashgate, 2003), 48–​49. 2.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Emergence of the Ottoman Medrese Tradition,” in Archivum Ottomanicum 25 (2008): 283–​338. 3.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Ottoman Educational and Scholarly Scientific Institutions,” in History of the Ottoman State Society and Civilisation, ed. E. İhsanoğlu (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 2002), vol. 2, 368–​389.

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culture and its institutions of learning. It was only after the Ottoman government was compelled to face the political advance of Europe that Ottoman administrators turned their attention westward for scientific and pedagogical inspiration. The balance in the Ottomans’ struggle with Europe began to tilt against them by the eighteenth century. By then, the nation-​states in Europe surpassed the Ottoman Empire economically, technologically, and militarily. After the result of the long wars during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that ended in Turkish defeats, the Ottomans began to examine their rivals more carefully and to follow with greater interest the features that had ensured European superiority, including new developments in education and learning. The Ottomans could no longer take their superiority over the Europeans for granted. What in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had been a selective appropriation of Western science and technology became a far more comprehensive transfer of knowledge by the nineteenth century. However, it is important to note that the transfer did not take place in a vacuum, and that it marked the beginning of a multifaceted interaction between Ottoman and Western cultures, traditions, and institutions. The crushing superiority achieved by some European nations as a result of the Industrial Revolution in economic productivity, intercontinental and overseas transportation, communication, and military power contributed to perceptions of the decline of traditional societies such as those of the Ottomans, Chinese, Indian, and Japanese. The advances in European science and technology came to symbolize the immense chasm between these countries and the West. European countries undergoing the Industrial Revolution felt the need for experts qualified in modern science and technology and for a workforce similarly equipped. This led to the demand for a more systematic modernization process in the fields of science and engineering in the universities that would be capable of responding to these new requirements. The reform measures that Ottoman intellectuals and administrators decided to adopt in the attempt to bridge the gap with Europe resulting from the Industrial Revolution included the foundation of a modern university. This was to be a completely new institution rather than the simple transformation of the existing pre-​modern medreses. At the same time, this new project formed part of the French educational system that the Ottoman administrators were adopting throughout the empire as their new model. French public educational policy ensured that public education would be divided into primary, secondary. and higher education, and that it would be state funded. This became possible only with the centralization of the state administration. The conditions that were conducive to the development of the modern university in Europe in the nineteenth century, as explained by Walter Rüegg, that is,

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secularization, bureaucratization, and specialization, had their parallels to a certain extent in the Ottoman Empire.4 The Ottoman administrators who assumed the leadership of the Islamic world also aimed at the development of a modern Ottoman culture built on a harmonious synthesis between Islamic and Western values. Their keenness to create their own version of modernization was very clear from the beginning during which they coined a new word for the institution they were about to establish. For the modern institution of higher education known in the West as a university, they coined the term darülfünun, the “house of sciences,” to underline its distinct modern character, which is entirely different from that of medrese. Even so, from the very beginning they had set about founding this new institution on their own resources, and thus their goal of realizing a modern university was never a simple or straightforward process. Therefore, this study sheds light on an important and pioneering experiment involving both Islamic and Western cultures. It will track the multifaceted transformation at work in İstanbul during the transition from classical to modern modes of scientific education. The Ottoman administrators themselves occupy the focus of my study, as they were the ones who set the terms for the new ethos that came to undergird the modern norms and institutions of the empire. In doing so, this study situates the establishment of the Darülfünun within the general context of Ottoman modernization. Nevertheless, it also challenges a conventional opinion, which maintains that the nearly fifty years that it took to establish the full-​fledged Ottoman University was due to the traditionalist government’s opposition to reform policies. According to this narrative, the government was reticent to welcome the modernization of the centuries-​old Ottoman educational system because of a bitter struggle between religious and secular parties within its ranks. This simplistic conflict between traditionalists and modernizers, at the same time, either neglects or underestimates the ways in which the Ottoman cultural heritage was preserved within the Darülfünun. As well as explaining the origins of the Darülfünun and the motivations for its founding, this study also highlights the impact of the Ottoman University outside the Ottoman domain. The Darülfünun in İstanbul inspired various leaders in other parts of the Muslim world. Students trained at the Darülfünun became influential advocates for the new Arab nationalism by providing the necessary infrastructure for national universities throughout the Arab-​speaking world. Out of this intellectual ferment, a new Ottoman Turkish scientific language developed,

4. Walter Rüegg, “Themes: Introduction,” in A History of the University in Europe, ed. Walter Rüegg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), v, 3–​9.

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the terminology from which served as a convenient vehicle for expressing and teaching modern science throughout the empire. This is perhaps the first monograph study of the development of such a language. To put this study in the right perspective, concise introductory information is given regarding the origin of the university in Europe, the modernization of the university in the nineteenth century, and the diffusion of the university as an institution of higher education outside Europe, specifically to the Muslim world.

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Acknowledgments

This study goes back almost three decades to 1989. On the 150th anniversary of the Tanzimat reforms in the Ottoman Empire, I  was asked to contribute to a commemorative volume. In 1990 I offered a detailed study on the first attempts to establish an Ottoman University:  the “House of Sciences” or Darülfünun in Turkish. Two years later, I published a survey article on the changes in notions of science that emerged in Turkey in the nineteenth century, as well as the institutions that arose to meet the demand for modern science and education at the time. Since then, I have been following up on research into these topics, which has culminated in the publication of two Turkish-​language volumes on the history of the modern Turkish university under the title Darülfünun: A Focal Point of Ottoman Cultural Modernization (2010). Throughout these years, I have extensively benefited from the newly opened Ottoman and Republican Archives attached to the Office of the Prime Minister, minutes of Ottoman and Republican Parliaments, official published documents hitherto not studied, newspapers, memoirs, and many other sources. During this long period, some PhD studies, which were inspired by my first articles, have been written, illuminating aspects of the most recent periods of the Darülfünun up to the present day. Studies on the emergence, evolution, and diffusion of the university in Europe, particularly in the nineteenth century, were of great help to me as I came to develop a proper framework for understanding the rise of the modern university in a Muslim environment. Such a comparative approach allowed me to correct many misconceptions, which have come to constitute a sort of established orthodoxy in the field through the published work of generations of scholars. However much this present contribution will serve to address the lacunae and distortions in past scholarship on science and education in the late Ottoman period, much basic research still remains to be done. I would like to thank my colleagues who helped me in preparing this English text. In particular, I would recognize the great work done by the late Semiramis

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Çavuşoğlu in translating the English edition from the Turkish original. Grateful acknowledgment is due to my lifelong colleague Dilek Orbay, for her care and diligent work, and to Didar Bayır, for her help and advice. I also owe the publication of this English version to two dear colleagues: William Shea from Padua University, who enthusiastically urged me to see it through to press; and Ronald Numbers from the University of Wisconsin-​Madison, who read the first English manuscript meticulously, and proposed many suggestions and recommendations to develop the text to appeal to an English-​speaking readership. I also would like to acknowledge the significant contribution of Michael Shank from the University of Wisconsin-​Madison, who read the introduction, and made useful suggestions and amendments.

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Note on Transcriptions

In this book, Turkish words, regardless of their language of origin, names of places within the boundaries of modern Turkey, and the names of Ottoman Turks, are transcribed according to the official modern Turkish orthography, with the exception that proper names ending with “d” are not changed to “t”. Some words and annexation of words are given in italic, e.g. Meclis-​i Vâlâ, Encümen-​i Dâniş. In such cases, the following explanation regarding the pronunciation of Turkish is noted here: â: as English a in “far” c: as English j in “jam” or “John” ç: as English ch in “China” or “charity” ğ: a soft guttural, pronounced almost like the gh in “ought” ı: as English i in “dirt” î: as English ee in “feet” ö: as French eu in “deux” or German ö in “können” ş: as English sh in “show” or “shine” û: as English u in “rule” ü: as French u in “lune” or German ü in “über” The “^” sign is used to indicate long vowels in the following cases: a. In those cases when lengthening and softening the vowels is necessary (tersâne, zâbitan, mekâtib); b. “î” to indicate the possessive “î” (dahilî, sultanî); c. also used to indicate the long vowels in Arabic and Persian words (ruûs, mekâtib, danishgâh) and in proper names to indicate the long vowels.

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For geographical names, common English forms, e.g. Ankara, Aleppo, Baghdad, and İstanbul, are given as such. For less known places both Ottoman and current names are given, e.g. Skopje (Üsküp), Bitola (Manastır), Mytilene (Midilli). Ottoman Turkish words existing in an English dictionary (e.g. Vizier, Grand Vizier, Pasha) are used as such. Italics are used for foreign terms, book titles, and names of institutions throughout the text. The names of institutions and offices are capitalized: e.g. Darülfünun, Divân-​ı Muhasebat, Encümen-​i Dâniş, etc. Titles are not capitalized unless they come before a personal name: e.g. grand vizier, müderris; but Grand Vizier Mustafa Reşid Pasha, Müderris Hilmi Efendi.

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Abbreviations

AUB BCA BOA CHF CUP DİA IRCICA ISAR M. MMZC OMLT OTTBLT PCN RPEs SPC TBMM

American University of Beirut State Archives of the Prime Ministry (Republican Archives) [Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri—​ Cumhuriyet Arşivi] State Archives of the Prime Ministry (Ottoman Archives) [Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri—​ Osmanlı Arşivi] Republican People’s Party [Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası] Committee of Union and Progress Party [İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti Fırkası] Türkiye Diyanet Foundation Encyclopedia of Islam [Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi] Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture Foundation for the Research on Islamic History, Art and Culture Stands for French Monsieur, if it comes before European names Meclisi Mebusan Zabıt Ceridesi History of Mathematical Literature During the Ottoman Period [Osmanlı Matematik Literatürü Tarihi] History of the Literature of Natural and Applied Sciences During the Ottoman Period [Osmanlı Tabii ve Tatbiki Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi, 2 vols., 2006] physique, chimie, sciences naturelles/​physics, chemistry, biology Regulations of Public Education (1869) [Maârif-​i Umûmiyye Nizâmnâmesi] Syrian Protestant College Turkish Grand National Assembly [Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi]

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TBTK TTK TÜBA

Abbreviations

Turkish Society for History of Science [Türk Bilim Tarihi Kurumu] Turkish Society of History [Türk Tarih Kurumu] Turkish Academy of Sciences [Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi]

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Introduction Universities in Europe, Medreses in the Muslim World

The birth and evolution of the university as degree-​granting institution of higher learning and research are interconnected with cultural and socioeconomic developments in Europe. Obviously, there were older and long-​standing educational institutions in civilizations outside Europe, and the Islamic civilization may be the most outstanding example of these. However, these institutions were not identical to the universities. In Europe, the university developed under different conditions and was distinct from the institutions of higher education of the other civilizations, specifically regarding its legal structure and the stages of its development. The necessary conditions for the establishment of European universities were contemporaneous with the first breaches in the feudal system. This same period witnessed a period of urbanization. Many new cities were founded, some of which, especially those in Italy, organized communes, thus giving rise to new social classes and guilds. Similarly, international trends and contacts with other civilizations upset many customs and ways of thinking. This resulted in what many scholars have called an intellectual renascence in the twelfth century. As commonly acknowledged, universities were formally established associations or guilds [universitas in Latin]. The first to appear in the historical rec­ord were the University of Bologna (1088) and the University of Paris (ca.1150). At Bologna, the students—​many of them grown men and lawyers with established practices—​formed themselves into several universitates. Bologna therefore developed at first as a universitas scholarium or an association of students who employed and paid the teachers. However, in Paris, the teachers banded together

The House of Sciences: The First Modern University in the Muslim World. Ekmeleddİn İhsanoğlu, Oxford University Press (2019). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190051556.001.0001

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to form a universitas magistrorum, a different type of organization, which became the dominant model.5 As the examples of Bologna, Paris, and Oxford illustrate, guilds of masters and students in very different locations achieved an autonomy that resulted in a new kind of educational institution: a school with universally valid privileges [studium generale] that often incorporated multiple disciplines or faculties.6 Some of the early universities developed under the aegis of the Latin Church, usually developing out of preexisting cathedral schools. Early universities that were corporations of students and masters received their charters from popes, emperors, and kings. In the case of the University of Paris, the papacy was directly involved, issuing a bull that offered specific protections for the university’s curriculum or studia generalia. Despite these early interventions on the part of the church and other authorities, the privileges that were conferred actually amounted to a grant of autonomy.7 During the early modern period, from the late 1400s to 1800, the number of the universities in Europe grew tremendously. Toward the end of this period, new universities were being founded under the auspices of the state, as the old established ones increasingly came under state control. Faculty self-​governance, reminiscent of the model first developed at the University of Paris, became more prominent with faculty “masters” exerting authority and control over the students. The application of this model came in at least three forms. There were universities with a system of faculties in which teaching was centralized around a very specific curriculum; this model tended to train specialists. There was a collegiate or tutorial model based on the system implemented at the University of Oxford. At such universities, teaching and organization were decentralized and knowledge was of a more generalist nature. There were also universities that combined these models, applying the collegiate structure but having a centralized organization.8 Until the French Revolution, European universities, although divided by their dependence on Catholic and Protestant sovereigns, were organized in much the same way, and taught more or less the same branches of knowledge in four or

5. A History of the University in Europe: Universities in Early Modern Europe, 1500–​1800, ed. H. De Ridder-​Symoens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), vol. 1. 6.  Michael H. Shank, “Schools and Universities in Medieval Latin Science,” in Cambridge History of Science, ed. David C. Lindberg and Michael H. Shank (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 2013), 207–​239. 7. H. C. Dent, Universities in Transition (London: Cohen & West, 1961), 18–​19. 8. On the types of the universities in the early modern period, see Willem Frijhoff, “Patterns,” in A History of the University in Europe: Universities in Early Modern Europe, 1500–​1800, ed. H. De Ridder-​Symoens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), vol. 2, 64.

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five classical faculties. By the end of the eighteenth and through the nineteenth centuries, however, religion gradually lost its prominence in European universities. During this period, universities became institutions of modern learning and research. Some were secularized in their curriculum and administration. Walter Rüegg, in his examination of the history of the university in nineteenth-​century Europe, attributes the emergence of the modern university to three processes, namely secularization, bureaucratization, and specialization. By secularization, he means the transformation of public universities into lay institutions everywhere in Europe. The university was bureaucratized, he explains, through the creation of state agencies, such as the French Ministry of Education in 1828. Such state sponsorship, and other related processes, resulted in the transformation of university professors into civil servants of the secular state. The most important consequence of this process was the professionalization of a career in the university. As for specialization, students were introduced to specific scientific disciplines through laboratory experimentation and the research seminar. In this respect, the modern universities reached back to the so-​called Humboldtian model that first arose in the Germanies in the early nineteenth century. Named after Prussian polymath and educational reformer Wilhelm von Humboldt, these universities came to dominate the intellectual landscape of Europe, America, and Japan. In Italy, for instance, toward the end of the century, doctoral theses began to present original research instead of mere compilations and recitations of previous work. Specialist chairs were created, and scientific journals achieved a continuous existence in the form of periodical publication.9 Despite the ubiquity that the Humboldtian model of education would come to enjoy, there were other divergent forms that the European university took. These often emerged and took on definition along nationalist lines. France, for instance, had developed its own system of schools and universities that was different from that of the Germans in important ways. In the French model, higher education was offered through two sets of institutions. Public universities had a legal obligation to accept all candidates in their region who held a baccalaureate. University faculties were organized into four categories (law, medicine, science, and humanities) under the strict supervision of the government. During the nineteenth century, a number of higher-​education institutions under the name of les grandes écoles were established to support the nation’s industry and commerce. The admissions of the grandes écoles [literally, great schools], which were established outside the main framework of the French universities, were based mainly

9.  Walter Rüegg, A History of the University in Europe (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 2004), vol. 3, 6–​13.

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on competitive examinations. The French model epitomized a state-​steering, meritocratic society. In France, professionals with a specialized education were regarded as an exquisite elite selected for their intellectual and social superiority. The French model remained in force under successive regimes, and it was only in the last third of the nineteenth century that it was eroded as French intellectuals came under the influence of the German model.10 Wilhelm von Humboldt’s German university system, with its flagship institution Humboldt University, which also bears his name, gave prominence to research and the education of scientists above all else. In the Humboldtian university, professors were expected to integrate research methods into their teaching so that students would be exposed to it from the very beginning of their studies. In von Humboldt’s own words, “If the teacher and student relationship in schools is of one type, a completely different one prevails in the university; there the former does not exist for the latter; rather both exist for science. The presence and cooperation of students is an integral part of research work, which would not be as successful if the students did not back up the teacher.”11 The introduction of students to scientific research through seminars and laboratories only came about slowly. However, liberal reform bore fruit. While, at the beginning of the century, Paris had been a mecca for scholars and scientists from all over the world, by the 1830s the French government was sending representatives to Germany to enquire about progress in higher education. In the same way, young French people, and later Americans as well, trained at German universities under professors who taught according to these new scientific methods. From the end of the nineteenth century, the German model represented the modern university not only in Europe, but also in the United States and Japan.12 The English residential model known as Oxbridge, a term used to refer collectively to the University of Oxford and the University of Cambridge, continued to be England’s only university system until the nineteenth century. This residential model, so called because of its collegiate structure whereby the university is a cooperative of its constituent colleges, provided pastoral care as the principal teaching method for its undergraduates. Small classes with low student-​to-​teacher ratios, known as tutorials, provided close contacts between the students and their faculty. This has remained an important element of the Oxbridge system and is

10. Ibid., vol. 3, 4–​5. 11. Alfonso Borrero Cabal, The University as an Institution Today (Paris: UNESCO Publishing, 1993),  5–​6. 12. Rüegg, A History of the University in Europe, vol. 3, 9–​13.

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considered vital for the intellectual development of young people in the English-​ speaking world.13 The British model, for instance, has been highly influential in North America, taking root early on in the British colonies. Nevertheless, by the later nineteenth century the German university model also began to challenge the American college system as the principal dynamic source for aspiration and emulation.

I.1  The Diffusion of Universities Outside Europe The establishment of new universities and colleges outside Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries continued these earlier patterns of institutional foundation and expansion. New universities in Western and Central Europe reproduced existing models under new locations. By 1800, Central and South America had already taken their models of universities from Spain, and the North Americans had taken theirs from Great Britain. In the nineteenth century, the German universities, markedly affected by the ideas of Friedrich Schleiermacher and Wilhelm von Humboldt, were to become the sources of yet another—​but still European—​model that was implanted in the United States, in Japan, and elsewhere.14 This is not to say, however, that important cases of adaptation and modification did not also take place in these new regions. The first universities outside of Europe took root in the Americas as an extension of institutions of European culture; this was followed later by Asian and African countries under the aegis of the church or as an element of colonial development. The university was carried to the New World after Christopher Columbus discovered America in 1492. The Catholic Church and other religious institutions, in their haste to found institutions of higher education under their own control, chose to cooperate with the kingdom of Spain. The University of Santo Domingo was founded in 1538 and the universities of Mexico and Lima in 1551. These universities are clear examples of the Reformation and Counterreformation leading to a religious emphasis in universities that was less marked in the medieval period. During the period of invasion and colonization, these were succeeded by one university after another on the model of the great Renaissance universities of Salamanca (founded in the thirteenth century) and Alcalá de Henares.15

13. Cabal, The University as an Institution Today,  29–​35. 14. Edward Shils and John Roberts, “The Diffusion of European Model Outside Europe,” in A History of the University in Europe, ed. Walter Rüegg, vol. 3, 163. 15. Cabal, The University as an Institution Today,  3–​4.

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The earliest North American institutions of higher learning were the four-​ year colleges, Harvard (1636), Yale (1701), and Princeton (1746). These were established by religious denominations, which eventually evolved into full-​fledged universities. American colleges and universities tended to emulate the German model by combining ideal academic freedom with an endemic American value of educational opportunity for the public. In Asia, in the nineteenth century, a number of different university traditions emerged as a result of the colonization processes. This expansionist phenomenon was influenced by various other related factors. One of the most striking examples of these was to be seen in the British colony of India. Universities were founded in Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras in 1857 and in Punjab (now Pakistan) in 1882. These universities were intended to serve British colonial policies and were all based on the British model. The educational institution in India that is of real relevance to this study is the university founded by the Muslims, now known as the Aligarh Muslim University. In the 1830s, after the fall of the Mughal Empire in India, English replaced the administrative and literary language of Persian as the official language of government. Muslim bureaucrats who did not know this language were replaced by Hindus who did. This added to the grievances felt by the Muslims at their loss of influence in the country. Resentment reached a high level of intensity as the British continued to found one university after another in areas with sparse Muslim populations. Meanwhile, Seyyid Ahmed Khan, who held a high position in the British administration, founded the Muhammadan Anglo-​Oriental College, an institution based more specifically on the Oxbridge model. The college employed the English language as the sole medium of instruction with the intention of preparing Muslims for the British civil service with training in the modern sciences. When first founded, the college carried on its teaching operations in cooperation with Calcutta University, but later, in 1921, it attained the status of a university. Knighted as a loyal servant of the British administration and the crown, Sir Sayeed Ahmed Khan firmly believed throughout his life that British rule in India was the best solution for the Muslims. Of the various Asian nations, Japan displayed several distinguishing features in its modernization experiment. In the course of a successful modernization process, the Japanese administrators showed a marked preference for adopting Western science and technology in its modernizing efforts. It was during the Meiji period, following the abdication of Japanese Shogun Kekei in 1867, that the process of modernization in the Japanese state was begun and the country opened up to Western influence. In 1885, the founder of the modern Japanese educational system, Mori Arinori, indicated three main priorities in the educational

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system: the enrichment and strengthening of the state, the adoption of new ideas that would change the old mentality, and the preservation of the old traditions.16 Although the Japanese were familiar with the French model, they felt an admiration for the German research university, and this played a role in the Imperial Decree issued in 1885 concerning the establishment of the Japanese university. The first of these universities were Tokyo (1886) and Kyoto (1897). Their aim was to encourage learning in the various arts and sciences responding to the needs of the state and to reveal the secrets of knowledge. The first private universities in Japan were the Universities of Keio (1890) and Waseda (1905).

I.2  Universities in the Ottoman Empire and the Muslim World As Edward Shils and John Roberts in their study of the diffusion of European models explain, all universities outside Europe were formed in accordance with an image of the European university in the minds of their founders. The very belief in the need for and the desirability of a university was a part of the image of what a modern society should be and what the proper place of a university was to be within it. It was part of a larger conviction that a functional society was in need of formally established, officially legitimated institutions in which advanced knowledge could be sought and taught, and in which individuals could be trained for practical professions. The university would provide differentiated intellectual knowledge and skill, such as could not be acquired solely through apprenticeship and experience or through existing classical institutions as was the case for Ottoman reformers. Concomitant with the belief that universities were needed for the well-​being and intellectual advancement of society was the assumption that the possession of such knowledge must be authoritatively certified by diplomas and degrees awarded by an appropriately qualified institution. In some countries, it was also believed that the majesty of a state and the dignity of a society required the existence of a university within its territory. This impulse was quite different from that of reformers who believed university education should be supported because of the utility of the knowledge it conveyed for the conduct of the affairs of state, church, and society. In this way, universities became part of the symbolic apparatus of progressive civilization or modernity.17

16. Michio Nagai, Higher Education in Japan: Its Take-​Off and Crash (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1971). 17. Shils and Roberts, “The Diffusion of European Model Outside Europe,” vol. 3, 164.

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In founding the Darülfünun, as in most of their other modernizing efforts, the Tanzimat administrators and intellectuals should be regarded not simply as functionaries fulfilling their obligations to the Imperial Government, but also pious and visionary servants taking an initiative required by the Islamic world. The decision to found a modern university in İstanbul soon began to have consequences throughout the Ottoman Empire and in the main centers in the Islamic world. Indeed, it should be made clear that the Darülfünun was the first university in the modern sense to be founded by Muslim administrators and intellectuals, and it was a significant example of the pioneering role of Ottoman initiative in modernization within the Islamic world. A glance at the emergence of the other modern institutions of higher education in the Ottoman provinces will show that these tended to be an extension of missionary or colonial activities. The first of these ventures was the founding of Robert College in İstanbul in 1863. Although it was not linked directly to any specific missionary organization, it could be regarded as one of the oldest colleges outside America, and as an amicus usque ad aras [eternal friend] to such activities. At the time of its foundation, the teachers outnumbered the students. For a long time, the graduates from this institution were non-​Muslims; it was only in 1903 that it produced its first Muslim graduates. For the first forty years, education was given at the high school [lycée] level with priority accorded to the teaching of literature. The first degree in science was awarded in 1902. Commercial studies were introduced to the curriculum in 1910, and the Engineering School was opened in 1912. Robert College had junior high school and high school sections under the names Robert Academy and American College for Girls. After Robert Academy and the College for Girls became coeducational in 1971, the school functioned only as a high school. The main campus was turned over to the Republic of Turkey for use as Boğaziçi [Bosphorus] University. Thus, it was renamed and transformed into a public university. In 1862 in Lebanon and Syria, the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions initiated the establishment of a college of higher learning that would include medical training. The Syrian Protestant College (SPC) opened in 1866. Their first prospectus declared that the school would be conducted on strictly Christian and evangelical principles. Its program was registered with the State of New York under “An Act for the Incorporation of Benevolent, Charitable, Scientific and Missionary Societies.” The Schools of Medicine and Pharmacy were founded in 1867 and 1871, respectively. In 1920, after the Ottoman administration was replaced by French mandate, the regents of the University of the State of New York amended the charter of the SPC, renaming it the American University of Beirut (AUB). In similar fashion, French Jesuit priests founded the initial core of what would become Saint Joseph University in Beirut in 1881. A Faculty of

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Medicine was founded in 1883, followed by the foundation of various schools that trained paramedics to assist in health care.18 In an attempt to counter these medical and health initiatives, which were used by rival Protestant and Catholic organizations to further their missionary work, Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II opened the Damascus School of Medicine in 1903 as an affiliate of the İstanbul School of Medicine.19 In 1929, after the end of the Ottoman rule and the transfer to Damascus of the Ottoman Law School (founded in Beirut in 1912) and the reopening of the Medical School, the University of Syria was founded under the French administration with the opening of a High School of Letters by the initiative of the Syrian intelligentsia.20 Iraq University was established in 1951 on the foundations laid by the Faculty of Law and other modern schools that were founded under the Ottoman administration.21 A review of the institutions of higher education founded in Ottoman provinces, apart from the Darülfünun in İstanbul, shows that the most important enterprise of this type was the private Egyptian university, al-​Jami’a al-​Misriyyah al-​Ahliyyah. This university was founded with the support of the last Khedive22 Abbas Hilmi Pasha and under the leadership of Prince Ahmed Fu’ad. The term of office of Lord Cromer (Sir Evelyn Baring) as the representative of the British government and the head of the British Occupation Administration in Egypt, from 1883 to 1907, had then ended. It is interesting to note that the attitude of the British authorities in Egypt contrasted with their stance in India, and they discouraged the Egyptians’ efforts to establish a university. The problems presented by Lord Cromer and his attempts to thwart the designs of the Egyptian intelligentsia were solved with the termination of his duties. The Egyptian university employed a teaching faculty composed of both natives and foreigners and was in the form of a “free” educational institution offering courses in history (ancient

18.  Betty S. Anderson, The American University of Beirut:  Arab Nationalism and Liberal Education (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011). 19.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Suriye’de Modern Osmanlı Sağlık Müesseseleri:  Hastahaneler ve Şam Tıp Fakültesi (Ankara: TTK, 1999); For the Arabic version of this work see al-​Muassasât al-​Sıhhiyye al-​Osmaniyye al-​Hadîse fi Suriyye:  al-​Musteshfeyât va Kulliyyet Tıbb Al-​Shâm. Amman: Menşuratu Lecnetu Tarihu Biladi’ş-​Şam, 2002. 20.  Université Syrienne, Damas, Bulletin Annuel, 1930–​1931, État de Syrie, Ministère de l’Instruction Publique. 21.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun:  Osmanlı’da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı, 2 vols. (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 2010), 737–​ 742; İhsanoğlu, Suriye’de Modern Osmanlı Sağlık Müesseseleri: Hastahaneler ve Şam Tıp Fakültesi, 27-​62. 22. Khedive is the highest title given to a military or civil official in the Ottoman Empire.

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Egypt, ancient Near East, Greece, Rome, and Islam), geography, philosophy (Western, Islamic), and literature (Arabic, English, French). After Egypt became relatively independent in its internal affairs during the reign of King Fu’ad, this private university became a state university with faculties of arts, science, law, and medicine.23 Following Fu’ad’s death, it was known as “Fuad I  University,” and after the 1952 Revolution, it became “Cairo University.” Like İstanbul University, it formed the basis upon which several universities were later founded.24 Al-​Azhar University of Cairo stands as a sui generis case in the history of learning in the Muslim world. Established in 970–​972 as a medrese at Al-​Azhar Mosque [al-​Jami’ al-​Azhar], it continued its traditional learning as one of the most prestigious institutions of the Sunni world.25 Though it went through different phases and underwent many developments during its centuries-​old history, it kept its classical core teaching and nature. In 1930, it was reorganized under three faculties (theology, Islamic jurisprudence, and Arabic language) and was called a university for the first time. In 1961, it was radically reorganized, and secular faculties, like the Faculties of Science, Engineering, Medicine, Agriculture, and many others were established. In the former Ottoman provinces that became colonies and mandates under the European powers, universities were founded only after the Second World War. Among them were the universities in Libya in 1955–​1956, Saudi Arabia in 1957, and Tunisia and Kuwait in 1960. In Algiers, which had been occupied by the French in 1830, it was not until 1909 that a university was founded for the education of the colonists residing in the region. Like the other French universities, this continued in the form of a French university until 1962. The first universities in the Muslim countries in Asia were founded in Indonesia in 1950 and Malaysia in 1957. Pakistan (Punjab) University, as previously mentioned, had been founded in 1882 as part of the British colonization process. The history just outlined makes it clear that the modern university, that is, the university institution as we know it today, is more or less a product of the nineteenth century. However, the roots and traditions of university education can be

23. For a history of Cairo University see Donald M. Reid, Cairo University and the Making of Modern Egypt (Cairo: American University Press, 1991). 24. In addition to these universities founded by the state, an American University (AUC) was founded in Cairo in 1919, producing its first graduates (in science and letters) in 1928. 25. Sunni derived from Sunnah, meaning habit, custom, and tradition, which refers to the life and teachings of the Prophet Muhammed. The Sunni world is by far the largest denomination of Islam, sometimes referred to as “Orthodox Islam” in contrast with Shia Islam, which holds that Muhammed’s son-​in-​law and cousin Ali ibn Abi Talib, not Abu Bakr, was his first Caliph.

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traced back to medieval Europe and still remain, as regards its source and origins, within the bounds of the cultural framework of Latin Christendom. The development of the universities acquired new importance because of the secularization and bureaucratization introduced into the institution following the French Revolution. This French model of the university arose to meet the new needs for specialization springing from the Industrial Revolution, and blended with the research-​oriented German model, all of which culminated in its recognized modern form.

I.3  The University and the Medrese The nature and scale of the relationship between the university as a European institution and the institutions and traditions of higher education in the Islamic world is a question that demands serious attention. The simplistic and superficial conclusions reached on this point, and their general acceptance, has led to considerable confusion. It has opened the way for the complete identification of the university with the medrese and the acceptance of the former as an institutional extension of the latter. The claim advanced in modern Arab and Turkish historiography that the European university was the heir to the Islamic medrese has led to a concerted effort to create a genetic link between these two institutions. It also gave rise to the conclusion that the European university was based on the transfer of a medrese educational system to Europe that had its origin in the mosques of the Islamic world. This claim is often advanced etymologically. For instance, supporters of this view have argued that the Arabic word for university, jamiʿa, is a modification of jamiʿ, the classical word for mosque. The proposed link between the modern Arabic word and the classical word, however, is tenuous. It is true that both words derive from the verb jamaʿ, which literally means “assembled, congregated, drawn together, collected.” The Arabic word for mosque comes from the verb’s active participle noun form meaning “collection” or “congregation” and, indeed, it has historically been associated with the educational activities of Arabic culture. The feminine form of this noun, jamiʿa, however, has taken on such valences in only the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In classical Arabic, the word meant “a great cooking pot.”26 Thus this word originally had nothing to do with

26. Jamiʿa, according to classic sources, means a “collar that collects together the two hands to the neck.” Edward William Lane, An Arabic English Lexicon (London: Williams and Norgate, 1863), 455–​459. See also Al-​Mu’jam al-​Waseet, 4th ed. (Cairo: Egyptian Academy of Arabic Language, 2008), 140.

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teaching activities. Such superficial arguments for the origins of the modern university in premodern institutions have found their way into early studies of the Ottoman medrese as well. All of this is to say that institutions of higher education in non-​Western, developed civilizations, such as those of the Islamic world, should not be regarded as equivalent to European universities. Further, the identification of features that appear similar or parallel to one another do not necessarily imply identity, nor do they prove a straightforward evolution from one form into another. For instance, the use of a classic and learned language in scholastic instruction—​classical Arabic in the case of the medreses and Latin in the medieval universities—​has been used as evidence of the two institutions’ structural equivalency. So too has the division of courses at work in both institutions. Courses originally taught at universities were divided between the trivium (grammar, rhetoric, and logic) and the quadrivium (arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy). These divisions roughly map onto the two categories of sciences taught at medreses, namely the rational [‘aqlī] and the traditional [naqlī, literally “transmitted”] sciences. This twofold division was adopted in Ibn Khaldun’s (1332–​1406) classification of sciences in which the first category encompassed the natural or philosophic sciences. These sciences included logic, mathematics, natural philosophy, and metaphysics, none of which were understood to be the prerogative of any specific religion, community, or race. Rather they had been accessible to all rational human beings since the beginning of civilization. The transmitted or traditional [naqlī] sciences were grounded in divine revelation and the teachings of the Prophet Mohammad, legislator of Islam. Their sources were the Qur’an and Sunnah, and reason was not believed to play a decisive role in their foundation.27 Whatever these curricular similarities may tell us about the structural parallelism of educational institutions across cultural boundaries, they in no way prove a historical link between university and the medrese. It is therefore essential that we recognize the medrese and the university as institutions belonging to two quite different worlds, and hence they should be studied accordingly.28 This is not to say that there was no contact between the learned forms of education in the West and in the Islamic world. Such influence did occur, but 27. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Institutionalisation of Science in the Medreses of pre-​Ottoman and Ottoman Turkey,” in Turkish Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, ed. Gürol Irzık and Güven Güzeldere (Dordrecht: Springer, 2005), 265–​283. 28.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “The Initial Stage of the Historiography of Ottoman Medreses (1916–​1965),” Archivum Ottomanicum 18 (2000): 41–​85.

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the routes and modes of transfer were not straightforwardly linear from one institution to another. It is worth examining the dynamics of contact that did occur between the medrese and university as a means of identifying how these institutions were indeed distinct. Further investigation into the early history of both institutions will likely shed new light on the sort of academic relations that existed between Europe and the Islamic world in the medieval and early modern periods. It is quite clear that the most important of these relations involves the influence exerted by the Islamic world on the European universities through the translations of Arabic manuscripts into Latin predominately in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.29 Thanks to these translations from Arabic, a large number of texts on philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, and natural sciences became available in the Latin world. In Spain, Sicily, and Northern Italy the works of scholars and philosophers, such as Aristotle, Euclid, Ptolemy, Hippocrates, and Galen, were translated from Arabic versions into Latin, and then sold to markets in France and England for scholarly consumption. At the same time, the works of Muslim philosophers and scholars such as Avicenna (one of the greatest Muslim philosophers and physicians, 980–​1037), al-​Khwarizmi (mathematician, astronomer, and geographer, founder of algebra, ca. 800–​ca. 847), Averroes (Andalusian philosopher, physician, and jurist, known as a commentator on Aristotle, 1126–​1198), and Ibn al-​Haytham (one of the most outstanding Muslim physicists and mathematicians, 965–​1039) were making their first appearances to a Latin readership. This marked an important turning point in European scholarship and education. As Edward Grant rightly concludes, the development in learning initiated by this translation activity laid the foundation for the academic development that is continuing to the present day. It thus came about that, in 1200, the curriculum in Oxford and Paris, two of the three greatest universities of Christendom, was based on this “new learning.”30 By the fourteenth century, the Universities of Padua, Bologna, and Paris had become centers for the teaching and dissemination of Aristotelian philosophy, relying on Arabic commentaries for guidance, more particularly those of Averroes. The Arts Faculty and Medical School at Padua University

29.  George Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges:  Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1981), 261. 30.  Edward Grant, “Science and the Medieval University,” in Rebirth, Reform and Resilience: Universities in Transition 1300–​1700, ed. James M. Kittelson and Pamela J. Transue (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1984), 69–​70.

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were notorious for adopting a decidedly Averroistic interpretation of certain Aristotelian doctrines, even at the expense of the teachings of the Catholic Church. Between 1280 and 1320, Oxford University was one of the most active centers for this type of philosophical activity, famously cultivating the sciences of astronomy, optics, and mechanics while relying upon Arabic treatises on these subjects. Aside from the curriculum itself, another important area of influence lies in the formal accrediting process that took place in both institutions. This feature distinguished the educational traditions of both the medieval European university and the Arabic medrese from the institutions of higher learning that had emerged in ancient Greece and Rome. In the Latin tradition, a license was awarded to graduates of the university arts curriculum, which entitled them to become teachers. This licentia docendi, which first emerged the late twelfth century, was to be found neither in early medieval Europe nor in previous Western academic traditions. Historians of medieval Arabic education, most notably George Makdisi, have argued that the term licentia docendi, which appears in Latin sources only beginning in the twelfth century, was likely a direct translation of a technical Arabic term.31 The Arabic certificate for teaching, the ijaza li’t-​tadris, is in fact literally equivalent to the licentia docendi in meaning. The first recorded use of the term licentia docendi appeared in the Latin world in the second half of the twelfth century in a decretal issued by Pope Alexander III (1105–​1181). On account of this, because of an interval of at least two centuries between the two, and because there was no mention of any such entitlement in any educational tradition in the Christian world, the existence of some medrese educational features in the European university tradition was indicated.32 However, looking at the relationship between the medrese and the university from the viewpoint of institutional background and features, we find that one of the fundamental differences between the medrese and the university lies in the

31. Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, 275. It should be noted that the nineteenth-​century philologist Daniel Haneberg and the early twentieth-​century historian Julian Ribera independently arrived at the same conclusion. See Daniel Haneberg, Abhandlung über das Schul-​und Lehrwesen der Muhamedaner im Mittelalter (Munich: Auf Kosten der Akademie Gedruckt von J.G. Weiss, 1850), 21; Julian Ribera, Disertaciones y opúsculos, vol 2. (Madrid: Impr. de E. Maestre, 1928), 227–​359; Julian Ribera, La enseñanza entre los musulmanes españoles, reprinted from Discurso leido en la Universidad de Zaragoza en la solemne apertura del Curso Académico de 1893 a 1894 (Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza, 1893). 32. Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, 272; for an extended treatment of the linguistic similarities of teaching licenses across cultures, see George Makdisi, “The Reception of the Model of Islamic Scholastic Culture in the Christian West,” in Science in Islamic Civilization, ed. E. İhsanoğlu et al. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2000), 1–​16.

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regulations forming the legal framework supporting them.33 The medreses were founded in accordance with the provisions of the Islamic law of endowments or pious foundations [waqfs], while the universities were founded as “legally autonomous corporate bodies” as defined in Roman law. While in Islam the conditions laid down by the founder of the waqf in accordance with the law governing pious foundations were immutable,34 in European universities, whose foundations were based on Roman law, the administrators were furnished with greater powers and could introduce innovations that were not envisaged at the time of the foundation. This very important difference meant that medreses enforced a strictly traditional approach while the universities were more open to changes and, alternately, to modernization. Yet even this general rule may not be the whole story as there is evidence that the model of the Islamic waqfs may have had a direct influence on the development of English universities, Oxford in particular. These universities do appear to bear traces of Islamic civilization in the funding mechanism of the pious foundations that supported their college system.35 Monica Gaudiosi believes that in spite of certain differences in customs and ceremonies, the Islamic pious foundation forms the origin of the English trusts and gives Merton College, which is generally regarded as a turning point in the history of college education, as an example.36 In the case of Merton College at Oxford, Walter de Merton’s endowment of his income to the students, thus fulfilling an essential procedure of the classical Islamic waqf, shows an important influence exerted at the institutional level by Islamic tradition on the Christian world. Nevertheless, this aspect of securing funds for an educational institution by means of endowments, which

33. This notwithstanding the missing links of transmission that Tim Geelhaar has discussed. See Tim Geelhaar, “Did the Medieval West Receive a ‘Complete Model’ of Education From Classical Islam? Reconsidering George Makdisi and His Thesis,” in Cultural Transfers in Dispute: Representations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World Since the Middle Ages, ed. Jörg Feuchter, Friedhelm Hoffmann, and Bee Yun (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2011), 61–​83. 34. In Islamic law, the rule shart al-​waqf ka nas al-​shari’ meant that the conditions laid down in the foundation charter were as immutable as the rule laid down by the legislator (God). 35. For the Islamic pious foundation as the origin of trusts in England see William R. Jones, “Pious Endowments in Medieval Christianity and Islam,” Diogenes 28 (1980): 23–​36; Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 157. 36. According to Gaudiosi, “If the Merton documents had been written in Arabic rather than in Latin, it would definitely have been accepted as a waqfiya.” See Monica Gaudiosi, “The Influence of the Islamic Law of Waqf on the Development of the Trust in England: The Case of Merton College,” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 136 (1988): 1231–​1261. For a variety of discussions on this subject see Murat Çizakça, A History of Philanthropic Foundations: The Islamic World From the Seventh Century to the Present (İstanbul:  Boğaziçi University Press, 2000),  8–​13.

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was an established tradition in the Islamic world, would not justify the claim that Islamic educational institutions formed the basis of the Western university. This social organization appeared in the second half of the twelfth century. Whatever we may say about the implications of the cross-​cultural contact between these two educational traditions, there is also a clear and abiding difference arising from the legal framework of the two institutions. This difference is most evident in the documentary record concerning the completion of a student’s education. In medreses, we see emphasized the highly personal transfer of knowledge from the teacher to the student. The award of a certificate is given in accordance with a centuries-​old tradition that links the teacher to the whole line of his own predecessors. In the universities, the record that the student has completed his education, and, accordingly, is qualified to teach is not based on these personal chains of transmission. The diploma was granted in accordance with the concept of a corporate identity. As a result, no matter how much the early European universities were influenced in their educational systems and academic traditions by the scholarly and philosophical developments promoted by the Islamic world (and, in the case of the transmission of the waqf, even from the shari’a law itself ), on the institutional level, European universities originated and developed within the context of European culture and European society. They cannot be identified with the medrese; these two institutions of higher learning both belonged to culturally different worlds.

1

PART I

Genesis, Development, and Closure of the Darülfünun

1  New Pursuits in Education, Orientation to the Occident By the advent of the nineteenth century, it was clear to the Ottomans that their classical traditions and institutions would not suffice. During the second half of the eighteenth century, the Ottomans had suffered defeats in several wars that resulted in losses of territory throughout the empire. Because of their rising technological and military power, Russia and the European states effectively ended the Ottoman monopoly of the Black Sea and its suzerainty over Crimea. After the alarming, though short-​lived, occupation of Egypt by Napoleon (1798), the Ottoman government felt the need to reorganize its armed forces in order to prevent any further losses and to secure its existence. Aware of the political and cultural repercussions of the French Revolution and of the rising superiority of the technological, economic, and military powers produced by the Industrial Revolution, Ottoman statesmen were in search of new solutions to cope with these challenges. Reform efforts that were pursued during the reigns of Selim III (r. 1789–​1807) and of Mahmud II (r. 1807–​1839) followed the two principal objectives of enhancing state power through centralization and building a strong bureaucratic machine to control the country, administer its collection of revenues, and reorganize the armed forces in emulation of European armies. The government’s new policies of reform and transformation were complicated by the multiracial and multireligious composition of a vast empire that spread over three continents: Europe, Asia, and Africa. The Ottoman state ruled a panoply of territories including today’s Turkey (Anatolia and Thrace), the Balkans, the Middle East (Mesopotamia, Levant, Arab Peninsula), North Africa, and parts of the Caucasus.

The House of Sciences: The First Modern University in the Muslim World. Ekmeleddİn İhsanoğlu, Oxford University Press (2019). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190051556.003.0001

2

2

T he House of Sciences

Wide-​ranging reform and modernization movements initiated shortly after Sultan Abdülmecid (r. 1839–​1861) ascended the throne are referred to as the Tanzimat [reforms] in Ottoman history. Defined chronologically by the shift of political initiative from the palace (sultan) to the Sublime Porte (grand vizier and bureaucracy) in 1839 and back to the palace in 1876, the period was marked by the formation of a new elite class and innovations in education, prolific legislation, new governmental interventions in society, and a transformation in the political process that far exceeded anything the leading statesmen could control.1 From the turn of the nineteenth century onward, the increasing tendency to modernize Ottoman education and scientific life led to the establishment of different types of schools and institutions of higher learning. This modernization process has been an integral part of the nineteenth-​century state reforms.2 This process undoubtedly gained momentum after the Proclamation of the Tanzimat Edict of 1839.3 The bureaucrats of the Tanzimat period had a clear vision for what the top institution of the modernized public education would be. They were of the opinion that these new institutions should differ markedly from the traditional medrese (traditional institution of education). The intention was to found a university similar to those in Europe where modern sciences would be taught and that would rank among the highest of the newly established modern institutions. The new institution of higher learning would be called Darülfünun, a newly coined term made up of two original Arabic words, namely dar, meaning “house,” and fünun, meaning “sciences.” This would be an institution distinct from the medrese where traditional sciences [culūm, singular cilm] were taught.4 In classical Arabic, the word fen (singular of fünun) has a variety of meanings, including sort, state and condition, mode, way, manner, and species. Muslim scholars also used this term to mean “science.”5 In the Arabic literature of the 19th century the word

1. Carter V. Findley, Turkey, Islam, Nationalism and Modernity: A History, 1789–​2007 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010). 2. On modernization of public education in the Ottoman Empire see Selçuk Akşin Somel, The Modernization of Public Education in the Ottoman Empire 1839–​1908: Islamization, Autocracy and Discipline (Leiden: Brill, 2001). 3.  See Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Tanzimat Öncesi ve Tanzimat Dönemi Osmanlı Bilim ve Eğitim Anlayışı,” in 150. Yılında Tanzimat, ed. Hakkı Dursun Yıldız (Ankara: TTK, 1992), 335–​395. 4.  One should remember that medrese students studying these sciences were called talebe-​i ulûm [seekers of ulûm] by the Ottomans. 5.  Edward William Lane, An Arabic-​English Lexicon (London:  Williams and Norgate, 1863), 2447.

3



Genesis, Development, and Closure of Darülfünun

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fen indicated a branch of science, and its plural form fünun meant the branches of various sciences. In Ottoman Turkish, this word denoted meanings that were taken from the Arabic, such as kind, type, species, and branch of science. However, in the nineteenth century, this word was used to mean sciences based on observation, experiment, and proof. Fünun, the plural of fen, differed in connotation from the word culūm (namely, sciences or religious knowledge taught in the medreses), and it was used in the term darülfünun to indicate this difference. Redhouse in his lexicon (1890) denotes Applied Sciences as an equivalent to fünun.6 Meanwhile Şemseddin Sami in his standard Turkish dictionary (1899–​ 1900) differentiates between fen/​fünun and cilm/​ûlum. He clearly defines fen/​ fünun to mean sciences like mathematics, chemistry, medicine, etc., and cilm/​ ulûm to indicate literary sciences (grammar and syntax) and traditional sciences like jurisprudence [fıqh] and Hadith [Prophetic traditions].7 It is apparent that this institution was conceived to be synonymous with the word fünun as an educational institution where new sciences of Western origin would be studied. As we shall see, this new coinage of darülfünun was adopted in other Islamic countries, such as Iran and Afghanistan, to name their modern universities. Although the first attempts to bring about changes and reform in education in the Ottoman Empire had already begun, further progress was made following the Proclamation of the Tanzimat in 1839. The newly founded military institutions, which provided military and technical education, were the forerunners of modern schools. The medreses continued to function as classical educational institutions from the early period of their foundation. The functionaries to be employed in the fields of religion, law, education, and administration were mainly educated in the medreses. The conceptual framework of traditional education is best expressed in the code of law dating from the period of Süleyman the Magnificent (1538). Hence, the purpose of education was to attain knowledge and wisdom, followed by the attainment of virtue, spiritual knowledge, religion, Islamic law [shari’a], and the development of the human faculties and abilities.8 Moreover, the officials known as ulema (plural of alim, literary men of knowledge; the learned class; scholars trained in Islamic religious sciences), educated in the

6.  James William Redhouse, Turkish and English Lexicon (Constantinople:  printed for the American Mission by A. H. Boyajian, 1890), 1398. 7.  Şemseddin Sami, Kamus-​i Turki (Dersaadet, Turkey:  İkdam Matbaası, 1317–​ 1318 [1899–​1900]),  1397. 8. For a copy and transcription of the code of law see Cahit Baltacı, XV–​XVI. Asırlar Osmanlı Medreseleri: Teşkilat, Tarih (İstanbul: İrfan Matbaası, 1976), 623–​627.

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medrese (şeyhülislam, kazasker, müftü, müderris, kadı, imam, vaiz, etc.), exerted their influence on the people as the representatives of the official policy and ideology of the state. Therefore, the state attached great importance to the medreses and the high-​ranking medrese graduates, who had a hierarchy of their own, and refrained from meddling in the affairs of this institution. The main purpose of medrese education was to educate what we would call “informed believers” in line with the paradigms of the classical Ottoman tradition and to train Muslims who would defend Islam against the intellectual attacks.9 The medreses did not depend on the state treasury financially since their expenditure was met, as in the case of other semipublic institutions, by pious endowments [waqfs]. Throughout their history, the Ottoman semipublic institutions catered to both official and social needs in different fields (religion, education, health services, and social welfare) by means of revenues from endowments instead of from the state treasury. It was only in the military establishments that large-​scale expenditure and investment were undertaken by the State Treasury. Owing to its position as a source of political power, the military institution was the only establishment that received a large amount of financial support from the state. This is the reason why a great number of the first reforms were made in military institutions through official initiatives. At the same time, this trend was in line with the policy of reinforcing the power of the state and restoring its old glory. After the Ottoman navy was defeated by the Russian fleet in Çeşme, a seaport on the Aegean coast, in 1770, new military and technical educational institutions were founded and expanded during the last quarter of the eighteenth century as part of the military reforms. The need to establish new institutions of learning that differed from the classical Ottoman educational institutions became imperative. The Imperial Dockyards [Tersâne-​i Âmire], associated with the defeat in Çeşme, had an important role in the establishment of new military institutions and influenced the rise and development of the modernization movement in the empire. The following three major attempts were carried out within this institution. The first was the application of modern techniques in the construction of ships; the second was the beginning of education at the School of Engineering in 1775, where the transfer and assimilation of Western science and technology was initiated; and the third was the foundation of the first modern medical school in 1806. Likewise, steam technology was introduced for the first time in the nineteenth century, and the first

9.  For an overall history of Ottoman medreses see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Ottoman Educational and Scholarly Scientific Institutions,” in History of the Ottoman State Society and Civilisation, ed. E. İhsanoğlu (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 2002), 368–​390. (For definitions of abbreviations, please see the List of Abbreviations at the beginning of the book.)

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steamships were built in the Imperial Dockyards. Thus modern education and technology were introduced and the attempts at industrialization were realized within the framework of the military institutions.10 Hence a new approach to science and education emerged in the Dockyards Engineering School, which was established in 1775, and later in the new Engineering School [Mühendishane-​i Cedide] founded in 1793 by Selim III. The shift from the oriental, that is, from the classical Islamic tradition, to the Western tradition of education took place within this context. The Mühendishane constituted the first prototype of modern educational institutions and can be considered among the first institutions where the Ottoman classical tradition of education converged with modern sciences and technology, and an active symbiosis was created on both intellectual and institutional levels. The most notable example of the increasing interest in Western sciences to be encountered during the reign of Selim III is found in the autobiography of one of its first graduates, engineer Seyyid Mustafa Efendi, who wrote the following in 1803: “The sciences that I was devoted to, belong to those (European) countries.” He also expressed his ambition to study French and advance his knowledge of the sciences for which he had a great enthusiasm as well as to read scientific books in French. Seyyid Mustafa Efendi was educated in the Engineering School, in which he became a professor of mathematics. This inclination toward Europe, as observed in Seyyid Mustafa Efendi’s words, is clearly seen in the changes in the curriculum and the books studied in the Mühendishane. Mathematics and astronomy textbooks, studied during the initial stage of the Mühendishane, were mostly based on classical Islamic scientific literature; neither European works nor their Turkish translations were read. The most conspicuous example of the rapid transition was reflected in the number of books translated from European languages, the number of which increased in 1806 when Hüseyin Rıfkı Tamanî (d. 1816) was chief instructor and later when İshak Efendi (1830–​1836) assumed the same position in the Mühendishane.11 The institutions that provided technical training were founded mainly for military purposes, which is clearly expressed in the imperial edict issued by Selim III for the regulation of the imperial schools of engineering: “The engineering schools were founded mainly for the teaching of geometry, arithmetic and geography, along with military and naval sciences [fünun-​ı berriye and bahriye],

10. On the foundation of new educational institutions see ibid., vol. 2, 421–​444. 11.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Başhoca İshak Efendi, Pioneer of Modern Science in Turkey,” in Decision Making and Change in the Ottoman Empire, ed. Caesar E. Farah (Kirksville, MO: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1993), 157–​168.

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combined with instruction in the war industry and its practical applications.”12 In short, the objective of this institution was to train what we would call technically educated officers, mütefennin zâbitan as they were known in that period. The statesmen and scholars of the day believed that the country could be saved only by a technically equipped, regular modern army. Therefore the state turned to Europe with the aim of training officers in modern sciences in line with the military reforms of Western inspiration. During the period of Mahmud II, for the first time, reform in civilian education was foreseen as well as that of military education, and a decree was issued in 1824 to start with the primary [sıbyan] schools in İstanbul. The requisite guideline for the education and training of children was determined and it was recommended that children be sent to schools instead of serving as apprentices. The Office of Şeyhülislam [head of the religious hierarchy] was charged with the administration of the schools.13 This decree, which was issued to establish compulsory primary education, quickly lost its status of priority because of the sultan’s urgent political and military engagements in suppressing a Janissary revolt (1826), waging war with Russia, and addressing domestic unrest in Egypt, Baghdad, and Shkoder. However, after the opening of the School of Medicine in 1827 and the Military School in 1835, Sultan Mahmud II made another attempt in the field of education. A bill prepared in 1838 ensured that the education system would be handled in detail and as a whole. This plan of radical educational reform was inspired by the French. The schools were divided into three levels:  primary schools [sıbyan schools], secondary schools [rüşdiye], and schools of higher education [mekâtib-​i âliye]. A memorandum of the Council of Public Works [Meclis-​i Umur-​ı Nafia] dated February 5, 1839, concerning the district schools [mahalle mektebi], is important insofar as it laid the foundations of public education.14 A  new administration Directorate of Ruşdiye Schools [Mekâtib-​i Rüşdiye Nezareti] was established in 1839 and attached to the Office of Şeyhülislam. It seems that the Guizot Act of 1833 in France that provided free education in every community was a source of inspiration for the establishment of district schools.

12.  Mühendishane-​ i Sultanî’nin Tesis ve Küşadını Amir Sultan Selim-​ i Sâlis Fermanı (İstanbul:  Matbaa-​i Bahriye, 1328/​1912); Mustafa Kaçar, “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Bilim ve Eğitim Anlayışındaki Değişmeler ve Mühendishânelerin Kuruluşu” (PhD thesis, İstanbul University, 1996). 13. İhsanoğlu, “Ottoman Educational and Scholarly Scientific Institutions,” 449–​450. 14. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 176, 21 Zilqaada 1254 (February 5, 1839): 1–​4.

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Mahmud II planned to establish new schools to implement his reform policy and fulfill the need to train enlightened civil servants known as the münevver bendegân. The münevver bendegân were an intelligentsia who had received a modern education newly required by the state administration. With this aim, in 1838 the Sultanic School [Mekteb-​i Maarif-​i Adliye] was founded that gave three years’ education. Young bureaucrats employed in the grand vizier’s office [Sublime Porte] and the Finance Administration officers [Defterdarlık] were required to attend the school. The bureaucrats who had not graduated from this school would not be employed in state institutions.15 Among the early achievements of Sultan Abdülmecid, who ascended the throne at a young age on the death of his father, the most important was the proclamation of the Tanzimat reform. The imperial rescript announced at Gülhane on November 3, 1839, ensured the freedom and essential rights of the people in the name of the state on egalitarian bases. These consisted mainly in the assurance of the life, property and honor of the Muslim and non-​Muslim Ottoman subjects, the fair collection of taxes, the organization of the military services, and the promise of justice for everybody in the courts, as well as the protection of the possessions of subjects from confiscation. The purpose of the Tanzimat was explained as the revival not only of religion and the state but also of the country and the nation as a whole. According to its main principle, people would not exist for the state but the state would exist for the people.16 The imperial Tanzimat edict did not set a clear objective for education and learning. However, important developments took place in the modernization of educational life as part of the change introduced by the Tanzimat movement. These new attempts regarding public education, which began during the reign of Mahmud II, continued during the reign of his son Abdülmecid. He was a loyal follower of his father and took a personal interest in the deliberation of the Supreme Council for Judicial Regulations [Meclis-​i Vâlâ-​yı Umur-​i Adliye] created by his father in 1837 to deal with the growing need for new regulations. The primary function of this Council was to prepare legislative proposals and

15. Later, on July 20, 1862, this school was converted into an institution where the graduates of the rüşdiye schools were educated for one year and were prepared for the position of state employee. In this way, the Sultanic School [Mekteb-​i Maarif-​i Adliye] assumed a new form under the name of School of Bureaucracy [Mekteb-​i Aklâm]. However, the expected objective was not attained, and the duration of education was increased to three years and the name of the school was changed to Resource of Bureaucracy [Mahrec-​i Aklâm]. In 1877, this school was merged with the preparatory [idadi] classes of School for Civil Servants [Mekteb-​i Mülkiye] and closed down. Faik Reşit Unat, Türkiye Eğitim Sisteminin Gelişmesine Tarihi Bir Bakış (Ankara: Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı, 1964), 80. 16. Halil İnalcık, “Sened-​i İttifak ve Gülhane Hatt-​ı Hümayunu,” Belleten 28 (1964): 612–​613,  619.

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functioning as an adjudicating body for civil and administrative cases. On January 12, 1845, he visited the Supreme Council [Meclis-​i Vâlâ] where a new imperial rescript was read in his presence. The rescript, where his viziers were cautioned firmly, emphasized the reform measures for the public improvement of the country and stressed the fact that one of the essential topics the state was closely concerned was that of public education. Sultan Abdülmecid first requested that “all ministers should come together to discuss and deliberate the idea of whatever was needed for civil reforms,” at the same time insisting that bureaucrats should not have conflicting opinions on this issue. As the realization of this goal depended on the elimination of illiteracy, he ordered that the foundation and building of schools, which would constitute the source of science, learning, and industry, should be their first concern. The schools should be built in convenient places in the country, and public education should be properly organized (see Figure 1).17 It would not be wrong to say that the views expressed in the imperial rescript, specifically the relationship established among education, industry, and modernization, became the basic ideal of the Tanzimat bureaucracy and of all the Ottoman administrators that succeeded them. Public education and industrialization were the two main driving forces behind the modernization of education in Europe, and these movements were soon reflected in the Ottoman world because of the reach of the imperial rescript’s influence. It should be also noted, as will be shown in different parts of this book, that secularization of the modern institution of education took place over a long period of time through centralization of different activities of education in the vast areas of Ottoman Empire.

1.1  Planning of Central Education The Supreme Council, in line with Sultan Abdülmecid’s objectives in public education, decided to establish a Provisional Council of Education, known as the Provisional Council [Meclis-​i Muvakkat] for short, with members to be selected from among the ulema, the military class, and the bureaucracy.18 The Provisional Council, which consisted of a chairman, six members, and one secretary, started work on March 4, 1845, and convened twice a week in the Sublime Porte.19 The 17.  Takvim-​i Vekayi, no.  280, 12 Muharram 1261 ( January 21, 1845):  1; Ahmed Lütfi Efendi, Tarih-​i Lütfi, ed. Abdurrahman Şeref, 8 (İstanbul: Sabah Matbaası, 1328 [1910]), 9–​10. 18. Kenan Akyüz, Encümen-​i Dâniş (Ankara: Ankara Ünivesitesi, 1975), 40–​41. 19.  Ali Akyıldız, Tanzimat Dönemi Osmanlı Merkez Teşkilatında Reform (1836–​ 1856) (İstanbul: Eren Yayınları, 1993), 228. For the establishment of the Provisional Council [Meclis-​ i Muvakkat], see the text of the decision taken by the Council for Judicial Ordinances [Meclis-​i Vâlâ-​yı Ahkâm-​ı Adliye]: Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 283, 4 Rabi I 1261 (March 13, 1845).

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Figure  1.  Sultan Abdülmecid’s imperial decree on public education; official gazette Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 280 (12 Muharram 1261/​January 21, 1845).

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chairman, Melekpaşazade Abdülkadir Bey (d.1262/​1846), a member and later chairman of the Supreme Council in 1843, was from an enlightened circle of ulema known as the Beşiktaş Ulema Grubu.20 The members of the new Council were Arif Hikmet Bey (1786–​1859), later appointed Şeyhülislam; chronicler [vakanüvis] Esad Efendi; Said Muhib Efendi, who was trained at the Sublime Porte; Meşrebzâde Mehmed Arif Efendi; Director of the Military Academy and engineer Mehmed Emin Pasha, who was educated in Europe; Keçecizâde Fuad Efendi (Pasha, 1815–​1869), who later rose to the Grand Vizierate; and Mehmed Recai Efendi, who was trained at the Sublime Porte and worked as chronicler and became secretary of the Council. These members, four of whom were selected from the ulema, three from the bureaucracy, and the last from the military, were entrusted with the duty of formulating the main principles of the new educational policy and drawing up the necessary plans. The members of the newly established Provisional Council, with their diverse backgrounds, attempted to work out a new educational reform process in unison. According to the decision of the Supreme Council, the main objective of the Provisional Council of Education was to prepare the necessary planning of education in line with the essential principles set forth. The first was that students should receive a basic education that would provide them with the main skills to fulfill the requirements of religion and carry on their affairs without depending on others.21 The other principle was that each individual would be taught the sciences (both ulûm and fünun) in order to attain intellectual maturity and to receive the education to enable him to be virtuous, well brought up, and sufficiently informed. These two principles would determine the conceptual framework of the first central Ottoman educational policy and the integrative approach that constituted the paradigm of Ottoman modernization. The new Ottoman citizens educated in line with this approach would first acquire a religious culture as well as a sufficient command of the modern sciences to enable them to constitute the new Ottoman society. “Reason” and “wisdom” were foremost among the concepts emphasized here.

20. The term Beşiktaş Ulema Grubu indicates the liberal and far-​sighted intellectual milieu of a group of high-​ranking scholars formed in the Beşiktaş quarter of İstanbul at the turn of the nineteenth century. See Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “The Group of Scholars Known as Members of the Beşiktaş Cemiyet-​i İlmiyesi (Beşiktaş Learned Society),” in Ciépo-​Osmanlı Öncesi ve Osmanlı Araştırmaları Uluslararası Komitesi: VII. Sempozyumu Bildirileri (7–​11 Eylül 1986: Peç), ed. J. L. Bacqué-​Grammont, İ. Ortaylı, and E. Van Donzel (Ankara: TTK, 1994), 87–​96. 21. The original text is as follows: “efrâd-​ı beşeriyeden her bir şahsın evvel be evvel zaruriyattan olan ferâiz ü mesâil-​i diniyesini belleyüp kendi umûrunda ahere muhtaç olmayacak derece tahsil-​i kabiliyet eylemesi.” [“First of all, every human being should learn his/​her religious obligations and should learn the skills/​abilities so that he will not be in need of others.”]

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1.2  Birth of the Idea of Darülfünun The Provisional Council of Education first drew up an inventory of the existing schools from the registers of the Imperial Ministry of Waqfs. Three memoranda were prepared to deal with the educational activities on three separate levels, as foreseen in the period of Sultan Mahmud II in 1838. The Provisional Council submitted a proposal first to reform the sıbyan schools, second to reorganize the rüşdiye schools, and third to establish a new institute of higher learning by the name of Darülfünun in İstanbul.22 It is in the memoranda’s third recommendation that the term darülfünun appeared for the first time. In addition, the memoranda also included recommendations to establish a Permanent Council of Education in the Sublime Porte to supervise educational affairs, the initiation of the school reforms in İstanbul, and the appointment of a minister of education. After the Provisional Council of Education had prepared these memoranda, they were discussed at the Supreme Council and consideration was given to the means of providing funds for the realization of the planned educational reforms. The first proposal, that the funds should be obtained from the governors of Trebizond, Mosul, and Bosnia, was found to be unsuitable, and a new report was prepared to be submitted to the Supreme Council.23 It was proposed that the funding could be provided by the surplus income from the increased customs dues resulting from the trade agreement drawn up with the Russian State or the increase of a few thousand purses (kese; 1 kese equals 500 kurush) added to the tender of the İzmir customs or the income from stamped documents [evrak-​ı sahiha].24 In the Supreme Council’s report dated February 19, 1846, the main objective was specified as the training of “educated civil servants” to be employed in important state affairs as well as “the organization of a Darülfünun to function within the Sublime Porte or another suitable place.”25 However, it was not exactly specified what was meant by Darülfünun and what kind of an institution was to be founded.26 Nevertheless it was apparent that the first objective was to 22.  Although we did not have access to the original texts of these memoranda, they were mentioned in the documents that were prepared later. See BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no.  5.710; BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 6.634. 23. For the decree dated November 6, 1845. See BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 5.710. 24. For the document 22 Safer 1262 (February 19, 1846), see BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 6.634. For the subject matter see Akyıldız, Tanzimat Dönemi Osmanlı Merkez Teşkilatında Reform, 230. 25. See BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 6.634. 26. The proposal for the establishment of the Darülfünun is mentioned for the first time in this official report, which was prepared on the basis of the memoranda of the Provisional Council.

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train bureaucrats who would carry out state affairs more efficiently during the transition from the traditional Ottoman administration to a modern central administration. When Sultan Abdülmecid set out for Rumelia (European provinces) at the beginning of May 1846, he requested that the Darülfünun and the Permanent Council of Public Education [Meclis-​i Maarif-​i Umumiye] be established as soon as possible. On his return, during the reading of the imperial decree at the Supreme Council, he reiterated that the subject of public education should be speedily realized and the Permanent Council of Education should be immediately formed: As it is well known that my special desire is to give public education priority in order to solve the problem of public illiteracy in the country, the decision taken in this respect is welcomed by our Imperial Majesty and in order to solve this important problem, the permanent council of education should be formed immediately.27 Upon the proposal of the Provisional Council and the decision of the Supreme Council, the Permanent Council of Education was formed to reorganize educational affairs, supervise their progress, discuss all problems arising in practice, and reach a decision.28 The function of the Permanent Council of Education was the implementation of educational affairs planned by the Provisional Council. This new body was placed under the joint supervision of Rifat Pasha, chairman of the Supreme Council, and Mustafa Reşid Pasha, minister of Foreign Affairs. As a representative of the military, engineer Mehmed Emin Pasha, who had been educated in Europe, was appointed to head this Council instead of a member of the ulema. The members were Esad Efendi, Said Muhib Efendi (undersecretary of the Foreign Office), Âlî Efendi (later pasha and grand vizier), İsmail Pasha from İzmir, and Fuad Efendi (Keçecizâde Mehmed Fuad Pasha, grand vizier). Recai Efendi was appointed secretary. The appointment of Emin Pasha to the head of the Permanent Council of Education may be construed as a boost for the modernization and secularization efforts in educational life. Our examination of the archival documents and newspapers did not reveal any hint regarding the existence or mention of the newly coined Darülfünun before this date. For the official report see the minutes of the Supreme Council [Meclis-​i Vâlâ] dated 22 Safer 1262 (February 19, 1846); BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 6.634. 27. For the imperial decree of 27 Jumada II 1262 ( June 22, 1846), see Ceride-​i Havadis, no. 287, 3 Rajab 1262 ( June 27, 1846): 1; Seyahatname-​i Hümayun (İstanbul 1262/​1845), 28. 28. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 303, 27 Rajab 1262 ( July 21, 1846): 2; Akyüz, Encümen-​i Dâniş,  42–​48.

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Initially the Permanent Council of Education did not meet regularly but merely as required. Later they decided to meet twice a week.29 The fact that the Permanent Council of Education was under the common supervision of the minister of Foreign Affairs and the head of the Supreme Council indicates that there was a clear tendency for secularization in the field of education and the role of the ulema was decreased. The influence of the Sublime Porte, namely the government, increased in educational affairs that had been previously administered from the Şeyhülislam’s office. The Tanzimat intelligentsia recognized that reforms would be incomplete without a modernization of the educational system. Hence they attempted to carry out the reforms more easily and effectively by taking control of the educational mechanism. The Permanent Council of Education took up the subjects that were proposed by the Provisional Council in a memorandum in detail. In it was detailed the reorganization of the existing schools in İstanbul, viewpoints regarding the students and the teachers, and the reforms to be made in education. Details such as a yearly allocation of 5000 kese (2,500,000 Kurush) from the educational budget would be decided later. Meanwhile an allocation of 1000 kese (500,000 Kurush) from the Treasury was requested for the books for the Darülfünun and other schools as well as the preparation of maps, etc. However, it was decreed that the allocation of 500 kese instead of 1000 kese was suitable.30 While the Council continued its work, the Ministry of Public Education was set up in March 1857 with the aim of administering all modern educational institutions from one single authority, with the intention that modernization and reforms in the field of education would take firm root. This new ministry, headed by Abdurrahman Sami Pasha, was envisioned as a secular structure and was to be independent of the administration of the religious institutions. Meanwhile, in one month, the Administration of Public Schools attached to the Office of Şeyhülislam was converted to the Ministry of Public Education and the present double-​headed image was removed. Thus, the centralization efforts initiated by Mahmud II were realized, and education was carried out under the centralized state’s supervision as in other modern states. It is also interesting to note that the Ottoman Ministry of Education was established (1857) almost three decades after the French Ministry of Education (1828).

29. For the Council of Public Education [Meclis-​i Maarif-​i Umumiye], see Akyıldız, Tanzimat Dönemi Osmanlı Merkez Teşkilatında Reform, 231–​234. 30. Akyıldız, Tanzimat Dönemi Osmanlı Merkez Teşkilatında Reform, 233.

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Without doubt, the ultimate objective of the Tanzimat officials’ attempts at educational reform was the establishment of a modern university, that is, a darülfünun. However, in that period, numerous elements that were necessary to meet the needs of such a modern institution of higher learning were lacking. The number of teachers capable of carrying out university education was very low, and the number of modern secondary school graduates was very limited. The literature in Turkish on modern sciences was insufficient, and the terminology that would form the basis of this literature needed to be developed. In this period, the state treasury was hard pressed to meet the needs of the central administration, which was going through a radical change and reorganization process, and one of the essential problems was determining the various expenditures of the Darülfünun that would be met by the state budget. In addressing these needs, priority was given to the construction of a prestigious building to house this new institution. In addition to the building, the formation of a modern technical literature in Turkish was targeted by establishing a new institution, the Society of Science [Encümen-​i Dâniş]. After taking the decision to establish the Darülfünun, a large plot of land near the Topkapı Palace was selected as the site for the magnificent building. The land was opposite the Ayasofya Mosque that faced the Sea of Marmara; it was carefully chosen for its central location. It was surveyed, and plans were made for the construction of separate halls, classrooms, a laboratory, a library, and a museum. In other words, a large-​scale, multifunctional building was planned that was similar to the universities in Europe, which were taken as models. The construction of the Darülfünun building was entrusted to the architect Gaspare Trajano Fossati who was from the Italian-​speaking Tessin Canton of Switzerland.31 He was in İstanbul to build the Russian Embassy, which is still in use. After the decision to found the Darülfünun was made, a contract was signed with him.32 The building, expropriation, and cost of the land were estimated at 80,000 odd Kurush and the cost of construction was 1500 kese (750,000 Kurush). 31. In fact, there are two architect brothers by the name of Fossati. Gaspare Trajano Fossati, the elder and better known, was born on October 7, 1809; he studied architecture and went to Russia in 1833, where he constructed a number of buildings. He came to İstanbul on May 20, 1837. His brother Giuseppe Fossati (1822–​1891) came to İstanbul in 1839, where he assisted his elder brother Gaspare in various projects, among them the construction of the Darülfünun building as well as the repair of the St. Sophia Mosque in 1847. The Fossatis, who returned to Switzerland in 1858, designed numerous buildings in İstanbul. Gaspare T. Fossati died in 1883 in Switzerland. Semavi Eyice, “İstanbul’da İlk Telgrafhâne-​i Amire’nin Projesi (1855),” İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, no. 34 (1984): 63–​64. 32.  For a copy of the contract, which was signed and stamped by Fossati, see BOA, İrade-​ Dâhiliye, no. 6.635/​2. The architect Gaspare Fossati was presented with a medal of the fourth rank and his brother a medal of the fifth rank in recognition of their commendable services

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The construction started the day after the imperial decree was issued.33 Fossati started the construction, but from time to time, it came to a standstill because of irregularities in payment. By the time Fossati gave up working on the project, its cost had reached 60,000 Kurush with an additional compensation to Fossati of 45,000 Kurush. Architect Ahmed Efendi continued the work, but the construction remained incomplete for many years.34 The outbreak of the Crimean War with Russia in 1853, which resulted in the final victory of the Ottoman and allied armies, was another factor that delayed the construction work. The completed part of the building was used as a temporary hospital for the treatment of the wounded.35 Later on, the building was used as a shelter for immigrants.36 The second and third floors of the building were completed in August 1861,37 and the rest was completed on March 6, 1865 (see Figure 2). The Darülfünun building was too large for its educational requirements at this stage. It apparently stimulated the bureaucracy’s appetite, and the Ministry of Finance took charge of it with the promise to construct another suitable building. Meanwhile public lectures continued as of April 19, 1865 in a temporary building until September 8, 1865 when the building was destroyed during the conflagration that swept several districts of old İstanbul. The same year the government decided to build a less splendid building for the Darülfünun, and that was done successfully. However, in the long process of founding a full-​fledged university,

during the construction of the Darülfünun building and the repair of the St. Sophia Mosque. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 623, 8 Jumada I 1278 (November 12, 1861): 1. 33. The imperial decree was issued on November 12, 1846 (24 Zilqaada 1262) and the construction began on November 13, 1846 (25 Zilqaada 1262). See BOA, İrade-​Meclis-​i Vâlâ, no. 6.740. 34. After Fossati left the work, architect Ahmed Efendi, a Hungarian convert, was appointed to supervise the construction of the Darülfünun building with a salary of 750 Kurush. Draft dated September 17, 1850 (10 Zilqaada 1266); BOA, Cevdet-​Maarif, no. 7, 190. 35. During the Crimean War of 1855–​1856, the Darülfünun building was first put at the disposal of the wounded soldiers of the allied French army in February 1855 as a temporary hospital. (BOA, İrade-​Hariciye, no. 5.781). For a discussion of an incident that broke out between the Tunisian and the French soldiers who were lodged in the Darülfünun hospital, see BOA, A.MKT. NZD, no. 182/​15. 36. The building was used for the lodging of the Circassian, Kuban, and Nogay immigrants who arrived from Caucasia in 1859. BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 28.882, annex 1–​3. 37. For the official report concerning the contract signed by Yorgo Kalfa, who constructed the walls of the Darülfünun building, as well as a report concerning the building of the walls of the second and the third floors, see BOA, İrade-​Meclis-​i Vâlâ, no. 20.203 for the official report of Meclis-​i Vâlâ dated 8 Safer 1278 (August 15, 1861).

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Figure 2.  Darülfünun building as designed by Swiss architect Gaspare Fossati (1846).

having access to suitable buildings to accommodate all its institutions on one campus or in one vicinity became an acute problem.

1.3  The Establishment of the Society of Science [Encümen-​i  Dâniş] Tanzimat statesmen’s haste in carrying out modernization is clearly observed in their policy concerning the Darülfünun, which they attempted to establish before formulating any clear concept of such an institution. This could also be seen in their attempt to create the Ottoman Academy of Sciences. The Provisional Council, which had decided upon the establishment of the Darülfünun with a purely pragmatic aim in mind, embarked in the same way upon the preparation of the textbooks. Thus, the idea for a council by the name of the Society of Science [Encümen-​i Dâniş] was put forward for the preparation of the textbooks for this higher teaching institution that was not clearly defined. It is not clear exactly how the idea of establishing the Society of Science came about. Apparently, the members of the Council of Public Education had a role in founding this Society, particularly the French-​educated head of the Council, the engineer Mehmed Emin Pasha. Encümen-​i Dâniş, the name coined for this body, consisted of two Persian words that were used in Ottoman Turkish

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independently. The two Persian words denoted the same meanings in Turkish. Encümen meant society or council; Dâniş meant science, knowledge, or learning [cilm]. This compound name, “Society of Science,” indicated that the new institution differed from previous educational institutions that had been founded in line with established Ottoman tradition. Just as the new term darülfünun was coined as an equivalent of the term “university” in European languages, the compound term Encümen-​i Dâniş was found suitable for naming the Ottoman equivalent of the French Academy of Science. On February 10, 1851, the Council of Education submitted a report on this subject to the Supreme Council and the Grand Vizierate. This report included a draft regulation concerning the work of the Society that included two chairpersons, 40 internal [dahilî] members, and an unlimited number of members from outside, as well as a list of names of individuals who were deemed suitable for membership. Following normal bureaucratic procedures, the document was sent to the Şeyhülislam’s office. In his reply, dated March 28, 1851, Şeyhülislam Arif Hikmet Bey informed the Grand Vizierate that the proposal to immediately establish the Encümen-​i Dâniş had been found acceptable.38 Ataullah Efendizâde Şerif Efendi, a high-​ranking member of the ulema, was appointed the first chairman of the Encümen-​i Dâniş and Chief Physician Abdülhak Molla’s son, physician Hayrullah Efendi, was appointed deputy chairman. The Encümen-​i Dâniş was to carry on its work in the temporary accommodation until the Darülfünun building was completed. The Encümen-​i Dâniş began functioning on July 18, 1851, with a magnificent ceremony in the presence of Sultan Abdülmecid and inaugurated by a speech from Grand Vizier Mustafa Reşid Pasha.39 The Encümen-​i Dâniş was one of the most illustrious products of the Tanzimat officials’ enthusiasm for cultural modernization. It is obvious that the founders of Encümen-​i Dâniş intended this institution to occupy a permanent position within the overarching scope of their imperial reforms. However, it proved short-​lived, and its activities ended after eleven–​twelve  years. The Encümen-​i Dâniş’s primary duty was “to increase the number of books in Turkish required for the dissemination of the various sciences and as a contribution to the progress of the Turkish language.” It would also prepare memoranda concerning the dissemination of the “useful sciences and arts” [ulûm ve fünûn-​ı nafia].40 Its second objective was a practice, which may be called ethnographic

38. Report dated April 2, 1851, sent by the Supreme Council to the Office of the Grand Vizier. Akyüz, Encümen-​i Dâniş, 36. 39. Akyüz, Encümen-​i Dâniş, 12. 40. The Council of Knowledge Regulations (Encümen-​i Dâniş Nizamnamesi-​Hizmet, Bend  1).

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research, in remote lands whose objective and method of application were not fully explained. According to this ethnographic program, internal and external members who lived in remote cities were asked to inform the Encümen-​i Dâniş of any interesting and important features of those places under investigation.41 As for the publications prepared by or attributed to the Society, the first to appear was a grammar book entitled Kavâid-​i Osmaniye, edited by Ahmed Cevdet Pasha and Fuad Pasha and submitted to the sultan at the inauguration of the Society.42 The book was written with the aim of modernizing the Ottoman Turkish language, particularly standardizing its grammar and developing and improving Turkish technical terminology.43 One of the most important objectives of the Ottomans’ modernization was the development of a standard language. Standardization of the language was imperative because the increase in the number of publications such as newspapers and books as well as the spread of education depended on it. This was one of the services expected from the Encümen-​i  Dâniş. The second subject that was taken up by the Council was the writing of recent history. As in the case of the Translation Committee that had been established by Grand Vizier Nevşehirli Damad Ibrahim Pasha a century before, the task of writing history was entrusted to more than one author. Ahmed Cevdet Pasha wrote a section starting from the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca until the abolition of the Janissary Corps (1774–​1826). This twelve-​volume work was prepared on behalf of the Society under Cevdet Pasha’s guidance and published between the years 1855 and 1884. The Mufassal Tarih-​i Umumî [Detailed General History] was the first great attempt to write a major world history. This project, consisting of three parts, was started in 1852, and continued by the sultan’s order. The purpose was to write a general history in “Turkish” by exploiting both Eastern and Western sources. Studies were undertaken by a committee consisting of 22 members with the object of producing the best general history book written until then. Other historical works on a smaller scale were translated from Western sources. These 41. The Council of Knowledge Regulations (Encümen-​i Dâniş Nizamnamesi-​Hizmet, Bend  6). 42.  A  complete list of the works published by or on behalf of the Council of Knowledge Encümen-​i Dâniş is not available. Information on this subject is based on Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’s account that he had come across some translations among the Yıldız manuscripts located in İstanbul University that were made directly by members of the Council or on behalf of the Council; also he claimed that some works published in the mid-​1850s were connected with this Council. See Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, XIX. Asır Türk Edebiyatı Tarihi, 7th ed. (İstanbul: Çağlayan Kitabevi, 1988), 143–​146. Moreover, the recent work by Taceddin Kayaoğlu titled Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri (İstanbul:  Kitabevi, 1998), 78–​89, contains new information about the works that were published by the Council. 43. Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri,  77–​78.

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were entitled Tarih-​i Umumî [General History],44 Tarih-​i Kudemâ-​yı Yunan ve Makedonya [History of Ancient Greece and Macedonia],45 Avrupa Tarihi [History of Europe],46 and Beyânü’l-​Esfâr [History of Expeditions].47 Apart from history, the Encümen-​i Dâniş produced works on political economy and geology. The first one was entitled İlm-​i Tedbir-​i Menzil [Economy],48 the second İlm-​i Tabakatü’l-​Arz [Geology]. Mehmed Ali Fethi Efendi, one of the internal members of the Society, translated it from Arabic.49 An examination of the contents of the works attributed to the Encümen-​i Dâniş immediately shows that their subjects were rather in tune with the fields of interest of its members, who either were mostly historians or interested in history. Although among the objectives of the establishment of the Darülfünun emphasis was laid on the “teaching of all kinds of sciences,” modern sciences [fünun], with

44. This is part of a work by M. Souvaine, who taught history at the Paris University, translated by Sahak Ebru, a haricî [external] member of the Council of Knowledge. Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri, 81. 45.  This is a work by Melek Ahmed Ağribozî. It is stated in the introduction that it was translated during the reign of Abdülmecid. The work is a manuscript and consists of 126 pages. See Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri, 81. 46. This work by Louis-​Philippe Comte de Ségur was translated by Todaraki Efendi (Pasha) from French. It traced the events that took place in Europe during the years 1786–​1796. Molla Ismail Buhari made a fair copy of the work. The translation was completed on Zilqaada 1268/​ August–​September 1852. It is preserved in the Library of İstanbul University in manuscript form. See Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri,  81–​82. 47. This work, which contains information on the last battles of Napoleon, was translated by Aleko, an external member of the Council and teacher in the Translation Office. The date of translation is unknown and the work is in manuscript form. See Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri, 82. 48. This is a popular work that was translated from the French by Sahak, an external member of the Council. Apart from this, Sahak translated two other works from French, titled Vücûd-​ı Beşerin Suret-​i Terkibi [The Human Body and Its Constitution, translated in 1851] and Avrupa’da Meşhur Ministroların Tercüme-​i Hallerine Dair Risale [A Treatise on the Biographies of Famous Ministers in Europe] (Takvimhane-​i Âmire, 1855). See Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri, 82. According to Tanpınar, Sahak Ebru also translated Voltaire’s Histoire de Charles XII for the Council. See Tanpınar, XIX. Asır Türk Edebiyatı Tarihi, 145. 49. This work was previously translated from French into Arabic. Mehmed Ali Fethi Efendi translated the Arabic text into Turkish in 1853 (İstanbul:  Darüttıbaati’l-​Âmire, 1269). İlm-​i Tabakatü’l-​Arz [Geology] is the first independent geology book to be published in Turkish. The term geology was used for the first time in this book. It was not intended as a textbook but it was used in the geology classes of some schools for twenty-​five years. See Osmanlı Tabii ve Tatbikî Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi [History of the Literature of Natural and Applied Sciences During the Ottoman Period] (hereafter referred to as OTTBLT) (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2006), vol. 1, 169–​170.

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a few exceptions, did not have a noticeable place in the Society’s program; moreover, no information was found concerning the study of the newly developed European technologies. Apparently, activities of the Society of Science were not so comprehensive as to cover all the topics that were essential in the new academic life that would be initiated at the first Ottoman university. On the other hand, various works were published on modern sciences by the professors of the previously established institutions of higher education such as the School of Medicine, the Military Academy, and the Engineering School.50 No doubt, the Encümen-​i Dâniş must have had an influence, although an indirect one, on the dissemination of modern sciences. Indeed, it set a model for the learned societies and professional associations that were later established.51 An examination of the journal Mecmua-​i Fünûn, the first popular scientific journal published by the Ottoman Learned Society [Cemiyet-​i İlmiye-​i Osmaniye], which was founded in 1861, shows that a parallelism among the topics is noticeable. “Economy” [“İlm-​i Servet-​i Milel”], “History of Greek Philosophers” [“Tarih-​i Hükema-​yı Yunan”], “General History” [“Tarih-​i Umumî”], and “Introduction to the Science of Geology” [“Medhal-​i İlm-​i Jeoloji”] were among its articles. Despite the ambitious mission of the Encümen-​i Dâniş to compile and translate the textbooks for the Darülfünun, its duration was short-​lived, ending in 1862. In 1865, a body by the name of the Translation Committee, headed by one of the Tanzimat intellectuals Münif Efendi (Pasha, 1830–​1910), was instituted under the Ministry of Education to replace the Encümen-​i Dâniş. The objective of this Committee, however, was to compile and translate books, articles, and maps not for the Darülfünun but for “the people and specifically for school children.”52 50. The “History of Ottoman Scientific Literature Series” [“Osmanlı Bilim Tarihi Literatürü Serisi], prepared by E. İhsanoğlu, R. Şeşen et al., mentions various works published by the previously mentioned institutions of higher education. For these works, see Osmanlı Astronomi Literatürü Tarihi [History of Astronomy Literature During the Ottoman Period], 2 vols. (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 1997); Osmanlı Matematik Literatürü Tarihi [History of Mathematical Literature During the Ottoman Period], 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 1999); Osmanlı Coğrafya Literatürü Tarihi [History of Geographical Literature During the Ottoman Period], 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2000); Osmanlı Askerlik Literatürü Tarihi [History of Military Art and Science Literature During the Ottoman Period], 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2004); Osmanlı Tabii ve Tatbikî Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi [History of the Literature of Natural and Applied Sciences During the Ottoman Period], 2 vols. (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 2006); Osmanlı Tıbbi Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi [History of the Literature of Medical Sciences During the Ottoman Period], 4 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2008). 51. For a history of Turkish learned societies, see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Genesis of Learned Societies and Professional Associations in Ottoman Turkey,” Archivum Ottomanicum, no. 14 (1995–​1996): 161–​189. 52. The Committee consisted of eighteen persons, including thirteen members, three secretaries, and two proofreaders. They had to have good knowledge of Turkish and the capacity

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1.4  A Critical Voice From Within A large number of Tanzimat statesmen and intellectuals were sincerely supportive of the modernization of education and the founding of the Darülfünun. Hasty decisions and hurried measures, however, were criticized. Prominent among those critical of the rush to reform was the chronicler [Vakanüvis] Ahmed Lütfi Efendi (1817–​1907), whose critical remarks and objections to certain related measures have come down to us in his famous history book. The son of a clog maker, Lütfi Efendi, who was a medrese graduate, had begun his schooling by going to the Military Engineering School and had the opportunity to be acquainted with modern science. Although he did not wish to pursue a professional career in the military, he continued his medrese education, joining the ulema, becoming a judge, and eventually a bureaucrat as he rose through the ranks. He was appointed as a member of the Council of Education and a year later (1866) as chronicler. In his account of the beginning of the Darülfünun building in 1846, he made two interesting remarks worth attention. First, he implicitly disagreed with the policy of public education and its comprehensiveness. He based his criticism on an analogy between ‘ilm and rizq. Rizq was a word found in the Holy Qur’an, which means subsistence, means of living, sustenance, or livelihood. In the Qur’an we read If God were to grant His plentiful provision [rizq] to [all] His creatures, they would act insolently on earth, but He sends down in due measure whatever He will for He is well aware of His servants and watchful over them (42/​27).53 Lütfi Efendi chose to associate public education with rizq despite the fact that there are many verses in the Holy Qur’an containing the word ‘ilm that encourage people to learn and contemplate. This selective attitude might look like an exclusive approach to public learning; however, it is more of a realistic assessment of the potentiality and availability of an Ottoman educational life. to translate from a European language. The head of the Translation Committee had to have a good command of a European language. Münif Efendi, who was the first translator at the Sublime Porte, was appointed as its head. The majority of its members were bureaucrats in the Translation Office or at the Sublime Porte, among them Director of the Postal Services Kadri Bey; Miralay (Colonel) Mehmed Ali Bey from the General Staff; Deputy Director of the Office of the State Bonds Ohannes Efendi; and Mecid Efendi, translator at the Translation Office. The Committee, which aimed to make translations related to Western culture, was not able to make an impact and was unsuccessful apart from a few individual works. Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri, 119–​131. 53. The Qur’an, Sura 42:27, English translation by M. A. S. Abdel Haleem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).

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The second remark related to the unpreparedness of the Tanzimat reformers and their hasty policies. He criticized their efforts at length and focused his ire on the large expense involved in erecting the huge building housing the Darülfünun. In particular, he was displeased with their reliance on foreign labor that resulted in the transfer out of the empire. He reminded the reader that there were qualified architects in İstanbul who had built many splendid monuments as well. Lütfi Efendi summed up his criticism of the Tanzimat educational policy, writing that “they abandoned the first lessons and gave importance to the third ones. This was not a service for education.” He illustrated this point with the humorous example of a state “importing phaetons (Fr. phaéton; Tr. fayton; Eng. carriage) from Europe to İstanbul before paving its streets.” He concluded his remarks, noting that It is almost forty years since the issue of primary and secondary schools was initiated and their organization has not been yet reached to the desired level.54 In a different context relating to the public lectures that were delivered in the holy month of Ramadan, Lütfi Efendi sarcastically made an objection [mu’tarize] to the selection of the topics to be delivered and particularly the first lecture by Tahsin Efendi on cosmology—​lessons drawn from the microcosmos and macrocosmos. “What a convenient selection, it is ‘shameful’ to spoil the faith of people with such ‘nonsense’ on those holy nights.” He maintained that such mysteries, which related to the natural sciences, should not be dealt with by beginners, but only with those who were advanced in their learning. At the end of his objection he wrote that “it is astonishing to observe that those who considered themselves wise are behaving against wisdom.”55 It should be noted that these sarcastic remarks and objections were not related to what could be referred to as an antimodern attitude. Lütfi Efendi, in addition to his erudition in “the three languages” [elsine-​selâse] and their literatures, that is, Turkish, Arabic, and Persian, also was interested in European literature. He translated Daniel Defoe’s novel Robinson Crusoe into Turkish from its Arabic translation. As the early Arabic translations of English fiction seem to have been

54.  Vakanüvis Ahmed Lütfi Efendi Tarihi, Ed. Yücel Demirel, vol. 8 (İstanbul:  Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 1999),1228.. 55. Vakanüvis Ahmed Lütfi Efendi Tarihi, ed. M. Münir Aktepe (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1989), vol. 7, 82.

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especially prominent among Syrian converts to Protestant Christianity, we can detect a tolerance for Western culture.56

2  The First Attempt: Enlightening the People The educational program that the Council of Education had envisioned for the Darülfünun in 1845 was delayed for several years. This was due, in no small way, to the absence of effective leadership that could clearly articulate the goals and conceptual framework entailed in the program. The lack of a financial, administrative, and academic infrastructure also contributed to the delay. There was a shortage of teachers, students, and books. The efforts to found the university were salvaged, however, thanks largely to the appointments of two Tanzimat-​era reformers to the highest rank in the state administration, Âlî Pasha and Fuad Pasha formerly efendis. These men had both played a primary role in the process that had begun in 1845 and were able to rekindle an interest in education activities related to the Darülfünun. In the 1860s, a series of public lectures [ders-​i c am or ders-​i umumi] was planned, and the necessary equipment for physics and chemistry experiments needed in the lectures were purchased from Europe.57 The lectures owed their sponsorship to Fuad Pasha (grand vizier, first vizierate 1861–​ 1863) who capitalized on the period between the completion of the building and the official inauguration as a time to showcase the Darülfünun’s potential.58 He organized science and history classes in the form of “public lectures that would be of use to the public.” Supreme Council member Edhem Pasha suggested that a few rooms in the Darülfünun building should be completed and used as classrooms and that chemist Derviş Mehmed Pasha (1817–​1878), who was head of the Council of Minerals and Mines, should be asked to give the inaugural lecture.59

56.  For Arabic translations of English fiction, see Peter Hall, “Early Translations of English Fiction Into Arabic: The Pilgrim’s Progress and Robinson Crusoe,” Journal of Semitic Studies 60(1) (Spring 2015): 177–​212. Dor: 10.1093/​555/​fgn 036. 57. See Mehmed Ali Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi (İstanbul: Yeni Matbaa, 1927), 16–​17, quoted from no. 25 of Tasvir-​i Efkâr, 12 Kânunuevvel 1279 (December 24, 1863). 58. BOA, A.MKT.MHM, no. 252/​57. Derviş Mehmed Pasha was born in İstanbul, and started his modern science education in the Imperial School of Engineering. Then he was sent to Paris and London for further special studies. He was appointed teacher of physics and chemistry at the Engineering School, and held different high positions. He authored the first independent books on chemistry (Ûsul-​i Kimya, 1848) and physics (Ûsul-​i Fizik, 1865); E. İhsanoğlu and Ramazan Şeşen et al., OTTBLT, vol. 1, 196–​198. 59. BOA, A.MKT.MHM, no. 252/​57.

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The public lectures were organized in the building of the Darülfünun and announced in news items and comments in the daily İstanbul newspapers and the journal Mecmua-​i Fünûn a few weeks beforehand. The newspapers reported that the public lectures would begin a few days later in accordance with the imperial order of the sultan and that physics lectures would be accompanied by experiments to make the lectures comprehensible.60 Münif Pasha (1830–​1910), a leading intellectual figure of the Tanzimat era, published an article titled “The Opening of Public Lectures at the Darülfünun,” in which the author stated that “as far as possible clearly comprehensible terms would be used” in these lectures so that everyone could come and attend the lectures. Münif Pasha was an intellectual who was enthusiastic about the introduction of modern sciences and their dissemination among the people. He said, “the above-​mentioned sciences have a positive influence on the development of ideas among the people and the progress of industry. No doubt Medrese students and all ranks of bureaucrats and members of industry among the subjects of the Sultan will show great enthusiasm in learning and studying these sciences.” He expressed his hope that professionals, artisans, and, above all, medrese students who wished would attend these lectures.61 The first public lecture was delivered by chemist Derviş Pasha, under the auspices of Edhem Pasha at 11 o’clock on Monday, January 13, 1863.62 After an introductory speech, in which Derviş Pasha underlined the necessity and importance of the knowledge of physics and chemistry, he turned his attention to the sciences of physics and chemistry, their objectives, and the characteristics of air and electric power, as well as some other topics and laws of physics in simple words that people could understand. Then he conducted some experiments related to these subjects in public. This first lecture attracted great interest. Some high-​level bureaucrats, secretaries, and common people, approximately 300 in number, attended it.63 Most of the audience, who were witnessing physics (electrical) experiments for the first time, watched them with great interest. Again, we learn from

60. Before the public lectures began, the purchased equipment was installed and approximately 4000 volumes of books were donated to the library. See Mahmud Cevad, Maarif-​i Umumiye Nezareti Tarihçe-​i Teşkilat ve İcraatı (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1338), 78; Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi, 13. 61. Münif Efendi, “Darülfünun’da Ders-​i ‘âm Küşadı,” Mecmua-​i Fünûn 1, no. 6 ( Jumada II 1279/​1862, November 24–​December 22, 1862): 258–​260. 62. Ibid., 260. 63. Ibid., 301.

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Münif Pasha that Derviş Pasha carried out an experiment on electrical power. Münif Pasha states that “special instruments” were used, and the electric current generated was transferred to the human body by means of a thin wire; when a person’s body was touched blue sparks were produced. In another experiment where he treated the metal wire with some chemical solutions, to the great surprise of the participants the wire almost dissolved, split off, and burned because of the chemical reactions.64 Two more lectures were given before the end of the month. A large number of people attended the lectures, the attendance of which gradually increased to some 400–​500 people. Some of the audience watched the experiments as a new form of entertainment. The people’s close attention to the lectures, however, surprised and greatly pleased the officials and those involved with education. Indeed, Fuad Pasha, who was appointed head of the Supreme Council after being dismissed from the Grand Vizierate, attended Derviş Pasha’s other lecture on physics on Monday, January 24, 1863, along with numerous other statesmen. He gave an important speech to the audience at the end of the lecture.65 Among other teachers who gave lectures were Ahmed Vefik Pasha (1823–​ 1891), a graduate of the Saint Louis Lycée in Paris, president of the Exchequer and Audits Court [Divân-​ı Muhasebat Reisi]; and Chief Physician Salih Efendi (1816–​1895), who was a graduate of the Imperial School of Medicine [Tıbbiye-​i Adliye-​i Şahane]. The general opinion was that the organization of such lectures by high-​ranking bureaucrats would encourage the people and lead to the rapid implementation of the educational policy of the state.66 Salih Efendi gave his lecture on natural sciences on February 16, 1863, and this was followed the next day by Ahmed Vefik Pasha’s lecture on history. The number of those attending the lectures was 200–​300.67 In the meantime, a lecture on astronomy was planned in the Darülfünun building in March 1863, which would be given by Said Efendi from the Naval Academy. As Said Efendi had to travel to London to bring some

64.  For the “electrical instrument,” its functioning and illustration, see Derviş Mehmed Pasha, Usûl-​i Hikmet-​i Tabiiye (Dersaadet:  Mekteb-​i Sanayi Matbaası, 1287/​1863), 348 and ­illustration 256. 65.  Münif Efendi, “Darülfünun Dersleri,” Mecmua-​i Fünûn 1, no. 8 (Shaban 1278, February 1–​March 1, 1862): 330–​332. 66. Ibid., 331. 67. BOA, İrade-​Meclis-​i Vâlâ, no. 21.829.

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materials that were ordered for the Dockyard, it was decided that this lecture would begin upon his return.68 The state’s support of the lectures did not depend on individuals as proved by the fact that Yusuf Kâmil Pasha (1808–​1876), who replaced Fuad Pasha as grand vizier, attended Salih Efendi’s lecture on April 25, 1864.69 It is clear that the official support encouraged the people to attend the lectures. While the public lectures continued, Derviş Pasha traveled to Paris for medical treatment, and, until his return, Safvet Pasha (1814–​1883), the head of the Military Academy, replaced him at the Darülfünun70 with a lecture on the laws of gravity on Thursday, May 7, 1863. On his return from Paris, Derviş Pasha resumed his lectures on physics on August 24, 1863. The lectures were given twice a week, on Mondays and Thursdays. The announcements expressed that attendance at the lectures would be particularly beneficial for artisans and craftsmen, who would receive instruction on modern sciences and technology.71 They would be trained to take part in the industrial projects that were started by the state. Thus the number of lectures increased to comprise four subjects:  physics, chemistry, natural sciences, and history. By the instruction of the Ministry of Public Education, geography was added to the lectures. Hence Mehmed Cevdet Efendi, who was a geography teacher at the School of Civil Servants [Mekteb-​ i Mülkiye] and an assistant [muavin] at the Ministry of Public Education, was assigned to give this lecture once a week. The first lecture was on Tuesday, October 13, 1863.72 People’s interest in the Darülfünun continued, though not with the same enthusiasm as in the first days.

2.1  A Drive Toward Harmony Between Modern Science and Islam The Ottomans had deep-​rooted scientific traditions and practices. Scholarly activities were carried out in the classical institutions of learning. These traditions and practices, which go back to pre-​Ottoman times, gained a new vigor and

68.  Askeri Müze Arşivi [Archives of the Naval Museum], Mektubî Bölümü, Defter no.  51, p. 11 (17 Shawwal 1279/​April 7, 1863). One of the persons whose name was mentioned among those who would give the astronomy lectures was the chief astronomer of the Imperial Palace, Osman Saib Efendi. See Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi, 17. 69. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 745, 17 Zilqaada 1280 (April 24, 1864): 2, col. 1. 70. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 695, 22 Zilqaada 1279 (May 11, 1863): 3. 71. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 710, 8 Rabi I 1280 (August 23, 1863): 3. 72. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 717, 27 Rabi II 1280 (October 12, 1863): 2.

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dynamism during the Ottoman period and reached its culmination with the works and astronomical observation of Takiyüddin (d. 1585). Kadızade al-​Rumî (ca. 1440), a prominent Ottoman mathematician and astronomer, in the preface to his commentary on “The Fundamental Theorems” in geometry specifies the three major categories of scientific interest: The philosophers who ponder about the creation and the secrets of the universe, the jurists [faqihs] who give fetvas [legal opinion] in religious matters, the officials who run the affairs of state and the qadis [judges] with judicial matters should know geometry.73 Thus, he emphasized the necessity of science in philosophical, religious, and worldly matters. This understanding reflects the general characteristic of Ottoman science in the classical period. This brief statement of Kadızade exemplified the guiding ethos for Ottoman scholars until the advent of modern military engineering schools, where teaching of different modern scientific disciplines began in response to the growing need for bringing up new generations of officers for the reformed Ottoman army. The military schools espoused with them a new dimension for scientific pursuit. In the introduction to his four-​volume compendium on the mathematical sciences, the famous chief instructor of the Imperial School of Engineering, İshak Efendi (d. 1836), underlined a new aspect for pursuing these sciences by saying that there is a dire need to acquire them for military purposes. A follow-​up to the first modern science publications in Turkish, particularly after the Tanzimat reformation of 1839, shows the shift from exclusive military objectives to wider interests, particularly a fascination with nineteenth-​century industrial processes. With the inception of the Darülfünun, the cultivation of public interest in these matters became an objective in itself for Tanzimat reformers. During this period of modernization, the Western concept of man’s domination of nature through science and technology, however, remained quite foreign to Ottoman scholars. Nevertheless, these public lectures were in line with the main spirit of the educational policy put forward in the imperial rescript of Sultan Abdülmecid, which was proclaimed in the Supreme Council in 1845. Clearly they were not planned as the activities of an institution of higher education, but they were partly successful in contributing to the state’s policy of public education 73.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu. “Ottoman Science,” in Encyclopedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-​Western Cultures, ed. Helaine Selin (Dordrecht, Boston, London: Kluwer Academic, 1997), 801.

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by disseminating modern knowledge to listeners. As previously mentioned, Fuad Pasha came to the Darülfünun on January 24, 1863, with the purpose of encouraging the organization of the lectures. At the end of his lecture on physics, Fuad Pasha emphasized the prestige and importance of modern physics and thanked the lecturer Derviş Pasha for his services. Afterward, he expressed the essential ideas of Tanzimat statesmen on the subject of modernization concerning the harmonization of Islam and modern science and the consequent preparation of the infrastructure for modern Ottoman culture by means of state planning: Just as the benefactions of God the Exalted pertains to all His servants, the duty of the state is to distribute all kinds of benefactions to all its subjects equally. The greatest benefaction is science and spiritual knowl­ edge. Therefore, we should all be greatly thankful to the Sultan who made their dissemination possible. Although the science which is taught and studied here is called “natural philosophy” [hikmet-​i tabiiye]; it is in fact “divine philosophy” [hikmet-​i ilahiye]. Indeed, it reveals the divine knowl­ edge to the extent that our humble selves can comprehend. Wisdom is an instrument and tool for this. The difference between old physics and new physics is like the difference between a sailboat and a steamship. One can reach one’s objective in a shorter period with the latter.74 An article that appeared in the Takvim-​i Vekayi, the official gazette, reflected the public opinion and the participants’ approach. According to this article, those who attended the physics lectures given by Derviş Pasha expressed their thanks to the sultan for the organization of the lectures from which they greatly benefited. The participants also expressed their views about the experiments they observed. The participants believed that the experiments they had observed manifested the power and glory of God in the occurrence of all kinds of strange and unusual events and were of importance in showing the scholarly level of the lectures and how they were regarded by the participants.75 The lectures in the Darülfünun building continued regularly for more than two years from January 1863 until March 1865 in the classrooms allocated for their use. Many of the participants who followed the lectures took examinations and received certificates,76 none of which have survived.

74. Münif Efendi, “Darülfünun Dersleri,” 330–​331. 75. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 742, 26 Shawwal 1280 (April 4, 1864): 2. 76. Journal de Constantinople, no. 4.574 ( January 12, 1865).

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The most conspicuous aspect of these public lectures in this period was the attempt to introduce modern sciences to the public and to artisans and craftsmen. Behind this attempt lay the desire for modernization and the development of Ottoman industry. The intellectual aspect of this project was noteworthy insofar as it was carried out in a sincere attempt to harmonize modern scientific education with Islamic culture. An examination of the writings and articles that appeared in Mecmua-​ i Fünun by Münif Pasha and other intellectuals of the time indicate that the Ottoman intellectuals did not consider themselves the heirs of a tradition different from that of Europe about science or civilization. In their view, the issue was not one of harmonizing two different civilizations. None of the articles in the journal mentioned a conflict between “Islamic civilization” and “European civilization.” This attitude probably stemmed from the fact that ancient Greek legacy constituted a common background between the two traditions and that the Ottomans were still untouched by the influences of the civilizing mission of Europe. Münif Pasha introduced the idea of biological evolution to Turkish reading intellectuals for the first time with his articles titled “Introduction to the Science of Geology” and “Ethnological Evolution of the Monkey Called Orang-​ Outang” a decade later. Hoca Tahsin Efendi (1813–​1881), one of the two scholars from the ranks of the ulema who was sent to Paris to study modern sciences and was at one time the director of the Ottoman University, wrote a “History of the Genesis and Creation.” In this work, he stated that the universe was created through various stages over billions of years and that it was necessary to have knowledge of different scientific disciplines to be able to understand these stages. Moreover, it appears that he was greatly influenced by the French edition of Ludwig Büchner’s book Kraft und Stoff [Force and Matter]. It is interesting that Hoca Tahsin Efendi preferred to present the theory of evolution as the “law of evolution” that rules over the universe and its beings. One of the most salient characteristics of the relation between science and religion at this stage is the fact that, on the one hand, members of the old ulema had an accommodative approach and a harmonious attitude in presenting new philosophical and scientific theories to a wide range of readers. On the other hand, intellectuals, who had been educated in modern institutions of learning, began to oppose religion. In the early stage, however, this elitist attitude was limited to their circle and did not reach the larger public.77 In the long run, and particularly

77. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Modern Islam,” in Science and Religion Around the World, ed. John Hedley Brooke and Ronald L. Numbers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 148–​174.

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during the Republican era, however, those who staunchly advocated scientism, materialism, and social Darwinism will be in full power.

3  The Second Attempt: Darülfünun-​i Osmanî [Ottoman University] The fire that broke out in September 1865 destroyed the mansion that housed the operations of the Darülfünun and ended the public lectures that were conceived as the first educational programs of this new institution. Two decades in the history of the Darülfünun lapsed with inadequate measures and unsuccessful attempts to establish the university. However, the Tanzimat bureaucrats did not abandon the idea of founding this institution and constructing an adequate building. With the completion of the new building in 1869, preparations for the organization of courses, which had not been taught for four years, began. In May 1869, Minister of Education Safvet Pasha proposed that Hoca Tahsin Efendi be the director of the Darülfünun. He would be responsible for administrative and educational affairs. This appointment was approved by the sultan’s imperial order dated April 8, 1869.78 During this period, as major transformations were taking place in the Ottoman Empire, the cosmopolitan ruling elite redefined the concept of Ottomanism [Osmanlılık]. Previously, Ottomanism referred to the power and identity of the imperial dynasty and the ruling class. By the nineteenth century, however, the term was used to foster an imperial supranationalism that transcended nationality, religion, and ethnicity. In such a context, it was used to counteract the appeal of separatist movements and to hold all the empire’s subjects together.79 The second attempt to establish the Darülfünun was carried on in such a spirit and milieu that hence Darülfünun was defined as Darülfünun-​i Osmanî [Ottoman University]. In the meantime, desks and chairs were purchased for the lecture room [amphitheatre]. Cupboards were introduced into the museum for the storage of coins and the housing of books. Upon the order of the Ministry of Education, one sample from each of the ancient coins was sent from the Treasury to be kept at the Darülfünun.80 A library was set up, and books were bought from Paris for 3500 French francs. An examination of the list of these books shows that they 78. See BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 41.014 for the tezkere of Safvet Pasha dated 17 Zilhijja 1285 (March 31, 1869), for the arz tezkeresi of the Office of the Grand Vizierate dated 24 Zilhijja 1285 (April 7, 1869) and for the imperial order [irade-​i seniyye] dated 25 Zilhijja 1285 (April 8, 1869). 79.  Carter Findley, The Turks in World History (Oxford:  Oxford University Press, 2005), 155–​161. 80. BOA, A. MKT. MHM, no. 441 /​80; BOA, A. MKT. MHM, no. 437/​31.

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included the main works concerning humanism and positivism commonly used in European intellectual life. This list was prepared by M. de Salve, director of the newly established French-​style high school Galatasaray Lycée-​Imperial Lycée [Mekteb-​i Sultanî] (1865), and it included books on subjects such as mathematics, physics, chemistry, mineralogy, mechanics, history, geography, medicine, literature, and philosophy. Various scientific periodicals published in Europe were included in this list, but were deleted later.81 The fact that modern literature from the West was confined to textbooks on humanities and sciences is an indication of how the administrators of that period limited their interest in transferring the findings of modern sciences and left research to a later stage. Safvet Pasha carried on the preparations for the Regulations of Public i Umumiye Nizamnamesi] while also working on the Education [Maarif-​ appointments of teachers for the Darülfünun. In fact, he prepared a report on August 26, 1869, in which he indicated the courses planned for the 1869–​1870 academic year and the professors to teach them. In Safvet Pasha’s report, the courses on mathematics, physics, astronomy, botany–​zoology, and mineralogy received priority. Teachers in military schools such as the Military Academy, the School of Medicine, and the School of Engineering were considered suitable for teaching these courses, and their appointments were considered. Care was taken in choosing members of the ulema capable of teaching secondary courses such as jurisprudence [fıqh], principles of jurisprudence [usûl-​i fıqh], philosophy, theology, and literature. The professors selected to teach at the Darülfünun would not receive an additional salary since they were also employed in other institutions. As exceptions, Rıfat Bey and Tevfik Bey, as well as Aziz Efendi, Bonkovski Efendi, and Ahmed Faris Efendi, would receive an incremental raise in their salaries amounting to 6550 Kurush a month. At the end of the report, it states that the professors teaching other courses such as geology, economics, introduction to law, and judicial procedure would be determined at a future date, and the Office of the Grand Vizierate would be informed in this regard.82

81.  Some of the periodicals first included in the list and later crossed out are the following: Annales Scientifiques de l’Ecole Normale, Annales Mathématiques, Annales de Chimie et de Physique, Annales de Mines, Annuaire de la Société Météorologique de France, 1849–​1852. See BOA, İrade-​Hariciye, no. 14.123, for the list dated 25 Rabi II 1286 (August 4, 1869). 82.  See BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no.  41.632 for Minister of Education Safvet Pasha’s memorandum dated 18 Jumada I 1286 (August 26, 1869); the writ [arz] of the Sadaret [Office of the Grand Vizier] dated 28 Jumada I 1286 (September 5, 1869) and the imperial rescript dated 29 Jumada I 1286 (September 6, 1869).

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3.1  The Comprehensive Modern Framework and 1869 Regulations of Public Education The piecemeal modernization of the traditional Ottoman educational system and the adoption of the French educational system that started during the rule of Mahmud II was finally realized in its entirety with the promulgation of the Regulations of Public Education (RPE) in 1869. Accordingly, schools were classified in five categories as the primary [sıbyan], secondary [rüşdiye], high school [idadi], Sultanic lycée [sultanî], (compared with the French lycées that were named collèges royaux following the Bourbon Restoration 1814–​1830), and schools of higher learning [mekâtib-​i âliye]. The RPE-​became effective on October 1, 1869. It marked the beginning of a new era in Ottoman educational life as well as a defining moment in the emergence of the Darülfünun in general. With these RPE-​, educational activities were planned with a comprehensive centralized approach for the first time in modern Ottoman history. Fifty articles of the RPE-​, which consisted of 198 in total, were related to the administrative, academic, financial, and legal aspects of the Darülfünun.83 When the articles of the RPE-​related to the Darülfünun are examined, it is seen that in this second attempt the essence of the Darülfünun was thought of more distinctively and specifically than in the previous attempt. The main figure behind the RPE of 1869 was Sadullah Pasha (1838–​1891), chief deputy of the chairman of the Department of Education of the Council of State. This department was established specifically for the preparation of such a regulation. The chairman of the Department of Education was Kemal Pasha. Besides Chief Deputy Sadullah Pasha, the Department included assistants Dadyan Artin Efendi, an Ottoman of Armenian origin; Recaizâde Ekrem Bey; Ebüzziya Tevfik Bey; Mahmud Mansur Efendi; and another non-​Muslim bureaucrat, Çankof Efendi, who was of Bulgarian descent. The

83. This Regulation, which was implemented in accord with the decree dated 24 Jumada II 1286 (October 1, 1869), was published in the Düstur. See Düstur, I. Tertip (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1289), vol. 2, 198–​204. The Regulation consisted of five parts and 198 articles. The first part deals with the general categories and levels of the schools; the schools are examined in five “categories”: sıbyan, rüşdiye, idadiye, sultanî, and mekâtib-​i âliye. Darülmuallimin [Teachers Training School for Boys], Darülmuallimat [Teachers Training School for Girls], and the Darülfünun are mentioned as schools of higher education. The second part focuses on the organization of Public Education [Maarif-​i Umumiye]; the third part focuses on the regulation of the examinations and the diplomas in the schools; the fourth part focuses on teachers; and the fifth part focuses on the financial aspects of education. Neither the School of Medicine, the School of Engineering (which were attached to the Military), the Military Academy, nor the medreses were mentioned in these Regulations.

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Council included seven Ottoman subjects, five of them Muslims and two non-​ Muslims. The purpose of the Council of State was to prepare regulations for public education that could be applied in the Ottoman Empire on the basis of the experiences and practices of the French educational system arising from the French Revolution of 1789. In the Department of Education, Dadyan Artin Efendi gave detailed accounts of the reform measures taken in France until then, and Sadullah Pasha selected the ones that were suitable for their planned educational policy.84 Thus, the articles of RPE were based on the French system of education. Within this framework, the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî was conceived in line with the model of the French universities and was planned in a more elaborate manner than in the previous attempt.

3.2  The Ottoman Version of a French University The fifty articles of the RPEs were related to the rules concerning the establishment of the Darülfünun, its constituent bodies, programs, rights and responsibilities, and the appointment and promotion of the professors and assistants, as well as to topics such as the registration of students, their attendance, graduation examinations, promotions to professorships, the financial administration of the Darülfünun, and the foundation of a library and a laboratory. Differing from the French universities, which were organized into four categories (law, medicine, science, and humanities), the Ottoman university would be composed of only three categories as there were already two established Schools of Medicine. According to the Regulations, the Darülfünun would consist of the Departments of Philosophy and Arts, Natural Sciences and Mathematics, and Law. The following courses would be taught at these three departments: Department of Philosophy and Literature: Biology and psychology; logic; rhetoric; Islamic theology [kelâm]; ethics; natural law; history; Arabic, Persian, Turkish, French, Greek, and Latin and their grammars; prosody [cilm-​i aruz]; general history; archeology and numismatics. Department of Law: Islamic jurisprudence, principles of jurisprudence [usûl-​ i fıqh]; Roman law; French civil law; judicial procedure; commercial

84. See Mehmed Galib, Sadullah Pasha yahut Mezardan Nida (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Ebuzziya, 1909), 26–​28, for the letter that Ebüzziya Tevfik Bey wrote to Mehmed Galip Bey about Sadullah Pasha.

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and maritime law; penal law codes; criminal law; administrative law; international law. Department of Natural Sciences and Mathematics: Astronomy; physics; chemistry; geology; mining; botany; zoology; geometry; trigonometry; analytic geometry; descriptive geometry; perspective; differential and integral calculus; mechanics; natural sciences; mathematics; topography. Education would be for three years, and the courses would be taught in Turkish. However, initially the language of instruction would be French until professors who would be capable of teaching in Turkish were trained.85 The RPEs proposed a rather comprehensive curriculum. It included studies based on research, such as the graduation thesis and the professorship thesis, as well as the establishment of units such as a museum, a library, a laboratory, and a museum of natural sciences and numismatics within the Darülfünun. The curriculum was based on the French model. However, the department of philosophy and literature included Eastern languages such as Turkish, Arabic, and Persian in addition to Western languages such as French, Greek, and Latin. The department of law consisted of courses on French civil law, Roman law, and international law as well as courses on Islamic jurisprudence and related subjects. This clearly indicates that the high Tanzimat bureaucrats continued to strive for harmonization of Islam and the West in an attempt to form a modern Ottoman cultural synthesis.

3.3 Student Affairs According to related articles of RPE (Articles 88–​96), candidates who reached the age of sixteen could register in the Darülfünun if they passed the entrance examinations. Students who had studied a certain course in a state school and had passed the examination would be exempt from the entrance examination if that particular course was included in the entrance examination. Here we see that the students from the modern schools were preferred to the traditional medrese students. The students would renew their registration every three months, and, at the end of the year, they would be examined on all the lessons studied throughout the year. At the end of the third year, the students would take examinations on the courses that they had studied during the year and, later on, on all the courses they had taken in their chosen field. A student who had passed

85. Düstur, I. Tertip (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1289 [1872–​1873]), vol. 2, 202–​203.

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both of these examinations would prepare a dissertation [müsvedde] on a subject assigned by the directorate of the department. A student who defended his dissertation successfully in the presence of the examination committee would receive a certificate [şahadetname] and a graduation diploma. Graduates who wished to become professors would register for another year. After taking another examination, they would prepare theses on scientific problems, and, if successful in defending their theses, they would be entitled to receive teaching diplomas [müderrislik ruusları].

3.4 Administrative Structure According to the Regulations, the Darülfünun would be administered by a president [nâzır]. After the Ministry of Education submitted an official memorandum to the sultan, the president’s appointment would be realized by an imperial order. The duty of the president was to carry out the provisions in the Regulations and supervise the students’ behavior. The president was obliged to inform the Ministry of Education in the case of any incident. Teachers and assistants would be appointed in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Regulations. Every year, the professors in the department would select a director (müdür) from among themselves. The directors would convene the teachers when necessary in order to discuss departmental affairs. The Council of Darülfünun consisted of the heads of the departments and met under the chairmanship of the president. It was the duty of the Council to prepare the curricula of the departments and discuss disciplinary measures, daily business, and documents from the Ministry of Education.

3.5 Financial Resources Works examining the history of the Darülfünun or the history of education in the Ottoman Empire in general have tended to neglect the financial aspect, which ensured its continuity. As previously stated, during the first attempt to establish the Darülfünun, no regular financial sources were found to meet the expenditure of this institution, and the problem was solved by means of temporary expedients. Indeed, the greater part of the money allocated by the State Treasury was spent on the construction of the building. The 1869 Regulations elaborated on this subject. The revenues were enumerated as fees, gifts, surplus from the waqf income, and annual state aid. Despite these arrangements, the expenditure for the Darülfünun was again met largely by the State Treasury, as in the case of the first attempt.

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3.6  Inauguration of the Darülfünun-​i  Osmanî The students to be admitted to the Darülfünun for the academic year 1869–​1870 took an entrance examination. After registering their names in the Department of Education, from October 9, 1869, onward, more than one thousand students entered the examinations, and 450 from among them were accepted and enrolled. The majority of them were from among the medrese students.86 According to the established practice, the medrese students went to the provinces during the months of Rajab, Shaban, and Ramadan (three holy months of the lunar calendar) to give instructions on religious matters and receive money for their services [cerre çıkmak]; hence the inauguration of the Darülfünun was postponed until their return.87 Meanwhile, after the Ramadan prayers at night, public lectures were arranged under the direction of Hoca Tahsin Efendi, so that December of 1869 (that is, the month of Ramadan in the Hijra year of 1286) would not pass idly. Beginning with the second night of the Ramadan two programs were prepared, each for fifteen days.88 These lectures were mainly on modern sciences and technology and imparted knowledge on subjects like chemistry, physics, astronomy, anatomy, hygiene, effects of the microbes on health, machines, and the development of industry and sources of wealth. In January 1870, the professors who were to teach the courses in the three departments as stated in the related articles of the Regulations were appointed.89 Following the preparations under the directorate of Hoca Tahsin Efendi, the Darülfünun was opened on February 20, 1870 (19 Zilqaada 1286)  with a ceremony in the presence of Grand Vizier Âlî Pasha. The first speeches were given in Turkish by Minister of Education Safvet Pasha; President of the Supreme Educational Council [Meclis-​i Kebir-​i Maarif Reisi] Münif Pasha; and Director of the Darülfünun Hoca Tahsin Efendi. These were followed by a speech in French by Aristoklis Efendi, a member of the Council of Education, and in Arabic by Pan-​Islamist reformer Jamal ad-​Din al-​Afghani (1838–​1897), who happened to be in İstanbul at the time. Following the recitation of prayers, the Darülfünun

86. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 1.149, 3 Rajab 1286 (October 9, 1869): 2. 87. During the three holy months, the rituals of worship were performed more often than at any other time. Therefore, in this period, medrese students, i.e. talebe-​i ulûm, traveled to the villages and towns to instruct the people on religious matters and to earn their living by means of the alms, charity, and fees that they received in kind and cash in return for their services. This practice was known as cerre çıkmak. 88. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 1.167, 27 Shaban 1286 (December 2, 1869): 1. 89.  For the curricula and related lists see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun:  Osmanlı’da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2010), vol. 1, 122–​124.

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was officially inaugurated. The main theme of Safvet Pasha’s inaugural speech was that Europe owed its industrial progress to science and, similarly, that the introduction of modern sciences was essential for the development of our country. Münif Pasha stated that progress in science could not be compared with the temporary superiority resulting from conquests and victory; science secured the prosperity of the state and the nation. He underlined the fact that the state should take into consideration individual initiatives in establishing new schools. According to him, the Darülfünun would be instrumental in disseminating “Sciences and Knowledge” all over the country and for the development of industry. He concluded his speech by paying homage to the sultan for establishing this institution. Hoca Tahsin Efendi’s address focused on the importance of education and educational institutions for the state, society, and the life of the individual. According to him, science and education were indispensable symbols of civilization and prosperity. They were also the basis of civilization, the guarantors of prosperity and happiness, and the guardian of the land and the state, as well as the guarantor for raising morale. Hoca Tahsin Efendi gave examples of the importance of science and education. He concluded his speech by saying that to keep up with the progress of the age, namely, to reach the level of contemporary civilization, young people should be encouraged to enter the Darülfünun. Later, Jamal ad-​Din al-​Afghani took the floor and spoke in Arabic. He emphasized the important role that education and science played in forming the unity of Islam and added that Europe owed its progress to these factors. He stated that Islamic countries were under the influence of European imperialism, and Islamic countries could act in unity only by making progress in science and education. In conclusion, Afghani said that the opening of the Darülfünun in İstanbul, the capital of the Caliphate, would play an important part in reaching this goal.90 Following the inaugural speeches, first-​year lessons began in the Darülfünun in February 1870 and continued without interruption until August 1870. However, educational activities did not progress in the three different departments as envisioned by the 1868 Regulations, but continued under a single program. The students who attended the courses took an examination and passed to a higher class. The administrators were pleased to see that the students proved to be more successful than expected.91

90. For the Arabic text of Jamal ad-​Din al-​Afghani’s speech see ibid., vol. 2, 966. 91. Basiret, no. 149, 26 Jumada I 1287 (August 24, 1870): 4; Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 1.267, 7 Jumada II 1287 (September 4, 1870): 6; Basiret, no. 157, 7 Jumada I 1287 (August 5, 1870): 4.

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Public evening lectures were resumed during Ramadan 1870 (see Table 1). The list prepared by the Darülfünun administration shows that the aim was to explain subjects related to modern science and technology to enlighten the Ottoman public as well as to introduce the new information and the new Western approach to law and economics. The comprehensive approach adopted by high Tanzimat bureaucrats in forming the new Ottoman cultural synthesis is obvious in Table 1. Jamal ad-​Din al-​Afghani, who happened to be in İstanbul at the time and had delivered a speech at the inauguration of the Darülfünun, was requested by the Table 1  Second Program of the Darülfünun Public Lectures During Ramadan (Ramadan 1287/​December 1870) Physics: heat, sound, light, fire, combustion, power, vacuum, telegraph, vision, and similar topics Chemistry: new minerals, iron, steel, analysis, and combustion Meteorology: steam and weather, storms, earthquake, rainbow, snow and rain, and pumps Cosmography: the sun and its characteristics, the moon, the stars and galaxies, comets, and the earth Science of the nature of man: nervous system, circulation of blood respiration, heart and brain, and life and death Medicine: hygiene, environmental pollution, hygiene and conservation of the environment, influence of climate, and medicines Natural sciences: paleontology, ants and bees, animal species, perception of animals, continuity and differences of kinds and species, precious stones, and plant species Geomorphology: morphology of the land near İstanbul and fossils of plants and animals Agriculture: fertilizers, wheat, cotton, horticulture, trees, agricultural equipment, and recent developments in agriculture Development of science and industry: divisions of human knowledge, the classification of sciences, recent inventions, typography, war technology, mathematics, and weights and measures Economics: business, banks, bank notes, trade, machines and factories, communities, and firms Law: natural and positive law, maritime law, international law, administrative law, criminology, peace, and war Morals: benefits and harm of virtues and vices Literature: various examples of correspondence, types of literature, prose, and verse

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Ministry of Education to give the first lecture in December of 1870 (Ramadan of the Hijra year 1287). Afghani gave a lecture on “industry” that the Tanzimat bureaucrats considered to be an important subject and one that would enlighten the public.92 This speech led to certain speculations; the reaction shown at the time and later was used against the Ottoman ulema, claiming it led to the closure of the Darülfünun. Although the written text of this speech is no longer extant, his Egyptian follower Muhammed Abduh (1849–​1905) who translated Afghani’s work al-​R add ‘alâ-​Dahriyyîn [Refutation of Naturalists] into Arabic and included the author’s biography in the introduction, gave a summary of the speech. Abduh explained that Afghani had mentioned the Prophet while describing “art” and its elements; he had been exposed to the vehement reactions of the Ottoman ulema and the Office of Şeyhülislam, who were already envious of him; he thus interpreted the incident as a storm that raged around Afghani.93 Because of this, many writers and researchers tried to explain this incident as Afghani’s having become the victim of the fanaticism and envy of the Ottoman ulema, although he did not utter derogatory words against religion and science. No official account of this incident was given, and it was not mentioned in the Ottoman newspapers of the period. The dearth of primary source documentation to either corroborate or contradict Abduh’s account has led to the granting of undue weight to the claims of Afghani’s biography. The account found in the biography amounts to a direct causal connection between Afghani’s controversial speech and the closure of the Darülfünun.94 An archival document of the period, however, has shed more light on the incident, the reason for Afghani’s exile from İstanbul, and the suspension of the public lectures. The document has revealed that the Ottoman ulema’s reaction was not to Afghani personally, but, rather, that it stemmed from the fact that he attributed the qualities of a philosopher and a rationalist to the Prophet—​perhaps without realizing it—​in such a way that was incompatible

92. Nikki R. Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad Din ‘al-​Afghani’: A Political Biography (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972), 58–​80. 93.  See the introduction to Jamal ad-​Din al-​Afghani, Risâlat fi İbtâl Mezheb el-​Dehriyyîn, translated from Persian into Arabic by Muhammed Abduh (Cairo 1312), 8–​9. 94. According to Keddie, the reason for this dispute was not only because Afghani considered prophethood as an art; in line with M.  Abduh’s previously mentioned view, she links this reason with other possibilities. In her view, some of these possibilities were as follows: Afghani’s wearing the turban of the Ottoman ulema was one of their objections; moreover, throughout history, the Ottoman ulema had felt hostility toward the Muslim scholars and intellectuals of the East, Iran, and India. (Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad Din ‘al-​Afghani, 79–​80) According to Niyazi Berkes, the main target of the Şeyhülislam was not Afghani but the university itself, which the ulema denunciated as a secular duplicate of the medrese. Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (Montreal: McGill University Press, 1964), 187.

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and even offensive to the ulema’s notion of prophethood.95 The whole incident arose from the significance of a few words related to prophethood used by Afghani coupled with the sensitivity of the Ottoman ulema. When one considers the structure and characteristics of the “public opinion” of the period, one can better understand the decision of the Şeyhülislam. We may say that the incident should be treated from a different point of view in order to reach a clearer perspective of the discussions that took place between Afghani`s supporters and his opponents. The incident is described in the Arabic work el-​Suyûf el-​Kavati by a senior member of the ulema [ders vekili], Halil Efendi from Plovdiv (Filibe—​ now in Bulgaria), and translated into Turkish by his son Hayreddin Feyzi Efendi; it contains a very severe criticism of Jamal ad-​Din al-​Afghani’s speech: A know-​all pedant who is deliberately seeking any opportunity of proving his rhetorical prowess in a place opened under the title of Darülfünun claimed that: Prophethood in which he referred to the honor and virtue of our Prophet as being on a par with that of the philosophers and to which he added lies and other derogatory attributes and perversities against Sunni beliefs.96 Despite the fact that there is no evidence for Afghani’s speech being the cause of the closure of the Darülfünun, it is still possible that the Ottoman ulema, who continuously supported the high bureaucrats of the Tanzimat in their modernization program and were involved in the implementation of their educational policy at every level, reacted violently in order to forestall unnecessary and inappropriate arguments on the subject of prophethood. They wished above all to prevent public criticism of the Darülfünun programs in the name of religion, likely in the hope that they would thereby avoid any interference in their professions and fields of interest. In the meantime, Hoca Tahsin Efendi was dismissed from his post of director of the Darülfünun for some unexplained reason and Kâzım Efendi, one of the bureaucrats in the Ministry of Education, replaced him for the time being.97 Since the Darülfünun lecture caused such a stir, rumors spread to the effect that the

95. BOA, YEE, Kısım 38, Evrak 553 /​586, Zarf 93, Kutu 10. For the summary of the document and the discussion on this subject see İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun, vol. 2, 967. 96.  Filibeli Halil Feyzi Efendi, Tercüme-​i Suyûf al-​Kavati, trans. Feyzi Mehmed Hayreddin (İstanbul, 1298/​1881), 6. 97. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 1.302, 17 Ramadan 1287 (December 11, 1870).

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Darülfünun would be shut down. The Ministry of Education, however, denied the veracity of these rumors.98 Despite the Ministry’s assurances to the contrary, a persistent popular rumor continued to spread that the Darülfünun had been closed over the Afghani incident. This opinion emanates from the explanation contained in the letter sent by former Minister of Education Safvet Pasha, the ambassador to Paris, to his counterpart Sadullah Pasha in Berlin, approximately nine years after the inauguration of the Darülfünun and the lecture Afghani gave during the month of Ramadan. However, this letter by Safvet Pasha is rather confusing.99 Here, he mixes up the speech made by Afghani at the opening ceremony (February 1870) with the lecture he gave ten months later at the Darülfünun on Ramadan 1287 (December 1870), thus creating the impression that the failure of Darülfünun was due to this incident. The courses during the second academic year in the Darülfünun began on Monday, January 12, 1871, under the direction of Kâzım Efendi.100 The Ministry of Education eased the conditions in the Regulations and tried to make it easier to enter the Darülfünun so that the institution would attract a wider interest. A statement published on April 1871 by the Ministry of Education regarding this subject said, “Although the Darülfünun did not reach the desired level, it had, since its inauguration played an important role in the dissemination of scientific knowledge.” The administrators, who were fully aware of the difference between the ideal situation as set forth in the regulations and reality, found it appropriate to reorganize the courses in line with the needs of the students, and courses in natural sciences and astronomy were added to the curriculum. It was also planned that the courses would be delivered in a simple way that everyone could understand.101 Following this reorganization, the curriculum of the Darülfünun was also announced in the official gazette Takvim-​i Vekayi so that the people and the bureaucrats of state could follow the courses. 98. Hakâyıku’l-​Vekayi, no. 146, 5 Zilqaada 1287 ( January 27, 1871): 1. 99.  Part of this letter dated March 17, 1879, was first published by Mehmed Ali Aynî, who obtained this letter from the former undersecretary of Prime Minister Fuad Bey (Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi, 26–​28). For the complete letter see İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, “Merhum Sadullah Paşa’nın Safvet ve Cevdet Paşalar ve Safvet Paşazâde Refet Bey’le Mektuplaşması” [“Correspondence of the Late Sadullah Pasha With Cevdet Pasha and Refet Bey, Son of Safvet Pasha”], Belleten 15, no. 58 (1951): 283–​287. Uzunçarşılı indicates that these letters were among Sadullah Pasha’s documents. İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, “Viyana Büyükelçisi Vezir Sadullah Paşa’nın İntiharına Dair” [“Concerning the Suicide of Vizier Sadullah Pasha Ambassador to Vienna”], Belleten 14, no. 55 (1950): 423. 100. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 1.307, 15 Shawwal 1287 ( January 8, 1871): 1. 101. Hakâyıku’l-​Vekayi, no. 224, 1 Safer 1288 (April 22, 1871).

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According to the previously prevailing conditions, the students who wished to enter the Darülfünun would have to be at least sixteen years of age and to have passed the entrance examination. These conditions were canceled, and enrollment in the Darülfünun was conducted without any such procedure. This situation clearly shows the level of instruction in this institution. The Levantine newspapers of the period stated that the level of education in the Darülfünun was very low. The Levant Herald newspaper went one step further and severely criticized the courses of mathematics taught in the Darülfünun, claiming that those courses were below the advanced level needed for university education.102 In the year 1872 (1289), Müderris Hilmi Efendi replaced Kâzım Efendi as the director of the Darülfünun, and that year’s curriculum showed a change from the previous programs by the number of courses that were reduced. The total number of students was 100. The final program of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî is included in the State Year Book of 1290 (1873). In that year, the director of Darülfünun was again Hilmi Efendi but the number of students fell to 73. Instruction in the Darülfünun continued without any interruption in the years 1870–​1873. However, we do not know if there were any graduates. Clearly, the reasons for the failure of the second attempt at the foundation of the Ottoman University were the lack of necessary teaching staff, qualified students to enroll, and personnel to run an institution of higher education. This situation was briefly discussed by a newspaper reporter:  “The Darülfünun was finally suspended because there were neither professors capable of teaching nor students capable of learning.”103 The manpower and financial means were not sufficient to realize the targeted model of a three-​faculty university, the planning was unrealistic, and the number of eligible students was not enough. These are the reasons why the educational program envisaged in the three branches referred to in the 1869 Regulations could not be realized. Thus, the public educational program, albeit in different formats, was continued as before in the form of free public lectures.

4  The Third Attempt: Darülfünun-​i Sultanî [Sultanic University] The rapid progress of the Ottomans’ modernization in legislation and transportation increased the need for a labor force that was trained accordingly. It was hoped that the university would be able to provide training to meet these 102. “Education in Turkey,” Levant Herald, December 16, 1871, 866. 103. Hakâyıku’l-​Vekayi, no. 484, 1 Zilhijja 1288 (February 11, 1872): 2.

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new demands. Fundamental transformations in state structure, promulgation of modern laws, and foundations of new courts deemed the initiation of law education necessary. At the same time, the socioeconomic development and the introduction of modern communication and transportation technologies increased the need for engineers trained in the field of civil engineering. Numerous legislations promulgated under the reform acts of 1839 and 1856, and the newly adopted Ottoman Constitution of 1876, as well as the French-​ inspired codes of commerce (1850) and the maritime code (1863), among others, were put into force. Meanwhile some old Ottoman laws were codified as a part of the new legislation such as the agrarian code of 1858. The Ottoman civil code or mecelle, promulgated between 1869 and 1878, which is widely acknowledged as one of the greatest achievements of Ottoman jurisprudence, was the first complete codification of Islamic law [shari’a] in the history of Islam. Although modern in form and presentation, it was based on the Hanafi School of Jurisprudence.104 To apply new codes, new courts [Nizamiye] were created, and in the 1860s a European-​style network of courts was set up. Members of ulema often presided in the new courts and serving panels that included officials and members of non-​ Muslim communities. Ottoman bureaucrats and legislators’ twofold objective was to reduce the arbitrary powers of the sultans gradually and to ensure full rights and equality to non-​Muslim subjects of the empire. At the root of these efforts was a new interpretation of Islamic law, or shari’a, as compatible with modernization and the standards of Europe. This was done in an effort to maintain a peaceful relation with rival European powers. The tension caused by the introduction of new codes and courts was not among Islam, modernity, and secularism, as a generation of scholars has argued. It was rather between these new reforms and the established authoritarian ideology of the state that either defied the new laws or used them to extend the reach of its powers, thereby placing itself above the law.105 The economic growth and increase in the volume of foreign trade during the Tanzimat period created the need to improve the existing transportation facilities and to establish new ones. This is why there were several projects to improve the existing roads, to build high-​quality new ones, and to develop a new network of railroads across the empire. In 1858, the construction of railroads started in some provinces in the European and Anatolian parts of the empire

104.  Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (London:  Oxford University Press, 1968), 123. 105. Carter V. Findley, Turkey, Islam, Nationalism and Modernity: A History, 1789–​2007 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010), 93–​94.

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to connect the seaports with the regions rich with agricultural production and raw materials. Meanwhile there were efforts to connect provinces with each other and with the capital, İstanbul, and to facilitate movements of the people and goods through the vast land of the empire. Earlier the Ottomans had succeeded in connecting almost the whole Ottoman land with a telegraphic network that was integrated with the European one. The Ottomans, who had come to depend on European capital and expertise, decided to educate their own civil engineers and technicians. This was now expected from the new university that was to be founded. The new university had two specific objectives, namely, the education of lawyers and civil engineers. Right at this stage, a new approach was adopted for moving forward with the establishment of the Ottoman University. The seedlings of the two institutions of higher education were in fact implanted into the structure of a new high school called the Galatasaray, which was established in 1868 at a level on par with an earlier French-​influenced institution known as the Sultanic School [Mekteb-​i Sultanî]. The new Galatasaray High School became known as the Lycée Imperial Ottoman de Galataserai in French. Cevdet Pasha’s term of office as minister of education saw the introduction of the law and civil engineering courses into the curriculum of the senior classes at the Galatasaray Lycée in 1873. After Safvet Pasha replaced Cevdet Pasha as minister of education, the teaching of these two disciplines was upgraded to two separate institutions of higher education in 1874. Hence, separate schools of law and civil engineering were officially founded by an imperial edict. Minister of Education Safvet Pasha deemed it suitable that the School of Law and the School of Civil Engineering together would form “a house of education on the model of the faculties in a European university.” Thus, these educational institutions were known as the Sultanic Schools of Higher Education [Mekâtib-​i Âliye-​i Sultanîye].106 It should be noted that the appellation of these schools as Mekâtib-​i Âliye was a translation of the French term grandes écoles. Thus, in addition to the Imperial Lycée, Sultanic School [Mekteb-​i Sultanî], which was a secondary school, a separate Sultanic University [Darülfünun-​i Sultanî] was established in the same building.107 An Ottoman administrator and intellectual of Greek descent, Sawas Pasha (1832–​1904) was the director of the Galatasaray Lycée at the time; he was also in charge of the administration of the Darülfünun-​i

106. Mekâtib-​i Âlîye-​i Fenniye yani Darülfünun-​i Sultanî’nin Nizamname-​i Dâhiliyesiyle Dürûs Cetvelidir (hereafter to be referred as Dürûs Cetveli) (İstanbul, 1293/​1876), 3–​4. 107. Sawas Pasha, ed., Université Impériale Ottomane, Réglement et Programme (hereafter to be referred as Réglement) (Constantinople, 1876), 13–​14; Dürûs Cetveli, 12–​14.

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Sultanî. He described the Darülfünun as complementary to the Imperial Lycée and saw it as the final stage of all the schools in the empire.108 Detailed information about the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî was given to the public only in 1876. This was by design. The first attempt at founding the Darülfünun had been unsuccessful, and the second Darülfünun had been closed down only a short time before. The administrators wanted to be more cautious and avoid public reaction in the face of a new failure. They resorted to this practice by establishing this new institution within an already existing school and announced it to the public only three years later. Sawas Pasha, in presenting his concept of the Sultanic University, maintained that just like the examples in Europe, the Darülfünun should consist of schools of medicine, science, arts, theology, and law. There were already two medical schools in the Ottoman Empire, however, and the medreses, as well as the religious schools of other millets [non-​Muslim religious communities represented within the Empire], already served the function of a faculty of theology. Thus it was not necessary to reestablish these schools within the Darülfünun. Only the remaining three faculties of law, science, and the arts would be opened. Instruction in law would be given in the School of Law, science would be taught in the School of Civil Engineering, and arts would be taught in the School of Arts. These are the translations of the school names from the Turkish, but they were also referred to by their French names in tandem with the Turkish, namely the Ecole de Droit, the Ecole des Sciences, and the Faculté des Lettres. All three were termed schools of higher education Mekâtib-​i Âliye in the Turkish sources text and the Université Impériale Ottoman in the French.109 Sawas Pasha was inspired by the French system of higher education and apparently mixed up the names belonging to two different French institutions, namely the university, with its four components (faculties of law, medicine, science, and humanities), and the School of Engineering, which belonged to what is known in the French educational system as Les Grandes Ecoles. In this way, he equated the education of science with that of engineering.

108. Sawas Pasha was born in Yanya ( Janina); after graduating from the Ottoman School of Medicine, he was appointed to Crete in the retinue of Âlî Pasha. He served as a junior governor [mutasarrıf] of Esfakiye in Crete; then he was promoted to the directorate of the Mekteb-​i Sultanî on June 8, 1874, where he remained until February 7, 1877. After leaving the Mekteb-​i Sultanî, he became minister of Foreign Affairs with the title of vizier and later governor of Crete. On his retirement he settled in Paris where he remained until his death. See Mekteb-​i Sultanî, Ellinci Sene-​i Devriye-​i Tesisi Münasebetiyle (Dersaadet, Turkey, 1334/​1918), 9. 109.  Dürûs Cetveli, 5–​6; Réglement, appended table of the curriculum; Mehmed Ali Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi, 29.

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Instruction in the Darülfünun was suspended only once, which was during the 1877–​1878 academic year. A few days after Sawas Pasha left his position, Ali Suavi (1839–​1878) replaced him as director of the Imperial Lycée on February 13, 1877. Ali Suavi was dismissed from his post on December 10, 1877, because of rumors concerning his directorate and the lack of discipline in the school. Ali Nizami Pasha, who had been sent to inspect Ali Suavi and the school, was appointed director on December 13, 1877.110 Immediately afterward, education was suspended in the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî. Following the dismissal of Ali Nizami Pasha on April 12, 1878, Halil Efendi was appointed director of the Mekteb-​i Sultanî, and instruction resumed in the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî in October 1878. During the graduation ceremony at the end of the academic year 1878–​1879, Halil Efendi stated that “the School of Law and the School of Roads and Bridges had been closed for some reason or other and they were now being reorganized and expanded.”111

4.1  The School of Law Established as a department of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî, the School of Law was the first school of higher education in the Ottoman Empire where instruction was given in modern law. The School of Law was founded with the intention of training well-​informed individuals who would handle lawsuits, and uphold the supremacy of the law. The Regulations of this school stipulated that its graduates would serve as bureaucrats in the Ministry of Justice and in other related areas and could serve as lawyers in all the various Ottoman territories. Graduate students of the Imperial Lycée and idadi schools or private schools in İstanbul and the provinces (including private minority schools) would be admitted to the School of Law. Those who had previously studied Ottoman Turkish, French, and the sciences, but who did not possess a diploma [şahadetname], would be accepted to the school after being examined by a committee. Those who were unsuccessful in this examination would be admitted to the Imperial Lycée to complete their education in special classes and would be examined a year or two later. They would be admitted to the School of Law if they were successful. The instruction in the school was for four years. The students who succeeded in their studies within this time frame would graduate with the title of “doctor.” The students would not pay any fees for registration

110. Fiftieth Anniversary of Mekteb-​i Sultanî (Mekteb-​i Sultanî’nin Ellinci Sene-​i Devriyesi), 10. 111. Vakit, no. 1.340, 26 Rajab 1296 ( July 16, 1879): 2; Mahmud Cevad, Maarif Nezareti, 179–​180.

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and other formalities for four years, but they would publish their graduation theses at their own expense.112 The following courses were to be taught in the School of Law: mecelle code of Islamic civil law [mecelle-​i ahkâm-​ı adliye], general law, laws and regulations of the Ottoman State, principles of Islamic jurisprudence [ûsul-​ı fıqh], Roman law, commercial law, court procedures, penal law and methods of interrogation, maritime law, international and national law, treaties, and political economy.113 There were two teachers during the first year of instruction in the School of Law. Rauf Efendi, who taught the Ottoman code of civil law [mecelle], and M. d’Hollys, who was a teacher of Roman law at the Galatasaray Lycée, held the post of assistant head at the Lycée for thirty years, and taught international law. Although the number of registered students is not known in the first academic year 1874–​1875, twenty-​one students took the end-​of-​year examinations. Four of them received prizes [mükâfat], and six of them received mentions [zikr-​i cemil].114 The number of students in the school rose to sixty-​one in 1877,115 which means that every year approximately twenty students enrolled in the School of Law. The number of courses and students increased during the 1875–​1876 academic year; in the year 1876, there were five courses and five teachers.116 These courses were Islamic jurisprudence [fıqh], Roman law, commercial law, the Ottoman code of Islamic civil law [mecelle], and the history of Roman judicial institutions. The new teachers on the staff were Ahmed Efendi (Ahmed Hamdi Şirvanî), Nikolaki Efendi, and M. Goold. M. d’Hollys was appointed dean in the third year, and several junior faculty members joined the staff to meet an increase in enrollment. Ahmed Fazıl Efendi lectured on Islamic law and M. Miltiade Jacobo taught penal law and court procedures.117 In 1876, it was decided that the Galatasaray Lycée, where the education of law was initiated in 1874, would be moved from its temporary building near the

112.  Regulation of the School of Law [Hukuk Mektebi Nizamnamesi], Düstur, I.  Tertip (İstanbul, 1293), vol. 3, 439–​443. 113. Düstur, I. Tertip, vol. 3, 442; Dürûs Cetveli, 47. 114.  Galatasaray Lycée Award Distribution List [Mekteb-​ i Sultanî Tevzi-​ i Mükâfat Cetvelidir],  4–​5. 115. Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye-​i Osmaniye, year 1294 (İstanbul: Halil Efendi Matbaası, 1294/​ 1877): 382–​383. 116. Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye-​i Osmaniye, year 1293 (İstanbul, 1293/​1876): 138. 117.  Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye-​i Osmaniye, year 1294 (İstanbul, 1294/​ 1877):  382–​ 383; Réglement,  67–​68.

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Sublime Porte to the Galatasaray building in the Beyoğlu district. Some of the civil servants employed at the Sublime Porte objected to the move, as transportation from the school to their offices would be difficult because of the long distance. Consequently, the idea was abandoned, and the opening of a new School of Law that was under consideration was postponed to allow the second-​year students to complete their studies and graduate. After their graduation, law education responsibility was transferred to the Ministry of Justice. As previously stated, courses were interrupted in the 1877–​1878 academic year because of changes in the administration. Teaching in the School of Law was suspended and did not resume until Monday, October 28, 1878. New courses were included in the curriculum, and three new teachers were appointed.118 M.  Barucci was responsible for penal law and court procedures in civil law in the fourth year, and M. Carolidés was responsible for forensic science and political economy. A third teacher, M. Chevallier, was responsible for the courses on political law. In March 1880, the School of Law came under the aegis of the sultan, and 8640 Kurush were allocated from the budget of the Ministry of Education to the salaries of the teachers.119 The curriculum remained the same in the academic year 1880–​1881.120 Seven students passed the examinations in October 1880 and graduated from the School of Law. Their names were Sadık Bey, Hıristo Foridi, Torozyan, Uncuyan, Zoryan, Bezzazyan, and Bülbülyan Efendi.121 Six students graduated from the school with the title of licencié in 1881 and were the last graduates of this school. All were from non-​Muslim communities. They were appointed to the courts as assistants [mülâzıms] to practice legal procedures.122 It may be said that after this date the activities of the School of Law, as a department attached to the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî, ended. From then on, the newly reorganized Imperial School of Law [Mekteb-​i Hukuk-​ı Şahane], which was inaugurated in 1880, would meet the need for graduates for judicial posts. This school was attached to the Ministry of Justice, and the premises were located

118. Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye-​i Osmaniye, year 1296 (İstanbul: Hacı Hüseyin Efendi Matbaası, 1296/​1879): 72. 119. BOA, BEO—​Ayniyat Defteri, no. 1.419: 6. 120.  Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye, year 1297 (İstanbul:  Matbaa-​ i Âmire, 1297/​ 1880):  400; Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye, year 1298 (İstanbul: Mahmud Bey Matbaası, 1298/​1881): 275. 121. Mahmud Cevad, Maarif Nezareti, 202–​203. 122. Mahmud Cevad, Maarif Nezareti, 205.

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near the Sublime Porte.123 In 1888, the School of Law was transferred from the Ministry of Justice to the Ministry of Education, and, in 1909, it was considered as a natural department of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane.124 Once again, it became a faculty of the university. This faculty was the main source of modern law education in the Ottoman Empire, and it is currently a part of İstanbul University. It was the basis of the faculties of law, which were later to be established in the Turkish Republic, as well as the schools of law in Syria and Iraq.

4.2  School of Civil Engineering; School of Roads and Bridges The second school founded within the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî was the School of Roads and Bridges [Turuk ve Maabir Mektebi]. It was modeled on the School of Engineering founded in 1747 in Paris under the name of École des Ponts et Chaussées. The faculty of science was one of the five faculties of European universities foreseen in the 1869 Regulations and was designed as the “Department of Natural Sciences and Mathematics.” However, in the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî’s program, the needs of the state and society were given priority, and, instead of a school dedicated to science education, the School of Civil Engineering [Mülkiye Mühendishanesi] was founded. The instruction in this school began during the academic year 1874–​1875, and, at the end of the first year, its name was changed to the School of Roads and Bridges [Turuk ve Maabir Mektebi]. Rather than offering education in pure science, the objective of this school was to train engineers who would undertake public works in the vast territories of the empire and, more particularly, engage in the modernization movement in the field of transport. A commission was formed in accordance with the imperial edict of 1874, ordering the foundation of a school of four years’ education to train civil engineers. Engineers of the Ministry of Public Works would examine the candidates for registration. They had to be at least as knowledgeable as the graduates of the Imperial Lycée. The school would be attached to the Ministry of Education and would be inspected by the Ministry of Public Works every three months. The graduates of the school would be employed as assistant civil engineers and later as civil engineers. Thus the School of Civil Engineering was officially founded by the imperial rescript, which was issued on April 19, 1874.125

123.  Ahmed Bahtiyar Esen, “Hukuk Mektepleri, Hukuk Fakültesi,” in Aylık Ansiklopedi (İstanbul: Server İskit, 1946), vol. 2, 626. 124. Ibid., 627. 125. BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 47.568.

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In the speech that he gave at the ceremony of the distribution of prizes in the Imperial Lycée in 1875, Sawas Pasha explained the importance of the School of Roads and Bridges, saying “the guarantee of the future of the School of Civil Engineering graduates is no less important than that of the doctors of law.”126 It was emphasized that, apart from the need of the Imperial Government for civil servants who were highly proficient in mathematics and natural sciences, civil engineers were brought from Europe by many companies formed in the big cities of the country dealing in numerous industries such as the construction of railways and mining exploration. The School of Roads and Bridges would be administered according to the Regulations of the School of Law, which came into effect in 1876. Its graduates would be employed in the Ministry of Public Works. The graduate engineers of this school would receive the title of “doctor” and would be appointed to the appropriate posts. Those who could not earn this title would take a less advanced examination and would receive the title of “conductor,”127 thus serving in a secondary position.128 The subjects taught at the School of Roads and Bridges were spherical trigonometry, advanced algebra, analytical geometry, differential and integral calculus, perspective geometry (second level), integral and differential calculus, architecture, astronomy, geodesy, physics, chemistry, advanced mechanics, applied mechanics, topography and machine draughts, hydraulics, geology, field application, leveling and construction of roads and bridges, construction of dams and reservoirs, leveling and construction of railways, draining and cleaning of swamps, surveillance and mapping of buildings and related calculations, and estimates and projects. During the first academic year of 1874–​1875, five teachers served in the School of Roads and Bridges. When the school was first opened, the students numbered twenty-​six; then their number increased to forty-​three during the third year. Courses in the School of Roads and Bridges were suspended during the 1877–​ 1878 academic year along with the other courses in the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî, but the school was reopened in 1878. In 1879 two new teachers joined the faculty.

126. Dürûs Cetveli, 10. 127. In the Ottoman State, conductors were the assistant employees who worked under the engineers in construction, surveying, operations, and manufacturing. Establishment of the School of Conductors was based on the regulations of the School of Roads and Bridges. Education was for two years, with emphasis on practical lessons. The School underwent some modifications in time; it started training engineers from 1938–​1939 onward. It formed the basis of the present Yıldız Technical University. 128. Düstur, I. Tertip, vol. 3, 442–​443; Dürûs Cetveli, 48.

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These were M. Orphilidi İskanovi, who taught the science of railway construction, roads, and bridges, and M. de Pret, who taught technical drawing/​dessin linéaire [resm-​i hattı].129 We do not know the exact number of the first graduates of the School of Roads and Bridges. However, we know that Karakoç Efendi and Handabayan Efendi were appointed as engineers to the province of Sivas.130 The earliest information on this school dates from 1880. As in the case of the School of Law, the status of the School of Engineering changed from being affiliated with the university to being placed under the administration of the army. Engineering was subsequently integrated into the Ministry of Public Works [Nafia Nezareti]. Unlike the School of Law, the School of Civil Engineering was not attached to the Darülfünun-​i Şahane founded in 1900.

4.3  The School of Arts The establishment of the School of Arts was planned within the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî with the aim of training teachers for the new schools in the Ottoman Empire. Our information concerning this school is limited. Although Sawas Pasha, in his speech at the graduation ceremony of the Imperial Lycée in 1875, made no mention of this school, we know from the Réglement published in 1876 of the existence of a School of Arts under the name of “Faculté des Lettres.”131 According to its rules and regulations, the following courses were to be taught at the School of Arts: logic, Arabic literature, Greek literature, Latin literature, philosophy, archaeology, and general history.132 Here, the most striking point is that while the curriculum included courses of Arab, Greek, and Latin literature, Ottoman or Turkish literature was not included. According to the information in the State Yearbook of 1293 (1876), the teachers of the School of Arts were Kerim Efendi, who taught logic, M. Carolides, teacher of Roman and Greek literature, M. Jaquemot in archaeology, and M. Perrard in philosophy.133 During the discussions on moving the School of Law to another location, Sawas Pasha enumerated the disadvantages of such a decision. He also stated that the students of the School of Law were obliged to follow the courses in the School

129. Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye, year 1297: 400. 130. Mahmud Cevad, Maarif-​i Umumiye Nezareti, 203. 131. Réglement, 15; Dürûs Cetveli,  16–​17. 132. Réglement, 66; Dürûs Cetveli, 50. 133. Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye, year 1293, 138.

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of Arts. Obviously, the School of Arts was not envisaged as an independent school, as the other two schools were, but it functioned as a support for the education of the students in the others. Thus, contrary to the other two schools of higher education, the School of Arts probably did not offer a curriculum for its own students and graduates. For example, it was mentioned that the other two schools were closed during the 1877–​1878 academic year and reopened in 1878. Although announcements appeared concerning the opening of the other two schools, there was no announcement concerning the School of Arts. Likewise, while the other two schools produced a number of graduates, the School of Arts produced none. Thus, the previously explained point is confirmed. Moreover, the regulations related to the School of Arts published in the Réglement were the institution’s internal regulations and were not included in the imperial code of laws [Düstur]. All this shows that the school was planned to teach courses of liberal arts to the students of the other two schools, as was the case in some European universities, but without producing any graduates.

4.4  Administrative and Financial Structure of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî The Darülfünun-​i Sultanî and the Imperial Lycée were established in the same building. They operated different programs at different levels of education, but were administered by the same director. The Imperial Lycée was under the administration of the Ministry of Education. With the exception of M. de Salve, the French educationist, who was the cofounder and the first codirector of the school, the Ministry of Education appointed all the directors.134 A  governing board under the chair of its director administered the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî. It had a library consisting of books imported from Europe on law, natural sciences, and the like, as well as a museum and a chemistry laboratory with equipment purchased from Europe.135 The Imperial Lycée met the expenditure of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî. Therefore, with the exception of boarding students, who paid an annual fee of 25–​30 liras, the rest of the students were admitted to the school free of charge. Their only expense was the payment for the publication of their graduation theses. In 1876, Sawas

134.  M.  de Salve, the French educationist, became the first director of the Mekteb-​i Sultanî according to a contract signed with the Ottoman State. De Salve made a significant contribution to the organization of the school. M. de Salve left his post at the end of his contract. M. Sandıkçıoğlu, F. Turanc and V. Semenderoğlu, Galatasaray Lisesi “Mekteb-​i Sultanî” 1868–​1968 (İstanbul: Gün Matbaası, 1968), 7, 29–​31. 135. Dürûs Cetveli, 13.

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Pasha opposed the separation of the School of Law from the Darülfünun on the grounds that this institution, far from being a financial burden on the government, had even paid 100,000 Kurush to the treasury in the previous two years. He added that if the Darülfünun were separated from the Imperial Lycée, the number of students attending the school would fall and the revenues would decrease.136 However, the School of Law and the School of Roads and Bridges were attached to the relevant ministries and reopened. In the meantime, the practice of paying the salaries of the teachers from the treasury was instituted, and the School of Law came under the sultan’s protection.137 Although it was stressed during the establishment of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî that “this school would not be any burden on the government,” later it came out that the resources supporting the Imperial Lycée were no longer sufficient to meet its own expenses, and it was therefore dependent to a great extent upon government funding. Since education in the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî would be free, this institution continued to exist by state funding. However, it appears that it was political factors rather than financial ones that played a role in the termination of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî as a university comprising two institutions of higher education.

4.5  Language of Instruction and the Translations of Textbooks Upon the establishment of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî, two views emerged as to whether the language of instruction should be Turkish or French. Those who defended French stated that there were very few Turkish textbooks on a university level, that the number of teachers capable of teaching science courses in Turkish was insufficient, and that the Turkish language was unable to function as a medium of expression in the field of modern science. Those who defended the view that the language of instruction should be Turkish disagreed. They argued that there were numerous teachers in İstanbul who were “informed in the modern sciences and knowledge,” and that, if the number were to prove inadequate, a sufficient number of teachers could be brought from abroad. They insisted, however, that the teachers invited from abroad should know “the most commonly used European languages as well as

136. Information on the sum of approximately 100,000 Kurush donated by the Mekteb-​i Sultanî to the state exists only in Réglement (Réglement, 38). It is stated in the relevant chapter of the Dürûs Cetveli that “the expenditure of the Darülfünun was met” by the surplus revenue of the School, without giving the actual amount. Dürûs Cetveli, 21. 137. BOA, BEO—​Ayniyat Defterleri, no. 1.419: 6.

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the new European sciences” and be familiar with Ottoman laws, customs, and traditions as well as the official language.138 Finally, the Ministry of Education and the administrators of the Darülfünun-​ i Sultanî reached an agreement, which seemed to be the most rational one at that time. This decision was to the effect that, until teachers were trained and the necessary books were prepared for teaching all the courses in Turkish, some courses would be taught in Turkish and some in French. Moreover, assistant teachers would translate the courses given in French into Turkish.139 In line with this decision, the courses on fıqh, commercial law, maritime law, and court procedures would be taught in Turkish while the courses on Roman law, Roman institutions, and general law would be taught in French. As for the School of Roads and Bridges and the School of Civil Engineering, the courses on mathematics would be taught in Turkish while the courses on physics and industrial chemistry, topography, applied and general mechanics, hydraulics, and applied lessons in the preparation of materials would be taught in French. In the School of Arts, philosophy and general history would be taught in French, logic would be taught both in French and in Arabic, and Arab literature would naturally be taught in Arabic. All the other courses except for those just mentioned would be taught in Turkish.140 As previously stated, until teachers were trained who could teach all the subjects in Turkish, some courses would be taught in Turkish and some in French. In line with this decision, a translation committee headed by Yanko Efendi was formed to translate the textbooks into Turkish.141 The first objective of this committee was the translation of four books, two for the School of Law and two for the School of Roads and Bridges. Among the successful works of the committee were Levâmiü’d-​Dekâyik fi Tercemeti Mecâmi’ü’l-​ Hakâyık,142 translated from Arabic into Turkish by Şirvanî Ahmed Efendi, a teacher of fıqh, concerning the principles of jurisprudence, and a book on commercial law [Ticaret Hukuku], which was translated from French into Turkish by Nikolaki Efendi. The book on topography lessons [Topografya Dersleri] was compiled for the School of Roads and Bridges by M. Lambert. Lambert was a 138. Dürûs Cetveli,  6–​7. 139. Réglement,  16–​18. 140. Réglement, 18. 141. Réglement, 50. 142.  Ebu Said Mehmed Hâdimî, Levâmiü’d-​Dekâyik fi Tercemet-​i Mecâmi’ü’l-​Hakâyık, translated by Şirvani Ahmed Efendi (İstanbul: el-​Hac Mustafa Efendi Matbaası, 1293/​1876).

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civil engineer who worked in different projects of the Ottoman government, including a project for the Albanian province. His book was translated into Turkish by Yanko Efendi, the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî translator, and his assistants, Officer Emin Efendi, Bedri Efendi, and Hayri Efendi.143 Besides these volumes, one should also mention the book entitled Industrial Chemistry [Kimyâ-​yı Sınaî] by M. Fleury, which was translated into Turkish. M. Fleury was a teacher of industrial chemistry and was awarded the Nişan-​ı Osmanî and Mecidî Orders while M. Lambert was an awardee of the Ottoman Mecidî Order 5th Grade.144

4.6  The Legacy of the Sultanic University This attempt to found the Sultanic Darülfünun seems to have been more successful than the first two. Although a “university” was not constituted after all, at least two units were formed, although they were to remain independent. However, it is important to note that, as a result of the radical changes introduced by the Tanzimat in Ottoman society, non-​Muslim Ottoman citizens, although a minority in the country, made up practically the whole student quota of the new university. Muslims, on the other hand, who represented the majority of the population, remained a minority in the university. This situation, which was unexpected by the Tanzimat statesmen, was an obstacle to the sustainability of the attempt. Following a standstill of one year, the two schools of higher education founded as part of the Darülfünun were attached to the relevant ministries and continued to develop their activities. These two schools, modeled on the French examples, were introduced to Ottoman educational life by the 1869 RPEs. They were established in the course of this third attempt; however, they continued to exist under the administration of the ministries concerned, not under the umbrella of the university. The School of Law was attached in 1909 to the Darülfünun-​i Şahane, which subsequently became İstanbul University. The School of Engineering was reorganized as the İstanbul Technical University in 1946 when it became the second university in İstanbul and the first technical university in Republican Turkey. These schools, with the knowledge accumulated within a quarter century of educational experiment, served to train the necessary manpower for the Ottoman

143. Réglement, 51. 144.  Réglement; Dürûs Cetveli, 37–​39. For the book see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Açıklamalı Türk Kimya Eserleri Bibliyografyası (İstanbul: IRCICA, 1985), 59–​60.

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public services. They were also instrumental in the development of a more extensive Turkish terminology and literature that would be needed by the students of the following attempt. In this effort, the Darülfünun-​i Şahane succeeded in the publication of numerous works into Turkish. In conclusion, the founding of a university with a legal entity and comprising a number of faculties was not actually realized in this third attempt, but important steps were taken in the modernization of Ottoman higher education, with the result that Ottoman scientific and educational life became better geared toward this objective.

5  The Successful Commencement 1900 Although a short-​lived constitutional regime was observed from 1876 to 1878, by and large the long reign of Abdülhamid II (r. 1876–​1909) was marked out as an era of absolutism. Nevertheless, the period witnessed intensified attempts of lasting reforms in a wide range of fields from state structure to education and from transportation to urban planning. The state administration was transformed from the traditional type of sultanate and replaced by a modern administration, which acquired rational and institutional features. New scholarship has shown that during this period, despite financial difficulties, serious investments were made throughout the empire in education, health, and public works. Government schools for boys and girls were established in different provinces. Abdülhamid II’s reign was the time during which policies and decisions related to modernism and spreading modern education all over the vast territories of the empire was put into force. The number of Rüşdiyes was increased from 250–​300 to 600 and İdadi schools numbered 100. In addition, more than thirty teachers training colleges were founded.145 During his reign, Ottomanism as an ideology inherited from the early Tanzimat reformers was reinforced, and the institution of the Caliphate was revitalized. The personal cult of the sultan and Islam, which had much more appeal for common people, became a convenient instrument to rally support for his extensive reform programs and to demand loyalty to the state.146 Railroads, including the Hejaz railway connecting İstanbul to Damascus and Medina, began to connect distant provinces to the capital, and telegraphic lines extended from Albania to Yemen. There were increases in book printing and translations from Western literature. These efforts ultimately laid the foundation

145.  Bayram Kodaman, Abdülhamid II Devrinde Eğitim Sistemi, 3rd ed. (Ankara:  TTK, 1999), 171. 146. Elisabeth Özdalga, “Introduction,” in Late Ottoman Society, the Intellectual Legacy, ed. Elisabeth Özdalga (London, New York: Routledge, 2005), 1–​13.

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of modern Turkey as well as many other states that inherited Ottoman provinces in European and Arab lands. The young Ottoman intellectuals educated in modern schools, including those who were sent to Europe as students or commissioned officials, were engaged in intense debates about current affairs and the model the empire was going to follow in reform, be it French, British, or German. There was a mixture of different intellectual inclinations among them. Some were adherents of French philosopher Auguste Comte’s positivism. Others followed German materialism and admired Ludwig Büchner, Ernst Haeckel, Jacob Moleschott, and Karl Vogt. In addition, a significant number of the younger generation were influenced by social Darwinism. Although these hot debates were continuing among the ranks of the political wing opposed to the sultan’s absolutist regime, known as the Young Turks, they nevertheless had little bearing on the discussions related to the establishment of the Ottoman University in İstanbul. However, prominent statesman and leading figure in the reform policies of the Hamidian era, Grand Vizier Küçük Said Pasha (1840–​1914, appointed to this position nine times until his death), submitted a series of memoranda to Abdülhamid II on political, economic, and cultural topics.147 In these memoranda, which contained suggestions on the steps to be taken for the development of the country, the welfare of the people, and the strengthening of the state, priority was always given to the subject of education. Although Said Pasha based his policies on the belief that education was the driving force behind progress, he did not adhere to a single, unchanging line of thought in this respect. On the contrary, he believed in examining a variety of educational systems and traditions in order to find the ideal system for the state and society. Various systems were evaluated, and a variety of new views were expressed in the memoranda prepared at various times. He approached the problem of the university as a whole together with those of other establishments and educational institutions.148 Although resolutely committed to the 1869 RPEs and their implementation, Said Pasha drew attention to a number of deficiencies in the educational

147. Ercümend Kuran, “Küçük Said Paşa (1840–​1914) as a Turkish Modernist,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 1 (1970):  125–​126. Five petitions prepared by Said Pasha on the subject of education are dated April 1878: Said Pasha, Hatırat (İstanbul: Sabah Matbaası, 1878), vol. 1, 388–​393; August 31, 1880, Said Pasha, Hatırat, vol. 1, 418–​436; 1882, Said Pasha, Hatırat, vol. 1, 202–​206; October 1888, Said Pasha, Hatırat, vol. 1, 535–​539; and February 14, 1895, Said Pasha, Hatırat, vol. 1, 572–​580. For discussions on the subject, see E. İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun: Osmanlı’da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2010), 177–​186. 148. Said Pasha, Hatırat (İstanbul: Sabah Matbaası, 1328), vol. 1, 388–​394.

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life in the country. In spite of the opening of a large number of schools of all kinds throughout the empire and the efforts displayed in the field of education, the benefits reaped had not been up to expectations. In his opinion the main fault lay with the lack of qualified teachers and the inadequacy of the curricula. As the solution to this problem he proposed a rise in the prestige of the teaching profession together with the radical reform of the curricula and the educational system in line with the country’s needs. Said Pasha followed this characterization of the current situation by expressing his firm belief that the educational system applied in Germany could equally well be applied in the Ottoman Empire. He proposed a new structure to the educational system that would start with boys and girls joining kindergarten at four years old; then they would continue their compulsory education in primary [sıbyan] schools up to the age of fourteen. At the end of the compulsory education, a differentiated education system began, which was divided into tracks. The first went through Sultanic Lycées and was meant to be equivalent to the German gymnasium education. It led to the university, which consisted of three faculties: law, arts, and sciences. In the second track, students would be oriented to industrial high schools, and they would end their education in technical schools of higher education where they would study architecture, engineering, and agriculture. Those graduates of primary schools who could not pursue either of these two tracks would be enrolled for five years in an education program at the Realschule where students would get options of becoming trainees in one of the modern industrial, office, or technical jobs without university entrance qualification. In his new suggestions to improve Ottoman education, Said Pasha proposed to follow the German model of the university developed by Wilhelm von Humboldt, which aimed at conducting scientific research and training of scholars. He made his preference in the advancement of knowledge and pursuing scientific exploration rather than the already adopted French model characterized by intellectual and social superiority aimed at producing educated professionals. Although Said Pasha seized on the German model as the basis for the ideal university, conditions in the country led to the conclusion that the French model would be easier to put into practice. The cause of the conflict was based on the general acceptance of the French model for the previous fifty-​four years. The French model aimed at producing professional personnel capable of answering the various needs of the modern state and the entrenched implementation of certain operations. Said Pasha gave no indication of the funds required for the new arrangements proposed in the field of education.

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5.1  The Inauguration of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane [Université Imperiale] The establishment of a university in the modern sense heralded the Ottomans’ entrance into the twentieth century. This final attempt was successfully realized in 1900 after the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî was closed in 1880–​1881, and it would be known as Darülfünun-​i Şahane (Université Imperiale). Despite some deficiencies and handicaps that were present from the beginning, this attempt finally proved to be successful. News of this subject appeared in the newspapers a few months before the opening of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane.149 The news, the style and presentation of which implied that it was an official announcement, explained aspects of how the new Darülfünun was developed. The initial explanations about the Darülfünun-​i Şahane are noteworthy in two regards. First, they explained to what extent the previously mentioned reports of Said Pasha were influential in the foundation of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane; second, they revealed the changes that it underwent within the three-​month period from that date until its establishment. When the activities concerning the establishment and organization of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane suddenly began in May 1900, the authorities tried to compensate for the deficiencies. However, as before, they were unable to solve the problem of the university building. During a period of more than half a century, the construction of a new building was considered for the third time, but it was never built. As it appeared in the press, in line with Said Pasha’s memorandum of 1895, the Darülfünun would have two departments, namely science and arts. Clearly, this was devised in line with the need for these departments that had not yet been founded in institutions of higher education. The students to be admitted to the Darülfünun would be selected from among high school graduates with superior grades. Arts and sciences would be related to subjects that would be useful and required for state administration, and the graduates would be employed in positions in which they would be most useful to the country. The aim of the Darülfünun was defined as the coordination of the scattered schools of higher learning under the same roof in accordance with the concept of a modern university. The argument was that this would strengthen the structure of the Darülfünun with regard to learning and education and would be much more beneficial to the country.

149. İkdam, no. 2.116, 23 Muharram 1318 (May 23, 1900): 1.

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The foundation of the university that had been expected for the last quarter of a century was finally realized, and the institution was inaugurated on September 1, 1900, as the Darülfünun-​i Şahane. It comprised three departments, namely science, arts, and divinity. It coincided with the twenty-​fifth anniversary of the accession of Abdülhamid II. An imposing ceremony was organized in the building of the School for Civil Servants [Mekteb-​i Mülkiye].150 Apparently, Grand Vizier Halil Rıfat Pasha (Grand Vizierate 1895–​1901) did not attend the ceremony. The ceremony was attended by Minister of Public Education Zühdü Pasha, the high officials of the Ministry, and the following personalities:  newly selected teachers of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane, chairmen and members of the Council of Education [Meclis-​i Maarif] and the Council of Inspections and Examinations [Encümen-​i Teftiş ve Muayene] in charge of the inspection and examination of schools and textbooks, as well as the directors and officials of the School of Civil Servants, the Galatasaray Lycée, and Teachers Training Schools. Many other personalities were present in uniforms bearing their ranks and medals. The ceremony began with the appearance of General Şakir Pasha, chief of staff and a member of the sultan’s retinue. After a speech by Minister of Education Zühdü Pasha, Manastırlı İsmail Hakkı Efendi (1846–​ 1912), who had been appointed as teacher of Qur’anic exegesis in the Divinity Department, gave the inaugural lecture on Surat al-​Fatiha, the opening Sura (chapter) of the Holy Qur’an. Prayers were recited with the participation of the guests, and lemonade was served at the end of the ceremony. In his inaugural speech, Minister of Education Zühdü Pasha praised the achievements made by the ancestors of the sultan in founding different schools and institutions of learning. He then continued by enumerating the steps taken by Sultan Abdülhamid II in improving education in the empire by highlighting the educational institutions that were established throughout the twenty-​five years of his reign. Around 15,000 primary schools for boys and girls, 250 secondary [rüşdiye] schools, and high schools [idadis] in almost every capital of the provinces and major cities in the districts, and more than 25 teachers’ colleges were founded. The minister, in underlining the personal and close interest of the sultan, emphasized his official stature not only as the monarch of the Ottomans, but also as the caliph of the Muslim world. Zühdü Pasha, in announcing the foundation of the university, made implicit reference to the composition of the well-​established universities in the world, and mentioned that since divinity teaching is a part of these universities, a decision was made to found a Divinity Department in addition to the other two departments of Science and Arts. 150.  News appeared in various daily newspapers about the ceremonies that took place on the day when the Darülfünun was inaugurated. For information on this subject, see İkdam, no. 2.219, 20 August 1316 (September 2, 1900): 2.

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Since the existing School of Law and the Civil School of Medicine were already considered departments of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane, the Darülfünun with all the regular departments would be a university consisting of five faculties, which mirrored the structure of universities in most Western and Western-​ influenced countries. He also stated that the objective of this university was to introduce to the public the use and benefits resulting from the developments in science and arts.151 This was the first time the objective of the university model with five faculties, first envisioned in the 1869 Regulations, was accomplished. The Hamidian Darülfünun was a meaningful expression of the sultan’s keen interest in endeavors to spread modern institutions of higher learning into different provinces of his empire. It also signaled his caliphal responsibility to the Muslim world at large by initiating the first modern faculty of divinity in the Islamic world.

5.2  Darülfünun-​i Şahane Regulations Two weeks before its inauguration, the Regulations of the new university came into force on August 14, 1900. The Darülfünun was originally planned with two departments, but, on the eve of its inauguration, it opened with three departments, namely science, arts, and divinity. The first item of the Regulations stated that the Darülfünun was established directly by the sultan’s decree. The second, third, and fourth items of the Regulations concerned the departments and the curricula. They also stated that the School of Law and the Civil Medical School were among the departments of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane. The education would be for four years in the Department of Divinity [Ulûm-​ı Âliye-​i Diniye Şubesi], three years in the Department of Mathematical and Natural Sciences [Ulûm-​ı Riyaziye ve Tabiiye Şubesi], and two years in the Department of Arts [Edebiyat Şubesi]. Each department would consist of a director and a deputy director, as well as a sufficient number of teachers, officials, and service staff. The following pages of the Regulations dealt with the appointment of the director, his duties and rights, and his relations with the Ministry of Public Education. Item 8 stipulated that the teachers of the Darülfünun should be fully qualified in the sciences and the courses they taught.152

151.  For the complete text of Zühdü Pasha’s speech, see E.  İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun, vol. 2, 968–​969. 152.  Darülfünun-​i Şahane Regulations were printed separately after they were put into effect (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1318 [1900–​1901]), 10 pp.; later it was also published in the Düstur. See Düstur, I.  Tertip (Ankara:  Başvekâlet Devlet Matbaası, 1941), vol. 8, 659–​664. The regulations were printed for the second time in 1326 in line with the organization of the curricula (Dersaadet, Turkey: Mahmud Bey Matbaası, 1326 [1908–​1909]), 9 pp.

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5.3  Curricula According to the Regulations, the courses that would be taught in the three departments of the Darülfünun in 1900 would be as follows: Department of Divinity [Ulûm-​ı Âliye-​i Diniye Şubesi]: Qur’anic exegesis, hadith (prophetic traditions), Islamic jurisprudence, Islamic theology, and history of Islamic religion. Department of Mathematical and Natural Sciences [Ulûm-​ı Riyaziye ve Tabiiye Şubesi]: mathematics and natural sciences, advanced algebra, analytic geometry, integral and differential calculus, probability, physics and meteorology, inorganic and organic chemistry and biochemistry, zoology, botany, mineralogy, and geology. Department of Arts [Edebiyat Şubesi]: philosophy, Ottoman literature, Arabic and Persian literature, French literature, Ottoman history, Ottoman gen­ eral, physical, and urban geography, archaeology, and pedagogy. The students who had received official certificates [şahadetname] from the Galatasaray Lycée, the School of Commerce, Darüşşafaka, or idadi [preparatory] schools in provincial centers could be admitted to the Darülfünun.153 In addition, those who took an examination and proved that they had received the same level of education as that of the just-​mentioned schools were also eligible. Accordingly, medrese students were admitted to the Divinity Department by passing an examination. Although it was stated that students with an official certificate from the School of Civil Servants, the School of Law, the Civil Medical School, and the Teachers Training High School would be admitted to the department of their choice, in the event of an excessive number of applicants they would also be required to take an entrance examination. The graduates of the Darülfünun could work as teachers in high schools in İstanbul and the provinces. A field of employment other than teaching was not offered in the Regulations. With these rules, the conditions related to the Darülfünun in the 1869 RPEs were annulled. The Ministry of Public Education was authorized to administer the Regulations.154

153. Darüşşafaka: School opened in İstanbul by the Islamic Educational Association [Cemiyet-​i Tedrisiye-​i İslamiye] in 1873 to educate Muslim orphans. 154. Items 26 and 27 of the Regulations.

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5.4  The First Teachers of the Darülfünun-​i  Şahane Shortly before the inaugural ceremony, a commission chaired by Minister of Education Zühdü Pasha selected the first teachers of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane, and also an academic council headed by the president of the Darülfünun would be formed.155 While preparations were continuing for the inauguration, discussions for carrying out reforms in the School of Medicine and the School of Law were placed on the agenda.156 Recai Efendi, principal of the School of Civil Servants, was appointed president [rector] of the Darülfünun at the second meeting, which was chaired by Zühdü Pasha on August 20, 1900. In this meeting, Salih Zeki Bey submitted a report on the provision of the equipment necessary for teaching physics, chemistry, and astronomy.157 The commission prepared a list of the teachers who would serve in the three departments and submitted it to the sultan on August 24, 1900. The Ministry of Education approved and officially announced the list on August 28.158

5.5  Admission of the First Students and the Beginning of Education An interim commission was formed to supervise the education and staff in the Darülfünun-​i Şahane. The courses in each department would be limited to two hours per day, and the officials working in various government offices would be allowed to attend the courses. However, no decision was taken as to whether the courses would be open to the public. The commission also decided that all students applying to the Department of Science would take an examination in mathematics and natural sciences. Those who applied to the Department of Arts would take an examination in Turkish, Arabic, and Persian. The total quota of students in the Darülfünun was eighty. There were thirty students in the Department of Divinity, twenty-​five in the Department of Mathematics and Natural Sciences, and twenty-​five in the Department of Arts. On the news of the opening of a Darülfünun, students from all four corners of the Ottoman Empire applied for admission. Thus, according to the administrators,

155. Le Moniteur Orientale, August 18, 1900, 3. 156. Ibid. 157. Le Moniteur Orientale, August 21, 1900, 3. 158. Le Moniteur Orientale, August 29, 1900, 3; İkdam, no. 2.217, 18 August 1316 (September 1, 1900): 1.

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in this last attempt, at least the problem of finding properly qualified students was solved. During the 1900–​1901 academic year (the first year), the quotas of all departments of the Darülfünun were filled. Ten students from the School of Law and twenty from among medrese students were selected to fill the quota of the Department of Divinity. Twenty-​five students were admitted to the Department of Mathematics and Natural Sciences; six of them were selected from schools of higher education, the others from idadi schools, and one from a medrese. Twenty-​five students were admitted to the Department of Arts; fifteen were graduates of various schools of higher education, and the remaining ten were idadi graduates. From June 1901 onward, as soon as the first academic year of the Darülfünun-​ i Şahane had ended, preparations were made for the students who qualified to continue in the second year and for holding entrance examinations for the new applicants. Starting from the second 1901–​1902 academic year, the Department of Sciences was divided into two branches, namely “Mathematics” and “Natural Sciences.” Hence, changes were made in the curricula.159 According to the Regulations of 1900, eight courses were taught during the second academic year (1901–​1902). Three courses were offered in the Department of Mathematical Sciences, three courses in Natural Sciences, and two courses that would be attended jointly by the students of both departments. In the third academic year (1902–​1903), sixty-​eight students registered at the Darülfünun. Thirty students registered in the Department of Divinity, thirteen students in the Department of Sciences, and twenty-​five students in the Department of Arts. In line with the Regulations, two new courses for one hour per week, namely, “probability” and “cadastral survey,” were added to the Department of Mathematical Sciences. Organic chemistry for two hours per week was added in the Department of Natural Sciences. The number of joint courses in both departments was reduced from two to one. New teachers were appointed for the new courses that were established in the Department of Sciences during the 1901–​1902 and 1902–​1903 academic years. In the other two departments, the existing staff members taught the new courses.160

159. These programs were included at the end of the text of the Regulation that was printed in 1908 (1326). The French equivalents of the names of the courses were given as they appeared in the Levantine newspapers of that period. 160. Sabah, no. 4.633, 21 Jumada II 1320/​12 September 1318 (September 25, 1902).

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5.6  The First Graduates of the Darülfünun-​i  Şahane The first graduates of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane came from the Department of Arts, for which the duration of education was two years. There were seven graduates at the graduation ceremony held at the beginning of the academic year 1902–​1903, and the first two students who graduated with honors were presented with gold and silver medals. The Department of Sciences produced its first graduates in 1903. Six graduates were from the Department of Mathematics, five were from the Department of Natural Sciences. In the following year, there were five graduates from the Department of Mathematics and seven graduates from the Department of Natural Sciences. In 1904, the Department of Divinity’s first graduates numbered eighteen. Darülfünun’s appeal as an institution of higher learning was not limited to the students at the capital of the Ottoman Empire, but, in fact, had its attraction for seekers of university education from all over the provinces. A careful examination of the lists of students enrolled in the first five years reveals that, despite the fact that the residents of İstanbul constituted the majority of the admitted students, there were increasing numbers of students from European, Anatolian, and Arab provinces. From the European provinces the majority came from Salonica (Selanik), Edirne, and Skopje (Üsküp). There were also a few students from Bitola (Manastır) and Mytilene (Midilli) Island. As for the Anatolian provinces, Kastamonu and Sivas were among the cities that sent the most students. Then came Trabzon, Adana, İzmir, and Konya. As for Arab provinces, Aleppo (Halep), followed by Beirut and Baghdad, were the big cities that sent students to İstanbul Darülfünun. Looking at the lists of graduates of the Darülfünun in the following years, one notices graduates who hailed from former Ottoman territories like Bosnia-​ Herzegovina (Bosna-​Hersek), Bulgaria, Crimea, and the Caucasus, and also from remote Arab provinces like the Hejaz (Hicaz) and Yemen.161

6  The Second Constitutional Period The emergence of a modern, educated generation who was dissatisfied with autocracy, the opposition of Young Turks who came from their generation, the insurrection of officers belonging to the secret organization of the Committee of Union and Progress Party (CUP, or the İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti Fırkası 161. For the tables of students admitted in the first year, see Darülfünun, 200–​207. For more details, see Darülfünun II, 1044–​1061.

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in Turkish) all came together to force Sultan Abdülhamid II to restore the Constitution of 1879 on July 24, 1908. General elections were held immediately after the proclamation and the Parliament convened. It was out of this constellation of events that the rule of the CUP began in the Ottoman Empire, which would last until 1918. Thus, the monarchical state structure was replaced by a constitutional government, which meant the end of the absolute power of the sultans that had endured for centuries. The Constitution introduced some new rights such as effective guarantees of individual freedoms and immunities, the abolition of the sultan’s right to dissolve the Parliament, the right to assemble, the freedom of the press from the threat of censorship, as well as the right to found associations. With the constitutional government, concepts such as fraternity, justice, equality, and freedom came to the fore, and the Constitution was introduced to the public as a piece of spiritual and moral reform. However, neither the CUP government nor the subsequent governments of the constitutional period were able to establish an ideal parliamentary structure. The Parliament was abolished four times, and governments were changed one after another, not because the monarch dismissed them, but because of political disputes. During the second constitutional period, reforms were envisaged to plan education at all levels. Emrullah Efendi, who served as minister of education twice in 1910 and 1912, attached particular importance to higher education. Thus, the Darülfünun, which was considered as the ultimate stage of education, gained more importance. Important changes were made in the Darülfünun. First, it was renamed Ottoman University [Darülfünun-​i Osmanî].162 This change of appellation aimed mainly at cutting its identification with the sultan’s personal cult. The curricula showed some differences from that of the 1900 program, especially with regard to the number of courses and the division of the classes. While no significant changes were made to the Department of Divinity, the Department of Arts was reconfigured in significant ways. For instance, the courses under the designation “Ottoman Literature” were placed under the new category of “Turkish Literature,” which was a telling sign of the new emphasis on Turkish ethnic and national identity. Furthermore, new courses on pedagogy, philosophy, history of philosophy, and archaeology were added to the already existing ones, while some additions were made to the program of the Department of Sciences, such as the method of teaching, experimental physics, experimental biology, and physiology. However, the most important change in this period was the establishment of faculty boards, where the administrative and educational affairs of the departments

162. İkdam, no. 5.150, 29 Shaban 1326 (September 25, 1908): 3.

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of the Darülfünun would be carried out in the future. Later each department was called by the name Faculty [Fakülte]. The freedom guaranteed by the restored Constitution gave birth to an autonomous student identity and a spirit of activism, and, subsequently, the government started to rule the university by issuing instructions. The first of these instructions was issued as the result of student movements that developed out of concerns regarding examinations and the discipline of the student body of the Darülfünun. These movements were inspired by the ideas of freedom that were delineated in the language of the new Constitution. The instructions prepared by the Ministry of Education in 1909 were related to the departments of the Darülfünun and the students of the School of Civil Servants. They reorganized the examinations, student attendance, the duration of instruction, the degrees of the official certificates, and disciplinary measures.163 Nine out of twenty items were concerned with discipline. They strictly forbade the intervention of students in educational and administrative affairs, as well as their engagement in politics within the institutions. Measures for expelling a student from the university were adopted. It was decided that students would be dismissed from the university only by the unanimous decision of a council consisting of directors of departments (deans) and the director general (the rector). According to Item 17, this council was authorized to suspend courses in any branch. Immediately after the proclamation of the Constitution, the structure of the Darülfünun, which until then had consisted of three departments, was expanded. The Imperial School of Law, which was considered to be a natural department of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane, was incorporated into the structure of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî as the Department of Law in 1909. Similarly, the School of Medicine was accepted as a department of the Darülfünun and took the name of the Faculty of Medicine. Meanwhile the Ministry of Education decided to reduce the number of faculty members in the School of Medicine. The academic board applied to the Ministry of Education for an increase in the salaries of the staff of the Faculty of Medicine, but the amount proposed by the faculty board was too high. Moreover, the Ministry stated that there was a surplus of teachers for some courses, and announced that a competitive examination would be conducted: Those who passed would retain their positions. It was also announced

163. “Darülfünun-​i Osmanî Ulûm-​ı Diniye, Riyaziye, Tabiiye ve Edebiyat ve Hukuk Şubeleri ile Mekteb-​i Mülkiye Şakirdanına Mahsus Maarif Nezareti’nce Kaleme Alınan Talimatname Suretidir” [“The Instruction Drawn by the Ministry of Education Regarding the Students of Departments of Divinity, Mathematics, Natural Sciences and Literature and Law and the School of Civil Servants of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî”], Tasvir-​i Efkâr, 26 Shawwal 1327/​10 Teşrinisani (November 1909), no. 161.

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Figure 3.  Zeynep Hanım Mansion that housed the Faculty of Letters and the Faculty of Science, 1908–​1942 (İstanbul German Archaeology Institute).

that persons from outside could also enter these examinations.164 A few days later, the academic board prepared a letter of objection, which was submitted to the Ministry. Two days later, however, the academic board announced its acceptance of a salary scale to be drawn up by the Ministry in accordance with the “hierarchy and dignity” of all staff members.165 In autumn 1908, the Darülfünun was moved from the building of the School of Civil Servants to the large building known as the Zeynep Hanım Mansion in the Vezneciler quarter built by the daughter of Mehmed Ali Pasha of Egypt and the wife of Grand Vizier Yusuf Kâmil Pasha, Zeynep Hanım (1826–​1886) (see Figure 3).

6.1  Tuba Tree Legend and Emrullah Efendi’s Project Emrullah Efendi (1858–​1914), who became the minister of education, was greatly interested in the Darülfünun, where he had also served as a faculty member.

164. Yeni Tasvir-​i Efkâr, no. 164, 13 Teşrinisani (November 1909). 165. Yeni Tasvir-​i Efkâr, no. 166, 15 Teşrinisani (November 1909).

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Emrullah Efendi taught philosophy and pedagogy in the Department of Arts. He held the position of minister of education twice, in 1910–​1911 and 1912–​1914.166 In his proposed new plans for education, he put emphasis on the university as the starting point for reform. He used the metaphor of the legendary tree known as Tuba. The Tuba was a tree with an incredibly large trunk, roots in heaven, and branches all over.167 Thus, education was considered as the branches and foliage that grew from the same root and spread all over the country. In line with this basic principle, the root of the tree would start from the university, that is, from the Darülfünun, and spread throughout all levels down to the primary school. In order to make his views on education more easily comprehensible, Emrullah Efendi used the “Tuba Tree theory,” saying that “Education resembles the Tuba Tree; one should start educational reform and organization not from the primary school but from the schools of higher education without neglecting primary and secondary education.” Despite his critics, Emrullah Efendi considered the educational system as a whole, and defended the notion that good teachers would educate good generations. According to him, it was necessary to codify and develop learning and science. First science is to be developed, scholars are to be trained, and then education reform will follow. Regarding public education, he said, “first of all, one should educate and train the children of the country” and emphasized that this work also had a political aspect. According to him, the duty of the Ministry of Education was to nurture the God-​given faculties of the intellect, the mind, and the body and to train individuals who would be beneficial to the country and the nation. Politically, the aim was to realize “Ottoman unity” by means of science and education.168

166. Emrullah Efendi was born in Lüleburgaz. He completed the ibtidai and rüşdiye education there. Then he graduated from the School for Civil Servants. He learned French and served as the director of education in Janina, Thessaloniki, Aleppo, and Aydın. In 1892, while he was in Aydın, he fled to Europe together with the journalist Tevfik Nevzat and the lawyer Güzel Hasan. In 1900, Abdülhamid II pardoned him, and he returned to İstanbul. He was elected to the Parliament [Meclis-​i Mebusan] as the deputy for Kırkkilise (Kırklareli) in 1908. He died on August 14, 1914. Mustafa Ergün, “Emrullah Efendi Hayatı-​Görüşleri-​Çalışmaları,” AÜDTCF Dergisi 30, no. 1–​2 (1982): 7–​9. For Emrullah Efendi’s views on philosophy see İsmail Kara, “Modern Türk Felsefesi Tarihinde Öncü Bir İsim Emrullah Efendi ve ‘İlm-​i Hikmet’ Dersleri,” in Prof. Dr. Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu’na Armağan, ed. Zeynep Tarım Ertuğ (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2006), 251–​283. 167. Tuba Tree: the name of a tree, believed to be in heaven. This wonderful tree is known as Şecere-​i Tuba, and its trunk is incredibly large. The roots of this tree are believed to spring from the Prophet’s kiosk in heaven and its branches spread to kiosks all over the heaven. “Tuba Ağacı,” Türk Ansiklopedisi, vol. 31, 441. 168. MMZC, I. term, 3rd year, 23rd session, 27 Kânunuevvel 1326 ( January 9, 1911), vol. 2, 90.

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Emrullah Efendi was one of the rare ministers of Education who found the opportunity to apply his theory to education. He was frequently subjected to criticisms in the Parliament. He wrote the section on education in the party program, and gained the full support of the CUP and the government. Starting from his first term as minister ( January 12, 1910–​February 20, 1911), he was greatly interested in the Darülfünun and made great efforts to reform this institution. In the following statement, he clearly expressed his main ideas on the objective of education and its social functions: It is a known fact that the state and the nation constitute a unity which will always live as a whole. There is no doubt about this. Life also has some gradations. One should not live in helplessness but influentially and in a dignified manner; not in poverty but in wealth, to live effectively possessing and defending one’s rights. In order to attain both these objectives the basic requisites are science and education.169 Among the measures that Emrullah Efendi took for the improvement of the education in the Darülfünun was the issue of foreign languages. According to him, although a great deal of time and money had been spent, the teaching of languages had not reached the desired level. This mainly stemmed from what he considered to be an erroneous method of teaching. The best solution would be to appoint a few teachers to the Darülfünun with high salaries, who in turn would train teachers to teach foreign languages in institutions of higher education.170 Within the framework of these discussions, Emrullah Efendi founded the Department of Languages in the Darülfünun. Thus the problem of better teaching of European languages in the Darülfünun and other schools of higher education would be solved through the foundation of this department. In addition to French, languages such as English, Russian, German, and Arabic would be taught in this department, which would be attached to the Department of Arts. The students would also be able to study the literature of the languages they chose. This practice attracted great interest from a large number of students, including the clerks who worked in state offices.171 In the beginning of the academic year 1910–​1911, the courses were taught for one hour between 8 a.m. and 9

169. MMZC, I. term, 2nd year, 107th session, 25 May 1326 ( June 7, 1910), vol. 2, 59. 170. MMZC, I. term, 2nd year, 107th session, 25 May 1326 ( June 7, 1910), vol. 2, 66. 171. According to the minutes of the Parliament, 1000 people attended the morning and evening classes. Also see Ergün, “Emrullah Efendi,” 7–​36.

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a.m. for officials and clerks and between 2:45 p.m. and 3:45 p.m. in the afternoon for regular students. The same courses would be repeated in the evenings.172 Emrullah Efendi pursued this holistic reform of the Darülfünun in spite of fierce criticism of his ideas. First, he laid special emphasis on the fact that the students who were educated in the universities would have a direct influence on the future of the country and should be selected carefully, not at random. Second, he insisted that a strict discipline should be applied at the university. Meanwhile, for the first time, he strongly defended the administrative autonomy of the university, maintaining that this was the case in the universities of other countries. His efforts would consequently contribute to the Darülfünun’s progress and the formation of an academic tradition. Upon the restoration of the Constitution, a great number of students who previously complained that they had not been able to receive a proper education during the reign of Abdülhamid II registered at the Darülfünun. As a result, the Darülfünun suddenly had to provide education for students whose number was three or four times its quota, particularly in the Faculty of Law. Thus, the necessity for taking certain measures soon became clear.173 Foremost among the measures taken was the stipulation that all students admitted to the Darülfünun had to be idadi graduates. However, a great number of students exerted pressure on the administration, stating that they should not be deprived of their rights to receive higher education. The students, the majority of whom were medrese graduates, were subjected to examinations in Arabic, literary composition, and arithmetic, but this did not solve the problem. Emrullah Efendi said, “The doors of the Darülfünun are open to everybody. Faculty means selection and freedom.” Thus, for the first time the idea of preparatory classes was put forth, and he defended the view that students who were not graduates of idadis but who were educated in other schools could be admitted to the Darülfünun. During the meeting of the Parliament that convened on 27 May 1326 ( June 1910), the question of preparatory classes was brought up during the discussion of the Ministry of Education budget. The view that a preparatory class was not necessary for students who had graduated from the idadis was put forth, thereby reducing the total amount of the budget that would be required for the purpose of remedial education.174 However, Emrullah Efendi said, “We need the

172. İkdam, no. 234, 3 Zilqaada 1328/​23 Teşrinisani 1326 (November 6, 1910): 5. 173. A news item appeared that stated that the number of students registered in and admitted to the Darülfünun Department of Law reached 800. Sabah, no. 6.823 (September 22, 1908): 3. 174. MMZC, I. term, 2nd year, 109th session, 27 May 1326 ( June 9, 1910), vol. 6, 131–​133.

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preparatory classes until the secondary school education reaches perfection.” In this view, these preparatory classes should be open to the public as training courses for adults, that is, the European cours d’adult. Adopting a pragmatic approach, Emrullah Efendi emphasized that not only the graduates of the idadis, but also selected graduates from the medreses should be able to attend the preparatory classes and have the opportunity of studying in the Darülfünun. Emrullah Efendi attached great importance to the subject of the preparatory classes to the point that he made it an issue for a vote of confidence in the Parliament, which he won. Discussions of these classes continued during the periods of office of his successors İsmail Hakkı Bey (Babanzâde, March 2, 1911–​May 11, 1911)  and Abdurrahman Şeref Bey (May 11, 1911–​December 15, 1911), who were prominent names in the CUP. The continuation of this debate can be gleaned from the petitions of the candidates who applied for registration in the preparatory classes and the remarks on these documents that a preparatory class was opened for each of the three departments of the Darülfünun. The applicants were admitted to these classes after passing examinations in Arabic and other related courses. Both of Emrullah Efendi’s successors supported his views and carried on his initiatives. However, despite all efforts, these preparatory classes were shut down.175 The main reason for their closure was the fact that, on the one hand, the medrese graduates wanted admission to the Department of Law without attending the preparatory classes and without any examinations. On the other hand, some medrese graduates were not admitted to the Department of Law although they had completed the preparatory class successfully and had taken an examination; this state of affairs led to the end of the preparatory classes, which were closed together with the Language School. In place of the classes that were closed, two-​year preparatory classes [sınıf-​ ı ihzari] were formed for the students of the Department of Divinity in June 1912. The teachers of the former preparatory classes and some graduates of the Darülfünun were appointed to teach in the new preparatory classes.176 Emrullah Efendi claimed that administering the graduation examinations, where the students were accountable for all the courses and subjects they had studied during the course of their education, in addition to the annual final examinations, was not an effective practice. However, opposite views were also 175. Ergün, “Emrullah Efendi,” 24. 176. Ali İhsan Gencer and Ali Arslan, History of the Faculty of Arts of the İstanbul Dârülfünun and the First Minutes of the Faculty Board [İstanbul Dârülfünûnu Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarihçesi ve İlk Meclis Zabıtları](İstanbul:  İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Publications, 2004),  92–​93.

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expressed.177 Despite the opposition he encountered, Emrullah Efendi changed the system of the final and graduation examinations in the Darülfünun. In his view, it was wrong to examine the students in their final year on all the subjects that they had studied in the previous four years. Instead, he believed that, after studying in the Departments of Arts and Science, it would be more suitable for the student to write a scholarly work by conducting research on a given subject. This research dissertation, which would demonstrate an engagement with the scholarly literature on the subject, would be an effective substitute for a graduation examination, as well as being a sufficient marker for a student’s proficiency in a subject. The new arrangements that Emrullah Efendi introduced concerning the admission of students to the Darülfünun were also criticized during the discussions in the Parliament. In this regard, one of the most important of Emrullah Efendi`s achievements was the issue of the High School Examinations [Baccalaureat] Regulations dated May 26, 1913, which were issued after his position as minister came to an end. This regulation of twenty items was related to the admission of the candidates who fulfilled the criteria of preparatory education and were eligible for study in the Darülfünun. The following students could take the baccalaureate examinations: the graduates of the Sultanî lycées in İstanbul and the provinces; the students who had received seven years of education in the idadis or their equivalents; graduates who had diplomas from community or private schools endorsed by the Ministry of Education or local Education Directorates; or those who had received the traditional certificate [icazet] from the medreses. These students were allowed to take the baccalaureate examination in the subjects they had studied. The questions of this examination were separately prepared in the Departments of Arts, Science, and Divinity by their respective faculty members. The sealed questions were sent to all the various provinces, and the examinations were conducted locally.178 After passing the examination of a particular faculty, the candidates would earn the right to register in the related faculties. The central university entrance examination, which was held every year, gave equal opportunities for the first time to those who had been educated in various institutions in the Ottoman educational system all over the provinces in the vast geography of the Ottoman Empire and who wished to complete their higher education in the Darülfünun. Thus Emrullah Efendi took an important step in raising the level of education starting from the schools of higher education. With the general atmosphere of

177. MMZC, 2nd year, 2156ff. 178. Düstur, II. Tertip (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1332), vol. 5, 498–​501.

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freedom created by the Second Constitution and the support of the CUP government, Emrullah Efendi tried to carry on the Ottoman educational tradition in line with the expansion of public education and the spread of modern sciences that continued from the Tanzimat era onward. Meanwhile, he considered the Darülfünun as a kind of institution for the training of scholars. The support of the CUP government was certainly influential in the fundamental reforms made by him. Indeed, the question of the autonomy of the Darülfünun was brought up for the first time in this period. During the discussions of the Ministry of Education budget in 1911, Emrullah Efendi mentioned the subject of the administrative autonomy of the Darülfünun for the first time and stated that this was the most important topic for consideration. He emphasized that the universities in other countries had their own private budgets, and all the governments did was to give assistance to these institutions. According to Emrullah Efendi, the future of the Darülfünun depended on its administrative autonomy. However, it should be noted that his views were not clearly reflected in the Darülfünun’s draft regulations to be prepared later or the discipline regulations issued by his government.

6.2  The New Bylaws of the Darülfünun Emrullah Efendi, in accordance with his “Tuba Tree theory” of education, described the Darülfünun as “the greatest institution of knowledge and refinement in the country which serves to spread and develop science and spiritual knowledge.” He envisaged the structure of the Darülfünun as in five parts, namely, organization and administration, educational and teaching staff, examinations, library and laboratories, and discipline matters. He planned the reorganization, and made various other preparations concerning the Darülfünun in accordance with this structure. Emrullah Efendi thought that Darülfünun was in need of urgent reforms as regards both administration and teaching.179 For political reasons, he prepared a memorandum dated March 5, 1912 (21 February 1327)  regarding the subject of discipline. The memorandum entered into force on April 21, 1912 (8 April 1328) upon the imperial decree of Sultan Mehmed Reşad.180

179. See BOA BEO, no. 301.529. 180.  See BOA ŞD, 227/​43. Discipline Regulation [Disiplin Nizamnamesi] of eighteen articles regarding the Darülfünun and its departments. It was first published separately (İstanbul:  Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1328/​1912); later it was published in the booklet titled İstanbul

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The social dynamism observed in Ottoman society and the different political and ideological movements that appeared after the restoration of the Constitution aimed particularly at attracting the youth, including the students of the Darülfünun. The government was compelled to prevent this by requesting the faculty boards to apply legal measures. These Disciplinary Regulations aimed at regulating the students’ conduct in the faculties, ensuring their compliance with the conditions of registration and admission, and preventing them from cheating during the examinations and from causing disorder within the faculty. The Regulations included serious punishments such as the temporary or permanent exclusions of the students from the faculty. Probably the most interesting aspect of these Regulations was that it stipulated the presence of a group of guards in the faculty. The Ministry of Education was responsible for the implementation of the Regulations. If need be, the Ministry could suspend all activities. Moreover, this institution was named İstanbul Darülfünun, superseding the institution’s absolute attachment to the sultan and attributing it to the capital city instead of “Osmanî/​Ottoman” and “Shaana/​Imperial,” which would have been reminders of an imperial status. This designation implied that the objective was to establish new universities or branches of the existing one in the provinces. Shortly after the preparation of the Disciplinary Regulations, a special commission formed under Emrullah Efendi’s chairmanship drafted regulations concerning the organization and the administration of the Darülfünun.181 The preamble stated that the scientific and administrative unity of the Darülfünun was not guaranteed, and the sections that constituted this scientific institution had not yet been formed. Emrullah Efendi went on to say that these regulations proposed “the appointment of a director-​general [rector] of the Darülfünun and the establishment of a Darülfünun senate headed by the rector. In each faculty, there would be a dean elected by the faculty members and a general secretariat.”182

Darülfünun -​Talimat (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1329/​1913), 10 pp. These regulations were also published in the Düstur, II. Tertip (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1331), vol. 4, 460–​463. 181. Without waiting for the memorandum of regulation to be sent to the Council of State (26 February 1327/​March 10, 1912), Emrullah Efendi wrote an official memorandum to the Office of the Grand Vizier in which he requested the allocation of a budget for the following: the appointment of a director-​general to the Darülfünun, the establishment of a new chair in the Department of Divinity, the appointment of policemen in line with the present Discipline Regulations. and the employment of curators in the physics and chemistry laboratories. BOA BEO, no. 301.529. 182. The “statement of reasons” for the Regulation penned for the establishment and administration of the Darülfünun and the Bill of the Regulation. (Darülfünun’un Suret-​i Teşkil ve İdaresine Dair Kaleme Alınan Nizamnamenin Esbâb-​ı Mucibesi ve Nizamname Layihası (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Amire, 1328/​1912), 10 pp.

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The memorandum and the justification for these regulations concerning the administrative structure were prepared on March 14, 1912 (1 March 1328)  and forwarded to the relevant authorities to be passed as a law. However, this draft was not issued during Emrullah Efendi`s period of office since his term of office had ended by that time. Although the CUP held a majority in the Parliament and the two ministers of Education who succeeded Emrullah Efendi were like-​minded, the government was unable to carry out these legal emendations because of the differences of opinion among the members of the CUP regarding the Darülfünun. As previously stated, of the five-​part organization suggested by Emrullah Efendi, only the part concerning discipline was put into operation by imperial decree. The academic organization/​program [teşkilât-​ı ilmiye] section related to educational issues, the teaching staff, and examinations was issued during Minister of Education Ahmed Şükrü Bey’s period of office as the instructions of the Ministry. They were published together with the Discipline Regulations in the name of the Ministry.183 The fact that the regulations regarding discipline issued by imperial decree and the instructions regarding academic issues were published together created the impression that both documents came into force by imperial decree and on the same date. The confusion regarding these two texts stemmed from the fact that the Discipline Regulations were published in the last part of the booklet entitled İstanbul Darülfünun–​Instructions [İstanbul Darülfünunu–​Talimat]. The items relating to the academic structure of the Darülfünun are contained in the first part of the text of İstanbul Darülfünun–​Instructions. This section has sixty-​five items and consists of the following subheadings: education, tuition and fees, transfer and registration, education, and examinations. These Instructions remained in effect until the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî Regulations were issued in 1919.184 183.  For these texts, which were apparently prepared by Minister of Education Emrullah Efendi, see İstanbul Darülfünunu—​Talimat (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1329/​1913), 10 pp. 184.  Mehmed Ali Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi, 35; Cemil Bilsel, İstanbul Üniversitesi Tarihi (İstanbul: İstanbul University, 1943), 24; and Osman Nuri Ergin, Türkiye Maarif Tarihi (İstanbul: Eser Kültür Yayınları, 1977), vol. 3–​ 4, 1225) considered the Instructions as Regulations and said that they were announced on the same date as the Discipline Regulations. Faik R. Unat approaches this subject with some reserve and says that the publication of the Instructions together with the Discipline Regulations led to the opinion that they both came into force on the same date. He also claims that the date of the Instructions is 1911; see Faik R. Unat, A Historical Approach to the Development of Educational System in Turkey [Türkiye Eğitim Sisteminin Gelişmesine Tarihi bir Bakış] (Ankara:  Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı, 1964), 55, footnote 18. Ali Arslan also dates the regulations to 1911; see Ali Arslan Darülfünun’dan Üniversite’ye (İstanbul: Kitabevi, 1995), 55.

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According to the Instructions, the faculty board of each department would be composed of its own teachers. A chairman would be selected from among them by secret ballot while another member would be selected as secretary to assist the chairman. Their appointments had to be approved by the Ministry of Education. The duties of the faculty board were listed as improvement and amendments to the curricula or the introduction of new courses; suspension of a teacher from his duties or the decision to end instruction in a classroom; the selection of new teachers for vacant courses (from among two candidates); the appointment of deputy teachers in order to prevent classes from remaining vacant; the selection of examination boards; the selection of books; equipment and other educational materials to be bought with the yearly allowance allocated to the library and the laboratories; the resolutions of disputes between teachers and students; the approval of the list of the names of the students to receive diplomas; the temporary or permanent cancellation of a student’s registration for disciplinary offenses in accordance with the seriousness of the offense; and the amendment and unification of scientific terminology. All of these duties would be approved and allocated by the Ministry of Education.185 The covering memorandum described the Darülfünun as the highest institution of science and learning and declared its main duty as “the dissemination and development of all sciences.” The Darülfünun was also considered an institution that would act as a center in which professionals and scholars would be educated to serve in the country’s development. The same approach is found in the memoranda issued by Grand Vizier Said Pasha on the subject of the Darülfünun, as previously mentioned. Here, one can see Emrullah Efendi’s concept of the Darülfünun according to which it is considered a center where professionals would be trained as in the past, as well as following the German university model where scholars would also be trained. The great importance attached to this subject is an indication of the attempt to found a university with two functions combining the main characteristics of the German university model and the present French model. Emrullah Efendi’s proposal for a new organization of the Darülfünun consisted of five parts. The third and the fourth parts of the new arrangements thus created under the title of academic structure dealt with education and

185. The text of Instructions about the duties of the Council of Teachers in the Darülfünun Departments [Darülfünun Şubelerinde Mecalis-​i Muallimîn’in Vezaifini Mübeyyin Talimat], which consists of three items, is included in the beginning of the official record of minutes that belongs to the Faculty Board of the Faculty of Arts. For the text of the Instructions, see Gencer and Arslan, İstanbul Dârülfünûnu Edebiyat Fakültesi, 54, 113.

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examinations and consisted of sixty-​five items. These were implemented as official Instructions during his successor Şükrü Bey`s period of office. As planned in the draft prepared by Emrullah Efendi, the Instructions arranged the Darülfünun into five faculties (Arts, Science, Law, Medicine, and Divinity). The School of Pharmacy and Dentistry were attached to the Faculty of Medicine, while the Schools of Medicine (Damascus) and Law located in the provinces (Salonica, Beirut, Konya) were attached to the Darülfünun in İstanbul. A new arrangement in the form of “sets of courses” were foreseen in preparing the curricula of the faculties in accordance with the Instructions. It was based on the principle of forming sets of subjects of mutual interest, and would be applied to all the faculties except the Faculty of Medicine and its subsidiary institutions. Emrullah Efendi’s thesis that students with a high level of knowledge and discipline should be admitted to the Darülfünun, which he had defended all along, was accepted. Indeed, as previously briefly indicated, Regulations Bakalorya-​İmtihanları of Baccalaureat Examinations [Mülâzemet Ruusu -​ Hakkında Nizamname], dated May 26, 1913, decided that entrance examinations would be held separately for the Departments of Divinity, Science, and Arts (see Figures 4 and 5).

Figure  4.  1919 graduates with the faculty members, Faculty (Department) of Law (Sinan Kuneralp’s Personal Archive).

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Figure  5. Faculty (Department) of Letters graduates of 1912. The sitting faculty members include the most illustrious poets and writers of the time:  Ahmed Midhat, Mehmed Akif, Ali Ekrem, Ahmed Hikmet, Hüseyin Daniş, İsmail Hakkı, Şehbenderzade Hilmi. Graduates with turbans obtained a medrese education before attending university (Şehbal, vol. III, no. 55, 15 June 1328, p. 125).

It appears that from 1909 onward regular assignments were made to the Darülfünun from the budgets of the Ministry of Education. During the discussions over the budget that he conducted with the Parliament as minister of education, Emrullah Efendi recommended that the Darülfünun should have a separate budget, as was the case with European universities. In fact, from the 1910 general budget of the Ministry, a share of 0.36% was allocated to the Darülfünun. It would not be wrong to say that, in the year following the proclamation of the Second Constitution, both statesmen and the public made great efforts to improve the conditions of the institutions of higher education, which were seen as the guarantee of the future of the state and the nation. Some important steps were taken in practice, particularly by Emrullah Efendi. These attempts continued with the outbreak of the First World War.

6.3  University Education for Girls Providing university education for girls is a typical example of the gradual modernization in the Ottoman Empire. Not long after the first middle [rüşdiye] for girls was founded in 1855, the 1869 RPEs laid the legal framework for the education of female students. The rules for the girls’ sıbyan and rüşdiye schools and the Darülmuallimat [Teachers Training School for Girls], the first of which was

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opened in 1870, were specified. Obstacles were not put in their way to prevent their following further stages of public education. In later periods, during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid and during the period of the Second Constitution, progress was made in the education of girls that gained momentum. The bylaws of Darülfünun did not include any paragraphs that gave girl students a different status. Accordingly, women could receive an education in the Darülfünun, and there were no legal obstacles in this regard. However, there was a need to allocate a separate place for the education of girls because of the sensitivities of the conservative circles. The idea of providing university education for girls came up following the proclamation of the Constitution. A woman writer named Seniha Nezahat discussed this subject for the first time in 1908 in an article entitled “A Darülfünun for Girls,” where she advocated an education for girls that provided basic knowledge on health, as well as housekeeping and home economics.186 When Şükrü Bey was appointed minister of education (1913–​1917), discussions concerning the provision of university education for girls increased, and studies were initiated in order to implement the proposal. Süleyman Pashazâde Sami Bey and Ismayıl Hakkı (Baltacıoğlu) Bey suggested “public lectures for girls” at the Darülfünun.187 On February 7, 1914, public lectures began in a hall in the Zeynep Hanım Mansion, where approximately 200 girls were gathered. Moreover, a class for the public lectures was opened in which courses would be taught four days a week for two hours a day. Generally, teachers of the Darülfünun gave the first public lectures for girls. These lectures were on various subjects, and one of the most significant was on women’s rights. The lectures were given to the female students according to the program (see Table 2).188 The first students of the Darülfünun for Girls were composed of the graduates of high schools [idadis] for girls and the graduates of İstanbul Teachers Training School for Girls [Darülmuallimat], while the majority consisted of students of the Teachers Training School for Girls who were educated free of charge. Because of the interest shown by girls in the free (public) lectures and the need for idadi teachers for girls, open lectures were changed into a regular university activity. On September 12, 1914, the educational program for girl students in

186. Abdurrahman Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn (1863–​1933)” (PhD thesis, Ankara Hacettepe University, 1992), 155. 187.  Ali Arslan and Özlem Akpınar, “İnas Darülfünunu (1914–​ 1921),” Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları 6, no. 2 (2005): 225–​234. 188. Servet-​i Fünûn, no. 1.184, 30 Kânunusani 1329 (February 12, 1914): 319.

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Table 2  Darülfünun for Girls’ Weekly Program of Public Lectures in 1914 Days

1st Course

Saturday

Pedagogy

Thursday

Women’s rights

Professor

2nd Course

Professor

Mademoiselle History İhsan Beyb a Kofmayer Ismayıl Hakkı Beyc Monday General and Besim Ömer Pashad Housekeeping Ahmed women’s hygiene and economics Cevad Beye and first aid Wednesday Astronomy Salih Zeki Beyf Science Said Beyg Mahmud Esad Efendih

Pedagogy

Ismayıl Hakkı Bey

Directress of the Industrial School for Women

a

Teacher of history in Teachers’ College for Men

b

Teacher of Pedagogy in the university and the Teachers’ College for Men

c

Director-​General of Public Health and professor of the School of Medicine

d

An Ottoman author and vice-​director of Darüşşafaka (a school for orphans)

e

Undersecretary at the Ministry of Education and director-​general [rector] of the university

f

A former minister of education and professor at the University

g

Supervisor of Defter-​i Hakanî (Main register of revenues in the Ottoman Empire) and professor at the University.

h

the Darülfünun was officially initiated under the name of Darülfünun for Girls [İnas Darülfünunu]. It was housed in the right-​hand wing of the Zeynep Hanım Mansion, and the Ministry of Education announced this to the public through the press.189 Education started in two departments, namely Arts and Science (Mathematics and Natural Sciences) with a duration of three years. The Faculties of Medicine and Law were not included. Despite the limited opposition of some conservative circles, the Ottoman press adopted a wholly positive approach to the university education for girls. The girls’ admission to the Darülfünun was interpreted as an important step and an auspicious beginning for Ottoman social life. However, the press’s approval was always restrained, and many articles appeared that encouraged women not to let their imaginations run away with them.190

189. Arslan and Akpınar, “İnas Darülfünunu,” 227. 190. Sabah, no. 7.681, 26 Kânunusani 1329 (February 8, 1914).

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The emergence of women’s education in the Ottoman Empire was also of some interest in European newspapers. The Ottoman media were aware of this interest, and actively cultivated the attention. Sabah quotes the English Daily Telegraph, saying that the decision of the Ottoman government to extend university education to women will have a serious impact on the Muslim world at large and that it will draw attention to the existence of a progressive group among Turkish women. The article concluded with the remark that these progressive influences were ever-​increasing.191 Among the arguments in support of girls’ admission to the university, it was highlighted that Muslim Turkish girls in Russia had been enjoying this right, and there were physicians among the female graduates. Graduates of the Darülfünun for Girls earned the right to teach in the High Schools for Girls [İnas Sultanileri]. In order to provide premises for the professors who arrived from Germany in 1915–​1916 and for the institutes they founded, the need arose to reallocate the rooms in the Zeynep Hanım Mansion that were being used for the Darülfünun for Girls. In view of this, Ali Nazima Bey was appointed director of the Darülfünun for Girls, and this institution moved to the building of the Teachers Training School for Boys [Darülmuallimin] situated in the Cağaloğlu district.192 Two women, Zahiye Hanım and Zehra Hanım, were appointed vice-​director and secretary, respectively, at the Darülfünun for Girls. After the German professors returned to their own country in November 1918 and some of the institutes they founded were closed, the question of moving the Darülfünun for Girls to its former location came up. As the result of the added pressure applied by the Teachers Training School for Boys, the Darülfünun for Girls was moved back to the Zeynep Hanım Mansion, where teaching was resumed separately from the male students.193 The first students graduated from the Darülfünun for Girls in 1917. That year there were eighteen graduates, seven from the Department of Arts, three from the Department of Mathematics, and eight from the Department of Natural Sciences. In 1918, the second graduation year at the Darülfünun for Girls, attempts were made to found an association by the name of “Association of Graduates of the Darülfünun for Girls.”194

191. For Sabah’s quote see Osman Nuri Ergin, Türkiye Maarif Tarihi, vol. 4, 1292. 192. Document dated 30 August 1335 (1919); BOA BEO-​Maarif Gelen, no. 344.153. Also see Salname-​i Devlet-​i Aliyye-​i Osmaniye, 1333–​1334 (İstanbul: Hilal Matbaası, 1334 [1918]): 321. 193. BOA BEO-​Maarif Gelen, no. 344.153. 194. For brief information on the attempts to found this association see Arslan and Akpınar, “İnas Darülfünunu,” 232.

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6.4  Controversy Regarding the Education of Girls and the End of Segregation Conservative circles asserted that the togetherness of boys and girls did not comply with the traditions and their sitting “knee to knee” was against Islamic norms and customs. The controversy started after the female students were moved back to the Zeynep Hanım Mansion at the end of 1918, when Minister of Education Ali Kemal Bey decided that, to lighten the Treasury’s burden, girls and boys would attend the same classes. The Darülfünun for Girls would be merged with the Darülfünun for Boys. The Office of Şeyhülislâm also became involved, with its insistence on the condition of “complete obedience to the customs and norms of Islamic religion.” Although the minister of education stated that this point was diligently observed, the subject of women and men working or studying together continued to be a subject of controversy. Led by the minister of education, the members of the Reform Commission and the majority of the faculty boards of the university supported the idea of merging the Darülfünun for Girls with the Darülfünun for Boys. However, Babanzâde Ahmed Naim Bey (1872–​1934), the rector of the Darülfünun, and a few of his colleagues opposed the idea. Because of the continuing opposition, the Ministry of Education was forced to announce that, only until a new building was found, the girls’ education would continue in the Zeynep Hanım Mansion in the afternoons separately from the boys. The rector of the Darülfünun resigned from his post, thus removing the main obstacle to boys and girls studying together in the same classroom.195 Shortly after the rector’s resignation, Grand Vizier Damat Ferit Pasha (son-​in-​law of the sultan) visited the Darülfünun together with the minister of education and his undersecretary. He observed that the girls and boys were sitting separately and followed the lessons in the same classrooms, but they were not “knee to knee” as claimed.196 In the meantime, girl students boycotted their own classes and attended the courses with the male students, with the result that the Darülfünun for Girls was, in effect, closed. The Darülfünun Senate accepted this development on September 16, 1921, and the attendance of girl students at the İstanbul Darülfünun was officially accepted.197

195. Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn,” 159. 196.  Mete Tunçay and Haldun Özen, “1933 Tasfiyesinden Önce Darülfünun,” Yapıt, no. 7 (October–​November, 1984): 14–​15. 197. Unat, Türkiye Eğitim Sisteminin Gelişmesine Tarihi Bir Bakış, 57.

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Figure  6. Graduates of Darülfünun for Girls [İnas Darülfünunu] with faculty members and Rector Besim Ömer Pasha (Nil Sarı et al., Kuruluşundan 1933 Reformuna Fotoğraflarla Darülfünun Tıp Fakültesi, İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2011, p. 7).

The number of female students tripled between 1919 and 1925. In the year 1925, out of 1709 students at the Darülfünun, 235 were female students. However, not all of them graduated from the Darülfünun. During this period, 12 of the 47 girls who registered at the Faculty of Arts graduated, and 8 of these went on to work as teachers. In 1919, students at the Department of Natural Sciences of the Darülfünun for Girls were permitted to transfer to the Department of Chemistry if they so wished. During the years 1920–​1921, female students graduated for the first time from the Institute of Chemistry. Of the four who graduated, one started work as an assistant in inorganic chemistry at the Institute of Chemistry, one began working in the İstanbul Municipality Chemistry Laboratory, and the other two began work as teachers. Sixty female students graduated from this Institute in the period 1920–​1932 (see Figure 6).198 As previously indicated, the admission of female students to the Ottoman University did not encounter much resistance. The parallel education that started fifteen years after the inauguration of the Darülfünun continued four years later

198.  See “Fen Fakültesi Kimya Enstitüsü’nden Mezun Kimyagerler,” Kimya ve Sanayi, no. 2 (1933) and nos. 1–​4 for the names of female graduates of the Faculty of Chemistry between the years 1920 and1932.

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together with the male students. The curriculum for female students indicates that they were initially educated to become teachers in schools for girls and that their curricula did not include courses on classical Ottoman culture apart from Ottoman history and Turkish literature. The fact that girls could receive higher education together with the boys under the same roof was realized through the determination and support of Ottoman society (at least in İstanbul). Taking into consideration the short-​lived opposition offered by Babanzâde Ahmed Naim Bey, rector of the Darülfünun, and the sensitivity of the Office of Şeyhülislam concerning the conformity with the religious customs and norms, this subject, without ever again becoming a real issue, formed the foundation for the additional modernization efforts carried out by the Republic.

7  The War Years: 1914–​1918 and the German Influence During the reign of Abdülhamid II, Ottoman–​German relations showed continuously increasing warmth, primarily in the military field as well as in other subjects such as health and archeology.199 However, in the field of education, German influence appeared later than in the others. The progress made by the universities in Germany, their high standards, and the increase in their number as compared with those of the other universities in Europe attracted the attention of the Ottoman government, along with the governments of other developed countries of the period such as those of England and the United States. German universities, with their objective of advancement of science and knowledge, occasionally became the subject of memoranda on the Darülfünun issued by Said Pasha, grand vizier under Abdülhamid II, as previously mentioned. Moreover, the articles that appeared in the İstanbul press aroused the public’s interest on German universities. For the first time, a successful darülfünun model was offered to the public that differed from the French style, which the Ottoman intellectuals were familiar with. The Ottoman Empire entered the First World War (1914–​1918) by the decision of the CUP government as the ally of the Central Powers (Germany and Austria-​Hungary), which consequently led to closer relations in the field of education and an interest in adopting the German university model. During the war years, one can clearly see the transition from the French university system to the German system as reflected in the performance of the Darülfünun.

199.  İlber Ortaylı, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Alman Nüfuzu (İstanbul:  İletişim Yayınları, 2004).

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An article written in December 1915 on the employment of German teachers in the Ottoman Darülfünun shows how warmly the German model was accepted by society. The article was written by Ahmed Cevdet Bey, the editor-​in-​ chief of the Ikdam newspaper. He said, “We literally need a battalion of teachers for all kinds of educational institutions. We need to adopt the German educational system, German economic ideas, discipline and order . . . . If we adopt the German curriculum, their schools, their scholars, their equipment, the structure of their schools and the strictness and strength of character of the Germans, then our gates will be opened to a free future.”200 After the empire entered the war in 1914, the Ottoman administrators believed in Germany’s superiority in science and technology. They closed all the schools of the Entente Powers (France, Great Britain, Italy, and Russia) on their soil, and handed complete advantage to the Germans. The Germans met their request by sending pedagogue Professor Franz Schmidt (1874–​1963) to İstanbul in 1914. Schmidt was the former director of the German School in Bucharest and was employed in the Department of Education in the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Schmidt started working as a consultant at the Ottoman Ministry of Education. His main aim was to shape the Ottoman educational system in accordance with German foreign cultural policy. For this purpose, he proposed certain measures on every level of education, such as bringing teachers from Germany, establishing new schools in the fields of industry and agriculture, educating Turkish students in Germany, and training them in various fields. A number of students were sent to Germany at various times in accordance with these plans. As an alternative to the French-​style Galatasaray Lycée, the İstanbul Lycée [İstanbul Erkek Lisesi] was strengthened by an invitation to a number of German teachers. The teaching of German as a foreign language began in the schools. Although the number of German teachers in the primary schools was not very high, the German influence exerted through Schmidt was evident in the new Instructions. They came into force on July 2, 1916, and were sent to all the schools to be implemented. Here, the objective of the primary schools was described as a means “To provide the children with the information

200. Ahmed Cevdet, “Almanya’dan Muallim Celbi,” İkdam, 22 November 1331 (December 5, 1915): 1; Mustafa Gencer, Bildungspolitik, Modernisierung und kulturelle Interaktion, Deutsch-​ Türkische Beziehungen (1908–​1918) (Münster, Hamburg, London:  Lit Verlag, 2003). The Turkish translation is titled Jöntürk Modernizmi ve “Alman Ruhu” 1908–​1918 Dönemi Türk-​ Alman İlişkileri ve Eğitim (İstanbul:  İletişim Yay, 2003) 116. ve Kemal Turan, Türk-​Alman Eğitim İlişkilerinin Tarihi Gelişimi (İstanbul: Ayışığı Kitapları, 2000), 85. Although the author of this article is given as Dr. Abdullah Cevdet, the correct name is İkdamcı Ahmed Cevdet.

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most necessary for life and to train them as religious, patriotic, diligent and hard-​ working citizens.”201 While the government refused the German’s request for the establishment of a German school of higher education in the Ottoman Empire, the invitation of German teachers to the Darülfünun was received with great interest. Both the Ottoman and the German press followed their arrival very closely. The Ottoman newspapers stated that “even during the most difficult stages of the war, the Ministry of Education gave priority to the future of the country and aimed to benefit from Germany, the ally of the government, not only in the field of war, but also in the fields of science, knowledge and refinement. According to reports taken from the daily newspapers in Germany, in the first stage only fourteen teachers were invited from various disciplines. These disciplines were psychology, pedagogy, history of the Eastern nations, geography, botany, geology, chemistry, economics, finance, Ural-​Altaic languages and Semitic languages.”202 Upon the advice of Schmidt, about twenty scholars were selected from various German universities to be sent to İstanbul. A preliminary contract outlining the conditions of work was signed between Franz Schmidt and these scholars, who were from various parts of Germany and had no connection with each other. The German Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Culture were not directly mentioned in the contract and did not assume any responsibility or obligation. Germany preferred to approach this issue merely as the private business of an ordinary German citizen in a foreign country, and so the whole responsibility rested upon Franz Schmidt.203 The arrival of German professors in İstanbul was the result of the cooperation between Minister of Foreign Affairs Ahmed Şükrü Bey, his advisor Franz Schmidt, and the German Ministry for Foreign Affairs. However, in this attempt the German Ministry for Foreign Affairs preferred to remain in the background, leaving Schmidt to carry out all the preparations concerning the arrival of the scholars at the behest of the Ottoman government. The first group of eleven teachers arrived from Germany on September 12, 1915, and they each signed a five-​year contract. Apparently, they were employed in various universities in Germany, and their salaries and travel allowances were determined according to their rank as professors or associate professors. Thus,

201. Faik Reşit Unat, Maarif Düstûru (İstanbul: Milli Matbaa, 1927), 278. 202. For the news that appeared in the German press see “Deutsche Professoren für türkische Universität in Constantinopel,” Deutsche Zeitung, no. 427, August 22, 1915; for the Ottoman press see İkdam, no. 6.653, 14 Shawwal 1333 (August 25, 1915): 2, col. 2. 203. Gencer, Jöntürk Modernizmi ve “Alman Ruhu,” 127–​128.

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privat docent/​associate professors received a salary of 750 Ottoman Liras and a travel allowance that varied between 60 and 100 Ottoman Liras, while professors and ordinarius professors [department heads] received a salary of 1000 Ottoman Liras and 100 Ottoman Liras travel allowance.204 Approximately a month later, four new teachers came who met each other for the first time in İstanbul. They also signed five-​year contracts on October 10, 1915. According to the agreement, economics would be taught at the Darülfünun by Dr. Friedrich Hoffmann with a yearly salary of 1000 Ottoman Liras and a travel allowance of 60 Ottoman Liras; inorganic chemistry by Dr. Arndt with a salary of 750 Ottoman Liras and a travel allowance of 100 Ottoman Liras; finance by Dr. Fleck with a salary of 750 Ottoman Liras and a travel allowance of 60 Ottoman Liras; and zoology by Dr. Boris Zarnick with a salary of 750 Ottoman Liras and a travel allowance of 60 Ottoman Liras.205 The German teachers, who began working in the 1915–​1916 academic year, also started to learn Turkish as stipulated by their contract. Within the same year, on February 9, 1916, a German citizen by the name of Martin Neftel was appointed to teach German at the Darülfünun. On May 27, 1916, Dr.  Erich Frank was appointed as a laboratory assistant at the Botanical Institute.206 A year later, during the 1916–​1917 academic year, Dr. Werner Richter, a lecturer at Greifswald University, joined the teaching staff on November 13, 1916, as a teacher of German language and literature, thus raising the number of German instructors at the Darülfünun to eighteen.207 This number climbed to twenty-​one when Dr. Mordtmann, Dr. Nord, and Dr. Unger joined the staff. Mordtmann and Nord were employed at the German Consulate in İstanbul, while Unger, an expert in rare artifacts, joined İstanbul’s Museum of Antiquities. The number of German instructors reached its height in 1918 when Dr. J. Würschmidt accepted an invitation to teach physics at the Darülfünun. Thus between 1915 and 1918, a total of twenty-​two German instructors were at the Darülfünun teaching courses on a variety of subjects (see Table 3).

204.  For the report of the Cabinet meeting dated 30 August 1331 (September 12, 1915)  see BOA, MV, file no. 241, document no. 117. 205. Report of the Cabinet meeting dated 27 September 1331 (October 10, 1915), BOA, MV, file no. 241, document no. 160. 206. Report of the Cabinet meeting dated 14 May 1332 (May 27, 1916), BOA, MV, file no. 257, document no. 59. 207. Report of the Cabinet meeting dated 27 Kânunusani 1332 (February 9, 1916), BOA, MV, file no. 241, document no. 256.

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Table 3  The Distribution of German Teachers According to Their Academic Fielda Field

Name and Title

Institution

Date of Arrival

German language and literature German language Inorganic chemistry Archeology and numismatics

Dr. Werner Richter

1916

Botanics

Dr. Leick

Institute of Botany Geography Economics Ancient history Philosophy Physics Geology and geography Public law Finance Civil law

Dr. Erich Frank Dr. Obst Dr. Hoffmann Dr. Lehmann-​Haupt Dr. Günther Jacoby Dr. J. Würschmidt Dr. Walter Penck Dr. Schönborn Dr. Fleck Dr. Nord

Organic chemistry Pedagogy and psychology Semitic languages Industrial chemistry

Dr. Kurt von Hoesch Dr. Anschütz

Greifswald (assoc. prof.) Not indicated Breslau (assoc. prof.) Expert in the Museum of Antiquities in İstanbul Greifswald (assoc. prof.) Not indicated Breslau (assoc. prof.) Hannover (prof.) Liverpool (prof.) Berlin (assoc. prof.) Not indicated (prof.) Leipzig (assoc. prof.) Heidelberg (prof.) Kiel (asst.) Translator at the German Consulate Berlin (asst.) Hamburg (asst.)

1915 1915

Principles of history

Dr. Mordtmann

Ural-​Altaic languages

Dr. W. F. Carl Giese

Leipzig (assoc. prof.) Frankfurt/​Main (asst.) Consulate general of İstanbul Near Eastern Institute in Berlin (assoc. prof.)

Zoology

Dr. Boris Zarnick

Würzburg (prof.)

1915

Martin Neftel Dr. Fritz Arndt Dr. Unger

Dr. Bergsträsser Dr. Gustav Fester

1916 1915 1915

1915 1916 1915 1915 1915 1915 1918 1915 1915 1915 1915 1915 1915

1915 1915

Horst Widmann, Atatürk ve Üniversite Reformu, trans. Aykut Kazancıgil and Serpil Bozkurt (İstanbul: Kabalcı Yayınevi, 2000), 63. a

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Figure 7.  German faculty members.

The contract signed by the German scholars was to the advantage of the Ottoman administration and was quite simple. According to the contract, they would attend language courses in Turkish for two years. Meanwhile they would teach in German, and their assistants would translate their courses into Turkish. According to another provision of the five-​year contract, all kinds of articles written about Turkey would be published under the supervision of the Ministry of Education. The Turkish side could terminate the contract unilaterally for political or any other reason. However, if a German teacher left before his contract ended, he had to pay a considerable amount of indemnity.208 The engagement of so many foreign scholars at the same time was a new experience for both the Ottoman government and the contingent of German professors in the government’s service. Therefore, the Ottoman administrators adopted a very cautious approach in the contracts they prepared. The fact that the Germans accepted the conditions of the contract, which was not attractive, definitely stemmed from the fact that they pursued a policy to increase the German influence in Ottoman provinces by means of culture (see Figure 7). Upon their arrival at the Darülfünun in İstanbul, the German teachers were faced with conditions that were far from what they were accustomed to. Indeed, this university functioned differently from the German universities. On the one hand, a rector appointed by the minister of education and the deans of the

208. Gencer, Jöntürk Modernizmi ve “Alman Ruhu,” 130–​131.

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Faculties ran the affairs at the Darülfünun. Moreover, the duties and functions of the deans, who were elected by the teaching staff of the Faculties, were not compatible with the tradition of administration implemented in German universities.209 On the other hand, the Ottoman civil bureaucracy was employing this number of foreign instructors for the first time and had no precedents to follow. Probably the Ottoman intellectuals, who for several generations had been educated under the influence of French culture, subconsciously resisted the German system. It is possible that these two factors lay at the heart of the difficulties that Schmidt encountered from time to time when he and the German professors tried to reform the Darülfünun. These factors must have definitely played a role in Schmidt’s advice to the government to act cautiously in radically changing the structure of the Darülfünun and transforming it in accordance with the German model. While Minister of Education Ahmed Şükrü Bey asked the guest teachers to start teaching immediately, he also requested his advisor Schmidt to prepare the reforms that would introduce a new system to the Darülfünun based on the example of the German universities. According to the sources, Professor Schmidt began making preliminary plans for a common reform plan in collaboration with the German professors. Consequently, Draft Instructions for the Darülfünun-​ i Osmanî, consisting of thirteen parts and eighty-​eight items, was prepared, taking into consideration the specific conditions of the Ottoman Darülfünun, as well as the advice of Dr. Mordtmann and Dr. Nord, who had lived in İstanbul for some time.210 This draft was translated into Turkish, but the original document is no longer extant. It comprised general provisions related to the Senate and the rector, Faculties, teaching staff, students, teaching activities, institutes, officials and service staff, financial sources, scholarships and discipline, interim provisions, and the requirements for graduation.211 However, the minister of education politely rejected Schmidt’s draft. It appears that Professor Schmidt did not give up on this attempt. He used every means to explain the main points of his views and make them known. He requested that the German instructors individually make every effort to help the Darülfünun. Briefly speaking, Professor

209. Gencer, Jöntürk Modernizmi ve “Alman Ruhu,” 131. 210. Turan, Türk-​Alman Eğitim İlişkileri, 105–​107. 211.  Franz Schmidt and Otto Boelitz, “Vier jahre als türkischer Schulreformer,” in Aus Deutscher Bildungsarbeit im Auslande, Erlebnisse, Erfahrungen in Selbstzeugnissen aus aller Welt (Langensalza, Germany: Außereuropa, 1928), vol. 2, 61–​62.

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Schmidt asked everyone to follow his own particular line and achieve success independently.212 For each teacher from Germany an institute [darülmesai] was founded related to his own branch, comprising a classroom, a room for associate professors and assistants, a library, and study rooms. The Ottoman administration met the expenditures of the building and the equipment. Each institute was attached to the Darülfünun and headed by a German instructor. Thus new research institutions were established.213 Although most of these institutes underwent great changes, some survived to the present day in one form or another. Because of lack of the requisite space, their activities were conducted in the Zeynep Hanım Mansion or in nearby mansions rented for the purpose. Our information as to their administrators and the sites of the buildings is limited to only a few of them. Best known among them are the Institute of Geology that was founded in the Abdülkerim Efendi Mansion in the Vefa district; the Institute of Geography founded by Dr. Obst in the Safvet Pasha Mansion; and the Inorganic Chemistry Institute founded by Dr. F. Arndt in Yerebatan. However, we do not know the location of the Comparative Semitic Languages Institute under the administration of Dr. Bergsträsser, Dr. Anschütz’s Institute of Psychology and Pedagogy, or the Museum of Education. The other institutes, which were probably operated in the Zeynep Hanım Mansion, are the following: Botany, Zoology, Literature, Archeology, Ancient History, Historical Methodology, Philosophy (European Institute of Philosophy), History, European Private Law, Public Law, German Language and Literature, Comparative Ural-​Altaic Languages, Finance and Public Economy, and the Meteorology and Training Institute. The German scholars, besides their teaching activities, wrote and published research articles as well as textbooks for their students. Those at the Department of Science taught courses on inorganic and organic chemistry, industrial chemistry, zoology, botany, and geology and conducted research in various fields for four years. They published their own articles in the Journal of the Darülfünun Faculty of Science between 1916 and 1917. These are of considerable importance in providing information concerning the content of the courses they taught at the Darülfünun and their research activities. Again, because of the efforts of these scholars, an Institute of Chemistry, an Organic Chemistry Laboratory, and a Zoology Laboratory were established. The

212. Gencer, Jöntürk Modernizmi ve “Alman Ruhu,” 131–​133. 213. J. H. Mordtmann, “Deutsche Professoren an der Universität İstanbul,” in Aus Deutscher Bildungsarbeit im Auslande, Erlebnisse, Erfahrungen in Selbstzeugnissen aus aller Welt (Langensalza, Germany: Außereuropa, 1928), vol. 2, 75–​77.

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foundation of the Institute of Geology by Professor Penck, who played an important role in introducing modern geology, clearly reveals the importance given by the German scholars to research at the Ottoman Darülfünun. The First World War ended on November 11, 1918, and the British and French forces, who had been waiting on the nearby outskirts of İstanbul since October 23, occupied the city on November 13. Under these circumstances, on the one hand, the German professors asked to be allowed to return to their own country on the grounds that “the living conditions and financial situation had changed since the signing of the contract to a degree that could never have been foreseen.” On the other hand, on November 2, 1918, new Minister of Education Rıza Tevfik Bey, upon the Allies’ request, informed F. Schmidt that the contracts of all German instructors had been terminated.214 Indeed, life had already been very difficult during the war years. While the prices of goods that influenced living conditions had increased approximately 2500%, the salaries of the professors had increased by only about 75%. The Ottoman administration, which considered this demand rational and justifiable, made a 25% increase in their allowances since the government considered their employment at the Darülfünun to have been a worthwhile investment that they did not wish to jeopardize. The Darülfünun Senate declared that the university was only just beginning to see reap the benefits of its funding of the Institutes and the work of the German professors; hence, it would be very wrong for these professors to leave the country at that time.215 No doubt, the German professors left İstanbul because Germany and its allies had lost the war. The German professors were permitted to leave; and after their travel allowances had been paid, they were given passage on the ship Corcovada.216 The German academic mission had been successful in many ways. However, it could not completely fulfill its aim of establishing its own university model that would lead to research-​based education. The reasons behind this were the shortness of time, the opposition of those who preferred the adoption of the French university model to the German, and the negative effects of the war. Despite all this, the requirements of modern university education, such as the organization of seminars, the establishment of institutes and their laboratories and libraries, the introduction of a new understanding of education based on research and study, and the publication of textbooks and lecture notes for students were extensively implemented during this period.

214. Turan, Türk-​Alman Eğitim İlişkileri, 110. 215. BOA BEO, Maarif Giden, no. 340.272. 216. Turan, Türk-​Alman Eğitim İlişkileri, 110.

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The preparation for new legal framework, which had been made during the German professors’ period, were completed only after they had left the country. This must be one of the most important contributions made by the German professors to the development of the Ottoman University.

8  The Armistice Years and the Pre-​Republican Period The last year of the Great War witnessed the ebb and flow of German and French influences on the Ottoman university. At the beginning of 1918, the Ministry of Education of the last CUP government, with Talat Pasha as grand vizier, prepared the draft of a public education law with the objective of making reforms starting from primary schools up to the Darülfünun. This draft was prepared 50 years after the 1869 Regulations of Public Education, and it was the second document to deal with all aspects of Ottoman education in a comprehensive way. The influence of the French educational system was apparent in the 1869 Regulations; now the effects of the German educational model could be clearly seen in this newly drafted law. Another major difference was the way this draft was prepared; as compared with the first one, the section related to the Darülfünun was prepared with the contributions of its own teachers. During the preliminary stage of the 1918 draft bill of the Darülfünun, preparations were also made by the faculties. For instance, numerous meetings took place in the Faculty of Arts with the participation of the German professors. An official report was prepared that proposed autonomy and a hierarchical academic structure for the Darülfünun. It was forwarded to the Faculty Board of the Faculty of Arts on May 23, 1916. This report was signed by the professors of the Darülfünun, namely, İsmayıl Hakkı (Baltacıoğlu), Hamdullah Suphi (Tanrıöver), Köprülüzâde Fuad (Köprülü), Mehmed Ali Aynî, Ahmed Emin, Nimet, Ali Muzaffer (Göker), Arif, Kâzım Şinasi, Faik Sabri (Duran), Şemseddin, Şerif, Bergsträsser, Jacoby, Lehmann-​Haupt, and Avram Galanti. It suggested the following changes: The Darülfünun should be internally independent in order to have a solid existence and attain academic continuity. A Senate consisting of the representatives of the various faculties should have the right to deal with the relations between the Ministry of Education and the Darülfünun, administer all affairs pertaining to the Darülfünun, and act as representative of the Darülfünun. The Senate should elect the head of the Darülfünun annually in rotation from a different faculty each year.217

217. Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi,  52–​53.

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The Ministry of Education could not submit the complete draft of the public education bill to the Parliament before the budget discussions. Nevertheless, the section dealing with the organization of the Darülfünun was forwarded for debate and immediate ratification. The Council of Ministers considered the matter at the meeting held on February 17, 1918, and decided to submit it for discussion to the Parliament.218 The daily press gave a warm welcome to the draft law. For example, favorable news and comments were published in the reputable newspaper of the time, İkdam: Elements that appear quite novel to us, such as corporate identity, the drawing up of the budget and the appointment and dismissal of the teachers by the Faculty Board, have been the norm in Europe for many generations. In particular, we see the establishment of a variety of independent institutions in the German universities. Our adoption of this approach is to be welcomed in every way. These observations express the feeling that the foundations for a number of basic ideas laid by the German academic mission would ensure radical changes in the structure of the Ottoman Darülfünun in the short span of three years. The observation as just quoted continues: A  darülfünun cannot be administered such as primary or secondary schools. In the pursuit of knowledge, independence and freedom are essential and the advanced sciences which form the essential occupation of a darülfünun cannot be committed to the personal control of a ministry or an individual administration. The generally accepted view is that the method of teaching these subjects, the choice of the teachers and the organisation of the darülfünun are not solely questions of an administrative nature¸ rather they are questions of a scholarly nature that can be handled only by scholars.219 However, the attempts to realize this draft law came to nothing while the country was passing through such difficult times. The Ottoman Empire was politically unstable and suffered heavy losses during the months of 1918, a fact that prevented Talat Pasha’s government from taking action—​as in all cases—​to pass

218. For the decision of the Cabinet see BOA MV, 211 /​68, 5 Jumada I 1336 (February 16, 1918). 219. İkdam, no. 7545 (February 11, 1918): 1.

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the bill concerning the Darülfünun. The new period that began with the resignation of the Union and Progress government, acceptance of the final defeat at war, formation of a new government by Ahmed İzzet Pasha on October 14, 1918, and the signing of the Mudros Armistice on October 31 increased the political instability and started the protest movement among the population and the young people. At the beginning of the Armistice period, the occupying British forces arrested a number of teachers who were thought to be supporters of the CUP and exiled them to Malta. Among them was Darülfünun faculty member Ziya Gökalp, the distinguished sociologist and promoter of Turkish nationalism. At the same time, the new government dismissed a number of teachers at the Darülfünun who opposed the regime. Meanwhile, the British soldiers occupied different buildings of the Darülfünun for some time. Between 1918 and 1922, at a time of considerable political confusion, which saw frequent changes of government (the minister of education was changed fourteen times), the Darülfünun reform remained consistently on the government agenda. This is the most obvious indication that, in spite of differences of opinion, there was general agreement on the necessity for the solid foundation of a modern university. Even at this time of ordeal, the cooperation between the Ministry and the Darülfünun teachers continued; the public followed the proceedings closely and supported the outcome. An article that appeared in the Akşam newspaper with the signature of Mehmed Emin stressed that the foundation of a darülfünun, furnished with full academic and administrative autonomy, was essential, and it proceeded to describe the changes in public opinion that had taken place regarding the function of a university. The aim of achieving public education accompanied by the diffusion or learning and scientific knowledge since the Tanzimat combined with the slogan “knowledge is for the progress of the country” that was adopted by various official bodies in 1918 allow us to evaluate the Ottoman approach to scholarship and education; now it has changed to “advancement in science in the country.” Accordingly, it would appear that the German university model concentrating on progress in the propagation of knowledge began to replace the French university model which was more concerned with the training of specialists as influenced by the Tanzimat period’s interpretation of French high educational institutions.220

220. Akşam, no. 17, 1 Teşrinievvel 1334 (October 1, 1918): 3.

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Mehmed Emin Bey, in his long article, finally maintained that “it would appear that the Ministry of Education is in agreement with the pro-​German view, and has duly announced and ratified this.” In spite of the frequent change of ministers, the Regulations that were prepared in cooperation between the Ministry of Education and the Darülfünun teachers was finally enacted one year later with the imperial decree of Sultan Vahideddin in October 1919.221 The first aspect of the Regulations to attract the public attention was the question of autonomy. It was felt that, if this bill were adopted, the Darülfünun would cut its connection with the Ministry of Education and would be in a position to regulate its own affairs. This is why the autonomy clause was limited to only academic matters while the original draft prepared by the Darülfünun included administrative autonomy as well. According to the new Regulations, departments and faculties were renamed medreses, perhaps to make them sound more indigenous. The second aspect was the development of education for girls. Transforming teaching into a more attractive profession, both financially and socially, and giving it a higher scholarly and professional status would be the third aspect. According to the bill, the teaching committee would be responsible for the composition and emendation of the curriculum, the appointment and dismissal of the lecturers and professors, the setting of examinations, and the acceptance and examination of students. In reshaping the Darülfünun, the Regulations first established the academic boards of each faculty and clearly defined the criteria of nomination and appointment of faculty members. The Regulations described the teachers of the Darülfünun “as select graduates of this institution who are familiar with a foreign language and are selected by examination for teaching, a vocation which they consider their chosen profession.”222 The Regulations also included topics such as the selection of teachers through a three-​stage examination, resignation from their posts, and being sent to Europe to develop their knowledge and experience or to conduct an academic study.223 The four-​part structure of the Ottoman Darülfünun comprising the Faculties of Law, Medicine, Arts, and Science was finalized by the 1919 Regulations, which did not include articles on the Faculty of Medicine. Article 54 stated that the Regulations passed on March 4, 1916, would be valid for the Faculty of Medicine, which was attached to the Darülfünun in 1909, and its departments of Midwifery, Dentistry, and Pharmacy. However, it was also stated that Articles 221. Darülfünun-​i Osmanî Nizamnamesi (İstanbul: Matbaa-​I Amire, 1335/​1919). 222. Article 11. 223. Article 16.

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19–​28, concerning the administrative structure of the Darülfünun and the duties of the rector and the Senate, would apply to the Faculty of Medicine. The diversity of courses in the curriculum of the Department of Arts points to the development in this area. According to the 1919 Regulations, the following courses would be taught in the Faculty of Arts:  Turkish, Persian, and Arab Literature; history of Western literature; literary criticism; literary theories; logic, ethics, pedagogy, psychology, and sociology; history of philosophy, metaphysics; Islamic philosophy; physical, human, and economic geography; geography of Islamic countries; continental geography; history of Europe and the Ottoman Empire in the last century, Ancient Eastern civilizations; Eastern civilizations in the Middle Ages; political history; Islamic history; Ottoman history; and history of the Turkish language. There was also little change in the program of the Faculty of Science. In line with the 1919 Regulations, the following courses were included in the curriculum of this faculty:  astronomy, analysis, mechanics; advanced algebra; analytic geometry; theory of numbers; probability; mathematical physics; general physics; general mathematics; inorganic chemistry; biochemistry; experimental physics; industrial chemistry; botany; zoology; geology and mineralogy; organic chemistry; physiology; and anatomy. The 1919 Regulations introduced great changes, particularly in the administrative and financial structure of the Darülfünun. They reflect the final stage reached by the Ottoman Darülfünun regarding its administrative structure. Thus, on the one hand, the 1919 Regulations guaranteed all kinds of appointments, dismissals, and promotions of the academic and administrative staff of the Darülfünun and controlled its academic capability while, on the other hand, it included the articles related to the registration, admission, and examinations, as well as fees and disciplinary matters as a whole. Students could register at the Darülfünun either with or without an examination. The graduates of an official or a private sultanî [high school] could register at one of the faculties only by passing an examination. Students who had received a diploma from a department of the Darülfünun or who had graduated from one of the institutions of higher education or from the high-​level [Sahn] section of the Dârü’l-​Hilâfeti’l-​Aliyye Medresesi were admitted to the faculty of their choice without an examination. However, the final admission of the students was dependent upon the permission of the Darülfünun rector (Articles 44–​46). Those who did not meet these requirements were allowed to attend the courses as an auditor upon the permission of the professors and their assistants (Article 47). The article of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî Regulations concerning the rector’s election states that the rector would be elected, with the participation of all the professors and teachers, for a term of two years and could be reelected. Of the

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two candidates with the highest votes, the one selected by the minister of education would become the Darülfünun rector. In fact, after the election held on November 5, 1919, Dr.  Besim Ömer Pasha (Akalın, 1862–​1940), who had also served as dean of the Faculty of Medicine, was the first rector to be elected. It is obvious that the last administrators of the Ottoman Empire, because of the fragmentation of the empire and the nationalist and separatist movement, found it necessary to reemphasize the overall umbrella identity of being Ottoman. To this end, he renamed it to the Ottoman Darülfünun once more.

8.1  Nationalism and the First Student Boycott in  the Darülfünun The declaration of the Armistice at Mudros on October 31, 1918, followed by the occupation of Izmir by the Greeks and the signing of the Sevrès Treaty on August 1923, reduced the Ottoman Empire into a small vulnerable state in northern Asia Minor. The British occupied İstanbul. This state of affairs caused outrage among the Turks in general and the Darülfünun students in particular. There were various demonstrations against the occupation, and young men started to leave İstanbul to join the nationalistic movement and the struggle for independence spearheaded by Mustafa Kemal in Ankara. Nationalist feelings were high all over the country from 1919 to 1920. However, a group of professors in the Darülfünun, including the Minister of Education of the time Rıza Tevfik, who had added his signature to the Sevrès Treaty, did not share the nationalistic enthusiasm or give expression to any such feelings during their lectures. Among the professors at the Darülfünun, who took the same stand in the daily newspapers, we can cite Ali Kemal, who taught a course on the relations between Europe and the Ottoman state; Cenap Şehabeddin, professor of the history of Turkish literature; and, as previously mentioned, Minister of Education Rıza Tevfik, who taught courses on metaphysics in the Department of Philosophy of the Faculty of Arts.224 The first incident to incite the students was an article by Ali Kemal in which he stated that the Turks did not deserve independence and should remain under the protection of the great powers for a long time. The second incident took place during a lecture given by Rıza Tevfik on March 29, 1922, in the conference hall of the Darülfünun in the Zeynep Hanım Mansion. Here, Rıza Tevfik claimed that the famous sixteenth-​century poet, “Fuzulî was not a Turk but Persian!”

224. Kâzim İsmail Gürkan, Darülfünun Grevi (İstanbul: Harman Yayınları, 1971), 11–​14.

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A furious argument followed on objections made by the famous writer Süleyman Nazif, who happened to be in the audience. Following these events, the students of the Darülfünun came together and demanded the dismissal of professors Ali Kemal, Rıza Tevfik, Cenap Şehabeddin, Hüseyin Dâniş and Muallim Barsamyan from their teaching posts. Otherwise, they declared, they would not attend their courses. They communicated their demands to Ismayıl Hakkı Bey (Baltacıoğlu), dean of the Faculty of Arts and to the just-​listed professors individually, requesting their submission to the Faculty Board.225 In their declaration of protest, the students mainly expressed the dismay they felt for the attacks on sacred values and nationalist feelings and the hatred they felt toward these professors. They also demanded that the previously mentioned professors should resign from their positions in the Darülfünun. The accused teachers put forth various arguments against the accusations and claimed that they were slandered.226 The Faculty Board of the Faculty of Arts convened on April 4, 1922, under the chairmanship of Baltacıoğlu in order to consider the accusations made by the students. The Board unanimously decided that Hüseyin Dâniş and Rıza Tevfik were guilty since they had handed in their resignations. As to the question of whether Cenap Şehabeddin and Ali Kemal were involved in politics at the Darülfünun, they ruled that the matter would be investigated while the professors retained their positions, pending the Board’s final judgment. A decision concerning Barsamyan Efendi would be given after inspection of his testimony in the minutes of the British Court Martial.227 The students met this decision with dismay while Ali Kemal and his friends rejoiced. Upon this decision, the students of the Faculties of Arts and Law began a boycott of the classes. The students in the Faculty of Medicine and finally those in the Faculty of Science soon joined them.228 On April 19, 1922, the support of the Grand National Assembly in Ankara strengthened the determination of the students. It became evident that during this first contact of the Ankara

225.  For the accusation [ittihamname] of Darülfünun students see Tevhid-​i Efkâr, no.  296 (April 5, 1922): 3. 226. According to the writer of Tevhid-​i Efkâr, the philosopher Rıza Tevfik defended himself in the newspaper La Reveille, whose owner was an Armenian. None of the newspapers gave him space in their columns. See Tevhid-​i Efkâr, no. 296 (April 5, 1922): 3. 227. Tevhid-​i Efkâr, no. 296, 1. 228.  Because of the decision taken regarding the five professors whose resignations were demanded from the Darülfünun, the students did not attend the classes. Thus the departments of the Darülfünun were closed temporarily as from 12 April 1338 (1922). BOA. MF. ALY. 171/​3.

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government with the Darülfünun, the government was wholly on the side of the students.229 On May 18, the Darülfünun Senate decided to end the suspension, but the classes were again suspended indefinitely on May 20. This situation continued during the months of May and June. Finally, at a meeting on July 5, 1922, a change was made to one of the articles in the Darülfünun Regulations by which authority to impose disciplinary punishments on professors was given directly to the Darülfünun Senate instead of to the Faculty Board. This decision was effected by the imperial decree of Sultan Vahideddin. On the one hand, the Senate found the demands of the students reasonable, and gave the professors indefinite leave. Upon this decision, which was, in fact, a kind of dismissal, new professors were appointed to replace them.230 On the other hand, the students, having achieved their goal, were now concerned with the classes they had missed. With the beginning of the new academic year, the students of the Darülfünun resumed attendance at the courses in September 1922 and, in so doing, were effectively completing the courses of the previous semester and taking the final examinations.

8.2  The Rapprochement Between the Darülfünun and the Ankara Government The national movement and resistance were organized under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal and his comrades in Anatolia. They fought the occupying powers on all fronts for three years, and, on November 1922, a ceasefire between the warring parties was established. Eventually, an international conference convened in Lausanne on July 1923, and the peace treaty was signed. Meanwhile, the Ankara government abolished the sultanate on November 1922. The Western powers recognized the new Turkish state and withdrew all their forces from Turkey. On October 29, 1923, the Republic was proclaimed, and the Caliphate was abolished (March 3, 1924).

229. Gürkan, Darülfünun Grevi,  79–​80. 230. Since the position of Ali Kemal Bey, who taught the course on “The relations between Europe and the Ottoman State” remained vacant, his position was filled gratis by Ali Reşat Bey. Yahya Kemal Bey filled the position of Cenap Şehabeddin Bey in order to teach “History of Turkish literature.” Rıza Tevfik Bey taught metaphysics, which was divided into two courses, namely metaphysics and aesthetics. The duty of teaching the first of these classes was given to Ahmed Naim Bey, professor of logic, and the second to Ismayıl Hakkı Bey, gratis. Veled Çelebi was appointed to teach “History of Persian Literature” instead of Hüseyin Dâniş Bey. Finally, the “English literature” course was united with “Western literature,” and Barsamyan was dismissed. Gürkan, Darülfünun Grevi,  79–​80.

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In these troubled years, the first contact between Darülfünun and Ankara was established on the initiative of the latter. The relationship between the new government and the Darülfünun was complex. On the one hand, Ankara formed close relations with the Darülfünun; on the other hand, it supported the students’ boycott through the press in Anatolia, particularly the Hakimiyet-​i Milliye and Yeni Gün newspapers, where it made its position clear on the subject.231 Another important indication of Ankara’s support of the Darülfünun students at all levels is the statements given by some deputies.232 Another manifestation of this rapprochement between the Darülfünun and Ankara is the telegram sent by Darülfünun Rector Besim Ömer Pasha to the Grand National Assembly. The rector wrote on behalf of the professors of the Darülfünun, who were celebrating the liberation of İzmir from the Greek occupation on September 9, 1922. The reply of deputy chairman of the Grand National Assembly, Dr. Adnan Adıvar, clearly reflects Ankara’s pleasure in this rapprochement.233 Taking the opportunity of the close ties between Ankara and the Darülfünun students, and in response to the respect and favor that was shown to members of the Darülfünun, the Darülfünun administration took appropriate action in conferring the title of “honorary professor” upon Mustafa Kemal Pasha and İsmet Pasha.234 Just after the Great Offensive of August 30, 1922, in which the Turkish forces under the command of Mustafa Kemal won a decisive victory over the Greek army, the Faculties of Arts and Science decided to confer the title of honorary professor on the two great heroes of the National Struggle. In response to a proposal made by Professor Yahya Kemal Bey, the Faculty Board of the Faculty of Arts held a meeting on September 19, 1922, where it was decided to give the title of honorary professor to the commander-​in-​chief Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The certificate of honorary professorship was presented in Ankara by Necib Asım Bey and the professors Ismayıl Hakkı and Şemseddin Bey.235 Following the presentation, Mustafa Kemal Pasha sent a letter of thanks to the Faculty Board of the

231. Akşam, no. 1.285 (April 19, 1922): 2, col. 5. 232. Ibid. 233. Akşam, no. 1.436 (September 22, 1922): 2, col. 4. 234. “Honorary professorship” was established in the Darülfünun by the “Regulation on the introduction of Honorary Professorship in the Darülfünun” on 5 Safer 1332/​21 Kânunuevvel 1329 ( January 3, 1914) that was issued during the reign of Sultan Reşad. See Düstur, II. Tertip (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1334), vol. 6, 145. 235.  Ali Arslan, “Osmanlı Darülfünunu,” in Osmanlı (Ankara:  Yeni Türkiye Yay, 1999), vol. 5, 302.

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Faculty of Arts in which he used the term “Turkish Darülfünun.” He restated his thanks for the title of professorship and expressed his pleasure at receiving this official certificate, which had been prepared in an “artistic fashion” and delivered by a special committee. In response to a proposal put forward by Fatin Efendi (Gökmen), the dean of the Faculty of Science, the second honorary title was conferred upon his old friend İsmet Pasha. At the end of the unanimous decision taken by the Faculty Board of the Faculty of Science in November 1922, the title of “War Scholar” was given to İsmet Pasha. At that time, İsmet Pasha was the minister of Foreign Affairs. After the signing of the Lausanne Treaty and his return to Turkey, he visited the Darülfünun on August 11, 1923, to receive the certificate of professorship in person.236 The fact that, after the ending of the occupation of İstanbul on October 6, 1922, the Darülfünun sent a statement of thanks to the Grand National Assembly is important insofar as it shows the level of rapprochement between Ankara and the Darülfünun. The telegram and, later on, the visit by the Board of Professors of the Darülfünun to Refet Pasha, İstanbul representative of the Grand National Assembly, together with the expression of their thanks may be seen as a reflection of the loyalty of the Darülfünun to Ankara. Following the Proclamation of the Republic on October 29, 1923, the Students’ Union of the Darülfünun sent telegrams of thanks both to the speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and to Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha, expressing their support for the Republican reforms. It was apparent that the Darülfünun, its senior administrators, and students at all levels accepted and supported the republican regime.

9  Darülfünun after the Proclamation of the Republic 9.1 A Short Honeymoon

The keen interest shown by the administrators and students of the Darülfünun in the Ankara government, and together with the great excitement caused by the struggle for liberation that ultimately led to the proclamation of the Republic, opened the way to an improvement in the relations between the Darülfünun and the Ankara government. The steps taken on the subject of autonomy and legal personality rights during the last phase of the Ottoman government gained acceptance by the Ankara administration, and the legislation regarding this subject was 236.  Ali Arslan, “İsmet İnönü’ye İstanbul Darülfünunu Fen Fakültesi Tarafından Fahrî Müderrislik Unvanı Verilmesi,” [“The Title of Honorary Professorship Accorded to İsmet İnönü by the İstanbul Darülfünunu Faculty of Science”], Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları, no. 1 (2002): 1–​18.

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completed in the first year of the Republic. While the new Republican administration sought an effective solution to the chronic need for buildings, they started to have doubts about the commitment of the teachers and the administrators of the Darülfünun to the Republican reforms. As we will subsequently see, they were uneasy regarding the autonomy gained after such a long struggle and the shield of immunity provided by the newly won right of legal identity. In order to ensure the practical application of the legal identity bestowed on the Darülfünun by the edict of 1922, a bill prepared by the Faculty of Law and approved by the Darülfünun Senate was submitted to the Ankara government. The preamble to this draft law, which was prepared a few days before the proclamation of the Republic on October 23, 1923, stated that “modern” requirements strongly forced the transformation of this institution into one enjoying legal identity, and there was a real need for a radical reform in scholarly thought. This would be possible only with the realization of the reforms in the Darülfünun. The Darülfünun Senate’s opinion was that, in the event of granting legal identity, a number of possibilities would be gained from the financial point of view. Primarily, the Darülfünun could hope to receive the allocation made by the endowment of Egyptian Princess Fatma Hanım, which it had not received for two years. It was believed that this would encourage other philanthropists. The National Assembly passed the bill on April 21, 1924; thus the young Turkish Republic accorded a legal status to the Darülfünun, which would be administered with a subsidiary budget from then on. Meanwhile, on the same day, the İstanbul Darülfünunu Instructions [İstanbul Darülfünunu Talimatnamesi] came into force by the decision of the Council of Ministers, which was an emended version of the 1919 Regulations.237 The Instructions of fifty-​two articles repealed the articles in the 1919 Regulations and the 1916 Faculty of Medicine Regulations, which were deemed incompatible with the new regime. One of the interesting items in the new Instructions was the decision that departments whose name had been changed to medrese in 1919 were once again to be known as “faculties.”238 According to the first article in the new Instructions, the İstanbul Durülfünunu was to consist of the Faculties of Medicine, Law, Arts, Science, and Divinity. In the second article, the Darülfünun was described as possessing “academic autonomy.” At the same time, the special Regulations governing the Faculty of Medicine were repealed, thus putting an end to its privileged position. Although the new Instructions were based on the 1919 Regulations, the need was seen for a

237. Arslan, Darülfünun’dan Üniversite’ye,  85–​86. 238.  For the İstanbul Darülfünunu Instructions [İstanbul Darülfünunu Talimatnamesi], see Düstur, III. Tertip (Ankara: Devlet Matbaası, 1948), vol. 5, 1099–​1107.

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number of changes in the academic sphere and in the question of legal autonomy. In response to the need that arose following the closure of the religious medreses by the Unification of Education Act [Tevhid-​i Tedrisat Kanunu]of March 3, 1924, a Faculty of Divinity was added, thus raising the number of faculties to five. The Instructions were drawn up in accordance with the 1919 Regulations in such a way as to ensure maximum participation from the members on every level of the administrative and academic framework. According to the new Instructions, a Darülfünun Senate, composed of representatives of the faculties chosen every three years and chaired by the Darülfünun rector, was the highest administrative organ and took the final decisions in any of the topics discussed by the Faculty Board. Administration in the faculties was carried on by a Faculty Board under the presidency of the dean chosen for a period of three years by a two-​thirds majority of the professors. The deans of the faculties, besides representing the faculties, were also responsible for faculty activities. The dean’s term of office was raised from one to three years. The minister of education’s right to dismiss a dean in accordance with the decision of the Senate was dissolved, and a system was introduced whereby a deputy was appointed in cases in which the dean was not at his post. The dean’s authority was defined more broadly and in detail, and he was given the power to suspend teaching in a faculty. He also played a part in the appointment and dismissal of the faculty members and could authorize dismissal in severe cases. One of the professors or associate professors was selected to head the general secretariat to assist the dean in all matters. The faculty general secretaries were chosen for a period of three years from two candidates proposed by the dean. Every faculty had an academic board consisting of its own professors and lecturers. İstanbul Darülfünun Instructions divided the faculty members into three. According to this arrangement, the Darülfünun teaching faculty was composed of professors [müderris], associate professors [muallim], and assistant professors [müderris muavini]. The professor’s assistants were chosen by examination whereas professors and associate professors achieved their positions through normal academic promotions.239 The articles in the Instructions regarding education and instruction were more or less identical with those in the 1919 Regulations. For entry into the Faculty of Divinity, knowledge of Arabic and Persian was required, and graduates from the Dârü`l-​Hilâfeti`l-​Aliyye Medrese were accepted

239. Special Instructions were issued for the recruitment of assistant professors. Accordingly an assistant professor had to be a graduate of the Darülfünun and to have passed an examination laid down by the Instructions. See the decision taken by the Cabinet on January 21, 1926. BCA, no.18-​138/​14-​1926.

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without examination. The fees remained the same and the “Ottoman Liras” were replaced by the “Liras.” The examination system was not changed. Actually, the 1924 Instructions complemented the regulations that were issued during the sultanate, and some of the wording in the text was aligned with the ideology of the Republican regime. However, it constituted no real change in intellectual content or educational principles.

9.2  Solving the Building Problems and Sparking the Autonomy Privilege The positive attitude of the Republican government toward the Darülfünun manifested itself by meeting its increasing need of a building. With the transfer of the capital from İstanbul to Ankara, the ministries were also moved to the new capital. Allocation of the vacated spacious Ministry of War building to the Darülfünun was an important step taken in this instance. The building was assigned to the Faculties of Arts, Law, and Divinity; the old Gendarmes Headquarters to the Pharmacy and Dentistry Schools; the recently closed School of Judges building to the Darülfünun Library; and Zeynep Hanım’s Mansion to the Faculty of Science and Teachers Training School. Necessary funds were allocated for this purpose in the 1924 budget. Following the transfer of different institutions to the buildings, both the Darülfünun gardens and Beyazıt Square were redesigned. In fact, the public proposed that the square be renamed “Darülfünun Square.”240 The transfer of the Faculty of Medicine from its spacious building in the Haydarpaşa quarter on the Asian side to the European side of İstanbul became a contentious issue among its own faculty members, as well as an issue between a group of faculty members and the government. Although this idea was generally accepted and some of the professors at the Faculty insisted on it, others were against it for various reasons, as it was not an easy task. The main concern was whether suitable premises would be found in the city for such an immense institution. One faction believed that the transfer was of vital importance for medical education while the other opposed the idea of transfer until suitable premises were found. In September 1924, the Ankara government, in an attempt to find a solution to the problem and end these discussions, invited Nureddin Ali (Berkol), dean of the Faculty of Medicine, to Ankara.241 In his conversations with the minister of

240. Akşam, no. 2.256, 21 Kanunusani 1341 ( January 21, 1925): 1. 241. Akşam, no. 2.103, 17 August 1340 (1924): 3.

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education, he managed to persuade the Ministry that the transfer of the Faculty to the European side of the city was vital. He based his argument mainly on the conviction expressed by the teachers in the Faculty of Medicine that the “very existence of the faculty depended on an increase in the number of patients.” To the minister of education, the suggestions made by the professors and the opinions expressed by Dean of the Faculty Nureddin Ali Bey seemed perfectly reasonable, and, after consultation with the prime minister, he decided to transfer the Faculty to the European side of İstanbul. While the relevant documents were sent to the Turkish Grand National Assembly, the work was started, and, within fifteen days, the order was given to arrange the transfer of the Faculty of Medicine. The vacated building of the Ministry of Finance was chosen as the new premises. Thus it proved possible to accomplish both the transfer of the Faculty of Medicine to the European side and the transformation of Beyazıt Square into a true “Darülfünun Square.” Nevertheless, the Grand National Assembly refused to authorize the transfer “for the time being” on certain financial and administrative grounds. Thereupon the professors of the Faculty of Medicine brought up certain objections. Minister of Defence Kâzım Pasha (Özalp), who visited the Faculty of Medicine at Haydarpaşa during his inspection of the military establishments in the city, decided that the military hospital occupying the same site should be placed completely under the administration of the Faculty of Medicine. He ordered that the hospital cases in the military units in the vicinity should be transferred to the Faculty, which would be useful for the education of the Faculty students. This would answer the strongest argument put forward by the professors who wanted the transfer of the Faculty on the grounds of insufficient number of patients at the present site.242 Although the professors who backed down in the face of the difficulties involved in a total transfer decided to transfer the three upper classes, this idea was also abandoned, and only two classes (the fifth and the sixth) were actually transferred to the European side of İstanbul. Teaching in the new premises of the Faculties began in November 1924.243 The opposition of some of the professors who invoked the shield of autonomy was an unpleasant surprise for the government officials in Ankara. Specifically, the difficulties envisaged in safely transporting the laboratories and materials across created a feeling of great disappointment in the physicians who were in favor of the transfer. The complete transfer was realized many years later, in 1933.

242. Akşam, no. 2.154, 11 Teşrinievvel 1340 (October 11, 1924): 1. 243. Akşam, no. 2.119, 2 Eylül 1340 (September 2, 1924): 1.

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9.3  Accusations and the Recurrence of an Old Refrain: Reform of the Darülfünun Following its progress as an academic institution that was bolstered by the 1919 Regulations and the academic autonomy provided by these Regulations (the partial administrative autonomy achieved in 1922 and the full legal identity achieved in 1924), the Darülfünun became an institution of higher education with its own budget. Thus, in the first years of the Republic, the institution achieved an advanced status with a legal basis comparable with European universities in scholarship and education. However, in 1924, during the discussions about the transfer of the Faculty of Medicine, the attitude of some professors under the “shield of autonomy” and the subsequent violent demonstrations between the Darülfünun students and the Tramway Company that ended in numerous casualties were signs of the rift between the Darülfünun and the government.244 At the root of the heated discussion was the notion that the Darülfünun did not reflect the nationalistic aspirations of the Republic. Instead, it conveyed the Ottoman concept of the empire, whereas the Republic, in line with its new vision, required a nationalistic and revolutionary concept instead of the old Ottoman pluralistic multiethnic and religious tradition. Nevertheless, the criticisms that were leveled at the Darülfünun at this early stage were concentrated on its academic weaknesses and inadequacies and were soon followed by calls for the repeal of its autonomy. Vehement criticisms appeared in the press. While the National Assembly was discussing the 1925 budget, considerable space was allotted in the daily newspapers to the question of the repeal of the Darülfünun`s autonomy. On the question of the increase in the budget allotted to the Darülfünun, Rector Ismayıl Hakkı Bey announced to the press that the Darülfünun, which differed in no respect from a high school, had won the status of a university at the end of the Balkan War. The first stage in this process had been the granting of academic autonomy. The 1925 budget prepared by the Darülfünun Rectorate was estimated at 1,467,472 Liras, and was presented to the Assembly by the Budget Commission as 1,000,000 Liras.245 At the end of heated debates in the Parliament and in the media, the Assembly decided to allocate 700,000 Liras for 1925. The final expenditure, according to the final 1926 estimates, rose to 1,023,447 Liras. In the 1926 budget the total Darülfünun revenue was agreed at 732,995 Liras and total expenditure at 743,945 Liras.246 The appeals of the Darülfünun professors, who

244. İkdam, no. 10.034 (March 9, 1925): 1, col. 1–​2. 245. Bill of 25 March 1341/​1925. BCA, no. 18-​138/​10-​1928. 246. Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn (1863–​1933),” 219.

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were also elected members of the Grand National Assembly, and Minister of Education Hamdullah Suphi (Tanrıöver) Bey for an increase in the Darülfünun allocation in view of the insufficiency of the Darülfünun budget and the inadequacy of the salaries of the professors and teachers, came to nothing. Press reports concerning the future of the Darülfünun included a number of rumors such as the possible abolition of its autonomy, the complete closure of the Darülfünun, and its transfer from İstanbul to Konya—​a city in the middle of Anatolia, far from the historic capital of the Ottoman Empire. For example, Diyarbakır Deputy Zülfü Bey presented a motion to the Assembly for the complete closure of the Darülfünun and proposed the idea that students should be sent to complete their education in Europe. An immediate response to these proposals came from Ismayıl Hakkı (Baltacıoğlu) Bey, the then-​rector of the Darülfünun, who declared that the proposal to close down the Darülfünun was extremely irresponsible, and such a proposal should not even be discussed. According to Baltacıoğlu, The autonomy in question, namely the academic autonomy of the Darülfünun, was granted by the Sultanate. A Republic anxious to abide by its own principles by hesitating to silence even its own opponents cannot repeal this autonomy. The autonomy in question, namely the financial autonomy of the Darülfünun, can only be enforced by means of a new budget. Those who object to Darülfünun’s autonomy and claim that Darülfünun has abused this right should give their own answer in the presence of the nation and of history. Baltacıoğlu declared that nowhere in the world, and at no time in history, had any university been exposed to such malicious gossip, nor had any academic and state institution been subjected to such arbitrary and subjective criticism and vilification. 247 During the discussions of the 1925 budget, the National Assembly became the scene of questioning and doubt regarding the autonomy of the Darülfünun. Calls were made that the legal identity and the arrangements connected with it, which had been introduced previously in the name of reform, should now be repealed, again in the name of “reform.” Giresun Deputy Hakkı Tarık (Us) Bey declared that Darülfünun’s status was of little advantage to the country and that there was a real need for reform. Saraçoğlu Şükrü Bey believed that the

247. I. H. Baltacıoğlu, İkdam, no. 9.994 ( January 28, 1925): 1; Akşam, no. 2.263 ( January 28, 1925): 1.

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invitation for professors from Europe would offer no solution to the problem, while, according to Ağaoğlu Ahmed Bey, the Darülfünun was sick and infirm and in need of a cure; yet, nevertheless, the Darülfünun was as essential as air to the country. Minister of Education Hamdullah Suphi Bey, who was the main target of the criticism, announced that foreign experts would be invited to advise on the development of the Darülfünun and responded to the allegations that the Darülfünun students were not being instilled with the spirit of the national revolution. He expressed that perhaps they had neglected this issue, but greater importance would be directed toward these deficiencies, as it was essential that “the next generation should be strong.” Yusuf Akçura Bey, undertaking a personal visit to İstanbul to attend to this matter, played a leading role in persuading the deputies of the necessity for the Darülfünun’s reform and in accepting its 1925 budget.248 Severe criticisms were made regarding the quality of the professors and the inadequacies in the administration. Some even advocated the complete closure of the Darülfünun.

9.4  The Resignation of Darülfünun Rector Ismayıl Hakkı Bey and the Election of a New Rector One of the most important of the issues that came up during Baltacıoğlu’s term of office (December 1923–​April 1925) was the necessity for a “purge,” namely, the question of dismissing the Darülfünun teachers and appointing new ones to replace them. Those who brought this matter up believed that the professors in the Darülfünun were completely unqualified, while there were a number of well-​qualified teachers outside, and that, if they were to be exchanged, it would be very much to everyone’s benefit.249 The minister of education was of the same opinion, and insisted that Ismayıl Hakkı should carry out this purge; but Ismayıl Hakkı did not believe that such a purge would be advantageous for the Darülfünun, and went as far as to threaten to resign if it was insisted upon. The Ministry of Education backed down in the face of such a determined stance and decided to abandon the idea.250 Although the minister of education abandoned the reorganization plan, rumors about the payment made from the Darülfünun budget covering the expenses of the banquet given at the Tokatlıyan Han in

248. Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn,” 202. 249. Baltacıoğlu, Maarifte Bir Siyaset, 302–​304. 250. Baltacıoğlu, Maarifte Bir Siyaset, 306.

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honor of the Hungarian University students who were visiting İstanbul forced Baltacıoğlu to resign. He sent in his resignation by telegram to the minister of education.251 In the election held for the new rector on May 11, 1925, only the faculties of medicine, law, and science offered up candidates for nomination. This was based on a stipulation that the faculties out of which the former rector would not offer up a candidate. Ismayıl Hakkı Bey belonged to the Faculty of Letters, and the Faculty of Divinity was housed in the same building. Of the total of five candidates put forward by the three faculties Tahir Bey and Nureddiin Ali Bey won a majority of the votes; Tahir Bey, the Law Faculty nominee, won sixty-​seven votes and Nureddin Ali Bey, the Medical Faculty nominee, won fifty-​seven votes. Their names were duly forwarded to the Ministry of Education for endorsement. Although, according to the results of the election, it seemed certain that the Law Faculty nominee, Tahir Bey, former permanent secretary to the Ministry of Justice, would be chosen as rector, the Minister of Education Hamdullah Suphi Bey saw fit to appoint Nureddin Ali (Berkol) Bey, professor of anatomy in the Faculty of Medicine, as the rector of the Darülfünun.252 At a tea party organized by the School of Dentistry, which had been separated from the Faculty of Pharmacy and transformed into a department of the Darülfünun, the new rector Nureddin Ali Bey spoke to the students. He declared that his first duty was to work with all his might to further the development and progress of the Darülfünun in accordance with the principles of the Republic. On the one hand, he stressed his loyalty to the regime and implied that this was the reason for his being preferred to Tahir Bey by Ankara, although he had gained ten more votes.253 On the other hand, in Ankara, the minister of education consulted with representatives of the professors from the various faculties concerning the issues debated in the National Assembly. Later, he came to İstanbul to attend the affairs of the Darülfünun and hear the viewpoints of other professors. He also got in touch with the Darülfünun Senate concerning the invitation of foreign specialists, which was mentioned among the deficiencies of the Darülfünun.254 In fact, experts from Sweden, Switzerland, France, Germany, and America were

251. For topics discussed in this section, see Baltacıoğlu, Maarifte Bir Siyaset, 307. 252. İkdam, no. 10.095 (May 14, 1925): 1. 253. İkdam, no. 2.395 ( June 12, ): 1. 254. Akşam, no. 2.395 ( June 12, 1925): 2.

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contacted for the following academic year, and favorable replies were received from France and Switzerland. After Darülfünun rector Nureddin Ali (Berkol) Bey went to Ankara to make the necessary contacts, the 1925 budget of 732,995 Liras was duly accepted, and the questions of the closure of the Darülfünun, its transfer to another city, and the desired reorganization were shelved for the time being.

10 Ottoman Darülfünun’s Downfall and the Birth of the Turkish University Ismayıl Hakkı Bey and several other faculty members had been removed largely in order to abate the continuing contentious relations between the government and the Darülfünun. Despite the institution’s best efforts, however, the situation remained tense. In reality, the crux of the problems between the two sides was Darülfünun’s refusal to support the government’s policies wholeheartedly, particularly the radical Kemalist reforms in the cultural domain. The Kemalist reforms were designed to impose an aggressive Westernization in place of the gradual Ottoman modernization and to create a secular nationalistic state to replace a multiethnic polity. These reforms implied that the transition to modernity required both macrosocietal rationalization and individual subjectivization, but they, too, tried to subordinate the latter to the former in order to produce their idea of model citizens.255 Changing the Ottoman alphabet (based on Arabic script) to the Latin-​ based one (1928) was considered to create a historical and cultural barrier between the youth and their forbearers by some faculty members. Mustafa Kemal defined the aim of the Turkish language reform stating that “Turkish is one of the richest of the languages; it needs only to be used with discrimination. The Turkish nation, which is well able to protect its territory and its sublime independence, must always liberate its language from the yoke of foreign languages.”256 The Darülfünun circle and other leading intellectuals were of the opinion that the revolutionary attempts at creating a “pure” Turkish language devoid of Arabic and Persian borrowing was misguided. Arabic and Persian vocabulary had long been an integral part of the rich Ottoman language, and the Darülfünun circle believed that replacing these words with neologisms of ostensibly Turkish

255. Findley, Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity, a History 1789–​2007, 256. 256. Geoffrey Lewis, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 1–​2, 42.

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origin would cut the younger generation off from their vast Ottoman heritage of literature and poetry. Opposition to these reforms proved to be justifiable in the sense that the new generation of Turks was hindered from the cultural legacy of their ancestors; a chasm in the cultural life had been created. New scholarship rightly described the language reform or revolution as a “catastrophic success.” Meanwhile the Kemalist Turkish historical thesis claiming that ancient Near Eastern peoples were pro-​Turks was not received with enthusiasm. The attempts to subjugate history to state power were also not welcomed by all the Darülfünun professors. To confront the opposition, the government embarked on a new plan to impose its policy on the Darülfünun and started a new-​wave reorganization that ended with the closure of the Darülfünun. A new institution would be founded as the “İstanbul University,” which would comply with Kemalist reforms. In this context, when Minister of Education Cemal Hüsnü (Taray) Bey visited the Darülfünun in autumn 1929 during one of his customary visits to the educational institutions in İstanbul, he gave the first indication of the start of a new plan. Upon the invitation of Rector Besim Ömer Pasha, Cemal Hüsnü Bey delivered a speech at the inauguration of the Darülfünun Senate. He told the professors “the Darülfünun will have to pay more attention to quality than to quantity, and that, according to the Republican Government which has till now attached great importance to the autonomy of the University, the reforms that need to be implemented in the Darülfünun should be put into effect by this institution itself.” During the tea party organized on the evening of the same day, Cemal Bey addressed the professors and explained his ideas on the reorganization very clearly. His final words in particular described the conception of the new national darülfünun: A new Turkey has been created and its direction will be determined by the great genius and eternal pride of Turkish history, that is Mustafa Kemal. Naturally, Darülfünun’s shining torch is the essential requisite for our exciting and grand revolution. In all matters that are of concern to the Turkish Republic of today, including social, economic and scientific issues, we wish to see our Darülfünun not only at our side but always in the vanguard. We can say that our revolution is, above all, an educational and intellectual revolution. The Darülfünun should always foster and preserve this sacred enthusiasm of the revolution in varying degrees in the souls and the minds of all our citizens. The Darülfünun lies at the origin of science and the truth. At the same time, it will direct the sacred excitement of the national objectives in the same direction all over the Turkish world and in the hearts of every Turk.

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The minister went on to say, “we have long known that science does not have a country but we want our country to have science. The country expects you to shoulder the responsibility of this most honorable obligation of our history and the grand revolution.”257 In these words, he fashioned the concept of the national darülfünun and clearly expressed the wish that Turkey should be a country of science like numerous European countries. Though the Darülfünun was not a strong supporter of the Republican reforms and was accused of remaining aloof from the new ideals, the statement “The country should also have science” implied the wish that the relations between Ankara and the Darülfünun might become more congenial. The discussions concerning the reorganization of the Darülfünun, which had begun with the proclamation of the Republic, intensified at the turn of the year 1930. Indeed, the Darülfünun showed a critical approach to the adoption of the Latin alphabet and the new theses on language and history that were being put forth at the time while the opposition of the university to the Republican reforms was being openly expressed. A second criticism was directed at the low scientific standards of the teaching staff and their failure to produce any scholarly works.258 Soon a general approach emerged both in official statements and in the views that were reflected to the public through the press regarding the fact that something needed to be done for the improvement of the Darülfünun. However, one should not see this reform movement as aimed exclusively at the Darülfünun. It should rather be seen as part of the radical revolution in the fields of economics, politics, society, law, and culture in Turkey in general. As the reform of the Darülfünun again came under discussion, great changes were planned in the teaching staff under the name of reorganization. The reform was discussed for the first time in the General Assembly of the Republican People’s Party [Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası (CHF)]. This time a very different approach was selected to implement radical changes in the staff. Immediately after the Party meeting, the decision based on Item 12 of the 1931 fiscal year budget law was put into effect, giving authority to the government to invite a foreign expert to prepare the draft memorandum aimed specifically at the regulations and development of the Darülfünun. At the meeting on September 20, 1931, the Cabinet

257.  The report submitted by Cemal Hüsnü Bey to Prime Minister İsmet Pasha:  BCA, no. 30.10–​141.10.2. 258. Emre Dölen, “Comparison of the Foundations and Academic Structures of the İstanbul University, Founded on the 10th Anniversary of the Republic, and the Institute of Higher Agriculture” [“Cumhuriyetin Onuncu Yılında Kurulmuş Olan ‘İstanbul Üniversitesi’ ile “Yüksek Ziraat Enstitüsü”nün Kuruluşlarının ve Akademik Yapılarının Karşılaştırılması”], in Bilanço 1923–​1998 (İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1999), vol. 1, 235–​249.

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took the initiative and approached the Swiss government through the Foreign Office. The Swiss government immediately replied by recommending Albert Malche (1876–​1956), one of the pedagogy professors at the University of Geneva, who was known for his competence in academic organization.259 Upon the arrival in Turkey of the Swiss pedagogue, the reorganization of the Darülfünun entered a new phase that would later be known as the 1933 Reform.260 A contract was signed with Malche with the mediation of the Turkish ambassador in Bern, and he was invited to Turkey for five months as of January 1932. According to the previously mentioned contract of nine articles, during the five months from the beginning of January 1932 until the end of May, Malche would prepare a memorandum on the organization of the İstanbul Darülfünun and be employed at the Turkish Ministry of Education to put it into effect. For this service, he would receive a monthly salary of 1400 Liras and a travel allowance of 1600 Liras. He would have a translator and a typist, and, after completing his study, he would write a report with the necessary proposals and supporting arguments to be submitted to the Ministry of Education.261 After his arrival in Turkey, Malche first contacted the professors of the Darülfünun in İstanbul, and later held meetings with Prime Minister İsmet Pasha and Minister of Education Esad Bey (Sagay) on January 18, 1932. Malche started his research under the most favorable conditions. Following his first contacts, the professors stated that they would support all kinds of studies on reform for the improvement and development of the Darülfünun and were ready to render all kinds of assistance and service in this respect. In this environment, Malche began his studies on the reform of the Darülfünun and the performance of the institutions of higher education in Turkey without having any preconceived knowledge or views on the subject. As stated in the introduction to his report, Malche inspected the various faculties, institutes, clinics, laboratories, seminars, and libraries. During this inspection, he visited all the faculties as well as the Institute of Turkology attached to the Faculty of Arts, the Electromechanics Institutes of the Faculty of Science, and the Dental and Pharmaceutical Schools. He collected information

259. Official report sent by the Minister of Education to the Prime Ministry dated December 6, 1931, BCA, no. 18-​138/​34-​1931. 260. Albert Malche’s work, titled Vie de Pestalozzi (new edition, ed. Lousanne, Payot, 1946) about the methods of pedagogy. Malche became the president of the Swiss Council of States in 1941–​1942. 261. Contract dated December 5, 1931; BCA, no. 18–​138/​34–​1931. The contract was signed between Albert Malche and Cemal Hüsnü Bey, ambassador of Turkey in Switzerland and former minister of education.

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and documents because of his contacts with all members of the Darülfünun, including the rector, as well as the deans of the various faculties, professors in charge of chairs, ordinary professors, teachers, and assistants. In addition, he contacted former professors of the Darülfünun, various deputies, and intellectuals of the period who had generally conflicting ideas. Not being content with the previously mentioned contacts, Malche attended some classes and lectures and even inspected the activities conducted at the seminars, laboratories, clinics, and polyclinics, and thus observed the situation on the ground. Moreover, he had interviews with male and female students from each faculty and gathered information on their problems. Within the context of this tour of inspection, which lasted two months, Malche visited the hospitals, schools of higher education, and some state and private high schools.262 He returned to his own country in March, leaving a questionnaire to be filled in by the Darülfünun administration. On his return to İstanbul in May, he evaluated the responses, and, after submitting his report on May 29, 1932, he left İstanbul. An examination of the report shows that he treated numerous subjects concerning the Darülfünun, and proposed solutions to them. Under the subject of “reforms that needed to be implemented,” which was included in the third chapter of his report, Malche advised that the “reduction and reorganization” at the Darülfünun should be carried out gradually and within a specific process. However, Minister of Education Reşid Galip Bey, considering Mustafa Kemal’s personal opinion and remarks about the Darülfünun, thought that the abolition of the Darülfünun and the establishment of a new university to replace it would be more acceptable. Reşid Galip opined that this was the most appropriate solution to prevent this reform from sharing the same fate as the previous attempts. He then explained the reasons for closing down the Darülfünun: Great political and social revolutions have taken place in this country. The Darülfünun has remained as a disinterested observer totally unaware of the radical changes taking place in the economic field or the radical changes in the field of law. The Darülfünun has remained content with merely including the new laws in its curriculum. A reform of the alphabet and a purification of the language were initiated but the Darülfünun took no notice. A new understanding of history was spread throughout the country as a national movement but one had to wait for about three 262.  Albert Malche’s report on the İstanbul University, “İstanbul Darülfünunu’nun İlgası, Albert Malche’ın İstanbul Üniversitesi Hakkındaki Raporu” in Dünya Üniversiteleri ve Türkiye’de Üniversitelerinin Gelişmesi, ed. E. Hirsch (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi, 1950), vol. 1, 229–​295.

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years and show considerable efforts in order to attract the attention of the Darülfünun. The İstanbul Darülfünun had become stagnant and completely isolated from the world around it.263 Thereupon the Ministry of Education began the preliminary measures for the abolition of the İstanbul Darülfünun and the establishment of an İstanbul University to replace it. Thus, the closing down of Darülfünun actually began with the decision taken by the government on March 13, 1933.264 A  year later, Malche was again invited to Turkey to implement the reorganization and the various arrangements. He signed a new contract stating that he would be employed from April 1933 to March 1934 and work according to the directions of the Ministry of Education on the affairs related to the “general reform” of the İstanbul Darülfünun.265

10.1 İstanbul Darülfünun Abolished and Replaced With the İstanbul University Albert Malche returned to Turkey on May 1933 and began working as a “reform advisor” at the Ministry of Education. A Reform Committee established under his chair was composed of the following members:  Undersecretary of Education Salih Zeki Bey266; Member of the Council of Educational Policy and educator Avni (Başman) Bey; founder of technical schools Rüştü (Uzel) Bey; , Director of the School of Higher Engineering Kerim (Erim) Bey; and Director of the Ankara Lycee Osman (Pazarlı) Bey.267 None of the instructors or administrators from the İstanbul Darülfünun was included among the members. Shortly after it was formed, the Committee played an important role in liquidating the Darülfünun and in determining the staff purge among the professors and teachers.268

263. Cemil Bilsel, İstanbul Üniversitesi Tarihi,  34–​35. 264. The Ministers’ written decree dated March 13, 1933; see BCA, 30.18.1.2/​34.16.7. 265. Undated contract, BCA, 30.18.1.2/​34.16.7. 266. He should not be confused with the famous Salih Zeki Bey (d. 1921), who was one of the professors of the Faculty of Sciences of the Darülfünun. 267.  Horst Widmann, Atatürk ve Üniversite Reformu, 2nd ed., trans. Aykut Kazancıgil and Serpil Bozkurt (İstanbul:  Kabalcı Yayınevi, 2003), 82–​83; Ersoy Taşdemirci, Belgelerle 1933 Üniversite Reformunda Yabancı Bilim Adamları (Ankara, 1992), 5. 268. Arslan, Darülfünun’dan Üniversite’ye, 370–​371.

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The bill concerning the abolition of the Darülfünun was submitted to the Grand National Assembly with a short justificatory preamble together with a letter from the Ministry dated May 18, 1933. The written justification stated thus: The government has examined the situation of the institution in question based on the authority granted to it in order to prepare the draft law of the İstanbul Darülfünun and to find reform solutions. Our Ministry closely examined the report prepared on this subject, the proposals made by the faculties of the Darülfünun and the nature of various foreign universities; our preparations for the re-​structuring of the Darülfünun are completed. Thus, it was decided that the Ministry should take immediate action concerning the reforms. In order to re-​establish the Darülfünun and the attached departments on new and better foundations, the present organization should first be abolished and later reformed in accordance with the needs of the country.269 However, in his report Malche had emphasized that before undertaking any reorganization, the concepts of autonomy and corporate body as related to the university should be clearly understood. In his report, Malche also stated that scientific and moral freedom cannot be restricted in any way and that self-​g overnment and autonomy are two entirely different things. He envisaged the new university as a state institution with only scientific autonomy and attached administratively to the Ministry of Education as stated in the 1919 Regulations. As for the financial aspect, legal arrangements were deemed necessary so that the Darülfünun could have the power of disposal over the waqf revenues and donations, which were among the sources of income of this institution.270 Consequently, Malche suggested a mixed legal structure for the new university, which was to be granted scientific autonomy and legal financial identity while remaining attached administratively to the Ministry of Education. After a brief discussion in the National Assembly, the law dated May 31, 1933, No. 2252, was passed that decided the abolition of the İstanbul Darülfünun and the establishment of a new university in its place by the Ministry of Education. According to the first article of this law, as of July 31, 1933, the İstanbul Darülfünun and all the institutions attached to it were “abolished” together with their teaching staff. According to the second article, the minister of

269. Bilsel, İstanbul Üniversitesi, 29. 270. Hirsch, Dünya Üniversiteleri ve Türkiye’de, vol. 1, 255ff.

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education was charged with the responsibility of establishing a new university in İstanbul under the name of “İstanbul University” as of August 1, 1933. It was stated that “the Ministry of Education would submit the bill concerning the organization of this university to the Grand National Assembly by 1 April 1934 at the latest.”271 In fact, this law granted complete authority to the Ministry of Education. Relying on this authority, Minister of Education Reşid Galip Bey issued instructions dated August 1, 1933, defining the faculties, institutions of higher education, and institutes. He also appointed the rector of the university, the deans of the faculties, and the principals of the schools. The new Regulations of İstanbul University, consisting of ten articles, were appended to this law. The great majority of the previous teaching staff was purged, according to undetermined criteria, and was replaced by a provisional staff derived from three sources: professors and assistant professors selected from the defunct Darülfünun, young scholars who were educated outside the Darülfünun, the majority of whom had completed their education abroad, and foreign scholars. Out of the existing 240 professors and assistants, 157 members were dismissed.272 Contrary to the reasons for the passing of this law and the explanations of the minister of education, as well as the applications and all the claims concerning the “university reform,” the real purpose was not the establishment of a university based on free discussion and scholarly research. Instead, the objective was actually to found an institution under strict control engaged in producing ideas in the required direction and giving scholarly support to the government.273 This idea can be seen clearly expressed in the official language justifying the establishment of a new university. The law explained that “even among the professors and teachers of the same faculty, conflict and discordance prevailed instead of a contented and productive unity of views and ideals.” This is indeed an odd and inconsistent attack to level against a university if one considers the essential ideal of diversity of thought, which is constitutive of any institution of higher learning. Above all, to look for a “unity of ideals” in the universities attributed a political quality to the institution and robbed it of its main duty, which was the development of science. The main objective of the 1933 Law of İstanbul University was to involve the 271. Bilsel, İstanbul Üniversitesi,  31–​34. 272. Mete Tunçay and Haldun Özen, “Abolition of the Darülfünun in 1933 or the Undeterred Rise of the Single-​Party Politician and the Downfall” [“1933 Darülfünun Tasfiyesi veya Bir Tek-​ Parti Politikacısının Önlenemez Yükselişi ve Düşüşü”] Tarih ve Toplum, no. 10 (September, 1984): 6–​20. 273.  Dölen, “Comparison of the Foundations and Academic Structures of the İstanbul University,” 236–​237.

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university in the policy of the ruling party. Indeed, in this period, contrary to the other social institutions and organizations, because of its autonomy and its characteristics and organization as a corporate body, Darülfünun was the only institution that could stay outside the ruling party’s control and harbor the dissidents. The radical abolition movement, known as the 1933 Reform, was realized in the closure of the Darülfünun and the establishment of the İstanbul University. The Republican government was very sensitive to the question of the revolutionary reforms it had introduced. It was therefore inevitable that, in this new university of the Republic, the revolutionary and nationalist ideal would replace the more universal and multicultural approach of the Ottoman university.

10.2  A Glance at Today’s İstanbul University Following its abolition in 1933 and its reformation under another identity with a new name, İstanbul University went on with its progress and expansion in loyalty to the Republican ideology. However, academicians belonging to various schools of thought appeared in the faculty in time, and the intellectual diversity they brought in ushered dynamism into education and intellectual life in Turkey. İstanbul University was unique as an institution in leading Turkey’s academic life throughout the first half of the twentieth century and had a strong impact on the establishment of the first generation of state universities. As of today, there are 193 universities in Turkey, with 109 state institutions and 84 belonging to private foundations. Currently, the İstanbul University boasts to be in possession of 22 faculties, many affiliated institutions, approximately 5100 academic staff, more than 80,000 undergraduate students, and 17,000 graduate students. It serves a clientele of about 200,000 daily at its two faculties of medicine and their hospitals. Since its inception in 1900, it has been the breeding ground for eminent personalities of intellectual, scientific, and cultural life in Turkey. Among the notable alumni of İstanbul University are Turkey’s Nobel Laureates, Orhan Pamuk (2006, Literature) and Aziz Sancar (2015, Chemistry). İstanbul University counts among its graduates many high-​level administrators and political leaders of Turkey, the Balkan States, and Middle Eastern nations as well. Some notable examples would be Israel’s cofounder and first prime minister, David Ben Gurion (in office 1955–​1963); its second president, Yitzhak Ben-​Zvi (in office 1952–​1963); and its second prime minister, Moshe Sharett (in office 1954–​1955), who all studied at Darülfünun’s Faculty of Law.

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The Darülfünun’s influence reached well beyond Turkey, the institution serving as a model for similar schools of higher learning in Afghanistan and Iran. What is more, Baghdad and Damascus Universities were originally satellite schools of the Darülfünun, serving as extensions of the institution in these capital cities when they were still part of the Ottoman Empire.

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PART II

Transforming of Ethos and Developing New Norms and Institutions

11 Introductory Notes A guiding hypothesis that has driven previous scholarship on the history of the Darülfünun has been premised on a dynamic of conflict between the “old” and the “new,” or specifically between the “religious” and the “secular” parties of the Ottoman government. Mehmed Ali Aynî, who was a professor at the Darülfünun and wrote the first history of the institution (1927), attributed the long delay in establishing a full-​ fledged Ottoman University—​almost half a century—​to the opposition of those old-​fashioned people who were against reform policies and did not welcome the modernization of the Ottoman education system or the reform of the Tanzimat administrators.1 Turkish sociologist Niyazi Berkes (1908–​1988) in his famous study on the development of secularism in Turkey (1964) dealt with the history of the Darülfünun from the point of view of the “religious reactions towards innovation,” and he defined the failures of founding the Darülfünun—​in its long and complex process—​as simply the success of religious organizations in closing the doors to a distinctly Turkish modern institution of science and humanities.2

1. Mehmed Ali Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi (İstanbul: Yeni Matbaa, 1927), 18–​19. 2.  Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularizm in Turkey (London:  C. Hurst, 1998), 188, 190–​191.

The House of Sciences: The First Modern University in the Muslim World. Ekmeleddİn İhsanoğlu, Oxford University Press (2019). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190051556.003.0002

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In Part II of this study, I approach the history of the Darülfünun in an entirely different way. I focus analytically on the underlying academic, cultural, legal, and financial issues that entail founding a Western institution of higher learning in an Islamic context, which had its own centuries-​old ethos and norms. This part aims to explain the long process in which imported educational concepts and institutional setups were integrated into indigenous traditions. This study shows clearly the differences among the ways in which university education was conceived, planned, and implemented. It should be remembered that the decades that elapsed between the first efforts to found the modern Ottoman University (1846), its successful commencement (1900), and its later downfall (1933) all occurred against the backdrop of the uneasy transition from imperial absolute monarchy to a constitutional one, and finally to the nation-​state in the era of the Republic. During this time, Tanzimat statesmen tried to establish a new supranational Ottoman identity. Meanwhile the Hamidian era brought with it a new vision in which Ottomanism was redefined as a supranational identity for Muslims. The sultan and his retinue initially sympathized with the project of Ottomanism and moved to foster a harmonious relation between modern science and Islam that was started by Tanzimat reformers. However, a growing number of Ottoman intellectuals were increasingly being drawn to the European doctrine of scientific materialism. The penetration of German Vulgärmaterialismus—​a peculiar mixture of materialism, scientism, and Social Darwinism—​had already begun during the Tanzimat and gained considerable traction in the 1870s and 1880s. Its proponents propagated these imported ideas through popular scientific journals that, being apolitical, were spared by the censor. Ludwig Büchner (1824–​1899), whose Kraft und Stoff [Force and Matter] was regarded as a sacred text by many Ottoman intellectuals, became the idol of a generation of Ottoman recipients of Western-​ style education. Littréian Positivism seemed more influential only because of its prominence among the leaders of the CUP, who had at one point made ordre et progrès their motto.3 The CUP regime advocated Turkism, and, after its establishment of a virtual single-​party regime in 1913, it leaned toward a reconciliation of Turkism and religion. Ziya Gökalp, a Darülfünun professor of sociology, a devoted follower of Émile Durkheim, and the leading ideologist of the CUP, maintained

3.  Şükrü M. Hanioğlu, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire (Princeton:  Princeton University Press, 2008), 138.

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that many Islamic practices that contradicted modernity, such as polygamy, could be eliminated through a literal interpretation of Islamic sources. Mustafa Kemal, though deeply influenced by Ziya Gökalp’s idea of nationalism, later decided not to draw extensively on Islam for modernization.4 As Şükrü Hanioğlu explains, the importance of the acceptance of a hybrid doctrine based on eighteenth-​century French materialism and nineteenth-​century German Vulgärmaterialismus by a large segment of the Ottoman intelligentsia should not be underestimated. This was one instance where ideas mattered a great deal: for the winds of materialism continued to blow long after the Young Turk Revolution and into Republican times, exerting a profound influence on the Weltanschauung of the founders of the Republic and on the ideology, they fashioned to build modern Turkey.5

11.1  From Traditional to Modern in Education The vague concept of an Ottoman University first appeared in 1846, gradually took shape in the succeeding half-​century in a process of trial and error, and finally created the necessary conditions for the foundation of the first modern university in the Islamic world to be founded by Muslim administrators and intellectuals. In the first part of this book, we examined the genesis of the idea of establishing a university and the different stages through which it passed. The attempts at creating modern public education in the empire took place against the background of a variety of political developments that were taking place throughout the Ottoman world. To understand the creation of a modern university in a society, which for centuries had preserved firmly entrenched educational traditions and institutions, it is necessary to trace the formation of the basic concepts out of which the institution originated. These modern norms and practices served as the intellectual and legal bases for the new educational institutions of the empire. The foundation of a modern university, for which the first steps were taken without definite conception in the minds of the founders and without precedent in the previous classical period, demanded a long-​term, multifaceted approach to execute transformation and change. In

4. Şükrü M. Hanioğlu, Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011), 26–​27, 61–​63. 5. Hanioğlu, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire, 138.

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order to translate the idea into a reality, of course, required the codification of new law, the creation of an administrative framework, the procurement of necessary financial resources, and the ready availability of Turkish textbooks in the requisite subject matters. More broadly than this, however, the university would need teachers capable of carrying on the type of education required and a student body capable of receiving a modern type of education. In short, it was necessary to change the mental attitude of the country. Needless to say, such an achievement could not be effected by offhand decisions or spontaneous reactions. An examination of the relation between the Darülfünun on the one hand and the medrese institution on the other sheds light on the question of the modernization of education in Ottoman Turkey. The multifaceted and complex transition from the medrese to the Darülfünun, from the basic institution of Ottoman educational and cultural life that set its stamp on the classical period of Ottoman history to an institution of higher education in the modernization period, was usually approached from opposing viewpoints, like several other aspects of the history of Ottoman modernization. Historians have generally approached this topic through a political lens, and the resulting judgments do not relate to actual historical reality.6 A clear definition of the elements of change in education from the classical to the modern will serve to reveal how this change could be effected under the circumstances of the day. The main point to be emphasized in discussing the relationship between the Darülfünun and the medrese is that the university appeared as a European institution of higher education and had no direct institutional relationship with the medrese. After a long historical process in Europe, the university assumed its “modern” identity with the goal of “public education” inherited from the French Revolution and focused on the practical application of scientific knowledge to the demands of industrialization. Nonetheless, the university was an alien institution to Ottoman society and was not properly known by the Tanzimat statesmen, let alone the public; however, they realized its importance and saw it as something the foundation of which seemed eminently necessary.

6. See Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Some Critical Notes on the Introduction of Modern Sciences to the Ottoman State and the Relation Between Science and Religion up to the End of the 19th Century,” in Comité International d’études Pré-​Ottomanes et Ottomanes: VIth Synposium, Cambridge, 1–​4 July 1984, ed. J. L. Baqué-​Grammont and E. Van Donzel (İstanbul, Paris, Leiden:  The Divit Press, 1987), 235–​ 251; Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “The Initial Stage of the Historiography of Ottoman Medreses (1916–​1965),” Archivum Ottomanicum, no. 18 (2000): 41–​85.

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11.2  Nomenclature and Cultural Content The emergence of new nomenclature for modern institutions of learning, the process by which newly coined words were established, and the reutilization of classic names for modern institutions show the interplay between the classic and modern traditions in action. The Tanzimat reformers were well aware that the two institutions were very different and that there was no question of the university replacing the medrese where they themselves had been educated. Thus they sought out a new name for the university. Avoiding words like cilm and ulûm, which were too reminiscent of the medrese, they turned to Arabic dar [house] and fünun, the plural form of fen [science], connoting modern science, to produce the word “Darülfünun” [House of Sciences]. Thus they stressed the basic difference between the two institutions through distinctions based on linguistic novelty. The newly coined term would always be used in official texts as the equivalent of the word university in the European language. However, the idea that the medrese, the basic institution in the classical educational era, would suddenly be erased from people’s minds and would lose any impact on Darülfünun because of the modernizing process in education was utterly unthinkable. To start with, using the old appellation for the new institution was sometimes unavoidable, and the Tanzimat statesmen used the term “new scientific medrese” [medrese-​i cilmiye] for the Darülfünun among themselves and in their personal correspondence as well as in some official statements. Safvet Pasha used the term new scientific medrese in the speech he made at the opening of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî in 1870. Drawing on this analogy, an intellectual and bureaucrat of Greek origin, Sawas Pasha referred to the golden age of the medreses, equating it with the university. In order to support his ideas about the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî, he referred to the students of the newly opened Schools of Law and Engineering and claimed, “In the prestigious times of the Ottoman Scientific Medreses, the students in addition to their lessons, as currently applied in the European universities, are obliged to attend the courses in the School of Arts during their first and second years.” Just as the founders regarded the Darülfünun as a new institution of higher education with no connection with any foundation of a religious nature, they also believed that it should differ from the modern Schools of Medicine and Engineering by having no connection with the army. It was essential that the Darülfünun should be a civilian, modern institution connected to the state by means of a newly created modern bureaucracy. A number of Tanzimat bureaucrats educated in the medreses held positions of responsibility in institutions founded in this era. With the beginning of educational activities in the Darülfünun, a number of “modern” courses would also be taught by teachers trained in the

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medreses. In the long process of transformation, the presence and influence of medrese graduates had diminished gradually and slowly. For example, in the newly founded Darülfünun, on the one hand, public lectures on some modern topics such as physics and chemistry were given by chemist Derviş Pasha, who was a graduate of the School of Engineering. On the other hand, Chief Astronomer Osman Saib Efendi, who belonged to an ulema family and had attained a high ranking in an ulema career, gave the astronomy lessons. An examination of the curriculum of the Darülfünun, as stipulated by the 1869 Regulations, clearly expressed the objective to create a balance between the traditional Ottoman culture as represented by the medrese education and the knowledge and sciences to be taught in the modern university. This balance appeared in its most striking form in the curriculum of the Faculty of Philosophy and Arts and the Faculty of Law. A  glance at their programs as quoted in the Regulations shows that, in creating a modern Ottoman culture, the Tanzimat reformers gave first priority to laying solid foundations, that they saw no opposition or conflict between old and new, modern and traditional, East and West, and that they aimed at ensuring agreement between Ottoman culture and the West. Although the curriculum was generally based on the French model, the inclusion of oriental languages such as Turkish, Arabic, and Persian alongside Western languages such as French, Greek, and Latin in the curriculum of the Faculties of Philosophy and Arts was an indication of its Ottoman character. The inclusion of Islamic jurisprudence and the mecelle code alongside the French civil code, Roman law, and international law in the Faculty of Law reveals the previously mentioned endeavors on the part of the Tanzimat reformers to reconcile East and West and to form a synthesis of modern Ottoman culture. In the publicity material prepared to introduce the foundation of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî to the public, stress was laid on two main aims. The first, as was previously mentioned, was to train the personnel required by a modernizing state bureaucracy and the new educational institutions. The second was closely connected with the cultural modernization to which we have already referred. The aim was expressed as follows in an advertisement:  “The examination in greater detail of general knowledge in Turkish, Arabic and Persian accompanied by the inculcation and proliferation of the knowledge of natural sciences as understood in Europe and new information that would prove useful in industry.”7

7.  For the full text of this announcement see Cemil Bilsel, İstanbul Üniversitesi Tarihi (İstanbul: İstanbul University, 1943), 14–​15.

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It is thus obvious that this advertisement was addressed to a potential student audience composed of a combination of medrese graduates reared in the classical tradition with knowledge of three languages (Turkish, Arabic, and Persian) and “school” graduates with knowledge of modern sciences. The students from these two very different sources were to come together in the Darülfünun to follow a course of study that combined the old and the new. A point to be noted in this context was the beginning of the development of Turkish language and literature as an academic discipline. This was an important aspect to be taken into account in the modernization of Ottoman culture. Despite the teaching of the Turkish language and literature, which was not included in the traditional medrese courses, it developed in a powerful Ottoman cultural environment and was accepted by various ethnic groups and attained a position of considerable importance. Nevertheless, it had never been included in the premodern academic methods and traditions practiced in the classical Ottoman educational institutions. In the provinces where Turkish was not the native language (the Balkans, for example), medreses played an important role in the spread of the knowledge of Turkish language and literature. At the same time, Turkish language and literature attained the highest levels because of the fact that the teachers were mainly Turkish. Turkish was the official language of the empire, and Turkish was the cultural and literary language of the sultan and court circles. With the foundation of the Darülfünun, Turkish language and literature began to assume a position on an academic level within a “modern” educational institution. When Selim Sabit Efendi (1829–​1911)8 returned from France to take up a teaching position at the Darülfünun, he announced his decision to give lessons in a number of different fields in line with the requirements of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî, and these would comprise the theory and practice of the Turkish language.9 This formed an important phase in the modernization of Turkish culture and indicated the classical state of a language that, until that time, had had no standardized grammar and no systematic rules of instruction. As pointed out before, education in the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî failed to follow the curriculum outlined in the 1869 Regulations. Instead, biographies of teachers reveal that lessons were presented in a novel manner, with a synthesis of Western and medrese learning being a common characteristic.

8. After taking a certificate from the medrese, Selim Sabit Efendi entered the Teachers Training School and after completing his studies, he was sent to Paris. See Nafi Atuf, Türkiye Maarif Tarihi (İstanbul: Muallim Ahmet Halit Kitaphanesi, 1930), 94–​97. 9. From Takvim-​i Vekayi, Mehmed Ali Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi, 24.

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In this context, the existence of a balance between the old and the new is revealed in the choice of teachers. In a report that listed the teachers and lessons for the academic year 1869–​1870, Safvet Pasha suggested that subjects such as mathematics, physics, astronomy, botany, zoology, geology, and mineralogy should be taught by the teachers from the military schools such as the Military Academy, School of Medicine, and School of Engineering. Meanwhile, subjects such as Islamic jurisprudence [fıqh], principles of Islamic jurisprudence [usûl-​ı fıqh], rhetoric, and literature should be taught by members of the ulema in possession of virtue and competence [fazl-​ü kemal]. An examination of the curriculum employed in this three-​part educational institution following the foundation of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî (1874) shows that reconciliation of the old with the new and the West with Islam continued to be the main goal. For example, the curriculum in the School of Law comprised Islamic and new Ottoman legal courses such as the Ottoman civil code [mecelle] and the French-​based law of commerce alongside Roman law and comparative legal codes. In the Faculty of Arts, while medrese graduates would teach logic and Arabic literature, European teachers would be teaching Greek and Latin literature. From 1900 onward, teachers with a medrese background were still to be found in the Darülfünun. In fact, the inaugural lecture at the opening of the Darülfünun was on the subject of the Fatiha Sura (the first Sura of the Holy Qur’an) and was given by a prominent member of the ulema, İsmail Hakkı Efendi, the teacher of Qur’an exegesis [ilm-​i tefsir] in the Darülfünun-​i Şahane. Members of the ulema sat side by side with bureaucrats and intellectuals who had completed their education in Europe in the commission formed for the selection of teachers for the Darülfünun-​i Şahane in 1900. The presence of medrese graduates and administrators at the Darülfünun never ended. Meanwhile the appellation of medrese, which was carefully avoided by the Tanzimat pioneers, began to be used in defining faculties of the university for which they had deliberately coined the new name of Darülfünun. It was during the period that followed the second proclamation of the Constitution that the words “medrese” and “faculty” were used interchangeably. This was the result of the new historiography reinterpreting Ottoman history that developed in this period, equating the medreses of the glorious heydays of the Ottoman Empire with the European universities. This new interpretation led to the university departments or faculties being referred to as medreses.10 The use of these 10. The earliest of the writings claiming equality between the Ottoman medreses and European universities was that written by Muallim Emin Bey, published in 1916 (Emin Bey, “Tarihçe-​i Tarîk-​i Tedris,” in İlmiye Salnamesi (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1334), 642–​651). In considering

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two terms together continued until the first years of the Republic, but later the term medrese was entirely eliminated from official discourse.

11.3  Developing New Institutions The arrangement of the five Faculties of Science, Arts, Law, Medicine, and Divinity along the patterns of European universities was not a straightforward process. Teaching of engineering and medicine that was initiated in the last quarter of the eighteenth century to cater to the military requirements at the Imperial Dockyards [Tersane-​i Âmire] later led to the establishment of modern military schools of engineering and medicine. Decades later, the building up of academic traditions in those two disciplines gave birth to two parallel civilian schools in those same disciplines. Teaching of divinity, on the other hand, enjoyed a rich legacy of ages-​old traditions, and their adaptation and remolding into modern university practices was indeed an unprecedented challenge. However, starting ca. 1900 the greatest challenge that the Ottoman University faced in its quest for a successful start was the lack of two institutions—​the Faculties of Science and Arts. The centuries-​long traditions of the Ottoman educational system and the relatively shorter history of modern higher education institutions had no equivalents to them. The teaching of sciences in the classical period was in fact limited to the teaching of rational sciences [-​ulûm-​i aqliye] in the medrese system. In many ways, this paralleled the premodern European teaching of the so-​called quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy), which were the four mathematical disciplines in the traditional seven liberal arts. These disciplines were taught mainly through Arabic texts. In other words, the teaching of sciences in the medreses was practiced through texts that were standardized along classical traditions of sciences in the Islamic civilization. On the other hand, the teaching of modern sciences in modern schools of medicine and engineering was generally carried out as auxiliary subjects under vocational education. The establishment of an independent Faculty of Science within the setup of the Darülfünun was foreseen for the first time in the 1869 Regulations of Public

the educational arrangements made by Mehmed the Conqueror he writes, “If we should apply the levels of education in the Ottoman medrese system to education levels in our own day [Second Constitution], Sahn-​ı Semân medreses corresponded to the darülfünun [university], Tetimme medreses [known as musıla] to idadi [lycée], ibtidâ-​i dâhil medreses to rüşdiye [middle school] and the ibtidâi hariç to mekâtib-​i ibtidâiye [primary school]. As Sahn-​ı Semân medreses were based on specialization, a medrese student could enter any department in the Sahn-​ı Semân medrese in which he was interested.” For discussions on this point see İhsanoğlu, “The Initial Stage of the Historiography of Ottoman Medreses (1916–​1965),” 41–​85.

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Education. However, this project never materialized. The envisaged department of science was transformed into a School of Civil Engineering. Hence the successful beginning was marked by the foundation of the Department of Natural Sciences and Mathematics of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane that had been founded in 1900. In the old medrese tradition, the teaching of arts comprised Arabic language, literature, and rhetoric. Turkish language and literature were not part of subjects taught at medreses, although Turkish was widely used by the medrese professors, as well as accomplished Ottoman men of letters and famous poets who arose in their midst. The adoption as an academic discipline of Turkish literature was possible only with the advent of the modernization of educational practices in time. The arts courses as a “main” discipline in Ottoman academic life was first envisaged in the 1869 Regulations of Public Education. According to Article 81 of the Regulations the courses to be taught in the Philosophy and Literature [Hikmet ve Edebiyat] Department consisted of physiology and psychology, logic, rhetoric, theology, language, ethics, natural laws, history, Arabic, Persian, Turkish, French, Greek, and Latin grammar and prosody, general history, archeology, and numismatics. In 1874, the Faculté des Lettres [Edebiyat Mektebi] was one of the three departments planned for the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî. It did not have separate students or an independent graduation program like the Law and Civil Engineering Schools. On the contrary, it seems to have been planned for giving a predominantly liberal arts education to the students of the other two schools. The independent, high-​level arts program first started in the Faculty of Arts of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane founded in 1900. As such, two big challenges to be overcome were the formation of Faculties of Science and Arts and the adaptation to the structure of the new university of the other previously established institutions of higher learning where different educational traditions were practiced. Medical education had a deep-​rooted tradition in the Ottoman Empire. In the classic era of the Ottoman history, medical teaching was conducted in accord with certain established traditions and institutions. According to a pre-​Ottoman and Early Ottoman tradition, medical tuition began with theoretical lessons offered by a tutor to his pupil through a special teacher–​student relationship and continued with practical and clinical tuition in the hospitals (Bimaristans, Dar al Shifas). During the reign of Süleyman the Magnificent (1520–​1566), a medical medrese in the form of a “specialist medrese” was established within the Süleymaniye Medrese complex. At that time, medical instruction was carried on in accordance with Islamic medical literature and academic traditions. With the

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development of Ottoman–​European relations in the eighteenth century, the influence of Western medicine began to make itself felt in the Ottoman world.11 The first attempt at the institutionalization of modern medical education in the Ottoman State was realized in the “Dockyard School of Medicine” [Tersane Tıbbiyesi] founded by Chief Physician Mustafa Behçet Efendi (1774–​1834). However, it was interrupted by the Janissary Corps’ revolt against military reforms. In this short-​lived institution, Mustafa Behçet Efendi imported medical books and periodicals from Italy, which at that time was regarded as the most advanced country in the field of medical training. The second advance in modern medical education was also taken under the leadership of Mustafa Behçet Efendi. The Imperial Medical School [Tıbhane-​i Âmire,  1827] formed the kernel of a continuous modern medical education, while training in modern surgery was initiated with the opening of the Imperial Surgical School [Cerrahhane-​i Âmire,  1832]. In 1836, the two institutions were combined. In 1839, it adopted the name Imperial School of Medicine [Mekteb-​ i Tıbbiye-​i Adliye-​i Şahane] in dedication to Sultan Mahmud II. An Austrian, Dr. Charles A. Bernard, became its director. Medical training took its final form with French curriculum and teaching. In 1867, teaching in the Civilian School of Medicine, which had opened in a classroom of the Imperial School of Medicine, was at first conducted partly in Turkish as the result of the hard work and dedicated efforts of the Turkish members of the Imperial Medical Society [Cemiyet-​i Tıbbiye-​i Şahane]; in 1870, Turkish became the only language employed. With the foundation of the Civilian School of Medicine, the basic aim was the training of municipal doctors working specifically outside İstanbul. Graduates of the Military Medical School were appointed to the army and military hospitals after a two-​year training period in the Haydarpaşa Military Hospital, which had been established in 1870 as a practical training center for doctors, surgeons, and pharmacists. Among them, the successful ones were sent to Paris or Vienna for further training. In 1887, a rabies center was opened as part of the Military Medical School with the addition of a vaccination center the following year, an eye clinic in 1892, a bacteriological center in 1893, and a maternity hospital the following year. The repaired building at Gülhane was converted into a hospital with 150 beds and was opened as the Gülhane Practical School

11.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Ottoman Educational and Scholarly Scientific Institutions,” in History of the Ottoman State Society and Civilisation, ed. E. İhsanoğlu (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 2002), vol. 2, 405–​407, 433–​437; Tuncay Zorlu, “Süleymaniye Tıp Medresesi” (Master’s thesis, İstanbul University, 1998).

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and Clinic in 1898.12 This School of Medicine would be fully integrated into the Darülfünun later. The reforms that the Ottoman legal system went through since the proclamation of the Tanzimat (1839) changed its characteristic feature that was dominated by the Islamic law [shari’a]. Until then, the court system consisted of three kinds of tribunals where a single medrese graduate judge exercised ordinary jurisdiction. There was another established for the non-​Muslim community [cemaat], as well as consular courts that dealt with the legal conflicts of foreign nationals residing in the empire. In 1841, the first commercial court and the Accounting Board [Meclis-​i Muhasebe] were established in İstanbul to resolve banking problems. In the same year the first two modern civil and criminal courts known as Nizamiye Courts were established. These new courts spread in all the provinces of the Ottoman Empire. The most fundamental legal reforms of the Tanzimat period were undertaken in the area of codification. Most of the provisions of the new commercial codes were taken directly from the French law of commerce while the criminal law was largely influenced by the French law of 1810. However, the land law was more of a “national” law that resulted from the codification of the fundamental rules and regulations that were actually in effect until then. Many other codes (commercial procedure, maritime trade code, code of criminal procedures, code of civil procedures, etc.) were prepared utilizing the French example. Only in cases related to the civil law and family matters was there recourse to Islamic law, particularly to the mecelle code.13 The comprehensive transformation of Ottoman legislations and the constitution of various court systems parallel to the European, particularly the French, juridical system, created a demand for qualified judicial manpower, which

12.  For the Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye see Galib Ata, Tıp Fakültesi (İstanbul:  İstanbul Darülfünunu, 1922); Ekrem Kadri Unat and Mustafa Samastı, Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye-​i Mülkiye (İstanbul: İstanbul University, Arts Faculty Press, 1990); Rıza Tahsin, Tıp Fakültesi Tarihçesi (Mirât-​ı Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye), ed. Aykut Kazancıgil (İstanbul: Özel Yayınlar, 1991); Nil Sarı, “Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye,” Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, 29 (2004): 2–​5; Ayten Altınbaş, “Mülkî Tıbbiye’nin Kuruluşu,” Tarih ve Toplum, no. 184 (April 1999): 12–​18; Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu and Mustafa Kaçar, “Aynı Münasebetle İki Nutuk: Sultan II. Mahmud’un Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye Ziyaretinde İrad Ettiği Nutkun Hangisi Doğrudur,” Tarih ve Toplum, no. 83 (November 1990): 44–​48; Hüsrev Hatemi and Ayten Altıntaş, Türk Tıp Eğitiminin Önemli Adımları (İstanbul:  CSA Global Publishing, 2006); Aykut Kazancıgil, Türk Tıp ve Tabiî İlimler Tarihi Bibliografyası:  1923–​ 1973:  Tıp Eczacılık-​Diş Hekimliği-​Veterinerlik-​Biyoloji (Türkiye Başbakanlık Müsteşarlığı Cumhuriyetin 50. Yıldönümü Yayınları, 1973); Zühal Özaydın and Hüsrev Hatemi, Türk Tıp Tarihi Araştırmalarının Son 30 Yılda (1973–​2002) Yönelişleri ve Bir Bibliyografya Denemesi (İstanbul: Cerrahpaşa Tıp Fakültesi Vakfı, 2002), 255–​281. 13. Mehmet Akif Aydın, “The Ottoman Legal System,” in History of the Ottoman State, Society and Civilisation, ed. E. İhsanoğlu (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2001), vol. 1, 481–​489.

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necessitated the initiation of modern law education. Modern law education began in 1874 in the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî and continued as the Imperial School of Law after 1880, which was attached to the Ministry of Justice for more than a quarter of a century. In 1900, it was considered as one of the five faculties of the newly founded Darülfünun, where Western laws, modern Ottoman legislation, and the traditional Islamic law [shari’a] lessons were conducted in conjunction with each other. During this time, the training of capable administrative and judicial state personnel was ensured as modern educational traditions and academic norms were established. During the various phases leading up to the foundation of the Darülfünun-​ i Şahane in 1900, the medreses were regarded as the equivalent of the faculties of divinity to be found in European universities. In the accounts of the various attempts to found a Darülfünun, there are, as can be seen, no plans for the opening of an actual Faculty of Divinity within the body of that institution. In the course of the work undertaken in the opening of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane in 1900, the foundation of a Faculty of Divinity was not planned because of the earlier considerations. The proposed university was envisaged as consisting of the Faculties of Science and Arts, and it was only in the final stages that the Darülfünun-​i Şahane was conceived as consisting of the three departments of science, arts, and divinity. The Minister of Education at the time, Nâzım Zühdü Pasha, pointed out the divinity faculties in European universities as justification for their inclusion here.

11.4  Teachers The long transformation process from classic to modern education is conspicuous in the slow-​changing composition of the teaching staff of the Darülfünun through the different phases of its foundation. The underlying approach the government took in appointing teachers at the Darülfünun was dependent on the resources available to them, and thus faculty membership changed gradually over time. As far as we can see from the history of the Darülfünun, in the period up to the Proclamation of the Second Constitution (1908) there were no prescribed benchmarks in the formation of an efficient, well-​ordered teaching faculty. It would appear that, during this period, Darülfünun affairs were handled in accordance with the pattern previously outlined. The teachers who were to give instruction in a curriculum that comprised both classical and modern subjects were chosen from among the Ottoman scholars and intellectuals available. Instruction in subjects related to Islamic civilization and Ottoman culture was entrusted to the members of the ulema. Civilian and military instructors from

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the Schools of Engineering and Medicine and the War Academy taught modern sciences. In the case of humanities and social sciences, the teachers were chosen from among Ottoman non-​Muslims or European scholars residing in İstanbul. Until the Second Constitution, the Darülfünun had recourse, though only to a small extent, to a supply of foreign teachers. In other words, although the intention was to found the Darülfünun on the model of a European university, the aim was achieved very largely in accordance with the approach typical of the administrators of the day and with the use of the local resources available. It would appear that, in founding their university, the Ottoman administrators and intellectuals preferred to form the teaching faculty from “within” rather than from “without.” In the early stage of the foundation of the Darülfünun (1846), a decision was taken to construct a building comparable to European university buildings, and Swiss architect Fossati was contracted. However, it was only ten years later that the first steps were taken to develop the teaching capacity—​if only on a modest scale. In the formation of a teaching faculty, according to the decision of the Ministry of Education taken on February 1857, two gentlemen [efendis] were to be sent to Paris on the understanding that on their return they would teach at the Darülfünun.14 According to the official memorandum, one of the efendis to be sent to Paris would teach mathematics and other natural sciences upon his return. Besides training in their respective subjects, they would also give lessons to Ottoman students in Paris. Hoca Tahsin Efendi followed a course in physics and chemistry in a faculty in Paris and the Collège de France, while Selim Sabit Efendi studied political economy.15 At the same time, both of them taught Turkish in the existing Ottoman School [Mekteb-​i Osmanî, 1857–​1865] in Paris, which was established to educate military and civilian Ottoman students in French and the sciences during their stay in Paris. Hoca Tahsin Efendi remained there for ten years; he was appointed director of the Darülfünun upon his return to İstanbul. The vague approach to educational activities and the choice of teachers displayed by the Tanzimat administrators was to continue for many years and, from this point of view, the history of the Ottoman University consisted of a long series of trial and error. Although the first lessons in the Darülfünun appeared on the agenda in 1860 in the form of public lectures, it was only in 1863 that faculties

14. For the Council of Education’s Instructions to the effendis/​teachers sent to Paris [Paris’e Gönderilen Hoca Efendilere Meclis-​i Maarif Tarafından Verilen Talimat], see Mahmud Cevad, Maarif-​i Umumiye Nezareti Tarihçe-​i Teşkilat ve İcraatı (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1338 [1919–​1920]),  64–​65. 15.  Adnan Şişman, Tanzimat Döneminde Fransa’ya Gönderilen Osmanlı Öğrencileri (1839–​ 1876) (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2004), 35–​36.

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began lecturing on subjects of modern science and history. This was a short-​lived attempt to found a university. However, it was not easy to define the curriculum and provide the teachers. This was despite the fact that clear provisions were stipulated in the 1869 Regulations related to the qualification of the teaching staff. A  pragmatic approach was adopted toward the problem of teachers. As members of the Darülfünun, teachers were typically already employed, either in other modern military institutions, like the School of Engineering, or else in one of the traditional medreses. They were not paid additional salaries, and, thus, no extra burden was laid on the budget. The courses to be taught were divided into two groups, with mathematics, physics, astronomy, botany–​zoology–​ geology, and mineralogy in the first group, which could be taught by teachers from the School of Engineering, the War Academy, and the School of Medicine. The second group comprised Islamic jurisprudence, philosophy, rhetoric, and literature and were to be taught by members of the ulema. In constituting the teaching faculty in the Darülfünun, various lists of teachers were published in the State Almanac [Devlet Salnamesi] and in the newspapers. The inconsistencies in these lists regarding teachers and courses show that certain difficulties were encountered in determining the names of the courses to be taught, the names of their teachers, and thus certain changes had to be introduced. The definitive curriculum and list of teachers in the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî were as follows: Selim Sabit Efendi to teach literature; Aziz Efendi, physics; Halid Bey, geography; Tevfik Bey, mathematics; Konstantinidi Efendi (Pasha),16 French; Ahmed Kâmil Efendi, law; Kerim Efendi, logic; M. Giz, drawing master; and Mahmud Efendi, history. The founding of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî, with its two Schools of Law and Civil Engineering (1874), was the third attempt for an Ottoman University. It was first established within the existing structure of the Galatasaray Lycée. As certain subjects were taught for the first time, teachers could not be supplied from the existing traditional and modern educational institutions. Particularly for the Engineering School, the recourse was to recruit European engineers employed in various public works in the empire, particularly those living in İstanbul. In 1900, when the efforts of the administrators to found an Ottoman University finally succeeded, the first teachers were selected from among the distinguished personages affiliated with the existing traditional and modern institutions.

16. Ottoman bureaucrat of Greek origin, member of the Department of Publication attached to the Council of Education; member of Courts of First Instance and Appeal (Bidayet and İstinaf Mahkemeleri), also Advisor to the Salonica Provincial Council.

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During the Second Constitution period (1908–​1918), a number of changes and reorganizations were carried out in the Darülfünun. It was at this time that the Faculties of Law and Medicine, which already possessed a well-​established modern educational infrastructure as well as clearly delineated academic norms and a teaching faculty, became officially attached to the Darülfünun. Despite these efforts, teachers at the Darülfünun, particularly those employed in the Science Faculty, were under criticism because they were not properly qualified in the subjects they were to teach. Sivas Deputy Dagavaryan, of Armenian origin, declared that the opening of the Science Faculty was a mistake, as it did not have a single “doctor of science.” He continued to say that it should be temporarily closed and the money allocated to the faculty be used to send students to Europe. The Science Faculty could then be reopened on their return.17 His admonition appears to have been successful because those appointed as assistant teachers in the academic year 1910–​1911 were sent to Europe for specialization.18 Another approach to provide qualified teachers for the Faculty of Arts was the employment of distinguished writers and poets. Some of them had no university degree as teachers of literature. In this way, they succeeded in creating a teaching faculty composed of the most outstanding personalities of the day. The teachers employed in teaching literature in the 1908–​1909 academic years were leaders in the cultural life of the time. Poetry and prose were taught by the distinguished poet Mehmed Akif (Ersoy), who was also a veterinarian by profession. Literary theory and aesthetics courses were given by the journalist Hüseyin Cahid Bey (Yalçın), who had engaged in various fields such as science, politics, and literature after graduating from the School for Civil Servants [Mekteb-​i Mülkiye]. The history of Ottoman literature and philosophy were taught by Dr.  Rıza Tevfik Bey (Bölükbaşı), a poet and a medical graduate famous for his nickname, “philosopher.” The general history course was entrusted to the journalist, encyclopedist, and historian Ahmed Mithat Efendi, while Ottoman history was taught by Abdurrahman Şeref Bey, the last annalist of the Ottoman State, the first Turkish graduate of Galatasaray Lycée, and teacher of history and geography both at the Lycée and at the Teachers Training School. Halid Ziya Bey

17. 26 May 1326 (1910), MMZC, vol. VI (1986), 118. 18.  While many of the students who returned to their own country after completing their studies abroad took up an official post or entered upon a career in teaching or commerce, some found employment in the Darülfünun. According to a provisory law issued in 1913, 34,560 Kurush were included in the 1329 (1913) education budget for the post of assistant professor for the employment of students who had studied in Europe. This sum was divided equally among the four faculties comprising the Darülfünun. (Takvim-​i Vakayi, no. 1.623, 26 Zilqaada 1326 [October 27, 1913]).

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(Uşaklıgil), a distinguished novelist, taught Turkish and Western literature and held the chair in French literary history. Hüseyin Dâniş Bey taught Persian literature. The subjects of philosophy and pedagogy were taught by Emrullah Efendi, well known for his work for the Darülfünun and for his theory of the Tuba Tree. Of the various teachers employed at the Darülfünun at this period, special mention should be made of Mehmed Fuat Bey (Köprülü). The founder of the study of Turkish literary history, Turkologist, and politician, he abandoned his studies at the İstanbul Darülfünunu Faculty of Law after three years but retained his love of literature for the rest of his life. Mehmed Fuat Bey, who taught Turkish literature at the Faculty of Arts after it was reorganized in 1912, continued to work at the Darülfünun for many years, and acquired international prominence as a world-​class authority on Turkish literature and history. Apart from the celebrated intellectuals who gave lessons in the Darülfünun, there were a number of teachers who had completed their academic studies abroad.19 These members of a younger generation had specialized in their own particular fields. For example, Necmeddin Sadak, a graduate of the Lyons University Faculty of Arts in France, taught sociology. After graduating from the School for Civil Servants, psychology teacher Mustafa Şekip (Tunç) had gained a diploma and teaching certificate in psychology from the J. J. Rousseau Pedagogy Institute in Geneva. On graduating from the Department of Natural Sciences at the Darülfünun in 1908, Ismayıl Hakkı (Baltacıoğlu) Bey was sent to Europe by the Ministry of Education to carry out research in pedagogy and handicrafts. After spending some time in France, Britain, Belgium, Switzerland, and Germany, he returned to İstanbul in 1911, and in 1913 he took up a position in the Darülfünun, which he was to hold for many years. In addition to teaching pedagogy in the Darülfünun, Ismayıl Hakkı Bey was dean of the Faculty of Arts from 1920 to 1924 and later became the rector of the university. Geography teacher Faik Sabri Bey

19. In 1827, during the reign of Mahmud II, for the first time a group of four students was sent to Paris for further education. Students continued to be sent to Europe in the Tanzimat period, and most of these took up important posts on their return. In 1868, when it had become clear that sending students to Europe did not meet expectations and incurred considerable expense, Galatasaray Lycée was founded for the education of students at much lower cost. One of the aims of the foundation of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane in 1900 was to give Ottoman students the opportunity of studying in İstanbul, who otherwise would study in Europe at great expense to the state. Some students went abroad at their own expense while others were sent by the state. In 1913, students sent to Europe received a scholarship of 300 francs (1425 Kurush) a month by the Ministry of Education. For works on students studying abroad, see “Avrupa’da Türk Talebesi” [“Turkish Students in Europe”] recounted from Abdurrahman Fahreddin, in Türk Yurdu 5, (1913): 908; Klaus Kreiser, “Etudiants Ottomans en France et en Suisse (1909–​1912),” in Histoire économique et sociale de l’Empire Ottoman et de la Turquie (1326–​1960), ed. Daniel Panzac (Paris: Peeters, 1995), 843–​853; Şişman, Tanzimat Döneminde Fransa’ya,  35–​36.

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(Duran) completed his education in Paris in 1908. Ali Macid (Arda) and Selim Mansur had attended the university in Paris. As for the teachers employed in the Faculty of Science, they were mainly graduates of engineering or medical schools. Among them was mathematician Salih Zeki Bey, who was sent to Paris in 1887 and graduated with first-​class honors from the Sorbonne Polytechnic. Zoology teacher Ali Vehbi (Türküstün) combined a study of medicine in Paris with gaining a Licencié ès Sciences diploma in geology, zoology, and mineralogy from the Montpellier Faculty of Science. After graduating from the School of Medicine, chemist Cevad Mazhar Bey went to Vienna to study chemistry and skin diseases. In 1909, after graduating from the Veterinary School and spending some time as a teacher, Fazlı Faik (Yeğül), assistant to chemist Fritz Arndt, went to Berlin University to study chemistry. Hüsnü Hamid (Sayman), who taught mathematics at the Faculty of Science from 1916 to 1933, completed his higher education in Switzerland at Lausanne University. Mehmed Refik (Fenmen), teacher of general physics at the Faculty of Science in 1919, studied at Lausanne University, Mathematics-​Physics Department, and in 1906 graduated from Liège University as an electrical engineer. Hamid Nafiz (Pamir), teacher of mineralogy, took up a position as assistant in the Faculty of Science after completing university in Geneva. Esad Şerafeddin (Köprülü), teacher of botany in both the Faculty of Medicine and the Faculty of Science, was a graduate of the School of Medicine, where he worked with the famous botanist Mehmed Ali Pasha. Ligor Taranakidis, teacher of inorganic and analytical chemistry in the Faculty of Science, had graduated as a pharmacist from the Civilian School of Medicine and taught chemistry in the Damascus Faculty of Medicine. He began work in the Darülfünun in 1919 and continued to teach there until 1933. Ömer Şevket (Öncel), teacher of organic chemistry was a graduate of the School of Pharmacy. The teachers in what would become the Faculty of Law were all graduates of the School of Law. The majority of them specialized abroad, specifically in Paris, and returned to their country. Of these, Mustafa Reşid Bey (Belgesay), who had been sent to Paris by the Ministry of Justice, Samim Bey (Gönensay), Abdurrahman Münib Bey, and Bahaeddin Bey (Kantar) completed their education in Paris. Tahir Bey (Taner), the dean of the Ankara Faculty of Law founded in 1925, had taken the degree of doctor of law in Paris under the auspices of the Ministry of Justice. His brother Muammer Raşid (Seviğ), a professor of law, had attended the Sorbonne Faculty of Law and had taken up a position in the Darülfünun on his return. Muammer Raşid taught law in Beirut and Damascus Schools. After the Military and Civilian Schools of Medicine were merged in 1909, the first teachers in the new Faculty of Medicine that now formed part of the

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Darülfünun were teachers who had taught in these two schools. They were all well-​established in their academic as well as professional careers because of the long-​standing tradition of teaching and practicing medicine in these schools. The situation in the Faculty of Divinity was rather different from the situation in the other faculties. Most of the teachers were from the ulema ranks and graduates of the medreses. Some of the teachers employed in the Faculty of Divinity also taught in the Faculty of Arts. Courses such as metaphysics, ethics, history of philosophy, and history of Islamic philosophy were taught in common. The participation of German scholars in teaching and research activities at the Darülfünun during the war years (1915–​1918) helped to raise and define the standard of the teaching staff. Hence, these standards were reflected in the 1919 Regulations. In this period, the teaching cadre consisted of professors [müderris] and associate professors [muallim]. To be a professor one had to be thirty years of age and the graduate of a scholarly institution [müessese-​i ilmiye]. The candidate had to have sufficient knowledge of a foreign language to be able to raise academic standards and to follow recent developments in the branch of specialization. The candidate also had to have produced a work testifying to his scholarship and to have served for at least five years in the Darülfünun or an institution of a similar standing. However, this five-​year service condition was not applicable to those who had taught in a university in a foreign country. The associate professors would be chosen from distinguished graduates of the Darülfünun with a good knowledge of foreign languages and from those who had been chosen by examination and devoted themselves to teaching as a profession. They were to enter an oral examination before a commission selected by a committee of professors, and the successful ones were to give a trial lesson in front of teachers and students of that particular faculty. Those who succeeded in this were to prepare a dissertation on a subject of their choice for which they would present an oral defense. In the same Regulations, it was stated that associate professors could be sent to Europe to further their knowledge and experience and carry out scholarly research. The suggestion that associate professors should be sent to Europe for further education is first put forward in these Regulations. After the Proclamation of the Republic in 1924, the standards of the teaching staff continued to improve. The teaching faculty was to consist of professors, associate professors, and assistant professors. The modifications were made in the qualifications required from a professor, associate professor, and assistant professor. According to the new Regulations, a professor had to produce a work proving his academic standing and to have served as an associate professor for at least ten years in the Darülfünun. An associate professor could become a professor on being nominated by the dean of the faculty, a majority of the Teachers

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Board in his branch, and a two-​thirds majority of the professors. The condition laid down in the 1919 Regulations that the candidate should have served for five years in the Darülfünun or a similar institution of higher education was changed to ten years. The requirement for the production of a scholarly work was retained. The 1924 Regulations also included a new status that was not previously found in the Darülfünun teaching faculty. This new position was referred to as the assistant professor and formed a stage in the gradual formation of teachers on the level of associate professor or professor in the faculties. Accordingly, assistants had to be of Turkish nationality, to have graduated from a Turkish or foreign institution of higher education, and to have produced a work testifying to their academic level. This work had to have been accepted by an examination board. The assistants for each course were to be selected by a “competition for assistants” from among candidates with a satisfactory knowledge of the languages chosen by the Teachers Board. A provisory article at the end of the Regulations stipulated that, in faculties that accepted the institution of a doctorate degree, the candidate had to have succeeded in taking a doctorate within five years after the entry into force of these Regulations. Thus, a doctorate appeared for the first time as a required qualification for the young generation of faculty members.20 In the reforms carried out in the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the first years of the Republic, it is undeniable that important steps were taken in raising the Darülfünun to the level of the most advanced European universities. A gradual rise could also be seen in the academic standards of the members of the teaching faculty resulting from these initiatives. Most of the teachers employed in the Darülfünun after 1923 had begun employment after completing their education abroad. For example, Hamid Sadi (Selen), one of the teachers in the recently minted Faculty of Arts, had worked as an assistant in the Geography Institute. He went to Vienna after graduating from the Darülfünun Faculty of Arts, and continued his studies in the Vienna University Geography Department until 1923. On his return to İstanbul, he was appointed professor of geography in the Faculty of Arts. İbrahim Hakkı (Akyol), who played an influential role in the foundation of the Turkish Geographical Association in 1942, after graduating from Galatasaray Lycée went to Switzerland on a scholarship from the Ministry of Education, and spent three years studying physics and natural sciences at Lausanne University. In 1916, he went to Germany under the auspices of the Ministry of Agriculture and Mining, where he spent three years studying mining engineering. On his return to Turkey in 1923, he 20.  For related bylaws of assistant professors, see “Darülfünun Profesör Muavinleri Talimatnamesi” in Talebe Rehberi:  1928–​ 1929 sene-​ i dersiyesi (İstanbul:  Yeni Matbaa, 1928),  20–​23.

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took up the post of teacher of natural geography in the Faculty of Arts. Mehmed Şemseddin (Günaltay) taught Turkish and Islamic history in the Faculties of Arts and Divinity. He graduated from Teachers Training School, took private medrese lessons, and then, after working for a time as teacher and administrator, went to Lausanne University for one year to study science. Besides acting as dean of the Faculty of Divinity, Şemseddin Bey was elected deputy in the Grand National Assembly, where he later held the office of prime minister prior to 1950. With the increase in nationalist sentiment that followed the proclamation of the Republic, the employment of foreign teachers in the Darülfünun became a matter of public controversy.21 For example, Hüseyin Cahit, a prominent writer, declared that the bringing of specialist teachers from Europe had reached fantastic levels and had given rise to the extraordinary expectation that, with the import of experts from Europe, everything would be set right as at the wave of a magician’s wand.22 Another journalist by the name of Fazıl Ahmed believed that the Westernization of the Darülfünun was purely cosmetic; the idea that the desired results could be achieved by opening institutes on the European model, copying academic autonomy, and prescribing a certain type of dress for the members of the teaching faculty was pure fantasy.23 This approach reached a flashpoint in articles written by Halil Fikret, who said that little was to be expected from foreign teachers imported at great expense and that the young Turkish people who won the War of Independence without relying on foreign help or advice were perfectly capable, if given the right conditions, of making the Darülfünun a success.24 Nevertheless, the Darülfünun administration continued to insist on the soundness of the decision to employ foreign teachers. In 1925, during his period of office as minister of education, Hamdullah Suphi (Tanrıöver) arranged for the employment of foreign teachers in the Darülfünun.25 Before the beginning

21.  For discussions on this subject see Abdurrahman Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn (1863–​1933),” (PhD thesis, Ankara Hacettepe University, 1992), 229–​230. 22. Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Foreign Experts” [“Ecnebi Mütehassıslar”], Tanin, 1 March 1340 [1924]; Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn,” 229–​230. 23. Fazıl Ahmed, “Darülfünun’a Dair,” Tanin (28 Kânunuevvel 1340/​1924); Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn,” 230. 24. Halil Fikret, “Manevî Durgunluğumuza Dair,” Hayat 3, no. 60 (1928): 142–​143. 25. In November 1925, Minister of Education Hamdullah Suphi Bey gave a statement to the press on the subject of the Darülfünun and announced that in that year specialists would be brought from Sweden, Switzerland, France, America, and Germany; steps were taken in that direction, and replies had already been received from Switzerland and France. See Akşam (November 12, 1925): 2.

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of the 1925–​1926 academic year, Darülfünun Rector Nureddin Ali (Berkol) Bey announced that thirteen professors and three technicians would be brought from France, Switzerland, and Belgium. They were to give their lessons in French.26 In 1926 a group of teachers arrived at the Darülfünun from France in accordance with the cultural agreement made with that country. Some of these came to work in various institutes or to assist in the foundation of an institution, and, in addition to giving lessons to the students, they also gave lectures to a large public.27 From 1925 onward, a sum of between 50,000 and 78,000 Liras was allocated to foreign teachers from the Darülfünun budget.28 Nevertheless, severe criticisms were made of the allegedly excessive importance given to foreign teachers while relatively small importance was given to Turkish teachers, and this question was actually brought up for discussion in the Grand National Assembly. Member of the Assembly Ahmed Ağaoğlu, though not opposed to the employment of foreign teachers, thought that Turkish teachers should be accredited. On the other hand, Minister of Education Hamdullah Suphi Bey violently opposed the proposal that the foreign professors should set up examinations for Turkish professors and that those who failed to reach the desired standard should be reduced to the status of associate professor.29 One of the arguments posed against the employment of foreign teachers is that the necessity for translation made the lessons less effective. A third method of finding a supply of teachers apart from those available in Turkey and those brought in from abroad was to send students to Europe to be trained as teachers at the Darülfünun. As previously indicated, a large proportion of the teachers working in the Darülfünun had completed their studies abroad. For example, on March 27, 1924, the Arts Faculty Board took the decision to send students to Europe to develop the linguistics and Turkish language courses taught by Professor Necib Asım Bey. The intension was that, having acquired a good knowledge of Arabic and having completed their studies in linguistics and the history of the Turkish language, the candidates should teach Semitic languages in the Faculty of Divinity. For instance, Ragıp Hulusi Bey was sent to Paris by the

26. Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn,” 230. 27.  For lectures given by foreign scholars at the Darülfünun in the years 1930–​1933 see Ali Arslan Darülfünun’dan Üniversite’ye (İstanbul: Kitabevi, 1995), 149–​151. 28.  For the budgets for those years see:  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun:  Osmanlı’da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı, vol. 2, 973–​1013. 29. For the meeting on 22 April 1341 see TBMM Zabıt Ceridesi, 21 April 1341 (1925), II, Term 2, Year, 108. Session I. Sitting, vol. 18, 312, 315.

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Darülfünun to study Hungarian and Russian.30 Thus, it was believed that the language courses in the Darülfünun could very quickly be raised to European levels. In the Republican era, students of high talent but restricted financial means were sent to Europe to specialize in branches for which it was difficult to find an adequate number of teachers. A proposal to this effect was made in the 1923 government program on the suggestion of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, and, on the first anniversary of the Proclamation of the Republic, was put into operation with an examination arranged by the Ministry of Education. On January 8, 1925, the first group of twenty-​two students set out for various European countries. Following this, an examination was held each year by the Ministry of Education to choose students to be sent to Europe to study a variety of subjects ranging from literature to music, from mathematics to chemistry, and from engineering to fine arts. On their return to Turkey, the students sent to France, Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, and the UK were employed in the university and played an important role in the 1933 University Reform.31 As previously indicated, the formation of the Darülfünun Teaching Faculty in its initial stages was carried out in line with the conventional thought and decision patterns of the Tanzimat administrators. At first, the requirements were met as far as possible from local resources and with as little dependence as possible on foreign sources. In case of a lack of local teachers trained in the traditional or modern mode, preference was given to non-​Muslims already resident in İstanbul or to foreign experts who had arrived in the Ottoman Empire to take up various posts. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the foundation of independent Schools of Law, Civil Engineering, and Medicine resulted in the production of personnel with high professional and academic standards in law, medicine, engineering, and applied sciences. Meanwhile, traditional institutions of education in the Ottoman Empire sought to employ scholars recently returned from specialist study in European universities and other academic institutions, which led to a marked rise in academic standards. Following the amalgamation of the Schools of Law and Medicine with the Darülfünun in 1909, there had been no problem concerning the supply of teachers to these two faculties, and it was only with the opening of the Faculties of Science and Arts, a complete innovation in the Ottoman educational system, that any such difficulty arose. As previously

30. İkdam, no. 9.694, 21 August 1342 (March 27, 1924): 3. 31. For information on the students sent abroad in the years 1925–​1945 see Kansu Şarman, Türk Promethe’ler:  Cumhuriyet’in Öğrencileri Avrupa’da:  1925–​1945 (İstanbul:  Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2005).

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pointed out, while for the Faculty of Science they had recourse to the teachers in the Schools of Medicine, Civil Engineering, and Military Engineering, in the Faculty of Arts they adopted a similar approach to that already at work in other schools of higher education by choosing teachers from among the leading intellectuals in the country. In the arrangements made in the 1919 Regulations, an attempt was made to reach contemporary European standards in the choice of personnel, and a regular system was introduced in sending young graduates abroad for further training. When compared with the practice adopted in other countries, obviously this “local process” adopted in the Ottoman university was not the most conducive solution.

11.5  Students One of the requisite elements for the development of the Darülfünun as a new institution of higher education was a sufficient number of students capable of receiving such an education. At the initial stages of the establishment of the Darülfünun, the majority of the students accepted and enrolled were from the medreses, despite the fact that they were not equipped with knowledge of modern sciences. This was because the number of graduates of modern preparatory schools where the sciences were studied was small. In view of the difficulties encountered in the choice of students in this first attempt, steps were taken in the second to ensure that candidates should be of the required standard by insisting that student applicants wishing to enter the Darülfünun act in accordance with the 1869 Regulations by producing a certificate recognized by the government or by passing an examination. Of the more than 1000 students who applied for entry to the Darülfünun, 450 were actually admitted, most of them medrese students. In accepting students to the Darülfünun, modern school graduates were preferred over medrese graduates, and they were exempted from entrance examinations. However, most of the students accepted to the Darülfünun in the academic year 1869–​1870 were still chosen from among medrese graduates.32 As a matter of fact, as the medrese students went out on cer (traveling as itinerant preachers and prayer leaders to villages during the holy months of Rajab, Shaban, and Ramadan to raise funds) the opening of the Darülfünun was delayed until their return. By 1900, the necessary conditions for acceptance to the Darülfünun were finally announced in Regulations issued shortly before the opening of the

32. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 1.149, 3 Rajab 1286 (October 9, 1869): 2, cols. 2–​3.

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Darülfünun-​i Şahane. According to these, students should be eighteen years of age and possess a certificate from one of the modern high schools in the empire. The modern high schools referred to in the Regulations would have included the Galatasaray Lycée [Mekteb-​i Sultanî], the Darüşşafaka, one of the idadi schools in Istanbul, or one of the provincial equivalents. A student could also have passed an examination proving that he had reached the required standard. At the same time, a medrese student could enter the Department of Divinity by passing the necessary exam. Those possessing a certificate from the Law School, the Civil School of Medicine, or the Higher Teachers Training School were accepted without an examination. Although, in 1900, the increase in the number of modern schools satisfied the need for students qualified to attend the Darülfünun, a number of expedients were adopted in order to meet the requests of the medrese graduates to enter that institution. Those wishing to enter the Department of Science had to take examinations in mathematics and natural sciences, and those wishing to enter the Arts Department were examined in Turkish, Arabic, and Persian. Medrese graduates wishing to enter the Department of Divinity sat a special examination of their own. In the first three years, forty-​eight students out of sixty-​three who entered the Faculty of Science were graduates of different schools in İstanbul, while fifteen were from the idadis in different provinces. Thirty-​seven of those who came from İstanbul were from different high schools, nine were from institutions of higher learning, and one was from among the medrese graduates. One student was accepted to the Faculty of Science without taking an examination. Five of the students came from the idadis in the European provinces (Salonica, three; Skopje, two; and one came from Aleppo). The nine idadi students from the Anatolian provinces were from Sivas (three), Trabzon (three), and one each from Adana, Bursa, and Kastamonu. Seventy-​five students were accepted to the Faculty of Arts in the first three educational years. Sixty-​one were graduates of various schools in İstanbul. Seventeen came from institutions of higher learning, six from the School of Law, eleven from the School of Civil Servants, and the rest from different idadis in Istanbul. Six students out of fourteen came from the European provinces (three from Edirne, two from Salonica, and one from Skopje), three were from the Arabic provinces (two from Aleppo and one from Baghdad), while the rest who enrolled in this branch were from the Anatolian provinces (Adana, Ankara, İzmir, Kastamonu, and Trabzon). As would be expected, those who were enrolled in the Faculty of Divinity were mainly medrese graduates. During the Second Constitution period, the increase in the number of students wishing to enter the Darülfünun and the great interest shown, particularly by

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medrese students, in entering the Faculty of Law attached to the Darülfünun, led to a suggestion that those entering the Darülfünun should be idadi graduates. However, in line with the principle upheld by Minister of Education Emrullah Efendi that the doors of the Darülfünun should be open to all, it was decided that preparatory classes should be opened. Medrese graduates who passed the preparatory class examinations should be admitted to the School of Law. According to the 1913 Baccalaureate Regulations and the rules prepared by the faculty boards of the Faculties of Divinity, Science, and Arts, medrese students who had been successful in the annual baccalaureate exams could be enrolled as students in that particular department. Students would take exams tailored to the specific department in which they wished to be enrolled. Thus a central university entrance exam was introduced that afforded equal opportunity to all students from various institutions in the Ottoman educational system wishing to enter the Darülfünun.

12  Legal Identity and Autonomy In the introduction to this book, we treated the evolution of the university in Europe with a particular focus on the socioeconomic developments leading to the elaboration a “corporate body” as a formal category in European law. In Europe, the universities were founded as corporations or guilds composed of students and teachers, either separately or in a body. In Roman law, a corporation (Latin universitas) consisted of a group of individuals regarded from the legal point of view as a single person. The corporation was treated as an entity that was quite independent of the individuals who comprised it. The individuals were not responsible for the debts incurred by the corporation, and decisions taken by the corporation were based on a majority consensus and did not require the consent of the members as individuals. In the event of the death of the individual members it would continue to exist as a legal entity.33 Legal arrangements of this kind did not exist in Islamic law, and only gradually began to enter the Ottoman legal system along with the changes introduced by the Tanzimat. The legal framework that would make the foundation of a university as a corporate body possible was completed in only the last days of the Ottoman Empire and the first days of the Republic. In the classical period, Ottoman medreses were founded in conformity with the Islamic law governing endowments. Accordingly, the conditions stipulated in the deed of trust

33.  Brian Tierney, Religion, Law and the Growth of Constitutional Thought, 1150–​1650 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982).

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resembled religious dogmas in being unchangeable. The continuity that was a feature of the medreses was in effect a continuity of the status quo that remained unchanged in accordance with the wishes of the founders. In other words, the attributes of the medrese that lent themselves to stability were quite different from the versatile corporate model, which lay at the basis of the European universities. As with many of the projects that reformers of the Tanzimat period tackled in the nineteenth century, determining the legal framework of the Darülfünun was approached pragmatically. Because of this, the creation of the Darülfünun as a corporate body and the achievement of its academic and administrative autonomy was a long process. Although legal provision for limited partnerships and joint-​stock companies appeared for the first time in the Ottoman Law of Commerce in 1850 on the lines of French commercial law, no mention was made of legal identity. Legal operations on behalf of the company were made within the framework of guarantor or agency. No such legal framework was to be found in the first academic and professional societies. For example, the Islamic Educational Association [Cemiyet-​i Tedrisiye-​i İslâmiye] of 1872 makes no mention of legal entity34 nor does the Law of Associations [Cemiyetler Kanunu] issued in 1909.35 The first reference in the Ottoman judicial system to legal identity [şahs-​ ı manevî] is found in the Provisional Law for the Public Administration of Provinces [İdare-​i Umumiye-​i Vilayât Kanun-​ı Muvakkatı] of 1913 according to which provinces were accepted as legal entities. In the same year the Provisional Law Concerning the Administration of Legal Identity Properties [Eşhas-​ı Hükmiyenin Emval-​i Gayrimenkûleyi Tasarruflarına Mahsus Kanun-​ı Muvakkat] was issued whereby municipalities could acquire property.36 By the same law, associations as well as commercial and construction companies were granted the same right as municipalities to acquire property. The heading and Article 4 of this law openly acknowledge the concept of legal identity.37 The subject of Darülfünun’s autonomy and legal identity came on the agenda during Emrullah Efendi’s term of office as minister of education. Its academic autonomy, however, was realized only a decade later with the 1919 Regulations. The Darülfünun teachers and administrators endeavored to add the status of legal entity to the institution’s academic autonomy. The 1919 Regulations constituted an

34. Düstur, (Mütemmim) (İstanbul: Hilal Matbaası, 1325), 1–​3. 35. Düstur, II. Tertip (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1329), vol. 1, 604–​606. 36. Düstur, II. Tertip (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1332), vol. 5, 114. 37. Mehmet Akif Aydın, “The Ottoman Legal System,” in History of the Ottoman State, Society and Civilisation, ed. E. İhsanoğlu (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2001), vol. 1, 481–​489.

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important step toward investing the Darülfünun with the character of a modern university, but it failed to obtain legal identity. Nevertheless, with its possession of academic autonomy the Darülfünun could now be said to have obtained a certain degree of autonomy. The Darülfünun obtained the status of legal entity by the Decree Regarding the Legal Identity of the Darülfünun [Darülfünunun Şahsiyet-​i Hükmiyesi Hakkında Kararname]. The decree was issued by the Cabinet of Ahmed Tevfik Pasha, who was the last grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire, on August 16, 1922, and put into force by the edict of the last Sultan Vahideddin. According to Article 1 in the three-​article decree, “The Darülfünun, which is composed of the faculties of Law, Medicine, Arts and Science, may accept all types of donations in the form of movable goods or real estate and will possess legal identity concerning transactions arising from these.” For the Darülfünun, the administrative obligations and powers arising from legal identity is entrusted to the Senate and for the faculties, to the Faculty Board.38 In order that the legal identity granted to the Darülfünun should be rendered operational, a draft bill prepared by the Faculty of Law and accepted by the Darülfünun Senate was presented to the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara a few days before the Proclamation of the Republic on October 23, 1923. The preamble to this bill contained the following words: “The academic and intellectual autonomy of the Darülfünun is hereby assured and established together with the special laws governing the management of its financial affairs.” The bill goes on to state the expectations of the new regime in Ankara, where essential revolution inkılap in scholarship is anticipated and says, “modern conditions make it imperative that this institution should be converted into one possessed of legal identity and this involves the necessity for a ‘complete revolution’ in scientific thinking. This revolution can only be effected by the new arrangements to be made in the Darülfünun.” The Darülfünun Senate hoped that after attaining legal identity the institution would benefit from a number of financial advantages and would be in a position to receive large donations. First, it hoped to receive Egyptian Princess Fatma Hanım’s donation to the Darülfünun.39 More important, it was believed that this 38.  The edict for which the minister of education was responsible; see Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 4.540, 22 Zilhijja 1340/​16 August 1338 (August 16, 1922): 1. 39. Princess Fatma Hanım (1850–​November 18, 1920) was the daughter of Egyptian Khedive İsmail Pasha. When she decided to draw up a deed of trust regarding her possessions in 1913, the administrators of the Egyptian University (al-​Jami’a al-​Misriyya al-​Ahliyya), which was then in the course of construction, requested that she allocate a sizable amount to their own university. The princess normally spent the summers in İstanbul, and on July 3, 1913, the day before she left for İstanbul, she donated to the Egyptian University a large part of the fertile farmland

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would serve as an encouragement to other philanthropists.40 Furthermore, a special article was added to the bill to ensure that in addition to the granting of legal identity to the Darülfünun, any moneys or real estate donated to the Darülfünun before or after the issue of the law should be surrendered to the Darülfünun, thus ensuring that the Darülfünun should enjoy quite a different status from that enjoyed by other similar institutions.41 The status of the Darülfünun as a legal entity was confirmed by Law 493 of April 21, 1924. Article 1 of this law, officially called the Law Concerning the Legal Identity of the Darülfünun [İstanbul Darülfünunu’nun Şahsiyet-​i Hükmiyesi Hakkında Kanun], stated that the İstanbul Darülfünunu and each one of the Faculties of Medicine, Law, Arts, Divinity, and Science that comprise it is an institution possessing legal identity that permits it to receive donations in money or real estate, to plead before courts of law, to incur debts, to make contracts, and to enter into all sorts of legal arrangements.” By this law the Darülfünun revenue is divided into seven categories: general budget, fees received by the Darülfünun and its faculties; revenue obtained from the sale of scholarly publications; revenue from movable and immovable goods; the share from notary public transaction fees transferred to the Faculty of Law as revenue; the share from endowments of revenue acquired from educational

she owned and some of her rare jewels, including a diamond necklace with eighteen emeralds that had been a gift from Sultan Abdülaziz. Actually, ever since its foundation, the university received donations of money and land from members of the Egyptian royal family and various benefactors. In the deed of trust drawn up for Princess Fatma Hanım it was stipulated that the trustees should include certain Egyptian dignitaries together with the Ottoman high commissioner, the highest-​ranking representative of the Ottoman State in Egypt, as well as the Ottoman qadi of Egypt. See Mahmud Favzi al-​Manavî, Camiat al-​Kahira fi Ahdiha al-​Me’evi (Cairo, 2007); İsam Ahmad İsavî, Vesaik al-​Camiat al-​Mısriyye (Cairo, 2007). 40. In the published section of the deed of trust drawn up by Princess Fatma Hanım, 40% of the land donated was allocated to the Military and Naval Schools in İstanbul, 20% to the Egyptian University then under construction, and the remaining 40% to various charitable bodies. Although no donation to the İstanbul Darülfünunu is recorded, it would appear from official correspondence of the day and newspaper items that Fatma Hanım left a certain amount of money to the İstanbul Darülfünunu by a donation on 28 Rajab 1331 ( July 3, 1913) and registered and endorsed by the Cairo Shar’ia Court [Mısır Mahkeme-​i Şeriyyesi]. On July 7, 1914, the Administration of Autonomous Province [Eyalet-​i Mümtaze İdaresi] forwarded the relevant documents to the Office of Şeyhülislam with the request that Abdülaziz Mecdî Efendi should be sent to Egypt to ensure that the Darülfünun rectorate could receive these fields and farms. Since finding the necessary funds for the transaction took some considerable time, Darülfünun rector Besim Ömer sent a letter to the Ministry of Education in which he stressed the importance of the money forthcoming from the Trust as “an important donation vital for the future of Darülfünun.” He said that if the necessary funds for Abdülaziz Mecdi Efendi’s travel expenses were not forthcoming, the Darülfünun Senate would resign. (See MF. ALY. 157/​77.) 41. BCA, no. 18.138.1.1923, 17 Teşrinievvel 1339 (October 17, 1923).

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activities; and a reasonable proportion of the gross profit accruing from the revenue from educational and similar activities. Meanwhile, on the same day, the government put into force the İstanbul Darülfünunu Instructions [İstanbul Darülfünunu Talimatnamesi], an emendation of the Regulations that had been in force since 1919. However, this also failed to give the Darülfünun full authority regarding the rights and the incurrence of debts, thus providing only a limited legal identity that allowed it to accept donations of movable and immovable goods and the transactions involved in these. The law in question gave the status of legal entity to the university, allowing it to enter all legal transactions, apart from taking out loans. However, the satisfaction enjoyed by the Darülfünun administrators and members on achieving this long-​awaited development was to prove short-​lived. As explained previously, the Darülfünun’s indifference and opposition to radical Republican reforms led to its abolishment and the creation of a new university in line with the new government. The status of legal entity granted to the Darülfünun was repealed, and the financial powers that had been enjoyed by the Darülfünun since 1924 were transferred to a provisory body attached to the Ministry of Education.42 New instructions were issued in 1934 to ensure the implementation of the 1933 law. This created a strongly centralized university administration, giving all administrative powers to the minister of education and to the rector, whose authority was dependent upon his. The Faculty Council, the deans, and the University Senate remained solely as advisory bodies.43

42.  According to Article 8 of “The Law Abolishing the İstanbul Darülfünunu and the Founding of a New University by the Ministry of Education” [İstanbul Darülfünunu’nun Lağvı ve Maarif Vekâleti’nce Yeni Bir Üniversite Kurulması Hakkındaki Kanun], the minister of education is entrusted with the formation of a provisory body responsible for the collection of the revenues accruing to the Darülfünun and for its expenditure and administration. Articles 9 and 10 of the same law contain the following items concerning legal identity: “The revenues received from sources recorded in the Darülfünun budget law of 1932 are to be added to the 1933 general budget as Darülfünun revenue on the one hand and as expenditure covering Darülfünun salaries and fees and general expenditure on the other. The moneys accruing from the first will be deposited in the Central Bank in a current account in the name of the Ministry of Education.” The Minister is authorized to form a provisory body to collect and spend the revenues as written in Article 9 as well as to undertake administrative affairs (Article 10). The minister of education is authorized to form a temporary body to deal with the collection and expenditure of revenues connected with the Darüfünun as a legal entity and with the administration (Article 10). 43.  This is mentioned in the preamble to the law. See Dünya Üniversiteleri ve Türkiye’de Üniversitelerin Gelişmesi, ed. E. Hirsch (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi, 1950), vol. 2, 774.

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Thus, another law also issued in the name of reform ended the rights to autonomy and legal identity won by the Ottoman University after long years of struggle for reform and amelioration. Darülfünun, the title that had been given to the Ottoman University, disappeared along with the rights that formed the basic elements of a European university. The efforts to recover these two basic rights after 1933 lie outside the range of this work.

13  Financing the Darülfünun Although the question of the financing of the Darülfünun is a matter of great importance, it is given practically no place in any discussion of the history of the Darülfünun. In the classical period, revenues from endowments financed the various educational institutions (primary schools, medreses, etc.). Some of these institutions succeeded, in spite of economic difficulties and the passage of time, while others lost their vitality and collapsed altogether. The institutions that managed to continue in existence were obliged to find means of overcoming the difficulties in meeting their expenses. Meanwhile the Ottoman financial system had difficulty in supplying the funding that would meet all the expenses of the newly founded state institutions, a task for which its traditional structure left it totally unprepared. Consequently, the procurement of the necessary funds was sought through temporary expedients and new taxation.44 The financing of the Darülfünun and other modern educational institutions by new endowments was impossible because of their very different natures. Contrary to the conditions of the first centuries of Ottoman history, economic conditions were unfavorable for the creation of rich endowments and the state was faced with financial difficulties resulting from long years of war and the pressure of Western economies. Founded in 1838 during the reign of Mahmut II immediately before the proclamation of the Tanzimat, a new bureaucratic administration in charge of education began to take shape in the course of the Tanzimat reform process. The Budget Regulations issued in 1855 and the Reform Edict promulgated in 1856 led to the preparation of a budget based on modern lines. While the state revenue and expenditure were drawn up on an annual basis, the expenditure of the departments attached to the central administration was listed under eleven

44. For the financial measures taken to fund middle schools in İstanbul and the provinces, see The Modernization of Public Education in the Ottoman Empire 1839–​1908:  Islamization, Autocracy and Discipline (Leiden, Boston, Cologne: Brill, 2001), 139–​162.

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headings with the Ministry of Education expenditure coming eleventh in the list under the heading of “Allocation to Public Education.”45 As discussions continue as to which of the budgets is the first regular budget of the Ottoman State,46 it is not easy to determine the first allocation that was set aside for education.47 No clear answer to the question of the financial resources forming the most important element in the proposed program of educational reform can be found either in the reports of the Provisional Council of Education or in the Supreme Council reports based upon them. The members of the Provisional Council first made an annual allocation of 5000 kese (2,500,000 Kurush) to the reform of the schools while at the same time allocating a certain proportion of this amount to the Darülfünun for the payment of the salaries of the teachers and office staff and the board, clothing, and various expenses of the students. At first only 1000 kese were requested from the Treasury for the production or translation of the necessary textbooks and the purchase of books, maps, and scientific instruments.48 After discussions with the Permanent Council of Education, it was decided that in the first stage half of this amount, namely 500 kese (250,000 Kurush), should be assigned to meet the expenses of the Darülfünun together with the similar expenses of other schools.49 In spite of this, a great deal of the money was spent on the construction of buildings. The difference between the amount requested for the newly opened educational institutions, including the Darülfünun, and the amount allocated shows the great gap between the magnitudes of the reforms envisaged and the conditions provided. 45. Coşkun Çakır, Tanzimat Dönemi Osmanlı Maliyesi (İstanbul: Küre Publications, 2001), 60. 46.  According to Abdüllatif Şener, the first budget dating from the Tanzimat period belongs to the financial year 1265 (1849–​1850). See Abdüllatif Şener, Sona Doğru Osmanlı (Ankara:  Birleşik Yayınevi, 2007), 8. However, according to Tevfik Güran’s work on the Ottoman budgets, the first records of income and expenditure in the Ottoman period belong to the financial year 1257 (1841–​1842) and the first budget of the period belongs to the financial year 1262 (1846–​1847). See Tevfik Güran, Osmanlı Malî İstatistikleri: Bütçeler 1841–​1918 (Ankara: Başbakanlık Devlet İstatistik Enstitüsü, 2003), 7ff. 47. In the budgets published by Tevfik Güran, the first independent allocation to the Ministry of Education belongs to the year 1272 (1856–​1857). (The Ministry was officially established in 1857.) In that year a sum of 1,288,000 Kurush from a total expenditure estimated at 929,362,500 Kurush is shown as “Ministry of Education Public Expenditure” [Maarif-​i Umumiye Masarifi]. Güran, Osmanlı Malî İstatistikleri, 41. 48. General Assembly’s bill [Meclis-​i Umûmiye Layihası] dated 14 Zilqaada 1262 (November 3, 1846), BOA, İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 6.634. 49.  Vizierate’s memorandum [Sadaret arz tezkeresi] dated 20 Zilqaada 1262 (November 9, 1846)  and an imperial edict [irade-​i seniyye] dated 24 Zilqaada 1262 (November 13, 1846); BOA İrade-​Dâhiliye, no. 6.634.

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Table 4  Darülfünun expenses Years

Subject

Amount

1846–​1847 (1262) 1847–​1848 (1263) 1848–​1849 (1264) 1850–​1851 (1266) 1852–​1853 (1268)

Darülfünun building Darülfünun expensesa Darülfünun expenses Darülfünun expenses Building expenses Other expenses Building expenses Other expenses

4,253,341 Kurush 1,250,000 Kurush 1,250,000 Kurush 1,250,000 Kurush 500,000 Kurush 700,000 Kurush 500,000 Kurush 5,000,000 Kurush

Darülfünun expenses

430,194 Kurush

1853–​1854 (1269) 1854–​1855 (1270)

Beneath the expenditure recorded as “definite expenditure” [masarif-​i mukarrere] there is a note to the effect that this sum was allocated to the upkeep of the previously mentioned building until the completion of the Darülfünun building and could continue to be disbursed after the completion of the building. a

A glance at the state budgets to hand shows that the construction of the Darülfünun building was begun in 1846. After reaching an agreement with the architect Fossati, a sum of 4,253,341 Kurush was allocated to the Darülfünun building.50 Various sums of money were allocated to the Darülfünun between 1846 and 1855 (see Table 4).51 It is not possible to establish the amount allocated to the Darülfünun in the following period. From 1856 onward, there is no separate category for the Darülfünun in the budgets. The state budget is presented in a single category. After the transfer of the Darülfünun building to the Ministry of Finance, it was decided that a second building should be constructed for the Darülfünun (1865). It was calculated that the construction of the new building on the site of the state bakery adjacent to the tomb of Mahmut II would cost 965,509,50 Kurush, and a contract of 600,000 Kurush was offered for the building. Various sources were considered for the construction expenses of the new Darülfünun building. Timber and other materials were supplied by the Ministry of War

50. BOA MAD, no. 11.949: 189. The sum of 8506 kese 340 kurush was paid out in the three years from March 1262 (March 13, 1846) to February 1264 (March 12, 1848) as the 1262 (1846) expenditure by the Finance Treasury. This is shown as 3370 kese 217 kurush in 1262 (1846), 3738 kese 75 kurush in 1263 (1847) and 1210 kese in 1264 (1848). 51.  For amounts allocated to the Darülfünun in successive years see Güran, Osmanlı Malî İstatistikleri.

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[Bâb-​ı Seraskerî], the Dockyard [Tersane], and the Imperial Arsenal [Tophane-​i Âmire]. The building was completed in 1869. The financial sources required to meet the needs of education were set forth in the Regulations of Public Education (RPE) of 1869. According to Articles 75–​ 128 relating in detail to the provisions concerning its financial management, the Darülfünun income consisted of student fees, donations, revenue from endowments, and annual state aid. The resources were to be collected in a “chest” to be set up in the Darülfünun and organized by an official appointed by the rector. Although means were sought to make the expenditure less dependent on the Treasury, partly by raising the student registration and examination fees, the Darülfünun expenses were still largely met by the State Treasury. During the first attempt at founding the Darülfünun, it was suggested that all the student expenses should be met by the state, but changing conditions prevented the implementation of this proposal. In the second attempt it was proposed that the measures taken in order to increase the Darülfünun revenues should include placing students on a “day student” basis, and that room and board would not be met by the state. Registration and examination fees would be at a level that would have been regarded as high at the time. As a result, students were obliged to pay half a gold sovereign for each registration, a quarter gold sovereign for each reregistration, and a fee of two gold Mecidiye sovereigns for the examination at the end of the year. In other words, the student would pay at least 8.5 gold Mecidiye sovereigns in the course of one academic year, six gold sovereigns on graduation, and half a Lira for the certificate.52 In the third attempt at the foundation of the Darülfünun, which was now known as the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî, the financial arrangement differed markedly from the arrangements in the first and second attempts. The financing of the schools of higher education attached to the Darülfünun, which had been grafted on to Galatasaray Lycée, was based on additions made to the Galatasaray Lycée budget. As the Galatasaray Lycée met the Darülfünun expenses, all the students at the Darülfünun were exempt from fees except for the boarding students, who paid a certain amount. In 1876, when the question of the separation of the School of Law from the Darülfünun appeared on the agenda, Sawas Pasha, director of the school, opposed it on the grounds that this institution was not a burden on the state and had actually in the last two years contributed 100,000 Kurush to the Treasury. 53 However, according to the report prepared during Ali Suavi`s period

52. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 1351, 10 Safer 1288 (May 1, 1871): 3, cols. 2–​3. 53.  Information regarding the contribution of approximately 100,000 Kurush made by the Galatasaray Lycée to the state in the last two years is found only in the Réglement [Réglement, 38].

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of office as director of the Galatasaray Lycée and submitted to Abdülhamid II, most of the students had scholarships, and the state allocated a large amount to the school every year. In 1877, when the School of Law and School of Roads and Bridges were reopened and attached to the relevant ministries, the State Treasury started paying the teachers’ salaries.54 In fact, when education at the Darülfünun-​ i Sultanî became cost free, the institution was able to survive only with a large amount of state aid. In the Ottoman classical financial system, the payment of expenses by balance sheet at the end of the year was replaced by a budget system, which allowed the state to allocate resources to education in a more orderly and more generous fashion. As a result, the financial management of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane (1900) differs from that of the civil and military high schools that functioned in an organic relation with the previously established Darülfünun and the related ministries. Unlike in previous attempts, the Darülfünun-​i Şahane Regulations contained an article (Article 20) concerning Darülfünun revenues. According to this, the Darülfünun income consisted of the registration and reregistration fees, examination and graduation fees, diploma fees, legacies, gifts, and donations, as well the state contribution mentioned in Articles 16, 18, and 19. According to the Regulation, each year the Darülfünun director would prepare the Darülfünun-​i Şahane’s budget, a record of income and expenditure, and submit them to the Ministry of Education. Unfortunately, it is impossible to make a definite statement regarding the amount of money allocated to the Darülfünun-​i Şahane at the time of its foundation. It is also impossible to determine exactly how much was allocated for tuition and general expenditure in the Darülfünun since the amount of money allocated to education in the state budget until the end of the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II is shown as a gross sum. The allocation to the Darülfünun was explicitly stated in the Ministry of Education budget only after 1909. In the state budgets of the years 1909–​1918 the proportion of the state budget allocated to the Ministry of Education varied between 1.62% and 2.86%, reaching its highest point at 2.86% during Emrullah Efendi`s period of office (1910–​1912) as minister of education and its lowest point at 1.62% in 1914.55 The

İn a relevant passage in the Dürûs Cetveli it is stated that the surplus income of the school was met as Darülfünun expenses without stating the amount. Dürûs Cetveli, 21. 54. BOA (Movable Property Registers), Ayniyat Defterleri, no.1419: 6. 55. The 1913 budget is identical to the 1912 budget.

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2,86

3

2,74

2,66

2,62

2,5 2

2,16

0

2,02

1,62

1 0,5

1,71

1,84

1,5

157

0,19 1909

0,36

1910

1911

0,22 1912

0,23

0,23

1914

1915

0,22 1916

0,33

0,38 0,3

1917

1918

Amounts allocated to the Ministry of Education Amounts allocated to Darülfünun

Graph 1  Allocation from the general budget to the Ministry of Education and the Darülfünun (%) Amounts allocated to the Ministry of Education Amounts allocated to Darülfünun

allocation from the general budget assigned to the Darülfünun in 1909–​1918 is shown in Graph 1.56 The Darülfünun relied entirely on the state for its funding until Emrullah Efendi’s period in office after the Second Constitution (1908). During this period efforts were made to give the Darülfünun greater financial and administrative independence. In 1910, Emrullah Efendi gave a speech on the Ministry of Education’s budget in which he insisted on this independence for the Darülfünun. He provided the success of foreign universities that operated autonomously as evidence. Emrullah Efendi’s efforts were largely successful.57 The Darülfünun budgets were drawn up under two separate headings (normal budgets and supplementary budgets). The financial state of the Darülfünun as comprised within the Ministry of Education allocation in the state budgets in the years 1909–​1918, in which normal budgets were issued, is shown in Graph 2.  According to this, the allocation to the Darülfünun followed a continually rising curve. During the First World War (1914–​1918), the Ministry of Education’s share in the general budget showed a decrease. Even so, the allocation assigned to the Darülfünun increased from 14.21% to 19.16%, which was clear proof of the interest taken in this educational institution, even under the most difficult 56.  For a full statement of the allocation to the Darülfünun in the years 1908–​1919, see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun:  Osmanlı’da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2010), vol. 2, 973–​1013. 57. Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn,” 93.

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17,82

15

8,19

10 5

14,21

12,87

11,98

12,91

1915

1916

19,16

8,54

8,64

0 1909

1910

1911

1912

1914

1917

1918

Graph 2  Changes in the share allocated to the Darülfünun of the Ministry of Education budget (1909–​1918) (%)

circumstances. The government had shown its willingness to make the necessary sacrifices for the university’s continued existence. While in 1910 the share allocated to the Ministry of Education from the general budget was increased, Darülfünun’s share also showed an increase of 4%. However, when the Ministry of Education’s share from the general budget was decreased in 1914, a share of 14% was still allocated to the Darülfünun from the Ministry’s budget (see Graph 2). During the extraordinary circumstances that the government underwent during the years 1919–​1924, following the end of the First World War, the struggle for independence, the disestablishment of the sultanate, and the Proclamation of the Republic, very little change took place in the state budgets. From 1925 onward, when the Darülfünun was financed by a supplementary budget, this budget was adopted by a separate law. The sums allocated to the Darülfünun in accordance with these budget laws from 1925 onward are seen in Table 5. The figures for the sums expended by the government of the Republic on the Darülfünun in the period leading up to its abolition and its replacement by the İstanbul University in 1933 show an increase in comparison with the general state budget. An examination of the Darülfünun income in this period shows that various sources of revenue were included in addition to the main balance sheet, such as fees, donations, and revenue from the sale of academic publications. Moreover, from 1926 onward, an allocation of 10,000 Liras from the İstanbul Municipality to the Darülfünun and the Faculty of Law’s share from the notary public transaction fees are included as income. 58 As for Darülfünun expenses, apart from salaries and fees, these comprise scholarly trips, lectures and research, and

58. The amount received by the Faculty of Law as a share of notary public transaction fees in 1931 is shown as 39,000 Liras.

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Table 5  Sums allocated to the Darülfünun in accordance with these budget laws from 1925 onward Year

Sum Allotted (Liras)

1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931

743,945 922,834 874,335 915,929 889,342 889,342 908,474

1932

929,276

publications and libraries. From this information we can confidently conclude that the Republican government gave as serious support to the Darülfünun as previous governments had done.

14  The Evolution of Modern Scholarly Literature and Terminology One of the most important aspects of the intellectual and cultural transformation that accompanied the process of founding the Darülfünun was undoubtedly the creation of a modern Turkish idiom in literature and the sciences. This century-​ long process signaled a transition from classical to modern culture, reaching its maturity at the beginning of the twentieth century. Toward the end of the eighteenth century, teachers at the Imperial School of Military Engineering [Mühendishane-​i Berri-​i Hümayun], which was established to teach modern sciences to the army officers, started to translate and compile books from European scientific literature. In general, the instructors relied on the textbooks used in European military technical schools. Ten mathematics and engineering books were among the first scientific texts that were published at the turn of the nineteenth century; these were compiled and translated by the first chief instructor of the Mühendishane, Hüseyin Rıfkı Tamani (d. 1817). His successor, Ishak Efendi (d. 1836), published thirteen volumes based on Western sources, specifically French ones. Among them, the four-​volume Compendium of Mathematical Sciences [Mecmua-​i ulûm-​i riyaziye, İstanbul 1831–​1834; Cairo 1841–​1845] is particularly important, as it was the first large-​scale attempt to present a comprehensive textbook of the various sciences in the language of a

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Muslim nation. It comprised the sciences of mathematics, physics, chemistry, astronomy, biology, botany, and mineralogy. Ishak Efendi’s efforts to transfer modern sciences and find Turkish equivalents for the new scientific terms had an influence that extended well beyond the borders of Ottoman Turkey to other Islamic countries.59 From the very first moment the Tanzimat reformers decided to found a Darülfünun, they realized that there were no Turkish sources available for the new branches of learning that would be taught. Preparation of relevant textbooks was necessary. As explained in the previous sections, in 1851 they established the Society of Science [Encümen-​i Dâniş] to promote the formation of modern literature and develop a standard language. From the point of view of its legal status in the Ottoman cultural and educational life and the topics it dealt with, the Encümen-​i Dâniş formed a model for later scholarly and professional committees to follow.60 The Ottoman Learned Society [Cemiyet-​i İlmiye-​i Osmaniye], established a decade later, was the first unofficial society to follow the example of the Encümen-​i Dâniş. The Society strove to ensure the dissemination of modern sciences and their related publications to the greatest extent possible in the Ottoman Empire. About a year after this society was formed, it published the periodical titled Science Journal [Mecmua-​i Fünun, 1860–​1883], which proved to be the first popular scientific journal not only in the Ottoman Empire but also in the Islamic world. It contained articles praising and encouraging the public lectures given in the Darülfünun.61 Another association that took its place in the Ottoman cultural life was the Science Society [Cemiyet-​i İlmiye]. This association was active in the years 1879–​1880 and published the Mecmua-​i Ulûm [Journal of Sciences], a scholarly, literary, and social issues magazine. The aim of the association was not only the publication of articles related to science, literature, and social issues but also the encouragement of certain skills and crafts, the support of certain schools, and the dissemination of sciences, techniques, agriculture, and

59. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Başhoca İshak Efendi, Pioneer of Modern Science in Turkey,” in Decision Making and Change in the Ottoman Empire, ed. Caesar E. Farah (Kirksville: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1993), 157–​168. 60. For associations formed by the Ottomans see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Genesis of Learned Societies and Professional Associations in Ottoman Turkey,” Archivum Ottomanicum, no. 14 (1995/​1996): 161–​189. 61. For the Ottoman Learned Society [Cemiyet-​i İlmiye-​i Osmaniye] see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Cemiyet-​ i İlmiye-​ i Osmaniye’nin Kuruluş ve Faaliyetleri,” in Osmanlı İlmî ve Meslekî Cemiyetleri, ed. E. İhsanoğlu (İstanbul:  İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi; IRCICA, 1987), 197–​220.

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industry.62 These two associations aroused an interest in modern science among the Ottoman public through their periodicals.63 These early attempts at establishing the Darülfünun were marked by twofold activities: disseminating knowledge about modern sciences and producing related literature in Turkish. In 1863 and 1869, educational activities in the Darülfünun began with a series of public lectures that were delivered by the teachers who were employed in the existing schools of higher education or occupied important positions in Ottoman educational life. They were also the authors of the first textbooks in Turkish on modern sciences such as chemistry, physics, and other disciplines. For example, Hoca Tahsin Efendi, director of the Darülfünun, who had studied modern sciences in France, gave lectures on water, air, motion, and astronomy. The text of the lecture on “water” in the month of Ramadan 1869 was printed in full in The Levant Herald,64 and later a large part of the leading section was published in the Mecmua-​i Ulûm.65 The text of this lecture, which aroused a great deal of interest, was later published in book form under the title Esrâr-​ı Âb u Hava [Secrets of Air and Water, İstanbul]. Aziz Bey, Emin Bey, Vahid Bey, Hüseyin Bey, and Rıfat Bey, who also gave lectures, were doctors of medicine. Aziz Bey was one of the most important of the reformers who worked on the creation of Turkish medical terminology. In 1871 the Ministry of Education took certain steps to increase the prestige of the Darülfünun and published a pamphlet in which it was claimed that, although the Darülfünun had not yet reached the hoped-​for level, it had, since its opening, played an important role in the dissemination of knowledge. The administrators proposed a reorganization of the teaching schedule, with hours and programs arranged more in line with the needs of the students. It was also suggested that the lessons should be taught in an easily comprehensible manner,66 and it was decided that the public lectures should be published in the Takvim-​i Vekayi so that the public could benefit.67

62.  For information on the Science Society Cemiyet-​i İlmiye, its work, and the Journal of Sciences [Mecmua-​i Ulûm] (November 16, 1879–​February 12, 1880), see İhsanoğlu, “Cemiyet-​i İlmiye ve Mecmua-​i Ulûm,” 221–​245. 63. For a comparative study of the two journals, see Cemil Aydın, “Mecmua-​i Fünûn ve Mecmua-​ i Ulûm Dergilerinin Medeniyet ve Bilim Anlayışı” (MA thesis, İstanbul University, 1995). 64. “Les Conférences scientifiques du Dar-​el-​Founoun,” The Levant Herald, 24 Ramadan 1286 (December 27, 1869). 65. “Esrâr-​ı Âb u Hava,” Mecmua-​i Ulûm, no. 7, 1 Rabi I 1297 (February 12, 1880): 436–​464. 66. Hakayiku’l-​Vekâyi, no. 24, 1 Safer 1288 (April 21, 1871): 4. 67. Cevad, Maarif-​i Umumiye Nezareti Tarihçe-​i Teşkilat ve İcraatı, 123.

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During the second attempt to found the Darülfünun, Minister of Education Safvet Pasha, at the opening of the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî in 1870, announced that the wide area covered by the branches of learning known as belles-​lettres had not attracted much attention because of the low esteem in which they were held.68 If due importance was given to the teaching of these academic branches, original works of scholarship and translations would very quickly emerge. Safvet Pasha added that he hoped that thousands of people interested in this area and in teaching could earn a living in this way. Münif Efendi (Pasha), in his speech on the same occasion, drew the wide panorama of modernization in Ottoman cultural life, and declared that the Darülfünun would be of the greatest benefit in the spread of “knowledge and education” throughout the whole country. It would be particularly useful in the development of industry. Münif Efendi’s previous appointment was head of the Translation Committee that was founded in 1865, the aim of which was the production of all types of maps, articles, original works, and translations, not so much for the Darülfünun as for the public and schoolchildren. The Translation Committee, which was strongly Western oriented, achieved only a very limited success, apart from a few individual initiatives.69 The Ministry of Education continued at this time to lend importance to the question of the supply of textbooks, and, as already indicated, this question was included in the 1869 Regulations. This question is dealt with very clearly in the articles (133–​137) of the Regulations, in which the responsibilities of the Department of Publications [Daire-​i İlmiye], one of the two departments attached to the Supreme Educational Council [Meclis-​i Kebir-​i Maarif] constituted within the framework of the Ministry of Education, are clearly set forth. According to these articles, the department was responsible for the publication of books and reading materials required by the public schools, as well as the publication and translation of works in the various branches of leaning. The Council of Education assigned a number of additional tasks to the department, each designed to expand the network of participants in translation and publication efforts. The department was responsible for inserting notices in newspapers and other media in order to find those capable of carrying out such translations and for setting up societies for this purpose. It was responsible for maintaining contact with European universities. Finally, the department decided upon a suitable remuneration for the authors

68. Safvet Pasha uses the term sanayi-​i nefise in the sense of belles-​lettres and not in its later sense of beaux arts [fine arts]. 69. Taceddin Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri (İstanbul: Kitabevi, 1998), 119–​131.

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and translators of new Turkish books in addition to holding examinations and awarding diplomas. The Council of Education issued these regulations in the early stages of the development of the Darülfünun. In fact, the university was not mentioned specifically by name. Nevertheless, the tasks assigned to the Department of Publications make it clear that collaboration with an institution of higher learning would be necessary in order for the department to meet its goals. The insistence on the development of the Turkish language as a suitable medium for modern science and the condition that one of the secretaries in the department should have sufficient knowledge of French for communication with European universities show that it had an interest in the Darülfünun. Furthermore, the stipulation in these Regulations that Turkish should be the medium of instruction in the new schools that were being opened as well as in the soon-​to-​be-​opened Darülfünun, shows that the term public schools was used to cover all schools, including the Darülfünun. Just two weeks after the promulgation of the Regulations, a notice came out in the official gazette Takvim-​i Vekayi that clarified the situation. The notice ran thus: “A translation committee has been formed in the Ministry of Education for the translation of books from foreign languages into Turkish that are required in the various academic branches; those capable of translating from foreign languages are invited to apply for an examination.”70 Those successful in this examination were entrusted with the translation of works in the various branches of knowledge that would be taught at the Darülfünun and other schools. Detailed Composition and Translation Regulations [Telif ve Tercüme Nizamnamesi] were issued dealing with the gradual translation of books related to the teaching of languages and sciences, beginning from primary schools and progressing upward.71 In determining the teachers for the Schools of Law and Civil Engineering to be founded under the name of Darülfünun-​i Sultanî during the period that we call the third attempt (from 1874 onward), an important debate arose. How would education be conducted in the two modern schools that had no equivalent in Ottoman educational life? Would the lessons be taught in Turkish or in French? At root, the dispute was linked to the challenges of translation. A  shortage of Turkish-​language textbooks persisted into the twentieth century, putting a strain on the Ottoman educational system. Many educators continued to advocate for French teachers and French-​language instruction in the schools. However, those who believed that the instruction should be conducted in Turkish claimed

70. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 1.144, 21 Jumada II 1286 (September 28, 1869). 71. Düstur, I. Tertip (İstanbul: Matbaa-​i Âmire, 1289), vol. 2, 231ff.

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that there were a sufficient number of qualified teachers in İstanbul and that the number of teachers from abroad should be kept to a minimum. As previously stated, the administrators of the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî, some of whom were non-​ Muslims, and the members of the Ministry of Education reached a common agreement that the language of instruction should be Turkish. If it proved necessary to import teachers from abroad, the lessons should be given in French and translated into Turkish by Ottoman assistants. This approach was to prove successful over the years. This solution to the choice of the language to be employed as the medium of instruction was accompanied by work on the provision of Turkish textbooks to be used in the Darülfünun-​i Sultanî. Sawas Pasha went into the subject in detail and made the following suggestion: “Although certain books of higher education exist in Turkish, most of these are devoted to mathematics and the natural sciences. It would not be erroneous to claim that none exist for legal studies since this subject is not one of the things mentioned in the [Ottoman] code of laws and regulations.” Then, on the subject of legal literature, he goes on to say, “We have no text on the modern legal system written in the Ottoman language. Nor are there any translations into Turkish of Arabic texts on Islamic jurisprudence.” As for mathematics and the natural sciences, he says, “Although a large number of texts in mathematics and the natural sciences have been translated by teachers in the military academies, they are not for the use of civil engineers engaged in public works [roads and bridges].” Thus, he indicated that the teachers in the Military Schools of Engineering and Medicine, as well as the works on mathematics and the natural sciences published in Turkish so far, would not suffice to meet the needs of the new institutions of law and civil engineering.72 Thereupon, a translation committee headed by Yanko Efendi was set up for the translation of books into Turkish in collaboration with the teachers of these subjects. This resulted in the production of a number of books on the subjects of engineering and law.73 Although the debate over foreign languages in classes at the Darülfünun continued into the twentieth century, the engineering schools had opted against this form of instruction from the very beginning. Teachers in these military schools

72. Dürûs Cetveli,  36–​37. 73. Réglement, 51; Dürûs Cetveli, 37–​39. There are also two chemistry books by M. Fleury. The first one was translated by Veterinary Captain Vahit Efendi under the title Kimyâ-​yı Askerî (İstanbul: Mekteb-​i Fünûn-​ı Harbiye-​i Şahane Matbaası in İstanbul, published in two volumes, 1874 and 1886). The second work was translated by Captains İbrahim Bey and Vahit Bey under the title Kimyâ-​yı Uzvi [Organic Chemistry] (İstanbul: Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye-​i Şahane Matbaası, 1875). See İhsanoğlu, Açıklamalı Turk Kimya Eserleri Bibliyografyası, 59–​60, 67.

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gave their lessons in Turkish, thus enriching Turkish technical literature in the various branches of engineering. Similar advances were now to be seen in the new branches taught in the School of Civil Engineering. We can confidently say that a parallel situation was found in the School of Law. Actually, Ottoman Turkish possessed a highly advanced terminology in Islamic law, although important new terms were developed to express new legal notions and topics imported from the West. Hence the foundation of Schools of Law and Civil Engineering fostered the development of a new technically advanced Ottoman Turkish, which paved the way for the production of original works and translations in areas of research and study that had previously not existed. An analytical account of the printed scientific books in Ottoman Turkish from the establishment of the first Ottoman printing press in 1727 onward shows the growing interest in modern sciences and the proliferation of modern Turkish scientific literature. The mid-​nineteenth century thus witnessed an increase in both the number of printed books on modern science, technology, law, and in a variety of other technical disciplines. Between the establishment of the first Turkish printing press and the proclamation of the Tanzimat in 1839, twenty-​eight books of science were printed. During the Tanzimat period (1839–​1876), the figure jumped to 242. There was an increase in the number of printed books on mathematics and medicine, but a relative decrease in the works published on geography, military sciences, engineering, astronomy, and navigation. As the Tanzimat period drew to a close, translations in still more subjects in a variety of new disciplines were attempted. For example, Derviş Pasha published the first chemistry book in Turkish entitled Ûsul-​i Kimya [Elements of Chemistry, İstanbul, 1848] and Chief Physician Salih Efendi published Ilm-​i Hayvanat ve Nebatat [Zoology and Botany, İstanbul 1865], which was also the first printed book on these subjects in Turkish. During the first three decades of the Tanzimat period (1839–​1869), an average of four Turkish-​language books in technical fields were printed every year. In the last seven years (1870–​1876) this number rose to eighteen annually. These figures reflect the growing interest in modern science. The drop in publications in certain fields such as geography, military sciences, and engineering indicates a shift of interest from the military to the civil realm. A  parallel result can also be inferred from the prefaces of the works compiled on the same subjects during the nineteenth century (before and after the Tanzimat). While Ishak Efendi in his Mecmua-​i Ulûm-​i Riyaziye [Compendium of Mathematical Sciences] mentioned the importance of chemistry for the war industry, Kırımlı Aziz Bey in his Kimya-​yı Tıbbi [Medical Chemistry, İstanbul 1868–​1871] pointed out that chemistry, in addition to its use in medicine, was the basis of several industries and techniques of nonmilitary character.

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In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the educational activity carried on at different institutions of higher education and in the other modern schools opened at that time led to the enrichment of modern Turkish scholarly literature. The publication of Turkish works in new branches of learning that had no equivalent in classical Turkish scholarly literature quickly followed the production of a technically advanced Ottoman Turkish terminology. A very rich literature and terminology was developed, particularly in the field of medicine.74 When a new and successful attempt was made in 1900 to found the Darülfünun, a number of modern institutions of higher education in various branches of learning were already in existence.75 These included civilian and military schools of higher vocation training, which had been established upon the initiative of the 1869 Regulations. Civilian and military veterinary schools were established in 1845 and 1888, the Halkalı School of Agriculture [Halkalı Ziraat Mektebi] opened in 1847, the School of Forestry and Mining [Orman ve Maadin Mektebi] opened in 1881, as well as industrial schools for boys and girls. Commercial schools and the School for Civil Servants [Mekteb-​i Mülkiye] opened their doors in 1859, together with Schools of Law and Civil Engineering 74.  The comprehensive History of Ottoman Scientific Literature [Osmanlı Bilim Tarihi Literatürü] series comprises eighteen volumes on astronomy, mathematics geography, music, natural sciences, and military and medical studies has revealed how rich a modern technical literature was produced in the various academic fields. For works in the History of Ottoman Scientific Literature, see Osmanlı Astronomi Literatürü Tarihi [History of Astronomy Literature During the Ottoman Period]. 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 1997); Osmanlı Matematik Literatürü Tarihi [History of Mathematical Literature During the Ottoman Period]. 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 1999); Osmanlı Coğrafya Literatürü Tarihi [History of Geographical Literature During the Ottoman Period]. 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2000); Osmanlı Musiki Literatürü Tarihi [History of Music Literature During the Ottoman Period]. 1 vol. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2003); Osmanlı Askerlik Literatürü Tarihi [History of Military Art and Science Literature During the Ottoman Period]. 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2004); Osmanlı Tabii ve Tatbikî Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi [History of the Literature of Natural and Applied Sciences During the Ottoman Period]. 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2006); Osmanlı Tıbbi Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi [History of the Literature of Medical Sciences During the Ottoman Period]. 4 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2008); Osmanlı Astroloji Literatürü Tarihi ve Osmanlı Astronomi Literatürü Tarihi Zeyli [History of Astrology Literature and Supplement to the History of Astronomy Literature] (vol. 1), and Osmanlı Bilim Literatürü Tarihi Zeylleri ve Osmanlı Mavzu’at al-​Ulum Literatürü Tarihi [Supplements to the History of Ottoman Scientific Literature and History of Ottoman Classification of Sciences Literature] (vol. 2). (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2011); Osmanlı Bilim Literatürü Tarihi Genel İndeksi [History of Ottoman Scientific Literature:  Cumulative Index] (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 2011), for an overview and brief introduction of Ottoman Scientific Heritage see Osmanlı Bilim Mirası, 2 vols. (İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2017). 75. For general information on modern institutions of higher education and vocational schools opened in the course of the nineteenth century see İhsanoğlu, “Ottoman Educational and Scholarly Scientific Institutions,” 322–​344Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Ottoman Educational Institutions,” in Ottoman Civilization, ed. H. İnalcık and G. Renda (Ankara: Milli Kütüphane Yayınları, 2003), vol. 1, 345–​385.

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and a number of institutions of higher education giving instruction in administration, law, justice, and public works. In order for these new schools to function, the Turkish language required a high level of scholarly development. In other words, when the Darülfünun was founded in 1900, Turkish technical literature already possessed a sizable accumulation of new vocabulary pertaining to several branches of science, social sciences, and humanities that had been nonexistent in the middle of the nineteenth century. The opening of the Faculty of Arts may be regarded as the beginning of a new epoch in the history of Ottoman culture. Although the Ottomans possessed a rich literature, attention to literary theory and research, together with the acceptance of the study of literature as an academic discipline, only began with serious teaching on these topics at the Darülfünun. For the first time, Turkish language and literature were taught on an academic level in a “modern” educational institution. Thus history shook off the “chronicles” tradition to emerge as an academic branch of learning. In education, as in other fields, the Proclamation of the Second Constitution marked the beginning of a new era. Its influence, as already pointed out, made itself felt at the Darülfünun in the administrative structure, the curriculum, and the attitude of the students. Whereas previously there had been very few published materials on the subjects taught in the Darülfünun, from 1909 onward an abundance of printed texts was produced, while students` notes appeared in printed journals.76 Initially, the teachers at the Darülfünun and its various faculties had published lecture notes in the form of a special journal. The publication of such a journal had two main aims. The first was to relieve the students of the task of taking notes during the lectures, thus allowing them to follow the lectures more attentively. The second was to give those who were not actually students at the Darülfünun the opportunity of profiting from these lecture notes.77 With these aims in view, a journal entitled Lectures in the Darülfünun and Its Departments [Darülfünun ve Şuabatının Dürûs-​ ı Âlisi] was published that contained summaries of the lectures and the lecture notes supplied by teachers on topics such as literature, language, and religion. In 1910, some of the lectures given at the Darülfünun were published in booklets entitled Darülfünun Lessons [Darülfünun Dersleri]. The first issue,

76. As I found in the course of my work that there was no list of the textbooks used in the Darülfünun prior to 1933, I  prepared a list of books taught at the Darülfünun. For these lists, prepared separately for the Faculties of Arts, Science, Divinity, Law, and Medicine, see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun:  Osmanlı’da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2010), vol. 2. 77. İkdam, no. 5.291 (February 17, 1909): 4.

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which appeared on January 14, 1910, bears the note “contains scientific and scholarly topics taught in the various faculties of the Darülfünun and is published once a week for the time being” [“Darülfünun-​i Osmanî şuabatında tedris olunan ulûm ve fünûn-​ı âliyeyi ihtiva eder ve şimdilik haftada bir neşrolunur”]. Darülfünun Lessons contained lecture notes by distinguished teachers such as Ahmed Mithat, Hüseyin Dâniş, Mehmed Akif, Hüseyin Avni, and Abdülhalik Midhat. Pamphlets under both these titles were later published in book form. These lecture notes are of great importance in the evolution of modern Turkish academic literature insofar as they were the first texts on their own particular subjects to be written and published in Turkish. In 1914, the restructuring of the Ministry of Education was proposed, as was pointed out, as well as the establishment of the Composition and Translation Board [Telif ve Tercüme Encümeni] to supervise the composition or translation of works required by all the schools that would serve to raise the overall standards of education. This Board chose a number of works published in developed countries and published more than 100 works.78 Among them are works on physics, chemistry, geometry, agriculture, history, law, philosophy, language, and pedagogy; there are also works relating to the Darülfünun. Two works on chemistry by German Professor Fritz Arndt, translated by his assistant Fazlı Faik (Yeğül), and another work on chemistry by A. E. Stock and A. Stahler, again translated by Fazlı Faik, appear in this series. The Composition and Translation Board publications includes a large number of works prepared by Darülfünun teachers for educational institutions of many different levels. Among them, Salih Zeki, Hâdi Faik (Saçlı), Faik Sabri, and Muslihiddin Adil prepared books for use in schools such as the Teacher Training School and Galatasaray Lycée. The issue of textbooks was indicated in the articles stipulating the academic duties of the Darülfünun Senate in the 1919 Regulations and the 1924 Instructions. One of the educational responsibilities of the Senate was to ensure the composition and publication of scholarly works and the payment of a fitting remuneration to the writers. During the years of the First World War, scholarly publications were produced under the influence of the German teachers at the Darülfünun. From 1916 onward, eight journals of great scholarly importance were published, and this tradition continued after the German teachers left the country. Among them were the Journal of the Faculty of Arts (March 1916–​January 1933), the Journal of the Faculty of Science (April 1916–​1933), the Journal of the Faculty of Law (March 1916–​April

78. For a list of the works published by the Composition and Translation Board see Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri, 161–​180.

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1933), the Journal of the Faculty of Divinity (1925–​1933), the Journal of the Faculty of Medicine (1916–​1933), the Journal of Sociology (April 1917–​September 1917), the Journal of Turkology (1925–​1939), and the Journal of History of Turkish Economy and Law (1931–​1939, two numbers). At first, these journals contained articles by both Turkish and German teachers. Then the results of geological researches conducted in various regions were published in the Journal of the Faculty of Science. In 1916, Drs. Walter Penck and Hovasse published the results of their investigations in this journal, and Ali Vehbi Bey (Türküstün) and Hovasse jointly published a report of their study trip. E. Chaput had joined İbrahim Hakkı (Akyol) in a number of exploratory trips during which he traced geological maps of the İzmir and Ankara regions. The results of the trips were published in the Journal of the Faculty of Arts. The Darülfünun found itself exposed to some criticism regarding the scholarly competence of these publications. In fact, these journals were the subject of discussions in the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Deputy Feridun Fikri Bey called for the faculty journals to be raised to a higher academic standard while Ruşen Eşref (Ünaydın), chairman of the Board of Education, described the journals as “confused, of low quality and inadequate” and their distribution as “chaotic.”79 In the Republican era, instructions were issued regarding the publication of the Journal of the Faculty of Science according to which the journal was to consist of two sections. The first section was to contain original work in Turkish or French by faculty professors or assistant professors, while the second section was to contain translations and nonoriginal works. According to the same instructions, it was stipulated that, in order to encourage original research by the professors or assistant professors, each one of them should be obliged to produce at least one original monograph in the following three years.80 The program of the government, which was formed immediately after the opening of the Turkish Grand National Assembly during the war of liberation, included the administration of the existing education institutions and the preparation of scholarly works. Committees were formed to oversee the preparation of books, and a large number of the members of these committees were Darülfünun teachers. In the speech delivered in the Turkish Grand National Assembly on March 1, 1923, Mustafa Kemal Pasha stressed the need for the Darülfünun to

79. TBMM Zabıt Ceridesi dated 21 April 1341 (1925), II. Term 2. Year 108. Session I. Sitting, vol. 18, 306, 313; Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn,” 277. 80.  İstanbul Darülfünunu Fen Fakültesi:  Tarihçe ve Talimatnameler—​Müfredat Programları (İstanbul: Milli Matbaa, 1927), 37–​38.

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play a part in the production of original texts and translations. Kemal urged the Darülfünun professors and assistant professors to contribute to the solution of the problem.81 As the sales of some of the books for secondary schools and high schools as well as scholarly works were rather low, the Composition and Translation Board decided that they should be published under the name of the Ministry of Education. The 1924 reorganization stipulates that in order to determine and stabilize scholarly and literary terminology, Darülfünun teachers and other authorized individuals should be contacted by oral and written correspondence. The minister of education himself expressed the importance given to the composition and translation of textbooks. In 1924, in order to distinguish those teachers who produced works at the Darülfünun from those who did not, Minister of Education Şükrü Bey (Saraçoğlu) granted them respite until June 1925 to produce a scholarly work.82 It should be noted that in this duration some of the Darülfünun teachers continued to write textbooks for primary and secondary schools. Meanwhile, history teachers Ali Raşid, Ahmed Refik (Altınay), Necib Asım, Köprülüzâde Mehmed Fuat, Behçet Bey, and Muzaffer Bey translated the twelve volumes of General History edited by Ernest Lavisse and Alfred Ramboud.83

14.1  Darülfünun and Darwinism Ottoman scholars and writers showed early interest in the theories of evolution, which was mainly of a general nature. At a later stage, when scholarly traditions took root and the university began publishing academic journals, this interest became more technical and narrowly focused. The popular Journal of Sciences [Mecmua-​i Fünun] that accompanied the first attempt to establish the Darülfünun carried in its second issue an article titled “Introduction to the Science of Geology,” written by its editor, Münif Paşa. In this article Münif Paşa presents information about the formation of the earth and the living beings. He maintains that the first living beings were twenty to thirty times bigger than those who exist today.84 A decade later Director of Darülfünun

81. Atatürk’ün Söylev ve Demeçleri (Ankara: TTK, 1961), vol. 1, 299. 82. Siler, “Türk Yüksek Öğretiminde Dârülfünûn,” 270. 83.  The first volume of this 842-​page book was completed without delay and printed by the Imperial Printing Press [Matbaa-​i Âmire] (1926). See Kayaoğlu, Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri, 224, 240. 84. Münif Paşa, “Mukaddime-​i Ilm-​i Arz” Mecmua-​i Fünun, sayı 2, Safer 1279 (1862): 65–​68.

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Hoca Tahsin Efendi wrote the History of the Genesis or Creation. Tahsin Efendi had risen through the ranks of the ulema and had spent several years in Paris studying modern science. In the History of the Genesis he stated that the universe was created through various stages over billions of years, and that it is necessary to have knowledge of different scientific disciplines to be able to understand these stages. Moreover, it appears that he was greatly influenced by the French edition of Ludwig Büchner’s book Kraft und Stoff [Force and Matter]. Tahsin Efendi emphasized the implausibility of the doctrine of independent creation for all the species of the created order. He also rejected the claim that the existence of biological diversity in nature was due to an extraordinary will outside of the world, referring to this as a “simple statement” against “divine wisdom.” Nevertheless, he qualified his advocacy of Darwin’s theory, writing that this “theory as it stands today does not answer all questions, but one day this science and particularly zoology will certainly explain many aspects of the process of creation. The discussions related to Darwinism that took place in İstanbul differed from those in Europe, particularly in one respect. Contrary to the discussions in Europe, those in İstanbul began with evolutionary and social Darwinist thought instead of biological Darwinism. Ottoman intellectuals came into closer contact with biological Darwinism from 1908 on, after they were introduced to German (Büchner, Haeckel) and French (Le Bon, Demolins) thought and after putting these ideas into practice in the service of their political struggle.85 Scholarly articles with scientific content on the theory of Darwinism started to be published in various academic journals of the Darülfünun between 1916 and 1933.86 The first article to appear in the Journal of Darülfünun Faculty of Sciences was “Latest Trends in Zoology” by Professor of Zoology Boris Zarnick (1883–​ 1945). It is a kind of overview of Darwin’s theory and introduces it as key to understanding relations among living creatures. The author underlines that Darwin “helped us to realize that all the animals and human beings are descendent from one common ancestor.”87 In the next issue of the same journal Dr.  Osman Şerafeddin (1887–​1945) discusses health and heredity through evolutionary concepts. He maintains that all living things strive to survive against external environmental effects, and this 85. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Modern Islam,” in Science and Religion Around the World, ed. John Hedley Brooke and Ronald L. Numbers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 162–​167. 86. The following paragraphs of this account on Darwinism are primarily based on the ongoing PhD research of Ozan Ceyhan of İstanbul University, whom I appreciate for his generosity and valuable contribution. 87. Boris Zarnick, “İlm-​i Hayvanatta Son Cereyanlar,” Darülfünun Fen Fakültesi Mecmuası 1(1) (1332/​1916):  6.

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is “adaptation,” which brings with it changes leading to “evolution.” Şerafeddin in his article discusses Darwin’s hypothetical mechanism for heredity called Pangenesis, and Gemmules are imaginary concepts for heredity.88 The third article that appeared in the same journal after almost one decade was written by Professor of Zoology Raymond Hovasse under the title “The Theories that Explain Evolution.” Hovasse gives an overall outline of different theories of evolution, including Lamarck’s and Darwin’s theories, and discussed the differences between the two theories, and the arguments in favor of natural selection, artificial selection, and adaptation.89 Evolutionary theories attracted the attention of the sociologists among the professors of the Darülfünun in 1917. Three articles appeared in the Journal of Sociology, two by Necmeddin Sadık and one by Mehmed Emin. Necmeddin Sadık in his first article “Biology Doctrines in Sociology” approached the three theories of biology from a sociological point of view. In this article Sadık tried to summarize the three biological theories of Darwin, Lamarck and Milne-​Edwards. While explaining Darwin’s theory by means of competition and natural selection, he also underlined the importance of the Malthusian theory of population in the evolutionary thinking of Darwin. Thomas Malthus claims that population grows geometrically, but food grows arithmetically. This difference in the scale of reproduction inevitably would cause death for large sectors of the population. This theory is the core of Darwin’s “competition” and “struggle for life” concepts. Then Sadık interpreted the natural implications of biological competition and selection in light of Social Darwinism.90 The second article of Necmeddin Sadık is “Theory of Lamarck and Anthropo-​Sociology:  Heredity and Race.” Sadık explained the Lamarckian theory of evolution, and then compares Lamarck’s heritability of acquired characteristics and Darwin’s natural selection. While doing that, Sadık uses August Weismann’s famous “tail-​chopping experiment.” German biologist Weismann conducted an experiment to test the idea of heritability of acquired characters. He cut the tails of sixty-​eight mice repeatedly over five generations and reported that all the newborn mice had tails. Some scientists claimed that this experiment has disproved Lamarck’s theory of evolution. Sadık uses this example and also

88. Doktor Osman Şerafeddin, “Veraset ve Hıfzısıhha,” Darülfünun Fen Fakültesi Mecmuası 1(2) (1332/​1916): 97. 89. Raymond Hovasse, “Tekâmülü İzah Eden Nazariyeler,” Darülfünun Fen Fakültesi Mecmuası 5(2) (December, 1927; January, February, 1928): 496. 90. Necmeddin Sadık, “İçtimaiyatta Hayatiyat Meslekleri,” Darülfünun İçtimaiyat Mecmuası 1(3) ( June, 1917): 141–​146.

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adds the Chinese custom of foot binding and Jewish and Muslim circumcision traditions.91 Mehmed Emin, a professor of philosophy and sociology, in his article “Biology and Morality” mainly discusses the biological approaches to moral issues. Mehmed Emin criticizes the implications of Darwin’s selection and struggle for life concepts for morality. He thinks that morality cannot be understood by means of biological laws such as evolution because this could give rise to the idea that “might is always the source of right” [kuvvet daima menba-​ı haktır].92 In 1928 İsmail Hakkı İzmirli, professor of Islamic philosophy, in his article on the “Treatises of Ikhwan al-​Safa,”93 published in the Journal of the Faculty of Letters, argues that evolution is mentioned many times in these Treatises, which go back to the early Abbasid era, and that they include “natural selection” in addition to a “divine wisdom” [himmet-​ilahiye] in their development.94 In another article by İsmail Hakkı İzmirli on Ibn Khaldun, which appeared in one of the last issues of the Journal of the Faculty of Theology in 1933, titled “Philosophical Movements in Islam,” he maintains that evolution theory and “adaption to environment” concepts trace their origins to Ibn Khaldun’s famous Introduction [Muqaddimah] five centuries before Darwin.95 These articles of İsmail Hakkı İzmirli are examples of some Ottoman Turkish intellectuals who tried to establish connections between the findings of modern science and the scientific classical literature in an attempt to avoid conflicting approaches toward modern science and Islam. It is rather interesting to observe that the Journal of the Faculty of Theology published two articles translated from European languages on the relevance of Darwin’s theory to “family and tribe” and “religious beliefs.” James George Frazer’s article series on “family” are translated by Mehmed İzzet and published in the Journal of Theology, titled “Origins of Family and Tribe.” On the one hand, Frazer explains the importance of Darwin’s evolutionary thought and his concepts in the discussions of “origin of family.” On the other hand, he 91. Necmeddin Sadık, “Lamarck Nazariyesi ve Antropososyoloji: Irsiyet ve Irk,” Darülfünun İçtimaiyat Mecmuası 1(4) ( July, 1917): 169. 92. Mehmed Emin, “Hayatiyat ve Ahlak,” Darülfünun İçtimaiyat Mecmuası 1(4) ( June, 1917): 174–​177. 93.  The Treatises of the Brethren of Purity comprise one of the most complete medieval encyclopedias of science written in the ninth–​tenth centuries in Arabic. 94.  İzmirli İsmail Hakkı, “İki Türk Filizofu:  Ihvan-​Safa Risaleleri,” Darülfünun Edebiyat Fakültesi Mecmuası 6(4) (October, 1928): 531–​532. 95. İzmirli İsmail Hakkı, “İslamda Felsefe Cereyanları: İbn Haldun (732–​808),” Darülfünun İlahiyat Mecmuası 5(24) (December, 1944): 2–​3.

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criticizes the approaches that try to explain all the sociological issues through biological evolution.96 Another article is from Lucien Levy-​Brühl, which was translated by Halil Nimetullah, titled “A Beginning,” discusses the issue of morality where the author claims that at the beginning Darwinian evolution theory is used by revolutionary ideologies because The Origin of Species was assumed suspect in terms of religious beliefs. Later on it was seen that natural selection, struggle for life, and inheritance of acquired characteristics’ arguments support aristocratic tradition rather than egalitarianism. Anglican priests do not see any contradiction between their beliefs and transformation.97 These articles that appeared in the university academic journals briefly reviewed in the preceding paragraphs show that the establishment of an academic tradition of modern university and the involvement of Darülfünun professors in current scientific developments in the West has created an environment of better understanding and comprehension of modern science through different articles. Meanwhile it urged scholars with Islamic backgrounds to create a milieu of harmonious relations between science and religion.

14.2 Modern Terminology An extensive volume of Ottoman scientific literature and standard terminology compiled in the premodern era prepared the grounds for the transfer of modern sciences. Various original works that, starting in the fourteenth century, were written or translated into Ottoman Turkish offered a significant precedent for the pioneers who ventured to introduce modern science to the Ottoman Empire and the Muslim world at large. These included works on mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and natural and applied sciences, which represented either the continuation of pre-​Ottoman Arabic scientific literature or the beginning of a translation movement from premodern European sources. By the nineteenth century, a new conviction emerged that what was actually needed was a new language to describe novel findings, inventions, and concepts from the modern sciences. Some of the most apparent examples of this new movement was the adoption of the nomenclature of newly discovered elements and the translation of new concepts of chemistry associated with the work of French chemist Antoine Lavoisier.

96. James George Frazer, “Aile ve Semiyyenin Menşeleri: Üçüncü Kısım,” Darülfünun İlahiyat Mecmuası 1(4) (November, 1926): 76–​79. 97. Levy Brühl, “Bir Başlangıç,” Darülfünun İlahiyat Mecmuası 6(25) (February, 1933): 33–​34.

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In the early stages of this translation movement, translators and scholars like Yahya Naci (d. 1824), Mustafa Behçet (d. 1834), and Ishak Efendi made the first attempts to translate the names of newly discovered elements. New Arabic expressions were adopted to match the technical lexicon of the new French chemistry. For instance, Lavoisier’s hydrogen, which literally meant “generating water,” was translated word-​for-​word into Ottoman Turkish as müvellid el-​ ma [Arabic:  muwallidu’l-​ma’]. Lavoisier had coined the word in 1783 by combining the Greek words hydro [water] and genos [producer] for the element he had discovered in 1766. Similarly, “oxygen,” discovered in 1772 and first named air vital by Lavoisier, was initially referred to by the Arabic equivalent of both words: hava-​yi hayati. When Lavoisier later renamed this new element as “oxygen” by combining the Greek word oxys [acid] —​literally meaning sharp as the taste of acid—​and genes [producer], a combination of two Arabic words equivalent to oxygen [müvellid-​ul humuza] was produced. A series of related terms were coined by following generations of scholars. The conversion of the teaching of medical sciences into the Turkish language served as the turning point in the enrichment of modern terminology in Ottoman Turkish. Previously, in the context of the reformation of medical education (1839), a decision was made to continue education in the French language with a view to rapidly meet the need for doctors in the country. This was particularly true of the military because of the paucity of available modern Turkish medical literature. However, by the 1860s, a discussion began about practicing and teaching medicine in Turkish. The earliest instance of this effort was among young graduates of the Medical School established by the Ottoman Medical Society [Cemiyet-​i Tıbbiye-​i Osmaniye] in 1857 to promote the idea of educating medical students in Turkish against the preferences of the Société Impériale de Médecine de Constantinople, the members of which were European and non-​ Muslim Ottoman doctors. In 1866, the state authorities opened the Civilian School of Medicine, offering education in the Turkish language. The teaching language at the Military School of Medicine continued to be French as it could not be changed immediately. However, by 1870 it was obvious that this school would not be adequate in providing for the countrywide need for doctors as only an average of seven students graduated every year, and the quality of education was not satisfactory. This institution had indeed not been able to meet expectations in spite of a high-​level budgetary allocation since its inception about thirty years earlier. As such, the Imperial School of Medicine [Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye-​i Şahane] switched to a Turkish institution in 1870, following some other reform measures in addition to the language. In spite of the decided opposition of European and non-​Muslim doctors to this switch, who accused the proponents of education in Turkish as “daydreamers”

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and considered it an awful decision for the future of military medicine in Turkey, young Ottoman doctors persisted in their commitment to the teaching of medicine in Turkish. Ultimately, the efforts of the reformers resulted in the introduction of Turkish instruction into the Military School of Medicine, as well as the expansion of Turkish medical terminology more broadly in the form of newly published Turkish medical compendia. A brief research into printed material in Ottoman medicine will reveal that many textbooks on various medical topics were published in the years following 1871. By far, the efforts of Turkish physicians led the way in advancing Turkish language instruction in the schools. There were individual and sporadic attempts on the part of others, but the physicians advocated for reform in an organized and continuous manner. Their concerted efforts set the groundwork for an intensive and systematic compilation of modern medical terminology. One of the crowning achievements of Turkish medical reform was the Cemiyet-​i Tıbbiye-​i Osmaniye’s preparation and publication of the Lugat-​i Tıbbiye [Medical Dictionary] in 1873. For three years, the editors of the dictionary scrupulously gathered and collated all relevant Turkish terms and expressions from medicine and its related scientific fields. This dictionary, prepared along the model of Nysten’s (1771–​1818) French Medical Dictionary, was later expanded prior to its second edition, published in 1900. The point of departure in the formulation of modern terminology has been the usage of classical Islamic literature of medicine. Previous translations of books written in various European languages into Ottoman Turkish also served this purpose. Naturally, the most significant difficulty was experienced in adopting the Turkish equivalents of new terms that appeared in Nysten’s dictionary, but were not available in classic Ottoman sources and dictionaries. Members of the Cemiyet-​i Tıbbiye-​i Osmaniye felt the need to be somewhat imaginative in innovating new terms of this nature. The procedure they chose to follow in such situations was to simulate the Europeans who generated new terms by combining classical Latin and Greek words reflecting one or two qualities of the newly discovered or invented matters. Thus they selected words from Arabic and Persian, the two languages that offered them a parallel option to Latin and Greek, and produced the new words needed. Nevertheless, some terms that were in common use in all European languages were adopted without changes. Initially they adopted the vocabulary already known at the time. When opinions differed, they tended to settle on one single word for the sake of uniformity. For the Arteria Maxima known in English as “aorta,” they used the word ebher after Ali Ibn Abbas Al-​Majusi (d. 994), preferring it to the word Al-​Aworty that Avicenna (980–​1037) used. As for already known human body organs, they used Turkish names and Arabic ones side by side, but when it came to coining

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compound names, they preferred the Arabic name. For example, they used both the Turkish ciger and the Arabic kebed for the “liver.” For some anatomical terms for which they could not find any equivalent in classical literature or could not coin new terms, they “Arabicized” them. For instance, for the Greek-​ based European terms “pancreas” and “prostate,” they transliterated directly into Turkish as pankreas and prostat. In producing compound names, they preferred the Arabic one. Hence, they derived a sizable number of related terms like insidad-​i kebed [hepatoemphraxis], iltihab-​i kebed [hepatitis], and shiryan kebedi [hepatic artery]. They coined numerous new terms, which no physician in classic Arabic, premodern, and modern Ottoman times had ever done.98 Thousands of new Turkish medical terms, some coming from the fields of botany, zoology, chemistry, or physics, some generated for the first time, others standardized from a variety of linguistic sources, were all put to use—​first in İstanbul, but soon throughout the entire empire. Furthermore, the same terms were used in the writing and translation of many textbooks studied at secondary and higher education schools. Such literature used by the Ottoman Turks and Moslems receiving education in Turkish in the Balkan regions was also adopted in the Arab provinces. The Damascus School of Medicine, which was established in 1903 as an extension of the İstanbul School of Medicine, continued operating in the newly formed Syrian State after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Practically the entirety of this compendium of terminology was put to use in modern Arabic and, as such, allowed the Damascus School to be the only medical school to offer a study of medicine in the Arabic language in the entire Arab world. The same terminology was used in the School of Medicine, established primarily under the guidance of Turkish professors in Kabul in 1932 and in the Persian textbooks they helped to produce. A significant part of this terminology is still in use in Syria and some Arab countries, in contradiction to present-​day Turkey. From the first attempt at the foundation of the Darülfünun to the closing of the Darülfünun and the opening of the University of İstanbul, a great deal of work was done in the enrichment and accumulation of modern Turkish scholarly literature and the coinage of related terminology. Works were produced on modern subjects that were unknown in the classical era; a number of works were composed or translated in scientific disciplines as well as in the humanities and

98.  For the history and process of creating a new medical dictionary see Osmanlıca Tıp Terimleri Sözlüğü, prepared by Ekrem Kadri Unat, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoğlu, and Suat Vural (Ankara: TTK, 2004); and for analytical account of Ottoman medical terms, see M. Haytham al-​Khayat, “The Ottoman Medical Terminology,” in Proceedings of International Congress on Learning and Education in the Ottoman World: İstanbul, 12–​15 April 1999, ed. Ali Çaksu (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2001), 175–​183.

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social sciences. Meanwhile, a considerable amount of research was started in these areas; thus, as far as modernization was concerned, the Turkish academic and scholarly language had been transformed into a language capable of expressing the most modern ideas and conceptions. In some fields, the attempts to create a modern terminology proved completely successful. In the beginning of the Republican era, the Darülfünun was accused of failing to support the linguistic revolution, a key element in the official ideology of the language reform movement. Ironically, the rich modern scientific, technical, and literary literature that had accumulated since the beginning of the last quarter of the eighteenth century became obsolete as a result of the zealous application of a linguistic cleansing process initiated by the new Republican regime. After this “reform” in language and the adoption of the Latin alphabet, access to this rich scholarly literature was impossible, and the younger generations could not benefit from it. Thus the radical changes brought about in terminology after 1933 impoverished modern Turkish in many ways. Even today, as a result of the reform movement of the 1920s and’ 1930s, scholars continue to face difficulties in composing works in Turkish or in translating works from foreign languages into its modern form.

15  The Birth and Evolution of the Concept and Tradition of Academic Research Research activities were not entirely alien to Ottoman modern academic life. They were conducted in modern civilian and military educational institutions in various forms. However, the foundation of a research institution like the Darülfünun was a necessary prerequisite before a tradition of systematic inquiry, experimentation, and revision of accepted theories and laws could come into being. This was a development that demanded one of the longest processes in the history of the Darülfünun. The question of research was not a central concern in the first Regulations and assumed a serious dimension only in the Second Constitution period. At an early stage of the Darülfünun, the teachers concentrated their attention on teaching and instruction; it was only later that they began to engage in research and related activities. The students were obliged to conduct research for the production of their graduation theses and as a support for their postgraduate studies. At the same time, they began to take part in learned congresses abroad, where they would present the results of their scholarly research. Here an attempt is made to treat the subject of research and investigation in the Darülfünun as far as possible in its general outlines. Naturally, a more detailed examination of the history of the faculties and the academic literature related to their various branches will complete our information on the subject.

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The gradual emergence of a clear conception of a modern university was combined with the development of research activities. This attitude first appeared in the 1869 Regulations that referred to the opening of institutions within the Darülfünun forming the essential infrastructure of research, such as laboratories, museums, libraries, and numismatic collections. In time, it was envisaged that substantial facilities such as space and materials would be supplied to conduct researches for graduation and teaching diploma [müderrislik] dissertations. In examining the items in the Regulations, we find that two different theses were required for graduation and teaching. The first of these was a dissertation [müsvedde-​draft] written by a student who had succeeded in the graduation examination on a topic chosen by his department. If the department head accepted this dissertation, a number of copies would be reproduced and distributed to the department teachers who formed the Examination Board. The student would then take an oral examination, and he would be questioned on his dissertation. If he succeeded in this exam, he would be considered a graduate and awarded the graduation diploma. The second would be a dissertation on a scholarly subject as preparation to be appointed as a teacher [müderris]. According to Article 106 of the Regulations, a student who had won the graduation diploma in what we might call this postgraduate exercise had the right to continue for a further year in the Darülfünun. If he succeeded in the examinations and produced a dissertation on a scholarly subject [mesele-​i ilmiye] that was duly accepted, he had the right to take the “teaching” diploma. This is the first time reference was made to research in the Ottoman academic rules and regulations. In the Regulations no explicit reference is made to scientific disciplines or scholarly subjects of the dissertations. However, the founding of laboratories, a museum of natural sciences, as well as collections of ancient objects and coins show that attention had been given to different disciplines (Regulations Article 128). In view of the failure of realizing the necessary conditions and the various difficulties encountered, the Darülfünun-​i Osmanî, which had been founded shortly after the promulgation of the Regulations, was now closed down, with the result that this initiative proved to be of very short duration. The Regulations of the Schools of Law and Civil Engineering that operated from 1874 to 1882 under the name of Darülfünun-​i Sultanî mention the possibility of the voluntary presentation of a postgraduate thesis. According to Article 14 of the Regulations students who, after four years’ study, succeeded in the oral and written graduation examinations could, if they so desired, prepare a thesis [risale-​treatise]99 on a scholarly subject. 99. In the French text the word, “thèse” was used. See Sawas Pasha (prep.), Université Impériale Ottomane, Règlement et Programme, 61.

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They would then proceed to present a defense of the thesis, in question-​and-​ answer form, before a board consisting of the department head and professors presided over by the minister of education. If successful, the candidate would receive the title of “doctor.” With the change of the affiliation of the School of Civil Engineering, which was integrated into the Military School of Engineering, there was no requirement for a dissertation. However, students of the School of Law, which was attached to the Ministry of Justice, had to present research and commentary on a study forming the basis of an examination by a committee composed of the teachers as well as a graduation thesis [layiha-​memorandum]. The thesis was to be based on research and investigation on the application of the law decrees. With regard to the defense of this thesis, a sufficient number of copies of the thesis were to be produced and distributed by the director to the examiners. If, after examining the thesis, the committee should find it acceptable, they could then consider the manner of its presentation. If the student gave satisfactory answers to questions regarding the thesis, he gained the right to a graduation certificate. The minister of justice, the examiners, the director of the school, and the teachers then signed the certificate. At these early stages of initiating research activities at the Darülfünun, it is clear that European nomenclature for a dissertation, for example, “doctor,” as well as appellations used in classic Ottoman scholarship like risale [treatise], müsvedde [draft], or layiha [memorandum] were used interchangeably. The preparation of dissertations again became an official obligation for the Faculties after the successful foundation of the Darülfünun in 1900. The student entering the graduation exam prepared a thesis on a scholarly or scientific subject. This state of affairs continued in similar fashion during the Second Constitution. The reforms introduced in the curricula and pedagogy during Emrullah Efendi`s period of office as minister of education were accompanied by the foundation of laboratories, libraries, and museums as essential elements and functions of a university. Considerable progress was made in the establishment of research and investigation tradition in the Darülfünun as regards both theory and practice following the arrival of a group of German teachers. This progress continued, with some ups and downs, until the 1933 University Reform. The most important contribution made by the German teachers to the Ottoman Darülfünun in the field of research and investigation consisted of the institutes [darülmesailer] established under the directorship of these teachers. Each member of the German teaching faculty furthered research and investigation in these institutes, for which all expenses were provided by the Ottoman administration. Some of these institutes were closed down or temporarily suspended in 1918 when the German teachers

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returned to their country, but some continued their activities. One of these was the Chemistry Institute founded by Fritz Arndt. The Geography and Geology Institutes also continued functioning. Although the efforts to restore the Darülfünun to its former situation after the departure of the German teachers in 1918 were partly successful, the new legal arrangements that had been prepared during their stay were completed only after their departure. The participation of the German teachers in the preparation of the 1919 Regulations may be regarded as one of their most valuable contributions. According to the 1919 Regulations, the Darülfünun was thought of as a European university in the modern sense, having academic autonomy and a curriculum in line with the semester system, in which every professional group was provided with a chair. The students were required to pursue graduation [icazet] and doctorate [ruus] diplomas, while the members of the teaching staff were required to conduct scholarly research. According to Article 15 of the Regulation, a teacher had to be a graduate of a university, knowledgeable in a foreign language, had accepted teaching as a career, was capable of teaching the subjects assigned to him, and had qualities to engage in and travel for scholarly research. The student handbook for the academic year 1921–​1922 contains a section with eight articles under the heading “Doctorate Examination Conditions.” According to these, entrants in the doctorate examination in the Faculty of Arts had to be graduates from that faculty.100 The student had to prepare a thesis on a chosen topic under the supervision of a professor of his choice and to defend the thesis before a jury. Students who chose a subject from a foreign literature were obliged to present their thesis and its defense in both Turkish and the language of the thesis. The acceptance of the subject would be decided by majority vote. The defense of the thesis would be conducted before a jury presided over by the supervising professor. The defense would take place on a prearranged date and in public. The minister of education and the whole of the Darülfünun teaching faculty would be officially invited. A  candidate who failed in the examination could retake the examination only after an interval of three years. The final article in this section concerned the granting of the degree of honorary doctorate. This article stipulated, “Faculty of Arts may grant an honorary doctorate to individuals

100.  According to Article 11 of the “İstanbul Darülfünun Faculty of Arts Regulations of Instruction and Examinations” [İstanbul Darülfünunu Edebiyat Fakültesi Tedrisat ve İmtihanlar Talimatnamesi], in the case of graduates of foreign universities an exception can be made on the decision of the Faculty Board. İstanbul Darülfünunu Talebe Rehberi: 1928–​1929 Sene-​i Dersiyesi (İstanbul: Yeni Matbaa, 1928), 152.

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who have produced works of particular excellence or paid outstanding service to learning.”101 The rules and regulations governing the granting of doctorate degrees that came into operation on September 29, 1921, remained unchanged for many years. In 1921, the first examples of graduation theses, an essential part of university activities, based on research, investigation, and translation, appeared.102 The first graduation thesis prepared by Hasan Âli (Yücel) from the Department of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts entitled “Body and Soul” [“Ruh ve Beden”] was presented in 1921. It was followed by the thesis of Reşad, a student from the Department of Philosophy, titled “Kant:  Life and Intellectual Evolution” [“Kant:  Hayatı ve Tekâmül-​i Zihnisi”], and in 1924 by Abdülmalik’s thesis titled “Schopenhauer`s Pessimism:  Its Nature and Source” [“Schopenhauer Bedbinisinin Mahiyet ve Menşe’i”]. Theses were prepared from 1923 onward in the Departments of History, Arts, and Geography. One of the first PhD theses in the Department of Arts was “The Tale of Leyla and Mejnun in Islamic Literature” [“İslam Edebiyatında Leyla vü Mecnun Mesnevisi”] by Ali Nihad (Tarlan, 1898–​ 1978), which was accepted in 1922. Ali Nihad was the first person to receive the doctorate degree for literature in Turkey. One of the first theses to emerge from the Department of History was the thesis translated by Gasprinski Mansur Cevdet from Russian entitled “Tavrida’s Past” [“Tavrida’nın Mazisi”], a work by Yulian Kulakovski (1855–​1919), one of the professors at the University of Kiev. It was accepted on April 25, 1925. The question of the doctorate also comes up clearly in the 1924 İstanbul Darülfünunu Instructions [İstanbul Darülfünunu Talimatnamesi]. According to Article 3, instruction in the Law, Arts, and Science Faculties is in two stages, and graduates may apply for a doctorate if they so desire. In the Faculty of Medicine, instruction is in a single stage ending in a doctorate. As before, each faculty will make its own decisions regarding conditions regulating graduation and doctorates. No graduation theses were prepared in the Faculty of Science in this period; it seems that the first doctorate theses in science appeared in 1934.103

101. Darülfünun-​i Osmanî Talebe Rehberi: 1337–​1338 Sene-​i Dersiyesine Aittir (İstanbul: Matbaa-​ i Âmire, 1337/​1921), 55–​56. 102.  For the first theses in the Faculty of Arts see İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tezleri (1920–​1946), ed. Oktay Aslanapa (İstanbul: İslâm Tarih, Sanat ve Kültürünü Araştırma Vakfı-​İSAR,  2004). 103.  Sevtap İshakoğlu-​Kadıoğlu, İstanbul Üniversitesi Fen Fakültesi Tarihçesi:  1900–​ 1946 (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Bilim Tarihi Müzesi ve Dokümantasyon Merkezi, 1998).

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15.1  The First Contacts With Foreign Universities As research and investigation activities were systematized in parallel with graduate and postgraduate courses, at the same time, arrangements were made for the development of relations with foreign universities: an exchange of teachers and students, participation of Darülfünun teachers in international academic congresses, and taking part in the elections of international academies. Scholarly trips to Europe were regarded as of great importance, and arrangements were made for visits by Darülfünun teachers and students to various European universities. The first of these visits by Darülfünun students was to the University of Bucharest in 1910 in reciprocity for a visit Romanian students made to İstanbul in 1907.104 An attempt was also made to further relations with various foreign universities by student exchange and in 1931, an agreement was made with Leipzig University by which one student would be sent to Leipzig from the Law Faculty and a geography student from Leipzig would be sent to İstanbul. Another proposal of this sort was received from the University of Bucharest in 1933. The proposal was duly considered and the answer sent to the Rumanian government through the Ministry of Education. In 1924, the Darülfünun formed a commission composed of İbrahim Hakkı Bey, Cemil Bey, and Macid Bey to further relations between the Darülfünun and foreign universities. This commission, in addition to making contact with certain other universities, sent a circular to all the universities in Europe with a view to establishing academic relations with them. The circular announced that they intended to send all Darülfünun publications to the foreign universities, and they hoped that the foreign universities would respond in the same way. They received a positive response from some of the universities and the rector’s office contacted these universities through the commission.105 The rector’s office also decided to have a work prepared in French giving some details about the Darülfünun. The increase in the importance given to relations with European universities, to be observed more particularly after the Proclamation of the Republic, led the Darülfünun not only to arrange foreign visits for its own students, but also to arrange visits of foreign teachers and students to İstanbul as guests of the

104.  “Well aware of the great benefits of these excursions from every point of view, the Darülfünun administrators arranged a trip to Bucharest as the first of a series of such trips. Both present undergraduates and graduates can take part in this trip. It will last for a week.” Tanin, no. 662, 28 Jumada II 1328/​22 June 1326 ( June 5, 1910). 105. Akşam, no. 2.115, 29 August 1340 /​ 1929.

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university. In 1929, a group of 105 students from an American university visited the Darülfünun, and in June 1930, a group of 17 women and 5 men from the Belgrade University Geography Student Association visited İstanbul under the leadership of Professor Milojevic, director of the Belgrade University Geography Institute.106 They were on an investigative tour of the Balkans, arrived in İstanbul, and returned through Bulgaria. İstanbul Darülfünun offered all possible assistance to the guests. The members of the group carried out investigations into the formation of the İstanbul Bosphorus and the tectonic structure of certain areas in the vicinity, and visited the Darülfünun.107 From 1925 onward, a certain amount was set aside in the budget for the development of relations with foreign universities and for the participation of members of the Darülfünun in congresses and in ceremonies held in foreign universities.108 Thus, Darülfünun teachers attended a large number of international academic congresses. For example, it was decided that Ali Haydar Bey (Taner) should be sent to Prague for a Teachers Congress, and he should be issued with a diplomatic passport.109 In addition, Ministry of Education’s request to grant a diplomatic passport to Malik Bey (Sayar) who would represent the Darülfünun at the International Geology Congress that was to meet in Madrid on May 1926 was accepted. Ali Vehbi Bey (Türküstün), director of the Darülfünun Zoology Institute, attended the 10th International Zoology Congress in Budapest in 1927. Vehbi Bey delivered a paper in which he presented his views on the zoos, zoological museums, and stations that he visited in Bucharest, Sofia, and Budapest. He published his observations in the Journal of the Faculty of Science, and ended his article, writing, “These people have worked very hard. As for ourselves, up to now we have been fast asleep. We call upon our government to ensure our progress.” Vehbi Bey went on to suggest on to suggest an increase in the amount of money assigned from the Darülfünun budget to participation in congresses and in the number of Turkish scholars attending these.110 106. Arslan, Darülfünun’dan Üniversite’ye, 149. 107.  For more information on this research trip by the group of geography students from Yugoslavia to the Darülfünun, see Darülfünun Edebiyat Fakültesi Mecmuası 7, no.  4 ( July-​ September, 1930): 303–​319. 108. Allocations for congresses: 1925 and 1926, 4500 Liras; 1927, 4000 Liras, and 1928, 8000 Liras. From 1931 onward, this expenditure was shown as part of the Darülfünun general expenditure. 109. BCA, 30.18.1.1/​7.28.5. 110.  Ali Vehbi, “Peşte’de İctima Eden Beynelmilel Hayvanat Kongresi’ne Dair Rapor,” Darülfünun Fen Fakültesi Mecmuası 5, no. 1 (Teşrinievvel-​Teşrinisani, 1927): 460–​471.

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A number of Darülfünun teachers attended congresses abroad while others received awards from various foreign institutions. Fuad Köprülü, who was dean of the Faculty of Arts and had produced several scholarly works, headed these. From 1923 onward, his name was to crop up in various international congresses and Western research organizations. In 1923, Köprülü was invited to the History of Religions Congress in Paris. In 1925, Köprülü participated in the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Soviet Academy of Sciences at their invitation. Subsequently, he was awarded a corresponding membership in the Soviet Academy of Sciences for his research and services to Turkology. In 1926, he attended the International Turkology Congress in Baku, and in 1927 he was awarded an honorary PhD degree by Heidelberg University for his services to learning. In 1928, he attended the Oxford Orientalist Congress, in 1929 the London History of Religions Congress and the Kharkov Orientalist Congress. In the same year, he was chosen a member of the Czechoslovakian Oriental Institute, and, in 1930, a member of the German Archaeological Society. Köprülü subsequently attended several international congresses and became a member of a number of academic associations.111 In 1931, Ahmed Reşid (Turnagil), professor of international law, was appointed an honorary member of the Rumanian Institute of Administrative Sciences under the aegis of the king of Rumania. Müslihiddin Adil (Taylan) was the first Turk to be chosen permanent member of the Brussels International Institute of Administration.112 Halil Halid Bey (Çerkeşşeyhizâde) was another professor at the Darülfünun whose name was well known abroad. He was the first Turk to hold a teaching post at Cambridge University. The American International Educational Institute invited him to America in 1929. This invitation from an institution that invited distinguished professors and personalities to give lectures in American schools each year was regarded as a very useful means of publicity, and he was given 1500 Liras to cover his travel expenses.113

15.2  Domestic Research Trips Domestic research trips made in the field of geography and some other disciplines hold a significant place in starting and developing the tradition of research. An allocation was made in the Darülfünun budget for Geography Institute study trips. 111. Ömer Faruk Akün, “Mehmed Fuad Köprülü,” Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi 28 (2003): 477. 112. Arslan, Darülfünun’dan Üniversite’ye, 145–​146. 113.  For the relevant documents concerning Halil Halid Bey’s invitation see BCA, no. 200.362.10.

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As a result, the Geography Institute arranged a number of field excursions and “research trips” and published some of the results in the Darülfünun journals. In 1929 and 1930 a similar allocation was made in the budget of the Faculty of Science. In the Faculty of Medicine after the foundation of the Anthropology Research Center in 1926, a certain amount was set aside in the budget for field and research trips. İbrahim Hakkı (Akyol) and Ernest Chaput, both professors in the Darülfünun, arranged a number of research trips that resulted in the production of a geological map of the İzmir and Ankara regions. At the same time, a number of official initiatives were undertaken under government sponsorship to create a more systematic approach to geological research. In 1929 a 1/​50,000-​scale topographic map was produced by the Geography Institute on the basis of the information Ernest Chaput and İbrahim Hakkı (Akyol) gathered in the course of this research trip. The results of this fifteen-​day research trip were published in the Journal of the Faculty of Arts under the heading “Research Into the Structure of İzmir Region.”114 In a subsequent number of this journal, an article prepared jointly by Ernest Chaput and İbrahim Hakkı (Akyol) appeared under the heading “Circulation of the Waters in the Vicinity of Ankara and Their Utilization.” This scientific article gave details of the rainfall, evaporation, springs, and underground waters near Ankara.115 The Journal of the Faculty of Science published the results of geological researches carried out in various parts of the country. In 1916 the German scholar Dr. Walter Penck published the results of geological investigations covering an area of fifteen kilometers in the Gallipoli peninsula.116 In 1927 Raymond Hovasse, who had arrived in İstanbul in 1926 as a teacher of zoology in accordance with a cultural agreement with France, published the results of a geological investigation in the Yarımburgaz Cavern to the north of Küçükçekmece Lake in the same journal. In 1928, Ali Vehbi and Hovasse undertook research trips to collect examples of animal species in the İzmit, Bilecik, and Bursa areas. The report of the trip was published in the Journal of the Faculty of Science under the title of “Explanatory Report on the Observations Resulting From a Scientific Investigation Carried

114. Ernest Chaput and İbrahim Hakkı, “İzmir Civarının Bünyesine Ait Tedkikler,” Darülfünun Edebiyat Fakültesi Mecmuası 7, no. 3 (April, 1930): 161–​183. 115. Ernest Chaput and İbrahim Hakkı, “Ankara Civarında Suların Cereyanına ve Onlardan İstifadeye Dair,” Darülfünun Edebiyat Fakültesi Mecmuası 7, no. 4 ( July–​ September, 1930): 241–​251. 116.  Walter Penck, “Çanakkale Mesele-​i Jeolojisi ve Türkiye’nin Muntazam Bir Tedkik-​i Ehemmiyât-​ı İktisadiyesi,” Darülfünun Fünun Fakültesi Mecmuası 1, no. 3 (August 1332/​ 1916): 167–​203.

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Out in Anatolia on Behalf of the Darülfünun During the 1928 Vacation.”117 Most probably this was the first time that a scholarly trip was undertaken for the identification of animal species in the history of the Darülfünun.

15.3  Research and Studies Published Abroad The publication of scholarly works by members of the teaching faculty provided great encouragement to the development of academic research in the Darülfünun and made an important contribution to the formation of a modern scholarly technical literature. Each faculty produced periodicals devoted to their own particular discipline, and the money set aside for this was also used in the publication of textbooks.118 Libraries were opened in the faculties in addition to the Darülfünun central library. An allocation was made from the budget toward the enrichment of these libraries and an increase in the familiarity with foreign publications.119 Publication of scholarly works by members of the teaching faculty was not confined to domestic journals. Articles by a number of distinguished scholars were also published in foreign journals and periodicals. In a book on mathematics published in the West, references were made to a work by Mehmed Nadir (1856–​1927), who had taught accountancy in the Darülfünun for Girls and had been later appointed to the chair of statistics (1919). Solutions by Mehmed Nadir to a number of mathematical problems were published in L`Intermédiaire des mathématiciens (1910–​1914). Mehmed Nadir also prepared a textbook on statistical theory based on his lectures at the Darülfünun.120

117. Ali Vehbe and Raymond Hovasse, “1928 Senesi Tatilinde Darülfünun Namına Anadolu`da Yapılan Seyahat-​i Fenniye Hakkında Müşahedat ve Tedkikatımızı Mübeyyin Rapordur,” Fen Fakültesi Mecmuası 6, no. 2 (1929): 769–​786. 118.  From 1925 onward, money would be set aside for the payment of original work in the journals published by the faculties. At first issued under the headings “inspection, research, promotion and scientific research” [“tetkikat, taharriyat, teşvik and tetebbuat-​ı ilmiye”] in 1927 expenditure began to be presented as a separate entry in the faculty budgets. In the Science, Arts and Divinity Faculties this varied between 500 and 2000 Liras. In the Faculty of Law it was 3000 Liras, and in the Faculty of Medicine it was between 5000 and 9000 Liras. From 1928 onward, the sums allocated to the Faculties of Science and Law were entered as student aid. 119. In 1927 and 1928 the annual sums allocated to the installation of the library and the purchase of books amounted to 500–​1500 Liras to the Faculty of Arts, 2000–​2500 Liras to the Faculty of Science, 500–​2000 Liras to the Faculty of Divinity, and 500 to the Faculty of Law. In the Faculty of Medicine, it fell from 6000 Liras in 1927–​1929 to 4000 Liras in 1930. 120. For Mehmed Nadir and his works see Erdal İnönü, Mehmed Nadir: Bir Eğitim ve Bilim Öncüsü (Ankara:  Türkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Araştırma Kurumu-​TÜBİTAK, 1997); İhsanoğlu, Şeşen, and İzgi, Osmanlı Matematik Literatürü Tarihi, vol. 2, no. 382 (hereafter referred to as OMLT).

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The results of research into the Yalova Spa waters carried out by Faculty of Science teachers Michel Failleben, Cevad Mazhar, Ligor, and İlhami (Civaoğlu) were published in the Journal of the Faculty of Science under the title of “Investigation into the Yalova Spa Waters” [“Yalova Kaplıca Suları Tetkiki”]. It was submitted to the Collège de France Institut de Climatologie et d`Hydrologie, and published in the Annales de l`Institut d`Hydrologie et de Climatologie. Several articles by chemistry professor Ligor that came out in the Journal of the Faculty of Science were also published in various European journals. Articles by İsmail Hakkı Bey, zoology professor in the Faculty of Medicine, appeared in foreign publications. In 1931, Ahmed Malik (Sayar) and Hamid Nafiz (Pamir) were sent to Europe to give details of the elephant fossil discovered in the course of investigations carried out by the Faculty of Science Geology Institute and to compare specimens from various parts of the world. Because of the investigations carried out by two teachers chosen as members of the French Archaeological Society, it was decided that the report should be published in the journal entitled Société Géologique de France. Articles by members of the Faculty of Science Ömer Şevket (Öncel), Ali Vehbi (Türküstün), and Refik (Fenmen) were also published abroad.121 The research conducted by the professors of the Faculty of Medicine, which had an old established academic tradition, was the first to be acknowledged and published in Western journals. For example, Professor Dr. Âkil Muhtar (Özden), one of the most important contributors to the development of modern pharmacology in Turkey, worked on the subject of “guinea pig dorsal skin reflex.” It was known as “Muhtar’s Reflex” and was used to evaluate the biological effects of local anesthetics. This study was published in the Journal of the Paris Biological Society in 1908. His findings were later referred to as “Reflex Moukhtar” in a number of books, and medical journals and several learned articles by Âkil Muhtar appeared in a number of European medical periodicals.122 Celaleddin Muhtar (Özden) Bey was elected corresponding member of the French Dermatology and Syphilography Association on March 10, 1892, and participated in the First Dermatology Congress in Paris on August 5–​10, 1889. He translated a number of articles by Dr. Alfred Fournier (1832–​1914), a member of the French Academy of Medicine and a teacher of dermatology and venereal diseases, and published numerous studies in foreign languages.

121. For the work carried out by teachers in the Science Faculty see İhsanoğlu, Şeşen, and İzgi, Osmanlı Matematik Literatürü Tarihi; E. İhsanoğlu et  al., Osmanlı Astronomi Literatürü Tarihi, 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 1997); E. İhsanoğlu et al., Osmanlı Tabii ve Tatbiki Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi, 2 vols. (İstanbul: IRCICA, 2006). 122. See İhsanoğlu et al., Osmanlı Tıbbi Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi.

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Kemal Cenap (Berksoy), who took over the chair of physiology after the death of Şakir Pasha, was a scholar of international renown. He carried out experimental research on the stomach and intestines, the pancreas, the heart, and the circulation of the blood, and published a large number of articles in German and French. He continued his work in the university after the 1933 University Reform, and, in 1935, submitted a paper at the International Physiology Congress in Leningrad on his findings on the subject of the gastro-​duodenal reflex. He also carried out important work in presenting knowledge of the hormone “secretion” to a world audience. In a work on heart physiology, he put forward the theory of the “Atrial Natriuretic Factor” of which a practical proof was presented in the 1990s; he himself proved the existence of the heart hormone more clearly in his experimental work. Hamdi Suat (Aknar) introduced the teaching of pathology and ensured the founding of the Laboratory of Pathological Anatomy in the Faculty of Medicine. He submitted papers at various international congresses and published thirty-​ nine original articles in French and German.123 Professor Dr. Hasan Reşad Sığındım was another Turkish doctor who won renown in the field of international medicine. After working in schools of medicine in Damascus and Beirut he taught first in the İstanbul Darülfünun and then in the Faculty of Medicine in Kabul. In 1913, he made his name, along with Schilling, with the identification of “monociter leukaemia.” This term entered medical literature with the publication of an article in Issue 36 of the Münchener Medizinische Wochenschrift. Sığındım`s discovery entered medical literature as” Reschad-​Schilling type leukemia.” Professor Hulusi Behçet was another specialist in medicine who entered medical literature with a disease he had identified and designated by his name “Behçet’s disease or syndrome.” He identified this disease after 1933 when he taught at the Darülfünun. Articles he wrote on this subject were published in international medical journals. All this goes to show that the concept and tradition of systematic research and investigation, which were not rooted in the traditional Ottoman educational system or in modern institutions of higher education other than the Darülfünun, gradually took root in the Darülfünun, and the process was a long one. During its first foundation, the Darülfünun was regarded as an institution for the training

123.  For a list of works by Hamdi Suat Aknar in French and German see Emine Atabek, “Gülhane İç Hastalıkları Klinikleri ve Hamdi Suat Aknar,” in Türk-​Alman Tıbbî İlişkileri Simpozyum Bildirileri (18–​19 Ekim 1976-​İstanbul), prep. Arslan Terzioğlu (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi, 1981), 55–​69.

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of individuals with sufficient knowledge and information to make them suitable for service in the state bureaucracy. In other words, to create “enlightened civil servants.” By the year 1933, when the Darülfünun was shut down, there arose the concept of an international, modern university with a teaching faculty whose members would conduct research and investigation. It would publish results on the model of modern European universities, submit papers at international congresses, publish articles in foreign languages, and belong as members to international professional and scholarly associations. The simultaneous introduction of graduate and postgraduate theses in Darülfünun education, the foundation of institutions facilitating research and investigation such as libraries, laboratories, and museums, the development of academic institutions such as university institutes, and teacher and student exchange between the Darülfünun and foreign universities were all intimately connected to a multifaceted development process. All these arose from a parallel and simultaneous process that proceeded from 1900 to 1933; first on a small scale and then, after 1908, on a gradually rising scale.

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PART III

The Legacy of Darülfünun

16  Spread of University Education in the Provinces While important steps were taken in opening modern educational institutions at primary and secondary levels in various provinces of the empire in line with the 1869 Public Education Regulations, there was an increase in the proliferation of vocational institutions on a secondary level. Under Abdülhamid II, there was also interest in the foundation of the higher-​level institutions in the provinces. The greatest need was felt for the opening of schools of law and medicine in order to train the qualified personnel required for staffing the bureaucracy of a modernizing state, a modern judicial system, and the modern hospitals that were springing up throughout the empire. A proposal that was prepared and discussed at the Privy Council [Meclis-​i Mahsus] was presented to the sultan in 1880, stressing the need for the opening of law schools in Kosovo, Salonica, and Syria.1 Later in 1897, the opening of medical schools in provincial centers such as Bursa, İzmir, Aleppo or Damascus, Salonica, Antep, and Diyarbakır came on the agenda. Apparently, in selecting the centers for the establishment of schools of medicine, attention was given to places where foreign doctors were organizing missionary activities, and there were health services attached to foreign states, whose influence on the Ottoman public was becoming increasingly apparent. However, as Grand Vizier Said Pasha pointed out, the scarce availability of financial sources and insufficient number of idadî graduates delayed the implementation of these plans.

1. For the Ministry of Education memorandum and petition of 20 Muharram 1297 ( January 2, 1880) and the Imperial Rescript of 21 Muharram 1297 ( January 3, 1880) see BOA, İrade-​ Dâhiliye, file 797, document no. 64.624.

The House of Sciences: The First Modern University in the Muslim World. Ekmeleddİn İhsanoğlu, Oxford University Press (2019). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190051556.003.0003

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16.1  Damascus Faculty of Medicine The first institution of higher education to enter into operation outside İstanbul during the reign of Abdülhamid II was the Damascus Faculty of Medicine. It was founded in the capital of the province of Syria in 1903 and continued to function until 1918.2 The Damascus Faculty of Medicine is an excellent example of the remarkable development and enterprise to be found in the field of modernizing education and health services in the Ottoman Empire at the provincial level at the beginning of the twentieth century. Supervision of the foundation of the school was entrusted to General Dr. Feyzi Pasha as the head of the school. He had been temporarily appointed as head of a committee entrusted with putting an end to an epidemic of cholera that was raging at that time in Damascus. Later, in November 1903, Dr. Memduh Bey was appointed head. The choice and appointment of the teachers to the first class were of great importance; with this in mind, a competition was organized on July 20, 1903. At around the same time it was announced that the inhabitants of the country towns and villages who wished to register in the school should apply to the school in person. The teaching cadre was completed toward the end of 1903, and the school embarked upon the teaching of medicine under excellent conditions. The Damascus Faculty of Medicine opened with an imposing ceremony under the direction of Feyzi Pasha on September 1, 1903, which happened to coincide with the anniversary of the twenty-​fifth accession of Abdülhamid II. Following the opening of the Damascus Faculty of Medicine in the Ziver Pasha Mansion, courses in physics and geology began on October 14. Twenty-​ five students, fifteen from the medical department and ten from the pharmacy, attended the first classes. In 1906, at the end of three years of instruction, there was a great increase in the number of students, with a rise from 25 to 102. In the general exams carried out in July 1906, of the 102 students who took part, 56 belonged to various grades of the medical section and 46 to the pharmaceutical. On the completion of the new building in 1914, teaching activities continued in the new premises (see Figure 8). Teaching in the Damascus Faculty of Medicine, however, was suspended at the outbreak of the First World War, when teachers employed in the Faculty were enlisted in the armed forces and sent to various parts of the front. The Ministry of Education handed over the

2.  Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Suriye’de Modern Osmanlı Sağlık Müesseseleri:  Hastahaneler ve Şam Tıp Fakültesi (Ankara:  Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1999), 35–​62.. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun:  Osmanlı’da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 2010), vol. 2, 737–​742.

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Figure 8.  Darülfünun Medical School at Damascus.

whole responsibility for the administration of the Damascus Faculty of Medicine to the Ministry of War. Later, in order to meet the need of the army for qualified doctors, the Damascus Faculty of Medicine was transferred to Beirut, where it continued to function in the old French Faculty of Medicine building, and teachers in the Damascus Faculty of Medicine who had been enlisted in the army were discharged to resume their teaching of medicine in Beirut. The Faculty, however, was finally closed upon the occupation of the city by Allied forces on October 4, 1918. Throughout the sixteen years of medical instruction in the Damascus Faculty of Medicine the courses were open to all young men from Damascus or any other province, whether Ottoman or foreign, and without regard for sect or religion for an annual fee of 1.5 Ottoman Liras. During this period, the school produced a total of 529 doctors and pharmacists in the service of the local community. The dedicated efforts of the administrators and teachers in the Damascus Faculty of Medicine, the expenses of which were borne by the state, resulted in the foundation in a province far from İstanbul of a medical school comparable in quality with schools of medicine in foreign countries. At the same time, the influence exerted by the medical education offered by the Damascus Faculty of Medicine in the region resulted in the foundation of a scholarly tradition that has persisted to the present day. Forced to suspend its operations

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on the occupation of Beirut in 1918 the school has survived in the form of the Damascus University Faculty of Medicine in its original location, thanks to the outstanding cadre of doctors it produced. While, at the present day, medical training elsewhere in the Arab world is carried on exclusively in English or French, instruction in the Damascus Faculty of Medicine is carried on in the native language of Arabic. As explained in Suriye’de Modern Osmanlı Sağlık Müesseseleri, this was the result of Ottoman medical education and the wealth of a rich Ottoman medical terminology based on the common linguistic resources of Islamic scientific literature.

16.2 Law Schools In the last years of Abdülhamid II’s reign, the question of opening law schools in each of the three provinces—​Rumelian (European), Anatolian, and Arab—​ arose once again. They would supplement the İstanbul Law School in meeting the ever-​increasing demand for judges, prosecutors, and general attorneys. The idea behind the choice of an important city in the three provinces, like Salonica in Rumelia, Konya in Anatolia, and Aleppo in the Arab province, for the foundation of a law school brought with it the great advantage of having personnel who would be familiar with the local language and traditions and would be accustomed to the local climatic and environmental conditions.3 This new enterprise was successful because of the developments made in the field of education for a quarter of a century. It was decided that students who graduated with a certificate from the local sultanî and idadî schools, as well as other Muslim and non-​Muslim schools, would have the benefit of the same admission and registration conditions as those at the İstanbul School of Law. Again, its graduates should enjoy the same rights and privileges as the graduates of the İstanbul School of Law.4 A portion of the allocation from the state budget assigned to the Ministry of Education was to be allotted to these provincial law schools.5

3. BOA, DH-​İD. 26-​1/​74. 4. Sabah, no. 6.450 (September 15, 1907): 1, cols. 2–​3. 5. Allocations of a sum of 656,400 Kurush for salaries and 22,000 Kurush for expenses were made from the 1910 budget from a total of 678,400 Kurush; as this was assigned to the provincial law schools as a whole, no indication is given as to how much was allocated to the Salonica Law School in particular. In 1911, 262,800 Kurush were allotted to the Salonica Law School for salaries, and 37.400 Kurush for expenses, making 300,200. In 1912, the allocation was reduced to 298,800 Kurush. As the same budget of the previous year was applied in the year 1913, its budget was not shown.

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16.3  Salonica Law School The first of the law schools included in the proposal was opened in Salonica. In September 1907 a notice appeared in the newspapers that graduates with a certificate from the local sultanî or idadî schools could apply to the Law School to be opened in a section of the Salonica İdadî School building and that teaching operations were planned to begin that year.6 It was decided that judiciary personnel who could not enter the school because of the lack of an idadî diploma should be given law courses in Government House.7 Law courses were opened in similar fashion in the Palace of Justice building in Skopje, the capital of Kosovo province.8 The Salonica Law School curriculum conformed to that of the İstanbul Law School, but French lessons were not included in the program.9 Azmi Bey, one of the Ministry of Education inspectors, was appointed head of the Salonica Law School. Inspecting the school prior to its opening, Azmi Bey declared the section of the Salonica İdadî School that was proposed to house the classes was inadequate and unsuitable for the law courses proposed, and suggested that a mansion should be rented to house the school.10 Of the students applying and enrolling on October 1, 1907, those who had idadî certificates were accepted without examination, while the others were obliged to enter exams in Turkish composition, Arabic grammar and syntax, logic, geography, and Ottoman history. The administration planned for the students who passed the week-​long October examinations to enroll in the school and begin their studies on November 10. Similarly, the teachers, who were to teach the lessons indicated in the curriculum, were selected from İstanbul and from among the local specialists. Eighty students would be accepted to the school after the results of the entrance examinations; however, on the first day, sixty-​four idadî graduates were accepted without an examination and twenty-​three after passing the examinations. Thus eighty-​seven students were enrolled. Student applications were not, however, 6. Sabah, no. 6.455 (September 20, 1907): 2, col. 2. 7. Sabah, no. 6.457 (September 22, 1907): 2, col. 2. 8. Law courses were opened for law clerks and assistants in Skopje who were unable to attend the Salonica Law School as they did not have an idadi diploma. There was a program in which the Kosovo public prosecutor conducted courses in civil code [mecelle]; the president of the court of the first instance, Ali Rıza Efendi gave the courses in executive law and legal procedure; Mehmed Münir Efendi, a member of the court of the first instance, gave the courses in criminal procedure; and Nazaret Haçaryan Efendi, a member of the appeal court, gave the courses in criminal law in the building of the Skopje law courts every day for three to four hours in the morning. Sabah, no. 6.481 (October 16): 1, col. 5. 9. Sabah, no. 6.462 (September 27, 1907): 2, cols. 6–​7. 10. Sabah, no. 6.478 (October 13, 1907): 2, col. 3.

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restricted to these. Toward the end of November, the number of applications had risen to 350.11 In order to deal with the increased number of students, the first year was divided into two sections, and plans were made to convert parts of the mansion into classrooms.12 The opening of the school was postponed because of Ramadan, and it was decided that work should begin following the Ramadan Bayram.13 The opening of the Salonica Law School was continually being postponed for various reasons, such as the necessary preparations, the appointment of the teachers, the dispatch of the textbooks to be distributed to the students from İstanbul by post,14 and the provision of new classrooms for the increasing number of student applicants. The school finally opened with an imposing ceremony on Monday, December 10, 1907, and lessons began with 372 students. Because preference was show to Law School graduates in the appointment of judiciary posts in local law courts, the number of applicants began to grow rapidly. In view of the large numbers applying to the Salonica Law School, even in the first year of its operations the local administrators began to press for the construction of a new building, and new desks were ordered for the students. The teachers at the Salonica Law School served as an extension of the Darülfünun until the surrender of the province to Greece at the end of the Second Balkan War, in accord with the Treaty of Bucharest of August 10, 1913.

16.4  Konya Law School Shortly after the opening of the Salonica Law School, officials began to make the case for a law school in Konya, one of the important cities of Anatolia. As in Salonica, a part of the idadî school, or, possibly, a more suitable building was considered for housing the new school.15 At first, the idea of renting a building near the tomb of the great mystic poet and founder of the Mawlawiyya order of dervishes, Mawlana Jalaluddin Rumî, was considered. In the end, the school was opened in the Konya İdadî School building on March 1, 1908, with a ceremony

11. Sabah, no. 6.518 (November 22, 1907): 2, col. 5. 12. Sabah, no. 6.485 (October 20, 1907): 1, col. 5. 13. Sabah, no. 6.509 (November 13, 1907): 1, col. 2. 14. “A sufficient number of books for the mecelle [Ottoman civil code] and criminal law courses were dispatched from İstanbul to Salonica.” Sabah, no. 6.521 (November 25, 1907): 3, col.1. 15. Sabah, no. 6.569 ( January 12, 1908): 1 col. 5.

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after which the lessons finally began.16 The local dignitaries attended the opening ceremony of the Konya Law School. Emrullah Efendi, who was a member of the Board of Education [Maarif Meclisi], was appointed to head the institution. Teachers were chosen from among the members of the judiciary and the local clergy.17 In the second year of the school, the students numbered 118. This increase in student numbers led to the transfer of the Law School to the Konya Industrial School building on October 12, 1909, where it continued for some time. During the years of the First World War, the number of students decreased owing to the recruitment of a number of students to the armed forces, and, on March 15, 1919, the school was closed down altogether. The Konya Law School produced 134 graduates in the course of its eleven years of activity.18

16.5  Baghdad Law School Although the intention at the time was to open the third law school in Aleppo, a city in the Syrian province, the school was actually opened in Baghdad.19 The decision to open the school in Baghdad rather than in Aleppo was taken on the advice of Nâzım Pasha, head of the commission entrusted with the introduction of reform in the Iraq province. Nâzım Pasha’s choice of Baghdad as the center for the new law school was based on Aleppo’s distance from Iraq. He suggested that, after subtracting the amount set aside for education in Iraq, half of the school expenses should be met by the city of Baghdad and the other half divided equally between the educational revenues of the cities of Basra and Mosul.20 Baghdad Director of Education Tevfik Bey was given the additional post of school head on March 23, 1908, with a supplementary salary.21 In 1910, the appointment of teachers was announced for the vacant courses of criminal law, criminal judicial procedure, constitutional law, civil code, legal judicial procedure, and maritime

16.  Sabah, no.  6.616 (February 28, 1908):  1, col. 5; Mehmet Önder, Konya Maarifi Tarihi, Selçuklu Karamanoğulları, Osmanlı Devirleri Konyasında İlim ve Müesseseleri, Cumhuriyetle Birlikte Konya’da Milli Eğitim ve Teşkilatı (Konya: Ülkü Matbaası, 1952), 63. 17. Sabah, no. 6.569 ( January 12, 1908): 1, col. 5; Önder, Konya Maarifi Tarihi, 64.

18. Önder, Konya Maarifi Tarihi, 64. 19. Minutes of the Aleppo Provincial Council 5 March 1328 (March 18, 1912), BOA, DH-​İD, File 26-​1/​74. 20.  Telegram with the signature Nazım, dated 9 February 1323 (February 21, 1907). BOA, Y. Mtu., 306–​128. 21. BOA, Y. A. Res, 154–​158.

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law.22 On November 30, 1914, İsmail Hami (Dânişmend) (1889–​1967) was appointed to head the school. The school was closed for a time at the beginning of the First World War.23 The Baghdad Law School, which had continued its educational activities after the founding of the independent state of Iraq, was incorporated into Baghdad University after it was founded in 1958; it was to form the nucleus of the Iraq Faculty of Law.

16.6  Beirut Law School Following the closure of the Salonica Law School, the decision was made to open a new law school in Beirut. This school was opened on October 15, 1913, in the Beirut Industrial School building, and teaching activities began in November. Numerous students were accepted; among them were idadî graduates from Salonica and a large number of students from the Faculty of Law in İstanbul. In fact, the number of fourth-​year students rose to eighty.24 Turkish teachers conducted the four-​year courses in both Turkish and Arabic in this school until 1918. The school, which was transferred to Damascus from Beirut upon the beginning of the First World War in 1914, continued its activities throughout the war in the Jewish quarter of Damascus. War conditions kept the number of students low, with only fifteen in the second year and ten in the third. When all the students were called up in 1915–​1916, only three students exempt from military service remained in the school. Nevertheless, the Ottoman authorities avoided closing the school and continued with these three students. In the last year of the war (1918), the school returned to its former location in Beirut, but following the Armistice and the occupation of Syria by the Allies, the students were dispersed, the teachers scattered, and the building looted.25 After the war, the old members of the Law School and graduates of the idadî and sultanî schools in Damascus, Aleppo, and Beirut held a meeting in Damascus. They sent a petition to Satı el-​Husarî, general director of education in the Syrian government, voicing their desire to continue their higher education and for the opening of an Arab Law School [Medrese Hukukiye Arabiye] in place

22. Takvim-​i Vekayi, no. 653, 18 Shawwal 1328 (October 17, 1910): 4. 23.  Coded telegram dated 29 May 1331 ( June 11, 1915)  from Süleyman Nazif, governor of Baghdad, requesting the dismissal of Zekeriya Mazlum Efendi, one of the teachers at the Baghdad Law School for inappropriate behavior. BOA, DH. KMS, nos. 32–​57. 24. Université Syrienne Damasc Bulletin Annuel 1930–​1931, 6. 25. Université Syrienne Damasc Bulletin Annuel 1930–​1931, 7.

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of the Ottoman school that was closed down. In response to this petition, the Syrian government decided to reopen the Damascus Law School in September 1919.26 As in the case of the Damascus Faculty of Medicine, this was destined to form the nucleus of the Faculty of Law that opened in the University of Syria, which was founded in 1923.

17  Impact of the Darülfünun Outside the Ottoman Realm The process of educational reform carried out in the capital of the Ottoman Empire during the Tanzimat period was apparently closely followed in the various Ottoman provinces and neighboring Iran. The important source of information that these developments were observed abroad is found in the news columns, reports, and official notices in the official gazette Takvim-​i Vekayi. İbrahim Pasha, the governor of Egypt (1789–​1848), was one of the close observers of events that began with Sultan Abdülmecid’s visit to the Supreme Council, and continued with the foundation of the Darülfünun. In a memorandum to the minister for home affairs [Kethuda] in 1847, İbrahim Pasha wrote that he had learned from the Takvim-​i Vekayi of the plans to open schools for the education of boys in İstanbul and that he himself was keenly interested in the education, instruction, and progress of the people.27 He was also planning to found a Darülfünun to teach advanced sciences in Egypt and to train teachers for this new institution of higher education by sending students to Europe.28 However, Ibrahim Pasha’s rule was cut short by his death in 1849. The reform movement slowed down, and Ibrahim Pasha’s plans to open a darülfünun in Egypt came to naught.29 As was pointed out in the Introduction of this book, the first attempts to open a university in Egypt materialized in the foundation of the al-​Jami’a al-​ Misriyya al-​Ahliyya [the private University of Egypt] in 1908. In 1925, during the

26. Ibid., 8. 27.  For the order sent to the Kethüda dated gâye-​i Rajab 1263 ( July 1847)  see Defter 2112 (Medâris Türkî), p. 332, no. 145, Abidin Saray Arhives quoted by Ahmad Izzet Abd al-​Karim; Ahmad Izzet Abd al-​Karim, Tarih al-​Talim fi Asrı Muhammad Ali (Cairo: Maktaba al-​Nahda, 1938), 209–​210. 28. For the quotation from the work entitled el-​Hitat el-​Tevkifiyye el-​Cedide li Mısr el-​Kahire by Ali Mubarek Pasha see Ahmad Izzet Abd al-​Karim, Tarih al-​Talim, 143. 29.  For more information on general educational activities in Egypt and more particularly Turkish culture and Turkish education in Egypt see Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, The Turks in Egypt and Their Cultural Legacy, trans. Humphrey Davies (Cairo, New York: The American University in Cairo Press, 2012), 113–​142.

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reign of King Fu’ad (1922–​1936), a state university was opened with faculties of arts, science, law, and medicine. A point to be noted here is that, as was already explained, Ottoman intellectuals coined the term darülfünun as an equivalent for the term “university,” which was also used in the İbrahim Pasha era in Egypt. The Egyptian intellectuals coined and used the new term jami’a at the beginning of the twentieth century. The influence of the Darülfünun outside İstanbul continued through its subsidiaries opened in the Arab provinces. It was already described how the Darülfünun departments, which opened in provincial capitals such as Damascus, Beirut, and Baghdad, formed the nuclei of modern universities in provinces such as Syria and Iraq, which later became independent states. Apart from these developments, which might be regarded as a matter of domestic influence, the Darülfünun had important effects on the Muslim world outside the Ottoman sphere. In discussing the long history of the foundation of the İstanbul Darülfünun, we pointed out that this institution was the first university in the Muslim world founded by Muslims with the native language as the official medium of instruction, and it was an important pioneering step taken in the Muslim world in the institutionalization of modern science and education. We may say, moreover, that the Darülfünun extended its influence beyond the Ottoman provinces in a particular way in two other countries. One of these was Iran, a neighbor of the Ottoman State, and the other the more distant country of Afghanistan.

17.1  Foundation of the Darülfünun in Iran Under the Qajar Rule The modernization of the Ottoman educational system was closely followed in neighboring Iran where the Qajar dynasty took a keen interest in modernization activities. Amir Kebir, the vizier of the Iran Shah Nasıreddin, played a pioneering role. In 1838, Amir Kebir was the head of a committee engaged in Ottoman–​ Iran border negotiations in Erzurum, and the three years he spent in Erzurum gave him the opportunity of closely observing the modernization movements in Ottoman education. Three years after becoming grand vizier, Amir Kebir took the initiative in opening the first school in Iran in 1848, where modern sciences were to be taught; this educational institution, which was to be known as the Darülfünun, began operations in 1851.30 In Iranian sources, this university is

30. John Gurney and Nein Nabavi, “Dâr al-​Fonûn,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica (1993), vol. 6, 662–​ 668; Rehnümâ-​yı Dânişgâh-​ı Tahran (Tehran 1965); Ali Ekber Dehhuda, Lügatnâme (Tehran 1340/​1961), vol. 15, 51.

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referred to as having been founded three years after the İstanbul Darülfünun and twenty years before Tokyo University. This date refers to the period when the first foundations of the Darülfünun building were laid, three years after the foundation of the Darülfünun in İstanbul. The core of the teaching faculty in the Tehran Darülfünun was composed of Austrian teachers, and, from the point of view of the educational structure, it rather resembled the Ottoman School of Engineering. This military school, where medicine was also taught, can be regarded as a sort of “polytechnic.” Here, young members of the Iranian elite were trained under military discipline in engineering, medicine, and geology, and were exposed to a type of European higher education in these fields. Seven years after the founding of Tehran Darülfünun, the initiative was taken to open a second Darülfünun in Iran in the city of Tabriz. Teaching activities in the Tabriz Darülfünun began in 1858–​1859 with a curriculum drawn up on the model of the curriculum applied in the Tehran Darülfünun and with teachers chosen from among graduates of that institution. The Tehran Darülfünun continued its operations until 1890, largely with the support of the Austrian teachers, but it gradually lost its importance with the opening of a military school in 1855, the opening of a school of political science in 1899, and the completion of an independent school of medicine in 1918, the foundation of which had commenced in 1908. Because of these developments, the Tabriz Darülfünun was closed down in 1896.31 After the closing of these institutions, which had been named after the Ottoman Darülfünun and had served as Iran’s window on the field of modern sciences, a law was passed in 1934. The law stated that the Tehran Darülfünun would be replaced by Tehran University and the name of the new university changed to Danishgâh-​ı Tehran. Danishgâh was a new, specially coined Persian word based on the old term darülfünun. Thus, the Ottoman term darülfünun, meaning “house of sciences,” gave way to danishgâh, or “house of knowledge,” and the term darülfünun dating from the Ottoman/​Qajar era became a thing of the past.

17.2  Foundation of the Darülfünun in Afghanistan In the first years of the twentieth century, when the traditional social structure still preserved its dominant position in Afghanistan, the administrators, hoping to carry out a modernization of the state services, succeeded in attracting a small number of highly educated individuals by inviting them to Kabul; there were also

31.  Rahim Reis Nia, İran wa Osmani der Astane-​i Qarn-​ı Bistum (Tabriz:  İntişarat Setude, 1382), vol. 1, 35–​42.

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those who came on their own accord. In this cadre were several Turks of high education or professional standing. Prominent among them was Cemal Pasha (1872–​ 1922), minister for Naval Affairs and one of the leading members of the CUP who arrived in Afghanistan in 1920. He had come at the invitation of Afghan King Emanullah Khan to carry out the modernization of the Afghan army. In a very short time, the Afghan army gained a modern appearance under his guidance. Head of Security Bedri Bey and Police Chief Azmi Bey worked together on the reform of the state organization.32 Other distinguished Turkish professionals contributed to the welfare and progress of this country.33 Following the first agreement between Turkey and Afghanistan reached on March 1, 1921, General Fahreddin Pasha, the former defender of Medina, was sent to Kabul by the Ankara-​based Turkish government as its first ambassador. According to the agreement, which had nine articles, Turkey agreed to send a group of officers and teachers to assist in the reorganization of education and administration in the country and in the modernization of the army. Close relations between the two countries were to continue in the following period, and in 1927 Turkey was to send the first official medical delegation to Afghanistan. The Afghan king had great faith in Turkish doctors and specialists, who had enjoyed great respect and affection in Afghanistan since the Ottoman period. In 1927, the first official medical delegation of three was sent to Afghanistan. This group consisted of Rıfkı Kâmil (Urga) (1880–​1966),34 who gained the king’s complete confidence and became his personal physician; Dr. Rebii Hikmet (Barkın), doctor of internal diseases; and eye specialist Fuat (Togar).35 Emanullah Khan, king of Afghanistan, and his wife Süreyya set out on a tour of Europe in 1928 that included a visit to Turkey. After stopping in Ankara, the king arrived in İstanbul and visited the Darülfünun.36 During his visit to the Darülfünun he made the following address: 32.  Rebii Hikmet Barkın and Aykut Kazancıgil, “Afganistan’da Türk Hekimleri ve Doktor Rebii Hikmet Barkın,” Tıp Tarihi Araştırmaları, no. 14 (2006): 32. For more extensive information on Cemal Pasha’s activities in Afghanistan see Mehmet Saray, Afganistan ve Türkler (İstanbul: İstanbul University Faculty of Arts Publications, 1987), 99–​116. 33. Barkın and Kazancıgil, “Afganistan’da Türk Hekimleri,” 30–​31. 34. For Rıfkı Kâmil Urga see Şevket Elman, “Prof. Dr. Rıfkı Kâmil Urga (1880–​1966),” Tıp Tarihi Araştırmaları, no. 3 (1989): 177–​178. 35.  The notes written by Rebii Hikmet Barkın on the subject of the Turkish doctors in Afghanistan were published by Prof. Dr.  Aykut Kazancıgil. See Barkın and Kazancıgil, “Afganistan’da Türk Hekimleri,” 18–​60. 36. For the program of the visit to the Darülfünun by the king of Afghanistan and his queen see Murat Candemir, “Afgan Kralı Emanullah Han’ın Darülfünun’u Ziyareti,” İlmi Araştırmalar, no. 4 (1997): 89–​98.

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I forward our sincerest feelings of solidarity on behalf of the children of Afghanistan. Accept Afghans as your younger brother and let Afghans accept you as their big brother. My highest aim is to send our children to you to complete their education and to ask you to send back teachers.37 This visit to the İstanbul Darülfünun must have shown the king the need to open a university in Kabul, but he was not destined to take the first step. It was Nadir Khan, who succeeded to the government after a series of political developments, who brought the plan to fruition. The new university was named Darülfünun in honor of the institution the former king had visited in İstanbul. Afghan King Muhammed Nadir Khan set out to modernize his country, and one of the first steps was the opening of a university in Kabul. At a cabinet meeting in the palace on March 1, 1931, long discussions on the various problems involved in the foundation of a university in the country ended with the unanimous decision to found a university to be known as Darülfünun. There was need for the immediate opening of a Faculty of Medicine that would set health services in Afghanistan on a more secure footing and that would train qualified doctors to take part in this process. Dr.  Rıfkı Kâmil Bey, who had been a member of the three-​man commission sent from Ankara to Afghanistan and whose wide knowledge and reliable character had won the king`s confidence, was chosen as head of the School of Medicine established by the king. At the opening ceremony held in the presence of the king in 1932, Dr.  Rıfkı Kâmil Bey made a speech in which he dwelt on the necessity for a Faculty of Medicine. Education began with eight graduates from modern lycées under the supervision of Turkish professors. Rıfkı Kâmil Bey gave anatomy lessons to first-​and second-​year students while the post of dean was held by Hasan Reşad (Sığındım) Bey.38 Hasan Reşad had been professor of physiology in the İstanbul Darülfünun and, for a time, had been the head of the Ottoman School of Medicine, which had been moved to Beirut during the war. The third dean of the Faculty of Medicine was Professor Dr.  Mehmed Zühdü Berke. Meanwhile, Turkish teachers continued to be employed in the Faculty

37.  Bilal N. Şimşir, Atatürk ve Afganistan (Ankara:  Avrasya Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi-​ ASAM, 2002), 188. 38. For a brief note on Hasan Reşad Sığındım see Ali Rıza Atasoy, Şam Türk Tıbbiye Mektebi Tarihi (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Tıp Tarihi Enstütüsü, 1945), 53–​54.

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of Medicine in Kabul. In 1936, Professor Yakup Çelebi taught internal diseases while Dr. Nuri Kâmil Bey taught anatomy. Upon the founding of the Faculty of Pharmacy in 1936, Akif Bey, Mustafa Bey, and Kemal Bey were invited to teach in Kabul. Meanwhile, Professor of Chemistry Dr.  Ömer Şevket Bey (Öncel), who had been dismissed from the İstanbul Darülfünun during the 1933 Reform, was one of the Turkish professors employed in the Kabul Darülfünun in the years 1933–​1938. At the time of its foundation, most of the teachers in the Kabul Darülfünun were Turks. Dr. Rıfkı Kâmil gave lessons in anatomy and physiology, methods of surgical diagnosis, and minor surgical operations. Dr. Rebii Hikmet Barkın, in turn, taught classes on internal and infectious diseases, parasitology, and bacteriology.39 Almost all of the Turkish professors who were members of the teaching faculty in Afghanistan in 1940 were graduates of the İstanbul Faculty of Medicine.40 Among them Nuri Bey taught anatomy; Tevfik Halil Bey, histology and pathology; Zühtü Bey, bacteriology and hygiene; Saib Mir, biochemistry; Selahaddin Bey, pharmacology; Şakir Tural, forensic medicine; Ömer Derman, dermatology and venereal diseases; Adnan Bey, internal diseases; Süreyya Bey, physiology and pharmacology; Faruk Bey (İlhan), surgery; Ali Ahterhan (Indian), biology and botany; Hikmet Bey, ear and throat diseases; Cevad Bey, mental and nervous disorders; Müller (German), pediatrics; Fuad Bey, ophthalmology; Mary Walter, maternity; and Nureddin Bey, later Ahmed Bey, radiology. Until 1945, the administration and education of the Kabul Darülfünun Faculty of Medicine was entrusted to Turkish professors, who had graduated from the Ottoman Darülfünun; it began to produce its own graduates in 1937. There were eight graduates from medicine and twelve from pharmacy. In the graduation ceremony, Hasan Reşad Bey and Refik Bey were awarded medals for their services. Some of the Turkish professors returned to Turkey in 1942 and the great majority in 1945. For the first time, the Afghan government chose one of their own graduates, Dr. Gulam Faruk, as dean of the Faculty of Medicine. In the Faculty of Medicine, the Turkish professors gave their lectures in Turkish, and Afghan assistants, who had been educated in İstanbul, then translated these into their native language. Of these interpreters, Dr. Nureddin Peştunistanî, who was trained in İstanbul, was Professor Hasan Reşad’s assistant

39. Barkın and Kazancıgil, “Afganistan’da Türk Hekimleri,” 39. 40.  For teachers in the Faculty of Medicine in the years 1932–​1942 see Kabul Medical Institute—​Afghan Medical Journal, no 1 (2002): ‫( ﻱ​—ﻫ‬Persian section).

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and translator, while Dr.  İmameddin was appointed translator to Professor Hamza Bey. At the same time, Dr. Rebii Hikmet Barkın was sufficiently fluent in Persian to be able to give his lectures in Persian and to produce scholarly works on infectious diseases in that language.41 One of the services rendered by the Turkish professors was the establishment of a library in the Kabul School of Medicine in 1934 and the acquisition of Turkish, English, German and French books through purchase and donations. One of the most important services rendered by the Turkish professors was their role in the introduction of Ottoman medical terminology into Afghanistan. The development of the Ottoman Turkish language and terminology permitted the most accurate expression of modern scientific and medical knowledge, thus making possible the dissemination of modern sciences in the Muslim community in that country. The Turkish professors in the Kabul Darülfünun gave their lessons in Ottoman Turkish using books printed in İstanbul, which were translated into Persian with the help of their Afghan assistants for the benefit of the students. The Turkish professors also encouraged the translation of the necessary textbooks from Turkish into Persian. I have already expressed the view in an earlier work that the creation of a modern scientific and medical terminology in Ottoman Turkish was to the benefit not only of the Turks, but also of the whole of the Muslim world.42 As in the case of the Damascus School of Medicine, where the Syrian physicians encountered no difficulty in transferring these terms into Arabic, this terminology was a ready treasure house for the Afghan students and subsequently for the first doctors in the country. Between 1943 and 1945, nineteen books were translated into Persian by the Turkish professors. The terminology that was used in the İstanbul Darülfünun was also used in these books.43

41. In his evaluation of this book Süheyl Ünver writes as follows: “This book is not only the first book on medicine in Afghanistan, it is also the first book in perhaps a thousand years on infectious diseases to be written in Persian. No book of this kind then existed in the Persian language. At the time Persian was not yet a technical and scientific language and in order to be able to write this work Barkın had first to gain a thorough knowledge of Persian and then to compose the necessary terminology from our old medical terminology or, in certain instances, make up his own terminology from Persian sources, thus creating a new scientific language.” Süheyl Ünver, “Afganistan’da Profesör Rebii Hikmet’in Farsça Mühim Bir Eseri ve Türk Harsı,” Poliklinik 37 (1936): 18–​19. In his own notes Rebii Barkın writes that he wrote a medical book in Persian entitled Emrâz-​ı İntaniye and that no substantial work had previously been produced on this subject. See Barkın and Kazancıgil, “Afganistan’da Türk Hekimleri,” 45. 42. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, “Tıp Dilinin Türkçeleşmesi Meselesi,” in Osmanlıca Tıp Terimleri Sözlüğü, prep. E. K. Unat, E. İhsanoğlu, and S. Vural (Ankara: TTK, 2004), XIII–​XXVIII. 43.  For the list of books see İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun:  Osmanlı’da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı, vol. 1, 454.

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The Kabul Darülfünun started operations with the founding of the faculty of medicine in 1932 and was transformed into a regular university with several faculties in 1946. New professors, however, were not sent to replace those who had returned to Turkey. Rebii Hikmet Bey, one of the first professors to arrive in this country, expressed his concern in the following words: After returning to Turkey I did everything in my power to establish enduring friendship and cultural ties between my country and Afghanistan but the turbulent years of the Second World War prevented me from succeeding in my aim. As we were unable to send replacements for our colleagues who returned to Turkey, Afghanistan had no option but come to an agreement with the French government for the existent educational institutions. I sincerely hope that those arriving from France will be successful in their work there, that they will come to love Afghanistan and develop and improve the social and cultural institutions established as a result of such limitless devotion and self-​sacrifice in the heart of Afghanistan for the health and welfare of millions of people.44 Twelve French teachers were invited to replace the Turks, and the Kabul Darülfünun now came under French influence. In this way, the influence of the İstanbul Darülfünun that had prevailed in Afghanistan up until that time came to an end. The foundation of a Faculty of Medicine, because of the efforts of the Turkish professors, was accompanied by the opening of the first hospital and sanatorium in Kabul, and the people of Afghanistan began to enjoy the benefits of a modern health service. As a symbol of the gratitude they felt for these services, the sanatorium was named after Rıfkı Bey; today it is still known as the “Rıfkı Bey Sanatorium.”

44. Barkın and Kazancıgil, “Afganistan’da Türk Hekimleri,” 57–​58.

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The history of the Ottoman University, which came to be known as the Darülfünun, parallels many aspects of the modernizing project taking place not only in the Ottoman Empire but in the Muslim world at large. It was not established as a response to military needs. But rather it was a preliminary stage envisaged as a bureaucratic institution that later was developed into a full-​ fledged university over decades. It was established initially as a response to calls for reform in the military, but was extended into the civilian domain after the Proclamation of the Tanzimat Edict of 1839. The Tanzimat reformers originally planned to train bureaucrats and technocrats on the European model, and intended for those trained at the Darülfünun to further the modernization efforts of the Ottoman State. The stages through which the Darülfünun developed therefore reflected the changing attitudes toward modernization adopted by the Tanzimat dignitaries who supported the institution ideologically and financially. As with many European countries, the Darülfünun was essentially a government enterprise, focusing on the preparation of candidates for civil service and the “learned professions.”1 However, the Tanzimat reformers’ initiative was entered upon in haste and unpreparedness, without a clearly defined agenda and without due consideration of the administrative elements necessary for success. Thus, the Darülfünun was destined to follow a rough and tortuous course of development arising from the unpredictable circumstances of its inception. Its course of development might be compared to finding one’s way by groping. In 1846, when the idea of founding a

1. Fritz K. Ringer, Education and Society in Modern Europe (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1979), 32–​34.

The House of Sciences: The First Modern University in the Muslim World. Ekmeleddİn İhsanoğlu, Oxford University Press (2019). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190051556.003.0004

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university was first proposed, such an institution had no precedent in the Islamic world. The first steps toward its establishment were vague and even incompatible with the concept of a European university. Public education first emerged in France after the French Revolution and quickly spread to other countries. In the Ottoman Empire, it would be executed through central and official funding. Following this, the effect of the Industrial Revolution, which first made itself felt in England before spreading to the European continent, convinced European governments and their elites of the necessity for modern educational institutions that would disseminate an adequate knowledge of the modern sciences and technology. The Tanzimat intelligentsia became aware of these two highly important historical developments, and, like those in corresponding positions in developed European countries, soon realized that knowledge of the modern sciences was absolutely essential for industrial development. The reformers were convinced that only through its realization could the empire compete in the international race for wealth and power. There is a noticeable parallel between the development of the Ottoman university and the process posited by Fritz K. Ringer when he described the evolution of the European university. According to Ringer it is possible to distinguish three major phases in the evolution of modern European secondary schools and universities. The first stage, which began in the eighteenth century and extended into the middle of the nineteenth century, he called the “early industrial phase.” It was followed by a “high industrial phase” that began in the 1860s, and ended around 1930. The third period, or “late industrial phase,” is with us today.2 Notwithstanding the late evolution of Ottoman industry, we could borrow from Ringer’s classification and attribute the establishment of the Darülfünun to the early industrial phase. However, as was the case in Europe during the early industrial phase, there was, in fact, little connection between higher education and economic life. The Ottoman case followed a pattern of development similar to that in France and Germany where the educational system essentially served the needs of growing government bureaucracies, and these bureaucracies eventually did take an interest in both technological programs and economic development. In establishing new modern institutions of learning, Ottoman intellectuals avoided using names reminiscent of older Islamic institutions. In generating new terms for the university, they resorted to sources from classical languages familiar to Ottoman intellectuals, that is, Arabic and Persian. Hence, terms like darülfünun for the university and encümen-​i Dâniş for the academy of science appeared.

2. Ibid.,  2–​3.

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Tanzimat reformers chose the name darülfünun [House of Sciences] for the institution of higher education they hoped to establish (1846). It was a name totally unrelated to the traditional sites of learning in the Muslim world, the medreses; however, its usage was also a conscious break with the military schools of engineering and medicine that were established in the last quarter of the eighteenth and the first quarter of the nineteenth centuries. The type of education that the Tanzimat reformers hoped to introduce through the foundation of the Darülfünun was radically different from that practiced in the previously founded military establishments. Prior to the Proclamation of the Tanzimat, educational expenses and various widespread social, educational, and cultural needs were ensured by the income from traditional institutions that were spread all over the empire. The financial needs of these institutions were not met from the state budget, but rather from the revenue of pious foundations in accord with age-​old, firmly entrenched traditions. The financing of the new engineering and medical schools was made possible only through military establishments financed by the government. Nevertheless, the ambitious vision that the reformers had for the Darülfünun could not be achieved simply by appropriating and modifying preexisting military structures. They hoped the Darülfünun would serve a central role in the transformation of the old social structure into a modern society. It would help transition the Ottoman workforce from traditional manufacture to industrial production. Military institutions and military funding were simply not equipped to adequately address these demands. Nevertheless, the aimed transformation of the old social structure into a modern society, the transition from traditional manufacture to industrial production, was so wide ranging and of such a complex nature that it could not be achieved by a limited process of modifying existing structures. It would not be enough to simply use the technical institutions of learning that the military had set up. To better understand the unique challenges facing the Ottoman University, one needs to take into consideration how different the circumstances of its formation were from those of the first European universities. On the one hand, in Europe, with its own particular process of cultural development, universities were founded in the form of students’ or teachers’ guilds to meet a specific need felt by certain emerging social groups. The Ottoman University, on the other hand, was designed as a state institution for the training of the new type of bureaucrat and technocrat capable of carrying out much-​needed reforms. Thus the attempt, centuries later, by Ottoman administrators and intellectuals to found a modern institution of learning, which owed its creation to social demands that did not yet exist in their society, meant that the institution’s development would follow a very different course.

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Primarily, as explained earlier in this book, the legal basis, namely the concept of corporation, on which this institution of higher education was founded, originally belonged to Roman law. It was not codified into the Ottoman legal system and emerged in only the last years of the Ottoman Empire as a result of the consequent steps in the modernization process. Besides the lack of a legal system that would facilitate the foundation of a modern institution of this kind and a legal framework for its operations, the Ottoman administrators and intellectuals intent on the foundation of the first modern university in the Muslim world did not have sufficient knowledge about the organization of a European university. As pointed out at the beginning of this book, the emergence of the European university outside Europe itself was the result of expansionist policies based on colonialism or missionary activities. The Ottomans were the first in the Islamic world to found a university on their own initiative. Hence, the most striking feature of the attempts at the foundation of an Ottoman University was the reliance on domestic or “home-​grown” elements. From this point of view, the Darülfünun, as the first example of such an institution in the Islamic world, may be said to have occupied a position of unique importance in the world history of the university. One of the questions that needs an answer in these concluding remarks is whether the founding of an Ottoman University arrived too late in the day. An examination of the world history of the university and its proliferation outside Europe will not allow us to answer this question in the affirmative, because, if we look at universities other than those founded by European colonialists or missionary groups, the first “modern” university was founded in Japan in 1886. Although there is no question that the successful commencement (1900) of the Darülfünun was undertaken at a late date, the lead-​up to its foundation was a long-​drawn-​out process. This does not mean, however, that the plans to establish a university had been subverted by a conservative “opposition party” or “reactionaries” within the Ottoman government. Such an appraisal has, unfortunately, been the dominant frame in which historians have chosen to interpret the history of the Darülfünun. Most scholars who have so depicted the development of the university have leaned heavily on its first monograph study, written by a Darülfünun professor, Mehmed Ali Aynî Bey. Thus, they attributed the difficulties in founding this new type of institution to the opposition between those who remained bound to the old ways of thought and those supporters of the European model who were on the side of innovation and reform. In my opinion, this claim has no solid justification. In the course of the long period of trial and error that constituted its formation, three attempts were made to found a darülfünun, with each attempt ending in failure, yet also with some gains and a few steps forward. The salient activity

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carried out in the course of the first two attempts consisted of a series of public lectures. The task of rendering the Darülfünun operational on a European standard was impeded by the lack of teachers, the lack of a pool of graduates from the new schools who would form the student body, and the lack of Turkish textbooks to be employed in the courses. More important, in the course of these twenty-​three years, the Tanzimat administrators had failed to formulate definite educational policies or to reach a clear conception of what a darülfünun should be like. No body of rules and regulations had been drawn up with regard to the curriculum. The most significant accomplishment of the first attempts was the dissemination of a knowledge of modern sciences among the public at large, the members of the professions, and the intelligentsia. The sincere effort to combine modernization with the development of Ottoman industry was the most noteworthy feature of this enterprise, which attempted to reconcile all this with Islamic culture. These activities have been clearly seen to have attracted the attention of the Muslim community in İstanbul. Nevertheless, it did not attract much attention from scholars. The work was entered upon without a long-​term plan or program regarding the main educational elements—​the teaching faculty, the students, and the curriculum and textbooks. It was only with the promulgation of the Regulations of Public Education in 1869 that the concept of an Ottoman University was clarified. According to these Regulations the Darülfünun was designed as a group of schools of higher education devoted to the public serv­ ice under state administration on the model of a French institutions of higher learning. The Darülfünun-​i Sultanî founded in 1874 in accordance with these Regulations within the structure of the Galatasaray Lycée was rather more successful than the previous attempts. The Darülfünun-​i Sultanî started functioning with the three schools of engineering, law, and arts. Shortly after it was closed down, the higher Schools of Law and Civil Engineering continued their educational activities under the administration of the government. As no final solutions were found to all the legal, administrative, financial, and academic problems previously mentioned, the state administrators decided to keep the two schools going while changing their official affiliations. They did this so that their graduates would meet the growing need that was created by the rapidly modernized judicial system, expanding transportation and communication networks, and the growth of foreign trade. Thus, the Schools of Law and Civil Engineering were able to operate successfully as institutions attached to the relevant ministries. The establishment of these two new institutions of civilian character shows the paradigm shift in the Ottoman educational life and the intellectual trend it went through. As indicated earlier, the first modern engineering and medical education took place

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in the military establishments while these two new schools were affiliated with the Ministries of Justice and Public Works, respectively. Thus the new shoots of modern education were grafted onto preexisting state institutions. It was during the reign of Abdülhamid II that important and successful steps were taken on every educational level and that the survival of the Darülfünun was sustained. The Darülfünun was to owe its survival to various developments, such as the increase in the number of students educated in modern schools, the rise in the number of academics and professionals who had completed their higher education in the Ottoman Empire or in Europe, and the increase in the annual budget allocation assigned to education. Another noteworthy feature of the day was the enhancement of Turkish scientific literature and its attainment of proficiency in the expression of modern scientific, philosophical, and literary topics together with the development of a rich terminology in different disciplines of sciences and humanities. These two landmark achievements were attained within broader linguistic development initiated by the Tanzimat reforms that included the standardization of Turkish grammar as well as simplifying the language. Such reforms brought a transformation in style as instructors encouraged students to refrain from adopting heavy and artificial words and expressions. They even simplified grammatical rules that had been borrowed from Arabic and Persian. At the same time, the concept of the Darülfünun as an institution in the minds of the administrators had finally taken shape on the model of the European university. This radical transformation owes much to the memoranda that Abdülhamid II’s Grand Vizier Küçük Said Pasha had issued, which outlined the possible university models that could be accepted for the Darülfünun. This first Ottoman University in the modern sense of the term was founded in the eight turbulent years (1900–​1908) preceding the Proclamation of the Constitution, and in a form dominated by the French approach to institutions of higher education rather than in accordance with the German model of the university proposed by Said Pasha. The most successful feature of this latest foundation of the Darülfünun was the laying of the foundations of the Faculties of Arts and Science and, most important of all, its successful and sustainable formation in accordance with legal and official norms. The schools of higher education founded by a process of trial and error in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, more particularly the Schools of Law and Medicine, evolved their own educational traditions and practices. The Darülfünun-​i Şahane founded in 1900 would later comprise these two institutions within its own framework. From 1909 onward, the School of Law and the Civilian School of Medicine were established within the Darülfünun as two separate faculties. A  Faculty of Divinity was opened quite outside the medrese system, which had previously been the purveyor of religious education

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throughout the centuries. Thus, by the first decade of its establishment, the Darülfünun-​i Şahane assumed the form of a Western university with the five Faculties of Science, Arts, Law, Medicine, and Divinity. From a legal standpoint, the Darülfünun-​i Şahane was a new entity that combined both old and new educational institutions within a common university framework. For this reason it took some time for the Darülfünun-​i Şahane to acquire a legal identity. The gradual formation of a uniform legal structure eventually emerged to support various supporting educational and administrative cadres. In the long history of founding the Darülfünun, securing its place in the setup of Ottoman administrative and financial structure was an important achievement. In this matter the most important discussion, taken after the Proclamation of the Constitution in 1908, was the granting of its scholarly autonomy. This was followed, in 1922, by the recognition of its legal identity. Shortly thereafter the legal and administrative arrangements regarded as necessary in a European university were finally completed. The efforts to bring the Darülfünun more into line with the Republican reforms, known as the Kemalist Revolution, and the ideology of the new regime can be seen as a new stage in the evolution of the Darülfünun. A number of radical and uncompromising measures had to be taken in order to reorient what the government perceived to be an Ottoman mental attitude of ethnic pluralism and to replace it with a worldview more compatible with the nationalistic and revolution reforms of the New Republic. As a result, the purge of faculty members and reorganization carried out in 1933 resulted in the relegation of the Ottoman University to the pages of history. The success achieved by the Ottoman Darülfünun on this long and rough road should not be underestimated. After all, the Darülfünun was the first modern university in the Muslim world to be founded on its own initiative. Although, at various stages in the process of its foundation and development, recourse may have been made to import the support and assistance of foreign teachers, both the concept and the institution itself were due to the work of Muslim administrators and scholars. It led to the institutionalization of modern higher education in an Islamic community, teaching and research in modern spheres of knowledge, and the training of the younger generations in modern educational traditions. It also led indirectly to another very important success: the development and sophistication of Ottoman Turkish to the extent that it could be used to express technical vocabularies from a diverse array of disciplines and branches of learning. Ottoman Turkish was capable of being used as a medium for modern literature and could be presented to the rapidly increasing number of readers with its sensitive approach to the subtleties of the new forms of literature.

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It had reached a stage at which it could very comfortably express all the various branches of humanities, modern sciences, and social sciences. The Ottoman Darülfünun formed the main basis for the Turkish universities that were founded twenty years after the Proclamation of the Republic. Meanwhile, the provincial School of Medicine in Damascus and the School of Law in Baghdad were the nuclei of the modern universities in Syria and Iraq. Moreover, in the Republican period, the graduates of the Darülfünun Faculty of Medicine sent to Kabul by the government as a contribution to the modernization program in Afghanistan, initiated the first modern medical education in another Islamic country with the opening of a Faculty of Medicine in Kabul University (1932). The Afghan institution was also called the Darülfünun, a namesake of its Ottoman forerunner. Here, in both Schools of Medicine in Damascus and Kabul, Ottoman Turkish scientific terminology was employed as the linguistic medium in modern medical and scientific literature. This is one of the most important successes achieved by the Ottoman Darülfünun and is entitled to be given the deserved acknowledgement. Any conclusion to be reached regarding the place and function of the Darülfünun in the Ottoman modernization process must take due notice of its civilian character. The process of renewal that began in the teaching of engineering and medicine, following the crushing defeat of the Ottoman navy at Çeşme in 1770, led to the foundation of the Military School of Engineering, the Naval Engineering School, and the Imperial School of Medicine within İstanbul’s framework of dockyards. The Ottoman intellectuals trained in these schools initiated the reform movements in the army and, to a certain extent, in Ottoman society as a whole. The new process, which began in the Tanzimat era, differed most markedly from the previous process in its thoroughly “civilian” character. This process of reform had not been elicited by a military defeat or loss of territory. It was borne out of a sincere desire to reach the level of advancement that was seen in Europe. As noted in various sections of this work, the achievement of success through so long and complex a process was far from easy. It proved no easy task to introduce into Ottoman society a public education system along the lines of the French model while also organizing a university curriculum to meet the needs of an industrialized society. As we have already pointed out, it took considerable time for the realization of these two highly important and radical innovations, both of which required the formation of the necessary infrastructure. Today, in the global ranking of universities, İstanbul University occupies an important place among the universities in the world. This is confirmed by the two systems that determine the ranking of the best universities of the world. According to the “Shanghai System” (2008 ranking), İstanbul University is

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the only university belonging to the Muslim world to rank among the 500 best universities of the world. The “Time System” ranks İstanbul University as one of twelve Islamic universities to rank among the best 601–​800 universities in the world. In the 2016 University Ranking by Academic Performance, İstanbul ranked 487th in the world and 2nd in Turkey. Another university from Turkey listed by Time System (2008 ranking) is the private Bilkent University. Behind İstanbul University’s high achievement among some 6000 universities worldwide lies a story of a hundred years of development and, undoubtedly, the DARÜLFÜNUN.

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Institutional Topography of  the Darülfünun

A . 1   Fac u lt y o f   S c i e n c e The newly established Faculty of Science of the Darülfünun seems to be the first institution of its kind in the Muslim world that was entirely planned and administered by Ottoman bureaucrats and scientists. In the course of its subsequent development, it was known successively as the Fünun Şubesi, Fünun Medresesi, Fünun Fakültesi, and, finally, as Fen Fakültesi [Faculty of Science] The student enrollment of this department was restricted to twenty-​five students following a three-​year course. (In order to eliminate the confusion that will arise from these different usages, the name Faculty of Science will be used hereafter.) The Faculty of Science originally had a curriculum composed of five separate subjects: higher algebra, analytical geometry, physics, spherical trigonometry, and inorganic chemistry. The teachers for these subjects were recruited from previously founded institutions engaged in the teaching of modern sciences. On the opening of the Darülfünun, twenty students earned the right to enroll in the Faculty of Science. Six of them were able to register without an examination as graduates of the School for Civil Servants [Mekteb-​i Mülkiye], the School of Law [Mekteb-​i Hukuk], and the School of Civil Engineering [Mühendishane-​i Mülkiye]. The rest gained the right to enroll through a competitive examination. One of them was a medrese graduate while most of them were idadi graduates. Four of these students came from idadis outside İstanbul (Trabzon, Salonica, and Skopje). From the 1902–​1903 academic year onward, it was divided into “mathematics” and “science” sections. Astronomy, probability calculation, meteorology, and mechanics lessons were added to the curriculum, and the chemistry courses now included organic chemistry and biochemistry alongside inorganic chemistry. At the same time, courses

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were opened for the first time in zoology, botany, mineralogy, and geology. In the academic years 1901–​1902 and 1902–​1903 new teachers were appointed for the new courses. Beginning with the academic year 1904–​1905, the first-​year courses of the two sections were taught collectively. These consisted of inorganic chemistry, theoretical and applied physics, higher algebra, spherical trigonometry, and analytical trigonometry. The Faculty of Science produced its first graduates in the academic year 1902–​ 1903. In that year, six students graduated from the Section of Mathematics and five from the Section of Natural Sciences. During the Second Constitution period, the interest shown by the students in the Department of Science tended to diminish. Tekirdağ Deputy Agop Boyacıyan attributed this to the fact that, although faculty graduates were qualified to work only as teachers, they were unable to find employment on graduation.1 According to the Academic Organization of the İstanbul Darülfünun issued in 1913, which set out the principles governing the scholarly organization of the Darülfünun, the faculty was to be divided into two sections as mathematics and natural sciences. While mathematics formed a single department under the same name, natural sciences consisted of two separate branches, namely “physical sciences” and “natural sciences.” Thus the Faculty of Science came to consist of two sections and three branches. However, this led to no major change in the curriculum. Twenty-​seven teachers were employed in the Faculty of Science in the academic year 1912–​1913, rising to thirty-​four in 1913–​1914. In accordance with Baccalaureate Diploma, General Rules and Regulations of May 1913, a decision was made to hold separate entrance exams for each of the Darülfünun faculties. In the Faculty of Science, the student had to enter exams in mathematics, physics, chemistry, natural sciences, Turkish, and a foreign language (French, English, or German). In 1915, eight German teachers came to teach science. Among them, Fritz Arndt2 (1885–​1969) taught inorganic chemistry; Kurt Hoesch, organic chemistry; Gustav Fester, industrial chemistry; Walter Penck (1888–​1923), geology; Boris Zarnick3 (1883–​1945), and Leick and Erich Frank, botanical studies. In 1918, Dr.  J.  Würschmidt was invited for a limited period to the Darülfünun to teach

1. MMZC, I. term, 2nd year, 108th Session, 2. Sitting, 26 May 1326 (Ankara: TBMM Matbaası, 1986), vol. 6, 118–​119. 2. For information on Fritz Arndt see E. İhsanoğlu, Ramazan Şeşen et. al. Osmanlı Tabii ve Tatbikî Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi /​History of the Literature of Natural and Applied Sciences During the Ottoman Period (hereafter to be referred as OTTBLT) (İstanbul:  IRCICA, 2006), vol. 2, 1003–​1004; Sevtap İshakoğlu-​Kadıoğlu, İstanbul Üniversitesi Fen Fakültesi Tarihçesi: 1900–​1946, (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 1998), 184–​189. 3. Boris Zarnick resigned from the Darülfünun in September 1918 on grounds of poor health. See MF. ALY. 152/​73, lef 56. More information on Boris Zarnick can be found in OTTBLT, vol. 2, 877–​878.

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physics. The German scholars gave lessons in organic and inorganic chemistry, industrial chemistry, zoology, and botanical and geological studies as well as carrying out research in various branches. The enterprise shown by these scholars also led to the foundation of the Chemistry Institute, an Organic Chemistry Laboratory, and a Zoology Laboratory. Professor Penck played an important role in introducing modern geological studies. The reforms in the university educational system as desired by the German professors could be realized only through the 1919 Regulations. Radical changes were made in the division of the curriculum into separate sections, in the subjects, and in the number of subjects that were to be taught and in the examinations. As a result, the following subjects were included in the teaching program: astronomy, analytical mathematics, higher mechanics, higher algebra, analytical geometry, theory of numbers, probability, mathematical physics, general physics, general mathematics, inorganic chemistry, analytical chemistry, biochemistry, experimental physics, industrial chemistry, botany, zoology, geology and mineralogy, organic chemistry, physiology, and anatomy. In accordance with these Regulations, a system of three elective certificate courses was introduced. The choice of three certificates by the student as part of the process of enrolment, as well as the possession of the higher educational diploma [Tahsil-​i Âli Tasdiknamesi] with at least three certificates, was the requisite condition for receiving the graduate diploma. The graduation diplomas awarded by the Faculty of Science and the certificates required in order to receive these were the graduation diploma in mathematics, the graduation diploma in physics, the graduation diploma in natural sciences, the graduation diploma in biology, the graduation diploma in mineralogy, or the graduation diploma in chemistry. The curriculum was again reorganized in accordance with the 1924 İstanbul Darülfünunu Instructions, which came into effect shortly after the Proclamation of the Republic. These rules and regulations remained in force until the radical University Reform of 1933. The subjects to be taught in the Faculty of Science were laid down in these Instructions. Accordingly, the subjects to be taught in the Faculty of Science were the following:  analytical mathematics, mathematical mechanics, theory of numbers, analytical geometry, analytical chemistry, general physics, experimental physics, astronomy, physiology, botany, biochemistry, industrial chemistry, geology, higher algebra, general mathematics, zoology, mineralogy, general physics (electrical), organic chemistry, industrial analysis, experimental physics (electrical), anatomy, rocks, and fossils. In the academic year 1924–​1925, the subjects to be taught in the Faculty of Science were divided into five groups:  PCN (physique, chimie, sciences naturelles [physics, chemistry, biology]) group, general mathematics group, general physics and chemistry group, natural sciences group, and chemistry group. The same year, as a preparatory measure, students who would study in the Faculty of Medicine were required to take the PCN certificate attesting that they had successfully completed physics, chemistry,

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and biology courses that were taught at the Faculty of Science. The physics, chemistry, biology, and botany courses in this program were both practical and applied.4 In the 1925–​1926 academic year, electrotechnology, geodesy and topography, applied mechanics, meteorology and geophysics, geography, higher analytical mathematics, higher geometry, and descriptive geometry were added to the curriculum of the Faculty of Science.5 In the 1926–​1927 academic year a “teaching diploma” was introduced that would allow graduates of the Faculty of Science to teach in middle schools. In 1926, a group of teachers arrived at the Darülfünun from France in accordance with a cultural agreement signed between Turkey and France. The following teachers arrived at the Faculty of Science: Meintré, mathematics; Pierre Fleury (1894–​1976), physics; Michel Faillebin, physical chemistry; Raymond Hovasse (1895–​1989), zoology; and François Duscio (1905–​1975) for the newly founded chair of electromechanics. In the 1929–​1930 academic year certificates were offered in thirteen branches in the Faculty of Science. These were higher algebra and analytical geometry, analytical mathematics, mechanical mathematics, general mathematics, general physics (including crystallography), general chemistry, physical chemistry, mineralogy, zoology, botany, geology, anatomy, and physiology. A student who received four of these certificates was eligible for the Bachelor of Science graduation diploma [Fen Mezuniyet Ruusu]. This program was continued in 1930–​1931. In the 1931–​1932 academic year, anatomy and physiology were removed from the curriculum, which now comprised eleven subjects. A1.1  Institutes, Garden, and Museums of the Faculty of Science Various institutes were established at the Faculty of Science following the arrival of the German scholars. Some of these institutes were both long lasting and active and formed the foundation of several of the units that still comprise the İstanbul University. A.1.2 Geology Institute Geology had been taught in the Faculty of Science since its foundation in 1900. Walter Penck, a young geologist, assisted in the foundation of laboratories, a comprehensive Geology Institute with rich collections and a large library; at the same time, he arranged

4.  See İstanbul Darülfünunu Talebe Rehberi; 1341–​1342 Sene-​i Dersiyesi (İstanbul:  Yeni Matbaa, 1341/​1925), 74–​75. For instruction [talimatname] on the FKB (PCN) Certificate [Tasdiknamesi], see İstanbul Darülfünunu Talebe Rehberi: 1926–​1927 (İstanbul: Yeni Matbaa, 1926), 113–​114; for the certificate program see İstanbul Darülfünunu Fen Fakültesi: Tarihçe ve Talimatnameler—​Müfredat Programları, 117–​136. 5.  For “Darülfünun Instructions Supplement to Article 7 of and Amendment of Article 8” [“Darülfünun Talimatnamesinin 7’inci maddesine zeyl ve 8’inci maddesinin tadiline dair”] see Düstur, III. Tertip, 2nd ed. (Ankara: Başvekâlet Devlet Matbaası, 1953), vol. 6, 380–​381.

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various research programs and expeditions.6 The materials collected during these expeditions served to enrich the institute collections, and the results of the researches were published. At the time Hamid Nafiz (Pamir) from the Faculty worked as Penck’s assistant.7 At the end of the First World War, Penck returned to his own country. At this point, the institute and all its books and instruments were destroyed in a fire from which nothing could be saved (August 28, 1918). The new museum, which was then founded in the Zeynep Hanım Mansion, was enriched by valuable collections from the Yıldız Palace [Yıldız Sarayı] and various other places, and its library was enhanced by several series of publications. Ahmed Malik Sayar (1892–​1965)8 taught geology in the Darülfünun until 1933 and made valuable contributions to its foundation. At this time, with the arrival of French Professor Ernest Chaput (1880–​1943), geological researches in the institute expanded rapidly, although their scope remained limited. Research and investigative expeditions were arranged with the assistance of İbrahim Hakkı (Akyol). With the University Reform of 1933, Swiss Professor E. Paréjas came to the Geology Institute. Unfortunately, the institute was also completely destroyed by a devastating fire that broke out in 1942. Of the institute, its collections, its library and materials, nothing survived.9 A.1.3 Chemistry Institute From 1900 onward, chemistry formed one of the subjects taught in the Darülfünun science curriculum. In 1915, three German teachers were employed in the Darülfünun chemistry branch. The reason for the priority given to chemistry may have arisen from the importance accorded by the government to military requirements and industry during the war period.10 Dr. Fritz Arndt, Dr. Von Hoesch, and Dr. Fester came to teach chemistry; they were associate professors at Breslau and were appointed professors at Darülfünun. Arndt

6. According to Muammer Dizer, this library was founded with the assistance of Walter Penck’s father, who was a well-​known German scholar and president of Berlin University, and the support of Minister of Education Şükrü Bey; it housed a rich collection of books, the majority of which consisted of donations. See Muammer Dizer, “İstanbul Üniversitesi’nde Modern Jeoloji Eğitiminin 60. Yılı,” Tıp Tarihi Araştırmaları, no. 15 (2007): 43. 7. For Hamid Nafiz Pamir and his works see OTTBLT, vol. 2, 1023–​1025; Kadıoğlu, İstanbul Üniversitesi Fen Fakültesi, 283–​285. 8.  For information concerning Ahmed Malik Sayar and his works see OTTBLT, vol. 2, 981–​984. 9. “Prof. Emeritus Hamit N. Pamir’s Thanks” [“Ord. Prof. Hamit N. Pamir’in Teşekkürü”], Türkiye Jeoloji Kurumu Bülteni 10, no. 1–​2 (1966): 28. 10. Tarık Artel, “Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e Kadar Türkiye’de Kimya Tedrisatının Geçirdiği Safhalara Dair Notlar,” in Tanzimat I (İstanbul: Maarif Matbaası, 1940), 504–​505.

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took over responsibility for inorganic and analytical chemistry, von Hoesch for organic chemistry, and Fester for industrial chemistry. An assistant was given to each of these professors. One of the first initiatives taken by the German professors was to transform chemistry, hitherto taught as a subsidiary subject in the Department of Natural Sciences, into a “Specialized Chemistry Department.” The vocational school building at Yerebatan, which belonged to the Higher Teachers Training School, was used to house a “Chemistry Institute” furnished with instruments and appliances imported from Germany.11 The ground floor contained two large laboratories for 40–​50 students while the first floor was converted into an amphitheater capable of housing 100–​120 students. A separate space was arranged for the female students. On the completion of these arrangements, hundreds of bottles were brought from Germany containing experimental substances with labels in the Ottoman script. After this, Arndt began giving regular lessons in inorganic chemistry illustrated by experiments. The aim of the Chemistry Institute, in which the three-​year courses first began in the academic year 1918–​1919, was the training of “chemists.” When the German teachers returned to their country after the Armistice, their Ottoman assistants replaced them. Ligor Tarnakidis, Ömer Şevket Bey (Öncel), Dr. Cevat Mazhar Bey, Suzi Bey, and Nâzım Asaf Bey were appointed members of the teaching faculty in the Chemistry Institute. In 1919, female students from the Department of Natural Sciences in the İnas Darülfünun [University for Girls] were admitted to the Chemistry Department. Here they followed the lessons together with the male students, but were segregated for the laboratory experiments (see Figure A.9). A  chemist, Professor Michel Faillebin, was among the teachers who came from France in 1926. With his arrival, the Physical Chemistry Laboratory was established within the Chemistry Institute, which became operative on January 26, 1926. İlhami Bey (Civaoğlu) was made assistant. Thus, physical chemistry studies in Turkey were started under Professor Faillebin, who returned to his country in 1930 after being appointed to the University of Strasbourg as professor, and Professor Dr. Gabriel Valensi (1900–​1985) was sent from France to take his place. Thus the teaching in the Physical Chemistry Institute was continued under Professor Gabriel Valensi and his assistant İlhami Bey until the 1933 University Reform. In parallel with the changes introduced as the result of the 1933 University Reform, the Chemistry Institute was reorganized with the formation of three new institutes. The Institute of General Chemistry under Professor Dr. Arndt, the Institute of Industrial Chemistry under Professor Dr.  O.  Herzog, and the Institute of Physical Chemistry under Professor Dr. G. Valensi functioned as institutions that gave diplomas in chemistry after a three-​year course of study.

11.  Ali Rıza Berkem, Kimya Tarihine Toplu Bir Bakış (İstanbul:  Türkiye Kimya Derneği Merkezi, 1996), 164.

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Figure A.9.  Inorganic chemistry lecture (Nil Sarı, et al. Kuruluşundan 1933 Reformuna Fotoğraflarla Darülfünun Tıp Fakültesi, İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2011, p. 8).

In the fifteen years between the foundation of the institute in 1918 and the University Reform in 1933, the Chemistry Institute produced 171 chemists. In 1933, Professor Arndt returned to İstanbul and assumed the position of head of the Institute of General Chemistry. A.1.4 Electromechanics Institute Courses in engineering were introduced in the İstanbul Darülfünun Faculty of Science in 1925. In 1926, a commission composed of engineers from the Faculty of Science, Hüsnü Hamid (Sayman), Burhaneddin Ferid (Sezerar), and Tevfik Bey, together with Professor Meintré from France, prepared a program based on that of the Electromechanics Institute of the Nancy University in France. The Applied Mechanical and Electrical Engineering Vocational Department was founded, and, a short time later, the Electromechanics Institute was established for the teaching of mechanical and electrical engineering affiliated to the Faculty of Science entered into operation in the academic year 1926–​1927.12 The aim of the institute was the training of electromechanics engineers in three years. This course produced its first graduates in 1928–​1929.13 Professor Meintré, who helped the foundation of the institute, was the head of the institute from 12. For the by-​laws, see İstanbul Darülfünunu Fen Fakültesi,  9–​13. 13. For the “Instructions Governing the Distribution of the Lessons in the Applied Mechanics and Electric Institute into Semesters” [“Tatbikî Makine ve Elektrik Enstitüsü Derslerinin

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1926 to 1928. Later directors of the Institute were Hüsnü Hamid Bey (1928–​1930 and 1932–​1933) and Professor François Duscio (1930–​1932), who had been teaching the applied mechanics course since 1927. Electrical, mechanical, and hydraulic laboratories were established in the institute together with a technical drawing classroom. The institute continued functioning under the Faculty of Science until 1935; from this date on, it was attached to the School of Higher Engineering [Yüksek Mühendis Mektebi], which later developed into İstanbul Technical University in 1946.14 A.1.5  Institute of Botany and Garden From the academic year 1900–​1901, botany was one of the subjects included in the Natural Sciences curriculum, and lessons on the subject were given by Esad Şerefeddin Bey (Köprülü).15 Associate Professor Dr. Leick was one of the German teachers who arrived at the Darülfünun in 1915. In 1916, Dr. Erich Frank began work in the Institute of Botany as preparant [laboratory assistant]. To his normal teaching activities as professor of botany in the Darülfünun and the production of several books on the subject, Esad Şerefeddin Bey added the organization of a botanical garden (see Figure A.10).16 Unfortunately, no trace is left of this garden. A botanical garden connected to the İstanbul University Faculty of Science was laid out at Süleymaniye quarter after the University Reform of 1933. A.1.6  Zoology Museum and Aquarium The nucleus of the first zoology museum in the Darülfünun was formed by a collection of valuable objects from the Yıldız Palace. Some of the objects from the zoological garden and museum created by Sultan Abdülhamid II in the Yıldız Palace were brought to the Darülfünun and placed at the disposal of the Faculty of Science.17 The birdcages

Sömestirlere Suret-​ i Tevziini Gösteren Talimatname”] see İstanbul Darülfünunu Fen Fakültesi,  27–​29. 14.  For further information on the Electromechanics Institute see Emre Dölen, “İstanbul Darülfünunu Fen Fakültesi Elektromekanik Enstitüsü (1926–​1935),” in Türk Teknoloji Tarihi, ed. Emre Dölen and Mustafa Kaçar (İstanbul: Türk Bilim Tarihi Kurumu-​TBTK; İstanbul Su ve Kanalizasyon İdaresi-​İSKİ, 2003), 115–​154. 15. For information concerning Esad Şerefeddin Köprülü and his publications in the field of botany see OTTBLT, vol. 2, 853–​858. 16.  Asuman Baytop and Feza Günergun, “Dr.  Esad Şerefeddin Köprülü (1866-​1942) ve Botanikle İlgili Çalışmaları,” in Türkiye’de Botanik Tarihi Araştırmaları (İstanbul: TÜBİTAK Yayınları, 2003), 277. 17.  BOA, Yıldız Esas Defteri, no.  322. For comprehensive information on the Yıldız Palace [Yıldız Sarayı] arrangements and clearance see Murat Candemir, Yıldız’da Kaos ve Tasfiye (İstanbul: İlgi Kültür Sanat, 2007).

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Figure A.10. Professor Şerefeddin Bey and female students in botany class (Nil Sarı et  al., Kuruluşundan 1933 Reformuna Fotoğraflarla Darülfünun Tıp Fakültesi, İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2011, p. 91).

and stuffed singing birds from the Yıldız Palace and dried plants are still in the İstanbul University Faculty of Science Zoology Museum and the Biology Department, respectively (see Figure A.11).18 A . 2   Fac u lt y o f   A rts The Darülfünun Faculty of Arts, like the Faculty of Science, seems to be the first its kind in the Muslim world, since it was envisaged and functioned by Ottoman bureaucrats and intellectuals. Like the other faculties of the Darülfünun, it was first known as a şube, then a medrese, and finally as a fakülte [faculty]. During the period of its foundation, education at undergraduate level was given on the subjects of Ottoman, Arabic, Persian and French literature, Ottoman and general history, general Ottoman and economic geography, archaeology, and pedagogy.

18.  Feza Günergun, “Türkiye’de Hayvanat Bahçeleri Tarihine Giriş,” in I. Ulusal Veteriner Hekimliği Tarihi ve Mesleki Etik Sempozyumu Bildirileri: Prof. Dr. Ferruh Dinçer’in 70. Yaşı Anısına, ed. Abdullah Özen (Elazığ: Fırat Üniversitesi, Turkey, 2006), 185–​218.

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Figure A.11.  Museum of Zoology and Parasitology (Nil Sarı et al., Kuruluşundan 1933 Reformuna Fotoğraflarla Darülfünun Tıp Fakültesi, İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2011, p. 85).

Faculty of Arts students were subjected to the same conditions of admission as other students. Those without a graduation diploma from a high or idadi school had to enter an exam in Arabic (grammar syntax and logic); Persian (translation and practical); Ottoman literature; official correspondence; Ottoman history; general geography; Ottoman geography and human geography; French grammar, syntax, and translation; and calligraphy. The Faculty of Arts had an intake of twenty-​five students. The graduation ceremony held at the beginning of the 1902–​1903 academic year included seven graduate from the Faculty of Arts. The teachers assigned to the Faculty of Arts in 1900 were Ata Bey (Ottoman literature), Abdurrahman Süreyya Efendi (Arabic and Persian literature), Abdurrahman Şeref Beyefendi (Ottoman and general history), Celal Beyefendi (general geography), and Emrullah Efendi (philosophy and psychology). The appointment of a French teacher was pending. In the academic years 1901–​1902 and 1903, the already existing cadre conducted the newly opened courses in the Faculty of Arts, except for the pedagogy course that was assigned to Menemenlizade Tahir Efendi (1862–​1940). In the reorganization that took place in 1913, the Ottoman university adopted the name İstanbul Darülfünunu with similar subjects brought together to form groups of courses and five departments. This new organization resembled the chair system

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adopted in German universities. According to this principle, the Faculty of Arts consisted of five academic groups: philosophy group, history and geography group, social sciences group, literature group, and languages group. In the 1912–​1913 academic year, there were 23 teachers and a total of 266 students, consisting of 228 Muslims, 15 Greeks, 13 Jews, and 10 Armenians.19 Following the opening of the University for Girls [İnas Darüfünunu] in 1915, female students began to follow courses in the Faculty of Arts. In 1915, eleven German teachers arrived in İstanbul to teach in the Faculty of Arts. Among them were Dr. Eckhard Unger (1885–​1966) for archaeology and numismatics, Dr. Obst for geography, Dr. Penck for geology and geography, Dr. Lehmann-​Haupt for ancient history, Dr. Günther Jacoby (1881–​1969) for philosophy, Dr. G. Anschütz for pedagogy and psychology, Dr. G. Bergsträsser (1886–​1933) for Semitic languages, Dr. J. H. Mordtmann (1852–​1932) for methodology of history, and Dr. Wilhelm Friedrich Carl Giese (1870–​1944) for Ural-​Altaic languages. 1916 saw the arrival of Dr. Werner Richter for German language and literature and Martin Neftel for teaching German. The return of the German teachers to their own country in 1918 had a particular impact on the Faculty of Arts. In some cases, local teachers replaced the German teachers while some chairs were closed down. The adoption of the French model was planned following the departure of the German teachers. Thus the Faculty of Arts abandoned the system of elective certificate courses and the specialized groups organized four years previously and was reorganized in the form of four departments: literature, history, geography, and philosophy. Nevertheless, in line with the new Rules and Regulations, specialization was organized in a more orderly fashion and the Faculty of Arts began to give diplomas in each department. According to the 1919 Regulations the following courses were taught in the Faculty of Arts: Turkish literature, Persian literature, Arabic literature, practical criticism, literary theories, logic, ethics, pedagogy, psychology and sociology, history of philosophy, metaphysics, Islamic philosophy, geography of the Islamic world, natural, human and economic geography, modern European and Ottoman history, ancient Oriental civilizations, medieval Oriental civilizations, political history, Ottoman history, and history of the Turkish language. Public lectures and conferences were also arranged at the Faculty of Arts.20 As based on the Regulations of 1924, the curriculum of the Faculty of Arts comprised the following courses: pedagogy, aesthetics, metaphysics, political history, history of the Turkish language, history of Arabic literature, history of Turkish literature, history of the Islamic peoples, history of Persian literature, history of Turkey, Islamic philosophy, textual commentary, history of Western literature, medieval history, sociology, ethics,

19. Arslan, Darülfünun’dan Üniversite’ye, 57. 20. Darülfünun Edebiyat Fakültesi Talebe Rehberi: 1334–​1335 Sene-​i Tedrisiyesi İkinci Şuhûr-​ı Dersiyesi (İstanbul: Evkaf Matbaası, 1335/​1919), 10–​11.

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Figure A.12.  Mustafa Kemal, president of the Republic of Turkey during his visit to Darülfünun (Faculty of Law, December 15, 1930).

history of philosophy, psychology, history of the peoples of the ancient East, history of Greece and Rome, pedagogy, logic, history of Turkish–​European relations, human and economic geography, history of German literature, Islamic and Turkish geography, history of Turkish fine arts, history and philosophical literature. It is noteworthy that the affiliation “Ottoman” related to courses on history, geography, and literature has been reformulated under the adjective “Turkish.” This change obviously was due to the adaption of Turkish nationalism as one of main pillars of the Kemalist Revolution (see Figure A.12). After 1925, the foreign teachers employed in the Darülfünun were Georges Dumézil (1898–​1986), Oscar Rescher (Osman Reşer) (1883–​1972), Théodore Lefèbvre (1889–​ 1943), and Ernest Chaput (1880–​1943). A.2.1  Institutes of the Faculty of Arts The institutes founded by the German faculty members were of significant impact on teaching and research in the field of the arts. Some of these were closed down temporarily when the German teachers returned to their own country. Nevertheless, these

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institutes left some lasting influences that survived the stay of their founders, and the whole institute concept that they introduced to the Ottoman University was to endure, though with some later modifications. A.2.2  Institute of Geography Erich Obst, a twenty-​nine-​year-​old German teacher, was appointed head of the newly founded Institute of Geography. In addition, the teaching cadre consisted of Erich Obst himself, Ali Macid (Arda), Selim Mansur, and Faik Sabri (Duran), who had studied geography in France, together with Hamid Sadi (Selen), who had completed his education in Vienna.21 Obst contributed to the foundation of a rich library in the Safvet Pasha Mansion at Şehzâdebaşı where the institute was housed, containing all the leading periodicals of the day, while he also made possible the provision of the material necessary for research in this field. The works procured by Obst now form the nucleus of the present-​day library of the Institute of Geography. In 1918, the Climatology Research Group (Tedkikât İklimiyye Encümeni) was founded in the Safvet Pasha Mansion.22 After Obst`s return to his own county, work in the Institute of Geography was continued by a teaching cadre composed of Faik Sabri (Duran), Ali Macid, Selim Mansur, and Hamid Sadi (Selen). From 1927 onward, an allocation appears in the Darülfünun budget for the Institute of Geography research expeditions. In 1927, this amounted to 9417 Liras but was reduced to 2500 Liras from 1928 onward. The Institute had a library of 4,000 volumes.23 The Institute of Geography was reorganized after the 1933 University Reform. A.2.3  Institute of Psychology A psychology course was accepted as part of the Darülfünun curriculum in 1900. Dr. Anschütz founded the Institute of Experimental Psychology and Pedagogy in 1915. The work carried out by Dr. Anschütz laid the foundation for a firmly rooted tradition. During Dr.  Anschütz’s stay at the Darülfünun, Cevdet Nasuhi and pedagogue Ali Haydar acted as his assistants and interpreters. Anschütz worked for three years in İstanbul, and on his departure the institute was closed down and the instruments he had brought to İstanbul were forgotten and abandoned.24

21. İbrahim Hakkı Akyol, “Son Yarım Asırda Türkiye’de Coğrafya –​II,” Türk Coğrafya Dergisi, no. 2 (1943): 125. 22. Ibid., 125. 23.  İstanbul Darülfünunu Talebe Rehberi:  1931–​1932/​1932–​1933 (İstanbul:  Burhanettin Matbaası, 1932), 155. 24. Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, “Prof. M. Şekip ve Marazi Ruhiyat,” in Prof. Şekip Tunç Jübilesi (Ankara: Ministry of Education, 1944), 104.

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Appendix A.2.4  Institute of Sociology

Sociology was first included in the curriculum in 1913. The Social Sciences Group [Ulûm-​ı İçtimaiye Takımı] was one of the groups into which the curriculum of the Faculty of Arts was divided during this period. Following the opening of the Sociology Department in the İstanbul Darülfünunu in 1914, Ziya Gökalp (1875–​1924), famous writer, poet, sociologist, and politician, and his colleagues founded the Institute of Sociology in the Faculty of Arts in 1915. Shortly after the institute’s foundation, its publication, the Journal of Sociology [İçtimaiyat Mecmuası], followed. Six numbers of this journal were published monthly from April 1917 onward under the direction of Necmeddin Sadık (Sadak) (1890–​1953). The publication of the journal ceased after the institute was closed down in September 1917.25 In 1933–​1934 the institute was attached to the Faculty of Law under the name of the Institute of Economics and Sociology [İktisat ve İçtimaiyat Enstitüsü]. A.2.5  Institute of Turkology The Institute of Turkology was founded on November 12, 1924, by the directive of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the president of the Young Republic.26 The aim of the institute was set forth in the first article of the directive, which stated that the aim of the institute was to research all aspects of Turkish identity and to publish the results. In addition, it also had the goals of establishing relations with similar bodies abroad and fulfilling the duties of an international scientific center. Full authority was accorded to the director in charge of the administration, and Fuad Köprülü was appointed to the post. 27 Immediately after the foundation of the Institute of Turkology, a library was established comprising 7000 volumes. A  large part of this library consisted of books purchased from the library of Nikolay Fedoroviç Katanov (1862–​1922), a Russian Turkologist of Turkish origin.28 The Journal of Turkology [Türkiyat Mecmuası] published by the institute from 1925 onward contained from the start a number of important articles on the subject of Turkish culture. Publication of the journal, the first number of which appeared in

25. İçtimaiyat Mecmuası was transcribed into Latin script and republished in book form. See İçtimaiyat Mecmuası, ed. Mehmet Kanar (İstanbul: İstanbul University Faculty of Arts, 1997). 26.  For “Instructions of the Appendant ‘Turkology Institute’ to the İstanbul Darülfünun Faculty of Art Instructions,” [“İstanbul Darülfünunu Edebiyat Fakültesi’ne Mülhak ‘Türkiyat Enstitüsü’ Talimatnamesi”] of November 12,1924, no. 1,111, see Düstur, III. Tertip, 2nd ed. (Ankara: Başvekâlet Devlet Matbaası, 1953), vol. 6, 5–​6. 27. Sevin İlgürel, “Türkiyat Enstitüsü,” Türk Kültürü 14, no. 158 (December, 1975): 39–​41. 28. This library was subsequently enriched by the addition of books donated by Sadettin Arel (1955), Hamit Ongunsu (1955), Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil (1971), Azerbaijani Sultan Beg (1973), and Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar (1974).

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August 1925 and of which six volumes had been issued by 1939, was interrupted during the Second World War, with only two volumes published between 1939 and 1945. The institute issued a number of important publications in addition to the journal itself. Twenty-​four research works on Turkish history, language, literature, and art were published in the period preceding the Second World War.29 The Institute of Turkology also published another journal: the Journal of the History of Turkish Law and Economy [Türk Hukuk ve İktisat Tarihi Mecmuası]. By 1933 only one number of the journal first published in 1931 by the Institute of Turkology with Fuat Köprülü at its head had appeared. The second issue of the journal came out in 1939.30 From 1926 onward, a regular annual sum from the Darülfünun budget was allocated to the Institute of Turkology. The institute exerted an important influence on Turkish culture and scholarship and at the same time played an important role in the formation of state cultural policy, particularly in the first years of the Republic.31 A.2.6  Institute of History This institute was founded in 1929.32 It carried out research and publication in the historical field and also aimed at establishing relations with similar institutions at home and abroad. It also owned a library.33 A .3   Fac u lt y o f   D i v i n i t y The Faculty of Divinity was first established under the name of Department of High Religious Sciences [Ulûm-​ı Âliye-​i Diniye Şubesi], and its curriculum was wholly in accord with the classical medrese program, with lectures given by the professors and teachers chosen from the ulema and medrese professors.

29. For books published in this period by the institute see İlgürel, “Türkiyat Enstitüsü,” 103. 30.  For Türk Hukuk ve İktisat Tarihi Mecmuası see Fethi Gedikli, “Fuad Köprülü ve Türk Hukuk ve İktisat Tarihi Mecmuası ve Türk Hukuk Tarihi Dergisi,” Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi (TALİD) 1, no. 1 (2003): 433–​441. 31. The institute gradually lost its influence as a result of its diminishing activities in later years and was finally closed down following the YÖK (The Council of Higher Education) law passed in 1982 and its name was changed to Türkiyat Araştırma Merkezi [Turkology Research Center]. “Prof. Dr. Mertol Tulum’la Türkiyat Enstitüsü Üzerine Sohbet,” Türk Edebiyatı, no. 199 (May, 1990): 27–​29. 32. There is a document that refers to the materials in the Darülfünun Faculty of Arts Ancient History Institute that were handed over by the curator of the Geography and History Institute on October 5, 1922. This document contains a list of maps, books, and materials listed in 303 categories. This document proves the existence of the Institute of History prior to 1929. See BOA, MF. ALY. 172/​15. 33. Talebe Rehberi 1931–​1932/​1932–​1933, 155.

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The courses were commentary on the Qur’an [Tafsir], prophetic traditions [usûl-​i Hadith], jurisprudence and principles of jurisprudence [Fıqh and usûl-​i Fıqh], theology [ilm-​i kelam], and history of Islamic religion. According to the Regulations, the course in the Faculty of Divinity was to last for four years and the number of students was set higher than in the other faculties. The quota was set at thirty and in 1900–​1901, as in the other departments, the quota was completely filled. In accordance with the Rules and Regulations, ten candidates from the School of Law were accepted without examination while twenty were accepted by examination from the medreses. In 1901–​1902, thirty medrese students were accepted into the Faculty of Divinity by competitive examination.34 The Faculty of Divinity produced its first graduates in the 1903–​1904 academic year. On this date, eighteen students graduated from the department. Independently in 1913, steps were taken in the reform of the medreses with the appointment of Mustafa Hayri Efendi as Şeyhülislam, one of the distinguished scholar and statesmen of the Second Constitutional period and one of the professors in the Faculty of Law. Mustafa Hayri Efendi persuaded the government to accept a project he had prepared bearing the title Regulations for the Reform of the Medreses [Islah-​ ı Medaris Nizamnamesi], which united all the medreses in İstanbul under the title of Dârü’l-​Hilâfeti’l-​Aliyye Medresesi (October 1,1914). When the Medrese of Specialist Senior Scholars [Medresetü’l-​Mütehassisîn] was opened, the Faculty of Divinity lost its raison d`être and was duly abolished. According to the Regulations, the Dârü’l-​ Hilâfeti’l-​Aliyye was organized as an institution in parallel with the Darülfünun, with a first grade [tâli kısmı evvel], second grade [tâli kısmı sânî], and upper grade [âli]. The instruction in each section covered four years, with the sections divided into classes and the classes into departments. Students graduating from the lower grades received a certificate [şahadetname], those graduating from the upper grade received a traditional certificate [icazetname], and those who were awarded an icazetname would be entitled to take the diploma [İstanbul ruusu], which gave them the authority to teach and carry the title of professor [müderris]. Moreover, they could take a type of doctorate course by continuing in the Medrese of Specialist Senior Scholars [Medresetü`l-​Mütehassisîn] in a two-​year course designed to prepare them as specialists above the upper-​grade level. The subjects comprising the program included religious sciences, one of the foreign languages (French, German, English, or Russian), economics and finance, psychology, philosophy and law, and gymnastics. According to these Regulations, a preparatory course was added for students entering an İstanbul medrese, and at the same time, the curriculum in all medreses outside İstanbul was made subject to a five-​year program. This new program and schedule began in an experimental stage in the academic year 1914–​1915. When the Act of Unification of Education [Tevhid-​i Tedrisat Kanunu] of the Republican government was accepted on March 3, 1924, where all medreses were closed down, a commission was set up at the request of the Ministry of Education to consider

34. İkdam, no. 2.590, 24 Jumada I 1319 (September 8, 1901): 1.

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the refoundation of the Faculty of Divinity. It was renamed İlahiyat Fakültesi, a more European appellation than its former name. After consultations with the Darülfünun Senate, it was presented to the Ministry of Education and duly accepted with a few modifications. According to this project, a preparatory class would be opened in which the students would learn one European language (English, French, or German) in addition to Arabic and Persian. Faculty graduates who wished to give religious lessons in lycées were required to follow vocational training courses. Graduates of the Faculty of Divinity did not qualify for doctorates.35 The Faculty of Divinity opened on May 7, 1924, with a ceremony held in the Darülfünun Conference Hall. The same semester system was applied as in the other faculties, in other words, a three-​year course with six semesters. From May 1924 onward, the students who were attending the high-​level courses in the abolished medreses were accepted into the faculty. To graduate from the faculty, students had to take the graduate exam. They also had to enter an exam in one European language in addition to Arabic or Persian. In 1930, the closure of the İmam Hatip Lycées, which prepared students for the Faculty of Divinity, resulted in the reduction in the number of students in the faculty. In 1933, in accordance with the “reform” policy of the Republican administration that abolished the Darülfünun, the Faculty of Divinity was completely closed down. The educational curriculum of this faculty since its inception went through a series of gradual but substantial modifications between the years 1900 and 1933. At the outset, the practice was to follow the books and the curriculum traditionally used in medreses under classical education for several centuries. The Proclamation of the Constitution ushered in the teaching of new topics in the curriculum and later the Proclamation of the Republic in particular led to changes that are even more extensive. The year 1910 saw the inclusion into the curriculum of disciplines like general history, contemporary history, history of religions, and history of philosophy. In 1924 began the teaching of courses in sociology, psychology, social psychology, history of philosophy, metaphysics, philosophy of religion, Islamic aesthetics, contemporary sects in Islam, ethnography of Islamic peoples, etc. The influence of new-​wave Republican secularization was evident in disciplines like Fıqh, Islamic jurisprudence, and the Hadith and Tafsir as well. Names of some of these disciplines were altered, and the practice in some others was modified into the teaching of their history. For instance, “Hadith and principles of Hadith” was converted to “Hadith and history of Hadith” while “Fıqh and principles of Fıqh” was converted to “History of Fıqh.” Religious beliefs of pre–​Islamic Central Asian Turks were now included into the teaching of a new course titled “History of Turkish Religion.”

35. Halis Ayhan, Türkiye’de Din Eğitimi (İstanbul: Marmara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Yay, 1999), 41.

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The Imperial School of Law was regarded as a department of the Darülfünun that was founded in 1900, but it was not officially acknowledged as an integral part of the Darülfünun until 1909. During the Second Constitution period, economics lessons were added to the curriculum of the first, second, and third years and finance at the third and fourth years. The new law schools established in various provinces (Salonica, Konya, and later Beirut) were attached to the İstanbul Darülfünun in line with the set of regulations entitled “Academic Organization of the İstanbul University” in 1913. The duration of the course in the Faculty of Law was extended to four years. At the same time, the curriculum was divided into five groups:  law, criminal law, international law, Islamic jurisprudence, administrative law and economy. During the war years, three German teachers joined the Faculty of Law. Professor Walter Schönbron (Heidelberg University), Professor Dr. Friederich Hoffmann (Hannover University), and Dr. Anton Fleck (Kiel University); they taught public law, economy, and finance, respectively. Until the foundation of the Republic, the subjects taught at the Faculties of Law were the Islamic civil code [mecelle], Islamic jurisprudence, inheritance and property laws, laws of endowment, as well as Roman laws, European civil laws, and Ottoman commercial, criminal, and administrative laws. Maritime laws, international laws, and constitutional laws were also among the main courses given to the students of the Faculty of Law. As part of the Republican legal reforms, the shari’a courts were abolished (April 1924)  and a new civil code, prepared by adapting the Swiss civil code to Turkish needs, entered into force (October 1926). Also various Western systems of laws were adopted. Consequently, the new codes and other legislations were introduced in the courses of the Faculty of Law. The teaching of Islamic jurisprudence and related subjects were relegated to a course called History of Law, where it was taught along with the legal texts of Central Asian Turkish peoples. The ancient code of law of Hammurabi, the eighteenth-​century BCE king of Babylon, was also studied because the Sumerians were now considered to be proto-​Turkish under the new Republican outlook on history. The teaching of sciences of administration and economy began in the Faculty of Law in 1913 and was later followed by courses on finance and statistics. Teaching disciplines related to economy expanded in time, and in 1936, an independent faculty was founded under the name of Faculty of Economics that was attached to the İstanbul University.

A .5   Fac u lt y o f   M ed i c i n e Since the foundation of the Darülfünun-​i Şahane in 1900, the School of Medicine had been regarded as part of the Darülfünun, and it was not until 1909 that it was officially accepted as a faculty. Meanwhile, the question of the unification of the two civilian and military medical schools had been under consideration for some time, but it was

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obvious that this would result in the dismissal of numerous members of the teaching staff.36 Eventually the two schools were unified and attached to the university under the name of Faculty of Medicine. It was to accept both civilian and military students. As far as the military students were concerned, the rules and regulations governing the Military School of Medicine in Lyons in France were presented to the Ministry of Education with a few modifications together with a newly drawn up teaching cadre. On February 4, 1910, the sultan issued the necessary decree. Military and civilian students followed the lessons in the Faculty of Medicine together, but the military students came under the administration of the Military School of Medicine (see Figures A.13 and A.14).37 After the integration of the Faculty of Medicine in the Darülfünun and its reorganization, the first five years of teaching consisted of theoretical, practical, and clinical instruction. The sixth year comprised practical work in the clinics. Clinical instruction replaced the lessons on general, internal, and external diseases. In the final year, the students were practicing in İstanbul hospitals under the supervision of the doctors.38 In the period preceding the Second Constitution, a large number of students were sent abroad, more particularly for the study of medicine. This continued to a certain extent after the Constitution period, and in the 1908–​1909 academic year, ten doctors and six pharmacists chosen by examination by the teachers in the Faculty of Medicine were sent to Europe. The Rules and Regulations of 1913 stipulated that the Darülfünun should consist of five faculties. The Schools of Pharmacy and Dentistry would be attached to the Faculty of Medicine and the Faculties of Law and Medicine in the provinces to the İstanbul Darülfünun.

36.  For the Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye see Galib Ata, Tıp Fakültesi (İstanbul:  İstanbul Darülfünunu, 1922); Ekrem Kadri Unat and Mustafa Samastı, Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye-​i Mülkiye (İstanbul: İstanbul University, Arts Faculty Press, 1990); Rıza Tahsin, Tıp Fakültesi Tarihçesi (Mirât-​ı Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye), ed. Aykut Kazancıgil (İstanbul: Özel Yayınlar, 1991); Nil Sarı, “Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye,” DİA 29 (2004):  2–​5; Ayten Altınbaş, “Mülkî Tıbbiye’nin Kuruluşu,” Tarih ve Toplum, no. 184 (April, 1999):  12–​18; Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu and Mustafa Kaçar, “Aynı Münasebetle İki Nutuk:  Sultan II. Mahmud’un Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye Ziyaretinde İrad Ettiği Nutkun Hangisi Doğrudur,” Tarih ve Toplum, no. 83 (November, 1990):  44–​48; Hüsrev Hatemi and Ayten Altıntaş, Türk Tıp Eğitiminin Önemli Adımları (İstanbul:  CSA Global Publishing, 2006); Aykut Kazancıgil, Türk Tıp ve Tabiî İlimler Tarihi Bibliografyası:  1923-​1973:  Tıp Eczacılık-​ Diş Hekimliği-​Veterinerlik-​Biyoloji (İstanbul:  İstanbul Matbaası, 1973); Zühal Özaydın and Hüsrev Hatemi, Türk Tıp Tarihi Araştırmalarının Son 30 Yılda (1973–​2002) Yönelişleri ve Bir Bibliyografya Denemesi (İstanbul: Cerrahpaşa Tıp Fakültesi Vakfı, 2002), 255–​281. 37. Nuran Yıldırım, “Tıp Eğitimimizin Tarihsel Sürecinde Eğitim Modellerine Bakış (1827–​ 1933),” in Türkiye’de Üniversite Anlayışının Gelişimi:  1861–​1961 (Ankara:  Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi-​TÜBA, 2007), 263–​265. 38. Ata, Tıp Fakültesi, 148.

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Figure A.13.  Surgeon Dr.  Cemil Pasha in a surgical theatre assisted by two female nurses among others; civilian and military medical students are seen at the background. 1910 (Nil Sarı et al., Kuruluşundan 1933 Reformuna Fotoğraflarla Darülfünun Tıp Fakültesi, İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2011, p. 179).

The Faculty of Medicine passed through difficult days in the course of the First World War. Having produced 118 graduates in 1913, it was closed for a time in 1915 as its students went to the front. However, teaching was resumed in 1916. An independent set of regulations concerning the Faculty of Medicine and the affiliated schools was issued on March 4, 1916. It remained in force with small modifications until 1933. Accordingly, the Schools of Pharmacy and Dentistry and provincial medical schools, as well as the School of Midwifery, were affiliated with the İstanbul Faculty of Medicine.39 The Faculty of Medicine followed the example of the other faculties in setting up a council composed of the teachers in the faculty. The courses in the Faculty of Medicine and the provincial schools of medicine were of six years’ duration, consisting of five years of tuition and one year of practical work. The final year consisted of three months for external diseases, three months for internal diseases, two months for gynecology, and one month each for the remaining four months in a clinical department of their choice. There was a four-​year course in the Faculties of Pharmacy and Dentistry

39. Düstur, II. Tertip (İstanbul: Evkaf Marbaası, 1928), vol. 8, 441–​459.

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Figure A.14. Male and female students including military medical students and their instructor at an anatomical theater, 1922–​1925 (Nil Sarı et al., Kuruluşundan 1933 Reformuna Fotoğraflarla Darülfünun Tıp Fakültesi, İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2011, p. 98).

comprising three years’ instruction and one year of practical work. Midwifery education lasted two years. On February 3, 1919, the Faculty of Medicine building was occupied by British troops, and education was confronted with great difficulties and pressures. However, the government of the day considered that Darülfünun was in need of further reform. Ali Kemal, the minister of education, planned to bring twelve teachers from France to the Faculty of Medicine, which led to lively discussions among the teachers. At first French was used as the medium of instruction in the School of Medicine, and it was thought that the arrival of French teachers would bring the institution closer to the French system. At the same time, the presence of French teachers in the institution would present a political obstacle to the occupation of the Faculty of Medicine by Allied troops. With this in mind, four doctors from the French occupying forces began work in the Faculty of Medicine in 1920. In September 1924, the duration of the Faculty of Medicine course was reduced from six years to five.40 Another change made in conformity with the new Instructions

40. “Appendix to the Darülfünun Instructions” [“Darülfünun Talimatnamesine Zeyl”] issued on September 24, 1924. Düstur, III. Tertip (Ankara: Devlet Matbaası, 1948), vol. 5, 1222–​1226.

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was that students applying to the Faculty of Medicine should be in possession of a certificate testifying success in the PCN course in the Faculty of Science. In 1924 at the beginning of the Republican era, as explained previously, the question of the premises of the Faculty of Medicine led to long discussions ending in a decision by the Turkish Grand National Assembly to keep the faculty in its building at Haydarpaşa.41 Not until 1933 did it prove possible to transfer the Faculty of Medicine to the European side. The first female student was accepted to the Faculty of Medicine in September 1922. By 1927, six female students had completed their medical courses and their clinical work in the following year.42 In the years from its foundation up to 1927, the Faculty of Medicine awarded 3898 diplomas in medicine, 2783 in pharmacy, 615 in dentistry, and 915 in midwifery. In 1927, there was a total student contingent of 402, with 35 female students and 367 male students.43 A.5.1  Institutes and Research Centers Attached to the Faculty of Medicine A.5.1.1  Turkish Anthropological Research Center The Turkish Anthropological Research Center was founded in İstanbul within the Faculty of Medicine in 1925, two years after the Proclamation of the Republic.44 As declared by Rector Ali Bey of the Darülfünun, the foundation’s aim was to research the Turkish race and the various other races inhabiting Asia Minor and also to establish relations with international anthropological centers.45 Immediately after its foundation the center produced a Turkish–​French journal entitled Journal of Turkish Anthropology [Türk Antropoloji Mecmuası]. This appeared biannually, with the first

41. Düstur, III. Tertip, 2nd ed. (Ankara: Başvekâlet Devlet Matbaası, 1953), vol. 6, 288. 42. Nuran Yıldırım, “Dünya’da ve Türkiye’de,” 57. Of the female doctors who graduated from the faculty, Fatma Müfide Küley (1899–​1995) pursued a successful career in internal diseases; Dr. İffet Naim Onur (1906–​1995), Dr. Suat Rasim Giz (1903–​1980), and Fitnat Celal Taygun (1898–​1985) in surgery; Dr.  Emine Sabiha Süleyman Sayın (1903–​1984) in pediatrics; and Dr.  Hamdiye Abdürrahim Rauf Maral (1895–​1975) in dermatology, physical medicine, and radiotherapy. 43.  T. C.  Devlet Salnamesi [State Almanac of the Republic of Turkey]:  1927–​1928 (İstanbul: Matbuat Matbaası, 1927), 191. 44. According to Kansu, the publication of the journal (October 1925) preceded the foundation of the Center. 1930–​1931—​according to the Students’ Guide [Talebe Rehberi] it began in 1924. See İstanbul Darülfünunu Talebe Rehberi: Ders Senesi 1930–​1931 (İstanbul: Ekspres Matbaası, 1930). 45. Director of the Darülfünun Nureddin Ali (Berkol) gave some information on this subject in a lecture delivered in Paris on 12 Teşrinievvel 1926. See “İstanbul Darülfünunu’nun Şekl-​i Hâzırı,” Türk Antropoloji Mecmuası, no. 4 (March, 1927): 53.

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number appearing in October 1925. The journal continued publication with twenty-​ two numbers until 1939. After the establishment of the Faculty of Language, History, and Geography in Ankara University, the institute was transferred to Ankara in 1933 with all its teachers and equipment.46 A.5.1.2 Cancer Institute Hamdi Suat (Aknar), teacher of pathology in the Faculty of Medicine, founded the Faculty of Medicine Cancer Institute.47 In 1925, cancer research began for the first time in a small room set aside for this purpose in the pathological laboratories on the premises of Haydarpaşa, and work commenced in line with the facilities available. Beginning from June 1928, when the institute became operational, until June 1930, 1410 patients from the Faculty of Medicine clinics as well as patients from hospitals in Adana, Ankara, Balıkesir, Bursa, Eskişehir, İstanbul, İzmir, Karahisar, Konya, and other provincial centers were treated.48 A.5.1.3 Physiology Institute Instruction in physiology in Turkey began with its inclusion in the second-​year curriculum of the Imperial Medical School in 1840. Dr. Şakir Selim (Şakir Pasha) had been sent to Paris to study with Claude Bernard, and on his return, he contributed to the foundation and development of modern physiological education in Turkey. Şakir Pasha held the chair of physiology from 1840 to 1903, to be succeeded by one of his students, Dr. Kemal Cenap (Berksoy), who held the chair of physiology from 1903 to 1933 and played an important role in the founding of the Physiology Institute. The institute building, which was completed in 1931, had fifteen rooms, including an amphitheatre and laboratories. A .6   C entr a l L i b r a r y Several attempts had been made toward the foundation of a library parallel to the venture of the foundation of the Darülfünun in 1863, again in 1869, and once again in 1874. However, when education began in various faculties of the Darülfünun in 1900,

46.  For the Turkish Anthropological Institute see Şevket Aziz Kansu, Türk Antropoloji Enstitüsü Tarihçesi (İstanbul: Maarif Matbaası, 1940). 47. See Süreyya Tanay, “Aknar, Hamdi Suat,” Aylık Ansiklopedi 2 (1946): 707; Emine Atabek, “Gülhane İç Hastalıkları Klinikleri ve Hamdi Suat Aknar,” in Türk-​Alman Tıbbî İlişkileri Sempozyum Bildirileri (18–​19 Ekim 1976, İstanbul), prep. Arslan Terzioğlu (İstanbul: İstanbul University Faculty of Medicine, 1981), 55–​69. 48. See İstanbul Darülfünunu Talebe Rehberi: Ders Senesi 1930–​1931,  51–​52.

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specialized libraries were founded in the faculties and their affiliated institutions. The first serious step toward the foundation of a central library for the one and only university in the country was taken after the appointment of Ismayıl Hakkı Bey (Baltacıoğlu) as rector of the Darülfünun (November 1923). Baltacıoğlu put emphasis on the library in his statement to the press concerning the planned reforms. According to him, the libraries of the Faculties of Arts and Law and the Faculty of Medicine possessed the richest and most up-​to-​date collection of books. However, in spite of the fact that there were 20,833 volumes in the Faculty of Arts and 15,102 volumes in the Faculty of Law, the number of books on the various fields of learning were rather low, and it was essential that the numbers should be increased. The situation could be remedied by the production of scholarly works in the faculties on the one hand and by the purchase of books from both home and abroad on the other. In 1924, Baltacıoğlu arranged for a separate allocation to be made in the Darülfünun budget to finance the purchase of books from abroad required for all the various branches of learning and announced that they were looking into possibility of obtaining funds to construct a library building.49 Well aware that scholarly work and research could not be carried on in the Darülfünun without proper libraries and laboratories, Baltacıoğlu turned to the urgent repair of the Schools of Pharmacy and Dentistry, the opening of laboratories, and, finally, the creation of a central library. Although the Faculty of Medicine was housed in a stone building the libraries belonging to the Faculties of Science, Arts, and Law were all housed in the wooden Zeynep Hanım Mansion, and Baltacıoğlu urged that they should be transferred to a stone building that was less vulnerable to the danger of fire. In addition to the books accumulated from the various faculties, the Darülfünun’s library also benefited from donations from private collections. Among these private donors were Yusuf Halis Efendi (1805–​1882), one of the interpreters from the Imperial Translation Office [Tercüme Odası]; Hüseyin Rıza Pasha (1838–​1904), one of the old ministers of justice; and Awqaf, the former Şeyhülislam Sahip Molla (1830–​1910) and his son İbrahim Bey; and Hakkı Pasha, one of the former grand viziers. Furthermore, the books donated by Şevki Pasha, the cartographer of Abdülhamid II’s reign, and stored in chests in the Beyazıt Public Library, were brought to this building. The library was soon further enriched with the addition of the works from the library of the CUP and the books donated to the Darülfünun Library by several members of the teaching faculty. The number of books in the library increased with the purchase of a large number of books from İstanbul and Europe. The greatest contribution to the increase in the value and size of the library arose from the transfer of the Court Library

49.  Leman Şenalp, İstanbul Üniversitesi Merkez Kütüphanesi:  Başlangıcından Günümüze (Ankara: Türk Kütüphaneciler Derneği, 1998), 11.

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from the Yıldız Palace.50 In accord with an edict issued on June 1, 1924, the rich library of some 35,000 volumes, some of them absolutely priceless, housed in the Yıldız Palace, together with an invaluable collection of historical photographs, images, rare books, and materials were handed over to the Darülfünun.51 Following the transfer of the Yıldız Palace Library, the Ministry of Education added a large number of books and documents from some of the public and vakıf libraries. When personal donations are taken into account the number of volumes in the Darülfünun Library rises to 100,000, making it the largest library in İstanbul. The Central Library, with its rich collection of the Yıldız Palace Library, showed a remarkable development each year with the purchase of books and periodicals from Europe.52 In 1931, the collection consisted of a total of 112,699 books and 17,900 manuscripts.53 Apart from the Central Library, each of the faculties came to possess a library of its own, and a set of regulations was made that laid out the conditions for the use of the library and its books.

50.  Ismayıl Hakkı Baltacıoğlu, Hayatım, ed. Ali Y. Baltacıoğlu (İstanbul:  Dünya Yayınları, 1989), 283–​284. 51. Şenalp, İstanbul Üniversitesi Merkez Kütüphanesi, 50, document 7. 52. In an interview given to the İkdam newspaper correspondent the Librarian Fehmi Ethem (Karatay) gives the number of books in the Darülfünun Library as 175.000. (İkdam, no. 10.160, 19. 12. 1343/​21. 7. 1925, 2–​3), but the Darülfünun student guides give the figure around 100.000. 53. İstanbul Darülfünunu Talebe Rehberi: 1931-​1932 /​1932-​1933,  23–​24.

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257

Index

1869 Regulations, 32–​33, 35, 42, 49, 55, 57–​58, 61, 62, 79–​80, 94, 127, 128, 130–​31, 135–​36, 145, 155, 162–​63, 166–​67, 179, 191 1900 Regulations, 61, 145–​46, 166–​67 1919 Regulations, 76, 97–​98, 104–​6, 108, 118, 140–​41, 144–​45, 148–​49, 168, 181, 219, 227 1924 Regulations, 141, 150, 151, 168, 169–​70, 219,  227–​28 1933 Reform, 114–​15, 117, 118, 119–​20, 144, 158, 180–​81, 189, 204, 213, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 229 Abbas Hilmi Pasha, Khedive of Egypt xxix–​xxx Abduh, Muhammed, 38–​40 Abdülhak Molla, Chief Physician, 17 Abdülhalik Midhat, 167–​68 Abdülhamid II (Ottoman Sultan) xxix, 56, 57, 60, 65–​66, 71, 85, 155–​56, 191, 192, 194, 212, 224–​25, 240–​41 Abdülkerim Efendi Mansion, 92 Abdülmecid (Ottoman Sultan), 2, 7–​10, 12, 17 Abdurrahman Münib Bey, 139 Abdurrahman Sami Pasha, 13 Abdurrahman Şeref Bey, 72, 137–​38, 226

Accounting Board [Meclis-​i Muhasebe], 133 Adana, 65, 146, 239 Adıvar, Adnan, 102 Administrative law, 33–​34, 234 Adnan Bey, 204 Advanced algebra, 50, 62, 98 Aegean coast, 4–​5 Afghani, Jamal ad-​Din, 36–​37, 38–​40, 41 Afghanistan, 3, 121, 200, 201–​2, 203–​4, 205, 206, 214 Africa, North, 1 African countries xxv Ağaoğlu, Ahmed, 109–​10, 143 Ahmed Bey, 204 Ahmed Cevdet Bey, 86 Ahmed Cevdet Pasha, 18–​19, 86 Ahmed Efendi, Architect, 14–​15 Ahmed Emin, 94 Ahmed Faris Efendi, 31 Ahmed Fazıl Efendi, 47 Ahmed Fu’ad, Prince, see King Fu’ad Ahmed Hamdi Şirvanî, 47, 54–​55 Ahmed İzzet Pasha, Grand Vizier, 95–​96 Ahmed Kâmil Efendi, 135–​36 Ahmed Khan, Sir Seyyid, xxvi Ahmed Lütfi Efendi, 21 Ahmed Mithat Efendi, 137–​38, 167–​68

258

258

Index

Ahmed Refik (Altınay), 170 Ahmed Şükrü Bey, 76 Ahmed Tevfik Pasha, Grand Vizier, 149 Ahmed Vefik Pasha, 25–​26 Al-​Azhar Mosque [al-​Jami’ al-​Azhar] xxx University xxx Albania, ix–​x, 54–​55,  56–​57 Alcalá de Henares xxv Aleppo (Halep), xviii, 65, 146, 191, 194,  197–​99 Algiers xxx Ali Ahterhan (Indian), 204 Âlî Efendi, 12 Ali Kemal Bey, 83, 237 Ali Kemal, 99–​100 Ali Macid (Arda), 138–​39, 229 Ali Muzaffer (Göker), 94 Ali Nazima Bey, 82 Ali Nizami Pasha, 46 Ali Raşid, 170 Ali Vehbi (Türküstün), 139, 169, 184, 188 Aligarh Muslim University xxvi Al-​Jami’a al-​Misriyyah al-​Ahliyyah xxix–​ xxx, 199–​200 Al-​Khwarizmi  xxxiii America xxiii, 111–​12, 185 Central, xxv North, xxiv​ American College xxiv–​xxv College for Girls xxiv–​xxv University of Beirut, xxviii–​xxix American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, xxviii–​xxix Amicus usque ad aras xxviii Analysis, 98, 219 Analytic(al) chemistry, 139, 219, 221–​22 geometry, 34, 50, 62, 98, 217, 219, 220 mathematics, 219, 220 trigonometry, 218

Anatolia(n), 1, 43–​44, 101, 102, 109, 186–​87,  194 provinces, 65, 146, 196–​97 Anatomy, 36, 98, 111, 189, 203–​4, 219, 220 Ancient coins, 30–​31, 179 Eastern civilizations, 98 Egypt, xxix–​xxx Greece, xxix–​xxx, xxxiv, 18–​19, 29 history, 92, 227 Near East xxix–​xxx, 112–​13, 227–​28 Oriental civilizations, 227 Rome, xxix–​xxx, xxxiv Ankara, 99, 100–​1, 102–​4, 106–​7, 111–​12, 117, 139, 146, 149, 169, 186, 202, 203–​4,  239 Faculty of Law, 139 Anschütz, G., 92, 227, 229 Arab xxxi–​xxxii, 51, 56–​57, 194, 198–​99 literature, 54, 98, 129, 225, 226, 227–​28 nationalism xii–​xiii Peninsula, 1 provinces, 65, 146, 176, 193–​94, 200 Arabic xxix–​xxx, xxxi​, 2–​3, 19, 22–​23, 33, 34, 36–​37, 38–​40, 51, 54–​55, 62, 63, 70–​71, 105–​6, 112–​13, 126, 127, 128, 131, 143–​44, 146, 174, 175, 176, 198, 205, 208, 212 education, xxxiv language xxx, 131, 176, 193–​94, 227–​28,  233 linguistics and grammar x, 195, 226 manuscripts xxxiii, 130, 164 Archaeology, 51, 62, 66–​67, 225, 227 Architecture, 50, 58 Arif Hikmet Bey, Şeyhülislam, 8–​10, 17 Arinori, Mori, xxvi–​xxvii Aristoklis Efendi, 36–​37 Aristotle, xxxiii Arithmetic, xxxii, 5–​6, 71, 130, 172 Armenians, 32–​33, 137–​38, 227

259

Index Arnd, Fritz, 88, 92, 139, 168, 180–​81, 218–​ 19, 221–​22, 223 Asia, Central, 233, 234 North, 99 Asian, 106 countries, xxv nations, xxvi–​xxvii Turks, 233, 234 Association of Graduates of the Darülfünun for Girls, 82 Astronomy, x, 5, 25–​26, 31, 34, 36, 41, 50, 63, 98, 127, 129, 130, 135–​36, 159–​60, 161, 165, 174, 217–​18, 219 Ataullah Efendizâde Şerif Efendi, 17 Atatürk, see Mustafa Kemal Pasha Austria-​Hungary,  85 Autonomy of Darülfünun, ix​, 71, 74, 94, 96, 97, 103–​5, 106, 107, 108, 109–​10, 113, 118, 119–​20, 142, 147, 148–​49, 152, 181, 213 Averroes, xxxiii Avicenna, xxxiii, 176–​77 Avni (Başman) Bey, 117 Ayasofya Mosque, 14 Aziz Efendi, 31, 135–​36 Aziz Sancar, 120 Babanzâde Ahmed Naim Bey, 83, 84–​85 Baccalaureate, xxiii–​xxiv, 73, 147, 218 Baghdad, xviii, 6, 65, 121, 146, 197–​98, 200, 214 Law School, 197–​98 University,  197–​98 Bahaeddin Bey (Kantar), 139 Balkan(s), 1, 128, 177, 183–​84 war, 108, 196 states, 120 Baring, Evelyn, Sir also Lord Cromer, xxix–​xxx Barsamyan, Muallim, 100 Bedri Efendi, 54–​55

259

Behçet Bey, 170 Behçet, Hulusi, 189 Beirut, xxviii​, 65, 78, 139, 189, 192–​94, 198, 200, 203–​4, 234 Industrial School, 198 Belgium, 138–​39, 142–​43, 144 Bergsträsser, G., 92, 94, 227 Berke, Mehmed Zühdü, 203–​4 Berlin, 41 University, 139 Bern, 115 Bernard, Charles A., 132 Beşiktaş Ulema Grubu,  8–​10 Besim Ömer Pasha (Akalın), 98–​99, 102, 113 Beyazıt Public Library, 240–​41 Square, 106, 107 (see Darülfünun: Square) Bezzazyan, 48 Biochemistry, 62, 98, 204, 217–​18, 219 Biology, 33, 66–​67, 159–​60, 172, 173, 194,  219–​20 Bitola (Manastır), xviii, 65 Black Sea, 1 Boğaziçi [Bosphorus] University, xxviii Bologna, xxi​ Bombay, India xxvi Bonaparte, Napoleon, 1 Bonkovski Efendi, 31 Bosnia Herzegovina (Bosna-​Hersek), 11, 65 Botanical Garden, 224 Institute, 88 Studies,  218–​19 Botany, 31, 34, 62, 87, 92, 98, 129, 135–​ 36, 139, 159–​60, 177, 204, 217–​18, 219–​20,  224 Bourbon Restoration, 32 British, xxvi, 57, 93 administration, xxvi colonies, xxiv–​xxv, xxvi

260

260 British (Cont.) Court Martial, 100 forces, 93, 95–​96, 99, 237 model, xxiv–​xxv, xxvi Büchner, Ludwig, 29, 57, 123, 170–​71 Bülbülyan Efendi, 48 Bulgaria, ix–​x, 32–​33, 38–​40, 65, 183–​84 Bureaucracy, 2, 7–​10, 15–​16, 91, 189–​90,  191 bureaucratic, 1, 17, 152–​53, 207, 208 bureaucratization, xii bureaucrats, xxvi, 2–​3, 7–​8, 11–​12, 21, 24, 25–​26, 30, 32–​33, 34, 38–​41, 43, 46–​47, 126–​27, 129, 209, 217, 225 Bursa, 146, 186–​87, 191, 239 Cairo,  159–​60 University, xxix–​xxx (also Fuad I University) Calculus, 34, 50, 62 Calcutta, India xxvi University, xxvi Caliph, ix, 60, 61 Caliphate, 37, 56, 101 Çankof Efendi, 32–​33 Carolides, M., 51 Catholic church, xxv organization, xxix sovereigns, xxii–​xxiii Caucasus, 1, 65 Cemal Hüsnü (Taray) Bey, 113 Cenap Şehabeddin, 99, 100 Certificate [şahadetname], xxxvi, 28, 34–​35, 62, 67, 73, 138–​39, 145–​46, 155, 180, 194, 195, 219–​20, 227, 232,  237–​38 for teaching, xxxiv of honorary professorship, 102–​3 Çeşme, 4–​5, 214 Cevad Bey, 204 Cevad Mazhar Bey, 139, 188, 222

Index Chaput, Ernst, 169, 186, 221, 228 Chemistry, 3, 23, 24, 26, 30–​31, 34, 36, 50, 52, 54, 62, 63, 64, 84, 87, 98, 120, 127, 135, 139, 144, 159–​60, 165, 168, 174, 175, 177, 188, 204, 217–​20, 221–​22 department, 222 Institute, 92, 180–​81, 221, 222 Chinese, xi custom,  172–​73 Chronicler [vakanüvis], 8–​10, 21 Civil law, 33–​34, 47, 48, 133, 234 Civilian School of Medicine, 61, 62, 132, 139–​40, 175,  212–​13 Code of laws [Düstur], 51–​52, 164 procedures, 133 Codification, 124–​25, 133 of Islamic law [shari’a], 43 Collège de France, 135 Colonialism, 210 Columbus, Christopher, xxv Commercial, xxviii, 47, 54–​55, 148 court, 133 law, 33–​34, 133, 148, 234 schools,  166–​67 Committee of Union and Progress Party (CUP), 65–​66, 70, 72, 73–​74, 76, 85, 94, 95–​96, 123, 201–​2, 240–​41. Also İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti Fırkası Comparative Semitic Languages Institute, 92 Composition and Translation Board [Telif ve Tercüme Encümeni], 168,  169–​70 Comte, Auguste, 57 Constitutional, 65–​66, 123 government,  65–​66 law, 197–​98, 234 regime, 56, 235 Cosmology, 22 Council, 8–​10,  16–​17

261

Index of Inspections and Examinations [Encümen-​i Teftiş ve Muayene], 60 of Minerals and Mines, 23 of Public Works [Meclis-​i Umur-​ı Nafia], 6 Crimea, 1, 65 Crimean War, 15 Criminal courts, 133 judicial procedure, 133, 197–​98 law, 33–​34, 133, 197–​98, 234 Criminal procedures, 133 Curriculum, xxii, 5, 34, 44, 48, 51–​52, 84–​85, 86, 97, 98, 116–​17, 128, 129, 132, 135–​36, 167, 181, 195, 211, 214, 217–​18, 219, 220, 221, 224, 227–​28, 231, 232, 233, 234, 239 of the Darülfünun, 41, 42, 127, 229, 230 D’Hollys, M., 47 Dadyan Artin Efendi, 32–​33 Dagavaryan, Sivas Deputy, 137–​38 Damascus, xxix, 56–​57, 191, 198–​99, 200 Faculty of Medicine, 139, 192–​94, 198–​99,  205 Law School, xxix, 139, 177, 198–​99 School of Medicine, xxix, 78, 139, 177, 189, 205, 214 university, 121 Damat Ferit Pasha, Grand Vizier, 83 Dârü’l-​Hilâfeti’l-​Aliyye Medresesi, 98, 232 Darülfünun for Boys, 83 budget, 108–​9, 110–​11, 142–​43, 157–​58, 184, 185–​86, 229, 231, 240 for Girls [İnas Darülfünunu], 80–​81, 82, 83, 84, 187, 222 -​ı Osmanî [Ottoman University], 30, 33, 36, 42, 66–​68, 76, 91–​92, 98–​99, 126, 127, 128, 135–​36, 162, 179

261

-​ı Şahane, 48–​49, 55–​56, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 67–​68, 129, 130–​31, 134, 145–​ 46, 156, 212–​13, 234–​35 -​ı Sultanî [Sultanic University], 42, 44–​45, 46–​47, 48–​49, 50–​51, 52–​53, 54, 59, 129, 131, 133–​34, 136, 155–​56, 163–​64, 179–​80,  211–​12 journals,  185–​86 lessons,  167–​68 Library, 106, 187, 240–​41 square (see Beyazıt Square) teachers/​ professors, 108–​9, 112–​13, 123–​24, 148–​49, 168, 169–​70, 174, 183, 184, 185, 210 Darüşşafaka, 62, 145–​46 Darwin’s evolution theory, 170, 172–​74 Defoe, Daniel, 22–​23 Dental and Pharmaceutical Schools,  115–​16 Dentistry School, 106 Department of Arts [Edebiyat Şubesi], 61, 62, 63–​ 64, 65, 66–​67, 68–​69, 70–​71, 82, 98, 182 of Chemistry, 84 of Divinity [Ulûm-​ı Âliye-​i Diniye Şubesi], 61, 62, 63–​64, 66–​67, 72 of Education of the Council of State, 32–​33,  36 of History, 182 of Languages, 70 of Law, 33–​34, 67–​68, 72 of Mathematical and Natural Sciences [Ulûm-​ı Riyaziye ve Tabiiye Şubesi], 34, 49, 62, 63–​64, 65, 66–​67, 82, 84, 92, 130–​31, 145–​46, 218, 222 of Midwifery, 97–​98 of Philosophy and Literature, 33, 34, 182 of Publication [Daire-​i İlmiye], 163 de Pret, M., 50–​51 Derman, Ömer, 204

26

262

Index

Derviş Mehmed Pasha, chemist, 23, 24–​ 25, 26, 27–​28, 127, 165 de Salve, M., 30–​31, 52 Directorate of Ruşdiye Schools [Mekâtib-​ i Rüşdiye Nezareti], 6 Dissertation [müsvedde], 34–​35, 72–​73, 140, 179, 180 District schools [mahalle mektebi], 6 Divân, ix -​ı Muhasebat [Exchequer and Audits Court],  25–​26 Divinity, 60, 61, 73, 78, 104–​5, 106, 130, 134, 150, 212–​13 Dockyard School of Medicine [Tersane Tıbbiyesi], 132 Durkheim, Émile, 123–​24 Ebüzziya Tevfik Bey, 32–​33 Edhem Pasha, 23, 24 Edirne, 65, 146 Egypt, xxix–​xxx, 1, 6, 38–​40, 68, 104, 149–​50, 199–​200 Electromechanics Institutes of the Faculty of Science,  115–​16 Institutes of the Nancy University,  223–​24 Emin Bey, 161 Emin Efendi, 54–​55 Emrullah Efendi, 66, 68–​69, 70, 71–​74, 75, 76, 77–​78, 79, 137–​38, 146–​47, 148–​49, 156–​57, 180, 196–​97, 226 England, xxiv–​xxv, xxxiii, 22–​23, 70–​71, 85, 176–​77, 193–​94, 204–​5, 208, 218,  232–​33 English, xv–​xvi, xxiv–​xxv, xxix–​xxx language, xxvi speaking world, xxiv–​xxv university, xxxv–​xxxvi Entente Powers, 86 Esad Bey (Sagay), 115 Esad Efendi, 8–​10, 12

Esad Şerafeddin (Köprülü), 139, 224 Ethics, 33, 98, 131, 140, 227–​28 Ethnographic,  17–​18 Ethnography, 233 Ethnological, 29 Ethos, xii, 27, 123 Euclid, xxxiii Europe(an), ix–​xi, xiii, 2–​3, 7–​8, 12, 14, 22, 23, 36–​37, 43, 50, 52, 71–​72, 95, 109–​10, 127, 129, 133–​34, 137–​39, 140, 143–​44, 147, 171, 176–​77, 183, 199, 202, 208, 210, 211, 212, 214, 227–​ 28, 232–​33, 235, 240–​41 Central, xxv civilization, 29 culture, xxv, 30–​31 engineers, 136 imperialism, 37 journals, 188 languages, 16–​17, 53–​54, 70, 126, 173, 176,  232–​33 literature, 22–​23,  159–​60 nations, xi, 1, 5, 99, 114, 207 newspaper, 82 provinces, ix–​x, xi–​xii, 12, 43–​44, 56–​ 57, 65, 106, 107, 146, 194, 238 scholarship and education, xxxiii, 109, 123, 129, 134–​35 superiority,  x–​xi technology,  19–​20 university, xxi, 44–​45, 49, 51–​52, 79, 85, 108, 125, 129–​30, 134, 135, 141, 144–​45, 147–​48, 152, 162–​63, 181, 183, 189–​90, 207–​8, 209, 213 western, ix Experimental, 189, 222, 232 biology,  66–​67 physics, 66–​67, 98, 219 Faculté des Lettres [Edebiyat Mektebi], 51, 131 Faculty

263

Index of Arts, 84, 94, 98, 99, 100, 102–​3, 115–​ 16, 129, 131, 137–​39, 141–​42, 144–​45, 146–​47, 149, 167, 181, 182, 185, 225, 226, 227, 230, 240 of Divinity, 61, 104–​6, 134, 140, 143–​44, 231,  232–​33 of Law, xxix, 71, 104, 120, 138, 139, 158–​59, 198, 232, 234, 240 of Letters, 111 of Medicine, xxix, 67–​68, 78, 97–​99, 100–​1, 104, 106, 107, 111, 139–​40, 182, 188, 192–​93, 203–​5, 206, 234, 235, 236–​39, 240 of Pharmacy, 111, 204 of Philosophy, 127 of Science, 98, 103, 106, 130–​31, 139, 146, 185–​86, 188, 217, 218, 219, 220–​21,  224 of Theology, 45 Faik Sabri (Duran), 94, 138–​39, 168, 229 Faruk Bey (İlhan), 204 Fatin Efendi (Gökmen), 103 Fatma Hanım, Egyptian Princess, 104,  149–​50 Fazıl Ahmed, 142 Fazlı Faik (Yeğül), 139, 168 Feridun Fikri Bey, 169 Feyzi Efendi, 38–​40 Feyzi Pasha, General, 192 Finance, 87, 88, 92, 232, 234 Finance Administration Officers [Defterdarlık], 7 Fıqh [Islamic jurisprudence], 3, 31, 47, 54–​55, 129, 232, 233 First World War, 80, 85, 93, 157–​58, 168–​ 69, 192–​93, 197–​98, 221, 236 Fleck, Anton, 88, 234 Fleury, Pierre, 54–​55, 220 Foridi, Hıristo, 48 Fossati, Gaspare Trajano, 14–​15, 135, 154 France, xxiii–​xxiv, xxxiii, 6, 33, 86, 111–​ 12, 128, 135, 138–​39, 142–​43, 144,

263

161, 186–​87, 206, 208, 220, 222, 223–​24,  235 Frank, Erich, 88, 218–​19, 224 French, xxix​, 1, 5, 6, 16–​17, 29, 30–​31, 33, 34, 36–​37, 43, 44–​45, 46–​47, 53, 54, 55, 57, 62, 70–​71, 129, 131, 132, 133, 135, 142–​43, 159–​60, 163–​64, 169, 171, 174, 175, 183, 189, 193–​94, 195, 204–​5, 232–​33, 237,  238–​39 Academy of Medicine, 188 Academy of Science, 17 Archaeological Society, 188 Chemistry, 175 Civil code, 127 Commercial Law, 148 Culture, 91 Dermatology and Syphilography, 188 Educational system/​model, xi–​xii, xxiii–​xxiv, xxvii, 32–​33, 34, 45, 52, 58, 77, 94, 127 Faculty of Medicine, 192–​93 Forces, 93 Government, xxiv Influence, 94 Juridical system, 133–​34 Materialism, 124 Medical Dictionary, 176 Ministry of Education, xxiii, 13 Revolution, xxii–​xxiii, xxx–​xxxi, 32–​33, 125 University, xxiii–​xxiv, xxx, 33, 85, 93, 96 Fuad Bey, 204 Fu’ad Pasha, 8–​10, 12 Fuad Pasha, 8–​10, 12, 18, 23, 25, 26, 27–​28 Fünun-​ı berriye and bahriye, 5–​6. See also military and naval sciences Galanti, Avram, 94 Galatasaray Lycée-​Imperial Lycée [Mekteb-​ı Sultanî], 30–​31, 44, 47–​48, 60, 62, 86–​87, 136, 137–​38, 141–​42, 145–​46, 155–​56,  211–​12 Galen, xxxiii

264

264

Index

Gaudiosi, Monica, xxxv–​xxxvi Geneva,  138–​39 geodesy, 50, 220 Geography, 220, 225, 226–​27, 228, 229, 239 of the Islamic world, 227 Geology, 19, 20, 31, 34, 50, 62, 87, 92–​93, 98, 129, 135–​36, 139, 170–​71, 180–​81, 192, 200–​1, 217–​19, 220–​21, 227 Geometry, xxxii, 5–​6, 26–​27, 34, 50, 62, 130, 168, 217, 219, 220 German, xxiii–​xxiv, 57, 70–​71, 172–​73, 189, 204, 218, 222, 232 curriculum, 86 discipline and order, 86 ınfluence, 85, 86–​87, 90, 94, 171 language, 92, 227 materialism, 57 Ministry of Culture, 87 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 86 teachers, professors, scholars, 86–​87, 88, 90–​91, 92–​93, 94, 140, 168–​69, 180–​81, 186–​87, 218–​19, 220, 221, 222, 224, 227, 228–​29, 234 University system/​model, xxiv, 58, 77, 85, 87, 91–​92, 96, 212, 226–​27 Vulgärmaterialismus, 123, 124 Germany, xxiv, 57–​58, 82, 85, 86–​88, 92, 111–​12, 138–​39, 141–​42, 144, 208, 222 Giz, M., 135–​36 Goold, M., 47 Grand Vizierate, 8–​10, 17, 25, 31, 60 Grandes écoles, xxiii–​xxiv,  44–​45 Grant, Edward, xxxiii Great Britain, xxv, 86 Greece, ix–​x, xxix–​xxx, xxxiv, 196, 227–​28 Greek, 44–​45, 99, 126, 127, 131, 175, 176–​77,  227 army,  102–​3 language, x, 33, 34, 51 legacy, 29 literature, 51, 129

occupation, 102 philosophers, 20 Guizot Act, 6 Gulam Faruk, 204 Gülhane, 7 Practical School, 132–​33 Gurion, David Ben, 120 Hâdi Faik (Saçlı), 168 Hadith [Prophetic traditions], 3, 62, 232, 233 Haekel, Ernst, 57 Hakkı Tarık (Us), Giresun Deputy,  109–​10 Halid Bey, 135–​36 Halid Ziya Bey (Uşaklıgil), 137–​38 Halil Halid Bey (Çerkeşşeyhizâde), 185 Halil Efendi from Plovdiv, 38–​40, 46 Halil Fikret, 142 Halil Nimetullah, 174 Halil Rıfat Pasha, Grand Vizier, 60 Halkalı School of Agriculture [Halkalı Ziraat Mektebi],  166–​67 Hamdullah Suphi (Tanrıöver), 94, 108–​ 10, 111, 142–​43 Hamid Nafiz (Pamir), 139, 188, 220–​21 Hamid Sadi (Selen), 141–​42, 229 Hamidian era, 57, 61, 123 Hanioğlu, Şükrü, 124 Hasan Reşad, 204–​5 Haydarpaşa military hospital, 132–​33 Quarter, 106, 107, 238, 239 Hayri Efendi, 53 Hayrullah Efendi, physician, 17 Hejaz province, 65 railway,  56–​57 High school [lycée-​idadi], xxviii, 30–​31, 32, 44, 58, 59, 60, 62, 98, 115–​16, 145–​46, 156, 170 Examinations [Baccalaureat], 73 for Girls [Inas Sultanileri],  80–​81

265

Index High School of Letters (Damascus), xxix Hikmet Bey, 204 Hindus, xxvi Hippocrates, xxxiii History, xxix​, 25–​26, 30–​31, 33, 47, 51, 54, 92, 131, 135–​36, 137–​38, 168,  226–​27 of Islam, 43, 62 of philosophy, 66–​67, 92, 98, 140, 227–​28,  233 of Western literature, 98 Hoca Tahsin Efendi, 29, 30, 36 Hoffmann, Friedrich, 88, 234 Hospital also Bimaristans, Dar al Shifas, 107, 115–​16, 120, 131–​33, 191, 206, 235, 239 Hovasse, Raymond, 169, 172, 186–​87, 220 Humboldtian University/​Model xxiii Hungary, ix–​x, 85 Hüseyin Bey, 161 Hüseyin Cahid Bey (Yalçın), 137–​38 Hüseyin Dâniş, 100, 137–​38, 167–​68 Hüseyin Rıfkı Tamanî, 5, 159–​60 Hüsnü Hamid (Sayman), 139, 223–​24 Hydraulics, 50, 54 Hygiene, 36, 204 Ibn al-​Haytham, xxxiii Ibn Khaldun, xxxii, 173 İbrahim Hakkı (Akyol), 141–​42, 169, 183, 186, 221 İcazet, see Traditional certificate Ideology, 3–​4, 43, 56, 106, 120, 124, 178, 213 Ijaza li’t-​tadris, xxxiv İmam,  3–​4 Hatip Lycées, 233 Imperial Arsenal [Tophane-​i Âmire],  154–​55 Capital,  ix–​x Dockyards [Tersane-​i Âmire], 4–​5, 130 Dynasty,  30–​31

265

edict /​rescript /​order /​decree, xxvii, 5–​6, 7, 12, 14–​15, 24, 27–​28, 30, 35, 44–​45, 49, 74, 76, 97, 101 government, xxviii, 50 Lycée, 30–​31, 44, 46–​47, 50, 51, 52–​53 Medical School [Tıbhane-​i Âmire], 132, 239 Medical Society [Cemiyet-​i Tıbbiye-​i Şahane], 132 Ministry of Waqfs, 11 reforms, 17 School of Law [Mekteb-​i Hukuk-​ı Şahane], 48–​49, 67–​68, 133–​34, 234 School of Medicine [Mekteb-​i Tıbbiye-​i Adliye-​i Şahane], 25–​26, 132, 175, 214 School of Military Engineering [Mühendishane-​i Berri-​i Hümayun],  159–​60 Schools of Engineering, 5–​6, 27 Surgical School [Cerrahhane-​i Âmire], 132 Translation Office [Tercüme Odası],  240–​41 India(n), x, 204 Indonesia, xxx Industrial, 26, 27, 36–​37, 208, 209, 214 analysis, 219 chemistry, 54–​55, 92, 98, 218–​19,  221–​22 -​ization, 4–​5,  125 revolution, xi, 1, 208 schools, 58, 166–​67, 197, 198 Inorganic chemistry, 62, 84, 88, 92, 98, 139, 217–​19,  221–​22 Chemistry Institute, 92 Intelligentsia, xxix, 7, 13, 124, 208, 211 International, 208, 230 anthropological centers, 238–​39 conference, 101, 183, 184, 185, 189 law, 33–​34, 47, 127, 185, 234 medical journals, 189

26

266

Index

Iran, 3, 121, 199, 200, 201 Iraq, 214 University, xxix İshak Efendi, Başhoca, 5, 27 Iskanovi, M. Orphilidi, 50–​51 Islam, x, 3–​4, 26, 27–​28, 34, 37, 43, 56, 123, 129, 173 Islamic aesthetics, 233 civilization, ix, 29, 130, 134–​35 community/​people, 213–​14,  227–​28 countries, 3, 37, 159–​60, 214 culture, x–​xi, xii, 29, 211 Educational Association [Cemiyet-​i Tedrisiye-​i İslâmiye], 148 educational institutions, xxxv–​xxxvi history, 98, 141–​42 institutions, 208 jurisprudence, xxx, 33–​34, 47, 62, 127, 129, 135–​36, 233, 234 literature, 5, 176, 182, 193–​94 norms and customs, 83, 123–​24 philosophy, 98, 140, 173, 227–​28 theology [kelâm], 33, 62 tradition, 5 world, ix, 61, 124–​25, 160–​61, 207–​8,  210 İsmail Pasha, 12 İsmail Hakkı Bey (Babanzâde), 72, 79f, 129, 188 İsmail Hakkı İzmirli, 173 İsmayıl Hakkı (Baltacıoğlu), 80, 94, 100, 109, 110–​11, 138–​39,  239–​40 İsmet Pasha, 102–​3, 115 İstanbul, ix, 6, 13, 14–​16, 22, 36–​37, 38–​ 40, 43–​44, 46–​47, 53–​54, 56–​57, 62, 65, 73, 84–​85, 86, 87, 88, 91–​92, 93, 99, 103, 106, 107, 109, 111–​12, 113, 115, 116, 132, 133, 134–​35, 136, 138–​39, 141–​42, 144, 146, 158–​59, 163–​64, 171, 183–​84, 186–​87, 192, 195, 196,

199, 200, 203–​5, 211, 217, 223, 227, 229, 232, 238–​39 Darülfünun, xxix–​xxx, 11, 37, 65, 75, 76, 78, 83, 90–​91, 104–​6, 115, 116–​17, 118, 138, 150, 182, 189, 203, 204, 205, 206, 218, 219, 223–​24, 226–​27, 230, 234, 235 hospitals, 235 Lycée [İstanbul Erkek Lisesi],  86–​87 Municipality Chemistry Laboratory, 84 Museum of Antiquities, 88 newspapers, 24, 85 School of Law, 194, 198 School of Medicine, xxix, 193–​94, 204, 236 Technical University, 55, 223–​24 University, xxix–​xxx, 48–​49, 55, 117, 118–​20, 158, 177–​78, 210, 214–​15, 234 Italy, xxi, 86, 132 İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti Fırkası, see Committee of Union and Progress Party (CUP) Izmir, 99, 146, 169, 186, 191, 239 J. J. Rousseau Pedagogy Institute, 138–​39 Jacobo, M. Miltiade, 47 Jacoby, Günther, 94 Janissary corps, 6, 132 revolt, 6 Japan, xxiii, 210 Japanese, xi Shogun Kekei, xxvi–​xxvii Jaquemot, M., 51 Jesuit, xxviii–​xxix Jews(ish), 172–​73, 198, 227 Journal, xxiii, 24, 29, 92, 123, 160–​61, 167, 168–​69, 170, 172 of History of Turkish Economy and Law,  168–​69

267

Index of Sociology,  168–​69 of the Faculty of Art,  168–​69 of the Faculty of Divinity,  168–​69 of the Faculty of Law,  168–​69 of the Faculty of Medicine,  168–​69 of the Faculty of Science, 168–​69, 171 of Turkology,  168–​69 Judicial procedure, 31, 33–​34, 197–​98 Kadı,  3–​4 Kadızade al-​Rumî,  26–​27 Kastamonu, 65, 146 Kavâid-​i Osmaniye, 18 Kazasker,  3–​4 Kâzım Efendi, 40–​41, 42 Kâzım Pasha (Özalp), 107 Kâzım Şinasi, 94 Keçecizâde Fuad Efendi, see Fu’ad Pasha Kemal Pasha, the chairman of the Department of Education 32–​33 Kemalist historical thesis, 112–​13 reforms, 112 Revolution, 213, 227–​28 Kerim (Erim) Bey, 117 Kerim Efendi, 51, 135–​36 King Fu’ad, xxix–​xxx, 199–​200 Kırımlı Aziz Bey, 161, 165 Konstantinidi Efendi (Pasha), 135–​36 Konya, 65, 78, 109, 194, 196, 234, 239 İdadi School, 196–​97 Industrial School, 197 Law School, 196–​97 Köprülüzâde Mehmed Fuad (Köprülü), 94, 138, 170, 185 Kraft und Stoff [Force and Matter], 29, 123 Küçük Said Pasha, Grand Vizier, 57, 212 Kuwait, xxx Kyoto, xxvii

267

Lambert, M., 54–​55 Latin, xxxii, 33, 34, 112, 114, 127, 131, 176, 178 Christendom, xxx–​xxxi Church, xxii Literature, 51, 129 TRADITION, xxxiv universitas, 147 world, xxxiii Lausanne, 101 Treaty, 103 University, 139, 141–​42 Lavisse, Ernest, 170 Lebanon, xxviii–​xxix Legal autonomy,  104–​5 entity, 55–​56, 147, 149, 150, 151 identity [şahs-​ı manevî], 103–​4, 108, 109–​10, 148–​50, 151, 152, 213 literature, 164 opinion [fetvas], 27 reforms, 133, 234 status, 104, 160–​61 structure/​frameworks, xxi, 32, 79–​80, 94, 118, 133, 147–​48, 210, 213 Lehmann-​Haupt, 94, 227 Levant, 1 Levantine newspaper, 42 Liberal arts, 51–​52, 130, 131 Libya, xxx Licentia docendi, xxxiv Lima, xxv Linguistic, 126, 143–​44, 177, 193–​94, 212, 214 revolution, 178 Literary, 3–​4, 71, 160–​61, 212 criticism, 98 language, xxvi, 128 science, 3 terminology,  169–​70 theory, 98, 137–​38, 167, 227

268

268

Index

Logic, x, 33, 51, 54, 98, 129, 131, 135–​36, 195, 226, 227–​28 Madras, India xxvi Mahmud Efendi, 135–​36 Mahmud II (Ottoman Sultan), 1, 6, 7–​8, 11, 13, 32, 132 Mahmud Mansur Efendi, 32–​33 Makdisi, George, xxxiv Malaysia, xxx Malche, Albert, 114–​16, 117, 118 Manastırlı İsmail Hakkı Efendi, 60 Maritime law, 33–​34, 43, 47, 54, 133, 197–​98,  234 Materialism, 29–​30, 57, 123, 124 Mathematical, 187 disciplines, 130 physics, 98 sciences, 27, 61, 62, 64 Mathematics, x, 3, 5, 30–​31, 34, 42, 50, 54, 62, 63, 98, 129, 135, 139, 144, 146, 159–​60, 174, 187, 217–​18, 219, 220 Mecelle also Ottoman civil code Islamic civil law [mecelle-​i ahkâm-​ı adliye], 43, 47, 127, 129, 133, 234 Mechanics, xxxiii–​xxxiv, 30–​31, 34, 50, 54, 98, 217–​18, 219, 223–​24 Mecmua -​i Fünun [Science Journal], 20, 24, 29, 160–​61,  170–​71 -​i ulûm [ Journal of Sciences], 159–​60,  161 -​i ulûm-​i riyaziye [Compendium of Mathematical Sciences], 165 Medicine, x, 3, 30–​31, 33, 45, 111, 130, 131–​ 32, 144–​45, 165, 174, 199–​200, 204 Medina, Hejaz 56–​57, 202 Medrese, ix, 2–​4, 45, 71–​72, 73, 97, 104, 125, 126, 128, 129–​32, 134, 140, 145, 147, 152, 209, 212–​13, 225, 232, 233 courses, 128, 142 education, x, 21, 127, 129

graduate, 21, 71, 72, 126–​27, 128, 129–​ 30, 133, 145, 146, 217 of Specialist Senior Scholars [Medresetü`l-​Mütehassisîn],  232 students, 24, 34–​35, 36, 62, 64, 145–​47,  232 teachers, x, 231 tradition, 131 Mehmed Akif (Ersoy), 137–​38, 167–​68 Mehmed Ali Aynî, 94, 210 Mehmed Ali Fethi Efendi, 19 Mehmed Ali Pasha, botanist, 139 Mehmed Ali Pasha, Governer of Egypt, 68 Mehmed Cevdet Efendi, 26 Mehmed Emin Pasha, 8–​10, 12, 16–​17 Mehmed Emin, Sociologist, 96, 172, 173 Mehmed Recai Efendi, 8–​10 Mehmed Refik (Fenmen), 139 Mehmed Reşad (Ottoman Sultan), 74 Mehmed Şemseddin (Günaltay), 141–​42 Meiji period, xxvi–​xxvii Mekâtib-​i Âliye [schools of higher education], 6, 32, 44–​45 Melekpaşazade Abdülkadir Bey, 8–​10 Merton College, xxxv–​xxxvi Mesopotamia, 1 Meşrebzâde Mehmed Arif Efendi, 8–​10 Metaphysics, xxxii, 98, 99, 140, 227–​28,  233 Meteorology, 62, 217–​18, 220 institute, 92 Mexico, xxv Microbe, 36 Middle Ages, 98 Middle East, 1, 120 Military, 10, 12, 85, 135, 139–​40, 156, 159–​60,  201 academy, 8–​10, 19–​20, 26, 31, 129 education, 3–​5, 6 ınstitutions, 3–​4, 107, 178, 209, 211–​12 reforms, 4–​5, 132, 207

269

Index School of Engineering, 21, 27, 129, 139–​40, 164, 180, 209, 214, 234–​35 School of Medicine, 6, 31, 129, 132–​33, 139–​40, 164, 175–​76, 209, 214,  234–​35 sciences, 5–​6, 165 Millet [non-​Muslim religious communities represented within the Empire], 45 Mineralogy, 30–​31, 62, 98, 129, 135–​36, 139, 159–​60, 217–​18, 219, 220 Mining, 34 engineering, 141 exploration, 34 Ministry of Agriculture and Mining, 141–​42 of Education, 20, 30–​31, 35, 38–​41, 48–​49, 52, 54, 63, 67–​68, 69, 71–​72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80–​81, 83, 86, 87, 90, 94, 96, 97, 100, 110–​11, 115, 117, 118–​19, 135, 141–​42, 144, 151, 152–​53, 156, 157–​58, 161, 162–​63, 168, 169–​70, 183, 184, 192–​93, 194, 232–​ 33, 235, 241 of Finance, 15–​16, 107, 154–​55 of Justice, 46–​49, 111, 133–​34, 139, 180 of Public Education, 13, 26, 60, 61, 62 of Public Works [Nafia Nezareti], 49, 50, 51 of waqfs, 11 of War [Bâb-​ı Seraskerî], 106, 154–​55,  192–​93 Modernity, xxvii, 43, 112, 123–​24 Moleschott, Jacob, 57, 227 Mordtmann, J. H., 88, 91–​92, 227 Mosul, 11, 197–​98 Muammer Raşid (Seviğ), 139 Müderris [professor], 3–​4, 105–​6, 140, 179, 232 muavini [asssistant professor], 105–​6 Müderris Hilmi Efendi, xviii, 42

269

Mudros Armistice, 96 Müftü,  3–​4 Mughal Empire, xxvi Muhammadan Anglo-​Oriental College, xxvi Mühendishane-​i Cedide [New Engineering School], 5 Müller, 204 Münevver bendegân [enlightened civil servants], 7, 189–​90 Münif Efendi, Pasha, 20, 24–​25, 29, 36–​ 37, 162, 170–​71 Museum, 14, 30–​31, 34, 52, 179, 180, 184, 190, 220, 221, 224–​25 of Antiquities (see İstanbul’s Museum of Antiquities) of Education, 92 Music, xxxii, 130, 144 Muslihiddin Adil, 168 Muslim, xv, 3–​4, 7, 55, 82, 123, 134–​35, 144, 163–​64, 172–​73, 175–​76, 194, 200, 227 administrators/​bureaucrats, xxvi, 32–​ 33, 124–​25,  213–​14 communities/​people, x, 43, 48, 133, 205, 211 countries, xxx nation,  159–​60 philosophers/​scholars, xxxiii,  2–​3 world, ix, 60, 61, 82, 174, 200, 205, 207, 209, 210, 213–​15, 217, 225 Mustafa Behçet Efendi, Chief Physician, 132, 175 Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), 101, 102–​3, 112, 116, 123–​24, 144, 230 Mustafa Reşid Bey (Belgesay), 139 Mustafa Reşid Pasha, 12, 17–​18 Mustafa Şekip (Tunç),  138–​39 Mütefennin zâbitan, 5–​6. See also technically educated officers Muzaffer Bey, 170 Mytilene (Midilli) Island, xviii, 65

270

270

Index

Natural geography, 141–​42 Natural Law, 33, 131 Natural philosophers, xxxii, 28 Natural sciences, xxxiii, 22, 25–​26, 33, 34, 41, 50, 52, 62, 63–​64, 65, 127, 135, 141–​42, 146, 164, 179, 218, 219–​20 Natural selection, 172–​73, 174 Navigation, 165 Navy, 4–​5, 214 Nazif, Süleyman, 99–​100 Nazım Zühdü Pasha, 60, 63, 134 Necib Asım Bey, 102–​3, 143–​44, 170 Necmeddin Sadık (Sadak), 138–​39, 172–​73,  230 Neftel, Martin, 88, 227 Nevşehirli Damad Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizier, 18–​19, 199 Nezahat, Seniha, 80 Nikolaki Efendi, 47, 54–​55 Nimet Bey, 94 Niyazi Berkes, 122 Nizamiye Courts, 43, 133 Nomenclature, 126, 174, 180 Nord, Dr. 88, 91–​92 Numismatics, 33, 34, 131, 227 Nureddin Ali (Berkol), 106–​7, 111, 112, 142–​43,  204 Nureddin Bey, 204 Nureddin Peştunistanî, 204–​5 Obst, Erich, 92, 227, 229 Ömer Şevket (Öncel), 139, 188, 204, 222 Organic chemistry, 62, 64, 92, 98, 139, 217–​19 Chemistry Laboratory, 92–​93, 218–​19,  221–​22 Orhan Pamuk, 120 Osman (Pazarlı) Bey, 117 Osman Saib Efendi, Chief Astronomer, 127 Ottoman, ix, 1, 4, 7, 15, 16–​17, 18, 26–​27, 32, 43–​44, 47, 53–​54, 59, 73–​74,

112–​13, 124–​25, 132, 164–​65, 166, 175–​76, 202, 213, 214 Academy of Sciences, 16 army, 27 constitution, 43 culture, x–​xi, xii, 27–​28, 34, 84–​85, 127, 128, 134–​35, 160–​61, 162, 167 educational system/​life/​institutions, xii, 4–​5, 10, 21, 32, 55, 73–​74, 86, 125, 128, 130, 144–​45, 147, 189–​90, 200–​1,  211–​12 Empire, ix, 3–​4 , 7–​8, 30, 32–​33, 35, 45, 46–​47, 48–​49, 51, 57–​58, 63–​ 64, 65–​66, 79–​8 0, 82, 85, 95–​96, 98, 99, 108, 109, 121, 131–​32, 133, 141, 144, 147–​48, 149, 160–​61, 174, 177, 192, 199, 207, 208, 210, 212 financial system, 152, 156 government/​administrators/​ reformers/​bureaucrats, x​, 11–​12, 43, 44–​45, 54–​55, 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 103–​4, 122, 180–​81, 209, 213, 217, 225 history, 2, 32, 62, 98, 125, 129–​30, 131–​ 32, 137–​38, 152, 195, 225, 226, 227 industry, 29, 208, 211 intellectuals, xi–​xii, 29, 57, 85, 91, 124, 171, 173, 199–​200, 208, 214 Learned Society [Cemiyet-​i İlmiye-​i Osmaniye], 20, 160–​61 literature, 51, 62, 66–​67, 84–​85, 131, 137–​38, 174, 226 medical terminology, 193–​94, 205 medrese, ix–​x, xxxi–​xxxii,  147–​48 modernization, xii, 10, 18, 42–​43, 112, 125, 214 Navy, 4–​5, 214 newspapers/​press, 38–​40, 81, 82, 87, 165 Parliament, xv, 65–​66, 70, 71–​72, 73, 76, 79, 95, 108–​9

271

Index provinces/​territories, xxviii, 56–​57, 65, 90, 199, 200 public service, 55–​56 scholars, 27–​28, 134–​35, 170, 180, 191 school [Mekteb-​i Osmanî] (in Paris),  134–​35 science, 27 society, x, 10, 38, 75, 84–​85, 125, 214 ulema,  38–​40 University (see Darülfünun-​ı Osmanî) Ottomanism [Osmanlılık], 30, 56, 123 Paris, xxii, 25–​26, 30–​31, 41, 49, 132–​33, 135, 138–​39, 143–​44, 170–​71, 185, 188, 239 Pedagogy, 62, 66–​67, 68–​69, 87, 98, 114–​15, 137–​39, 168, 180, 225, 226, 227–​28,  229 Penal law, 33, 47, 48 Penck, Walter, 92–​93, 169, 186–​87, 218–​ 19, 220–​21, 227 Permanent Council of Public Education [Meclis-​i Maarif-​i Umumiye], 12, 13, 153 Perrard, M., 51 Persian, x, 16–​17, 22–​23, 33, 34, 63, 99–​100, 105–​6, 112–​13, 127, 128, 131, 146, 176, 201, 204–​5, 208, 212, 226,  232–​33 literature, 62, 98, 137–​38, 225, 226,  227–​28 Pharmacy, 192, 204, 238 School, 78, 106, 139, 235, 236, 240 Philosophy, xxix–​xxx, xxxii, 28, 30–​31, 51, 54, 62, 66–​67, 68–​69, 92, 98, 135–​36, 137–​38, 140, 168, 173, 226–​28, 232, 233 Physics, 23, 24–​25, 26, 27–​28, 30–​31, 34, 36, 50, 54, 62, 63, 88, 98, 127, 129, 135, 141–​42, 159–​60, 161, 168, 177, 192, 217,  218–​20 Physiology, 66–​67, 98, 131, 189, 203–​4, 219, 220, 239

271

Institute, 239 Political history, 98, 227–​28 Pope Alexander III, xxxiv Positivism, 30–​31, 123 Principles of jurisprudence [usûl-​i fiqh], 31, 33–​34, 47, 54–​55, 129, 232 Probability, 62, 64, 98, 217–​18, 219 Prophet Mohammad, xxxii, 38–​40 Prosody [cilm-​i aruz], 33, 131 Protestant, xxix Christianity,  22–​23 sovereigns, xxii–​xxiii Provisional Council of Education [Meclis-​i Muvakkat], 8–​10, 11, 12, 13, 16, 153 Psychology, 33, 87, 98, 131, 138–​39, 226, 227–​28, 229, 232, 233 Ptolemy, xxxiii Public, xxvi, 24, 29–​30, 38–​40, 45, 61, 63, 65–​66, 71–​72, 85, 106, 114, 181–​82,  211 criticism, 40 economy, 92 education, xi–​xii, 2–​3, 6, 7–​10, 12, 21, 32–​33, 42, 69, 73–​74, 79–​80, 94, 95, 96, 124–​25, 131, 160–​61, 208, 214 illiteracy, 12 law, 92, 234 lectures [ders-​i cam or ders-​i umumi], 15–​16, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27–​28, 29, 30, 36, 38, 80–​81, 127, 135–​36, 161, 210–​11,  227 opinion, 28, 96 services, 55–​56, 211 university, xxiii Punjab, India xxvi University, xxx (also Pakistan University) Quadrivium, xxxi–​xxxii, 130 Qur’an, xxxii, 21, 129 exegesis [ilm-​i tefsir], 60, 62, 129, 232

27

272

Index

Ragıp Hulusi Bey, 143–​44 Ramboud, Alfred, 170 Rauf Efendi, 47 Rebii Hikmet Barkın, 202, 204–​5, 206 Recaizâde Ekrem Bey, 32–​33 Redhouse, James William, 3 Refet Pasha, 103 Reform, xi–​xii, 1, 7–​8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 17–​18, 21, 33, 43, 56, 57, 65–​66, 69, 70, 71, 73–​74, 91–​92, 96, 103, 104, 109–​10, 112–​13, 114–​15, 118, 132, 133, 141, 151, 152–​53, 175, 180, 199, 201–​2, 207, 209, 212, 213, 219, 232, 240 acts of 1839, 43 commission, 83 edict of 1856, 152–​53 movements, 2, 114, 178, 214 policy, xii, 1, 7, 56–​58, 122, 233 Regulations of Public Education [Maarif-​i Umumiye Nizamnamesi (RPE)], 31, 32, 33, 34–​35, 55, 57–​58, 62, 79–​80, 155 Renaissance, xxv Republican Archives, xv era, 29–​30, 144, 169, 178, 214, 238 ideology, 120 People’s Party [Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası (CHF)], 114–​15 reforms, 103–​4, 114, 151, 178, 234 regime/​government/​administration, 103–​4, 106, 113, 120, 158–​59, 178,  232–​33 secularization, 233 Turkey, 55 Rhetoric, x, 33, 40, 129, 131, 135–​36 Richter, Werner, 88, 227 Rıfat Bey, 31, 161 Rifat Pasha, 12 Rıfkı Bey, 206 sanatorium, 206 Ringer, Fritz K., 208

Rıza Tevfik Bey (Bölükbaşı), 93, 99–​100,  137–​38 Robert Academy, xxviii College, xxviii Roberts, John, xxvii Roman institutions, 54 law, xxxiv–​xxxv, 33–​34, 47, 54, 127, 129, 147, 210, 234 literature, 51 Romania, ix–​x, 183 Rome, xxix–​xxx, xxxiv, 227–​28 Rüegg, Walter, xi–​xii, xxiii Rumelia, 12, 194 Rüşdiye [secondary schools], 6, 11, 32, 56, 60,  79–​80 Ruşen Eşref (Ünaydın), 169 Russia(n), 1, 6, 11, 15, 82, 86, 182, 230 Embassy, 11 fleet,  4–​5 language, 70–​71, 143–​44, 232 Rüştü (Uzel) Bey, 117 Sadık Bey, 48 Sadullah Pasha, 32–​33, 41 Safvet Pasha, 26, 31, 36–​37, 41, 44–​45 mansion, 92 Saib Mir, 204 Said Efendi, 25–​26 Said Muhib Efendi, 8–​10, 12 Saint Joseph University, xxviii–​xxix Saint Louis Lycée, 25–​26 Şakir Pasha, 60, 189 Salamanca, xxv Salih Efendi, Chief Physician, 25–​26, 165 Salih Zeki Bey, 63, 168 Salonica (Selanik), 65, 78, 146, 191, 194, 195, 217, 234 İdadi school, 195 Law School, 195, 196–​97, 198 Samim Bey (Gönensay), 139

273

Index Saraçoğlu Şükrü Bey, 109–​10, 170 Saudi Arabia, xxx Sawas Pasha, 44–​45, 46, 50, 51–​53, 155–​56,  164 Schleiermacher, Friedrich, xxv Schmidt, Franz, 86–​87, 88, 91–​92, 93 School for Civil Servants [Mekteb-​i Mülkiye], 60, 137–​38, 217 School of Arts, 45, 51–​52, 54, 126 School of Civil Engineering [Mülkiye Mühendishanesi], 44–​45, 49, 54, 130–​31, 164–​65, 180, 217 School of Judges, 106 School of Roads and Bridges [Turuk ve Maabir Mektebi], 46, 49, 50, 52–​53, 54–​55,  155–​56 Science Society [Cemiyet-​i İlmiye],  160–​61 scientism, 29–​30, 123 Sea of Marmara, 14 Second Constitution (1908), 65, 73–​74, 79–​80, 134–​35, 157, 167, 180, 235 period, 66, 137, 146–​47, 178, 218, 232, 234 Second World War, xxx, 206, 230–​31 Secularization, xi–​xii, xxiii, 7–​8, 12, 13, 233 Selahaddin Bey, 204 Selim, Şakir, 239 Selim III (Ottoman Sultan), 1, 5–​6 Selim Mansur, 138–​39, 229 Selim Sabit Efendi, 128, 135 Seljuk Turks, ix Semitic languages, 87, 143–​44, 227 Şemseddin Sami, 3, 94, 102–​3 Sevrès Treaty, 99 Şeyhülislam [head of the religious hierarchy], 3–​4, 6, 8–​10, 13, 17, 38–​40, 84–​85, 232,  240–​41 Seyyid Mustafa Efendi, 5 Sharett, Moshe, 120

273

Shari’a courts, 234 law (Islamic Law), x, 3–​4, 43, 133–​34 Shils, Edward, xxvii Shkoder, 6 Sıbyan School (primary schools), 6, 11, 32, 58, 79–​80 Sicily, xxxiii Sivas, 51, 65, 137–​38, 146 Skopje (Üsküp), 65, 146, 195, 217 Social Darwinism, 29–​30, 57, 123, 172 Society of Science [Encümen-​i Dâniş], 14, 16 Sociology, 98, 123–​24, 138–​39, 173, 227–​ 28, 230, 233 Sorbonne Faculty of Law, 139 Polytechnic, 139 South America, xxv Spain, xxv Specialization, xi–​xii, xxiii, 137–​38, 140, 227 Stadium/​Studia generalia, xxii Stahler, A. 168 Stamped documents [evrak-​ı sahiha],  11–​12 Stock, A. E. 168 Suavi, Ali, 46, 155–​56 Sublime Porte Grand Vizier’s Office, 2, 7, 8–​10, 11–​12, 13,  47–​49 Süleyman Pashazâde, 80 Süleyman the Magnificent (Ottoman Sultan), 3–​4,  131–​32 Süleymaniye, 224 Medresesi,  131–​32 Sultanic lycee (sultani), 32, 58 School [Mekteb-​i Maarif-​i Adliye], 7, 44, 45 Schools of Higher Education [Mekâtib-​i Âliye-​i Sultanîye],  44–​45 University (see Darülfünun-​ı Sultanî)

274

274

Index

Sunnah, xxxii Sunni beliefs, 40 world, xxx Supreme Council for Judicial Regulations [Meclis-​i Vâlâ-​yı Umur-​i Adliye], 7–​10, 11–​12, 13, 17, 23, 25, 27–​28, 153, 199 Educational Council [Meclis-​i Kebir-​i Maarif], 36–​37,  162–​63 Süreyya Bey, 204 Sweden,  111–​12 Switzerland, 14–​15, 111–​12, 138–​39, 141–​43,  144 Syria, xxviii​, 22–​23, 48–​49, 177, 191, 192, 197–​99, 200, 205, 214 Protestant College, xxviii–​xxix Tabriz, 201 Tahir Bey (Taner), 111, 139 Takiyüddin, the Chief Astronomer,  26–​27 Takvim-​i Vekayi, 28, 41, 161, 199 Talat Pasha, Grand Vizier, 94, 95–​96 Tanzimat, 3–​4, 40, 55, 96, 133, 147–​48, 152–​53,  165 administrations/​bureaucracy/​ intelligentsia/​reformers, xxviii, 7, 13, 14, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 27–​28, 30, 34, 38–​40, 55, 56, 122, 123, 125, 126–​27, 135–​36, 144, 160–​61, 207–​8, 209, 211 edict, 2, 207 educational policy, 22 period/​era, 2–​3, 23, 24, 43–​44, 73–​74, 96, 133, 148, 199, 214 reforms, xv, 2, 7, 27, 152–​53, 212 Taranakidis, Ligor, 139, 188, 222 Teachers Training School for Boys [Darülmuallimin], 82 Teachers Training School for Girls [Darülmuallimat],  79–​81

Teaching diplomas [müderrislik ruusları],  34–​35 Technology, ix, 4–​5, 26, 27–​28, 36, 38, 86, 165, 208 Tehran, 200, 201 Tevfik Halil Bey, 204 Theory of numbers, 98 Thrace, 1 Three languages [elsine-​selâse: Arabic, Turkish and Persian], 22–​23, 128, 146 Toderini, Giambattista, ix–​x Tokyo, xxvii Topography, 34, 50, 54–​55, 220 Torozyan, 48 Trabzon, 65, 146, 217 Traditional certificate [icazet], 73, 232 Tramway Company, 108 Treaty of Bucharest, 196 Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca, 18–​19 Trebizond, 11 Trigonometry, 34, 50, 217, 218 Trivium, xxxii Tuba tree legend, 68, 69, 74, 137–​38 Tunisia, xxx Tural, Şakir, 204 Turkey, xxviii, 1, 55, 56–​57, 90, 101, 103, 113, 114, 115, 117, 120, 121, 122, 141–​42, 143–​ 44, 159–​60, 175–​76, 177, 188, 202, 204, 206, 214–​15, 220, 222, 227–​28, 239 Turkish Grand National Assembly, 100–​1, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108–​10, 111–​12, 118–​19, 141–​42, 143, 149, 169–​70,  238 Ulema, 3–​4, 8–​10, 12, 13, 17, 21, 29, 31, 38–​40, 43, 127, 129, 134–​35, 140, 170–​71,  231 Ulūm,  2–​3 aqlīya, x naqlīyah, x Uncuyan, 48

275

Index Unger, Eckhard, 88, 227 Unification of Education Act [Tevhid-​i Tedrisat Kanunu], 104–​5,  232–​33 United States, xxiv, 85 Universitas, xxi–​xxii, 147 magistrorum, xxi–​xxii scholarium, xxi–​xxii University of Bologna, xxxiii–​xxxiv of Cambridge, xxiv–​xxv, 185 of Geneva, 114–​15, 139 of Greifswald, 88 of Harvard, xxvi of Heidelberg, 185, 234 of Keio, xxvii of Liège, 139 of Lyons, 138–​39 of Oxford, xxii, 185 of Padua, xvi of Paris, xxi​ of Princeton, xxvi of Santo Domingo, xxv of Syria, xxix, 198–​99 of the State of New York, xxviii–​xxix of Tokyo, 200–​1 of Vienna, 141–​42 of Waseda, xxvii of Yale, xxvi Ural-​Altaic languages, 87, 92, 227 Useful sciences and arts [ulûm ve fünûn-​ı nafia],  17–​18 Vahid Bey, 161 Vahideddin (Ottoman Sultan), 101, 149 Vaiz,  3–​4 Veterinary School, 139 Vienna, 132–​33, 139, 141–​42, 229 Vogt, Karl, 57 Walter de Merton, xxxv–​xxxvi Walter, Mary, 204 Waqf also Vakıf, x, 4, 11, 35, 118

275

War Academy, 135–​36 Weltanschauung, 124 Western, 5–​6, 18–​19, 27–​28, 38, 128, 159–​ 60, 162, 185 academic tradition, xxxiv countries, 61 cultures, traditions, and institutions, x–​xi, xii,  22–​23 educational institutions, ix–​x, 123 influence, xxvi–​xxvii journals, 188 languages, 34, 127 laws, 133–​34, 234 literature, 56–​57, 98, 137–​38, 227–​28 medicine, 132 philosophy, xxix–​xxx powers, 101 science and technology, ix, 3, 4–​5 university, xxxvi, 212–​13 values, xii Westernization, 112, 142 Wilhelm von Humboldt, xxiii, 58 Würschmidt, J., 88, 218–​19 Yahya Kemal Bey, 102–​3 Yanko Efendi, 54–​55, 164 Yemen, 56–​57, 65 Yitzhak Ben-​Zvi, 120 Young Turks, 57, 65–​66 Yugoslavia,  ix–​x Yusuf Akçura Bey, 109–​10 Yusuf Kâmil Pasha, Grand Vizier, 26, 68 Zahiye Hanım, 82 Zarnick, Boris, 88, 171, 218–​19 Zehra Hanım, 82 Ziya Gökalp, 95–​96, 123–​24, 230 Zoology, 31, 34, 62, 88, 92–​93, 98, 129, 139, 165, 177, 186–​87, 188, 217–​19, 220,  224–​25 Zoryan, 48 Zülfü Bey, Diyarbakır Deputy, 109