The great cat massacre and other episodes in French cultural history 9780465027002, 9780465015566, 9780465010486

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations (page ix)
Acknowledgments (page xiii)
Preface to the Revised Edition (page xv)
Introduction (page 3)
1 Peasants Tell Tales: The Meaning of Mother Goose (page 9)
2 Workers Revolt: The Great Cat Massacre of the Rue Saint-Séverin (page 75)
3 A Bourgeois Puts His World in Order: The City as a Text (page 107)
4 A Police Inspector Sorts His Files: The Anatomy of the Republic of Letters (page 145)
5 Philosophers Trim The Tree of Knowledge: The Epistemological Strategy of the Encyclopédie (page 191)
6 Readers Respond to Rousseau: The Fabrication of Romantic Sensitivity (page 215)
Conclusion (page 257)
Notes (page 265)
Index (page 285)

Citation preview

The Great Cat Massacre And Other Episodes in French Cultural History

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"THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE AND OTHER EPISODES IN FRENCH

Sane

CULTURAL HISTORY

KR DO) VS Pi Robert Darnton

Hardcover first published in 1984 by Basic Books A Member of the Perseus Books Group Copyright © 1984 by Basic Books, Inc. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information, address Basic Books, 387 Park Avenue South, New York, NY 10016-8810. Books published by Basic Books are available at special discounts for bulk purchases in the United States by corporations, institutions, and other organizations. For more information, please contact the Special Markets Department at the Perseus Books Group, 2300 Chestnut Street, Suite 200, Philadelphia, PA 19103, or call (800) 819-4145, ext. 5000, or e-mail special. [email protected].

The Library of Congress has catalogued the hardcover as follows: Darnton, Robert. The great cat massacre and other episodes in

French cultural history.

Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. France—Civilization—17th—18th centuries— Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. National characteristics, French—Addresses, essays, lectures. 3. Folklore—France—Addresses, essays, lectures.

1. Title. [DC33.4.D37 1984] 944'.034 8440515 ISBN 0-394-72927-7 (pbk.) Cover art of “The First Stage of Cruelty” by William Hogarth

is reproduced courtesy of the trustees fo the ) British Museum, London 9C8 Paperback ISBN: 978-0-465-01274-9

10987654321

for Nicholas

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List of Illustrations 1x Acknowledgments X1ii Preface to the Revised Edition XV

Introduction 3

1 Peasants Tell Tales: The Meaning of Mother Goose 9 2 Workers Revolt: The Great Cat Massacre of the

Rue Saint-Séverin 75

3 A Bourgeois Puts His World in Order:

The City as a Text 107

4 A Police Inspector Sorts His Files: The Anatomy

of the Republic of Letters 145

5 Philosophers Trim The Tree of Knowledge: The Epistemological Strategy of the Encyclopédie 191

6 Readers Respond to Rousseau: The Fabrication

of Romantic Sensitivity | 215

Conclusion 257

Notes 265 Index | 285 | vii

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Mother Goose tales, from the original illustra- , tion to Perrault’s Contes de ma mére l’oye. Photo-

graph courtesy The Pierpont Morgan Library 8

brary 14

Little Red Riding Hood, by Gustave Dore.

Photograph courtesy The Pierpont Morgan Li-

Puss ’n Boots, by Gustave Doré. Photograph |

courtesy The Pierpont Morgan Library 28 The ‘First Stage of Cruelty” by William Hogarth. Reproduced by Courtesy of the Trustees

of the British Museum | 74 The world turned upside down in a carnival : procession. Photograph courtesy Bibliothéque |

Nationale, Paris 84

, 1x

Diversions of the common people in Rampon- - | eau’s tavern outside Paris. Photograph courtesy

Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris 87

| List of Illustrations A nude with a cat, from 4 study for the “Olym-

pia” by Edouard Manet. Photograph courtesy

M. Knoedler & Co., Inc. 90 Cruelty to animals as an everyday scene of domestic life. Photograph courtesy Bibliotheque

Nationale, Paris 91 ,

A young witch preparing for a Sabbath, by An- , toine Wiertz. Photograph courtesy Bibliothe-

que Nationale, Paris 93 A procession honoring the Spanish infanta in Paris, in 1722. Photograph courtesy Bibliothe-

que Nationale, Paris 106

_ A procession of dignitaries in Toulouse. Photo-

graph by Jean Dieuzaide : 110-111

Political propos in a Parisian café. Photograph

courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris 144

Paris 156

A libelliste, Jean de La Coste, being pilloried. Photograph courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale,

Nouvellistes clustered in a café. Photograph

courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris 180 x

List of Illustrations

The Sanctuary of Truth, an allegory of the arts and sciences from the frontispiece of the Encyclopédie. Photograph courtesy Brandeis Univer-

sity Library 190

The joys of motherhood by Moreau Le Jeune. Photograph courtesy Philadelphia Museum of

7 Art: Purchased 214 The tomb of Rousseau at Ermenonville. Photo-

graph courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris 238

| x1

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

THis BOOK grew out of a course, History 406, that I have offered at Princeton University since 1972. Originally an introduction to the history of mentalités, the course developed into a seminar on history and anthropology, thanks to the influence of Clifford Geertz, who has taught the course with me for the last six years and in doing so

has taught me most of what I know about anthropology. I should like to express my gratitude to him and to our students. I also owe

a great deal to the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton, where I began writing this book as a member of a program on self-

perception and historical change financed by the Andrew W. Mel- | lon Foundation. And finally, I would like to thank the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation whose award of a prize fel-

lowship made it possible for me to suspend my normal work in |

enterprise. |

order to follow up and finish what must have appeared to be a risky

xi

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PREFACE TO THE : REVISED EDITION

OF THE GREAT | CAT MASSACRE

THIS NEW EDITION of my book gives me an opportunity to address

new readers, and I am happy to take advantage of it. Publishing a book is similar to throwing a stone down a deep well: you wait and wait, expecting to hear a splash, but sometimes you hear nothing. Of all the books I have written, The Great Cat Massacre made the greatest splash—perhaps, as some have said, because it has a catchy title. When the title caught their eye, readers apparently were intrigued. Why, they asked, should a serious historian occupy himself with such a bizarre event as the ritual slaughter of cats in an obscure neighborhood of eighteenth-century Paris? I hope that question will draw readers into the text and, more importantly, into a new kind of history. In the 1960s, when everything new seemed to originate on the Left Bank of Paris, this history was heralded as histoire des XV

Preface to the Revised Edition

mentalités—the history of mentalities, or the study of the mental universe of ordinary people. Before then, historians had concentrated on the intellectual life of the elite, but they could not deny that peasants and workers had ideas, too. If some way could be

found to penetrate into the worldview of the masses and study the values and attitudes of people in the bottom ranks of society, a whole new dimension of history would open up. But the problems posed by this kind of research seemed to be insurmountable. Most Europeans were illiterate before the nineteenth century. How could a historian find traces of mental activity by people who had left no written record of it? The first attempts to find a solution to this problem produced some inferences but little in the way of rigorous argument. Historians studied chapbooks that were read aloud to peasants. They compiled statistics from wills, which suggested how the poor imagined the afterlife. They investigated exotic subjects like witchcraft, magic, banditry, and folk medicine. But they did not make systematic advances into this field of study until they began borrowing concepts

and methods from a neighboring discipline, anthropology. | Anthropologists had made the worldviews and value systems of illiterate people a principal subject of their research since the beginning of the twentieth century. To be sure, they divided into

| rival camps and disagreed among themselves just as heartily as historians do, so their concepts could not be imported wholesale into history. But by the 1990s historians were making such effective use of so many varieties of anthropology that even the

French abandoned their trademark notion of the history of mentalities and took up anthropological history.

The Great Cat Massacre, first published in 1984, is an early attempt to write history in this vein. I intended it for the general reading public as well as for scholars, so I did not include much in the way of theoretical discourse. I wanted to show how anthropological history could work by writing it instead of writ-

ing a treatise on how it should be written. I also adopted a : particular strategy in my mode of exposition. I began with the general stock of folk tales, which existed everywhere and reached everyone, among the elite as well as the peasants, through the many dialects that proliferated in eighteenth-

xv |

Preface to the Revised Edition

century France. By systematically studying and comparing the,

versions recorded by folklorists in the nineteenth century, I thought it possible to characterize an oral tradition that expressed a general orientation to the world—not a national spirit, : as some of my critics have claimed, but a pattern of culture that existed on a national scale, despite regional variations. Having established this pattern as a general background, I went on in

the succeeding chapters to produce a series of case studies, : which covered different social groups and led ultimately to the intellectual elite among writers and readers. By proceeding in this manner, I attempted to write cultural history “from below,”

just as earlier historians had treated social and economic history—that is, | began in the world of peasants and artisans and worked up into the world of the Enlightenment. But I did not try to integrate everything into a single, seamless account of eighteenth-century French culture because I do not believe that any such thing existed. Like many modern or postmodern writers, I did not worry about presenting my work in a fragmented and nonholistic way. But I did fret over the need to be rigorous—to deploy evidence in a manner that supports a compelling interpretation. I stress interpretation because I understand history, like all the

human sciences, to be interpretive by its very nature. It makes sense of how other people made sense of the human condition. To study a cultural episode like the massacre of cats is similar to _ going to a play: you read the actions of the actors in order to understand what they are expressing. You don’t reach a conclusion comparable to the bottom line of a bank account or the verdict of a judge, because interpretive history is necessarily open-ended,

capacious enough to admit many nuances. But open-endedness does not mean that anything goes or that an interpretation cannot be wrong. To interpret Hamlet as a slapstick comedy is to get

it wrong, even though other interpretations can be both valid and divergent—those, for example, that construe Hamlet as a play

about psychological forces as opposed to those that see it as a drama about power in the body politic. I have borrowed these ideas from Clifford Geertz, a master anthropologist with whom I taught a seminar on history and XVI

Preface to the Revised Edition

anthropology for twenty years. But they also fit the views of Victor Turner, Mary Douglas, E. E. Evans-Pritchard, and younger

scholars such as Keith Basso and James Clifford. For all their differences, these anthropologists stress the multivocal character _ of symbols, and they understand rituals as complex patterns of behavior, which express multiple meanings. I stress the complexity and multiplicity inherent in symbolic expression because some of my critics have failed to take account

of that fundamental point. Roger Chartier, for example, argues that symbols link signifier to signified in an unambiguous, linear manner, as in an example he took from an eighteenth-century dictionary: the lion is the symbol of valor. I would agree that the figure of a lion can suggest valor, but it can also convey strength, ferocity, royalty, and other qualities, including various combinations of them, all at the same time. Anthropologists have demonstrated again and again that ordinary people manipulate symbols in this manner. So there is nothing extravagant about the notion that cats symbolized witchcraft, sexuality, and domesticity—or that the ritual murder of them was meant simultaneously as a trial, a gang rape, a rebellion of the workers against their boss, and a carnivalesque kind of street theater, which the workers later

repeated in the form of pantomime. Not all of the men who staged the massacre understood it in the same fashion. It had a wide range of meanings that could be construed and combined in several ways. To reduce them to one conclusion, as in the ending of a whodunit mystery story, is to misunderstand the way humans make meaning in general and how workers were able to twit their bosses in the eighteenth century.

Put so abstractly, the issue may sound like what we call an academic question—one of those debates that interest academics but have little to say to ordinary persons in the workaday world.

But I believe that the cat massacre and the attempt to decipher its meanings can interest everyone outside of academia who is curious about the human condition and the way human beings construe it. One way is through joking. Although it seems strange to us—and downright repugnant to the cat lovers among us—the

cat massacre was the funniest thing that ever happened to the workers in the rue Saint-Séverin. If we can get the joke, we XVII

Preface to the Revised Edition

should be able to shed some of our modern worldviews and enter into the alien mental world of ordinary persons who lived two centuries before us. That kind of contact is an experience that makes this kind of history rewarding. If my readers enjoy this experiment in anthropological history, I hope they will pur-

sue it further, for history and anthropology have continued to reinforce each other, and now, a quarter of a century after The Great Cat Massacre first appeared, they have combined to create a fertile field of study that looks more promising than ever.

: , XIX

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The Great Cat Massacre And Other Episodes in French Cultural History

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— INTRODUCTION

THIS BOOK investigates ways of thinking in eighteenth-century France. It attempts to show not merely what people thought but

how they. thought—how they construed the world, invested it , with meaning, and infused it with emotion. Instead of following the high road of intellectual history, the inquiry leads into the unmapped territory known in France as [’histoire des mentalités. This

genre has not yet received a name in English, but it might simply be called cultural history; for it treats our own civilization in the same way that anthropologists study alien cultures. It is history in the ethnographic grain. Most people tend to think that cultural history concerns high culture, culture with a capital c, The history of culture in the lower case goes back as far as Burckhardt, if not Herodotus; but it is still unfamiliar and full of surprises. So the reader may want a word of explanation. Where the historian of ideas traces the filiation of formal thought from philosopher to philosopher, the ethnographic historian studies the way ordinary people made sense of the world. He attempts to uncover their cosmology, to show how they organized reality in their minds and expressed it in their behavior. He does not try to make a philosopher out of the man in the street but 3

| THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE to see how street life called for a strategy. Operating at ground level, ordinary people learn to be “‘street smart””—and they can be as intelligent in their fashion as philosophers. But instead of deriving logical propositions, they think with things, or with anything

else that their culture makes available to them, such as stories or ceremonies.

What things are good to think with? Claude Lévi-Strauss applied that question to the totems and tatoos of Amazonia twentyfive years ago. Why not try it out on eighteenth-century France? Because eighteenth-century Frenchmen cannot be interviewed, the

skeptic will reply; and to drive the point home, he will add that archives can never serve as a substitute for field work. True, but the archives from the Old Regime are exceptionally rich, and one can always put new questions to old material. Furthermore, one should

not imagine that the anthropologist has an easy time with his native informant. He, too, runs into areas of opacity and silence, and he must interpret the native’s interpretation of what the other natives think. Mental undergrowth can be as impenetrable in the bush as in the library. But one thing seems clear to everyone who returns from field work: other people are other. They do not think the way we do. And if we want to understand their way of thinking, we should set out with the idea of capturing otherness. Translated into the terms of the historian’s craft, that may merely sound like the familiar injunction against anachronism. It is worth repeating, nonetheless, ’ for nothing is easier than to slip into the comfortable assumption that Europeans thought and felt two centuries ago just as we do today—allowing for the wigs and wooden shoes. We constantly need to be shaken out of a false sense of familiarity with the past, to be administered doses of culture shock. There is no better way, I believe, than to wander through the archives. One can hardly read a letter from the Old Regime with-

out coming up against surprises—anything from the constant dread of toothaches, which existed everywhere, to the obsession

4;

with braiding dung for display on manure heaps, which remained confined to certain villages. What was proverbial wisdom to our ancestors is completely opaque to us. Open any eighteenth-century __ book of proverbs, and you will find entries such as: ‘‘He who is ©

Introduction

snotty, let him blow his nose.”” When we cannot get a proverb, or a joke, or a ritual, or a poem, we know we are on to something. By picking at the document where it is most opaque, we may be able to unravel an alien system of meaning. The thread might even lead into a strange and wonderful world view.

This book attempts to explore such unfamiliar views of the world. It proceeds by following up the surprises provided by an unlikely assortment of texts: a primitive version of “Little Red Riding Hood,” an account of a massacre of cats, a bizarre description of a city, a curious file kept by a police inspector—documents that cannot be taken to typify eighteenth-century thought but that provide ways of entering into it..The discussion begins with the most vague and general expressions of world view and becomes increasingly precise. Chapter 1 provides an exegesis of the folklore that was familiar to nearly everyone in France but was especially pertinent to the peasantry. Chapter 2 interprets the lore of a group of urban artisans. Moving up the social scale, chapter 3 shows what urban life meant to a provincial bourgeois. The scene then shifts to Paris and the world of the intellectuals—first as it was seen by the police, who had their own way of framing reality (chapter 4), then

as it was sorted out epistemologically in the key text of the Enlightenment, the Discours préliminaire of the Encyclopédie (chapter

5). The last chapter then shows how Rousseau’s break with the Encyclopedists opened up a new way of thinking and feeling, one that can be appreciated by rereading Rousseau from the perspective of his readers. The notion of reading runs through all the chapters, for one can read a ritual or a city just as one can read a folktale or a philosophic text. The mode of exegesis may vary, but in each case one reads for meaning—the meaning inscribed by contemporaries in whatever survives of their vision of the world. I have therefore tried to read my way through the eighteenth century, and I have appended texts

to my interpretations so that my own reader can interpret these texts and disagree with me. I do not expect to have the last word and do not pretend to completeness. This book does not provide an

inventory of ideas and attitudes in all the social groups and geographical regions of the Old Regime. Nor does it offer typical case studies, for I do not believe there is such a thing as a typical peasant 5

: THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE or a representative bourgeois. Instead of chasing after them, I have pursued what seemed to be the richest run of documents, following leads wherever they went and quickening my pace as soon as I stumbled on a surprise. Straying from the beaten path may not be much of a methodology, but it creates the possibility of enjoying some unusual views, and they can be the most revealing. I do not

see why cultural history should avoid the eccentric or embrace the. | average, for one cannot calculate the mean of meanings or reduce symbols to their lowest common denominator. This confession of nonsystematism does not imply that anything . goes in cultural history because anything can pass as anthropology. The anthropological mode of history has a rigor of its own, even if it may look suspiciously like literature to a hard-boiled social scien-

tist. It begins from the premise that individual expression takes place within a general idiom, that we learn to classify sensations and make sense of things by thinking within a framework provided by our culture. It therefore should be possible for the historian to

discover the social dimension of thought and to tease meaning from documents by relating them to the surrounding world of significance, passing from text to context and back again until he has cleared a way through a foreign mental world. This kind of cultural history belongs to the interpretive sciences. It may seem too literary to be classified under the appellation contr6lée of “science” in the English-speaking world, but it fits in nicely with the sciences humaines in France. It is not an easy genre, and it-is

bound to be imperfect, but it should not be impossible, even in English. All of us, French and “Anglo-Saxons,” pedants as well as peasants, operate within cultural constraints, just as we all share

conventions of speech. So historians should be able to see how cultures shape ways: of thinking, even for the greatest thinkers. A poet or philosopher may push a language to its limits, but at some

point he will hit against the outer frame of meaning. Beyond it, madness lies—the fate of Holderlin and Nietzsche. But within it, great men can test and shift the boundaries of meaning. Thus there should be room for Diderot and Rousseau in a book about mentalités

in eighteenth-century France. By including them along with the peasant tellers of tales and the plebeian killers of cats, I have abandoned the usual distinction between elite and popular culture, and 6

Introduction

have tried to show how intellectuals and common people coped _ with the same sort of problems. I realize there are risks in departing from the established modes of history. Some will object that the evidence is too vague for one ever to penetrate into the minds of peasants who disappeared two ‘centuries ago. Others will take offense at the idea of interpreting a massacre of cats in the same vein as the Discours préliminaire of the

Encyclopédie, or interpreting it at all. And still more readers will recoil at the arbitrariness of selecting a few strange documents as points of entry into eighteenth-century thought rather than proceeding in a systematic manner through the canon of classic texts. I _ think there are valid replies to those objections, but I do not want

- to turn this introduction into a discourse on method. Instead, I would like to invite the reader into my own text. He may not be

convinced, but I hope he will enjoy the journey. ,

7.

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Cruelty to animal d e of d ic life x

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE clear: there was nothing unusual about the ritual killing of cats. On

the contrary, when Jerome and his fellow workers tried and _ hanged all the cats they could find in the rue Saint-Séverin, they drew on a common element in their culture. But what significance _ did that culture attribute to cats?

To get a grip on that question, one must rummage through collections of folktales, superstitions, proverbs, and popular medi-

= cine. The material is rich, varied, and vast but extremely hard to , handle. Although much of it goes back to the Middle Ages, little can be dated. It was gathered for the most part by folklorists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when sturdy strains of folklore still resisted the influence of the printed word. But the collections do not make it possible to claim that this or that practice existed in the printing houses of mid-eighteenth-century Paris.

One can only assert that printers lived and breathed in an atmosphere of traditional customs and beliefs which permeated everything. It was not everywhere the same—France remained a patch-

work of pays rather than a unified nation until late in the nineteenth century—but everywhere some common motifs could be found. The commonest were attached to cats. Early modern Frenchmen probably made more symbolic use of cats than of any other animal, and they used them in distinct ways, which can be grouped together for the purposes of discussion, despite the re-

gional peculiarities. |

First and foremost, cats suggested witchcraft. To cross one at night in virtually any corner of France was to risk running into the devil or one of his agents or a witch abroad on an evil errand. _ White cats could be as satanic as the black, in the daytime as well as at night. In a typical encounter, a peasant woman of Bigorre met a pretty white house cat who had strayed in the fields. She carried

it back to the village in her apron, and just as they came to the house of a woman suspected of witchcraft, the cat jumped out, _ saying “Merci, Jeanne.”2? Witches transformed themselves into cats in order to cast spells on their victims. Sometimes, especially on Mardi Gras, they gathered for hideous sabbaths at night. They _ howled, fought, and copulated horribly under the direction of the devil himself in the form of a huge tomcat. To protect yourself from sorcery by cats there was one, classic remedy: maim it. Cut its

92

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FIGURE 2 Authors’ Birthplaces

149

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE mainly ephemeral works—sermons by village curés, orations by provincial dignitaries, medical pamphlets by small-town doctors, in fact anything that anyone wanted mentioned—for the authors of the almanac had offered to include in their own lists the names of any books and authors that the general public could supply. Asa result, La France litteraire favored the minor provincial literati. D’Hémery dealt with a broad range of writers, but he restricted himself almost entirely to Paris. It seems reasonable to conclude that his files covered a major proportion of the active literary popu-

- lation and that the statistics drawn from them give a fairly accurate picture of literary life in the capital of the Enlightenment.” The demographic structure of the group shows up in figure 1. In 1750, the writers ranged in age from ninety-three (Fontenelle) to sixteen (Rulhiére), but most of them were relatively young. Rousseau, at thirty-eight, represented the median age exactly. The inner circle of Encyclopedists was composed mainly of men in their thirties, beginning with Diderot, thirty-seven, and d’Alembert, thirtythree. Thus the bulge in the bar graph suggests something akin to a

literary generation. With exceptions like Montesquieu and Voltaire, who had one foot in the France of Louis XIV, the philosophes

belonged to cohorts that reached their prime at mid-century.3 : The geographical origins of the writers, which are mapped on figure 2, fall into a familiar pattern. The south looks backward, except in urban areas scattered around the Rhone delta and the Garonne. Three-quarters of the writers were born above the cele-

brated Saint Malo-Geneva line, in northern and northeastern France, where literacy and schools were densest. Paris supplied a third (113) of the writers. So the map does not bear out another

cliché of cultural history—namely, that Paris has always dominated the country by soaking up talent from the provinces. There were more home-grown authors than one might expect in the

Paris of 1750.4 |

Any attempt to analyze the social composition of a group of Frenchmen who lived two centuries ago is liable to flounder in

faulty data and ambiguous classification schemes. But three-quarters of d’Hémery’s writers can be identified and classified unambiguously according to the categories in figure 3. The remaining quarter of “unidentified” writers contains a large number of gens sans

150

FIGURE 3 Authors’ Socio-Occupational Positions

Authors at Fathers _—_ Percent Authors unspecified — Authors of of

| in 1750 date total Percent authors total

Upperclergy, clergy,regular secular1 13 3 1 Upper Lower clergy, Lower clergy, secular regular 31 4 131 5 29 Titled nobility, no office 11 11 3 16 10 Ofhcer, high administration 48412 j 1 81 Officer, military 20 7 27 Officer, courts 10 Officer,sovereign high finance 2 22 12 1 64 412 8 ,

Officer, lower courts 4 23069 222814 5 Lower administration 20 10 Lawyer, attorney 2632 .28381191 12 Law personnel 1

Doctor 6 6 2 1 1 Apothecary 1 i 4 3 Professor 10 10 3 Lower finance12 11 311 1 27 1 Merchant Rentier 10 10 3 Journalist 9 11 20 6 11 4 3 Private teacher 27 8 35 Librarian 6 6 2 Secretary 15 10 25 Sinecure 10 4 11 3 8 1 1 Manufacturer

Actor 8 1 9 3 1 1 Musician 1 1 1 1 Student 3 3 1 Employee 5 21 26 12 6 8 54 Shopkeeper Artisan 6111722114 9 Servant 1 1 Wives, Widows 9 9 3 | Other 1 62 2 333 13156 11s TOTAL 271 Total Number of Writers

Identified Authors, 1750 271 Identified Authors, unspecified date 62

Excluded (nonauthors) | 67 Unidentified 101

501 (434 “writers’’)

} Alternate Breakdown

Probable nobility 60 Tonsured clerics. 69

Women , 16 Imprisoned 45 ,

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE état—hacks who drifted from job to job, as Diderot and Rousseau

did for many years. Although a good deal of information exists about many of them, they defy classification and statistical analysis.

But if one makes allowances for their existence in the unfathomable floating population of the Old Regime, one can take figure 3 as a reliable indication of the social dimensions to the republic of

| letters in Paris.

The privileged orders occupied a far more important place in d’Hémery’s files than they did within the population at large. Seventeen percent of the identified authors were noblemen. Although they included some serious writers, like Montesquieu, they tended

to be gentleman amateurs and to write incidental verse or light comedies. As in the case of the marquis de Paulmy, who published novelettes under the name of his secretary, Nicolas Fromaget, they did not often want to be identified with such frothy stuff. Nor did they write for the marketplace. D’Hémery noted that the comte de Saint-Foix “works as a gentleman author and never takes any mon-

ey for his plays.” The aristocratic writers generally appear in the reports as power brokers, channeling patronage toward more lowly littérateurs.

Writing also tended to be a secondary activity for the clergymen in the reports, and there were a great many of them: 12 percent of the authors who can be identified. Only four belonged to the upper clergy in contrast to dozens of abbés, among them Condillac,

Mably, Raynal, and the threesome of the Encyclopédie, Yvon, Pestré, and de Prades. A few priests, like J.-B.-C.-M. de Beauvais and Michel Desjardins, continued to produce court sermons and funeral eulogies in the style of Bossuet. But in general the courtier-

cleric had given way to the omnipresent abbé of the Enlightenment. Although 70 percent of the writers came from the third estate, few of them can be considered ‘“‘bourgeois” in the narrow sense of the term—that is, capitalists living from trade and industry. They included only one merchant, J. H. Oursel, the son of a printer, and no manufacturers. There was a certain business element—eleven merchants—among their fathers, 156 of whom can be identified. But literature flourished less in the marketplace than in the professions and the royal administration. Ten percent of the writers were

152

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files doctors or lawyers; 9 percent held minor administrative offices; and 16 percent belonged to the apparatus of the state, if magistrates _

from the parlements and lower courts are included in the count. The largest group of fathers, twenty-two, came from the lower

administration; the next largest, nineteen, were lawyers. After sift- , ing through the statistics and reading hundreds of biographical sketches, one gets the impression that behind many literary careers stood an ambitious, sharp-witted, royal bureaucrat. French literature owes an incalculable debt to the commis and the law clerk as well as to the abbé. Prévost epitomized this species. The son of a lawyer turned court official in the bailliage of Hesdin, he was an abbé many times over. ‘“‘He has been a member of every religious order,” d’Hémery observed. When it came to earning a living, however, the largest group of writers depended upon what may be called the intellectual trades. Thirty-six percent of them worked as journalists, tutors, librarians, secretaries, and actors, or else relied on the income from a sinecure .

procured for them by a protector. This was the bread-and-butter element in the republic of letters; and as it was dispensed by patronage, the writers knew which side their bread was buttered on.

| According to d’Hémery, Francois-Augustin Paradis de Moncrif certainly did: « He was a tax inspector in the provinces when M. d’Argenson was intendant. The pretty songs he composed made him noticed by d’Argenson, who brought him to Paris and gave him a position. From that time on, he [Moncrif] has always been attached to him... . He is also secretary general of the French postal service, a position that brings him in 6,000 livres a year and that M. d’Argenson gave to him as a present.

At a lower level, the literary population contained a surprising proportion, 6 percent, of shopkeepers, artisans, and minor employees. They included both master craftsmen—a printer, an engraver, a painter-enameler—and relatively humble workers—a_ harness maker, a binder, a gatekeeper, and two lackeys. D’Hémery noted that one of the lackeys, Viollet de Wagnon, published his L’Auteur laquais with the help of a valet and a grocer. Charles-Simon Favart reputedly acquired his facility with verse by listening to his father 153

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE , improvise songs while kneading dough in the family’s pastry shop.S Thus the lower classes played some part in the literary life of the Old Regime—a substantial part, if one considers the writers’ fathers. Nineteen percent of them belonged to the petites gens; they were ordinary artisans for the most part—cobblers, bakers, and tai-

, lors. So the careers of their sons, who became lawyers, teachers, and journalists, showed that exceptional possibilities of social advancement sometimes opened up for young men who could wield

a pen. The literary world remained closed, however, to one social | group: the peasantry. Of course, d’Hémery did not look for writers

in the countryside, but he did not find the slightest peasant element in the background of writers who came to Paris from the provinces. Restif de la Bretonne notwithstanding, literary France seems to have been primarily urban. It was also mainly male. Women presided over the famous sa-

lons and therefore won a few places in the police files. But only sixteen of them ever published anything. Like Mme de Grafhgny, the most famous of their number, the female authors often turned

to writing after being widowed or separated from their husbands. Most of them were independently wealthy. Two were teachers. One, Charlotte Bourette, la muse limonadiére, ran a soft-drink shop;

and one was a courtesan. The report on the courtesan, Mlle de Saint Phalier, reads like the précis of a novel. After leaving her father, a horse dealer in Paris, she became a chambermaid in the house of a wealthy financier. The son of the house seduced and abducted her, only to be arrested by the father, who then forced him to marry a more suitable woman, leaving Mlle de Saint Phalier

in the streets. By the time the police ran across her, she had become a kept woman, consorted with actresses, and was about to publish her first book, Le Portefeuille rendu, dedicated to Mme de Pompadour. D’Hémery had sadder stories to tell when he filled in the entries under the rubric histoire, for many careers followed trajectories that led from the garret to the gutter, with stopovers in the Bastille. L.J.-C. Soulas d’Allainval illustrates the pattern. Unable to support himself by the farces he wrote for the Comédie Italienne, he took up political libelles and clandestine journalism, which brought him straight to the Bastille. After his release, he sank deeper into debt. 154

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files

Ultimately, he was unable even to get paper from his stationer, who cut off the pittance he received from the box office of the Comédie Italienne in order to collect an unpaid bill of sixty livres. D’Allainval began to sleep a la belle étoile (in the streets). His health

| gave out. D’Hémery recounted the rest: He was struck down by an attack of apoplexy in September, 1752, while a dinner guest of M. Bertin of the parties casuelles, who put two louis in his pocket and sent him off. As there was no means of nursing him at his place, he was brought to the Hétel-Dieu [paupers’ hospital], where he vegetated for a long while. He finally remained paralyzed _

and now is reduced to looking for a place at Bicétre or at the Incura- ,

bles. What a sad end for a talented man.

D’Hemery expressed less sympathy for Francgois-Antoine Chev-

rier, ‘‘a bad subject, an audacious liar, trenchant, critical, and unbearably pretentious.” After failing as a lawyer, soldier, playwright,

and poet, Chevrier turned to pamphleteering, underground jour- | nalism, and espionage. The police chased him with a lettre de cachet

through Germany and the Low Countries; but just as they were closing in on him, he died down and out in Rotterdam. The police got their man in the case of Emmanuel-Jean de La Coste, a fiftynine-year-old defrocked monk, who was condemned to a whipping and the galleys for the rest of his life. He had run off to Liége

with a young girl and had supported himself by peddling antiFrench pamphlets, counterfeit lottery tickets, and, it seems, the girl

herself. These characters belonged to Grub Street, an important ingredient in the republic of letters. To be sure, most writers did not sink so low as d’Allainval, Chevrier, and La Coste; but many shared an experience that marked the men of Grub Street: embastillement. Forty-five writers, 10 percent of those in the survey, were locked up at least once in a state prison, usually the Bastille. If the Bastille was almost empty on July 14, 1789, it was full of meaning for the men who made it into the central symbol of radical propaganda before the French Revolution.® Of course, no one could foresee 1789 in 1750. At mid-century the literary population may have been restive, but it was not revo-lutionary. Most of its members were struggling to get a review in

, 155

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A Police Inspector Sorts His Files

Academy. They supported themselves in dozens of ways, some from rentes, some from offices, some from professions, and a great many from the jobs that were open to men of the pen: journalism,

teaching, secretaryships, and, for the fortunate, sinecures. They came from all sectors of society except the peasantry and from all corners of the kingdom except the backward areas of the south. They included a small number of women and a large number of bright young men, sons of minor officials and artisans, who won scholarships, published poems, and ended up as lawyers and civil — servants—or, in a few cases, full-time writers, living like Diderot, aux gages des libraires (in the pay of the booksellers).

It would be satisfying to end on that note, with a pattern firmly established and the philosophes located within it. Unfortunately,

however, literary theorists have taught historians to beware of texts, which can be dissolved into ‘“‘discourse’’ by critical reading, no matter how solid. they may seem. So the historian should hesi-

tate before treating police reports as hard nuggets of irreducible reality, which he has only to mine out of the archives, sift, and piece together in order to create a solid reconstruction of the past. The reports are constructions of their own, built on implicit as. sumptions about the nature of writers and writing at a time when literature had not yet been recognized as a vocation. In drafting his reports, d’Hemery acted as a kind of writer himself. He, too, played a role in the republic of letters while at the same time remaining subordinate to the Lieutenant-Général de Po-

lice and other officials in the French state. The reports show a combination of literary sensitivity and bureaucratic orderliness that

would be unthinkable in most police headquarters today. They contain as many remarks about the quality of the authors’ style as about the character of their religious and political opinions. In the report on the marquise de Créquy, for example, d’Hémery included a three-page excerpt of a dialogue she had written, not because it had any relevance to the ideological issues of the day but because _ it demonstrated her perfect mastery of prose. He praised ‘‘taste,” “wit,” and “talent” wherever he found it, even among ‘“‘bad sub-

jects” like Voltaire. Esprit (cleverness) was his favorite term. It seems to have been the first thing that he looked for in a writer, 157

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE and it compensated for a good deal of straying from the straight and narrow. The abbé Paul-Francois Velly was ‘‘a very clever man” and a skirt chaser, but so were ‘‘almost all monks when they leave the monastery.” The same went for Jean-Pierre Bernard, a ‘“‘clev-

er” priest with a special talent for funeral sermons: “He is a jolly old boy who enjoys pleasure and spends an evening with the girls whenever he gets a chance.” D’Hémery understood the ways of the world. He did not take offense at a little bawdiness or anticlericalism, especially when it was offset by ‘“‘genius,”’ as in the work of Alexis Piron: ‘‘His biting

wit and reputation for impiety mean that he is not a member of the Académie Francaise. M. de Crébillon advised him never to think of being elected. But Les fils ingrats, Gustave, and La métromanie bear sufficient testimony to his genius. He can succeed in anything he undertakes.” D’Hémery admired the philosophes, at least the moderate ones, like Fontenelle, Duclos, and d’Alembert. But he was horrified at atheism, and he seems to have sincerely believed in the

official orthodoxies. His values show through clearly in all the reports, but especially in off-hand remarks on ordinary writers, like Jean-Baptiste Le Mascrier: He was a Jesuit for a long time. He edited Télliamed and various other publications for the booksellers. He contributed to the Cérémonies religieuses and worked over the Mémoires de M. de Maillet sur la description

de l’Egypte, which does great honor to him by its style. He turns poems very nicely, as is clear from a prologue to a play that was performed

some years ago. |

The Benedictines, where he has worked, agree that he is a man of talent. Too bad that he isn’t more creative. He has published an excellent work of piety, a book that is useful for every true Christian, but

the people who know him most intimately think that the need to produce copy is making him gradually shift to different sentiments.

In short, d’Hémery took stock of the literary world with sympathy, humor, and an appreciation of literature itself. He shared some of the values held by the people under his surveillance, but he did

not waver in his loyalty to church and state. Nothing could be more anachronistic than to picture him as a modern cop or to interpret his police work as witch-hunting. It really represents something less familiar and more interesting: information gather-

158

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files

ing in the age of absolutism. No one expected to uncover revolutionary conspiracies in the mid-eighteenth century, when the Revolution was unthinkable; but many bureaucrats in the Bourbon

monarchy wanted to learn as much as possible about the kingdom—about the number of its inhabitants, the volume of its trade, and the output of its presses. D’Hémery belonged to a line of ra-

tionalizing officials that extended from Colbert and Vauban to Turgot and Necker. But he operated at a modest level—an inspector of the book trade belonged a notch or two below an inspector of manufactures—and he built up his files on a smaller scale than

some of the surveys undertaken by ministers and intendants.’ | The texts of the reports contain some evidence about the way they were written. They often include remarks such as ‘See the attached sheets’’ or “See his dossier,” which indicate that d’Hemery kept a file on each writer. Although the dossiers have disappeared, the references to them in the reports reveal the kind of information they contained. They included clippings from journals, prospectuses from booksellers, notes that d’Hémery made when he went on his rounds, records of interrogations in the Bastille, letters from authors who wanted to ingratiate themselves or to undermine their enemies, and reports from spies in the hire of the Lieutenant-Général de Police. Some of the spies had dossiers of

their own. The report on Charles de Fieux, chevalier de Mouhy, shows how they worked: “He is a spy for M. Berryer [the Lieutenant-Général de Police], to whom he furnishes a daily report on everything he sees in the cafés, theaters, and public gardens.” One can also find traces of Mouhy’s activities in other reports, such as the one on Mathieu-Francois Pidansat de Mairobert: ‘“‘He has just been arrested and taken to the Bastille for having distributed some [verse] attacking the king and Mme la marquise [de Pompadour] in cafés. Some was even found in his pockets upon his arrest. It was the chevalier de Mouhy who denounced him.” Denunciations also arrived from jilted lovers, angry sons, and estranged wives. Book-

sellers and printers produced a steady flow of information about the sources of their copy—and especially the copy of their compet-

itors. Landladies and curés supplied further details, and at the bottom of many dossiers d’Hémery could find scraps collected from neighborhood gossips, not all of it malicious. Thus Etienne-André 159

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE Philippe de Prétot: ‘“‘As to his conduct, it is fairly good. He is married and has children, which forces him to be orderly. He is

well spoken of in his neighborhood.” |

D’Hémery culled through all this material before composing a report. The sifting and selecting must have been difficult because the dossiers contained such a disparate mixture of hard data and loose gossip. So d’Héemery used standard forms—large folio sheets

with six headings printed in bold type: name, age, birthplace, description, address, and histoire (story). The headings provided a grid

for classifying the information, and the dates and handwriting of the entries under them provide some clues about d’Hémery’s mode

of composition. Most of the entries are written in a clear, scribal hand, but at later dates d’Hémery added new information in his own scrawl, which can be recognized easily from the letters and memorandums by him in the Bibliothéque Nationale. About half the reports are dated on the first day of the month, many of them on the first of the year. It seems likely, therefore, that d’Hémery set aside special days to work over his files, called in one of the secretaries in the police administration, and dictated the reports, selecting the information that seemed most important to him, dossier by dossier. The whole process suggests an attempt to be systematic, a will to impose order on an unruly world of garret scribblers and salon lions. It corresponds to the same ordering impulse behind the Description of Montpellier, but it took a different form: the standardizing, pigeon-holing, filing-and-classifying drive of ~ the modern bureaucracy. D’Hémery represents an early phase in the evolution of the bu-

reaucrat; so his own voice can be heard quite clearly through the standard. format of the reports. He composed in the first person singular and in a casual style, which contrasts markedly with the formal and impersonal tone of his official correspondence. Whereas his memos and letters were often directed to “‘“Monseigneur” — Nicolas-René Berryer, the Lieutenant-Général de Police—his reports seem to have been addressed to himself. While filling in the

birthplace of Le Blanc de Villeneuve, for example, he corrected himself off-handedly: “From Lyon. No, I’m wrong; it’s Montelimar, the son of a captain.” In the report on the chevalier de Cogolin, he noted: 160

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files July 1, 1752. I have been informed that he died insane at the house

of his brother, the almoner of the King of Poland and Duke of Lorraine.

December 1. That isn’t true.

The report on a poet named Le Dieux contained an equally casual remark: ‘Julie told me that he wrote a great deal of verse. That’s

true.” Occasionally d’Hémery used foul language and spoke of

important personages in a tone that would not have been appreciated by his superiors. The closer one studies the reports to see whether they seem to be aimed at an implicit reader located somewhere in the hierarchy of the French administration, the more one comes around to the view that d’Hémery wrote them for himself and used them in his everyday activities, especially during his first years on the job, when he needed points of reference in order to steer a course through the complex subculture of literary factions and publishing intrigues.

Like everyone else, d’Hémery had to see some order in the world, but he also faced the task of finding his way around his beat. How did an inspector “inspect” the republic of letters? As a start,

he had to be able to recognize writers; so he took some care in filing out the entries under the rubric signalement (description). They suggest the way he looked at the authors under his surveillance. Thus, for example, the signalement of Voltaire: ‘‘Tall, dry, and the bearing of a satyr.”” Descriptions involved something more

than the impact of an image on an eyeball. They were charged with meaning: ‘‘Nasty, toadlike, and dying of hunger’”’ (Binville);

“fat, ungainly, and the bearing of a peasant” (Caylus); ‘“‘nasty, swarthy, small, filthy, and disgusting” (Jourdan). D’Hémery went beyond simple categories like handsome or ugly and short or tall, because he perceived messages in faces. Thus the chevalier de La

Morliére: ‘Fat, full-faced, and a certain something in his eyes.” This practice of reading faces for character probably derived from physiognomy, a pseudoscience that had emerged during the Renaissance and had spread everywhere during the subsequent centu-

ries through popular chapbooks.? D’Hemery’s descriptions con- ,

| 161

tained a great many remarks such as ‘“‘a harsh physiognomy and character, too” (Le Ratz), ‘“‘a very honest physiognomy”’ (Foncemagne), “‘detestable physiognomy” (Coq), “‘perfidious physiogno- .

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE my” (Vieuxmaison), “hideous physiognomy” (Biliena), and ‘‘the saddest physiognomy in the world” (Boissy). Similarly, addresses gave off meanings. Pidansat de Mairobert lived alone “in the rooms of a washerwoman on the third floor, rue des Cordeliers.”” He was obviously a marginal type, like a stu-

dent-poet named Le Brun, who lived in the “rue de la Harpe, facing the Collége d’Harcourt, in a furnished room kept by a wig

| maker, on the second floor at the back” and an equally obscure versiier named Vauger, who lived ‘“‘in the rue Mazarine in a furnished room kept by the frst wig maker on the left, entering from the Carrefour de Buci, on the second floor on the street side, the

door facing the stairs.” Such men bore watching. They had no fixed état, no grounding in property, family, and neighborhood connections. Their addresses alone sufficed to place them.

The rubric histoire provided the most room for situating the writers, and d’Hémery accorded it the largest space on his printed forms. It was in composing histoires that he had to do the most selecting and organizing of material from the dossiers, for his compositions were narratives, as complex in their way as the folktales

of the peasants. Some of them even read like digests of novels. Thus the histoire of the playwright Charles-Simon Favart: He is the son of a pastry-cook, a very clever boy who has composed the

prettiest comic operas in the world. When the Opéra Comique was closed, the maréchal de Saxe made him the head of his troupe. Favart made a lot of money there; but then he fell in love with the maréchal’s mistress, la petite Chantilly, and married her, although he agreed to let her continue to live with the maréchal. This happy union lasted until the end of the war. But in November, 1749, Favart and his wife quarreled with the maréchal. After having used his influence to get a place in the Comédie Italienne and squeezed a lot of money from him [the maréchal], Mme Favart wanted to leave him. The maréchal obtained an order from the king to have her arrested and to have her husband exiled from the kingdom. They fled, he in one direction, she in another. The wife was captured at Nancy and imprisoned, first at Les Andelys,

then with the Pénitentes of Angers. This affair stirred up a terrific

storm among the actors, who even sent a deputation to the duc de

Richelieu to demand the return of their comrade. He let them cool their heels in his antechamber. Finally, after they had their arrival announced a second time, he agreed to see them; but he gave them a

162 ,

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files very cold reception and especially mistreated Lélio [Antoine-Frangois Riccoboni], who quit the troupe as a result. So la Favart was not given her liberty until she agreed to go back to the maréchal, who kept her until his death. After that, she returned to her husband, who had been wandering outside France all that time. Soon afterward, she took up a

place once more in the Comédie Italienne. Then, when the Opéra Comique was restored, both of them wanted to join it. But the Italians

gave her a full share in their troupe and gave him a pension in exchange for a regular supply of parodies; so they are now attached to

| that theater.!°

D’Hemery chose simple phrases and organized his narrative around a straightforward chronological line, but he recounted a complicated story. Although he did not embellish it with editorial

comments, he got across the notion of two young people from humble origins living by their wits in a world of courtiers and lettres de cachet. D’Hémery did not sentimentalize over the plight of

the underprivileged. On the contrary, he noted Favart’s readiness to share his wife with the maréchal and her ability to turn the situation to her own advantage. But the narrative develops a powerful undertow, which sweeps the reader’s sympathies away from the rich and powerful. Favart sets out to make his fortune like a hero from the fairy tales. He is small, poor, and clever (“‘Signalement: short, blond, and with a very pretty face.”’) After all kinds of adventures in the land of giants—and the maréchal de Saxe was probably the most powerful man in France, aside from the king, in the 1740s—he wins the girl and they live happily ever after in the Comédie Italienne. The structure of the story corresponded to that of many popular tales. Its moral might have come from ‘“‘KiotJean,” “Le Chat botté,” or “Le Petit Forgeron.” But d’Hémery did not draw a moral. He went on to the next dossier, and one can only wonder whether the world of letters, as he inspected it, fit into a

framework that had originally been devised in the world of peasants.

In any case, the construction of a police report involved an element of storytelling, and the “inspection” of writers took place within a frame of meaning. One can therefore read the histoires as meaningful stories, which reveal some basic assumptions about literary life under the Old Regime. Few of them are as elaborate as 163

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE Favart’s. Some contain only two or three sentences, unconnected by a narrative line. But they all proceed from presuppositions about the way the literary world operated, the rules of the game in the republic of letters. D’Hemery did not invent those rules. Like the writers themselves, he took them for granted and then watched them at work in the careers under his surveillance. Despite their subjective character, his observations have some general significance; for they belong to a common subjectivity, a social construction of reality, which he shared with the men he observed. In order to decipher their common code, one must reread the reports for what remains between the lines, assumed and so unsaid. Consider a typical report about an eminent citizen of the republic of letters, Frangois-Joachim de Pierres, abbé de Bernis. He had

sat in the Académie Frangaise from the age of twenty-nine, although he had published only some light verse and an insubstantial treatise, Réflexions sur les passions et les gouts. A member of a distinguished family and a favorite of Mme de Pompadour, he was rising rapidly through the offices of church and state, which eventually

would lead to a cardinal’s hat and the ambassadorship in Rome. What information did d’Hémery select for a report on such a man? After noting Bernis’s age (in his prime—thirty-eight), address

(good—rue du Dauphin), and looks (also good—‘‘handsome

physiognomy”), he stressed six points:

1. Bernis was a member of the Académie Francaise and count of Brioude and of Lyon. 2. ‘He is a lecher who has had Madame la princesse de Rohan.” 3. He was an accomplished courtier and a protégé of la Pompadour, who had persuaded the pope to grant him a benefice, using the duc de Nivernais as an intermediary. 4. He had written some “pretty pieces in verse” and the Réflexions

sur les passions. |

5. He was related to the maréchal de La Fare, who always advocated his cause at court.

6. He extended his own protection to Duclos, whom he had had named to the position of historiographe de France.

D’Hemery did not pay much attention to the literary works of the abbe. Instead, he situated him in a network of family relations, 164

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files

clientages, and “‘protections,” a key term, which runs through all the reports. Everyone in the police files was seeking, receiving, or dispensing protection, from princes and royal mistresses down to two-bit pamphleteers. Just as Mme de Pompadour got Bernis an abbey, Bernis got Duclos a sinecure. That was how the system

worked. The police did not question the principle of influence peddling. They assumed it: it went without saying, in the republic of letters as in society at large. That it prevailed at the middle and lower ranges of literary life can be appreciated from the reports on writers located well below the abbé de Bernis. Pierre Laujon, for example, followed a welltraveled route through the upper-middle ranks of the republic of

letters. Like many writers, he began as a law student and wrote verse for pleasure. The versifying resulted in a hit at the Opera Comique; the hit attracted protectors; and the protectors procured sinecures. It was a classic success story, whose stages stand out clearly in d’Hémery’s narrative: This young man is very clever. He wrote some operas, which were performed at the [Opéra Comique] and the Petits Apartements of Versailles, which won him the protection of Mme de Pompadour, of M. le duc d’Ayen, and of M. le comte de Clermont, who gave him the post of Secrétaire des Commandements. That prince also made him Secrétaire du Gouvernement de Champagne, a position worth 3,000 livres a

year. ,

To be sure, Laujon had natural assets: wit, good looks (‘‘Signalement: blond and with a very pretty face’’), an attorney for a father, and a relative who was the mistress of the comte de Clermont. But he played his cards right. So did Gabriel-Frangois Coyer, though he had a weaker hand

and never rose above a middle rung in the literary hierarchy. Without wealth, family connections, or a pleasing face (“disagreeable and elongated physiognomy”’), he nonetheless persevered in turning out books and belles-lettres. Finally a source of steady income opened up, and he snatched it. He is a priest who is clever, although a little inclined toward pedantry.

For a long time he haunted the streets of Paris, broke and without employment. But at last he found a place as tutor for the prince de 165

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE Turenne. Having served in it to the satisfaction of the prince, the latter

rewarded him with the post of Aumonier du Colonel Général de la Cavalerie. As the revenue of that post now goes to the comte d’Evreux, M. de Turenne has provided him with a pension of 1,200 livres, which he will collect until the death of d’Evreux.

One of Bernis’s protégés, Antoine de Laurés, occupied a precarious position on a lower-middle rung of the ladder. When he drafted

the original report on Laurés, d’Hémery could not predict which

way the young man’s career would turn. On the one hand, he came from a good family: his father was Doyen de la Chambre des

Comptes in Montpellier. On the other, he had run out of money. In fact, he would starve in his garret if his odes to the king and to Mme de Pompadour did not bring in some patronage soon. But according to a note added later to the report, the verse seemed to be working. He managed to get himself introduced to the marquise [de Pompadour], thanks to the credit of the abbé de Bernis, and he has boasted that she gave him permission to look out for an affair that will bring in some money and that she will make him succeed. Some time later he managed to get an introduction to the comte de Clermont, to whom he now pays court, thanks to the intervention of M. de Montlezun, his relative."

On a still lower rung, Pierre-Jean Boudot, the son of a bookseller, compiled, abridged, and translated prodigiously. But he depended on protectors for his living. ‘‘He is very clever and is very

protected by the président Hénault, who got a job in the Bibliothéque du Roi for him,” d’Hémery noted, adding that Boudot was believed to have written most of the Abrégé de [histoire de France that appeared under Hénault’s name. Meanwhile, Pierre Dufour, the twenty-four-year-old son of a café owner, was trying to make

his way at the bottom of the literary world. He worked as an errand boy in a printing shop. He peddled prohibited books. He insinuated himself among the actors and playwrights of the Come-

- die Italienne and the Opéra Comique, thanks to the favor of Fa-

vart, his godfather. And somehow he attached himself to the comte de Rubanprez, who gave him lodging and some ineffectual protection. D’Hémery put Dufour down as a suspicious character, 166

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files

a scrambler and hustler, who would write and peddle underground literature, while pretending to keep an eye on it for the police: “‘He is a devious little guy, and very slippery.’ Dufour actually wrote a great deal—a half-dozen plays and skits, a book of poems, and a novel. But he failed to parlay any of it into a position; so he finally gave up writing and settled for a job in a bookstore. The constant, unremitting quest for protection stands out everywhere in d’Hémery’s accounts of literary careers. Francois Augier

de Marigny hears a position has opened up in the Invalides and dashes off some poems in praise of the comte d’Argenson, who will name someone to it. Charles Batteux cultivates the doctor of Mme

de Pompadour and therefore wins a vacant professorship in the Collége de Navarre. Jean Dromgold notes that the valor of the comte de Clermont is not adequately celebrated in a poem about the battle of Fontenoy. He attacks the poem in a pamphlet and is promptly named Secrétaire des Commandements de Mgr. le comte de Clermont.

Such were the facts of literary life. D’Hémez recorded them unblinkingly, without any moralizing about toadyism among the writers or the vanity of protectors. On the contrary, he sounded shocked when a protégé deviated from the unswerving loyalty he owed to his patron. Antoine Duranlon had won the favor of the house of Rohan, which had him named principal of the Collége de Maitre Gervais after he had served the family satisfactorily as a tutor. But once he was installed, Duranlon sided with a faction in the Sorbonne that opposed the Rohans in a quarrel over some honorific rights claimed by the abbé de Rohan-Guéménée. The Rohans had Duranlon stripped of his post and exiled to Bresse—and it

served him right, d’Hémery observed, for the protégé had responded to the protector with “the blackest ingratitude.” How laudatory, by contrast, was the behavior of E-A. P. de Moncrif. Moncrif owed everything to the comte d’Argenson, who as already

mentioned had seen him through all the stops of an ideal literary career: three secretaryships, a cut in the revenue of the Journal des savants, a seat in the Académie Frangaise, an apartment in the Tuileries, and a position in the postal service worth 6,000 livres a year. When Moncrif uncovered some satires against the king and Mme de Pompadour emanating from the anti-d’Argenson, pro-Maurepas

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FHE GREAT CAT MASSACRE faction of the court, he promptly denounced their authors—and rightly so: not only should a writer never bite the hand that fed him, he should also smite all hands in the enemy camp. Thus protection functioned as the basic principle of literary life. Its presence everywhere in the reports makes another phenomenon, the literary marketplace, look conspicuous by its absence. Occasionally d’Hémery mentioned a writer who attempted to live by

his pen. Gabriel-Henri Gaillard, for example, ventured into the market for a while in 1750, after living from jobs dispensed by Voltaire (for established writers also functioned as protectors themselves): “‘He was sub-librarian in the Collége des Quatres Nations, an unimportant position, which he quit in order to take up a job as a children’s tutor, which M. de Voltaire arranged for him. He only stayed in it for.six months, and now he lives from his writing. . . . His last works are full of praise for Voltaire, to whom he is com-

pletely dedicated.” But soon afterward he took up a job on the Journal des savants, which kept him solvent for the rest of his career.

. D’Hémery also mentioned a pamphleteer named La Barre, who tried to write himself out of a state of ‘‘frightful indigence’”’ when , the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle put an end to his employment as a propagandist in the ministry of foreign affairs. ““Having no resources whatsoever after the end of the war, he gave himself over to La Foliot [a bookseller], who keeps him alive and for whom he writes a few things from time to time.” But such cases were rare, not because there was any lack of writers who needed support but

because the booksellers were unwilling or unable to provide it. And in a later entry in La Barre’s report, d’Hémery noted that he had finally snared ‘ta small job on the Gazette de France,” thanks to the intervention of the Lieutenant-Genéral de Police. When desperate for money, writers generally fell back on marginal activities, such as smuggling prohibited books or spying on the smugglers for the police. They could not hope to strike it rich with a best-seller because the publishers’ monopoly of book privi-

leges and the pirating industry made it impossible to expect much : from sales. They never received royalties, but sold manuscripts for

lump sums or a certain number of copies of the printed book, which they peddled or gave to potential protectors. Manuscripts rarely fetched much, despite the famous case of the 6,000 livres 168

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files

paid to Rousseau for Emile and the 120,000 livres that went to Diderot for twenty years of labor on the Encyclopédie. D’Hémery noted that Frangois-Vincent Toussaint received only 500 livres for the manuscript of his best-seller, Les Moeurs, although his publisher, Delespine, made at least 10,000 livres from it. Toussaint’s case illustrated a general proposition: “He works a great deal for booksellers, which means that he has a hard time making ends meet.” D’Hémery remarked that Joseph de La Porte supported himself by

his pen, “and has only that to live on,” as if that were unusual. The | common pattern was to aim at enough succés de prestige to attract a protector and land a place in the royal administration or a wealthy household. One could also marry. Jean-Louis Lesueur did not leave much of

a mark in the history of literature, but his career represented an ideal type from the viewpoint of the police: beginning with little more than talent and amiability, he acquired a respectable reputation, a protector, a sinecure, and a wealthy wife. He is a clever young man, who wrote some comic operas that were performed with a fair amount of success. M. Bertin de Blagny got to know him at the theater, befriended him, and gave him a job in the

parties casuelles worth 3,000 a year. That is where he is now employed.

He just married a woman who has brought him something of a fortune. He certainly merits it, because he is a nice boy with a most amiable character.

D‘Hemery did not take a sentimental view of matrimony. He treated it as a strategic move in the making of a career—or else as a mistake. Writers’ wives never appeared as intelligent, cultivated, or virtuous in the reports; they were either rich or poor. Thus d’Hemery did not waste any sympathy on C.-G. Coqueley de Chausse_ pierre: “He married an unimportant girl from his village, who has “neither birth nor wealth. Her sole merit is that she is related to the _

, 169

wife of the former Procureur Général, who only married her [the relation] as a matter of conscience, after having kept her for a long time as his mistress.”’ Similarly, Poiteven Dulimon seemed unlikely to scribble his way out of obscurity because “‘he made a bad mar-

riage in Besancon.” “Bad” marriages produced children rather ,

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE than money, and so the reports show a succession of unhappy péres de famille battling against unfavorable demographic odds—Tous-

saint, reduced to hack writing because he had eleven children; Mouhy, spying for the police because he had five; Dreux de Radier

and René de Bonneval, weighed down with offspring and therefore condemned to Grub Street for the rest of their lives. It followed that writers who needed ‘“‘good” marriages but could not make them should avoid matrimony altogether. Apparently most of them did. D’Hémery kept an eye on family connections, but he mentioned wives and children in only two dozen reports. Although the information is too scattered for one to draw firm conclusions, it seems that the majority of writers, especially those in the “intellectual trades,’’ never married. And if they did, they often waited until they had acquired a reputation and a sinecure—or even a seat in the Académie Frangaise. Thus the career of J.-B.-L. Gresset, another success story in the eyes of the police: first several

hits in the Comédie francaise, then election to the Académie, and finally, at age forty-four, the daughter of a wealthy merchant in Amiens.

But how was a writer to steer clear of passion while working his way up to immortality? D’Alembert urged all philosophes to embrace a life of chastity and poverty.!2 But d’Hémery knew that that was more than flesh would bear. He recognized the existence of love just as he acknowledged the economics of marriage. Marmontel and Favart both appear as amourachés (in love) in their reports— each with an actress kept by the maréchal de Saxe. Marmontel’s histoire is as rich in intrigues as Favart’s; in fact, it reads like a plot from one of their plays: The young playwright falls in love with

the actress, Mlle Verriére, behind the back of the old maréchal. They dismiss a lackey so that they can give full rein to their passion without being observed. The lackey, who operates as a spy for the maréchal and perhaps for the police as well, learns of their liaison nonetheless; and soon they face disaster—the loss of 12,000 livres a year for the actress and the severing of protections for the author. But all ends well because Mlle Verriére apparently succeeds in repairing the damage with the maréchal while Marmontel moves on

to one of her colleagues, Mile Cléron. After looking through a great many keyholes, either directly or through intermediaries, 170

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files — | d’Hémery saw quite clearly that most writers would take mistresses.

Easier said than done. Actresses from the Comédie frangaise did not often throw themselves into the arms of impecunious authors,

even those with physiognomies like Marmontel and Favart. The men of Grub Street lived with women from their own milieu— servants, shop girls, laundresses, and prostitutes. The setting did not tend to produce happy households, and few of d’Hémery’s histoires had happy endings, especially if seen from the woman’s point of view. Consider the love life of A.-J. Chaumeix, an unknown author who arrived in Paris with little money and great expectations. At first he survived by part-time teaching in a boarding school. But the school collapsed, and he retreated to a rooming house, where he seduced the servant girl, after promising marriage. He soon fell out of love with her, however. And as he had begun to make some money by writing anti-Enlightenment tracts for the

bookseller Herissant, the jilted fiancée, who was probably pregnant, demanded reparations from Herissant and managed to collect 300 livres from Chaumeix’s account. Chaumeix then took up with the sister of another free-lance teacher. This time he did not escape from marriage, even though the woman was “‘a she-devil, who is

worth nothing and from whom he got nothing,” according to d’Hémery. But some years later, he ran off to a tutoring job in Russia, leaving his wife and a baby daughter behind. Liaisons were dangerous for a man of letters because he might

marry his mistress, no matter how “bad” the match. D’Hémery reported that A.-G. Meusnier de Querlon fell in love with a procuress and married her in order to get her out of prison. Before

long he had his back to the wall and a family to support. An appointment to the Gazette de France followed by the editorship of the Petites affiches saved him from destitution; but he never accumu-

lated enough to provide for himself in his old age, when he had to be saved once again by a pension granted by a financier. Several other authors lost their hearts in brothels, according to the accounts of their private lives that appeared in d’Hémery’s files. A poet named Milon found himself unable to escape from a passion for the procuress of an establishment at the Carrefour des Quatre Cheminées, where he was a regular customer. The playwright and 171

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE future journalist Pierre Rousseau lived with the daughter of a pros-

titute, whom he passed off as his wife. And two other hacks, the compiler K-H. Turpin and a pamphleteer named Guenet, not only frequented prostitutes but married them. Grub Street marriages occasionally worked out. D’Hémery noted that Louis Anseaume had

been living down and out as a part-time teacher until he married the sister of an actress in the Opéra Comique—‘‘a marriage that he made from need rather than from inclination.” Two years later he

was doing quite well, writing and producing comic operas. But marriage usually dragged an author down. The normal pattern shows up clearly in two, brutal sentences in the report on the indigent playwright Louis de Boissy: ‘He is a gentleman. He married his laundress.”” Seen from the perspective of the other reports, the marriages of Rousseau and Diderot—to a semiliterate laundry maid and to the daughter of a washerwoman, respectively—do not

look unusual. ,

If writers could not expect to live by their pens and to lead respectable family lives, how did writing itself appear as a career? The dignity of men of letters and the sanctity of their calling had already emerged as a leitmotiv in the works of the philosophes,'3 but no such theme can be found in d’Hémery’s reports. Although the police recognized a writer when they saw one and sorted him out from other Frenchmen by giving him a place in d‘Hémery’s files,

they did not speak of him as if he had a profession or a distinct position in society. He might be a gentleman, a priest, a lawyer, or a lackey. But he did not possess a qualité or condition that set him apart from nonwriters. As the French phrases suggest, d’Hémery used an ancient social vocabulary, which left little room for modern, free-floating intellectuals. He may have been out of date in comparison with Diderot

and d’Alembert, but his language probably corresponded pretty well with the conditions of authorship in the mid-eighteenth century. The police could not situate the writer within any conven- » tional category because he had not yet assumed his modern form, freed from protectors, integrated in the literary marketplace, and committed to a career. Given the conceptual cloudiness surrounding this uncertain position, what sort of status did he have?

172

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files Although the police reports do not provide a clear answer to that question, they contain some revealing remarks. For example, d’Hémery often referred to writers as “boys” (garcons). The expression

had nothing to do with age. Diderot appeared as a “‘boy” in his report, although he was then thirty-seven, married, and a father. The abbé Raynal, the abbé de 1|’Ecluse-des-Loges, and Pierre Sigorgne were all ‘“‘boys” in their mid-thirties; and Louis Mannory _ was a “boy” of fifty-seven. What set them apart from writers classified implicitly as men, and often explicitly as gentlemen, was their lack of social distinction. Whether journalists, teachers, or abbés, they occupied vague and shifting positions in the lower ranks of the republic of letters. They moved in and out of Grub Street and clustered in the sector of the socio-occupational spectrum referred to above as the “‘intellectual trades.”” One must fall back on that anachronism because the Old Regime did not have a category for people like Diderot. “Boy” was the best d’Hémery could do. He would never think of applying such a term to the marquis de Saint-Lambert, a military officer, who was only thirtythree at the writing of d’Hémery’s report on him, or to Antoine Petit, a doctor, who was thirty-one. “Boy” implied marginality and served to place the unplaceable, the shadowy forerunners of | the modern intellectual, who showed up in the police files as gens sans état (people without an estate). D’Hémery’s use of language should not be attributed to the peculiarities of a status-conscious bureaucrat; he shared the prejudices

of his time. Thus in the report on Pierre-Charles Jamet, he remarked as a matter of course, ‘‘He is said to be from a good family”; and he noted that Charles-Etienne Pesselier, a tax farmer, was ‘“‘a man of honor [galant homme], which is saying a lot for a poet

and a financier.” But d’Hémery was no snob. In his report on Toussaint, he wrote, “‘He is hardly well born, since he is the son of a shoemaker in the parish of Saint Paul. He is no less an estimable person for all that.”” When the reports disparage writers, they do

not seem to express d’Hémery’s personal views so much as attitudes embedded in his surroundings. Of course, one cannot distinguish clearly between the personal and the social ingredients in such statements. But in some places, especially in off-guard moments or casual asides, d’Hémery seemed to articulate general as-

| 173

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE sumptions. For example, in the histoire of Jacques Morabin, he observed in a matter-of-fact manner, ‘‘He is clever and is the author

of a book in two volumes in-quarto entitled La Vie de Cicéron, which he dedicated to M. le comte de Saint Florentin, who protects him and for whom he was a secretary. It is this lord who gave

him to M. Hénault.” A writer could be passed from one protector to another, like a thing. The tone of such remarks corresponded to the treatment that ordinary writers received. The drubbing given Voltaire by the ser-

vants of the chevalier de Rohan is often cited as an example of | disrespect for authors at the beginning of the century. But writers who offended important personages were still beaten up in the era of the Encyclopédie. Pierre-Charles Roy, a fairly distinguished elderly playwright was nearly killed by a pummeling from a servant of the

comte de Clermont, who wanted to exact revenge for a satirical poem written during a disputed election to the Académie Francaise. G.-F. Poullain de Saint-Foix terrorized audiences throughout

| the 1740s by bashing anyone who jeered his plays. He was rumored to have dispatched several critics in duels and to have threatened to cut off the ears of any reviewer who panned him. Even Marmontel and Fréron got involved in a brawl. While the beau monde strolled between acts in the foyer of the Comédie fran¢aise, Marmontel demanded satisfaction for some satirical remarks that Fréron had leveled at him in the Année littéraire. Fréron sug-

gested that they step outside. After crossing swords a few times, they were separated and turned over to the maréchaux de France, who handled affairs of honor. But the maréchal d’Isenquien dismissed them as ‘“‘small game, good only for the police,” and the affair appeared in d’Hémery’s reports as “comic.” To d’Hémery as to everyone else, there was something laughable about the notion

7 of a writer’s honor and-the spectacle of writers defending it as if they had been gentlemen. Of course, many writers did not need to worry about being protected, beaten up, or made into the butt of jokes. It was unthinkable for them to marry prostitutes or to be called ‘‘boy”; for they had an independent dignité, an established position as magistrates, lawyers, or government officials. But the common writer remained exposed to the brutalities of a rough-and-tumble world, and his contemporaries did not put him up on a pedestal. While the philo174

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files sophes laid the foundation of the modern cult of the intellectual, the police expressed a more ordinary, down-to-earth view of their “same.” Writing might embellish the career of a gentleman and lead to a sinecure for a commoner. But it was more likely to produce good-for-nothings. D’Hémery sympathized with the family of Michel Portelance, a bright young man who might make something of himself, if only he could give up his penchant for poetry:

“He is the son of a domestic servant, and he has an uncle who is a canon, who made him study and intended to make something of him. But he has given himself over completely to poetry, which has driven the uncle to despair.” At the same time, d’Hémery admired talent. To him, Fontenelle was ‘“‘one of the most beautiful geniuses of our century”; and Vol-

taire was “‘an eagle in his spirit but a very bad subject in his opin- | ions.” Although the voice of the police inspector could be heard in that remark, it contained a note of respect. D’Hemery gave quite a sympathetic account of Montesquieu’s difficulties with L’Esprit des lois and of Montesquieu himself: “‘He is an extremely clever man, terribly troubled with poor eyesight. He has written several charming works, such as the Lettres persanes, Le Temple de Gnide, and the

celebrated L’Esprit des lois.” ,

Such remarks would have been unthinkable under Louis XIV, when Vauban and Fénelon were exiled from court for less-daring publications and when Racine gave up writing in order to take up

gentility. Nor would they have been in place in the nineteenth century, when Balzac and Hugo established the heroic style of authorship and Zola consummated the conquest of the marketplace. D’Hémery expressed an in-between stage in the evolution of the writer’s status. He did not think of writing as an independent

career or a distinct estate. But he respected it as an art—and he

knew it bore watching as an ideological force. ,

Although ideology did not exist as a concept for d’Hemery, he ran into it every day—not as a downward streaming of Enlightenment or an upward surging of revolutionary consciousness, but as a form of danger that he encountered at street level. The notion of

“danger” appears in several reports, usually in connection with | remarks on suspicious characters. D’Hémery used a graduated scale | of epithets: “‘good subject” (Fosse), “fairly bad subject” (Olivier, 175

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE Febre, Neéel), “‘bad subject’? (Courtois, Palmeus), and ‘very bad subject”’ (Gournay, Voltaire)—or ‘‘not suspicious” (Boissy), ‘“‘suspi-

cious’’ (Cahusac), and ‘‘extremely suspicious’? (Lurquet). He seemed to measure his language carefully, as if he were gauging the degree of danger in each dossier. And the context of his remarks suggests that he associated ‘‘danger” with “‘bad subjects” in a

way that was peculiar to police work under the Old Regime. Palmeus was ‘‘a dangerous, bad subject” because he wrote anonymous letters against his enemies to people in authority. Mlle Fauque de la Ceépéde looked just as bad because she had embroiled two lovers by

counterfeiting their handwriting in fake letters—an intrigue that might seem trivial today but that d’Hémery took seriously: “That talent is very dangerous in society.” The ability to compromise someone seemed especially threatening in a system where individuals rose and fell according to their crédit or reputation. Those most en credit, the placemen or gens en place, had most to lose by falling from favor. So d’Hémery was especially wary of persons who collected information in order to damage reputations in high places. Thus P.-C. Nivelle de La Chaussée: ‘‘He has never done anything suspicious, yet he is not liked because he is considered dangerous and capable of hurting people secretly.” Secret hurting—an idea transmitted by verbs such as nuire and perdre (to harm, to ruin)—usually took the form of denunciation,

the contrary principle to protection, which operated throughout the system as a countervailing force. D’Hémery encountered denunciations everywhere he went. An impecunious poet named Courtois hired himself out to an army captain, who wanted to put an enemy behind bars by providing information in an anonymous letter to the police. A Mme Dubois quarreled violently with her husband, a sales clerk in a tailor’s shop, and then tried to get him

_ shut up in the Bastille by means of a letter under a false name, saying she had seen him reading a violent poem against the king to

a crowd during the Mardi Gras celebrations. A banker, Nicolas Jouin, had his son’s mistress thrown in prison; and the son retaliated with an anonymous letter, which brought the father to the Bastille by revealing that he had written a series of Jansenist tracts,

| including a pamphlet against the archbishop of Paris. The surveillance of this slander was a full-time job for the police. D’Hémery did not bother with cases where reputations of 176

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files _ humble people were at stake. He turned a deaf ear to a café waitress who complained about being pilloried in a pamphlet by her jilted

lover, a poet named Roger de Sery. But he paid close attention to , Fabio Gherardini, who maligned the genealogy of the comte de Saint-Séverin in a pamphlet; to Pierre-Charles Jamet, who defamed the controller general and his ancestors; and to Nicolas Lenglet du Fresnoy, who wanted to publish a history of the Re-

gency, which was “‘full of very strong things against families in power.” When clans and clientages were slandered, it was an affair of state; for in a system of court politics, personalities counted as much as principles, and personal credit could be sapped by a well-

placed pamphlet. |

Thus ideological police work was often a matter of hunting down pamphleteers and suppressing libelles, the form that slander

took when it appeared in print. D’Hémery took special care to protect the reputation of his own protectors—notably the Lieutenant-Général de Police Nicolas-René Berryer and the d’Argenson faction of the court—and the reports sometimes show that in trail-

ing a writer he was acting on orders from his superiors. In the report on Louis de Cahusac, for example, d’Hémery noted that Berryer had “‘told me that he was considered suspicious in court and that he should be investigated closely.”” Cahusac did not write revolutionary tracts. But he looked like a ‘‘bad subject’? because he went through a succession of clientages—from the comte de Cler-

mont, to the comte de Saint Florentin, to the financier la Popliniére—and came out with a pseudo-Japanese novel, Grigri, which contained enough information to ruin a great many reputations in court. Similarly, Berryer warned d’Hémery to keep an eye on J.-A. Guer, a “bad subject” in the Machault faction of the court, because

he had recently traveled to Holland in order to arrange for the printing of some “suspicious manuscripts.” Adjectives like “suspicious,” “bad,” and “dangerous” proliferated in the reports on such characters. D’Hémery described L.-C. Fougeret de Montbron as particularly “bad” because he specialized in libelles:

He recently had printed in The Hague a work of eight to nine sheets entitled Le Cosmopolite, citoyen du monde. It is a satire against the govern-

ment of France and especially against M. Berryer and M. d’Argens, who is a particular target of his resentment, because he thinks that he

177

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE

live.

[the marquis d’Argens] had him run out of Prussia, where he used to

The most dangerous libellistes aimed at the most elevated figures in the kingdom, firing from beyond its borders. In April, 1751, d’Hémery noted that L.-M. Bertin de Frateaux “‘is presently in London

and was formerly in Spain. He is still saying bad things about his _ country and has banded with a group of bad subjects to produce satires against it.”” A year later d’Hémery reported that Bertin was in the Bastille. After seizing some manuscripts that he had hidden

in Paris, the police had sent an agent to lure him out of London and had captured him in Calais. He remained in prison for two and a half years for having written ‘“‘libelles of the greatest violence against the king and the entire royal family.” D’Hémery’s job, as he understood it, involved the protection of the kingdom by the suppression of anything that could damage the authority of the king. The scurrilous pamphlets about Louis XV

and Mme de Pompadour, which may strike a modern reader as little more than rumor mongering, looked like sedition to him. So he reserved his strongest language for libellistes like Nicolas Lenglet

| du Fresnoy, ‘‘a’ dangerous man, who would overthrow a kingdom,” and for the pamphleteers and parliamentary frondeurs who gathered in the salons of Mme Doublet and Mme Vieuxmaison,

“the most dangerous [society] in Paris.”” These groups did not merely gossip about court intrigues and politics; they wrote up the most damaging news in libelles and manuscript gazettes, which circulated ‘“‘under the cloak” everywhere in France. A half dozen of these primitive journalists (nouvellistes) figure in d’Hémery’s reports. He took them seriously because they had a serious effect on public opinion. His spies heard echoes of their ‘‘nouvelles” in cafés and public gardens, and even among the common people, where

news traveled by word of mouth. Thus a spy’s account of a harangue by Pidansat de Mairobert, a key nouvelliste from the Doublet

salon and ‘‘the worst tongue in Paris,” according to d’Hémery: ‘‘Mairobert said in the café Procope, while talking about the recent reforms [the vingtiéme tax], that someone from the army ought to

wipe out the whole court, whose sole pleasure is'to devastate the common people and perpetrate injustice.” 178

A Police Inspector Sorts His Files Police agents were always picking up seditious talk (propos), and writers were often jailed for it. D’Hémery kept track of it all in his files, where one often runs into suspicious characters like K-Z. de Lauberiviéres, chevalier de Quinsonas, a soldier turned nouvelliste

who was “extremely free in his propos’’; J.-K Dreux du Radier, exiled “for propos’; E-P. Mellin de Saint-Hilaire, sent to the Bastille “for having made propos .. . against Mme de Pompadour”; and Antoine Bret, also in the Bastille for “seditious propos against the

king and Mme de Pompadour.” Sometimes one can almost hear

the talk. D’Hémery’s report on Pierre-Mathias de Gournay, a priest, geographer, and “very bad subject,” reads like a stenographic account of what was in the air in public places: On March 14, 1751, while walking through the gardens of the Palais Royal and talking about the police, he said that there had never been a

more unjust and barbarous inquisition than the:one that rules over Paris. It is a tyrannical despotism, which everyone holds in contempt.

. The source of it all, he said, is a feeble and sensual king, who doesn’t care about any affairs except those that give him a chance to besot himself with pleasure. It is a woman who holds the reins. . . . It wasn’t possible to hear the rest.

The same theme appeared in the poem that the sales clerk’s wife, , Mme Dubois, sent to the police in order to inculpate her husband and in several other poems that were set to the tunes of popular songs and sung throughout the streets. Police agents heard people from every milieux singing verse such as:'4 _ Lache dissipateur des biens de tes sujets, Toi qui comptes les jours par les maux que tu fais, _ Esclave d’un ministre et d’uné femme avare,

po Louis, apprends le sort que le ciel te prépare. | Indolent dissipator of your subject’s wealth, You, who reckon the days by the evil that you do, Slave of a minister and of an avaricious woman, Louis, hear what heaven has in store for you.

The king was getting a bad press in all the media of the time— in books, pamphlets, gazettes, rumors, poems, and songs. So the kingdom looked rather fragile to d’Hémery. If the supreme protec179

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”! Ty > of the arts and sciences, continuing the earlier discussion of their genesis from the state of nature. At times it took them up according to their ‘‘philosophical order’’>4 or logi-

cal relations. |

D’Alembert began with logic itself because he considered it first

in importance, even though it did not rank first in the order of discovery. At the same time, he proclaimed his intention of discussing the sciences according to a hypothetical chronology of their development. Continuing in this inconsistent manner, he 204

Philosophers Trim The Tree of Knowledge

picked his way through grammar, eloquence, history, chronology, geography, politics, and the fine arts until he arrived at the ency-

clopedic tree. It provided him with an overview of everything, because it emblematized the totality of knowledge both in “the encyclopedic order” and in “the genealogical order” 35—that is, it brought together the two modes of argument that had threatened to fly apart from the very beginning of the Discours préliminaire.

Bacon had shown how to turn this trick. His tree demonstrated that knowledge grew into an organic whole while emanating from

the faculties of the mind. But it did not illustrate a full-blown epistemological argument. Insofar as it suggested any epistemology at all, it conjured up notions from Aristotle and Aquinas. D’Alembert and Diderot wanted to bring the old faculty psychology up to

date. So they trimmed Bacon’s tree in the Lockean manner and

thereby brought morphology into line with epistemology. | This second trick more than doubled the power of the argument

because it ruled out of bounds any knowledge that could not be derived from sensation and reflection: D’Alembert prudently left room for “revealed facts’’® under the rubric of history, but he subjected revelation to reason under philosophy, the most impor- | tant division of knowledge. Of course, it might be argued that Aquinas had done as much. But the Summa of Aquinas embraced everything that could fit within the predicate of a syllogism, while the Summa of Diderot and d’Alembert excluded everything that

could not reach reason through the senses. On their tree, unlike Bacon’s, “natural theology” (balanced by ‘‘religion’’) received equal billing with “revealed theology” (balanced by ‘“‘superstition”). It was difficult to find any place at all for the traditional doctrines of the church. Although memory might summon them out of history; they would look no more reasonable than Stoicism or Confucianism in the realm of philosophy. In fact, they had ceased to be knowledge altogether. The morphological and episte-

mological arguments combined to cut orthodox religion off the map, to consign it to the unknowable, and thus to exclude it from the modern world of learning. The historical argument completed the job. D’Alembert present-

ed history as the triumph of civilization and civilization as the work of men of letters. The last section of the Discours préliminaire

205

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE propounded a kind of great-man view of history in which all the great men were philosophers.?” After deploring the Dark Ages and celebrating the Renaissance, it concentrated on the greatest of the

great: Bacon, Descartes, Newton, and Locke. Bacon appeared in this grand tableau as the progenitor of philosophy, the first man to dissipate darkness and to restrict reason-to its

proper sphere, the study of natural phenomena. To be sure, he failed to break completely with scholasticism. That task fell to Descartes, who destroyed the fetters that had held back philosophy since the time of Aquinas, if not Aristotle. D’Alembert hailed Descartes the doubter, not Descartes the metaphysician. The doctrine of innate ideas actually represented a step backward, he explained,

for it led reason astray into a world beyond sense experience, whereas the scholastics at least ‘retained from the peripatetic sect the sole truth that it had taught, namely that of the origin of ideas in the senses.‘38 Although this formulation made Aquinas sound like Locke, it had the advantage of undercutting neo-orthodoxy in

metaphysics; and it cleared the way for Newton, who “gave to philosophy a form that it seems certain to conserve.’’39 D’Alem| bert’s Newton served as the perfect modern philosopher not merely because he discovered the fundamental law of the solar system but because he restricted philosophy to the study of observed phenomena. Unlike Descartes, who tried to know everything, he lim-

ited knowledge to the knowable; he was Newton the modest. From this Newton, the Newton of Voltaire’s Lettres philosophiques rather than of the Book of Revelation, it was but one step to Locke and “the experimental physics of the soul.’’4° Locke represented

the ultimate in modesty, the definitive reining-in of philosophy, because he fixed the final limits to the knowable. By reducing all knowledge to sensation and reflection, he at last eliminated extraterrestrial truth from the world of learning. Once these great men had established the frontiers of knowledge, it remained for their successors to fill in the gaps. D’Alembert surveyed the leading ranks of scientists and philosophers, pass-

: ing rapidly from Galileo, Harvey, Huyghens, and Pascal to Fontenelle, Buffon, Condillac, Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rous-

seau. It was an impressive array, but d’Alembert had difhculty keeping the men in line. He suggested that each thinker consolidated part of the territory conquered by Bacon, Descartes, New206

Philosophers Trim The Tree of Knowledge | ton, and Locke; so that history since the Renaissance demonstrated the progressive march of reason. But some of the philosophers had come before the four chefs de file, and others, though they followed, marched to different tunes. Pascal could hardly be passed off as a partisan of natural religion or Leibniz as an adversary of the esprit de

_ systeme. So Pascal appeared as an experimental physicist with a weakness for theology and Leibniz as a mathematician who lapsed into metaphysics. Rousseau presented a particularly embarrassing problem, because his Discours sur les sciences et les arts undercut the whole encyclopedic enterprise. D’Alembert skirted that difficulty by remarking that Rousseau’s collaboration on the Encyclopédie effectively repudiated his paradoxical deprecation of the value of the

arts and sciences. Despite their differences, therefore, the entire population of philosophers seemed to advance in the same direction, sweeping superstition before them and carrying enlighten-

die itself. :

ment in triumph, right up to the present—that is, to the Encyclopé-

To d’Alembert it was a stirring story, though to the modern reader it may look a little unilinear. The Discours préliminaire abounds in violent and heroic metaphors: the breaking of chains, the rending of veils, the clashing of doctrines, the storming of citadels. Thus Descartes: Descartes dared at least to show intelligent minds how to throw off the yoke of scholasticism, of opinion, of authority—in a word, of prejudices and barbarism. ... He can be thought of as a leader of conspira-

/ tors who, before anyone else, had the courage to rise against a despotic and arbitrary power and who, in preparing a resounding revolution, laid the foundations of a more just and happier government, which he himself was not able to see established.*!

This version of the past cast the philosophes in a heroic role. Persecuted or disdained, they battled alone, fighting for future generations who would grant them the recognition that their contemporaries had refused. D’Alembert acknowledged the existence of real generals waging real wars, but he wrote as if there were no history but intellectual history and the philosophes were its prophets.

This theme emerged in tandem with the cult of the philosophe throughout Enlightenment literature in the mid-eighteenth century. D’Alembert carried it further in his Essai sur la société des gens

207

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE de lettres et les grands, published a year after the Discours préliminaire.

Here again he celebrated the man of letters as the lone warrior in

| the struggle for civilization, and went on to issue a declaration of independence for gens de lettres as a social group. Although they had

been humiliated and ignored, they deserved well of mankind because they had carried the cause of Enlightenment forward since the Renaissance and especially since the reign of Louis XIV, when

the “‘philosophic spirit’’ began to set the tone in polite society.‘ This view of history owed a gréat deal to Voltaire, who had proclaimed the importance of men of letters in the Lettres philosophiques (1734) and then identified them with the progressive drive in history in Le siécle de Louis XIV (1751). Voltaire’s own contributions to the Encyclopédie, notably in the article GENs DE LETTRES, de-

veloped the same theme and made its implications clear. History advanced through the perfection of the arts and sciences; the arts and sciences improved through the efforts of men of letters; and

| men of letters provided the motive force for the whole process by functioning as philosophes. “It is this philosophic spirit that seems

to constitute the character of the men of letters.’’43 The article PHILOSOPHE made much the same point. It was adapted from the celebrated tract of 1743, Le Philosophe, which established an ideal

type—the man of letters committed to the cause of Enlightenment.‘* Throughout the 1750s, in pamphlets, plays, journals, and | treatises, the philosophes came to be recognized or reviled as a kind of party, the secular apostles of civilization, in opposition to the champions of tradition and religious orthodoxy.*5 Many of them contributed to the Encyclopédie—so many, in fact, that Encyclopédiste

and philosophe became virtual synonyms, and both terms crowded out their competitors—savant, érudit, gens d’esprit—in the semantic field covered by the general expression gens de lettres.46 D’Alembert

contributed to this shift in meaning by glorifying his fellow philosophes as the ultimate in gens de. lettres, the heirs to Newton and Locke, at the end of the Discours préliminaire. The entire Encyclopédie proclaimed itself to be the work of ‘‘a society of men of letters”

on its title page, while its friends and enemies alike identified it with philosophie.*? It seemed to embody the equation civilization =gens de lettres=philosophes and to funnel all the progressive cur- _ rents of history into the party of Enlightenment. Thus the historical argument of the Discours préliminaire com-

208

Philosophers Trim The Tree of Knowledge

pleted the work undertaken in the epistemological and morphological arguments. It legitimized the philosophes by identifying them with gens de lettres and by presenting gens de lettres as the moving force in history. Just as the first parts of the essay demon-

strated that there was no legitimate knowledge beyond the branches of the Baconian tree, the last part showed that there were no legitimate gens de lettres outside the circle of philosophes. Part two

had trimmed the tree to fit the requirements of sensationalist epis-

temology, and part one had excluded all knowledge without an empirical base. So nonempirical knowledge, the doctrine taught by

the Church, was ruled out of bounds, and the boundary keepers turned out in part three to be the philosophes.

Despite their tensions and inconsistencies, the segments of the Discours préliminaire interlocked in the execution of a single strategy.

It succeeded in dethroning the ancient queen of the sciences and in elevating philosophy to her place. Far from being a neutral com-

pendium of information, therefore, the modern Summa shaped knowledge in such a way as to remove it from the clergy and to put it in the hands of intellectuals committed to the Enlightenment. The ultimate triumph of this strategy came with the secularization of education and the emergence of the modern scholarly disciplines during the nineteenth century. But the key engagement

, took place in the 1750s, when the Encyclopedists recognized that | knowledge was power and, by mapping the world of knowledge, set out to conquer it.

APPENDIX: THREE TREES OF KNOWLEDGE The following schematic pictures of all human knowledge come from the Encyclopédie of Diderot and d’Alembert reprinted from Denis Diderot’s The Encyclopedia: Selections edited and translated by

Stephen J. Grendzier (New York: Harper Torchbook, 1967), the Cyclopaedia of Ephraim Chambers, and The Advancement of Learning

by Francis Bacon. The first two represent the tree of knowledge typographically as a diagram. Bacon developed his in the form of

an outline from which a diagram has been drawn. 209

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SENSITIVITY

WHEN THE philosophes set out to conquer the world by mapping it,

they knew that their success would depend on their ability to im- _ print their world view on the minds of their readers. But how was this operation to take place? What in fact was reading in eighteenth-century France? Reading still remains a mystery, although

we do it every day. The experience is so familiar that it seems |

| 215

perfectly comprehensible. But if we could really comprehend it, if . we could understand how we construe meaning from little figures printed on a page, we could begin to penetrate the deeper mystery

| THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE of how people orient themselves in the world of symbols spun around them by their culture. Even then, we could not presume to know how other people have read in other times and places. For a history or anthropology of reading would force us to confront the otherness in alien mentalités.! As an example, consider the place of

reading in the death rites of Bali.

When the Balinese prepare a corpse for burial, they read stories to one another, ordinary stories from collections of their most familiar tales. They read them without stopping, twenty-four hours a day, for two or three days at a time, not because they need dis-

traction but because of the danger of demons. Demons possess souls during the vulnerable period immediately after a death, but stories keep them out. Like Chinese boxes or English hedges, the stories contain tales within tales, so that as you enter one you run into another, passing from plot to plot every time you turn a corner, until at last you reach the core of the narrative space, which corresponds to the place occupied by the corpse within the inner courtyard of the household. Demons cannot penetrate this space because they cannot turn corners. They beat their heads helplessly against the narrative maze that the readers have built, and so reading provides a kind of defense fortification surrounding Balinese ritual. It creates a wall of words, which operates like the jamming of radio broadcasts. It does not amuse, instruct, improve, or help to while away the time: by the imbrication of narrative and the cacophony of sound, it protects souls.?

Now, reading may never have been so exotic in the West, although our use of the Bible—in the taking of oaths, confirmations, | and other ceremonies—might look extravagant indeed to the Bali- |

nese. But the Balinese example illustrates an important point: nothing could be more misleading in an attempt to recapture the experience of reading in the past than the assumption that people have always read the way we do today. A history of reading, if it can ever be written, would chart the alien element in the way man has made sense of the world. For reading, unlike carpentry or em_ broidery, is not merely a skill; it is an active construal of meaning within a system of communication. To understand how the French

read books in the eighteenth century is to understand how they thought—that is, those of them who could participate in the transmission of thought by means of printed symbols.

216

Readers Respond to Rousseau The task may seem impossible because we cannot look over the

shoulders of eighteenth-century readers and question them as a

, modern psychologist can question a reader today. We can only ferret out whatever remains of their experience in libraries and archives, and even then we can rarely get beyond the retrospective testimony of a few great men about a few great books: Rousseau’s recollections of reading Plutarch and Stendhal’s of reading Rous-

seau. But one dossier—the only one of its kind that exists in the archives of France and Switzerland, or anywhere else as far as I know—makes it possible to follow the readings of an ordinary bourgeois in the course of an ordinary life in provincial France during the last two decades before the French Revolution. I would like to present the dossier, making due disclaimers about

its representativeness or the possibility of locating any typical Frenchman under the Old Regime. It comes from the archives of the Société Typographique de Neuchatel (STN), an important Swiss publisher of French books in the prerevolutionary period, and it concerns Jean Ranson, a merchant from La Rochelle.? In 1774 when he began to correspond with the STN, Ranson was twenty-seven. He had taken over his family’s business in the silk trade after the death of his father, and he lived with his mother in the heart of the Rochelais Protestant community. The Ransons were well off, though not as wealthy as some of the families who lived from the Atlantic trade. Jean had inherited 20,000 livres from his father. When he married in 1777, his wife was to bring him a dowry of 10,000 livres. After her death, a second marriage in 1788 would produce an equivalent amount (8,000 livres and an annuity

based on a capital of 2,000 livres). And by then Ranson’s own fortune, excluding dowries, would come to 66,000 livres—a fairly handsome sum, especially if one takes into account the slump produced in the local economy by the American war.* While his business prospered, Ranson occupied an increasingly important place in his town and church. He was an officer (lieutenant du prévot de la

Monnaie) of the local mint. He directed the Protestant hospital founded by his father in 1765. And during the Revolution, he supervised poor relief as president of the Bureau de bienfaisance, in addition to serving on the Conseil municipal and the Conseil des prisons once the Terror had passed.

, — 217

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE Ranson’s position in the core of La Rochelle’s merchant oligarchy shows up clearly in his marriage contract of 1777. Seventy-six witnesses signed the contract; all but three of the men identified themselves as merchants (négociants). They included a former mayor,

the director of the Chambre de commerce, two previous directors of the Chambre, and the flower of the Rochelais trading families: Raboteaus, Seignettes, Belins, Jarnacs, Roberts, and the Ransons themselves. All of Ranson’s male relatives appeared in the contract as négociants, and so did those of his bride, Madeleine Raboteau— not surprisingly, for she was his second cousin. _ Ranson’s letters in Neuchatel confirm the impression given by the documents in La Rochelle. They suggest that he was serious, responsible, hard-working, civic-minded, and rich—the very picture of the provincial bourgeois. Above all, he was Protestant. Like

most members of the r.p.r. (religion prétendue réformée) in France, his parents had made a formal avowal of Catholicism in order to provide their children with a civil status, for the state did not legally recognize the existence of Protestants, though it had allowed them to hold services in La Rochelle since 1755. The Ransons also wanted their son to have a solid Calvinist education. They therefore sent him to the collége (secondary school) in Neuchatel, where he studied with Frédéric-Samuel Ostervald, a learned

local notable, who was to found the STN a few years later, in 1769. The French student developed a strong attachment to his Swiss master. So when he returned to La Rochelle, Ranson kept in touch by letter; and when Ostervald took up publishing, Ranson bought books from him. He bought a great many because he was an avid reader and the STN, which did a huge business as a wholesale bookdealer in addition to its printing, could supply him with almost everything he wanted. Unlike the STN’s other correspondents, who were mainly booksellers, Ranson chatted about his liter-

ary interests and family life when he sent in his orders. Thus his dossier—forty-seven letters amidst the fifty thousand of the STN _ papers—stands out in the commercial correspondence of the STN precisely because it was so uncommercial. It provides a rare view of

| a reader discussing his reading while going about the everyday affairs of life in a quiet corner of the provinces. In confronting the dossier, the first question to ask is: what did

218 |

Readers Respond to Rousseau

Ranson read? One cannot reconstruct his library, because he owned

a great many books that he did not order from the STN. He received some from his family and bought others from Guillaume Pavie, his favorite bookseller in La Rochelle. But his letters to the STN—which include orders for fifty-nine titles over a period of eleven years—provide enough information for one to form a gen-

eral idea of his taste and reading habits. The orders fall into the following pattern. (for bibliographical details, see the appendix):

I. Religion (12 titles) | Holy Scripture, devotional works

La Sainte Bible ,

Psaumes de David Abrégé du catéchisme d’Ostervald Recueil de priéres, Roques Nourriture de l’ame, Ostervald Morale évangélique, Bertrand Dévotions chrétiennes Sermons Année évangélique, Durand

Sermons sur les dogmes, Chaillet |

Sermons, Bertrand

Sermons, Perdriau |

| Sermons, Romilly

II. History, travel, geography (4 titles)

Histoire philosophique, Raynal |

Works : Voyage en Sicile et 4 Malte, Brydone Voyage dans la Suisse, Sinner Description des montagnes de Neuchatel, Ostervald

III. Belles-lettres (14 titles) Moliére

, La Harpe

Novels Crebillon pére Piron

Rousseau (1775) |

Rousseau (1782)

Ocuvres posthumes de Rousseau

Histoire de Francois Wills, Pratt |

Le Paysan perverti, Restif de la Bretonne

219

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE

Adele et Théodore, Mme de Genlis |

Don Quichotte, Cervantes |

Other

Théatre de société, Mme de Genlis

— L’An 2440, Mercier

Mon bonnet de nuit, Mercier IV. Medicine (2 titles)

Soins pour la conservation des dents, Bourdet :

Avis contenant une reméde contre la rage

V. Children’s books, pedagogy (18 titles) Amusement

Théatre d’éducation, Mme de Genlis Nouveaux Contes moraux, Mme Leprince de Beaumont Magasin des enfants, Mme Leprince de Beaumont L’Ami des enfants, Berquin Fables de La Fontaine

Les Hochets moraux, Monget Les Jeux d’enfants, Feutry Lectures pour les enfants Conversations d’Emilie, Mme d’Epinay Entretiens, drames et contes moraux, Mme de Lafite

Instruction Annales de la vertu, Mme de Genlis Cours de géographie élementaire, Ostervald Les Vrais Principes de la lecture, Viard Abrégé de l’histoire universelle, Lacroze

Pedagogy, moral education Legs d’un pére a ses filles, Gregory Dissertation sur V’éducation physique, Ballexserd

' Education morale, Comparet Instructions d’un pere a ses enfants, Trembley

VI. Other (9 titles) : Encyclopédie, Diderot and d’Alembert Le Socrate rustique, Hirzel

Le Messager boiteux : -

Mémoires secrets, Bachaumont Relation des derniers jours de J.-J. Rousseau, Le Bégue de Presles Discours sur économie politique, Rousseau Lettres de Haller contre Voltaire Tableau de Paris, Mercier

220 | , Portraits des rois de France, Mercier |

Readers Respond to Rousseau | The above rubrics correspond to the categories in the catalogues of eighteenth-century libraries, but they exclude a good deal of the standard fare in the literature of the time. Ranson did not order any

classics, any legal works, or anything in the natural sciences, except : two volumes of popular medicine. True, he may have procured books on those subjects from other sources, although he could have got them from the STN. But his main interests were limited to the

following topics: .

Children’s literature and pedagogy. These books provide the biggest

surprise in the dossier. Although they do not seem to have occu- , pied much of a place in the (admittedly few) eighteenth-century | libraries that have been studied by historians,>5 they represent al-

most a third of the works that Ranson ordered from the STN. Their importance can be explained by his interest in his own children, but there is more to it than that, as we shall see. Religion. Ranson’s letters indicate that he was a devout Protes-

tant, and his books suggest that his piety shaded off into pietism. He showed no interest in theology, but he wanted Holy Scripture—a new Protestant edition of the Bible, the Psalms—and espe-

cially sermons. He kept calling in his letters for “‘good new sermons; France has been famished for them for a long time.’’® He

favored the moralistic preaching of Swiss and Dutch divines, _ which occasionally summon up the religion of Rousseau’s Savoyard vicar. History, travel, and general nonfiction. Ranson’s religious principles

did not prevent him from ordering the Encyclopédie or the equally outspoken and encyclopedic Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes by the

abbé Raynal. Travel and history books, a favorite category in eight-

eenth-century libraries, often provided a screen upon which En- | lightenment authors projected criticisms of contemporary society. Ranson even bought two forbidden books that made the criticism explicit: Mercier’s Tableau de Paris and Bachaumont’s Mémoires secrets pour servir @ l’histoire de la république des lettres. But he avoided

the racier and more radical works in the STN’s catalogue, concentrating instead on the sentimental and moralistic books that were

becoming increasingly popular during the preromantic era. Belles-lettres. Those books stand out in Ranson’s orders for fic221

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE tion. Although he bought some seventeenth-century classics (Molitre, Cervantes), he favored contemporary writers like Mme de Genlis, Mercier, and Restif de la Bretonne. But the one who occupied most of the space on his shelves and most of the discussions in his letters was Rousseau—‘“l’Ami Jean-Jacques” as Ranson called him, although Jean-Jacques was a friend whom he had never met

_ and could know only through the printed word. Ranson devoured everything he could find by Rousseau. He ordered two editions of the complete works and a twelve-volume set of the posthumous

writings. The first edition, published by Samuel Fauche of Neuchatel in 1775, was the best Ranson could obtain during Rousseau’s lifetime, but it contained only eleven volumes in octavo. The second, put out by the Société typographique de Genéve in 1782, ran to thirty-one volumes and contained a great many previously unpublished works. Ranson ordered it unbound and stitched,

, “so as to have the full enjoyment of the work as soon as it arrives and not to wait upon the binder, who is very negligent.”” He was

as hungry for information about the writer as for copies of the writings. “I thank you, Monsieur,” he wrote to Ostervald in 1775, “for what you were so kind as to tell me about [’Ami Jean-Jacques. You give me great pleasure every time you can send me anything

how did he read?

about him.’’® Ranson was the perfect Rousseauistic reader. But To pass from the what to the how of reading is an extremely difficult step. One can approach it indirectly by posing a second

preliminary question: how did Ranson look at a book when he. took it in his hands? Books as physical objects were very different in the eighteenth century from what they are today, and their

readers perceived them differently. " Ranson’s perceptions can be surmised from his letters to the STN, for he often discussed the physical aspects of books. For example, before undertaking a new edition of the Bible, Ostervald

| sounded him out on the format that would be preferred in. La Rochelle; and after consulting his friends Ranson replied, ‘‘Every-

one pronounced in favor of the in-folio. It is more majestic and more imposing in the eyes of the multitude for whom this divine book is intended.”? Ranson showed a great concern for typograph-

222

Readers Respond to Rousseau ical niceties in discussing a project to reprint a Cours de géographie élémentaire: “I hope it will be done with more handsome type and finer paper than that of the third edition, which in those respects is far inferior to the second edition printed in Bern.’’!° He especially cared about the raw material of books. “Handsome paper so far as can be had,” he reiterated in his orders.!! And he emphasized the

importance of harmonizing paper, print, and binding. When Os-

tervald asked him to inspect some books that the STN had recovered from a bankrupt dealer in La Rochelle, he reported: “How could you have spent three livres fifteen sous on the binding for books printed so badly on such bad paper, which you sell for fifteen sous in sheets? I might eventually be able to find someone willing to take those in basan [a relatively cheap sheepskin binding], but I have little hope for the others.”

| Such comments were common in the eighteenth century. The STN often received letters from customers who complained about : sloppy printing and from booksellers who worried that the choice of a type face or a kind of paper would make a book unsellable. For example, after offering the Systeme de la nature to Pavie, Ranson’s bookseller in La Rochelle, the STN received a reply indicating that the material quality of the book mattered as much as its intellectual —

content: ,

I know of four editions of the Systéme de la nature. The first is from Holland, a magnificent edition. The second and the third are quite

comparable. The fourth, from which I include a sample sheet, has been _ execrably produced, both in the printing, which is full of mistakes, and in the paper, which is detestable. I wouldn’t give thirty sous for it. If the one you are offering is like the fourth edition, you needn’t bother to send it. You can easily compare them from the sample. But as you say that yours is from a very beautiful edition, I presume it is from one of the first three. In that case, you can send me ten copies, in sheets or stitched.!5

This typographical consciousness has disappeared now that books are mass-produced for a mass audience. In the eighteenth century they were made by hand. Every sheet of paper was produced individually by an elaborate procedure and differed from

| 223

every other sheet in the same volume. Every letter, word, and line was composed according to an art that gave the artisan a chance to

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE express his individuality. Books themselves were individuals, each copy possessing its own character. The reader of the Old Regime

approached them with care, for he paid attention to the stuff of literature as well as its message. He would finger the paper in order to gauge its weight, translucence, and elasticity (a whole vocabulary

existed to describe the esthetic qualities of paper, which usually represented at least half the manufacturing cost of a book before the nineteenth century.) He would study the design of the type, examine the spacing, check the register, evaluate the layout, and

| scrutinize the evenness of the printing. He would sample a book the way we might taste a glass of wine; for he looked at the impressions on the paper, not merely across them to their meaning. And once he had possessed himself fully of a book, in all its physicality, he would settle down to read it.

That brings us back to our initial question: how did Ranson read? The answer may seem as far away as ever, but we can pursue

it down another path, one that leads toward an understanding of reading as it was taught in eighteenth-century schools and depicted

in eighteenth-century textbooks. Fortunately, Ranson mentioned his own favorite textbook in his letters. He ordered several copies of it, for the use of his family and his friends. Its title (translated into English) suggests that it conveyed a view of the world as well as a means of mastering the printed word: The true principles of reading, of spelling, and of French pronunciation, followed by a little treatise on punctuation, the first elements of grammar and of French prosody, and by different reading selections suitable for providing simple and

easy notions of all the branches of our knowledge, by Nicolas-Antoine Viard.

Viard’s textbook probably left a mark on several generations of French readers. The Bibliothéque Nationale contains five editions of it. from the eighteenth century and nineteen editions from the

period 1800 to 1830. It seems doubtful that Ranson himself learned to read from the textbook, as the earliest surviving copy comes from 1763, when he had already reached the age of fifteen.

But his letters indicate that he used it during his schooling in Neuchatel—presumably as an aid for reviewing grammar—and that he meant to use it to teach his own children how to read. One

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Readers Respond to Rousseau

aspect of it, however, was insupportable to him—its ultraorthodox Catholicism, which stands out clearly in some of the reading selections.'4 Ostervald must have expurgated those passages for the stu-

dents in Neuchatel, because in ordering the book Ranson specified that he wanted “some copies of the Principes de la lecture by Viard

that I would be glad to have with the changes you have made in it.”"5 And in a later letter he stressed that he was ordering the “Principes de lecture corrigés pour les réformés.” © 1 have not been able

to locate this Protestant Viard, but the classical Viard, minus some of the religious texts among its reading exercises, seems adequate as a starting point for studying eighteenth-century reading. Viard himself starts with the smallest units of sound. He shows how they are linked with letters, syllables, and words, progressing from the simple to the complex and avoiding all irregularities, so that the connections between sounds and typographical symbols

become firmly fixed in the student’s mind. Reading must be learned orally, he insists; writing can come later. “The entire operation consists in simplifying the sounds and in not doing any spelling; it is the only way to make the combination of sounds meaningful to children.”!” Viard requires some memorizing; but for all his drills and scrambled alphabets, his main concern is to get the

child to think: ‘The memory easily retains things read several times; so after having had a child read a short passage, one can begin to question him about it and to help him understand it.’’!8 Reading is not passive for Viard. He does not see it as a mechanistic process of deciphering but as an active construction of the intellect. Nonetheless, Viard will disappoint anyone who consults him in

the hope of finding a contemporary strategy for understanding books. He says nothing about explication de texte or ways of formu-

lating interpretations. Wholly absorbed with the problem of extracting sense from combinations of letters, he concentrates on exercises like the following:!9 Les bons livres s’impriment Les mauvais livres se suppriment

soigneusement. promptement.*

* This is a drill to help the pupil overcome inconsistencies between sounds and combinations of letters, in this case the sufhx ment. Although the point gets lost in translation, the phrases may be rendered in English as follows: “Good books are printed carefully. Bad

books are suppressed promptly.” | 225

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE For Viard, understanding means mastery of words. If the reader can get the simplest elements straight, he can make sense of entire treatises; for meaning inheres in small semantic units rather than in grammar or in structure. Viard therefore remains at the level of the word, as if the understanding of texts would come of itself. He does provide some texts, but they hardly illustrate his point;

for they are saturated with ideological undercurrents. Thus ‘La Salutation Angélique” and ‘La Confession des péchés”’ in his reading exercises are stripped of ambiguous syllables but loaded down with Counter-Reformation doctrine. And other selections—‘“‘Blason,” “‘Genéalogie,” “Politique,” ‘“‘Le Monde’’—read like apologies for the status quo in social and political questions. Viard expected the teacher to bring out the significance of such subjects in

discussions with the pupils: “The object is to give the children some simple notions about the arts, sciences, religion, war, trade, and everything else about which one needs to have clear and precise ideas. It is important for the child that the master pause and consider with him each of these subjects, turning them over so to speak beneath his gaze. Each will germinate like a seed, which if cultivated skillfully will make his mind rich and fertile.”’2° There is

no mistaking the conservative character of the text, but the metaphor could have come from Emile. Like Rousseau, Viard insists on the importance of patience and gentleness on the part of the teacher. Instead of being crammed with useless information, children should learn according to the natural development of their faculties. Above all, they should learn to be good. For reading is a kind of spiritual exercise: it trains one not for literature but for life.

Despite its orthodoxy, then, Viard’s primer might well have seemed attractive to a Rousseauistic reader. But it does not reveal much about the actual process of reading. In fact, it suggests that children learned to sound out words in eighteenth-century France pretty much as they do today. Rousseau himself had no patience — for such pedagogy. He insisted in Emile that the child learn to read

late, when he was ripe for learning, without artificial exercises:

‘Any method will do for him.”?! Yet reading is a theme that appears everywhere in Rousseau’s works. It obsessed him. If we can understand his understanding of it, we might be able to get beyond

the point where Viard left us and to find a third angle from which to attack the problem of eighteenth-century reading.

226

Readers Respond to Rousseau : Rousseau discussed his own induction into reading in the first pages of the Confessions: I don’t know how I learned to read; I only remember my first readings and their effect on me: it is from that time that I date without interrup-

| tion my consciousness of myself. My mother had left some novels. [She had died a few days after Jean-Jacques’s birth.] My father and I began

to read them after supper, at first only with the idea of using some amusing books for me to practice reading. But soon we took such a strong interest in them that we read without a break, taking turns throughout the whole night. We could never stop before reaching the end of a volume. And sometimes my father, hearing the swallows at the crack of dawn, would say shamefacedly, ‘‘Let’s go to bed; I am more of a child than you.””??

Having exhausted their stock of novels, they took volumes of Bossuet, Moliére, La Bruyére, Ovid, and Plutarch from the libraries of the relatives of Jean-Jacques’s mother, who came from a more cultivated milieu than his father, a watchmaker. While the father worked in his shop, the son read to him and they discussed the readings. Jean-Jacques’s imagination caught fire, especially when he declaimed from Plutarch. He became the heroes that he read about, and he played out the dramas of antiquity in his Genevan apartment as if he had lived them in Athens and Rome. In retrospect it seemed to him that this experience had marked him for life. On the one hand, he never learned to distinguish between literature and reality, having filled his mind with“‘bizarre and romantic notions, which experience and reflection never cured me

of.” On the other, he developed a fiercely independent spirit: ‘From this absorption in reading and the talks to which it gave rise between my father and me, I developed that free and republican spirit, that proud and indomitable character, so incompatible with subjection and servitude, that has been the torment of my life.”?> The characters in Rousseau’s great novel, La Nouvelle Héloise, throw themselves into reading with the same abandon. Because it

is an epistolary novel, the plot unfolds through the exchange of letters. Living cannot be distinguished from reading, nor loving from the writing of love letters. Indeed, the lovers teach one another how to read just as they teach one another love. Saint-Preux instructs Julie: ““To read little and to meditate a great deal upon our

' reading, or to talk it over extensively between ourselves, that is the 227

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE way to thoroughly digest it.’’?4 At the same time, he learns to read from her. Like the tutor of Emile, he devises a “‘method”’ especially

, suited to the independent spirit of his pupil: “. .. to you who put | into your reading more than you take out of it and whose active mind makes another and sometimes better book of the book you read. In this way we will exchange our ideas. I will tell you what others have thought about the subject; you will tell me what you yourself think about it; and I will often leave the lesson better instructed than you.’’?5 This was how Rousseau learned to read from his father—and how he later read with Mme de Warens: ‘‘Sometimes I read beside her. I took the greatest pleasure in it; it exercised me in reading well.... We read La Bruyére together: it

pleased her more than La Rochefoucauld.... When she drew morals from the text, she sometimes lost the thread a little in her

| reverie; but kissing her from time to time on the mouth or the hands, I was patient, and her interruptions did not bother me.’’6 Reading, living, and loving, they were inseparable to the writer

who lived more intensely in his imagination than he did in the |

, rounds of daily life. Thus the great enemy of ‘‘method”’ really had one of his own, the one he had learned from his father. It consisted in “digesting” books so thoroughly that they became absorbed in life. But Rousseau did not merely describe reading as he and the characters of his books experienced it. He directed the reading of his readers. He showed them how to approach his books. He guided them into the _ texts, oriented them by his rhetoric, and made them play a certain role. Rousseau even attempted to teach his readers how to read and, through reading, tried to touch their inner lives. This strategy required a break with conventional literature. Instead of hiding behind the narrative and pulling strings to manipulate the characters in the manner of Voltaire, Rousseau threw himself into his works and expected the reader to do the same. He transformed the relation between writer and reader, between reader and text. If we can form an adequate idea of this transformation, we should be able to picture the ideal reader envisaged by Rousseau and then to compare that ideal with an actual individual, the reader Jean Ranson. Consider two key texts, the dual prefaces to La Nouvelle Héloise,

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Readers Respond to Rousseau

where Rousseau discusses reading and the way to read his novel at

some length. Both prefaces—one is a brief introduction to the book, the other is a dialogue in which Rousseau represents himself

defending his work to a skeptical critic—confront an objection that could be expected from any reader of Rousseau: how could Jean-Jacques do anything as wicked as to publish a novel? The question may seem absurd today, but it fit squarely into the preoccupations of an age in which novels were seen as a moral danger, especially when they dealt with love and their readers were young ladies. Rousseau had won notoriety by denouncing all the arts and sciences for their effect on morals. Yet here he was, shamelessly displaying his name on the title page of the most corrupting kind

of literature—not merely a novel, but a story about a tutor who seduces his pupil and later joins her husband in a ménage 4 trois!

Rousseau met the objection head-on in the first sentence of the first preface: ‘Theaters are necessary for large cities and novels for corrupt peoples.’’?” The argument echoed his Lettre a d’Alembert sur

les spectacles, which condemned theatres, novels, and all modern literature, including the work of the Encyclopedists, for undermining civic virtue in healthy republics like Geneva, yet conceded that

they could be of some use in decadent monarchies like France. Rousseau wrote both La Nouvelle Héloise and the Lettre a d’Alembert

during the great crisis of 1757/58, which resulted in his break with Diderot and the party of the philosophes. But both books ex__- pressed a theme—the corruptive nature of contemporary culture— that went back to the work that first made Rousseau famous, the Discours sur les sciences et les arts (1750). It was a theme that weighed

on his whole life and that had to be faced at the point of entry into the story of the modern Héloise. This great novelist had always preached against novels. How then could he write one?

Rousseau’s reply in the prefaces is deceptively simple: ‘This novel is not a novel.’’28 It is a collection of letters, which Rousseau presents in the role of an editor, as the subtitle and “‘editor’s” name on the title page make clear: “Letters of two lovers living in a small town at the foot of the Alps. Collected and published by J.-J. Rousseau.”’ But that pretense would satisfy no one, least of all Rousseau,

who was proud of his work and could not refrain from talking about it: “Although I have only the title of an editor here, I have 229

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE worked on this book myself, and I do not hide that fact. Have I done the whole thing, and is the entire correspondence a fiction? Readers from high society [gens du monde], what does it matter to you? For you it is certainly fiction.”’29 Behind this coquetterie, Rousseau strategically shifts the question from the role played by him to

the role expected of the reader. The book will seem contrived to members of the socio-cultural elite (le monde, an expression charged with meaning for Rousseau and otHer men of letters); but to those

who can read it with innocent eyes, it will appear as truth itself. Where does Rousseau locate this truth? As far away from salon society as possible: “This book is not made to circulate in society [le

monde| and is suitable for very few readers. ...It will displease religious bigots, libertines, and philosophes.’°° The ideal reader must be able to divest himself of the conventions of literature as well as the prejudices of society. Only then can he enter into the story in the manner prescribed by Rousseau: ‘Whoever resolves to read these letters must arm himself with patience about the incorrectness of their language, the overblown character of their style, the ordinary quality of the ideas expressed in their inflated phrasing. He must say to himself in advance that those who wrote them are not French, not sophisticates, not academicians nor philosophes but rather provincials, foreigners, recluses, young people, almost

children, who in their romantic imaginations take the innocent

frenzy of their minds tc be philosophy.‘‘?! , These distinctions have a social and political edge to them, for Rousseau saw literature as an element in a power system peculiar to the Old Regime. He rejected it, all of it, belles-lettres along with the beau monde; and in doing so he broke with the philosophes. In his eyes, Diderot, d’Alembert, and the other Encyclopedists belonged

to the fashionable world of theaters and salons. Philosophy itself had become a fashion, the ultimate in Parisian sophistication; and as it spread beyond Paris, it endangered the healthiest segments of the body politic. D’Alembert’s article on Geneva in the Encyclopédie

epitomized this process. By deriding the old-fashioned puritans who opposed Voltaire’s project to establish a theater in their city, it

showed that the cultural cancer was attacking the last bastion of virtue, Calvin’s republic—and Rousseau’s. The article cut “JeanJacques Rousseau, citizen of Geneva’’? to the quick, not merely because he identified with his fatherland but also because the dis230 .

' Readers Respond to Rousseau | | ease that threatened it had also ravaged him. Had he not sunk deeper into depravity with every step that led away from his original innocence? Had he not attempted to break into le monde? And

had he not used music, theater, literature, and philosophy as a means of entry? He had lived the formula he invented: culture = corruption. So he would invent another cultural form, an antiliter-

ary literature, in which he could defend the cause of virtue by appealing directly to the unsophisticated. Rousseau found his prophetic voice in La Nouvelle Héloise, but he spoke only to those who had ears to hear—which in fact meant those with eyes to read. La Nouvelle Héloise therefore required a new kind of reading, one that would succeed in proportion to the reader’s spiritual dis-

tance from Parisian high society. “In moral matters, I hold that there is no reading that can be of use to society people [gens du monde|.... The further one moves away from business, big cities, crowded social gatherings, the more the obstacles [to morally effective reading] diminish. At a certain point, books can have some

usefulness. When one lives alone, one does not hurry through books in order to parade one’s reading; one varies them less and meditates on them more. And as their effect is less mitigated by outside influences, they have a greater influence within.’33 Here was a reply to Diderot’s terrible phrase, which had precipitated his break with Rousseau: “Only the evil man lives alone.’”34 Rous- .

seau’s rhetoric opened up a new channel of communication be-

tween two lonely beings, the writer and the reader, and rearranged their roles. Rousseau would be Jean-Jacques, citizen of Geneva and prophet of virtue. The reader would be a provincial youth, a country gentleman, a woman stifled by the refined conventions of society, an artisan excluded from refinement—it did not matter, provided he or she could love virtue and understand the language of the heart. — Thus Rousseau did not demand that the reader try to turn himself into a Swiss peasant but rather that he reject the dominant

values of literature and society. Anyone who wanted to read the | lovers’ letters as they deserved to be read would have to place himself spiritually ‘‘at the foot of the Alps,” where literary niceties made no sense. The letters were not written to “please’’ in Paris— plaire being a refinement idealized in the seventeenth century—but to give free rein to feeling. 231

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE If you read them as the work of an author who wants to please [plaire],

or who takes pride in his writing, they are detestable. But take them for . what they are, and judge them according to their kind. Two or three young people, simple but sensitive, speak to one another about the interests of their hearts. They never think of trying to cut a fine figure in each other’s eyes. They know and love each other too well for vanity [amour-propre, another key word for Rousseau] to have a place in their exchanges. They are children; should they think as adults? They

are foreigners; should they write correctly? They are recluses; should they be familiar with the ways of society [le monde]? ...They know nothing of such things. They know how to love; they refer everything to their passion.*§

The letters of Julie and Saint-Preux lack refinement because they are genuine. They have nothing to do with literature because they

| are true. Like music, they communicate pure. emotion from one soul to another: “They are no longer letters; they are hymns.’”5¢ -. Rousseau offered the reader access to this kind of truth, but only if he would put himself in the place of the correspondents and become in spirit a provincial, a recluse, a foreigner, and a child. In order to do so, the reader would have to jettison the cultural baggage of the adult world and learn to read all over again, as JeanJacques had read with his father, who knew how to become “‘more

of a child than you.” Thus Rousseauistic reading would explode the conventions established at the height of the classical period by Boileau. It would revolutionize the relation between reader and text, and open the way to romanticism. At the same time, it would revive a way of reading that seems to have prevailed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: reading in order to absorb the unmediated Word of God. Rousseau demanded to be read as if he were a prophet of divine truth, and Ranson understood him in that

way: thus the emphasis on religious literature in Ranson’s orders did not contradict his: Rousseauism but rather complemented it. What set Rousseauistic reading apart from its religious antecedents—whether they were Calvinist, Jansenist, or pietistic—was the

: summons to read the most suspect form of literature, the novel, as if it were the Bible. By exploiting this paradox, Rousseau would regenerate le monde.

But the new style of reading ran into another paradox, as it

232 |

struggled for expression in the preface to La Nouvelle Héloise. Rous-

Readers Respond to Rousseau , | seau insisted on the authenticity of the lovers’ letters, but he wrote them himself, using all the devices of a rhetoric that he alone could command. He presented his text as the unmediated:-communica-

tion of two souls—‘‘It is thus that the heart speaks to the heart’37—-yet the actual communication took place between the reader and Rousseau himself. This ambiguity threatened to undercut the new relation between writer and reader that he wanted to establish. On the one hand, it tended to falsify Rousseau’s position by making him appear as a mere editor. On the other, it left the reader looking on from the sideline, virtually as a voyeur. To be sure, such ambiguities, and a heavy dose of voyeurism, exist in all

epistolary novels. The genre had been established long ago in France and was undergoing a revival, thanks to the popularity of Richardson. But Rousseau could not hide behind the conventions of the genre because he meant his text to be nonliterary and “true.” He could not deny his authorship of the letters without offending truth, and he could not acknowledge the careful craftsmanship that

went into them without spoiling their effect. , The problem may look like a false dilemma to the modern reader,

but it obsessed Rousseau’s contemporaries. Many readers of La Nouvelle Héloise believed and wanted to believe in the authenticity

of the letters. Rousseau understood their need in advance. So he had his questioner, the sophisticated man of letters ““N” in the second preface or préface dialoguée, return again and again to the query: “Is this correspondence real, or is it a fiction?’’?38 “‘N” can-

not let go of it; it “torments” him, he explains.2? By letting him give vent to his doubts, Rousseau appeared to square with the reader

and to face up to the paradox inherent in the epistolary genre. Although he could not resolve the paradox, he seemed to subsume

it in an attempt to reach a higher truth. He asked the reader to suspend his disbelief and to cast aside the old way of reading in | order to enter into the letters as if they really were the effusion of innocent hearts at the foot of the Alps. This kind of reading required a leap of faith—of faith in the author, who somehow must have suffered through the passions of his characters and forged them into a truth that transcends literature. Ultimately, then, the power of Rousseau’s novel derived from the force of his personality. He initiated a new conception of the 233

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE author as Prometheus, one that would go far in the nineteenth century. So in La Nouvelle Héloise instead of hiding behind the scene, he strode to the front of the stage. He related everything in the prefaces to himself, his “I’’. And after refusing to deny that he might have written the letters, he told ‘“N” that he is their editor: R [Rousseau]: Does a man of integrity hide himself when he speaks to the public? Does he dare to publish something that he will not dare acknowledge? I am the editor of this book, and I will name myself in it as editor. N: You will name yourself in it? You? R: I, myself. N: What! You will put your name to it? R: Yes, Monsieur. N: Your real name? Jean-Jacques Rousseau spelled out in full? R: Jean-Jacques Rousseau spelled out in full.*°

Rousseau then explained that he not only intended to assume responsibility for what he wrote, but “I do not want to be considered any better than I am.’’4! It was the same position that he would adopt in the Confessions. By confessing his moral failures, he under-

lined his honesty and at the same time created an ideal JeanJacques who could speak directly from the heart to the ideal reader envisioned in the text. Author and reader triumphed together over the artifice of literary communication. This metaliterary impulse, which was to find its ultimate expression in the Confessions, drove Rousseau to fly his Jean-Jacques openly over La Nouvelle Héloise— an unusual gesture in an age when authors rarely put their names on novels. But Rousseau did not aspire to be novelesque. He wanted

| to reach through literature into life, his own and that of his readers.

The impact of Rousseauism therefore owed a great deal to Rous-

, seau. He spoke to the most intimate experiences of his readers and encouraged them to see through to the Jean-Jacques behind the texts. It hardly seems surprising that many of them tried to make contact with him in person—so many that he needed a trap door to escape those who sought him out in his retreat on the Ile SaintPierre. Rousseau broke down the barriers separating writer from reader. He created the art that he recommended in Emile: ‘‘the art of speaking to those who are absent and of hearing them, the art of

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Readers Respond to Rousseau

communicating to those far away, without any mediation, our feelings, will, desires.”’42 He developed that art, but how did his readers respond to it—real readers, not merely those envisioned in the | text? That question brings us back to Jean Ranson. From the beginning of his correspondence, Ranson made it clear that ‘“l’Ami Jean-Jacques” fascinated him as much as Rousseau’s writing. Ostervald was well placed to satisfy that interest, because

the Swiss publisher sometimes made business trips to Paris, and after gathering literary gossip he sent reports to his young friend in

La Rochelle. Unfortunately, Ostervald’s side of the correspondence is missing, but it probably contained some accounts of meetings with Rousseau; for Ranson kept calling for news of his ami and complained when it failed to arrive: ““What! You have seen

| Ami Jean-Jacques and you do not tell me all about it! I hope you have only postponed the report for another letter.”43 Ranson was equally anxious to receive Rousseau’s works. Much as he fussed about the quality of the printing, he cared most of all about the authenticity of the texts. ““One thing that makes me hesitate to purchase more of them,” he explained to Ostervald, ‘‘is the disavowal that that great unhappy man made of all the editions that were being sold two or three years ago; he would acknowledge

only the first edition, which he helped to produce himself and which has been out of print for years.”44 In the spring of 1777, when Ostervald was about,to leave for another trip to Paris, Ranson wrote, ““No doubt you will see l’Ami Jean-Jacques. Please find out from him whether we will be able to have a good edition of his works. And I beg of you especially to send me some word about his

~ health before you return.”45 The man and the works, they always went together in Ranson’s letters. — Ranson also accompanied the references to Rousseau with remarks on his own life. In June, 1777, when he was about to turn

thirty, he wrote, “I am sure, Monsieur, that you will be happy to. hear that I am about to end my bachelorhood. I have chosen and have been accepted by a Miss Raboteau, my cousin, the sister of the

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young lady whom M. Rother of Nantes married last year. She is also, on her father’s side, a relative of Jarnac to the same degree that Iam. The happy character of this dear person combined with

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE all considerations of propriety makes me hope in this commitment for the most {here there is a hole in the paper]’’ Then he moved directly to his favorite subject: “Although I have begged you again and again, Monsieur, to send me news about |’Ami Jean-Jacques, in whom I take the deepest interest, you are so cruel as to say nothing

about him. Haven’t you had a chance to see him and to benefit from a few words with him in Paris? Tell me about it at the first

possible moment, I insist, if you don’t want me to bear a grudge.’’ 46

Ranson’s association of his marriage and his ami did not take place by accident. In his next letter he explained: I send you my warmest thanks for your good wishes concerning my new estate. My wife is as touched as I am by what you wrote to me on her account. I hope it will not be difhcult for me to fulfill my duties toward this dear spouse in the fashion that you prescribe and that I have prescribed for myself. If I have been able to do without women until the age of nearly chirty, though I have certainly never looked upon the fair sex with an indifferent eye, I am sure that one will be enough for me for the rest of my life. Everything that l’Ami JeanJacques has written about the duties of husbands and wives, of mothers. and fathers, has had a profound effect on me; and I confess to you that it will serve me as a rule in any of those estates that I should occupy.”’4”

The reference to Rousseau remained implicit in a letter that Ranson wrote a few months later. This time he was the one sending congratulations: “I congratulate you warmly, you and Monsieur and Madame Bertrand [Ostervald’s son-in-law and daughter],

on the happy birth of your granddaughter, which no doubt the mother will nurse herself as she has done for her other children.’ 48 At the end of the year, Ranson learned that he, too, was to become a father. He prepared himself for his new responsibilities by reading: “Please procure for me, if possible, an excellent dissertation on

the physical education of children published by M. Ballexserd of Geneva. I am about to become a father, and am thinking of how I can best fulfill my duties.”49 We have moved from a traditional world, where children are raised according to family lore, to the world of Doctor Spock, where they grow up under instructions from the printed word. Ranson sought guidance above all from Rousseau, the prophet of breast-feeding and maternal love. In May,

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Readers Respond to Rousseau | 1778, he wrote joyfully, “My wife has made me the father of a girl, who is doing beautifully and who is being nursed by her mother with the greatest success.”5° But soon afterward he learned that his spiritual guide had died. So, Monsieur, we have lost the sublime Jean-Jacques. How it pains me

never to have seen nor heard him. I acquired the most extraordinary admiration for him by reading his books. If some day I should travel near Ermenonville, I shall not fail to visit his grave and perhaps to shed some tears on it. Tell me, I pray, what you think of this famous man, whose fate has always aroused the most tender feelings in me, while Voltaire often provoked my indignation. ...He said some years ago that none of the new editions of his works were correct, but rather that

all were full of falsifications, cuts, and changes, even the edition of Rey, which he complained about bitterly. I hope he has left behind some manuscripts that will make it possible for one to have an edition _ free of all those faults. If you learn anything about that, or anything else concerning Rousseau, please share it with me. You would give me the greatest pleasure.

Then, without breaking stride, comes the news of the family: ‘““We

are very touched, my wife and I, by the kind things you say about | the birth of our daughter, whom the mother continues to nurse with the greatest success and without feeling the slightest

discomfort.”’5! |

Ranson went on to talk about Rousseau in a long string of letters. He wanted to know everything about the life and death of his ami. He devoured every anecdote he could get his hands on, comparing versions in the Courier de l’Europe, L’Année littéraire, the Mercure de France, the Annales of Linguet, and many other periodicals.

He hung an engraving of the tomb at Ermenonville on the wall of his study. He bought up eulogies, pamphlets, and even scraps of unpublished manuscripts that were attributed to Rousseau and began to circulate after his death. Ranson also collected rumors, especially those that passed through the shop of his bookseller, Pavie. Some said that Jean-Jacques had died from poisoning. But was it not more probably from stomach trouble, as the Courier de l’Europe

had claimed? Or did it come as a result of the agony produced by the disappearance of the manuscript of the Confessions? The Keeper

: 237

of the Seals was said to have procured a copy and to have sum-

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‘

.

Readers Respond to Rousseau

moned Jean-Jacques to explain how it could be circulating, since

he had promised never to release it. Thérése Levasseur must have : sold it behind his back. They needed money desperately at the end,

when Jean-Jacques had given up copying music. But why in the world had no one come forth to save them from their misery? Had not Jean-Jacques offered in an open letter of February, 1777, to leave his manuscripts to any patron who would rescue them? The pension that Thérése received from Marc Michel Rey—and Ranson knew all about the details of Rousseau’s domestic life—did not

provide enough for them to live on. Perhaps Thérése would turn to Rey for the publication of the manuscripts now that her husband was dead. According to Pavie, some Parisian booksellers were already offering manuscript copies of the Confessions for fifteen louis. What a treasure those Confessions must be! Ranson burned with the desire to read them and everything else that Rousseau had left behind. He wanted to know every secret of his mentor’s soul, ev-

ery detail of his past, every product of his pen, down to the annota- . tions of his music, which Ranson especially requested from the STN. The letters between La Rochelle and Neuchatel are full of references to plans for the publication of Rousseau’s works because

the STN was competing with the Société typographique de Ge- | néve and a pack of other publishers who wanted to get their hands

on the manuscripts left with the marquis de Girardin and Alexandre Du Peyrou. The scramble to put out a full edition of Rousseau’s works produced the last great free-for-all in the publishing history of the Old Regime. But to Ranson it did not matter terribly whether the Genevans or his friends in Neuchatel should win the prize, provided that a complete and accurate edition should appear as soon as possible. He wanted above all to possess the complete Rousseau, to absorb it into his inner world, and to express it in his daily life.

Thus the references to Rousseau continued to appear in his letters as a kind of gloss on the reports about his family. In September, 1778, he linked a long discussion of Rousseau’s death and posthumous works to some reflections on the new baby: I can see from the tenderness that my daughter inspires in me how much the happiness of children must influence that of fathers. How I _ wish that I knew more, so that I could give my own children lessons; |

239

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE for no master can teach with the dedication of a father. But if I can teach them the lesson of good morals, if they repay my efforts in that respect alone, I can do without the rest. I speak of my children, and I

have only a five-month-old daughter.®? |

A son was to come in February, 1780, another one in December,

1782. The Ransons named the first Jean Isaac after his maternal grandfather. They named the second Emile. That gesture represented a significant break with family tradition, for the Ransons and Raboteaus had almost always kept to a limited stock of family names—a few Jeans, Pierres, and Pauls among a profusion of the Old Testament variety favored by Protestants: Abraham, Isaac, Elie, Benjamin, Samuel, and Joachim.*®? Little Emile was to be a living testimony to his parents’ faith in Rousseau’s doctrine of education, and human nature in general. As the children arrived, Ranson sent off announcements of their births accompanied with remarks on their nursing and discussions of Rousseau. He was aware of this double obsession: “I ask your

pardon for going on so often and at such length about JeanJacques, but I like to tell myself that the enthusiasm he inspires in

me, and which is produced entirely by his own enthusiasm for virtue, will excuse me in your eyes and that it will compel you to write to me from time to time about this friend of virtue.”54 And later, in connection with his daughter: ‘“‘How much pleasure I take in watching this young creature grow! And how much happiness I will have if she continues to live and if, by a good education, I can

make the most of the goodness of her nature. You are a father, Monsieur, and so you will excuse my dwelling on such details,

which would have no interest for a man who isn’t one.’’55 | Ranson’s approach to fatherhood explains the importance of the pedagogical and childrens literature in his orders with the STN. Those books represented a new attitude toward children and a new desire to oversee their education on the part of parents.°¢ A century earlier, Charles Perrault had produced his tales of Mother Goose to amuse an audience of salon sophisticates. Ranson’s favorite authors, notably Mme de Genlis and Mme Leprince de Beaumont, wrote for the children themselves and did so not merely to amuse them

but to develop their virtue. The moralistic emphasis of the new children’s books stands out in their titles: Moral playthings, or tales

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Readers Respond to Rousseau | for infants and Reading for children, or a selection of short tales equally suited to amuse them and to make them love virtue. It also dominated

the new primers for parents, like Moral education, or a reply to the question: how should one govern the mind and heart of a child in order to

make him develop into a happy and useful adult? These books began

from the Rousseauistic premise that children were naturally good and went on to develop a pedagogy saturated with Rousseauism. In addition to them, Ranson owned at least two copies of Emile. The remarkable thing, however, is not that he read this or that treatise on children but that he read any treatises at all. He entered into parenthood through reading and relied on books in order to make his offspring into so many Emiles and Emilies. This behavior expressed a new attitude toward the printed word. Ranson did not read in order to enjoy literature but to cope with life and especially family life, exactly as Rousseau intended. Seen through his letters, Ranson and his wife appear as the perfect image of the readers to whom Jean-Jacques addressed La Nouvelle

Heloise: ‘I like to imagine two spouses reading this collection together, finding in it fresh encouragement to continue with their daily work and perhaps new ways to make it useful,” Rousseau wrote in the second preface. ‘““How could they contemplate the picture of a happy household without wanting to imitate such a_ sweet model?’5’? Ranson modeled his household in just that way, —_-

by reading Rousseau as Rousseau wanted to be read. “My wife sends you her respects,”’ he wrote to Ostervald in September, 1780. ‘She continues, thank God, to enjoy good health, as does her dear

baby, who is doing very well on his mommy’s milk. His older sister, a big girl of thirty months, now shows its influence by the best of temperaments. Virtuous Jean-Jacques! It is to thee that I owe this tender obligation.’’58

The rest of the letters in the dossier have the same tone—earnest, intimate, sentimental, and moralistic—the tone set by Rousseau for readers everywhere, however much they differed in their circumstances. Nothing could be more ordinary, perhaps, but the significance of Ranson’s letters consists in their ordinariness. They show how Rousseauism penetrated into the everyday world of an unexceptional bourgeois and how it helped him make sense of the things that mattered most in his existence: love, marriage, parent241

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE hood—the big events of a little life and the stuff that life was made

of everywhere in France.*? |

Ranson’s way of reading is unthinkable today. And La Nouvelle

| Héloise is unreadable—if not for everyone, at least for a great many “ordinary”? readers of the modern variety, who cannot wade through six volumes of sentiment unrelieved by any episodes of violence, explicit sex, or anything much in the way of plot. The

, sentiment overwhelmed Rousseau’s readers in the eighteenth century—thousands of them, not merely Jean Ranson. By studying their responses, we can put his case in perspective and get a broader view of the gap that separates the readers of the Old Regime from

the readers of today.

Although we have very few statistics on book sales under the Old Regime, it is clear that La Nouvelle Héloise was perhaps the biggest best-seller of the century. The demand for copies outran the supply so badly that booksellers rented it out by the day and even by the hour, charging twelve sous for sixty minutes with one volume, according to L.-S. Mercier. At least seventy editions were published before 1800—probably more than for any other novel in

the previous history of publishing. True, the most sophisticated men of letters, sticklers for correctness like Voltaire and Grimm, found the style overblown and the subject distasteful. But ordinary readers from all ranks of society were swept off their feet. They wept, they suffocated, they raved, they looked deep into their lives

and resolved to live better, then they poured their hearts out in more tears—and in letters to Rousseau, who collected their testimonials in a huge bundle, which has survived for the inspection of posterity.©°

In going through Rousseau’s Nouvelle Héloise mail, one is struck

, everywhere by the sound of sobbing: “‘tears,”’ ‘‘sighs,” and “‘torment” from the young publisher C.-J. Panckoucke; ‘“‘delicious tears” and ‘“‘ecstasy”’ from the Genevan J.-L. Buisson; “‘tears” and

‘delicious outpourings of the heart” from A.-J. Loyseau de Mauléon; ‘‘such delicious tears’? from Charlotte Bourette of Paris that

the mere thought of them set her to weeping more; so many “sweet tears” for J.-J.-P. Fromaget that “‘at every page my soul - melted.” The abbe Cahagne read the same passages aloud to friends at least ten times, each time with bursts of tears all around:

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Readers Respond to Rousseau

“One must suffocate, one must abandon the book, one must weep, one must write to you that one is choking with emotion and weep-

ing.” The novel drove J.-F, Bastide to his bed and nearly drove him mad, or so he believed, while it produced the opposite effect on Daniel Roguin, who sobbed so violently that he cured himself of a severe cold. The baron de La Sarraz declared that the only way to read the book was behind locked doors, so that one could weep at one’s ease, without being interrupted by the servants. J.-V. Capperonnier de Gauffecourt read only a few pages at a time because

his health was too weak to withstand the emotion. But his friend, the abbé Jacques Pernetti, congratulated himself on being robust enough to get through all six volumes without stopping, despite the pounding of his heart. The marquise de Polignac made it to Julie’s deathbed scene in volume six but then broke down: “‘I dare

not tell you the effect it made on me. No, I was past weeping. A | sharp pain convulsed me. My heart was crushed. Julie dying was

no longer an unknown person. I believed I was her sister, her friend, her Claire. My seizure became so strong that if I had not put the book away I would have been as ill as all those who attended

that virtuous woman in her last moments.” Lower down on the social scale, Charlotte de La Taille cried her heart out at the death of Julie and did not regain her composure for eight days. Sensing

that the end was near for the heroine, Louis Francois, a retired army officer, found it impossible to continue, though he had wept his way without a halt through the earlier volumes: You have driven me crazy about her. Imagine then the tears that her death must have wrung from me. Can you believe it? I spent three days

without daring to read the last letter, from M. de Wolmar to SaintPreux. I knew how gripping every detail of it would be. But I could not bear the idea of Julie dead or dying. Still, I finally had to overcome

my aversion. Never have I wept such delicious tears. That reading created such a powerful effect on me that I believe I would have gladly

died during that supreme moment. | Readers from all ranks of society and all corners of the Continent - reacted in the same way. As a normally restrained Swiss reviewer put it: “One must die of pleasure after reading this book, . . . or rather one must live in order to read it again and again.’’6! La Nouvelle Héloise did not produce the first epidemic of emotion

243

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE in the history of literature. Richardson had already set off waves of sobbing in England, and Lessing had done the same in Germany.

Rousseau differed from them in that he inspired his readers with an | overwhelming desire to make contact with the lives behind the printed page—the lives of his characters and his own. Thus after confessing to a confidante that she had wept her heart out over Rousseau’s lovers, Mme de Polignac explained to a friend that she had felt an irresistible need to see Rousseau himself: You know that as long as he only appeared to me to be a philosopher, a _

man of wit, I never considered attempting to get to know him. But Julie’s lover, the man who loved her as she deserved to be loved, oh!

that is not the same thing. My first impulse was to order my horses harnessed so that I could go to Montmorency and see him, no matter what the cost, and tell him how much his tenderness places him above

other men in my eyes, to persuade him to let me see the portrait of Julie, to kiss it, to kneel before it, and to worship that divine woman who never ceased to be a model of all the virtues even when she lost her virtue.®

Exactly as Rousseau had foreseen in the prefaces, his readers want-

ed to believe that Julie, Saint-Preux, Claire, and the others had really existed. They saw him as Julie’s lover, or at least as someone

who must have experienced all the passions of the characters. in order to have described them so convincingly. And so they wanted to write to him, to send letters of their own, to assure him that they had felt such emotions in their lives, however obscure, and

that their feelings responded to his—in a word, that they understood. Thus Rousseau’s correspondence became the logical extension of his epistolary novel. In sending letters to him, his readers conveyed

reassurances that his message had got across, passing beyond the

printed page from his soul into theirs. “It seems to me that one cannot exchange thoughts with you without being filled with your spirit,” wrote Louis Francois. “‘. . . I have hardly lived as virtuously

as Julie, but the soul of Saint-Preux had passed completely into mine. And Julie in the grave! After that I could see nothing but a frightful emptiness in nature. Am I wrong then to say that there is no equal to you, on earth? Who but the great Rousseau can over-

244 ,

Readers Respond to Rousseau . whelm his readers in that way? Who else can wield a pen so forcefully as to make his soul pass into theirs?”” The same impulse over-

came relatively sober readers, like the Protestant minister Paul-Claude Moultou: No, Monsieur, I can no longer keep quiet. You have overwhelmed my soul. It is full to bursting, and it must share its torment with you.... Oh Julie! Oh Saint-Preux! Oh Claire! Oh Edouard! What planet do : your souls inhabit, and how can I unite mine with yours? They are the offspring of your heart, Monsieur; your mind alone could not have made them as they are. Open that heart to me so that I can contemplate the living models of the characters whose virtues made me weep such sweet tears.®

Of course, one must make allowances for the hypersensitive style of the time, but many of the letters have a ring of authen_ ticity. A certain Mme Du Verger wrote from an obscure outpost in the provinces because of an invincible desire to know whether Rousseau’s characters were real: Many people who have read your book and discussed it with me assert that it is only a clever fabrication on your part. I can’t believe that. If

so, how could a mistaken reading have produced sensations like the ones I felt when I read the book? I implore you, Monsieur, tell me: did Julie really live? Is Saint-Preux still alive? What country on this earth does he inhabit? Claire, sweet Claire, did she follow her dear friend to the grave? M. de Wolmar, milord Edouard, all those persons, are they only imaginary as some want to convince me? If that be the case, what kind of a world do we inhabit, in which virtue is but an idea? Happy mortal, perhaps you alone know it and practice it.

Above all, she wanted to make contact with Rousseau himself: “I would not speak to you so freely, if your way of thinking were not already known to me by your works. Besides, I should say straight away that if you were determined to make conquests, mine would

not flatter you.” ® ,

: 245 :

The suggestion of seduction shows through many of the letters from Jean-Jacques’s female admirers. Who better understood love

than the lover, or at least the creator, of Julie? Women threw themselves at him, in letters and in pilgrimages to his retreat at Montmorency. Marie-Anne Alissan de La Tour cast herself as Julie,

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE while her friend Marie-Madeleine Bernardoni took the role of Claire, and together they deluged Rousseau with letters so artfully

turned that soon he was playing Saint-Preux to them in a correspondence that lasted several years.65 Rousseau later noted with some satisfaction in his Confessions that his novel had overwhelmed society ladies, even though it represented a rejection of le monde:

“Opinions were divided among men of letters, but in society ev-

eryone agreed. Women especially became so intoxicated with the book and with its author that there were few of them, even of the highest rank, whom I could not have had, if I had attempted their conquest.”’ He told the story of one grande dame who began to read the book after supper, while being dressed for a ball. At midnight, still reading, she ordered her horses to be harnessed. At two o’clock her servants reminded her that the carriage was waiting,

but she read on. By four, she was still reading feverishly. Her watch had stopped, so she rang to enquire about the time—and then decided to send the horses back to the stable, undress, and spend the rest of the night in rapturous communion with Saint-

Preux, Julie, and Jean-Jacques.® Of course, La Nouvelle Héloise is a love story, but it was love of virtue that Rousseau’s readers confessed when they tried to explain

the emotion that he had aroused in them. “I would like to take hold of you and squeeze you in my arms,”’ wrote Jean-JosephPierre Fromaget, a minor tax official. ‘“‘. .. I must express my grati-

tude, Monsieur, for all the pleasure you have given me, for all the sweet tears that Saint-Preux, Julie, Mme D’Etange have made me shed. I gladly would have become each of the characters you created. At each page my soul melted: Oh! is not virtue beautiful!’’* In trying to make contact with Rousseau by letter, many of his readers were driven by a need to confess to him just as they took him to be confessing to them—indirectly through the letters of La Nouvelle Héloise before the open baring of the soul that was to come in the Confessions. They wanted to tell him how they identified with his characters, how they, too, had loved, sinned, suffered, and resolved

: to be virtuous again in the midst of a wicked and uncomprehending world. They knew his novel was true because they had read its “ message in their lives.

An anonymous reader overseas explained that he had had to

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Readers Respond to Rousseau

leave his Julie behind in France. While sobbing through La Nouvelle Héloise, he had seen his life unfurl before him and had felt a powerful urge “‘to throw my arms around you and to thank you a thousand times for the delicious tears that you wrung out of me.” A young woman wrote that she could identify with Rousseau’s characters, unlike those in all the other novels she had read, because they did not occupy a specific social station but rather represented a general way of thinking and feeling, one that everyone could apply to their own lives and thus become more virtuous. An austere Genevan, who disapproved of all novels, found himself carried away despite his principles: “I confess that I felt all the feelings expressed in those letters become personified in me while reading them and that I became successively Julie, Wolmar, Bomston, often Claire but rarely Saint-Preux, except in the first part.” As soon as he put down the book Panckoucke picked up the pen, driven by a need to tell all—even though he did not have much to tell (his speculations in publishing had only begun and he had not yet dreamt of cornering the market for the works of Voltaire): Your divine works, Monsieur, are an all-consuming fire. They have penetrated my soul, fortified my heart, enlightened my mind. For a long time my reason, given over to the deceiving illusions of an impetuous youth, became lost in the search for truth. I sought happiness,

and it eluded me....The study of some modern authors had confirmed my meditations, and I was already a thorough scoundrel in my | heart without having yet done anything that could make me blush. I needed a god, and a mighty god, to pull me away from that precipice, and you, Monsieur, are the god who has performed the miracle. The reading of your Héloise has completed what your other works had already begun. How many tears did I shed over it! How many sighs and torments! How often did I see my own guilt. Ever since I read your blessed book, I have burned with the love of virtue, and my heart, which I had thought extinguished, beats harder than ever. Feeling has taken over once again: love, pity, virtue, sweet friendship have for ever conquered my soul.®®

Again and again the readers returned to the same theme. JeanJacques had made them see deeper into the meaning of their lives. They may have erred like Julie and Saint-Preux, but they had al-

ways loved virtue in their hearts and now they would dedicate 247

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE themselves to it—not virtue in the abstract, but the homespun variety, which they would work into the fabric of their family lives. M. Rousselot, B.-L. de Lenfant de la Patriére, A.-L. Lalive de

Jully read, wept, and resolved to get a grip on their lives. F-C. Constant de Rebecque learned to love her husband by picturing him as Saint-Preux and herself as Julie. And J.-L. Le Cointe saw his whole family in a new light: “Sincerely committed to a young

wife, I have learned from you, and she has, too, that what had seemed to us to be a mere attachment based on the habit of living together is in fact a most tender love. At the age of twenty-eight, I am a father of four children, and I will follow your lessons in order

to form them into men—not the kind of men you see everywhere around you, but the kind that we see in you alone.’’69

It would be wrong to dismiss such effusions as fan mail—although the very idea of a writer receiving mail from unknown admirers was a significant novelty, part of the new cult of the : writer that Rousseau was helping to create. Naive and sentimental as the letters may seem today, they testify to the effectiveness of Rousseau’s rhetoric two hundred years ago. His ‘‘fans” read him in the way that he asked to be read and threw themselves into the role

called for in the prefaces. ‘In truth, Monsieur, I do not think that you can find on earth a reader more worthy of you than I am,” wrote A.-J. Loyseau de Mauléon. ‘“‘There is not a description, not a

sentiment, not a reflection, not a principle in your book that does not correspond to my unhappy lot.” In describing the way they suspended their critical instinct, identified with the characters, and

let waves of emotion wash over themselves, the readers paraphrased or quoted, consciously or not, the instructions that Rousseau had given them in the prefaces. One admirer explained that he had been so moved by Julie’s love story that he knew it must be true; only to the heartless sophisticates of le monde could it be “‘a fiction.” Another reproduced the moral argument of the prefaces almost exactly, concluding, “I feel myself to be a better person ever since I read your novel, which I hope is not a novel.” And a third made the allusion explicit: ““Your book produced in me the effects

that you had foreseen in your preface.”’7° , The flood of tears unloosed by La Nouvelle Héloise in 1761 should not be considered as just another wave of preromantic senti-

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Readers Respond to Rousseau

mentality. It was a response to a new rhetorical situation. Reader and writer communed across the printed page, each of them assuming the ideal form envisioned in the text. Jean-Jacques opened up his soul to those who could read him right, and his readers felt their own souls elevated above the imperfections of their ordinary existence. Having made contact with “l’Ami Jean-Jacques,” they then felt capable of repossessing their lives, as spouses, parents, and citizens, exactly as Ranson was to do a few years later, when he

began to read Rousseau. ,

Ranson was not, therefore, an aberration. The letters that he sent

to Ostervald from 1774 to 1785 show the same kind of response that one can find spread out horizontally, so to speak, in the letters received by Rousseau in 1761. The two dimensions complement each other and suggest that Rousseauistic reading was an important

phenomenon in prerevolutionary France. How important? One cannot measure it precisely, but one can hold it up against the main governing hypothesis—in fact, the only broad generalization—in the newly emerging field of the history of reading: namely, that a ‘reading revolution” (Leserevolution) took place in Europe toward the end of the eighteenth century. As developed by Rolf Engelsing and other German scholars, this notion divides the development of reading into two phases.7! From the Renaissance until 1750 approximately, Europeans read ‘‘intensively.”” They had access to very few books—the Bible, devotional works, an occasional chapbook or an almanac—and they read them over and over again, meditating on them inwardly or sharing them aloud with others in family and social gatherings (the Spinnstube and veillée). In the second half of the eighteenth century, educated people began to read “extensively.” They ran through a great deal

of printed matter, especially novels and journals, the favorite genres in the reading clubs (Lesegesellschaften, cabinets littéraires) that

proliferated everywhere in urban centers. And they read each item

only once, for amusement, then raced on to the next. © , The distinction between intensive and extensive reading may serve as a way to contrast the behavior of readers five centuries ago with that of readers today, but does it help one to locate a turning

point in the late eighteenth century? Not if Ranson’s case has any | 249

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE typicality. True, Ranson read a great many novels and journals, and

he sometimes read them with friends, in a way that bears some resemblance to the sociability of the German Lesegesellschaften. Thus he remarked in a letter to Ostervald of 1774, “‘Nordingh, who reads various journals with me, asks you to stop sending yours

to him because the copy I receive will do for both of us.”7? But reading of this kind did not exclude intensity, and seven years later

Ranson wrote that he was cutting down on his subscriptions to journals in order to read still more intensively: ‘I must say that I am overwhelmed with periodicals, which take away time that I should devote to solid reading; so instead of increasing the number I receive, I am doing all I can to reduce it.”’73 Ranson’s interest in contemporary novels did not mean that he neglected the classics,

or that he read the great figures of French literature rapidly and only once. He wrote that he liked Mercier and the Tableau de Paris, “but I cannot forgive him for what he says about Racine, a divine

poet, whom I never reread without discovering new charms.”74 One could hardly find a more intensive reader than Ranson, and his

reading became more intense as he did more of it. If anything, it illustrates a “reading revolution” in reverse. That Ranson’s way of reading did not run counter to the main trend of his time can be appreciated by the German counterpart of Viard: Die Kunst Biicher zu Lesen (Jena, 1799), a manual on reading

by Johann Adam Bergk, which should be the embodiment of a Leserevolution, if there were one. Instead of dwelling on problems of

pronunciation in the manner of Viard, Bergk propounded a fullblown “art of reading.” He began with advice on how to approach books physically. You should never read while standing or after having finished a meal. Instead, you should wash your face with cold water and take your book outdoors, where you can read it in the bosom of nature—and aloud, for the sound of the voice facilitates the penetration of ideas. But most important, you should have

the right spiritual disposition. Instead of responding passively to the text, you should throw yourself into it, seize its meaning, and apply it to your own life. “We must relate everything we read to our ‘I,’ reflect on everything from our personal point of view, and never lose sight of the consideration that study makes us freer and more independent, and that it should help us find an outlet for the

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Readers Respond to Rousseau

expression of our heart and mind.”75 Bergk attributed this concep-

tion of reading to Jean-Jacques Rousseau. He devoted a crucial chapter to Rousseau and cited on his title page the very lines from La Nouvelle Héloise that meant so much to readers like Ranson: ““To

read little and meditate a great deal upon our reading, or to talk it over extensively between ourselves, that is the way to thoroughly digest it.”7© This notion is quite compatible with Viard’s emphasis on reading as a moral preparation for living. In fact, the reading that was expounded in the textbooks, called for by Rousseau, and experienced by Ranson was essentially the same; but it was not the “extensive” reading of Engelsing’s revolution. It seems to me, in short, that no such revolution took place. But something happened to the way that readers responded to texts in the late eighteenth century. How many readers? How many texts?

The quantitative questions will not admit of answers. One can only assert that the quality of reading changed in a broad but im-

measurable public toward the end of the Old Regime. Although many writers prepared the way for this change, I would attribute it primarily to the rise of Rousseauism. Rousseau taught his readers to “digest” books so thoroughly that literature became absorbed in life. The Rousseauistic readers fell in love, married, and raised children by steeping themselves in print. They were not, of course, the

first to respond dramatically to books. Rousseau’s own reading showed the influence of the intense, personal religiosity of his Calvinist heritage. His public probably applied an old style of religious reading to new material, notably the novel, which had previously seemed incompatible with it. And there may be a spark of that spirit in the way readers have reacted to Nietzsche or Camus or even popular psychology today. But to search for parallels to Rousseauistic reading in other ages is to blur its specificity and to blunt its significance. Ranson and his contemporaries belonged to a peculiar species of reader, one that arose in the eighteenth century

and that began to die out in the age of Madame Bovary. The Rousseauistic readers of prerevolutionary France threw themselves into texts with a passion that we can barely imagine, that is as alien to us as the lust for plunder among the Norsemen . . . or the fear of demons among the Balinese. If I had to place this kind of reading in a general pattern, I would 251

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE locate it between the reading intended to please (plaire) in the late seventeenth century and to amuse (distraire) in the late nineteenth century. But that schema is also too simplistic. It leaves no room

for those who read in order to reach heaven, to understand the laws of nature, to improve their manners, or, eventually, to repair their radios. Reading has assumed too many forms to follow a single course of development. But its Rousseauistic variety should be recognised as a distinct historical phenomenon and should not be confused with reading in the present, for the readers of the Old Regime lived in a mental world that is almost unthinkable today.

The need to think the almost unthinkable and to capture the differences in the ways men have construed the world brings us back to Jean Ranson. I must admit in the end that I do find him exemplary, not because he conforms to any statistical pattern but because he was exactly the ‘“‘other’’ addressed in Rousseau’s writing. He embodied both the ideal reader envisioned in the text and

the real reader who bought the books. And the way he brought those roles together demonstrated the effectiveness of Rousseauistic rhetoric. By stamping his vision of the world on Ranson’s daily life, Rousseau showed how he could touch lives everywhere. And by absorbing the texts as Rousseau taught him, Ranson testified to a new relationship between the reader and the printed word. Writer and reader together realized a transformation in a mode of commu-

nication that went far beyond literature and that would leave its mark on several generations of revolutionaries and romantics.

APPENDIX: RANSON’S ORDERS FOR BOOKS,

1775-85

The following list covers all the books Ranson ordered from the STN from 1775 to 1785. As he gave only a brief version of the titles, each title, along with other bibliographical information (including the format for works of more than one volume), has been given according to information available in various bibliographies of eighteenth-century literature. It is impossible to know precisely which edition of the books Ranson received, so the dates of the

252 :

editions given here correspond as closely as possible to the dates of

Readers Respond to Rousseau

Ranson’s orders. In order to know which editions were available, I

- have relied primarily on the catalogues of the STN, which were sent regularly to La Rochelle. The STN did a huge wholesale trade in addition to its printing business—the catalogue of 1785 contains 800 titles—and it received books that it did not have in stock from other Swiss publishers. So Ranson could have procured virtually any current book from his supplier in Neuchatel. But it should be remembered that he bought books from other sources, notably his local bookseller Guillaume Pavie. Thus the following list has a bias in favor of Swiss publications, and it provides only a general indica-

tion of Ranson’s current reading, not an exact inventory of his library.

The original spelling of the titles has been retained, along with the place of publication given on the title pages. I was not able to identify three of the books. - I. Religion (12 titles) Holy Scripture, devotional works La Sainte Bible, qui contient le vieux & le nouveau Testament, revue & corrigée sur le texte hébreu & grec, par les pasteurs & professeurs de l’église de

Geneve, avec les arguments & les réflexions sur les chapitres de l’Ecriture-

sainte, & des notes, par J. F Ostervald (Neuchatel, 1779), 2 vols. infolio. Les psaumes de David, mis en vers francois, avec les cantiques pour les principales solemnités (Vevey, 1778). Abrégé de ’histoire-sainte & du catéchisme d’Ostervald (Neuchatel, 1784). Recueil de priéres, précédé d’un traité de la priére, avec l’explication et la paraphrase de |’Oraison dominicale (Celle, 1762), by J.-E. Roques. La nourriture de l’ame, ou recueil de priéres pour tous les jours de la semaine, pour les principales fetes de année & sur differens sujets intéressans (Neu-

chatel, 1785), by J. E Ostervald. Morale évangélique, ou discours sur le sermon de N.S.J.C. sur la montagne

(Neuchatel, 1776), 7 vols. in-8°, by J.-E. Bertrand. Sermons Année évangélique, ou sermons pour tous les dimanches & fetes de l’année

| 253

(Lausanne, 1780), 7 vols. in-8°, by J.-F Durand.

Sermons sur les dogmes fondamentaux de la religion naturelle (Neuchatel,

1783), by H.-D. Chaillet.

Sermons sur différens textes de l’Ecriture-sainte (Neuchatel, 1779), 2 vols.

in-8°, by J.-E. Bertrand.

Sermons de Jean Perdriau (not identified].

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE Sermons sur divers textes de l’Ecriture-sainte (Genéve, 1780), 2 vols. in-

8°, by J. E. Romilly. ,

Il. History, travel, geography (4 titles) Histoire philosophique et politique des établissemens et du commerce des Eur-

opéens dans les deux Indes (Genéve, 1780), 4 vols. in-4°, by G.-T. Raynal. Voyage en Sicile et 4 Malte, traduit de l’anglois de M. Brydone, par M.

Démeunier (Londres, 1776), 2 vols. in-8°, by Patrick Brydone. Voyage historique & littéraire dans la Suisse occidentale (Neuchatel, 1781), 2 vols. in-8°, by J.-R. Sinner. Description des montagnes & des vallées qui font partie de la principauté de

Neuchatel & Valengin (Neuchatel, 1766), by E-S. Ostervald. [Abrégé élémentaire de l’histoire universelle et Cours de géographie élémen-

.taire: see under Children’s books.]

III. Belles-lettres (14 titles) Works Oeuvres de Molitre (Rouen, 1779), 8 vols. in-12. Ocuvres de M. La Harpe (Paris, 1778), 6 vols. in-8°. Oeuvres de Crébillon pére (Paris, 1774), 3 vols. in-12. Oeuvres completes d’Alexis Piron (Neuchatel, 1777), 7 vols. in-8°. Oeuvres de J.-J. Rousseau (Neuchatel, 1775), 11 vols. in-8°. Oeuvres de J.-J. Rousseau (Genéve, 1782), 31 vols. in-12. Oecuvres posthumes de J.-J. Rousseau, ou recueil de pitces manuscrites pour

servir de supplément aux éditions publiées pendant sa vie (Neuchatel et

' Genéve, 1782-83), 12 vols. in-8°. Novels Histoire de Francois Wills ou le triomphe de la ‘bienfaisance (Neuchatel, 1774), by S. J. Pratt. Le paysan perverti, ou les dangers de la ville, histoire récente mise au jour d’aprés les véritables lettres des personnages (La Haye, 1776), 4 vols. in12, by N.-E. Restif de la Bretonne. Adele et Théodore ou lettres sur l'éducation, contenant tous les principes relatifs aux trois différens plans d’éducation des princes, des jeunes personnes,

& des hommes (Paris, 1782), by S.-K Ducrest de Saint-Aubin, mar-

quise de Sillery, comtesse de Genlis. ,

Histoire de l’admirable Don Quichotte de la Manche (Lyon, 1781), 6 vols.

in-12, by Miguel-de Cervantes y Saavedra.

Other Théatre de société (Neuchatel, 1781), 2 vols. in-8°, by Mme de Genlis. L’an deux mille quatre cent quarante, réve s’il en fut jamais (Londres,

1775), by L.-S. Mercier. :

, Mon bonnet de nuit (Neuchatel, 1784), 2 vols. in-8°, by L.-S. Mercier.

254

Readers Respond to Rousseau IV. Medicine (2 titles) Soins faciles pour la propreté de la bouche & pour la conservation des dents,

par M. Bourdet, dentiste, suivi de l’art de soigner les pieds (Lausanne,

1782), by Bernard Bourdet. , Avis, contenant la maniére de préparer une reméde contre la rage, publié a Berlin par ordre du Roi de Prusse [not identified].

V. Children’s books, pedagogy (18 titles) . Amusement : Théatre d’éducation, a l’usage des jeunes personnes (Paris, 1785), by Mme » de Genlis. Nouveaux contes moraux (Lyon, 1776), 2 vols. in-12, by Marie Leprince de Beaumont. L’ami des enfants (Lausanne, 1783), 5 vols. in-12, by Arnaud Berquin. Fables de La Fontaine (Paris, 1779), by Jean de La Fontaine. Les hochets moraux, ou contes pour la premitre enfance (Paris, 1784), 2

vols. in-12, by Monget. Les jeux d’enfans, poeme tiré du hollandois (Neuchatel, 1781), by A.-A.-

J. Feutry. Lectures pour les enfans, ou choix de petits contes également propres a les amuser & @ leur faire aimer la vertu (Genéve, 1780), anonymous. Magasin des enfans, par Mad. le Prince de Beaumont, suivi des conversations

entre la jeune Emilie & sa mere (Neuchatel, 1780), 2 vols. in-12, par Marie Leprince de Beaumont. Conversations d’Emilie, ou entretiens instructifs & amusans d’une mere avec

sa fille (Lausanne, 1784), 2 vols. in-12, by L.-F-P. Tardieu d’Esclavelles, marquise d’Epinay. Entretiens, drames, et contes moraux 4 l’usage des enfans (La Haye, 1778), by M.-E. Bouée de Lafitte. Instruction Annales de la vertu, ou cours d'histoire a l’usage des jeunes personnes (Paris,

| 1781), 2 vols. in-8°, by Mme de Genlis. Cours de géographie élémentaire, par demandes & réponses (Neuchatel, 1783), by E-S. Ostervald. — Les vrais principes de la lecture, de l’orthographe et de la prononciation frangoise, suivis d’un petit traité de la ponctuation, des premiers élemens de la grammaire et de la prosodie francoise et de differentes pieces de lecture propres a donner des notions simples & faciles sur toutes les parties de nos connois-

| 255

sances (Paris, 1763), by N.-A. Viard.

Abrégé élémentaire de ’histoire universelle destiné a l’usage de la jeunesse

(s.l., 1771), by Mathurin Veyssiére de Lacroze and J.-H.-S. Formey.

Pedagogy, moral education ,

Legs d’un pere a ses filles (Lausanne, 1775), by John Gregory.

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE

Ballexserd. |

Dissertation sur l'éducation physique des enfants, (Paris, 1762), by J. Education morale, ou réponse @ cette question, comment doit-on gouverner l’esprit et le coeur d’un enfant, pour le faire parvenir un jour a l'état d’>homme

heureux et utile (1770), by J.-A. Comparet. Instructions d’un pére a ses enfans sur le principe de la vertu & du bonheur

(Genéve, 1783), by Abraham Trembley.

in-4°, |

VI. Other (9 titles) . Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts & des métiers

(Genéve et Neuchatel, 1778-79), 36 vols. of text and 3 vols. of plates

Le socrate rustique, ou description de la conduite économique et morale d’un

paysan philosophe (Lausanne, 1777), by Hans Caspar Hirzel. Le messager boiteux (Berne, 1777).

Mémoires secrets pour servir 4 l’histoire de la république des lettres en France

depuis 1762 jusqu’a nos jours (Londres, 1777-83), 21 vols. in-12, attributed to Louis Petit de Bachaumont and others. Relation ou notice des derniers jours de M. J.-J. Rousseau, circonstances de sa

mort et quels sont les ouvrages posthumes qu’on peut attendre de lui (Londres, 1778), by A.-G. Le Bégue de Presles and J.-H. Magellan. Discours sur Péconomie politique (Geneva, 1785), by Jean-Jacques

Rousseau. :

Lettres de feu M. de Haller contre M. de Voltaire (Berne, 1778), by Al-

, brecht von Haller.

Tableau de Paris (Neuchatel, 1783), 8 vols. in-8°, by L.-S. Mercier.

| Portraits des rois de France (Neuchatel, 1784), 4 vols. in-8°, by L.-S. Mercier.

256 |

CONCLUSION

_ Havine maps this quick trial run through eighteenth-century culture, can we draw any conclusions about the history of mentalités? The genre remains obscure, although the French have tried to sur-

round it with prolegomena and discourses on method. The most revealing of their programmatic statements is an essay by Pierre Chaunu: “Un Nouveau Champ pour l’histoire sérielle: Le Quantitatif au troisiéme niveau’’ (“A New Field for Statistical History: Quantification at the Third Level.’’) Chaunu makes explicit a set of assumptions that can be found almost everywhere in recent _ French historiography, that unites Marxists and revisionists, that determines the structure of the best doctoral theses, and that is inscribed in the title of France’s most influential historical journal, Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations—namely, that one can dis-

tinguish levels in the past; that the third level (culture) somehow derives from the first two (economics and demography, and social structure); and that third-level phenomena can be understood in the same way as those on the deeper levels (by means of statistical analysis, the play of structure and conjuncture, and considerations of long-term change rather than of events). This historiographical tradition, usually identified loosely as the ‘Annales school,”’ has

257

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE - contributed enormously to our understanding of the past—more, I

should think, than any other trend in history writing since the beginning of this century. But all three of its assumptions strike me as dubious, and I would especially question the third.! The French attempt to measure attitudes by counting—counting masses for the dead, pictures of Purgatory, titles of books, speeches

in academies, furniture in inventories, crimes in police records, invocations to the Virgin Mary in wills, and pounds of candle wax burned to patron saints in churches. The numbers can be fascinating, especially when they are compiled with the masterly hand of a

Michel Vovelle or a Daniel Roche. But they are nothing more than symptoms produced by the historian himself, and they can be interpreted in wildly different ways. Vovelle sees dechristianization in the drop in the graphs of masses said for souls in Purgatory; Philippe Ariés sees a tendency toward a more inward and intense

form of spirituality. To the secular left (Vovelle, Roche, Roger Chartier), the statistical curves generally indicate embourgeoisement

of world view; to the religious right (Ariés, Chaunu, Bernard Plongeron), they reveal new patterns of family affection and charity.

The only point of agreement seems to be the dictum of Ernest Labrousse: ‘“‘Everything derives from the curve.’’ Labrousse’s work

represents the supreme ‘“‘discourse on method” of modern French historiography, according to Chaunu; but it misrepresents cultural phenomena. Unlike the price series of economics, the vital statistics of demography, and the (more problematic) professional categories in social history, cultural objects are not manufactured by the historian but by the people he studies. They give off meaning. They need to be read, not counted. Despite its strong start fifteen years ago, the history of mentalités seems to be running out of momentum in France. If so, the explanation may lie in an overcom-

| mitment to the quantification of culture and an undervaluation of the symbolic element in social intercourse.? The French formula, with its implicit references to Marxism and

structuralism, never had much appeal to the tribes identified as “Anglo-Saxon” in France. But cultural history has its problems

within our own tradition. How many of our books begin by sketching the social background of the subject and end by filling in

the culture? This tendency runs through the entire series on The

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Conclusion

Rise of Modern Europe edited by William Langer, the most eminent _ American historian of his generation, and especially through the volume written for the series by Langer himself. It makes sense to us as a mode of exposition, but it does so because of an unspoken assumption that if we can get the social setting right the cultural

content will somehow follow. We structure our work in a way that implies that cultural systems derive from social orders. Perhaps they do, but how? The question must be confronted, yet it is rarely recognized. And if we fail to face up to it, we may fall into a naive

kind of functionalism. Keith Thomas begins his magisterial Religion and the Decline of Magic with a chapter on the harsh and uncer-

tain conditions of life in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when witchcraft flourished, and ends it with a chapter on the improved conditions in the eighteenth century, when it died out. He seems to imply that social conditions determined popular beliefs.

But when confronted with so bold and bald a proposition, he backed déwn—and wisely so, for it would have committed him to a simple, stimulus-and-response view of attitude formation and it would not even have made sense of the chronology. Life in En-

glish villages did not improve dramatically between 1650 and 1750. Indeed, attitudes often changed during periods of relative stability and remained relatively stable during times of upheaval, as Lawrence Stone discovered in his study of English family life. Philippe Ariés found the same tendency in France, and even Michel

Vovelle confessed to an inability to correlate religious attitudes

with social change at the end of his massive Piété baroque et déchristianisation.°

I mention these historians, not in order to snipe at them but -because they are the best in the profession; yet whenever they try to join social and cultural history, they run into the same kind of

problem. Perhaps a more successful juncture could be made by orienting cultural history in a new direction: toward anthropology. Of course, that suggestion is not really new. Keith Thomas made it long ago, and before him E. E. Evans-Pritchard urged anthropologists to turn toward history. Several anthropological books by historians and historical books by anthropologists have shown that the two disciplines are destined to converge.‘ But how? The way to a thoroughly anthropological history re-

259

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE mains unclear, and I doubt that historians can find one by taking bits and pieces from the neighboring discipline, or even by borrowing a full-fledged methodology. Anthropologists have no common

| method, no all-embracing theory. If merely asked for a definition of culture, they are liable to explode in clan warfare. But despite their disagreements, they share a general orientation. In their dif- | ferent ways among their different tribes, they usually try to see

things from the native’s point of view, to understand what he

means, and to seek out the social dimensions of meaning. They work from the assumption that symbols are shared, like the air we

breathe or, to adopt their favorite metaphor, the language we speak.

| At the risk of putting words in the mouths of my own native informants, I think it fair to say that the preoccupation with language among anthropologists includes a concern for expressivity and style as well as lexicology and syntax, and that this concern applies to societies as well as individuals. Each of us speaks in his own manner, but we share the same grammar—all the more so as we are usually unconscious of it. Grammatical slips, or deviations from the idiom, can be detected by everyone, even the illiterate— unless the ‘‘errors’’ belong to a popular dialect, in which case they are not erroneous—because some things are generally considered to be wrong and some things cannot be said. We can move from one language to another, but in doing so we accept new constraints and make new mistakes. We also adopt a different tone, enjoying

the je ne sais quoi of Sprachgefuhl. The untranslatability of such terms suggests that it is not extravagant to entertain the notion of tone and style in cultures—the sort of thing one senses in comparing expressions like ‘‘bloody-minded” and grogneur or cross-linguistic borrowings like le fair-play anglais and ‘“‘French finesse”’ or cross-cultural insults like “French leave’ and capote anglaise. Anthropologists may have overworked the concept of culture-as-lan-

guage, but it provides a tonic to historians. For if culture is idiomatic, it is retrievable. And if enough of its texts have survived, it | can be excavated from the archives. We can stop straining to see how the documents “reflect”’ their social surroundings, because they were imbedded in a symbolic world that was social and cultural at the same time. |

260

Conclusion

But how can we put together symbolic worlds that collapsed centuries ago? This book is an attempt to do just that. Only the reader can pronounce on its success. But as I have been so free with my criticism of others, I should confess some of my own methodological shortcomings. I worry especially about two: my failure to

resolve the problem of proof and the problem of representativeness. The first part of this book, and the first chapter in particular, is distressingly imprecise in its deployment of evidence (a word that I prefer to proof). Folklore may be a legitimate science, but it operates best in the present, where the tellers of tales may be heard, recorded, filmed, and interviewed. We can never form more than

an approximate idea of how tales were told in the past. We do not , even know exactly when and where they were told or what their texts were. The evidence is so vague that some would give up the whole enterprise, but I think it would be a greater mistake to reject the use of folklore than to venture an inadequate interpretation of it. The imperfect recordings of folktales are nearly all that is left of

the oral traditions of the Old Regime, and they are the richest source at our disposal if we want to make contact with the mental world of peasants in the past. At the risk of arousing a Rankean

backlash, I would. even argue that this kind of cultural history should not be subjected to the same standards of evidence that rule

in the history of international relations or politics. World views cannot be pinned down with “proof.” They are bound to be fuzzy around the edges, and they will slip through the fingers if one grabs at them as if they were pages from the Congressional Record. In avoiding the danger of a misplaced positivism, we should not

fall into the opposite error of thinking that anything is permitted in anthropological history. We can get cultures wrong just as we can make mistakes in speech. World views are not empty of evidence, so we should be able to work our way through to them, not by taking intuitive leaps into airy climates of opinion but by poring over sources. In the case of historical folklore, we can study all the versions of a tale in one tradition and compare them systematically with tales in other traditions. We may not be able to get far beyond general considerations of cultural style—and I fear that my generalizations may appear overly impressionistic—but we should make contact with the otherness in other cultures.

_ 261

THE GREAT CAT MASSACRE My own suggestion about a way of making contact is to search for opacity in texts. As I tried to illustrate in explicating the cat massacre of the rue Saint-Séverin, the most promising moment in research can be the most puzzling. When we run into something that seems unthinkable to us, we may have hit upon a valid point

of entry into an alien mentality. And once we have puzzled through to the native’s point of view, we should be able to roam about in his symbolic world. To get the joke in the case of something as unfunny as a ritual slaughter of cats is a first step toward

“setting” the culture. However, that procedure raises the second problem: Is there not

something arbitrary in the selection of such material and something abusive in drawing general conclusions from it? How can I know that I have struck a chord of sensitivity that runs throughout a culture rather than a note of individual idiosyncrasy—the raving of a peculiarly cruel printer or the obsessions of an unusually garrulous Montpelliérain? I must admit that those objections make me feel uneasy. My first inclination is to forestall criticism by issuing denials: I do not pretend to present a typical peasant, artisan, bour- . geois, bureaucrat, philosophe, or romantic. The chapters are meant to interconnect but not to interlock like the parts of a systematic treatise. They were written as essays—to essay ideas and try out different directions of cultural interpretation. I have tried to write in an informal manner and to expose my theoretical assumptions,

even at the risk of sounding pretentious and of abusing the first person singular, a form I have generally avoided. That said, I confess that I do not see a clear way of distinguishing idiom from individuality. I can only testify to the importance

of working back and forth between texts and contexts. That may not be much of a methodology, but it has advantages. It does not flatten out the idiosyncratic element in history, and it allows for consideration of the common ground of experience. To proceed in a contrary manner, by first establishing the idiom and then explaining the individual expression, does not seem workable. We never meet pure idiom. We interpret texts. But the general grammar of other cultures must be imbedded in the documents they left behind, and we must be able to dig it out. Perhaps other diggers will succeed where I have failed.

262

Conclusion

~ But I doubt that any of us will come up with the final answers. The questions keep changing, and history never stops. We are not accorded “‘bottom lines’’ or last words; but if there were any, they would belong to Marc Bloch, who knew that when historians venture into the past they seek to make contact with vanished human-

ity. Whatever their professional baggage, they must follow their noses and trust to their sense of smell: “A good historian resembles the ogre of the legend. Wherever he smells human flesh, he knows that there he will find his prey.’’5

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BLANK PAGE

Chapter 1 1. This text and those of the other French folktales discussed in this essay come from Paul Delarue and Marie-Louise Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais (Paris, 1976), 3 vols., which is the best of the French folktale collections because it provides all the recorded versions of each tale along with background information about how they, were gathered from oral sources. Delarue and Tenéze also arrange the tales according to the standard Aarne-Thompson classification scheme, so they can be compared with versions of the same “tale type” in other oral traditions. See Antti Aarne and Stith Thompson, The Types of the Folktale: A Classification and Bibliography (2nd rev.; Helsinki, 1973). References hereafter are to the Aarne-Thompson designations, which can be used to locate the texts in DelarueTenéze. In this case, for example, the tale belongs to tale type 333, “The Glutton,” and thirty-five versions of it appear in Le Conte populaire francais, 1, 373-81. I have chosen the most common version for my translation. For more information on folktales as a historical source, see Stith Thompson, The Folktale (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977; ist ed. 1946) and the references in note 7 and 8 to this chapter. 2. Erich Fromm, The Forgotten Language: An Introduction to the Understanding of Dreams, Fairy Tales and Myths (New York, 1951), pp. 235-41, quotation from p. 240. 3. On the sources and transmission of “Little Red Riding Hood,” see Johannes Bolte and Georg Polivka, Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmarchen der Briider Grimm, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1913-32), I, 234-37 and IV, 431-34 and, for more recent work, Wilhelm Schoof, Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Grimmschen Marchen (Hamburg, 1959), pp. 59-61 and 74-77. My reading of the evidence supports the interpretations of H. V. Velten, “The Influence of Charles Perrault’s Contes de ma mere I’Oie,”” The Germanic Review V (1930), 4-18 and Paul Delarue, ‘Les Contes merveilleux de Perrault et la tradition populaire,” Bulletin folklorique d'Ile-de-France, new series, (July-Oct., 1951), 221-28 and 251-60. The Grimms also published a second version of the tale, which ends like the tale known as “The Three Little

265

Notes Pigs” in English (tale type 124). They got it from Dorothea Wild, the future wife of Wilhelm Grimm. She in turn learned it from her housemaid, “die alte Marie,” whom Schoof has identified as Marie Miiller, the widow of a blacksmith killed in the American Revolutionary War: Schoof, Zur Entstehungsgeschichte, pp. 59-61. Although the Grimms took pains to make accurate transcriptions of the tales told to them, they rewrote the texts considerably as they proceeded from edition to edition. For their rewriting of “Little Red Riding Hood,” see Bolte and Polivka, Anmerkungen, IV, 455. 4. Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales

(New York, 1977), pp. 166-83. 5. Betcelheim’s interpretation of folktales can be reduced to four false propositions: that the tales have usually been intended for children (ibid., p. 15), that they must always have a happy ending (ibid., p. 37), that they are “timeless” (ibid., p. 97), and that they can be applied, in the versions familiar to modern Americans, to “any society” (ibid., p. 5). In criticizing the psychoanalytic reading of folktales, I do not mean to imply that the tales contain no subconscious or irrational elements. I mean to take issue with the anachronistic and reductionistic use of Freudian ideas. For further examples, see the interpretations of

“The Frog King” (a phallic fantasy), ‘‘Aladdin” (a masturbation fantasy), “Jack and the . Beanstalk” (an oedipal fantasy, although there is some confusion as to who is castrated, the father or the son, when Jack chops down the beanstalk), and other tales in Ernest Jones, “Psychoanalysis and Folklore” and William H. Desmonde, “Jack and the Beanstalk” in The Study of Folklore, ed. Alan Dundes (Englewood Cliffs, 1965), pp. 88-102 and 107-9 and

, Sigmund Freud and D. E. Oppenheim, Dreams in Folklore (New York, 1958). 6. For examples of work that combines sensitivity to linguistics, narrative modes, and cultural context, see Melville Herskovits and Frances Herskovits, Dahomean Narrative: a Cross-cultural Analysis (Evanston, Ill., 1958); Linda Dégh, Folktales and Society: Story-telling in a Hungarian Peasant Community (Bloomington, Ind., 1969); The Social Use of Metaphor: Essays

on the Anthropology of Rhetoric, ed. J. David Sapir and J. Christopher Crocker (Philadelphia, 1977); and Keith H. Basso, Portraits of “the Whiteman”: Linguistic Play and Cultural Symbols

among the Western Apache (New York, 1979). An exemplary study of narrative in an oral tradition that has died out is Dell H. Hymes, “The ‘Wife’ Who ‘Goes Out’ Like a Man: Reinterpretation of a Clackamas Chinook Myth,” in Structural Analysis of Oral Tradition, ed. Pierre Maranda and Elli Kongas Maranda (Philadelphia, 1971). 7. See Aarne and Thompson, Types of the Folktale; Thompson, Folktale, and Vladimir Propp, Morphology of the Folletale, trans. Laurence Scott (Austin, 1968). Aarne and Thompson

used the “‘historical-geographical” or ‘‘Finnish’”’ method, developed by Kaarle Krohn, to produce a world-wide survey and classification of folktales. Other scholars working in the same vein have done monographs on individual tales or cycles of tales. See, for example, Marian R. Cox, Cinderella: Three Hundred and Forty-five Variants (London, 1893) and Kurt : Ranke, Die Zwei Britder: eine Studie zur Vergleichenden Marchenforschung, FF (Folklore Fellows) Communications No. 114 (Helsinki, 1934). The most important general study of European folktales is still the Anmerkungen of Bolte and Polivka. More recent work, especially in the United States, tends to emphasize the linguistic and ethnographic aspects of folktales, to relate them to other forms of folklore, and to interpret them as performances rather than as written texts. See Dundes, Study of Folklore; Alan Dundes, Interpreting Folklore (Bloomington, Ind., 1980); Richard M. Dorson, Folklore: Selected Essays (Bloomington, Ind., 1972); and Toward New Perspectives in Folklore, ed. Américo Paredes and Richard Bauman (Austin, 1972). 8. This information comes from Paul Delarue’s introduction to Le Conte populaire francais,

I, 7-99, which is the best general account of folklore research in France and which also contains a thorough bibliography. The most important collections of French folktales, aside from that of Delarue and Tenéze, are Emmanuel Cosquin, Contes populaires de Lorraine (Paris, 1886), 2 vols.; Paul Sébillot, Contes populaires de la Haute Bretagne (Paris, 1880-82), 3 vols.; and J. F Bladé, Contes populaires de la Gascogne (Paris, 1886), 3 vols. Texts and studies of tales

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Notes |

have also appeared in journals devoted to French folklore, notably Arts et traditions populaires, Mélusine, and Bulletin folklorique d’Ile-de-France. 1 have drawn on all these sources but have relied primarily on Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais. 9. Delarue, “‘Les contes merveilleux de Perrault.”

10. William Thoms launched the term “folklore” in 1846, two decades before Edward Tylor introduced a similar term, “culture,” among English-speaking anthropologists. See Thoms, “Folklore” and William R. Bascom, ‘Folklore and Anthropology” in Dundes, Study of Folklore, pp. 4-6 and 25-33. 11. Noél du Fail, Propos rustiques de Maistre Leon Ladulf Champenois, chap. 5, in Conteurs francais du XVIe siécle, ed. Pierre Jourda (Paris, 1956), pp. 620-21. 12. French folklore could be subjected to a structuralist or formalist analysis of the sort used by Claude Lévi-Strauss and Vladimir Propp. I have tried out those methods on several tales but abandoned them for the looser study of structure that is presented in the last part of

this essay. For an example of structuralist analysis applied successfully to tales that could only be known through written texts long after they were recorded, see Hymes, “The

‘Wife’ Who ‘Goes Out’ Like a Man.” 13. Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales (Cambridge, Mass., 1960). 14. Propp, Morphology of the Folktale.

15. Lowie’s remark is quoted in Richard Dorson, “The Debate over the Trustworthiness of Oral Traditional History” in Dorson, Folklore: Selected Essays, p. 202.

16. On the different issues of historicity and continuity in oral narratives, see Dorson, , ‘The Debate over the Trustworthiness of Oral Traditional History”; Robert Lowie, ‘‘Some Cases of Repeated Reproduction” in Dundes, Study of Folklore, pp. 259-64; Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology (Chicago, 1965); and Herbert T. Hoover, “Oral History in the United States,” in The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States, ed. Michael Kammen (Ithaca and London, 1980), pp. 391-407. 17. Frank Hamilton Cushing, Zuni Folk Tales (New York and London, 1901), pp. 41122. Although Cushing was one of the first researchers to master the Zuni language and record Zuni tales, his translations should be read with some reservations as to their accuracy; they contain an admixture of Victorian religiosity. See Dennis Tedlock, “On the Translation of Style in Oral Narrative,” in Toward New Perspectives in Folklore, ed. Américo Paredes and Richard Bauman, pp. 115-18. 18. Jack Goody, The Domestication of the Savage Mind (Cambridge, 1977). See also the _ studies published by Goody as Literacy in Traditional Societies (Cambridge, 1968). Although he claims not to hold a “great divide” view of history, Goody distinguishes all societies that have acquired writing from all those that have not. Most folklorists and anthropologists reject such an either-or, before-and-after dichotomy, and attribute considerable stability to oral traditions, even after the spread of literacy. See, for example, Thompson, The Folktale, p. 437; Francis Lee Utley, “Folk Literature: An Operational Definition,” in Dundes, Study of Folklore, p. 15; and Alan Dundes, “‘The Transmission of Folklore,” ibid., p. 217. 19. Raymond D. Jameson, Three Lectures on Chinese Folklore (Peking, 1932). 20. This remark occurs in Perrault’s version, which contains a sophisticated reworking of the dialogue in the peasant versions. See Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 1, 306-24. 21.‘‘Jean de l’Ours,” tale type 301B.

22. See ‘“‘Le Conte de Parle,” tale type 328 and ‘“‘La Belle Eulalie,” tale type 313. | 23. ‘Pitchin-Pitchot,” tale type 327C. 24, Among the other general works that treat the Old Regime as a peculiar social order that existed in France between the Renaissance and the Revolution, see: Pierre Gouberrt, L’Ancien Régime (Paris, 1969 and 1973), 2 vols. and Roland Mousnier, Les Institutions de la France sous la monarchie absolue, 1598-1789 (Paris, 1974). These books contain adequate

bibliographical guides to the vast literature on French social history during this period. 25. Le Roy Ladurie, “L’Histoire immobile,” Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations,

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Notes X XIX (1974), 673-92. See also Fernand Braudel’s remarks on “une histoire quasi immobile” in the preface to La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen a l’époque de Philippe I, - reprinted in Braudel, Ecrits sur l’histoire (Paris, 1969), p. 11. The notion of an “unmoving” early modern France owed a great deal to the Malthusian interpretation of social history developed by Jean Meuvret in the 1940s and 1950s. See especially his influential article, “Les Crises de subsistances et la démographie de la France d’Ancien Régime,” Population, U (1947), 643-47. Historical demographers have now begun to undercut that view. See, for example, Jacques Dupaquier, “Révolution frangaise et revolution démographique”’ in Vom Ancien Régime zur Franzésischen Revolution: Forschungen and Perspektiven, ed. Ernst Hinrichs,

Eberhard Schmitt, and Rudolf Vierhaus (Gottingen, 1978), pp. 233-60. 26. For examples of the vast literature on the peasantry and the rural and urban poor, see Pierre Goubert, Beauvais et le Beauvaisis de 1600 a 1730: Contribution a l’histoire sociale de la France du XVIle siécle (Paris, 1960) and Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France, 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). 27. For surveys of demographic history, see Dupaquier, “‘Révolution frangaise et révolution démographique’”’, Pierre Guillaume and Jean-Pierre Poussou, Démographie historique (Paris, 1970); and Pierre Goubert, ‘‘Le Poids du monde rural” in Histoire économique et sociale de la France, ed. Ernest Labrousse and Fernand Braudel (Paris, 1970), pp. 3-158. 28. Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, I, 143. 29. Ibid., IH, 145. 30. Ibid., I, 279. 31. Ibid., I, 289. 32. Quotations from ibid., 1, 353, 357, 358, and 360.

33. Ibid., I, 398. 34. Ibid., IH, 394.

35. Ibid., I, 269.

36. Ibid., I, 275. |

37. Ibid., I, 480; H, 53; I, 182; and I, 270. 38. It might be objected that these two frameworks exhaust the possibilities. But stories could be organized around other dualities: city-country, north-south, land-sea, present-past. The opposition of the village and the open road seems especially appropriate for tales told by peasants under the Old Regime. 39. Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, H, 216. 40. ‘Jean de Bordeaux,” tale type 506A; “L’Amour des trois oranges,” tale type 408; ‘““Courbasset,” tale type 425A. 41. Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 11, 569. 42. Thus the beginning of ‘‘Les Trois Fils adroits,”’ tale type 654 (ibid., IT, 562): “A poor man had three sons. When they were grown he told them that he had no work to give them

and that they had to leave in order to learn some work and support themselves.” | 43. See “‘Maille-chéne,” tale type 650; “Le Vieux Militaire,” tale type 475; “Le Rusé voleur,” tale type 653; and ‘‘La Mort dans une bouteille,” tale type 331. 44. Quotations from Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 11, 415. 45. This is where the argument has been left in the few attempts made thus far to bring folklore and social history together. See, for example, Lutz Réhrich, Marchen und Wirklichkeit: Eine Volkskundliche Untersuchung (Wiesbaden, 1956); Charles Phythian-Adams, Local History and Folklore: A New Framework (London, 1975); Eugen Weber, ‘The Reality of Folktales,” Journal of the History of Ideas, XLII (1981), 93-113; and Peter Taylor and Hermann Rebel, ‘“‘Hessian Peasant Women, Their Families, and the Draft: A Social-Historical Interpretation of Four Tales from the Grimm Collection,” Journal of Family History, VI (1981), pp. 347-78. 46. Iona Opie and Peter Opie examine the origins and historicity of English nursery rhymes in their authoritative survey of all the texts, The Oxford Dictionary of Nursery Rhymes (London, 1975). It provides the basis for the following discussion.

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Notes 47. The first volume of Tommy Thumb’s Pretty Song Book is missing from the British Library copy, the only one in existence. A sequel, The Famous Tommy Thumb’s Little Story-

Book, begins with the tale of Tom Thumb and ends with a selection of nursery rhymes. Other collections do not generally refer to Tom Thumb, except indirectly, as in “I had a little husband” and “‘Dance, thumbkin, dance.”” The name of Mother Goose was attached to the rhymes through Mother Goose’s Melody, or Sonnets for the Cradle, which was first published

in the 1760s and reprinted many times thereafter. See Opie and Opie, Oxford Dictionary of Nursery Rhymes, 32-35. 48. Katharine M. Briggs, A Dictionary of British Folk-Tales in the English Language, 4 vols.

(London, 1970-71), I, 531. This collection, which is comparable to the Delarue-Tenéze collection of French folktales, is the main source for the following discussion. I have also

relied heavily on Bolte and Polivka, Anmerkungen. 49. Briggs, Dictionary of British Folk-Tales, 1, 331.

50. The quotations come from the version in Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 1, 330-34 and are given in order to illustrate the kind of dialogue that characterizes the French tales. It should go without saying that one cannot know exactly what words were used by eighteenth-century raconteurs. 51. The English version of the tale is in Briggs, Dictionary of British Folk-Tales, 1, 391-93; the French is in Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 1, 110-12. No comparable collection of Italian folktales exists, although there are some good works on certain regions of Italy like Giuseppe Pitré, Novelle popolare toscane (Florence, 1885). The best-known Italian anthology, Fiabe italiane by Italo Calvino (Turin, 1956), is now available in a translation by George Martin, Italian Folktales (New York, 1980). Calvino cannot be faulted for ignorance of academic folklore studies, but he sometimes modifies the tales for literary purposes. Still, he indicates the modifications in his notes, and it must be acknowledged that the Grimms themselves kept touching up their texts. Wherever possible, I have gone back to the great seventeeth-century collection of tales by Giambattista Basile. I am unable to read Basile’s flowery Neapolitan dialect, however, and have had to rely on the translations by Benedetto Croce, Il pentamerone ossia la faba delle fiabe, 2 vols. (Bari, 1925) and by N. M. Penzer, The Pentamerone of Giambattista Basile, 2 vols. (London, 1932). Although the English version is actually a retranslation from Croce’s Italian, it contains some excellent ‘Folklore addenda.” In this case, the text of the tale comes from Calvino, Italian Folktales, pp. 284-88. 52. The Grimms’ tales are numbered according to a standard order and therefore can be located in any edition. I have used Bolte and Polivka, Anmerkungen for variations and background information, but for reasons of convenience refer to the most accessible English translation, by Margaret Hunt and James Stern, The Complete Grimms’ Fairy Tales (New York, 1972). The Italian version of this tale type is in Calvino, Italian Folktales, pp. 3-4. 53. Calvino, Italian Folktales, pp. 75-76.

54. Calvino, Italian Folktales, pp. 26-30. .

55. Hunt and Stern, Complete Grimms’ Fairy Tales, p. 217. 56. Briggs, Dictionary of British Folk-Tales, 1, 446-47.

57. Hunt and Stern, Complete Grimms’ Fairy Tales, p. 209. , 58. Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 11, 456.

59. See, for example, “La Tige de féve,” tale type 555; and “De Fischer un sine Fru,”

Grimm 19. :

60. Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire frangais, 1, 181.

61. Twenty of the thirty-nine versions of the tale recorded in France mention the dance

in the thorns. The villain is the priest in thirteen of them. Only once, in a tale from Lorraine, is he a ‘Jew. 62. “Il faut hurler avec les loups,” A. J. Panckoucke, Dictionnaire des proverbes francois, et des facons de parler comiques, burlesques et familiéres (Paris, 1749), p. 194.

63. See Paul Radin, The Trickster: A Study in American Indian Mythology (New York, 1956) and Lawrence Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk

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Notes Thought from Slavery to Freedom (New York, 1977). 64. Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 1, 374. 65. See Jan De Vries, Die Marchen von klugen Ratsellésern und das kluge Madchen (Helsinki, 1928) and Albert Wesselski, Der Knabenkonig und das kluge Madchen (Prague, 1929).

66. Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 1, 110. For an example of a tale that

pits peasant against seigneur in a manner that suggests something akin to class war, see “René et son seigneur” in Cosquin, Contes populaires de Lorraine, 1, 108-11. Ie has no aura of magic or make-believe. The seigneur is not disguised as a giant; and he is fleeced and then murdered by a peasant hero who uses nothing but cunning and dupery. 67. Delarue and Tenéze, Le Conte populaire francais, 1, 331. 68. Ibid., I, 346.

, , 69. The following proverbs have been chosen from the Dictionnaire des proverbes francois of 1749 and from the entry for ‘‘Proverbe”’ in the Nouveau petit Larousse of 1968 in order to illustrate the continuity and the peculiarly French style of proverbialism over the last two centuries. Of course many proverbs go back to the Middle Ages and have been collected by connoisseurs since the Renaissance. See Natalie Z. Davis, “‘Proverbial Wisdom and Popular Errors” in Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, 1975). 70. See Marc Soriano, Les Contes de Perrault: Culture savante et traditions populaires (Paris, 1968) and Soriano, Le Dossier Perrault (Paris, 1972).

71. Problems of interpreting the social basis and the transmission of culture in early modern France have been debated extensively in the recent outpouring of studies in the history of popular culture. My own views are much closer to those advanced by Peter Burke in his excellent survey of the literature, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (London and

New York, 1978) than they are to those of Robert Muchembled in his general synthesis, Culture populaire et culture des élites dans la France moderne, XVe-XVIle siécles (Paris, 1968).

72. This notion of cultural style derives from the interpretive strain in cultural anthropology. See, for example, Edward Sapir, ‘Culture, Genuine and Spurious,” in Sapir, Culture, Language and Personality (Berkeley, 1964).

Chapter 2 1. Nicolas Contat, Anecdotes typographiques ott l’on voit la description des coutumes, moeurs et

usages singuliers des compagnons imprimeurs, ed. Giles Barber (Oxford, 1980). The original

manuscript is dated 1762. Barber provides a thorough description of its background and of Contat’s career in his introduction. The account of the cat massacre occurs on pp. 48-56.

3. Ibid., pp. 52 and 53. 2. Contat, Anecdotes typographiques, p. 53.

4. See, for example, Albert Soboul, La France 4 la veille de la Révolution (Paris, 1966), p. 140; and Edward Shorter, “The History of Work in the West: An Overview” in Work and Community in the West, ed. Edward Shorter (New York, 1973). 5. The following discussion is derived from Henri-Jean Martin, Livre, pouvoirs et société a Paris au XVIF* siecle (1598-1701) (Geneva, 1969); and Paul Chauvet, Les Ouvriers du livre en France, des origines 4 la Révolution de 1789 (Paris, 1959). The statistics come from investiga-

tions by the authorities of the Old Regime as reported by Martin (II, 699-700) and Chauvet (pp. 126 and 154).

6. For a more detailed discussion of this material, see Robert Darnton, ‘Work and Culture in an Eighteenth-Century Printing Shop,” an Englehard lecture at the Library of Congress to be published by the Library of Congress. 7. Contat, Anecdotes typographiques, pp. 68-73. 8. Christ to STN, Jan. 8, 1773, papers of the Société typographique de Neuchatel, Bibliothéque de la Ville de Neuchatel, Switzerland, hereafter cited as STN.

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Notes | 9. STN to Joseph Duplain, July 2, 1777. 10. STN to Louts Vernange, June 26, 1777. 11. Joseph Duplain to STN, Dec. 10, 1778. 12. Contat, Anecdotes typographiques, pp. 30-31.

13. Ibid., p. 52. 14. For a recent overview of the vast literature on folklore and French history and . bibliographic references, see Nicole Belmont, Mythes et croyances dans l’ancienne France (Paris,

1973). The following discussion is based primarily on the material collected in Eugéne Rolland, Faune populaire de la France (Paris, 1881), IV; Paul Sébillot, Le Folk-lore de France (Paris, 1904-7), 4 vols., especially HI, 72-155 and IV, 90-98; and to a lesser extent Arnold Van Gennep, Manuel de folklore francais contemporain (Paris, 1937-58), 9 vols. 15. In Germany and Switzerland, Katzenmusik sometimes included mock trials and exe-

cutions. The etymology of the term is not clear. See E. Hoffmann-Krayer and Hans Bachtold-Stiubli, Handworterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens (Berlin and Leipzig, 1931-32), IV, 1125-32 and Paul Grebe et al., Duden Etymologie: Herkunftsworterbuch der deutschen Sprache (Mannheim, 1963), p. 317. 16. Information on the cat burning in Saint Chamond comes from a letter kindly sent to me by Elinor Accampo of Colorado College. The Metz ceremony is described in A. Benoist, “Traditions et anciennes coutumes du pays messin,” Revue des traditions populaires, XV (1900), 14. 17. Contat, Anecdotes typographiques, pp. 30 and 66-67; and Chauvet, Les Ouvriers du livre,

pp. 7-12. 18. Contat, Anecdotes typographiques, pp. 65-67.

19. Ibid., pp. 37-41, quotation from pp. 39-40. 20. A good example of the genre, La Misére des apprentis imprimeurs (1710) is printed as an

appendix to Contat, Anecdotes typographiques, pp. 101-10. For other examples, see A. C. Cailleau, Les Miséres de ce monde, ou complaintes facétieuses sur les apprentissages des differents arts et

métiers de la ville et faubourgs de Paris (Paris, 1783).

21. The classic study of this process is Arnold Van Gennep, Les Rites de passage (Paris, 1908). It has been extended by subsequent ethnographic research, notably that of Victor Turner: The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca, N. Y., 1967) and The Ritual Process (Chicago, 1969). Jerome’s experience fits the Van Gennep-Turner model very well, except in a few respects. He was not considered sacred and dangerous, although the chapel

could fine journeymen for drinking with him. He did not live outside adult society, although he left his home for a makeshift room at the edge of the master’s household. And he was not exposed to secret sacra, although he had to acquire an esoteric lingo and to assimilate a craft ethos after a great deal of tribulation climaxed by a communal meal. Joseph Moxon,

Thomas Gent, and Benjamin Franklin mention similar practices in England. In Germany the initiation rite was much more elaborate and had structural similarities to the rites of tribes in Africa, New Guinea, and North America. The apprentice wore a filthy headdress adorned with goat’s horns and a fox’s tail, indicating that he had reverted to an animal state. As a Cornut or Mittelding, part man, part beast, he underwent ritual tortures, including the fling of his fingertips. At the final ceremony, the head of the shop knocked off the hat and slapped him in the face. He then emerged newborn—sometimes newly named and even baptized—as a full-fledged journeyman. Such at least was the practice described in German typographical manuals, notably Christian Gottlob Taubel, Praktisches Handbuch der Buchdruckerkunst fir Anfanger (Leipzig, 1791), Wilhelm Gottlieb Kircher, Anweisung in der Buchdruckerkunst so viel davon das Drucken betrifft (Brunswick, 1793); and Johann Christoph Hil-

debrand, Handbuch fur Buchdrucker-Lehrlinge (Eisenach, 1835). The rite was related to an ancient popular play, the Depositio Cornuti typographici, which was printed by Jacob Redinger in his Neu aufgesetztes Format Biichlein (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1679). 22. Contat, Anecdotes typographiques, pp. 65-66. 23. The text does not give Jerome’s last name, but it stresses the name change and the

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Notes acquisition of the “Monsieur”: “It is only after the end of the apprenticeship that one is called Monsieur; this quality belongs only to journeymen and not to apprentices” (p. 41). In the wage book of the STN, the journeymen always appear with their ‘““Monsieur,”’ even when they were called by nicknames, such as “Monsieur Bonnemain.” 24. The black cat in Manet’s Olympia represents a common motif, the animal “familiar” of a nude. On Baudelaire’s cats, see Roman Jakobson and Claude Lévi-Strauss, “Les Chats de Charles Baudelaire,” L’Homme, II (1962), 5-21; and Michel Riffaterre, “Describing Poetic Structures: Two Approaches to Baudelaire’s Les Chats,” in Structuralism, ed. Jacques Ehrmann (New Haven, 1966). 25. Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London, 1966); and E. R. Leach, “Anthropological Aspects of Language: Animal Categories and Verbal Abuse,” in New Directions in the Study of Language, ed. E. H. Lenneberg, (Cambridge, Mass., 1964). 26. Cervantes and Zola adapted traditional cat lore to the themes of their novels. In Don

Quixote (part I, chap. 46), a sack full of howling cats interrupts the hero’s serenade to Altisidora. Taking them for devils, he tries to mow them down with his sword, only to be bested by one of them in single combat. In Germinal (part V, chap. 6), the symbolism works in the opposite way. A mob of workers pursues Maigrat, their class enemy, as if he were a cat trying to escape across the rooftops. Screaming ‘‘Get the cat! Get the cat!” they castrate his body “like a tomcat” after he falls from the roof. For an example of cat killing as a satire on French legalism, see Friar John’s plan to massacre the Furry Lawcats in Rabelais’ Gargantua and Pantagruel, book V, chap. 15. 27. Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky (Cambridge, Mass., 1968). The most important literary version of cat lore to appear in Contat’s time was Les Chats (Rotterdam, 1728) by Francois Augustin Paradis de Moncrif. Although it was a mock treatise aimed at a sophisticated audience, it drew on a vast array of popular superstitions and proverbs, many of which appeared in the collections of folklorists a century and a half later. 28. C. S. L. Davies, Peace, Print and Protestantism (St. Albans, Herts, 1977), The other references come from the sources cited in note 14. Among the many dictionaries of proverbs and slang, see André-Joseph Panckoucke, Dictionnaire des proverbes francois et des fagons de parler

comiques, burlesques, et familiéres (Paris, 1748) and Gaston Esnault, Dictionnaire historique des argots francais (Paris, 1965).

29. Rolland, Faune populaire, p. 118. See note 14 for the other sources on which this

account is based. .

30. Emile Chautard, La Vie étrange de l’argot (Paris, 1931), pp. 367-68. The following expressions come from Panckoucke, Dictionnaire des proverbes francois; Esnault, Dictionnaire historique des argots francais; and Dictionnaire de l’Académie francaise (Paris, 1762), which con-

tains a surprising amount of polite cat lore. The impolite lore was transmitted in large measure by children's games and rhymes, some of them dating from the sixteenth century: Claude Gaignebet, Le Folklore obscene des enfants (Paris, 1980), p. 260. 31. Sébillot, Le Folk-lore de France, II, 93-94. 32. Panckoucke, Dictionnaire des proverbes francois, p. 66.

33. This and the following quotations come from Contat’s account of the cat massacre, Anecdotes typographiques, pp. 48-56.

34. According to Giles Barber (ibid., pp. 7 and 60), the actual Jacques Vincent for whom Contat worked began his own apprenticeship in 1690; so he probably was born about 1675.

| His wife was born in 1684. Thus when Contat entered the shop, the master was about 62, the mistress about 53, and the bawdy young priest in his twenties. That pattern was common enough in the printing industry, where old masters often left their businesses to younger wives, who in turn took up with still younger journeymen. It was a classic pattern for charivaris, which often mocked disparities in age among newlyweds as well as humiliating cuckolds. : 35. Pierre Caron, Les Massacres de septembre (Paris, 1935).

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Notes | | Chapter 3.

1. The manuscript was published by Joseph Berthelé as “‘Montpellier en 1768 d’aprés un manuscrit anonyme inédit” (cited henceforth as Description, from the title given to it by its author) in Archives de la ville de Montpellier (Montpellier, 1909), IV. On the genre of urban ‘descriptions,’ see Hugues Neveux, “Les Discours sur la ville” in La Ville classique: de la Renaissance aux révolutions, ed. Roger Chartier, Guy Chaussinand-Nogaret, Hugues Neveux, and Emmanuel Le Rov Ladurie (Paris, 1981), which is volume III in the Histoire de la France

urbaine currently being published under the direction of Georges Duby. In the case of Montpellier, our author—unfortunately, this awkward term is the best I can find for him— was able to draw on two earlier works: Pierre Gariel, Idée de la ville de Montpelier [sic], recherchée et présentée aux honestes gens (Montpellier, 1665); and Charles d’Aigrefeuille, Histoire de la ville de Montpellier depuis son origine jusqu’a notre temps (Montpellier, 1737-39), 2 vols.

Although he cited them at several points, his text differs from theirs considerably. In its general form, it is much closer to the contemporary Almanach historique et chronologique de la ville de Montpellier (Montpellier, 1759) by Dominique Donat, a local lawyer. In an “‘Avertis-

sement” to the Almanach, Donat proposed following it with a general book about Montpellier; so he might well have been the author of the Description. But all attempts to find more solid evidence about the identity of the author have failed. 2. Description, p. 9. Later sections of the text contain suggestions for improving local institutions, which are written in a style that suggests an enlightened administrator rather than an eighteenth-century Baedeker; so it seems unlikely that the Description was intended to be merely a guidebook. 3. Charles Dickens, Bleak House (London, 1912), p. 1. 4. This phrase occurs both in Fernand Braudel and Ernest Labrousse, Histoire économique et sociale de la France (Paris, 1970), I], 716; and in Robert Mandrou, La France aux XVII et XVIII siecles (Paris, 1970), p. 178. For a similar version of this standard theme, see a third textbook that appeared in the same year: Albert Soboul, La Civilisation et la Révoltution francaise (Paris, 1970), chaps. 17 and 18, and the remarks on “‘le take-off” on pp. 342-43. ‘Le take-off” also appears in Pierre Chaunu, La Civilisation de l'Europe des Lumiéres (Paris, 1971), pp. 28-29, but in a less dogmatic formulation. It would be an interesting exercise to trace the transmission of formulas from textbook to textbook and across the ideological barriers that divide the authors. 5. On the rise of “histoire totale” in France, see Jacques Le Goff, “‘L’Histoire nouvelle” in Jacques Le Goff, Roger Chartier, and Jacques Revel, La Nouvelle histoire (Paris, 1978). For examples of the orthodox view of economic-social-cultural change in eighteenth-century France, see the concluding sections by Labrousse in Histoire économique et sociale de la France, pp. 693-740; and by Soboul in La Civilisation et la Révolution francaise, pp. 459-480. For other views, see Roland Mousnier, Les Institutions de la France sous la monarchie absolue 15981789, 2 vols. (Paris, 1974-80); and Régine Robin, La Société francaise en 1789: Sémur en Auxois (Paris, 1970). 6. Despite a few attempts to sketch a general picture of the eighteenth-century bourgeoisie, the literature on the subject remains surprisingly underdeveloped. Elinor Barber, The Bourgeoisie in 18th Century France (Princeton, 1955) is superficial, and the best single study is still Bernhard Groethuysen, Origines de l’esprit bourgeois en France (Paris, 1956), though it mainly concerns intellectual history, For the monographic work by social historians, see especially Ernest Labrousse, ‘‘Voies nouvelles vers une histoire de la bourgeoisie occidentale aux XVIII et XIX® siécles (1700-1850),” X° Congresso internazionale di Scienze Storiche: Roma, Relazioni (Florence, 1955), IV, 365-96; Adeline Daumard, “Une référence pour létude des sociétés urbaines aux XVIII® et XIX° siécles: Projet de code socio-professionnel,” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, X (July-Sept., 1963), 184-210; Roland Mousnier, “Problémes de méthode dans l’étude des structures sociales des XVIS, XVII© et XVIH‘

273

Notes siécles” in Spiegel der Geschichte: Festgabe fur M. Braubach (Miinster, 1964), pp. 550-64; L’Histoire sociale: sources et méthodes: Colloque de l’Ecole Normale Supérieure de Saint-Cloud (15-

16 mai 1965), a collective work published by the Presses Universitaires de France (Paris, 1967); Adeline Daumard and Francois Furet, Structures et relations sociales 4 Paris au XVII . siecle (Paris, 1961); Daniel Roche and Michel Vovelle, “Bourgeois, rentiers, propriétaires: éléments pour la définition d’une catégorie sociale 4 la fin du XVIII® siécle,” in Actes du Quatre-Vingt-Quatritme Congrés National des Sociétes Savantes (Dijon, 1959), Section d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine (Paris, 1960), pp. 419-52; Maurice Garden, Lyon et les Lyonnais au XVIIF siécle (Paris, 1970); and Jean-Claude Perrot, Genése d’une ville moderne: Caen au X Vi

siecle (Paris and The Hague, 1975), 2 vols. For different reasséssments of the nobility, see Guy Chaussinand-Nogaret, La noblesse au X VIII siecle: De la Féodalité aux Lumiéres (Paris, 1976) and Patrice Higonnet, Class, Ideology, and the Rights of Nobles During the French Revolu-

tion (Oxford, 1981). 7. The series of volumes on individual cities published by Privat already covers Le Mans, Toulouse, Brest, Lyon, Rouen, Angers, Nantes, Marseille, Nice, Toulon, Grenoble, Bordeaux, and Nancy; and the Histoire de la France urbaine provides an excellent synthesis of this burgeoning licerature. Even Lille, which has usually been considered a prime site of urban

industrialization, now looks more archaic in its economy—a center for the putting-out industry in the surrounding countryside and of ‘‘protoindustrialization”: see Pierre Deyon et al., Aux origines de la révolution industrielle, industrie rurale et fabriques, a special issue of Revue du

Nord for January-March 1979. Michel Morineau has argued the case for nongrowth in several articles and in Les Faux-Semblants d’un démarrage économique: Agriculture et démographie en France au XVIIF siecle (Paris, 1971). 8. Daniel Roche, Le Siécle des Lumiéres en province: Académies et académiciens provinciaux, 1680-1789 (Paris and The Hague, 1978), Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment: A

Publishing History of the Encyclopédie, 1775-1800 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979); John Lough, Paris Theatre Audiences in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (London, 1957); and as an . example of reductionist sociology in the interpretation of literature, Lucien Goldmann, ‘“‘La Pensée des Lumiéres,” Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations, XX (1967), 752-70. 9. These examples are quoted from the Dictionnaire universel francois et latin, vulgairement appelé Dictionnaire de Trévoux (Paris, 1771), II, 11-12; but similar illustrations of contemporary usage can be found in other eighteenth-century dictionaries, notably the entries under “bourgeois” in Dictionnaire de l'Académie francoise (Paris, 1762); Dictionnaire universel contenant généralement tous les mots francois, tant vieux que modernes, et les termes des sciences et des arts (The Hague, 1727), by Antoine Furetiére; Dictionnaire universel de commerce, d’histoire naturelle, et des

arts et métiers (Copenhagen, 1759), by Jacques Savary des Bruslons, continued by PhilemonLouis Savary; and Encyclopédie ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (Paris,

1751-72), edited by Diderot and d’Alembert. The dictionaries note certain technical usages: the bourgeois who were exempt from seigneurial law courts in Champagne and Burgundy;

the bourgeois who owned commercial ships; and the bourgeois who employed labor. The , latter, as defined in the Dictionnaire de Trévoux, corresponds closely to the bourgeois of Contat’s printing shop: “‘Workers call the man for whom they work /e bourgeois. [For example], ‘One must serve le bourgeois’, ‘Masons, artisans always try to fool le bourgeois.’”” Nuances

of social distinctions also show through the definitions. The Encyclopédie stresses the connection between “bourgeois” and ‘“‘citizen” in terms that suggest Rousseau, whereas the Dictionnaire de [’Académie francoise notes the pejorative usage of the word: ‘‘Bourgeois 1s also said in a

scornful manner as a reproach to a man who is not a gentleman or who has no familiarity with the ways of high society. ‘He is merely a bourgeois.’ ‘That smells of the bourgeois.’” Savary places the bourgeois squarely between the nobility and the common people, but in a favorable light: ‘Bourgeois. It is generally applied to a citizen who inhabits a city. More particularly, it denotes those citizens who are not counted among the clergy nor the nobility, and more particularly still chose who, although not occupying the highest positions in the courts or other distinguished offices, nonetheless are far above the artisans and the common

274

Notes people, owing to their wealth, their honorable profession, or their commerce. It is in this sense that one says of a man one wants to praise that he is a good bourgeois.” Finally, the dictionaries show how the word evoked a style of life. Thus the Dictionnaire de Trévoux: “A bourgeois house is a house built simply and without magnificence but in a comfortable and liveable fashion. It is opposed equally to a palace or mansion and to a cabin or cottage of the

sort inhabited by peasants and artisans. ... One also says in ordinary conversation, a bour-

geois soup, meaning a good soup.... A bourgeois wine [is]... wine that has not been doctored, that one keeps in one’s cellar, as opposed to cabaret wine.” 10. The following discussion is based on Louis Thomas, Montpellier ville marchande: Histoire économique et sociale de Montpellier des origines 4 1870 (Montpellier, 1936); Albert Fabre, Histoire de Montpellier depuis son origine jusqu’a la fin de la Révolution (Montpellier, 1897); and

Philippe Wolff, ed., Histoire du Languedoc (Toulouse, 1967), as well as the sources cited in note 1. 11. Description, p. 35.

12. Ibid., p. 35. 13. Ibid., p. 29. 14. Ibid., p. 52.

15. Ibid., p. 18. :

16. Louis Dumont, Homo hierarchicus: Essai sur le systeme des castes (Paris, 1966). 17. Description, p. 157.

18. Ibid., p. 67. 19. Ibid., p. 67. 20. Ibid., p. 67.

21. Ibid., pp. 22. Ibid., p. 99. . 35 and 99.

23. Ibid., p. 98. | 24. Ibid., p. 70.

| 25. Ibid., p. 156.

26. Ibid., p. 38. . 27. Ibid., p. 68. 28. Ibid., p. 110. 29. Ibid., p. 158.

30. Ibid., p. 110. |

31. Ibid., p. 158. 32. Ibid., p. 151. 33. Ibid., p. 151. 34. Ibid., p. 154. 35. Ibid., p. 155. 36. Ibid., p. 154. 37. Ibid., p. 68. 38. Ibid., p. 54. 39. Ibid., p. 58. 40. Ibid., pp. 57-58. 41. Ibid., p. 69. 42. Ibid., p. 68.

43. p. 150. 44.Ibid., Ibid., p.| 149.

:

45. Ibid., p. 54. 46. See Roche, Le Siécle des Lumiéres en province for a thorough discussion of this theme. 47. Description, p. 59.

50. Ibid., p. 150. |

48. Ibid., p. 27. 49. Ibid., p. 21.

275

Notes

, Chapter 4 An earlier version of Chapter 4 entitled “Policing Writers in Paris circa 1750” appeared in Vol. 5 of Studies in the Eighteenth Century Papers presented at the Fifth David Nichol Smith Memorial Seminar, Canberra 1980 edited by J. P. Hardy and J. C. Eade (Oxford: 1983 pp. 143-155) 1. This study is based on the manuscript reports of Joseph d’Hémery in the Bibliothéque Nationale of Paris, nouv. acq. fr. 10781-10783. All quotations come from that source and can be identified easily in the manuscript, because the reports are arranged alphabetically according to the names of the authors under investigation. I plan to publish the full texts of the reports in a volume to be edited in collaboration with Robert Shackleton and eventually to use them for a book on the rise of the intellectual in France. Although they have never been studied as a whole, the reports have been consulted for a few biographical works, notably Jeunesse de Diderot 1713-1753 (Paris, 1939) by Franco Venturi, which quotes most of the report on Diderot (p. 379). 2. Jacques Heébrail and Joseph de La Porte, La France littéraire (Paris, 1756). The authors explained the character and purpose of their work in an avertissement, which contained a general appeal for bibliographical information to be sent in by anyone, and especially by unknown writers. The new information appeared in the form of additions in the edition of 1756, and suppléments were published in 1760, 1762, 1764, and 1784. In the edition of 1762, p. v, the authors estimated that somewhat more than 1,800 auteurs were then alive in France. Allowing for the growth in the population, in the prestige of authorship, and in book production, it seems likely that about 1,500 Frenchmen had published a book or pamphlet in 1750.

3. On the much-debated questions concerning generations, cohorts, and other age groups, see Clifton Cherpack, ‘“‘The Literary Periodization of Eighteenth-Century France,” Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, LKX XIV (1969), 321-28 and Alan

B. Spitzer, ‘The Historical Problem of Generations,” The American Historical Review, LXXVIII (1973), 1353-83. 4. On the Saint Malo-Geneva line as a demarcation of socio-cultural history, see Roger Chartier, “Les Deux France: Histoire d’une géographie,” Cahiers d'histoire, XXIV (1979), 393-415. For a discussion of the Paris-province question, see Robert Escarpit, Sociologie de la littérature (Paris, 1968), 41-44. Of course, as Paris is located in the north, one might expect a

map of the birthplaces of authors living in Paris to underrepresent the south. It also seems unreasonable to expect a close correlation between the birthplaces of authors and crude indicators of literacy such as those discussed in Frangois Furet and Jacques Ozouf, Lire et écrire: L’Alphabétisation des Francais de Calvin a Jules Ferry (Paris, 1977), 2 vols.

5. See the article on Favart in J.-F and L.-G. Michaud, eds., Biographie universelle (Paris, 1811-52), XIII, 440-42; as well as the more scholarly studies of Georges Desnoireterres, Epicuriens et lettrés (Paris, 1879), and Auguste Font, Favart, l’Opéra-Comique et la comédievaudeville aux XVIlIe et XVIIIe siécles (Paris, 1894).

6. In almost half the cases, the embastillement came after the completion of d’Hémery’s report. Despite their vigilance concerning suspicious characters, the police did not orient their surveillance toward the criminal element in the republic of letters but rather attempted

to do a general survey of all the writers they could find. ) 7. The attempts of officials to increase the power of the state by systematic study of its resources goes back to Machiavelli and the development of ‘reason of state” as a principle of government. Although this tendency has usually been treated as an aspect of political theory, it also belongs to the history of bureaucracy and to the spread of “rationalization” (rather than Englightenment), as Max Weber understood it. For a recent survey of the literature on the intellectual history side of the question, see Michael Stolleis, ‘Arcana imperii und Ratio

276

Notes status: Bemerkungen zur politischen Theorie des frithen 17. Jahrhunderts,” Veréffentlichung der Joachim-Jungius-Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, no. 39 (Gottingen, 1980), 5-34.

8. Thus the report on Jean-Francois de Bastide: “He is a Provencal, is witty but not talented, and fucks Madame de Valence, the mistress of M. Vanoé, the ambassador of Holland.” 9. See Robert Mandrou, De la Culture populaire aux XVIle et XVIIle siécles: La Bibliotheque bleue de Troyes (Paris, 1964).

10. For more information on all these intrigues, see the works cited in note 5. 11. The character of Laurés’s poetry, which is now deservedly forgotten, can be appreciated from a glance at his Epitre a M. le comte de Bernis (Paris, 1752) and his Epitre 4 Madame la marquise de Pompadour, no place or date of publication. 12. See d’Alembert, Essai sur la société des gens de lettres et des grands, sur la réputation, sur les mécenes et sur les récompenses littéraires, in d’Alembert’s Mélanges de littérature, d’histoire et de

philosophie (Amsterdam, 1773; Ist ed., 1752). 13. This theme appears most prominently in d’Alembert’s Essai sur la société des gens de lettres, Voltaire’s Lettres philosophiques of 1734, the anonymous tract Le Philosophe of 1743, and the article pHiLosopHe in vol. XIII of the Encyclopédie. For further details, see the follow-

ing chapter.

14. The verse comes from Journal et mémoires du marquis d’Argenson, E.J.B. Rathery, ed.

(Paris, 1863), p. 402. D'Hémery mentioned this song and many similar ones but did not transcribe them in his reports. 15. I have used the term “intellectual” without defining it because I have tried to establish its boundaries by reconstructing the contemporary context of “authors.” I should explain, however, that I do not think that intellectuals and authors are the same thing and that I derive my concept of the intellectual from sociologists like Karl Mannheim, Edward Shils, and Pierre Bourdieu. See especially Bourdieu, Questions de sociologie (Paris, 1980).

Chapter 5 Chapter 5 was originally presented as a lecture at the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbiittel in May 1981. 1. John Lough, The ‘Encyclopédie’ (New York, 1971), p. 61. 2. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archeology of the Human Sciences (New York, 1973), p. xv. 3. See Roger Shattuck, The Forbidden Experiment: The Story of the Wild Boy of Aveyron

(New York, 1980). 4. For fuller accounts of this argument, see E. R. Leach, “Anthropological Aspects of | Language: Animal Categories and Verbal Abuse” in New Directions in the Study of Language, , ed. E. H. Lenneberg (Cambridge, Mass., 1964); Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London, 1966); R. N. H. Bulmer, ““Why Is the Casso-

wary Not a Bird? A Problem of Zoological Taxonomy Among the Karam of the New ‘Guinea Highlands,” Man, II (1967), 5-25; and S. J. Tambiah, ‘Animals Are Good to Think and to Prohibit,” Ethnology, VIII (1969), 423-59. 5. On “method” and the early schemes for ordering the arts and sciences, see Walter Ong, Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue: From the Art of Discourse to the Art of Reason

(Cambridge, Mass., 1958); Neal W. Gilbert, Renaissance Concepts of Method (New York, 1960); Paul Oskar Kristeller, “The Modern System of the Arts,” in Kristeller, Renaissance Thought II: Papers on Humanism and the Arts (New York, 1965), 163-227; Frances Yates, The Art of Memory (London, 1966); Leroy E. Loemker, Struggle for Synthesis: The Seventeenth

277

, | Notes Century Background of Leibniz’s Synthesis of Order and Freedom (Cambridge, Mass., 1972); and Paolo Rossi, Philosophy, Technology and the Arts in the Early Modern Era (New York, 1970).

On encyclopedias before Diderot’s Encyclopédie, see Robert Collison, Encyclopaedias: Their History throughout the Ages (New York, 1964); and Frank A. Kafker, ed., Notable Encyclopedias of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Nine Predecessors of the Encyclopédie, Studies on Vol-

taire and the Eighteenth Century, CXCIV (Oxford, 1981). For a recent but rather superficial overview of systems for classifying knowledge, see Fritz Machlup, Knowledge: The Branches

of Learning (Princeton, 1981). I am indebted to Anthony Grafton for bibliographical guid-

ance and criticism in my attempts to make sense of these subjects. . 6. Discours préliminaire in Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, par une société de gens de lettres (Paris, 1751-72), I, i. All subsequent references to the Discours préliminaire come from the first edition of the Encyclopédie. 7. Prospectus de l’ Encyclopédie in Denis Diderot, Oeuvres completes (Paris, 1969), Il, 281. On

the notion of an encyclopedia as a circle or great chain of knowledge, see also Diderot’s key article, ENCYCLOPEDIE in Encyclopédie, V, reprinted in Diderot, Oeuvres completes, II, 365-463. 8. Discours préliminaire, p. xv.

| 9. Prospectus, p. 285-86.

10. Prospectus, p. 285. 11. Ephraim Chambers, Cyclopaedia: or an Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, 5th ed.

(London, 1741), I, p. 11. 12. Ibid., p. iit. 13. Discours préliminaire, p. xxiv.

"14, See the articles in the Mémoires de Trévoux, Jan. and Feb., 1751, reprinted in Diderot, Ocuvres completes, UW, 325-32 and 352-55. 15. Francis Bacon, The Advancement of Learning, ed. W. A. Wright (Oxford, 1876), p. 268. 16. Ibid., p. 99. 17. Ibid., p. 86. 18. Discours préliminaire, p. xvii. 19. Bacon, Advancement of Learning, p. 86.

20. Ibid., p. 85. 21. Discours préliminaire, p. xlvii. 22. Lettre de M. Diderot au R. P. Berthier, jésuite in Diderot, Oeuvres completes, 11, 334. 23. Discours préliminaire, p. li. 24. Encyclopédie, 1, 498.

25. Bacon, Advancement of Learning, pp. 109-10. Bacon acknowledged the force of induc-

tive reasoning about God, but he considered it dangerous: “‘Out of the contemplation of nature, or ground of human knowledges, to induce any verity or persuasion concerning the points of faith, is in my judgement not safe” (p. 109). 26. Discours préliminaire, p. xvii.

27. Ibid., p. xlviii. For Locke’s version of this argument, see An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. A. S. Pringle-Pattison (Oxford, 1960), book II, chap. 23, 154-74. 28. Discours préliminaire, p. iit.

29. Ibid., p. iv. | 30. Ibid., p. iv. 31. Ibid., p. iii. 32. Ibid., p. ix. 33. Ibid., p. xiv. 34. Ibid., p. ix. 35. Ibid., p. xiv. 36. Ibid., p. xvii. 37. See also d*’Alembert's “‘Avertissement” to the third volume of the Encyclopédie (III,

278

Notes iv): “In this work, one will not find... the conquerors who have devasted the earth, but rather the immortal geniuses who have enlightened it. Nor [will one find] a crowd of sovereigns who should have been proscribed from history. Even the names of princes and great personages have no right to a place in the Encyclopédie, except by virtue of the good they have done for science, because the Encyclopédie owes everything to talent and nothing to titles. It is the history of the human spirit, not of the vanity of mankind.”

, 38. 39.Discours préliminaire, p. xxvi. Ibid., p. xxvi. 40. Ibid., p. xxvii. 41. Ibid., p. xxvi.

42. D’Alembert, Essai sur la société des gens de lettres et des grands, sur la réputation, sur les Mécenes, et sur les recompenses littéraires in Mélanges de littérature, d’histoire et de philosophie (Am-

sterdam, 1773; 1st ed., 1752), p. 330. 43. Encyclopédie, VII, 599.

44. On the metamorphoses of this essay, which Voltaire also reprinted in Les Lois de Minos (1773), see Herbert Dieckmann, Le Philosophe: Texts and Interpretation (Saint Louis, 1948).

45. For documentation of this theme, which still needs further exploration, see Ira Wade, “The Philosophe” in the French Drama of the Eighteenth Century (Princeton, 1926). 46. For a preliminary survey of philosophe and Encyclopédiste as terms in vogue during the eighteenth century, see Ferdinand Brunot, Histoire de la langue francaise des origines a nos jours

(Paris, 1966), VI, part 1, 3-27. 47. D’Alembert also stressed this in the ‘‘Avertissement” (Encyclopédie, II, iv): “It is thus principally by its philosophical spirit that we shall attempt to make this dictionary stand out.”

Chapter 6 : 1. This essay is an attempt to combine traditional history, based on archival research, with textual interpretation of the kind developed by literary critics such as Wolfgang Iser, Hans Robert Jauss, Wayne Booth, Stanley Fish, Walter Ong, Jonathan Culler, Louis Marin, and others. For a survey of the work in this field and a thorough bibliography, see Susan R. Suleiman and Inge Crosman, eds., The Reader in the Text: Essays on Audience and Interpretation

(Princeton, 1980). As examples of work concerning Rousseau, see: Robert J. Ellrich, Rousseau and His Reader: The Rhetorical Situation of the Major Works (Chapel Hill, 1969); Harald

Weinrich, “Muss es Romanlektiire geben? Anmerkungen zu Rousseau und zu den Lesern der Nouvelle Héloise,” in Leser und Lesen im 18. Jahrhundert, ed. Rainer Gruenter (Heidelberg,

1977), pp. 28-32, Roger Bauer, “Einfiihrung in einige Texte von Jean-Jacques Rousseau,” in Leser und Lesen, pp. 33-39; and Hans Robert Jauss, Asthetische Erfahrung und literarische

Hermeneutik (Frankfurt am Main, 1982), pp. 585-653. | 2. | owe this information to A. L. Becker, who has observed many Balinese funerals as a linguist and ethnographer. 3. References to Ranson’s dossier, in the Bibliothéque de la ville de Neuchatel, ms. 1204, will be indicated hereafter by the abbreviation STN. Some excerpts from it will be published by R. A. Leigh in volumes XL and XLI of the Correspondance complete de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The information on Ranson from La Rochelle comes from his marriage contracts of June 24, 1777, and Nov. 29, 1788, Archives départementales de la Charente-Maritime,

Minutes Crassous 3 E 776 and Minutes Roy 3 E 89, which were most obligingly sent to me | in photocopy by Mlle O. de Saint-Affrique. 4. Ranson made his own estimate of his wealth in his marriage contract of Nov. 29,

279

Notes 1788. In a letter to the STN of March 16, 1779, he remarked that the war had damaged the trade in La Rochelle severely, although it had not hurt his own business. The livre tournois cannot be converted meaningfully into modern currencies; but as an example of its value in the eighteenth century, a skilled artisan often made about five hundred livres in a year. 5. For a survey of the literature on eighteenth-century libraries and reading habits in general, see Robert Darnton, “Reading, Writing, and Publishing in Eighteenth-Century France: A Case Study in the Sociology of Literature,” Daedalus (Winter 1971), 214-56. The most recent study is Michel Marion, Recherches sur les bibliothéques privées 4 Paris au milieu de

XVIII€ siecle (1750-1759) (Paris, 1978).

6. Ranson to STN, April 29, 1775. 7, Ranson to STN, Sept. 27, 1780. 8. Ranson to STN, Oct. 17, 1775. 9, Ranson to STN, March 8, 1777.

10. Ranson to STN, Dec. 27, 1774.

11. Ranson to STN, Aug. 30, 1785. 12. Ranson to STN, June 10, 1777. 13. Pavie to STN, March 4, 1772. 14. For example, “False religions. One calls heretics all those who do not believe everything that the Catholic religion commands us to believe. Such are Lutherans, Calvinists, and many others”: N.-A. Viard, Les vrais principes de la lecture... (Paris, 1763), p. 76. 15. Ranson to STN, Aug. 9, 1775.

' 16. Ranson to STN, Oct. 17, 1775. : 17. Viard, Les vrais principes de la lecture, p. i. |

18. Ibid., p. xi. 19. Ibid., p. 26. 20. Ibid., p. x. 21. J.-J. Rousseau, Emile ou de l'éducation in Oeuvres completes, Bibliothéque de la Pléiade (Paris, 1969), IV, 358.

58. )

22. J.-J. Rousseau, Les Confessions de J.-J. Rousseau in Ocuvres completes (Paris, 1959), I, 8.

23. Ibid., pp. 8-9.

24. J.-J. Rousseau, Julie, ou La Nouvelle Héloise in Oeuvres completes (Paris, 1961), H, 57-

25. Ibid., 11, 56-57. 26. Rousseau, Confessions, I, 111-12.

27. Rousseau, La Nouvelle Héloise, 11, 5.

28. Ibid., II, 12.

30. 31. Ibid., Ibid., H, HI,5.6.| , ,

29. Ibid., HI, 5. |

32. Rousseau wore his title “citizen of Geneva” defiantly on the title pages of the works that he wrote during this period, notably his open letters to d’Alembert and to Christophe de Beaumont. The latter offered a provocative contrast between the simple Swiss republican and the powerful archbishop of Paris: Jean-Jacques Rousseau, citoyen de Gentve, a Christophe de Beaumont, archevéque de Paris, duc de S. Cloud, pair de France, commandeur de l’ordre du Saint-

Esprit, proviseur de Sorbonne, etc. Rousseau left “citizen of Geneva” off the title page of La Nouvelle Héloise because he did not want to “profane” the name of his fatherland in associating it with a novel: La Nouvelle Héloise, 11, 27. In the eighteenth century novels were often considered either morally suspect or a low form of literature, and novelists usually did not put their names on the title pages of their books. In fact, people rarely used first names in their everyday activities, except perhaps among the peasantry. By identifying himself as “Jean-Jacques,” Rousseau invited his readers to enter into an unusual, intimate relationship.

33. Rousseau, La Nouvelle Héloise, U1, 18-19.

34. On the split with Diderot and the circumstances in which Rousseau wrote La Nou-

280

Notes velle Héloise, see the critical study by Bernard Guyon in Oeuvres completes, Il, xviti-Ixx. 35. Rousseau, La Nouvelle Héloise, H, 16.

36. Ibid., Il, 16. , 37. Ibid., I, 15. .

38. Ibid., HT, 11.

| 39. Ibid., HI, 29. 40. Ibid., II, 26-27. 41. Ibid., II, 27. 42. Rousseau, Emile, IV, 357. 43. Ranson to STN, Aug. 9, 1775. 44, Ranson to STN, Jan. 25, 1777. 45. Ranson to STN, March 8, 1777.

46. Ranson to STN, June 10, 1777. . 47. Ranson to STN, July 12, 1777. 48. Ranson to STN, Sept. 27, 1777. 49. Ranson to STN, Nov. 29, 1777. 90. Ranson to STN, May 16, 1778.

51. Ranson to STN, Aug. 1, 1778.

32. Ranson to STN, Sept. 12, 1778. 53. The Ransons had named their daughter Elisabeth for Ranson’s mother. The information on the children’s births and the family names comes primarily from the contract for

Ranson’s second marriage, dated Nov. 29, 1788. His first wife, Madeleine Raboteau, had ) died sometime within the previous three years, and Ranson married her cousin, Jeanne Francoise Raboteau.

94. Ranson to STN, Dec. 27, 1778. 55. Ranson to STN, March 16, 1779. 56. See Philippe Ariés, L’Enfant et la vie familiale sous l’Ancien Régime (Paris, 1960). 57. Rousseau, La Nouvelle Héloise, U1, 23.

58. Ranson to STN, Sept. 16, 1780.

59. The last letter in Ranson’s dossier is dated August 30, 1785. Ranson almost certainly

continued to write to Ostervald after that date, but the letters are not to be found in the STN papers because Ostervald withdrew from the direction of the STN’s affairs in 1784/ 85. Thus one cannot follow Ranson’s career and family life to the death of his first wife, his remarriage, and through the Revolution. As mentioned above, he played a minor and mod-

erate role in local revolutionary politics, and he died on August 5, 1823, at the age of seventy-five, having outlived his second wife. 60. For a general view of the response to La Nouvelle Héloise, which includes a brief study of the mail received by Rousseau, see Daniel Mornet, La Nouvelle Héloise (Paris, 1925), I,

247-67. Mornet’s findings have been extended in the more systematic and sociological analysis by Daniel Roche, “Les primitifs du Rousseauisme: une analyse sociologique et quantitative de la correspondance de J.-J. Rousseau,” Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations

(Jan.—Feb., 1971), xxvi, pp. 151-72. The texts of the letters received by Rousseau can now be read in the splendid edition of Rousseau’s correspondence by R. A. Leigh: Correspondance complete de Jean Jacques Rousseau (Geneva, 1969), vols, VIII-X.

61. The quotations and other references, in the order. of their appearance, come from Rousseau’s Correspondance complete: C.-]. Panckoucke to Rousseau, Feb., 1761, VIII, 77-78; J.-L. Buisson to Rousseau, Feb. 11, 1761, VIII, 88; A. -J. Loyseau de Mauléon to Rousseau, Feb. 18, 1761, VIII, 130; Charlotte Bourette to Rousseau, Feb. 21, 1761, VIII, 148; J.-J.-P. Fromaget to Rousseau, June 5, 1761, IX, 3; abbé Cahagne to Rousseau, Feb. 27, 1761, VIII,

187 and 191; J.-F Bastide to Rousseau, Feb. 12, 1761, VII, 91-92; Daniel Roguin to Rousseau, Feb. 27, 1761, VII, 181; A.-P. de Gingins, baron de La Sarraz to Rousseau, March (?), 1761, VIII, 263; Jacques Pernetti and Jean-Vincent Capperonnier de Gauffecourt to Rousseau, Feb. 26, 1761, VIII, 178; D.-M.-Z.-A. Mazarini-Mancini, marquise de Polig-

281

Notes nac to M. -M. de Brémond d’Ars, marquise de Verdelin, Feb. 3, 1761, VIII, 56; Charlotte de La Taille to Rousseau, March 10, 1761, VIII, 239-40; Louis Francois to Rousseau, March 24, 1761, VIII, 278-79; and the issue of the Journal helvétique of February, 1761, quoted in

VII, 73. 62. D.-M.-Z.-A. Mazarini-Mancini, marquise de Polignac to M.-M. de Bremond d’Ars, marquise de Verdelin, Feb. 3, 1761, in Correspondance complete, VIII, 56-57. 63. Louis Francois to Rousseau, March 24, 1761, in Correspondance complete, VIII, 278-

79. and Paul-Claude Moultou to Rousseau, March 7, 1761, VIII, 225-26. 64. Mme Du Verger to Rousseau, Jan. 22, 1762, in Correspondance complete, X, 47. 65. See Correspondance complete, 1X, 132-55, for the beginning of this correspondence. 66. Rousseau, Confessions, 1, 545-47.

67. Fromaget to Rousseau, June 5, 1761, in Correspondance complete, IX, 3. 68. An anonymous reader to Rousseau, April 6, 1761, in Correspondance complete, VIII, 296; letter from an anonymous young woman, March, 1761 (?), VIII, 258-59; Pierre de La Roche to Rousseau, Oct. 16, 1761, IX, 168; and C. -J. Panckoucke to Rousseau, Feb., 1761, Vill, 77-78. 69. M. Rousselot to Rousseau, March 15, 1761, in Correspondance complete, VIII, 252; B.-

L. de Lenfant de la Patriére, baron de Bormes to Rousseau, March 27, 1761, VIII, 280-81; A.-A. Lalive de Jully to Rousseau, Jan. 31, 1761, VIII, 43; F-C. Constant de Rebecque to F-M.-S. Constant de Rebecque, Feb. 9, 1761 (?), VII, 72; and J.-L. Le Cointe to Rousseau,

April 5, 1761, VIII, 292-93. : 70. A.-J. Loyseau de Mauléon to Rousseau, Feb. 18, 1761, in Correspondance complete,

VIII, 131; an anonymous reader to Rousseau, April 6, 1761, VIII, 296; an anonymous reader to Rousseau, March, 1761, VII, 256-57; and an anonymous reader to Rousseau, March, 1761, VIII, 257-58. All of these phrases, and expressions in other letters received by Rousseau, adhered closely to the phrasing of the prefaces. 71. Rolf Engelsing, Der Biirger als Leser: Lesergeschichte in Deutschland 1500-1800 (Stuttgart, 1974). For critical discussions of Engelsing’s thesis, see Reinhart Siegert, Aufklarung ‘und Volkslektiire exemplarisch dargestellt an Rudolph Zacharias Becker und seinem “Noth- und | Hiilfsbiichlein” mit einer Bibliographie zum Gesamtthema (Frankfurt am Main, 1978); and Martin Welke, ‘‘“Gemeinsame Lektiire und friihe Formen von Gruppenbildungen im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert: Zeicungslesen in Deutschland,” in Lesegesellschaften und birgerliche Emanzipation: Ein europdischer Vergleich, ed. Otto Dann (Munich, 1981). 72. Ranson to STN, Dec. 27, 1774. 73. Ranson to STN, May 8, 1781. 74, Ranson to STN, June 12, 1785. 75, Johann Adam Bergk, Die Kunst Biicher zu Lesen (Jena, 1799), 411. 76. For example, on p. 302 of ibid. Bergk emphasized, “‘Rousseau with his blazing, creative imagination and with his penetrating understanding overwhelms us in his grip and affords us a pleasure that pierces to the innermost recesses of our heart. He tears the veil away from the secrets of nature, and his descriptions like a mighty torrent sweep us off our

feet.” Conclusion

282 |

1. Pierre Chaunu, “Un Nouveau Champ pour lhistoire sérielle: Le Quantitatif au troi-

siéme niveau” in Pierre Chaunu, Histoire quantitative, histoire sérielle (Paris, 1978), pp. 21630. By sérielle Chaunu means something more specific than statistical or quantitative, but the

| word does not translate well as ‘‘serial”. Also, Chaunu does not discuss the way phenomena

Notes from the first two levels affect those on the third. For an explicit account of that theme, see Fernand Braudel and Ernest Labrousse, Histoire économique et sociale de la France (Paris, 1970),

II, 693-740; and Albert Soboul, La Civilisation et la Révolution francaise (Paris, 1970), pp. 459-80. For discussions of the history of mentalités as a genre, see the essays by Lucien Febvre reprinted in Combats pour I’histoire (Paris, 1965), pp. 207-39; Georges Duby, ‘‘Histoire des mentalités” in L’Histoire et ses méthodes (Encyclopédie de la Pléiade, Paris, 1961), pp. 937-66; Alphonse Dupront, ‘‘Problémes et-méthodes d’une histoire de la psychologie collective,’ Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations, XVI (1961), 3-11; Louis Trénard, “Histoire des mentalités collectives: Les Livres, bilans et perspectives,” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, XV (1968), 691-703; Robert Mandrou, “‘Histoire sociale et histoire des mentalités,”” La Nouvelle Critique (1972), pp. 3-11; Jacques Le Goff, “‘Les Mentalités: Une Histoire ambigué,” in Faire de ’histoire, ed. Jacques Le Goff and Pierre Nora (Paris, 1974), II, 76-94; Philippe Ariés, “L’Histoire des mentalités,” in La Nouvelle Histoire, ed. Jacques Le Goff, Roger Chartier, and Jacques Revel (Paris, 1978), pp. 402-22; and Michel Vovelle, ‘Histoire des mentalités—Histoire des résistances de ou les prisons de la longue durée,” History of European Ideas 11 (1981), 1-18. La Nouvelle Histoire provides a survey of the historiographical trends that are identifed with the ‘Annales school.” For examples of excellent doctoral theses that are constructed according to the same model, see F. G. Dreyfus, Sociétés et mentalités a Mayence dans la seconde moitié du dix-huitieme siécle (Paris, 1968): part 1, “Economie,” part Il, ‘Structure sociale,” part IH, ‘“Mentalités et culture’; Maurice Garden, Lyon et les Lyonnais au XVIII€ siecle (Paris, 1970): part 1, “Démographie,” part II, “Société,” part IH, “Structures mentales et comportements collectifs”; and Francois Lebrun, Les Hommes et la mort en Anjou aux 17° et 18° siécles (Paris, 1971): part 1, “Structures économiques et sociogéographiques,”’ part I], “Structure démographique,” part III, ‘““Mentalités.”” 2. Ernest Labrousse, La Crise de l’économie francaise a la fin de l’Ancien Régime et au début de

la Révolution (Paris, 1944), I, xxix; Pierre Chaunu, ‘Dynamique conjoncturelle et histoire sérielle: Point de vue d’historien,” in Chaunu, Histoire quantitative, histoire sérielle, p. 17. I have attempted to survey the French literature in a series of articles in The New York Review of Books, some of which have been republished as ‘‘The History of Mentalités: Recent Writings on Revolution, Criminality, and Death in France,” in Structure, Consciousness, and Histo-

ry, ed. Richard H. Brown and Stanford M. Lyman (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 106-36. It should be added that some historians connected with the Annales, notably Jacques Le Goff and Jean-Claude Schmitt, are now turning away from the quantitative analysis of culture and toward anthropology. See Roger Chartier, “Intellectual or socio-cultural history? The French trajectories,” in Modern European Intellectual History: Reappraisals and New Perspectives, | ed. Dominick La Capra and Steven L. Kaplan (Ithaca, 1982), pp. 13-46; and André Burguiére, “The Fate of the History of Mentalités in the Annales,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, XXIV (1982), 424-37. However, this anthropology generally remains restricted within the structuralist system of Claude Lévi-Strauss or the functionalism derived from

Emile Durkheim. It has not been affected by the symbolic strain in American anthropology, which developed under the influence of Edward B. Tylor and Franz Boas, nor by the Weberian strain, which has flowered in the work of Clifford Geertz. While Americans tend to ignore systems of relations, the French generally neglect systems of meaning. 3. William Langer, Political and Social Upheaval, 1832-1852 (New York, 1969); Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York, 1971); Hildred Geertz and Keith Thomas, “An Anthropology of Religion and Magic,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, V1 (1975), 71-109; Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York, 1977); Philippe Ariés, L’Homme devant la mort (Paris, 1977); and Michel Vovelle, Piété baroque et déchristianisation en Provence au XVIII® siecle: Les Attitudes devant la mort d’apres les clauses des testaments (Paris, 1973).

4. Keith Thomas, ‘‘History and Anthropology,” Past and Present, no. 24 (1963), 3-24; E. E. Evans-Pritchard, ‘“‘Anthropology and History,” in E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Essays in Social

Anthropology (London, 1962). It would be vain to list all the works in anthropology and

283

, | Notes | history where the two disciplines come together. The reader interested in pursuing the subject can consult the works of Clifford Geertz, Victor Turner, Renato Rosaldo, Shelly Errington, Louis Dumont, Marshall Sahlins, B. S. Cohn, James Fernandez, Jacques Le Goff, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Jean-Claude Schmitt, Natalie Davis, William Sewell, Lawrence Levine, Greg Dening, and Rhys Isaac, to name only a few of the most talented authors. 5. Marc Bloch, Apologie pour l'histoire ou métier d’historien (Paris, 1974; an edition of a text

. written in 1941 and 1942), p. 35.

284

266n7 (journal), 257

Aarne, Antti, 12, 16, 20, 21, 265n1, Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations Abrege’ de l’histoire de France (Hénault), Année littéraire, L’, 174, 237

166 Anseaume, Louis, 172

text), 96 61 167, 170, 174 Anti-Semitism, 52

Académie des dames, L’ (pornographic Anthropological history, 3-4, 6, 259-

Académie Francaise, 157, 158, 164, Anticlericalism, 52

Académie de Musique Apprentices: during79; carnival, 83; iving 115, 134, 138(Montpellier), conditions of, 75-76, razzing of,

Académie Royale des Sciences (Mont- 87-88

pellier), 115 ~ Aquinas, Thomas, 195, 205, 206

Académie des Sciences (Paris), 138 Archiconfrérie du Saint-Sacrement,

Accampo, Elinor, 27116 118 |

Advancement of Learning, The (Bacon), Aretino, 96

209 Argens, marquis d’, 177-78, 189

Aigrefeuille, Charles de, 140, 2731 Argenson, comte d’, 167, 177, 183,

Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, 168 188

“Aladdin,” 266n5 Ariés, Philippe, 258, 259, 283n1

Alembert, Jean le Rond d’, 170, 172, Artisans: as authors, 153-54; idealiza-

193-209, 274n9, 277n13, 278n37, tion of, by historians, 79; of Mont- |

279n47, 280n32; police reports on, pellier, 125-27, 130-36, 141; see also

150, 158, 181; Rousseau’s break Printing shops with, 230 Aristotle, 193, 205, 206

| 285

Alloués (underqualified printers), 80,82 Arts, Encyclopedist view of, 199

American Revolution, 39 - Atheism, 181-85

Animals: classification of, 192-93; on- “At the Siege of Belle Isle,” 39 tological position of, 89; torture of, Augustins, 117, 121 as popular amusement, 89; see also Aulnoy, Marie Catherine d’, 11, 62

Cats Auteur laquais, L’ (Wagnon), 153

Annales (periodical), 237 Authors, see Writers

Index

Avocat du Roi, 119 Bettelheim, Bruno, 10, 12-13, 266n5

Ayen, duc d’, 165 Bible, 221, 222

Biliena (author), 162

Bachtold-Stiubli, Hans, 27115 Bibliotheque bleue, 63 :

, Bachaumont (author), 221 Bibliothéque Nationale, 146, 160, 224, Bacon, Francis, 194-201, 205, 206, 276n1

209, 27825 Bibliothéque du Roi, 166

Bakhtin, Mikhail, 90, 99, 272n27 Bibliothéque de la Ville de Neuchatel,

Balinese death rites, 216 279n3

Ballon (game), 132 Bijoux indiscrets, Les (Diderot), 182, Balzac, Honoré de, 140, 175 186, 187 Barber, Elinor, 273n6 Binville (author), 161 Barber, Giles, 78, 2701, 272n34 Bishop of Montpellier, 117-18

: Barruel, abbé, 183 Black Death, 24, 53 Baschi du Caila, house of, 140-41 Bladé, J. F, 26678

Bascom, William R., 267n10 Blagny, Bertin de, 169 Basile, Giambattista, 269n51 Bleak House (Dickens), 108-9

Basso, Keith H., 2666 Bloch, Marc, 263

Bastide, Jean-Francois de, 243, 277n8, “Bluebeard” (tale type 312), 11, 14-

281n61 15, 47; German version of, 46; Ital-

Bastille, incarceration of writers in, ian version of, 45

146, 154, 155, 159, 178, 179, 183, Boas, Franz, 283n2 184 Bocaud family, 141, 142 Batteux, Charles, 167 Bois, Paul, 23 }

Baudelaire, Charles, 89, 272n24 Boissy, Louis de, 162, 172, 176

Bauer, Roger, 279n1 Bolte, Johannes, 265n3, 266n7, Bauman, Richard, 2667, 267n17 269n48, n52 Bazille family, 115 Bon family, 141, 142 Beaumont, Christophe de, 280n32 Bonneval, René de, 170

Beauvais, J.-B.-C.-M. de, 152 Booth, Wayne, 279n1

Becker, A. L., 279n2 Borges, Jorge Luis, 192

Beggars: in English rhymes, 41; tales Bormes, B.-L. de Lenfant de la Pa-

about, 37-38 triére, baron de, 282269

“Belle Eulalie, La’’ (tale type 313), 22, Bossuet, Jacques-Béenigne, 152, 227

51 Boudot, Pierre-Jean, 166

“Belle et le monstre, La” (tale type Bourdieu, Pierre, 277215

433), 15 Bourette, Charlotte, 154, 242, 281n61

Belles-lettres, 219-22, 230, 254 Bourgeoisie: eighteenth-century sense

Belleval family, 141 of term, 113; hiring and firing pracBelmont, Nicole, 27114 tices of, 80-81; historical views of, Benedictines, 158 111-13; hypocrisy of, 89; living Benoist, A., 271n16 conditions of 82; meaning of term, Bergk, Johann Adam, 250-51, 282n76 110; of Montpellier, 125-39; passion

Bernard, Jean-Pierre, 158 for cats among, 76; superstitiousness

Bernardoni, Marie-Madeleine, 246 of, 96; symbolic protests against, 97Bernis, Frangois-Joachim de Pierres, 101; workers’ hatred of, 79; writers

abbé de, 164-66 from, 152-53

Berryer, Nicolas-René, 159, 160, 177, ‘‘Bracelet, Le’’ (tale type 590), 37

189 Braudel, Fernand, 24, 268n25, 27,

Berthelé, Joseph, 273n1 273n4, 283n1

Berthier, Guillaume-Francois, 199 Brer’ Rabbit stories, 54 Bertin de Frateaux, Louis-Mathieu, Bret, Antoine, 179

178, 183 Briggs, Katharine M., 269n48, 251

286

Index ‘Brigitte, la maman qui m’a pas fait, Chardin, Jean Baptiste Siméon, 137 mais m’a nourri” (tale type 713), 32 Charivari, 83, 96-97, 100, 101, 132

Brignac de Montarnaud, house of, Chartier, Roger, 258, 273n1, n5,

141 276n4, 283n1, n2

Brown, Richard H., 283n2 “Chasseur adroit, Le” (tale type 304),

Brunot, Ferdinand, 27946 57 . de, 146, 206 “Chauffeur du diable, Le” (tale type

Buffon, George-Louis Leclerc, Comte “Chat botté, Le,” 163

Buisson, J.-L., 242, 281n61 475), 48-49, 54 Bulmer, R. N. H., 277n4 Chaumeix, A.-J., 171 Burgiére, André, 283n2 Chaunu, Pierre, 257, 258, 273n4,

Burke, Peter, 270n71 282n1, 283n2

Chaussinand-Nogaret, Guy, 273n1, Cabinets littéraires (reading clubs), 249 274n6

Cahagne, abbé, 242-43, 281n61 Chautard, Emile, 272230

Cahusac, Louis de, 176, 177 Chauvet, Paul, 270n1

Cailleau, A. C., 271n20 Cherpack, Clifton, 276n3 Calvin, John, 230 Chesneau Du Marsais, César, 184 |

Calvino, Italo, 269251, n52 Chevaliers és-Lois (law faculty), 121

Camus, Albert, 62, 251 Chevrier, Francois-Antoine, 155

188 in village life, 29

Canapé, Le (Fougeret de Montbron), Child labor: as folktale theme, 29-30; Canard enchainé, Le (journal), 64-65 - Children’s literature, 220, 221, 240-

Canons, 118 41, 255-56 Capperonnier de Gauffecourt, Jean- Chinese folktales, 21

Vincent, 243, 281n61 Chivalric romances, 17

‘“Capricorne, Le” (tale type 517), 57 Chrissons (stillborn children), 27

Capucins, 117 “Cinderella,” 15, 17, 18, 29, 32, 34; Carmes Déchaussés, 117, 121 Chinese version of, 21

Carnival, 83; in Montpellier, 132 Classification schemes, 192-93

“‘Cartesianism,” 22, 64 Clergy: authors among, 152; of Mont-

Castries, house of, 141 pellier, 117-18, 121, 122

' Cathédrale de Saint Pierre (Montpel- Clermont, comte de, 165-67, 174, 177

lier), 116 Cléron, Mile (actress), 170

Catholicism, 139; in reading texts, ‘‘Cock and the Mouse, The” (tale type

225; see also Clergy 2032), 20

Cats: ceremonies involving, 83-85; Cogolin, chevalier de, 160-61 ontological position of, 89-90; mas- Cohn, B. S., 284n4 sacre of, 75-79, 96-104; occult Colas (print shop foreman), 80 power of, 94-95; as sexual meta- Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 62, 159 phor, 95-96; torture of, as popular Collége de Maitre Gervais, 167 amusement, 90-92; witchcraft and, Collége de Navarre, 167

92-94 Collége des Quatres Nations, 168

Causality, three-tiered model of, 111 Collison, Robert, 278n5

Cautionary tales, 53 Comédie francaise, 155, 170, 171, 174 Caylus (author), 161 Comédie italienne, 154, 155, 162, 163,

Ceremonial cycles, 83-89 166

Cérémonies religieuses, 158 Comenius, John Amos, 194

Cervantes, Miguel de, 222, 272n26 “Comment Kiot-Jean éspousa JacqueChambers, Ephraim, 194, 196, 209, line” (tale type 593), 58-59, 163

213 Common sense, 23 Chansons de geste, 17 Commitmus (trial by peers in sovereign Chapelle (workers’ association), 82 court), 120, 129

287

Index Compagnonnage (rite of induction for Cuisine bourgeoise, la, 137, 140

journeymen), 88 Culler, Jonathan, 279n1

Condillac, abbé, 152, 206 Curates, 117

Confessions (Rousseau), 227, 234, 237, Cushing, Frank Hamilton, 20, 267117

239, 246 Cyclopaedia (Chambers), 196, 209

Confucianism, 205

Conseillers, 119-21 Daigrefeuille family, 141 Conseillers-Auditeurs, 119 Dancing, 132

Conseillers-Correcteurs, 119 Dann, Otto, 282n71

Conseillers d'Honneur, 119 Dark Ages, Encyclopedists on, 206 Conseillers-Maitres, 119 Daumard, Adeline, 112, 2736 Conseil de Ville Renforcé, 118, 119 Davis, C. S. L., 272n28

Conseil de Vingt-Quatre, 119 Davis, Natalie Z., 270n69, 284n4 Constant de Rebecque, F-C. and Death rates, 26-27

F-M.-S., 282n69 Degh, Linda, 266n6 Consuls, 118 Deism, 184 Contat, Nicolas, 75-89, 96-100, 102- de la Chappele, Jean-Baptiste, 182 4, 107, 270n1, 271n20, 272n27, de la Croix de Candilhargues, house n33, n34, 274n9 of, 141 ‘Conte de la mére grand,” 9-10, 17 de la Marquerose, marquis, 117 “Conte de Parle, Le” (tale type 328),57 Delarue, Paul, 17, 21, 265n1, n3, Conte populaire francais, Le (Delarue and 266n8, 267n20, 269n50, 251

Tenéze), 21, 50 de la Vérune, seigneur, 117

Contes de ma mere l’oye (Perrault), 11, | Delespine (publisher), 169

39, 62 Delisle de la Drevetiére, L.-F, 184

Contines (counting rhymes), 42. Demographic crises, 24 Copies (burlesque reenactments of print Dening, Greg, 284n4

shop life), 77, 88, 99-101 Descartes, René, 202-4, 206, 207

Cog (author), 161 Desjardins, Michel, 152 Coqueley de Chaussepierre, C.-G., 169 | Desmonde, William H., 266n5 Cordeliers, 117 _ Desnoireterres, Georges, 276n5

Cosmopolite, citoyen du monde, Le (Four- ‘“‘Deux Bossus, Les” (tale type 503), 53

geret de Montbron), 177, 189 ‘(Deux Voyageurs, Les’’ (tale type

Cosquin, Emmanuel, 266n8, 270n66 613), 37-38

Cottage industry, 35 Deydé family, 141

Cotton industry, 115 Deyon, Pierre, 274n7

Courier de l’Europe (periodical), 237 ‘“Diable et le maréchal ferrant, Le”’

Cour des Aides, 118-21, 128 (tale type 330), 33, 59-60 Cour Présidial, 119, 129 Dickens, Charles, 108~9

Cours de géographique élémentaire, 223 Dictionnaire de l’Académie Francoise,

Courtois (author), 176 274n9

Cox, Marian R., 266n7 Dictionnaire des proverbes francois, _ Coyer, Gabriel-Frangois, 165-66 270n69 ‘‘Crampoués”’ (tale type 569), 56 Dictionnaire universel de commerce, d’his-

Crébillon, 147, 158 toire naturelle, et des arts et métiers,

Crébillon fils, 147 274n9

288 :

Créquy, marquise de, 157, 181 Dictionnaire universal contenant genérale-

Croce, Benedetto, 269751 ment tous les mots francois, tant vieux

Crocker, J. Christopher, 266n6 que modernes, et les termes des sciences et

Crosman, Inge, 279n1 des arts, 274n9

Crow Indians, 19-20 Dictionnaire universel francois et latin, vul-

95-96 voux, 192, 274n9

Cuckolding, 97, 100; cats as symbol of, gairement appelé Dictionnaire de Tré-

Index Diderot, Denis, 6, 116, 146, 152, 157, Egyptians, ancient, 89

191, 193-200, 205, 209, 274n9, Ehrmann, Jacques, 272n24 285n5, n7, 280n34; bourgeoisie and, Eidous, Marc-Antoine, 182 137; marriage of, 172; payment for Ellrich, Robert J., 279n1 Encyclopédie, 169; police files on, Embastillement (imprisonment), 155,

150, 173, 181-83, 185-87; Rous- 276n6; see also Bastille

seau’s break with, 229-31 Emile (Rousseau), 169, 226, 234-35,

Dieckmann, Herbert, 27944 241

Dignitaires, 118 Encyclopedia, The: Selections (ed. GrendDiscours sur les sciences et les arts (Rous- zier), 209

seau), 146, 207, 229 Encyclopédie, 174, 191-213, 230,

‘Divertissement de Perroquet,” 132 274n9, 277n13, 278n5, 279n37; ab-

Docteurs-Agrégés, 121 bés involved in, 152; Bacon’s influ-

Doll’s House, A (Ibsen), 193 ence on, 194-97; Diderot’s payment Domestic service, 141-42 for, 169; Discours preliminaire for, 5,

Dominicans, 117, 121 6, 197-99, 201-5, 207-9; police reDonat, Dominique, 273n1 ports and, 146, 182, 183, 186; Pro-

Don Quixote (Cervantes), 90, 272n26 spectus for, 194-96, 198, 203; readers Dorson, Richard M., 226n7, 267n15, of, 221; Rousseau’s contributions to,

n16 208; tree of knowledge of, 194-98,

Doublet, Mme, 178 204~5, 209-12; Voltaire’s contribu- , Douglas, Mary, 89, 2774 tions to, 208 Dowries, 128 Engelsing, Rolf, 249, 251, 282771

Drame bourgeois, 137 England: nursery rhymes and tales of, Dress, class distinctions in, 131, 134, 39-44, 46, 56; torture of cats in, 91;

136 village life in, 259

Dreux du Radier, J.-F, 170, 179 Enlightenment, 64, 194, 199, 201, :

Dreyfus, F G., 283n1 207-9, 221; abbés of, 152: aristocDromgold, Jean, 167 racy and, 113; bourgeoisie and, 110; Drouillet, Eugénie, 16 “high” culeure of, 138; ideology of,

Drouillet, Jean, 16 175, 181, 183; intellectuals of, 145, , Dubois, Mme, 176, 179 150; peasantry and, 9 Duby, Georges, 273n1, 283n1 Epistolary novels, 233 Duché family, 141 Errington, Shelly, 284n4 Duclos, Charles Pinot, 158, 164, 165, Escarpit, Robert, 276n4

181 Esnault, Gaston, 27228 du Fail, Noél, 17 175 Dufour, Pierre, 166-67 Esprit de systéme, 204, 207

du Deffand, Mme, 181 Esprit des lois, L’ (Montesquieu), 146, Dulimon, Poiteven, 169 Essai sur t, société des gens de lettres et des :

Dumont, Louis, 284n4 grands (d’Alembert), 207-8

Dundes, Alan, 266n5, n7, 267n16 Estéve, Pierre, 183 ,

Dupaquier, Jacques, 26, 268n25, n27 Etat et description de la ville de Montpellier

Du Peyrou, Alexandre, 239 fait en 1768, 108, 114, 116, 121-43,

Dupront, Alphonse, 283n1 160

Durand, Laurent, 182 Etats (estates), 124 Durand family, 115 Ethics, d’Alembert on, 202~3

Duranlon, Antoine, 167 Evans-Pritchard, E. E., 259 Durkheim, Emile, 283n2 Evreux, comte d’, 166 Du Verger, Mme, 245, 282n64 “Exempla,” 17 Education: books on, 240-41; democ- — Fabliaux, 17

ratization and, 135 Fabre, Albert, 27510 289

: Index Factories, 115, 126, 127 Frazer, James, 21 Family: bourgeois, 137; peasant, 25-29 Frederick II, King of Prussia, 183

~ Famous Tommy Thumb’s Little Story- Free thinking, 183-84

Book, The, 269n47 French Revolution, 110, 111, 155,

Fanchon (Fougeret de Montbron), 189 217; September Massacres of, 98

| Fauche, Samuel, 222 Fréres de A Charité, 135 Fauque de la Cépéde, Mile, 176 Fréron (author), 174

Favart, Charles-Simon, 153, 162-64, Freud, Sigmund, 2665

166, 170, 171, 276n5 ‘Frog King, The” 266n5 Febvre, Lucien, 283n1 Fromaget, Jean-Joseph-Pierre, 242,

“‘Fées, Les” (tale type 480), 51 246, 281n61

Félice, Ariane de, 16 Fromaget, Nicolas, 152 Female sexuality, cats as symbol of, 95, Fromm, Erich, 10-13

98-99 Furet, Francois, 112, 274n6, 276n4

Fénelon, Francois de Salignac de La Furetiére, Antoine, 274n9 Mothe, 175 .

Fernandez, James, 284n4 Gaignebet, Claude, 272230

Fertility, cats as symbol of, 95 Gaillard, Gabriel-Henri, 168

: Féte-Dieu (religious holidays), 120, Galileo, 206 ,

122 Games, 132-33

“Fidéle Serviteur, Le” (tale type 516), ‘“‘Garcgon de chez la bicheronne, Le”

54 (tale type 461), 37, 59

“Filles mariées a des animaux, Les” Garden, Maurice, 112, 274n6, 283n1

(tale type 552), 35-36 Gariel, Pierre, 273n1 Fish, Stanley, 279n1 Geertz, Clifford, 283n2, 284n4

Fils ingrats, Les (Piron), 158 Gazette de France, 168, 171

Folktales, 9-72; basis in real experience Genlis, Mme de, 222, 240 of themes of, 29-34; cats in, 92,94; Gens sans etat, 173 cautionary, 53; comparative study of, | Gens de lettres (men of letters), 208-9 21-22; English, 39-43; ‘‘French- Gens du monde (high society), 230, 231 ness”’ of, 61-62; German, 46-52; Gens du Roi (state attorneys), 119, 123

Italian, 44-45; about life on the Gent, Thomas, 78, 27121

road, 36-38; methodology in study Geoffrin, Mme, 181 of, 260; oral tradition and, 15-20; Germany: charivari in, 83; folktales of,

psychoanalytic interpretations of, 11-12, 21-22, 39, 42, 45-57, 60 : 10-13; Perrault and, 62-63; trick- Germinal (Zola), 90, 272n26

sterism in, 55-61 Gherardini, Fabio, 177

Foncemagne (author), 161 Gide, André, 62

Font, Auguste, 276n5 Gilbert, Neal W., 2775

Fontanel, Abraham, 116 Girardin, marquis de, 239 Fontenelle, Bernard de, 150, 158, 175, ‘Glutton, The”’ (tale type 333), 265n1

181, 206 “Godfather Death” (tale type 332),

Fontenoy, battle of, 167 47-48

Fosse (author), 175 “Golden Arm, The” (tale type 366), 33 Foucault, Michel, 192 “Golden Goose, The” (Grimm 64), 57 Fougeret de Montbron, Louis-Charles, Goldmann, Lucien, 2748

177, 188-89 Goody, Jack, 20, 267n18

Franc-fef, 120, 129 Goubert, Pierre, 23, 26, 267n24,

France litteraire, La, 147, 150 268n26, n27

Francois, Louis, 243, 244, 282n63 “Goulue, La” (tale type 366), 33

Frangois Durand et fils, 114 Gournay, Pierre-Mathias de, 176, 179 Franklin, Benjamin, 78, 27121 Grafhgny, Mme de, 154 “Frau Holle” (Grimm 24), 51 Grafton, Anthony, 278n5

290

Index “Grande Dent, La” (tale type 562), 59 Histoire de la princesse Taiven, reine de

“Grand Old Duke of York, The,” 39 Mexique (Lambert), 188 : Grands Carmes, 117, 121 Historiography, modern French, 257-

Grasset family, 141 59 Grebe, Paul, 271n15 History: Encyclopedist view of, 198-

Grefher en Chef, 119 99, 205-7; reading of books on, 219, Grefhers (court clerks), 119 221, 254 Gresset, J.-B.-L., 170 Hobbes, Thomas, 196, 202 Greuze, Jean-Baptiste, 137 Hoffmann-Krayer, E., 271115

Grigri (Cahusac), 177 Hogarth, William, 90 Grimm, Jacob and Wilhelm, 11-14, | Holbach, baron d’, 181

' 21, 46, 50, 51, 54, 57, 265-6623, Homer, 62

269n51, n52 ‘Homme qui ne voulait pas mourir,

Groethuysen, Bernard, 273n6 L’” (tale type 470B), 54 | Grolleau, Louis, 16 | ‘Homme sauvage, L’”’ (tale type 502), Grosses vollstandiges Universal-Lexicon al- 57 ler Wissenschaften und Kinste, 192 Honnéte homme, ideal of, 139

Gruenter, Rainer, 279n1 Honor, aristocratic notion of, 128 Guenet (pamphleteer), 172 Hoover, Herbert T., 267n16

Guer, J.-A., 177 Hopital Général (Montpellier), 117, Guérpult, Louis-Nicolas, 183 135 Guillaume, Pierre, 268n27 Hotel des Monnaies, 119, 122 Gustave (Piron), 158 “House That Jack Built, The,” 42

Guyon, Bernard, 281134 - Hufton, Olwen H., 268226 Hugo, Victor, 175 “Hansel and Gretel” (tale type 327), Huguenots, 11

12-13, 15, 21, 30, 37 Huissiers (bailiffs), 119, 122 Harvey, William, 206 Humiliation, tales with theme of, 58, Hassenpflug, Jeannette, 11, 12 59 Hébrail, Jacques, 276n2 Hunt, Margaret, 269n52 Hémery, Joseph d’, 145-47, 150, 152- Huyghens, Christian, 206

55, 157-89, 276n1, n6, 277n14 Hymes, Dell H., 266n6, 267n12

Hénaule, président, 166, 174

Henriade travestie, La (Fougeret de Ideology: bourgeois, 110, 111; En-

Montbron), 188 lightenment, 146, 181, 183; police Henry, Louis, 26 response to, 175, 177; relation be-

Herissant (bookseller), 171 tween information and, 192 Herskovits, Melville and Frances, Imprimerie Royale, 80

266n6 Indo-European folktales, 21

Higonnet, Patrice, 274n6 Industrialization, 126-27 )

Hildebrand, Johann Christoph, Infant mortality, 26

271in21 Inheritance customs, 29

Hinrichs, Ernst, 268n25 Intellectuals, 145, 150; see also Writers Histoire evenementielle, 24 Irish folktales, 36

Histoire immobile, 24 Isaac, Rhys, 284n4

Histoire littéraire du régne de Louis XIV Isenquien, maréchal d’, 174

(Lambert), 188 Iser, Wolfgang, 279n1

Histoire de Montpellier (Aigrefeuille), Isworlsky, Helene, 272n27

141 Italian folktales, 42, 44-46

Histoire naturelle (Buffon), 146

Histoire philosophique et politique des étab- ‘Jack and the Beanstalk,” 266n5 lissements et du commerce des Européens “Jack the Giant Killer,” 43 dans les deux Indes (Raynal), 182,221 Jakobson, Roman, 272n24

291

Index

Jameson, Raymond, 21 | Lajard family, 115 Jansenists, 138, 176 Lambert, Abbé Claude-Frangois, 187

Jamet, Pierre-Charles, 173, 177 Lalive de Jully, A.-A., 248, 282n69 |

Jauss, Hans Robert, 279n1 La Morliére, chevalier de, 161 “Jean Béte” (tale type 675), 22 “Langage des bétes, Le’’ (tale type ‘Jean de !’Ours”’ (tale type 301B), 36, 670), 36

37, 53, 57 Langer, William, 259

58 | Langue d’oc, 131

“Jean le Teigneux” (tale type 314), 22, Language, anthropology and, 260

Jean Porte Latine, St., festival of, 85 la Popliniére (financier), 177

‘‘Jean-sans-Peur” (tale type 326), 36 La Porte, Joseph de, 169, 276n2 Jesuits, 122, 138, 158, 187, 199 La Roche, Pierre de, 282n68

Jeu du chat, 91 La Sarraz, A.-P. de Gingins, baron de,

Jeu de mail, 132 243, 281n61

Jews: taboo on eating pork by, 89; tol- La Taille, Charlotte de, 243, 282n61

eration of, 138 La Tour, Marie-Anne Alissan de, 245-

Joberies (pranks), 88 46

John the Baptist, St., 83 Laujon, Pierre, 165 John the Evangelist, St., 85 Laurés, Antoine de, 166, 277711 Jones, Ernest, 266n5 Lavergen de Montbasin, house of, 141 Joubert family, 141 Leach, Edmund R., 89, 277n4 Jouin, Nicolas, 176 le Blanc, Jacques, 184-85 Jourdan (author), 161 Le Blanc de Villeneuve (author), 160

Journal encyclopédique, 182 Lebrun, Francois, 283n1 Journal des savants, 167, 168 Le Brun (poet), 162 Journeymen printers, 79-80; ceremo- le Caila, house of, 142

nies held by, 85-89 l’Ecluse-des-Loges, abbé de, 173

‘Jude im Dorn, Der” (Grimm 110), 52 Le Cointe, J.-L., 248, 282n69

Juge-Criminel, 119 Le Dieux (poet), 161 Juge-Mage, 119 Le Goff, Jacques, 273n5, 283n1, n2,

Juges Royaux, 119 284n4 Jung, Carl, 21 Leibniz, Baron Gottfried Wilhelm von, 184, 207

Kafker, Frank A., 278n5 Leigh, R. A., 279n3, 281n60 Kammen, Michael, 26716 Lélio (Antoine-Francgois Riccoboni),

Kaplan, Steven L., 283n2 163

Katzenmusik, 83, 96, 27115 Le Mascrier, Jean-Baptiste, 158 Kinder-und Hausmarchen (Grimm), 12 Lenfant de la Patriére, B.-L. de, 248

Kircher, Wilhelm Gottlieb, 27121 Lenglet du Fresnoy, Nicolas, 177, 178

Kristeller, Paul Oskar, 2775 Lenneberg, E. H., 277n4

Krohn, Kaarle, 266n7 | Lent, 83

Kunst Biicher zu Lesen, Die (Bergk), 250 —_Leprince de Beaumont, Mme, 240 Le Ratz (author), 161

La Barre (pamphleteer), 147, 168 Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel, 23, 24, Labor: as commodity, 80; recruitment 267n25, 273n1, 284n4

of, 81; see also Workers Le Sage, Allain-René, 137

Labrousse, Ernest, 111, 258, 268n27, —_Lesegesellschaften (reading clubs), 249,

2/3nn4-6, 283n1, n2 250

La Bruyére, 227 Leserevolution (“‘reading revolution’’), La Capra, Dominick, 283n2 249, 250

la Chaize, house of, 142 Lespinasse, Mile de, 181 La Coste, Emmanuel-Jean de, 155 Lessing, Gotthold, 244

La Coste, J.-B., 184 Lesueur, Jean-Louis, 169

292 |

Index Lettre @ d’Alembert sur les spectacles Malesherbes, Lamoignon de, 183

(Rousseau), 229 Mallet, abbé Edmé, 182

Lettre sur les aveugles (Diderot), 146, Malnutrition: in English rhymes, 39-

182, 187 40; and folktale themes, 32-34; —

Lettres persanes (Montesquieu), 175 among peasants, 24 Lettres philosophiques (Voltaire), 206, Malta, knights of, 142

208 “Ma mére m’a tué, mon pére m’a

Lettres d’un seigneur hollandais (Lam- mangé”’ (tale type 720), 15

bert), 187 Mandrou, Robert, 273n4, 283n1

Levasseur, Thérése, 239 Manet, Edouard, 89, 272n24 Levesque, Nannette, 16 Mannheim, Karl, 27715 Levine, Lawrence, 284n4 Mannory, Louis, 173 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 4, 21, 89, Mansart, Francois, 188

267n12, 272n4, 283n2 ‘“‘Mappemonde,” Encyclopedist, 194,

Libelles (slanderous publications), 177- 198, 201

78, 185 Mardi Gras, 83, 97; witches’ sabbaths

Libertins (freethinkers), 183-85 on, 92, 96

“Liebste Roland, Der” (Grimm 56),51 Marigny, Francois Augier de, 167

Lieutenant Particulier, 119 Marin, Louis, 2791 Lieutenant Principal, 119 Marion, Michel, 2805

“Little Red Riding Hood,” 9-10, 12, Marivaux, Pierre Carlet de Chamblain 16-18, 54, 56, 265n3; Italian version de, 137

of, 45; Perrault’s version of, 62 Marmontel (author), 170, 171, 174 Locke, John, 195, 197, 198, 202-4, Marriage: in folktales, 35-36; of peas-

206-8, 278n27 ants, 24-27; of writers, 169-72

Loemker, Leroy E., 277n5 Martin, George, 269n51

9 Martin, St., fete of, 84, 97

London, Dickens’s description of, 108- | Martin, Henri-Jean, 270n1

Lord, Albert, 19 Marx, Karl, 140

Lorgerie, abbé, 184 Marxist historiography, 110-12, 257, Lough, John, 274n8 258

Louis XIV, King of France, 11, 60,62, Massannes family, 141

137, 150, 175, 208 Mauguio, comte de, 117

Louis XV, King of France, 137, 178 May Day celebrations, 132 Lowie, Robert, 19-20, 267215, n16 Meals, social customs for, 132, 136-37 Loyseau de Mauléon, A.-J., 242, 248, Medicine, popular, 92, 94

281n61, 282n70 Medieval literature, 17 Lull, Porphyry and Raymond, 196 Méhégan, abbé Guillaume-Alexandre, Lully, Jean-Baptiste, 63 182-84 Lumieéres, 181 Mellin de Saint-Hilaire, E-P., 179

Lurquet (author), 176 Mémoires de M. de Maillet sur la descrip-

Luxury, bourgeois taste for, 137 tion de l’Egypte, 158 Lyman, Stanford M., 283n2 Mémoires secrets pour servir a l’histoire de la république des lettres (Bachaumont),

Mably, abbé, 152 221 Machault, comte de, 177 Mentalités, history of, 3, 6, 23, 257, Magistrates, 119, 123 258, 283n1

Maranda, Pierre and Elli Koéngis, Meusnier de Querlon, A.-G., 171

266n6 Meuvret, Jean, 268n25

Machiavelli, Niccol6, 276n7 Mercier (author), 221, 222, 242, 250

Machlup, Fritz, 278n5 Mercure de France, 147, 155, 237 Maillebois, comte de, 184 Métromanie, La (Piron), 158

Malebranche, Nicolas de, 203 Michaud, J.-F, and L.-G., 276n5

293

Index

Milon (poet), 171 rielle, Un: Le Quantitatif au

Moeurs, Les (Toussaint), 146, 169 troisiéme niveau” (Chaunu), 257 ‘““Moitié Poulet’’ (tale type 563), 37 Nouveau petit Larousse, 270n69

Moliére, 222, 227 Nouvelle Heloise, La (Rousseau), 227-

Molinists, 138 34, 241-49, 251, 280n32, n34, Moncrif, Francois-Augustin Paradis de, 281n60

153, 167, 272n27 Nouvellistes (journalists), 178-81

181, 206 . )

Monks, 121, 122, 138 Numbskull tales, 56

Montcalm, house of, 141, 142 Nursery rhymes, English, 39-42

Montesquieu, Baron de, 150, 152, 175, |

Montferrand, comte de, 117 Oiseau blanc, conte bleu, L’ (Diderot), Montpellier, 107-43; manufacture IM, Olivier (poet), 175, 184

114-15; populationWalter, growth in, 114; 277n5, 279n1 , ; 2procession ; Ong, générale of, 116-24; social 162, ; weary | Opéra Comique, 163, 165, 166,

and economic life of, 124-43; 172 wealthy families of, 115-16 Opie, Iona and Peter, 39, 268n46,

: 269n47

Morabin, Jacques, 174

Morineau, Michel, 112, 274n7 OE., ; 2665 , ppenheim, D. Mornet, Daniel, 281760 Oral _ aor charac, . ral tradition, 15-20; national Mother Goose: English, 39-42; ter and, 47; Perrault and, 62, 63 French, 14, 15, 22, 62, 63, 240 Oratoriens 117 _—

Mother Goose’s Melody, or Sonnets for (G14, of Things, The (Foucault), 192

Mel, 260847 Kicux. chevalier de, OsterWald, Frédéric-Samuel, 218, 222, 189. 170. CS Ge mie ax, Chevalier aes 223, 225, 235, 241, 249, 250,

é Oursel, J. H., 152

Moultou, Paul-Claude, 245, 282163 28 1n29

Mousnier, Robert, 273n5, n6 . 227 Ovid,

Mousnier, Roland, 111, 267n24 Ozanne. abbé. 184

Moxon, Joseph, 271n21_ Ozouf Jac ues, 2764 Muchembled, Robert, 27071 » JACqUES, Miiller, Marie, 266n3

Murat, Madame de, 62 Palmeus (author), 176 :

16, 20 n30, 282n68

Musée des arts et traditions populaires, | Panckoucke, C.-J., 242, 247, 272n28, ‘‘Panier de figues, Le” (tale type 570),

‘‘Navire sans pareil, Le’’ (tale type 49-50, 59

283), 37, 53 Paredes, Américo, 2667, 267n17

Necker, Jacques, 159 Parry, Milman, 19

Neveu de Rameau, Le (Diderot), 186 Pascal, Blaise, 206, 207

Neveux, Hugues, 273n1 Patronage, 153, 165-68 : Newton, Isaac, 206-8 Paul, St., order of, 117

New York Review of Books, 283n2 Paulmy, marquis de, 152, 188

Nietzsche, Friedrich, 251 Pavie, Guillaume, 219, 223, 237, 239, Nivelle de la Chaussée, P.-C., 176 253

Nivernais, duc de, 164 Peasantry, 9-10, 64-65; everyday life

294 |

Nobility: authors from, 152; descent of, 23-29; household economics of,

of, 137-38; entrepreneurs from, 34-36; life on the road of, 36-38; 112; of Montpellier, 124-25, 128- oral tradition of, 17-18; supersti-

30, 140-41 tions about cats among, 94; writers

Nora, Pierre, 283n1 and, 154; see also Folktales

‘‘Norouas”’ (tale type 563), 38 Pedagogy, 220, 221, 240-41, 255-56

| P Pp

‘“‘Nouveau Champ pour l’histoire sé- ‘‘Peerifool,’’ 46

Index Penitents Blancs, 117, 122, 123 “Pomme d’orange, La’’ (tale type 325),

Pénitents Bleus, 122, 123 31 Pensées philosophiques, Les (Diderot), Pompadour, Mme de, 154, 159, 164182, 186, 187 67; printed and verbal attacks on, » Penzer, N. M., 269n51 178, 179 Péres de la Merci, 117, 121 Population flottante (floating populaPérié family, 115 tion), 26 Pernetti, abbé Jacques, 243, 28161 Portefeuille rendu, Le (Saint Phalier), 154 Perrault, Charles, 11-13, 16, 17, 21, Portelance, Michel, 175 22, 29, 30, 32, 38, 39, 46, 54, 62- “Pou, Le” (tale type 621), 16

64, 240, 267n20 . Poullain de Saint-Foix, G.-F, 174

Perroquet (game), 132 ‘“‘Poupée, La” (tale type 571C), 54-55

Perrot, Jean-Claude, 112, 274n6 Poussou, Jean-Pierre, 268n27 ‘‘Persinette” (tale type 310), 51 Prades, abbé Jean-Martin de, 146, 152,

Personnats, 118 182, 183

Pesselier, Charles-Etienne, 173 Prault fils, 188 Pestré, abbé, 152, 182, 183 Premier Huissier (bailiff), 119

32 159-60

Petit, Antoine, 173 Présidents, 119, 120

‘Petite Annette, La” (tale type 511), Prétot, Etienne-André Philippe de,

Petites affiches (periodical), 171 Prévost, abbé, 152

‘Petit Forgeron, Le” (tale type 317), Prévdté Générale, 118, 119, 122

22, 57, 163 Primogeniture, 27

‘Petit Jean” (tale type 328), 43-44 Principes de la lecture (Viard), 225 “Petit Poucet, Le” (tale type 327), 16, Printing shops: ceremonies peculiar to,

21-22, 27, 30, 42, 56 85-89; conditions for apprentices in,

Philosophe, Le (tract), 208 75-76; golden age of, 82; oligarchic

Philosophes, 139, 170, 172, 215; histori- control of, 79; recruitment of labor

cal role of, 199, 207-9; police re- for, 81-82; slang used in, 77, 81 ports on, 150, 157, 158, 174-75, — Prise de.tablier, la (printers’ ceremony),

181, 185; Rousseau’s break with, 84-85

229, 230; tree of knowledge of, 194 — Privat (publisher), 274n7

Philosophy, Encyclopedist view of, Procureurs, 119 , 199-200 Professors, social status of, 121, 135 Physiognomy, 161 Proletarianization, 101 Phythian-Adams, Charles, 268n45 Propos (seditious talk), 179

Pichon, Euphrasie, 16. _ Propos rustiques (du Fail), 17

Pidansat de Mairobert, Mathieu-Fran- Propp, Vladimir, 16, 19, 266n7,

cois, 159, 162, 178 267n12

Piété baroque et déchristianisation (Vo- Protestant ethic, 62

velle), 259 Protestants, 217-18, 240; in Montpel“Pitchin-Pitchot,” 22 toleration of, 138 Prion, Alexis, 158, 184 lier, 122; reading textbooks for, 225;

Pitré, Giuseppe, 26951 Proverbs, 4-5, 61; cats in, 92, 95

Plains Indians, trickster tales of, 54 Psychoanalytic interpretations of folk-.

Platter, Thomas, 78 tales, 10-13, 266n5 Plutarch, 227 version of, 45; Perrault’s version of, Plongeron, Bernard, 258 ‘Puss ’n Boots,” 11, 29-30, 94; Italian

Polignac, D.-M.-Z.-A. Mazzarini- 64

Mancini, marquise de, 243, 244, ‘Putting-out” system, 35 28161, 282n62

Polivka, Georg, 2653, 266n7, Quinsonas, F-Z. de Lauberiviéres, che-

26948, n52 valier de, 179

295

| Index Rabelais, Francois, 90, 99, 272n26 Roguin, Daniel, 243, 281n61

Racine, Jean, 63, 175, 250 Rohan, chevalier de, 174

‘“‘Ramée, La’”’ (tale type 559), 58 Rohan, house of, 167

Ramus, Petrus, 194 Rohan-Guéménée, abbé de, 167

Ranke, Kurt, 26627 Rohnich, Lutz, 268745

Ranson, Jean, 217-24, 232, 235-42, Rolland, Eugéne, 271n14 249-53, 279n3, n4, 281n53, 259 Roquefeuil, de, house of, 141

“Rapunzel” (Grimm 12), 51-52 Rosaldo, Renato, 284n4

Rathery, E. J. B., 27714 Rossi, Paolo, 278n5 cois, 152, 173, 182, 221 152, .169, 202, 206, 207, 251-52,

Raynal, abbé Guillaume-Thomas-Fran- Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 6, 116, 146,

Reading, 215-17, 251-52; and books 274n9, 279n1, 280n32, 281n60, as physical objects, 222~24; in death n61, 282nn62-64, nn67-70, n76; rites of Bali, 216; intensive vs. exten- break with encyclopedists, 5, 229- | sive, 249; methods of teaching, 224- 31; and common people, 130; mar26; notion of, 5; Rousseau on, 226- riage of, 172; police reports on, 150,

35; topics of interest, 219-22 181; popularity of works of, 242-49; Rebecque, F-C. Constant de, 248 on reading, 226-35; response of

Rebel, Hermann, 268n45 Ranson to, 221, 222, 232, 235-42,

Récollets, 117, 122 249-52

Recueil d’observations (Lambert), 188 Rousseau, Pierre, 172

Redinger, Jacob, 27121 Rousselot, M., 248, 28269

Réflexions sur les passions et les gouts (Ber- | Roy, Pierre-Charles, 174

nis), 164 ‘Royaume des Valdars’’ (tale type

Reformation, English, 91 - 400), 33

Regles du jeu, Les (film), 64 Rubanprez, comte de, 166

Religion: attacks on, by writers, 181- | Rulhiére, 150 85; reading of books on, 219, 221,,. ‘‘Rumpelstilzchen”’ (tale type 500), 35 253-54; see also Clergy; Theology; Russian folktales, 19 and specific religions

Religion and the Decline of Magic (Thom- — Sahlins, Marshall, 284n4

as), 259 Saint-Affrique, O. de, 279n3 206 : Saint Florentin, comte de, 174, 177 Renaissance, 199; Encyclopedists on, | Saint-Céme des Chirurgiens, 135

‘‘Renarde, La” (tale type 460), 30 Saint Foix, comte de, 152 “René et son seigneur,” 270n66 Saint-Jacob, Pierre, 23 Restif de la Bretonne, Nicolas Edmé, = Saint-Julien, house of, 141 |

78, 154, 222 Saint-Lambert, marquis de, 173

Revel, Jacques, 2735, 283n1 Saint Louis, knights of, 142

Rey, Marc Michel, 239 Saint Phalier, Mlle de, 154

Riccoboni, Antoine-Frangois (Lélio), | Saint-Séverin, comte de, 177

163 " Saint-Véran, house of, 141

Richardson, Samuel, 233, 244 - Salle de Spectacle (Montpellier), 115

Richelieu, duc de, 162 Sapir, Edward, 270n72 “Ridiculous Wishes, The,” 29, 32-33 Sapir, J. David, 266n6

Riffaterre, Michel, 272n24 Sauve, baron de, 117

Riffet, Octavie, 16 | Savary, Philemon-Louis, 274n9 Rigaud et Pons bookstore, 116. Savary de Bruslons, Jacques, 274n9 Rise of Modern Europe, The (ed. Langer), | Saxe, maréchal de, 162-63, 170

258-59 Sceptique ou l’allee des idees, Le (Diderot), Robbé de Beauveset, 147 186, 187 Robin, Régine, 273n5 Schmitt, Eberhard, 268n25

Roche, Daniel, 112, 258, 274n6, n8, Schmitt, Jean-Claude, 283n2, 284n4

281n60 Schoof, Wilhelm, 265n3

296

Index | Sciences, Encyclopedist view of, 199 Stolleis, Michael, 276n7

Scott, Laurence, 266n7 Stone, Lawrence, 259

Sébillot, Paul, 2668, 271n14 Structuralism, 258 Sedaine (playwright), 137 Suleiman, Susan R., 27911 Seigneurial system, 23-26 Summa (Aquinas), 195, 205

Sellius, Godefroy, 182 Superstitions about cats, 92, 94-95

Semiramis (Crébillon), 147 Surgeons, social status of, 135 September Massacres, 98 Symbolism, psychoanalytic, 10-13

Sermons, medieval, 17 Systeme de la nature, 223

Sery, Roger de, 177

Seven Years’ War, 39 Tableau de Paris (Mercier), 221, 250

Sewell, William, 284n4 Tambiah, S. J., 277n4

Sexuality, cats as metaphor for, 95;98- Taubel, Christian Gottlob, 2712

99 Taxation: exemption of nobles from,

Shackleton, Robert, 276n1 129; of peasants, 25 Shils, Edward, 277n15 Taylor, Peter, 268n45

Siblings, relations among, 24 Tedlock, Dennis, 26717 Siecle de Louis XIV, Le (Voltaire), 208 Télliamed (periodical), 158

Siége Présidial, 122 Temple de Gnide, Le (Montesquieu), 175 Siegert, Reinhart, 282171 Tencin, Mme de, 181

Sigorgne, Pierre, 173 Tenéze, Marie-Louise, 21, 265n1, Simples Chanoines, 118 267n20, 269n50, n51 “Siréne et l’épervier, La” (tale type Textile industry, 115, 126

316), 32 Theology: bourgeois disinterest in,

17 201, 205

“Sleeping Beauty” (tale type 410), 14, 139; Encyclopedists and, 197, 200-

Smith, Charles Manby, 78 Third Republic, folklorists of, 17, 18 Soboul, Albert, 273n4, n5, 283n1 Thomas Keith, 259

Social status: boundary crossing and, Thomas, Louis, 275n10 134-36; bourgeois vs. aristocratic Thomas, William, 267210

notions of, 128; of clergy, 121, 122; Thompson, Stith, 12, 16, 20, 21, of municipal officials, 120-21; of 265n1, 266n7 professors, 121; of writers, 147, “Three Little Pigs, The’’ (tale type

152-54, 172-75 124), 265-66n3

Société Royale des Sciences (Montpel- ‘“Thumbling,” see ““Tom Thumb”

lier), 138 Tombeau des préjugés sur lesquels se fondent

239 Blanc), 184 |

Société typographique de Genéve, 222, les principales maximes de la réligion (le

Société typographique de Neuchatel Tommy Thumb’s Pretty Song Book, 42,

(STN), 80-81, 97, 217-23, 239, 269n47

240, 252-53, 270n8, 272n23, 279n3 = “Tom Thumb” (tale type 327), 16, 18,

“Soeur infidéle, La” (tale type 315), 57 21-22, 29-30, 37, 42

Sorbonne, 167, 182 Toussaint, Francois-Vincent, 146, 169, ‘‘Sorcerer’s Apprentice, The,” 31 170, 173, 182, 183 “Sorcier aux trois ceintures, Le’ (tale Tous les Saints, order of, 117

type 329), 53 Tree of knowledge, 194-98, 204-5, Soriano, Marc, 62 209-13

Soulas d’Allainval, L.-J.-C., 154, 183 Trémolet family, 141 Spinnstube (social gatherings), 249 Trénard, Louis, 283n1

| 297

Spitzer, Alan B., 276n3 Trésoriers de France, 119, 121, 128

Stages of Cruelty (Hogarth), 90 Tricksterism, 55-61; modern, 64-65

Stepmothers, 24, 32 Trinitaires, 122 Stern, James, 269n52 ‘Trois Chiens, Les”’ (tale type 315), 15 Stoicism, 205 “Trois Dons, Les” (tale type 592), 52

Index “Trois Fileuses, Les’ (tale type 501), de Montbron), 188

34-35, 59 Vraie-Croix, La, order of, 117 654), 268n42 Wade, Ira, 279n45

“Trois Fils adroits, Les’’ (tale type

Turben, Frangois, 183-84 Wagnon, Viollet de, 153

Turenne, prince de, 165-66 Wealth: democratizing effects of, 134; Turgot, Anne Robert Jacques, 159 of peasants, 25-26; social position

’ Turner, Victor, 271n21, 284n4 and, 120-21, 126, 128, 136

Turpin, F-H., 172 Weber, Eugen, 268n45

Twain, Mark, 33 Weber, Max, 2767

| Weinrich, Harald, 279n1 Tylor, Edward, 267n10, 283n2 Wedding feasts, 133

University of Montpellier, Professeurs Welke, Martin, 282n71

Royaux of, 121 : Wild, Dorothea, 266n3 Ur-stories, 21 Wish fulfillment in peasant tales, 33-

Utilitarianism, 202 34 Witchcraft; bourgeois rejection of, Valentin (police spy), 184-85 133-34; cats and, 92-94, 96, 100

Van Gennep, Arnold, 271n14, n21 “Wolf and the Kids, The” (tale type

Vansina, Jan, 267116 123), 12

Vauban, marquis de, 159, 175 Wolff, Philippe, 27510

Vauger (poet), 162 Women authors, 154 Veillée (evening fireside gathering), 17, Woolen indusry, 115

63, 249 Workers: ceremonies of, 85-89; dis-

Velly, Paul-Frangois, 158 parity between lot of bourgeois and,

Velten, H. V., 265n3 79, 82; hiring and firing of, 80-82; Venturi, Franco, 276n1 humor of, 77-78, 100-101; mock Verdelin, M.-M. de Brémond d’Ars, trial of bourgeois by, 97; of Mont-

marquise de, 282n61, n62 pellier, 125, 132 Verriére, Mile (actress), 170 Writers, 145-89; atheism among, Verdigris, manufacture of, 114 World map, metaphor of, 194-95

Viard, Nicolas-Antoine, 224-26, 250, 181-85; demographic characteristics

280n14 of, 150-54; denunciations by, 175-

Vicars, 117 81; descriptions of, 161-62; histoires Vie de Cicéron, La (Morabin), 174 of, 162-64; literary marketplace and,

Vierhaus, Rudolf, 268n25 | 168-69; marriages of, 169-72; proVieuxmaison (author), 162 | tection sought by, 165-68; status of,

Vieuxmaison, Mme, 178 172-75; trajectories of careers of,

Village life, 23-29; English, 259; nasti- 154-55 ness of, as theme in folktales, 54-55;

rich and powerful in, 57-58 “Yankee Doodle,” 39 Vincent, Jacques, 75, 272n34 Yates, Frances, 277n5 Voeu du Roi, le (civil holiday), 120 “Youth Who Wanted to Know What Voltaire, 116, 150, 174, 184, 230, 242, Fear Was, The” (Grimm 4), 45 247, 277n13, 279n44; contributions Yugoslavian folk epics, 19 to Encyclopédie, 208; on education, Yvon, abbé, 152, 182, 183

135; Newton and, 206; police re- |

ports on, 157, 161, 175, 176, 181; as | Zedler, Johann Heinrich, 192

protector, 168 Zola, Emile, 175, 272n26

Vovelle, Michel, 112, 258, 274n6, © Zorastre (Méhégan), 183

283n1 Zuni folktales, 20, 267n17

Voyage de l’amiral Binck, Le (Fougeret

298