The ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890 9780803281776, 9780803231559

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Introduction to the Bison Book edition (page xv)
Introduction (page 653)
The narrative (page 657)
Chapter I - Paradise lost (page 657)
II - The Delaware prophet and Pontiac (page 662)
III - Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet (page 670)
IV - Tecumtha and Tippecanoe (page 681)
V - Känakûk and minor prophets (page 692)
VI - The Smohalla religion of the Columbia region (page 708)
VII - Smohalla and his doctrine (page 716)
VIII - The Shakers of Puget sound (page 746)
IX - Wovoka the messiah (page 764)
X - The doctrine of the Ghost dance (page 777)
XI - The Ghost dance west of the Rockies (page 802)
XII - The Ghost dance east of the Rockies - among the Sioux (page 816)
XIII - The Sioux outbreak - Sitting Bull and Wounded Knee (page 843)
XIV - Close of the outbreak - the Ghost dance in the south (page 887)
XV - The ceremony of the Ghost dance (page 915)
XVI - Parallels in other systems (page 928)
The songs (page 953)
Introductory (page 953)
The Arapaho (page 953)
The Cheyenne (page 1025)
The Comanche (page 1045)
The Paiute, Washo, and Pit River tribes (page 1050)
The Sioux (page 1059)
The Kiowa and Kiowa Apache (page 1080)
The Caddo and associated tribes (page 1094)
Authorities Cited (page 1106)

Citation preview

THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION

AND THE |

SIOUX OUTBREAK OF 1890 BY

JAMES MOONEY |

Introduction to the Bison Book Edition by Raymond J. DeMallie

University of Nebraska Press | Lincoln and London

Introduction to the Bison Book edition copyright © 1991 by the University of Nebraska Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First Bison Book printing: 1991

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mooney, James, 1861-1921. The ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890 / by James Mooney; introduction to the Bison book ed. by Raymond J. DeMallie.

p. cm. Originally published: Washington, D.C.: G.P.O., 1896 as pt. 2 of the fourteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892-93. ISBN 0-8032-3155-5 (cl).—ISBN 0-8032-8177-3 (pa) 1. Ghost dance. 2. Dakota Indians—Wars, 1890-1891.

E98.R3M6 1991 ,

299'.77—dc20 91-24546 CIP

Originally published as Part 2 of the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892—93, by the Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., in 1896. The pagination of that edition is retained in this reprint, except that the placement of some illustrations has been altered. Publication of this Bison Book edition was assisted by a grant from the Virginia Faulkner Fund, established in memory of Virginia Faulkner, editor-in-chief of the University of Nebraska Press.

Say, shall not I at last attain Some height, from whence the Past is clear, In whose immortal atmosphere I shall behold my dead again? Bayard Taylor.

For the fires grow cold and the dances fail, And the songs in their echoes die; And what have we left but the graves beneath, And, above, the waiting sky? The Song of the Ancient People.

My Father, have pity on me! I have nothing to eat, Tam dying of thirst— Everything is gone!

Arapaho Ghost Song. ,

CONTENTS Introduction to the Bison Book edition ...........--.-22. eee cesceeecceeeeess XV Introduction .. 2. 2.0. 220 cee cee ene coc cece cece eee cece ence ween ccececceeee- 653

The narrative. .... 22.22. 22 ee eee cee eee cee cee eee cece cee ceeeccetccces 657

Chapter I—Paradise lost ....... 2.5.20 eee eee cece cece ee eee eee cee. 657

II— The Delaware prophet and Pontiac ....................-.-.. 662 III —Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet..................-...-.. 670 IV —Tecumtha and Tippecanoe ............ 2.222. ..-222 eee eee eee = 681

V—Kéanakok and minor prophets..............-...---.--..----- 692 Kanak ak. 22. oo ck ccc cece eee cece eee eceeceee 692 Pa'théské 2.2.2 ooo. ee ee eee cee eee wee eee eeeeee 700 TA’ ViIDO .. 2-2 eee eee cee cee ne cece cece een nee FOL Nakai-dokli’ni........ 2... 2 eee eee eee eee eee eee = 104

The Potawatomi prophet..............--...-..-.-------- 705 Cheez-tah-paezh the Sword-bearer ..................--.. 706 VI—The Smohalla religion of the Columbia region............... 708 Smohalla ... 22. 2.2 ne ce eee een cone eee eee ene eee- 708

Joseph and the Nez Percé war .........--.......-..----- Tl ViI—Smohalla and his doctrine ....................-2-..--------- 716 VIII — The Shakers of Puget sound..............---.-....---.----- 746

Appendix: ,

IX — Wovoka the messiah. ........2. 22-2 oe eee eee eee eee eee ee- 764

X—The doctrine of the Ghost dance ................0.e0seeeeee- TTT

The Mormons and the Indians ..-................... 792

Porcupine’s account of the messiah. ........--....... 793 The Ghost dance among the Sioux........-......-... 796 Selwyn’s interview with Kuwapi ............-...... 798 XI—The Ghost dance west of the Rockies...............-....---. 802 XII—The Ghost dance east of the Rockies—among the Sioux ..... 816

Appendix: Causes of the outbreak ................-..... 829 Commissioner Morgan’s statement............-..---. 829 Ex-Agent McGillycuddy’s statement...-............. 831 Statement of General Miles .............-..---.---.. 833 Report of Captain Hurst.-...........---.-...-----... 836 Statement of American Horse............-.--.------ 839 Statement of Bishop Hare ..........---....--...-... 840

XIII — The Sioux outbreak—Sitting Bull and Wounded Knee ....... 843

Appendix: The Indian story of Wounded Knee ......... 884

XIV —Close of the outbreak — The Ghost dance in the south....... 887

XV —The ceremony of the Ghost dance..............---.--------. 915 Among the northern Cheyenne.-..........---...--------- 915 Among the Sioux....-. 2.02.22 e ee eee ee eee eee eee = 95 Song rehearsals....-... 2-2. 2-2 one cee eee we ee ee eee eee = 918

Preparations for the dance..........-...----------.----- 918 Giving the feather.............--.---------------------- «© 919 The painting of the dancers. ......-.....-...-.e-2------- 919

Vili CONTENTS (ETH. ANN. 14

The narrative—Continued Page Chapter XV—The ceremony of the Ghost dance—Continued The ceremony ......---- ---- - 2-2 eee cee eee cee eee eeeees 920

The crow dance........ 2.2 ---- - 2 eee eee ee eee eee eens = 921

The hypnotic process ..........-.-------------- 22-2 ----- = 922

The area covered by the dance..........-.........--..-. 926 Present condition of the dance.........-...........-.... 927

XVI— Parallels in other systems.-... ..--------.---...22-.------ 928 The Brblical period .. ............----.-----.-.---2------ ~~: 928 Mohammedanism ........-. 2-2 eee eee eee eee eee ees 980 Joan of Are .... 22.226. eee eee eee eee eee eee eee 982 Dance of Saint John..........0. 2... .2.20-22 2.22 e eee eee. 985 The Flagellants ......-. 2.2.22. 22- 2 eee ee eee eee eee ees 985

Ranters, Quakers, and Fifth-Monarchy men............. 936 French prophets. .......--......---. 22-2 ----0----------- 988

JuUMpers ..---- ---- ee ee eee eee eee eee ee =: 989

PS) OE 6 a | | Methodists ....-...---. 222 eee eee eee eee eee eens 989

Kentucky revival.........-22. 222.22. e222 eee eee eens 942 Adventists ........ 2... --2. 2-2 ee eee eee eee eee eee ee = 944

Other parallels .......... 22-22-2222 ee eee eee eee 945

Beekmanites -........-.....--- 22 --e eee eee eee eee 945 Patterson and Brown’s mission..-.....-..........--. 946 Wilderness worshipers. .....---.-...----..-.-----.-- 946

Heavenly recruits ...........--... 2-2-2222 -2-----2-. © 947

Appendix: Hypnotism and the dance among the Der- | Vishes --.... 0.2222 eee eee ee eee eee ee eee eee ee es ©9948 The Songs .....-.. ---- 2-2 eee eee ee ee ee ee ce eee eee wee ee eeeeenee == 953 Introductory .....-.. 20. - 222 eee cee ee cee ee ce eee eee eee eee eeeee. 953

The Arapaho.......... 022-2. ee ee ee cee ee cee eee cece eee ne. 958 Tribal synonymy .....--- 20-22-22 eee ee eee ee eee eee cee eee ee eees = 953

Tribal signs ...... 22. 2222 22. eee ee ee ee ee eee eee ee eee. = 954 Sketch of the tribe --.. 0.2.2... 2002 0 eee ee ee eee eee eee = 954 Songs of the Arapaho..........222. 22222. cee e eee ee eee eee eee = 958 1. Opening song: Eyehe'! né'nisa'na—O, my children!.......... 958 2. Sé'icha’ heita’wuni'na —The sacred pipe tells me............... 959 3. Ate’bé tidwu'ndnu’ — When at first I liked the whites.......... 961 4, A’bd'ni/hi/— My partner ......-. 22.2222. 2 ee eee ee eee eee = 962

5, A’-nistiina’a'hu—My father .............-...--..-......-..---. 962 6. E’yehe'! Wi'nayu'uhu'— E'yehe'! They arenew ................ 963 1. Hi'stéhi'‘hi— My partner! My partner .........---...--........ 964 8. A’-nani'ni'bi'nd'si waku'na— The wind makes the head-feathers

SING ..-- ee ee eee ee eee ee ee ee eee eee ees 965 9. He'! Niine'th bishiqga'wad— When I met him approaching....... 965

10. Hana'na'wundnu—I take pity on those ........--....-........ 966

11. A-ni'qu wa'wand' nidé'tia’— Father, now I am singing it........ 966

12, Ha'yana’-usi'ya'— How bright is the moonlight! .............. 966 13. Ha'ti ni'bét— The cottonwood song....-.....-----..----.----. 967 14, Hyehe'! A'nie'sa'na’'—The young Thunderbirds................ 968 15. A’‘he'stina'nini ndya' qiti/hi— Our father, the Whirlwind....... 970 16. A’he'stina'nini néya'qéti'—Our father, the Whirlwind ......... 970

17. Ninad'niahu'na—I circle around ..........-..-........------. 970 18. Ha'nahawu'nén béni'ni'na—The Hanahawunén gaveit tome... 971 19. Ate'be’ tana'-ise'ti— When first our father came............... | 971 20. A-ni'dné'thahi'nani‘na— My father did not recognizeme........ 972

MOONEY] CONTENTS 1x The Page - Thesongs—Continued Arapaho—Continued , Songs of the Arapaho—Continued

21. Ni'-athu'-a-u' d’'hakd'nith'tt— The whites are crazy........... 972 |. 22. Na'ha'ta bi'taa'wu— The earth is about to move .-........-.-. 978 23. Ahe'siina'nini dchiqa’hd'wa-ti' —I am looking at my father..... 978

24. Ha'dnake'i— The rock ..........-----2 22. eee ee eee eee eee 98 25. Wa'wa'na'dand' did’ —1 am about to hum ..........-.-........ 974 26. A-te'bé dii'nétita'niég —At the beginning of existence.......... 975 27. Tahu'na'dnd'nia‘huna —It is I who make the thunder......... 976 28. Ani'qu ne'chawu'nant’— Father, have pity on me.............. 977

29. A-ni'niha'niahu'na —I fly around yellow..............-....... 977 30. Niha'nata'yeche'ti— The yellow hide.................-.-...... 978 31. A-bdd'thina'hu— The cedar tree ...........--.----.-----.----. 978 32. Wa'wa ni'nani'naku'ti— Now I am waving an eagle feather... 979

: 33. A-ni’qana'ga— There is a solitary bull........--..--..--...... 980 34. A-néd'thibiwd' hand —The place where crying begins .......... 981

35. Thi'dya' he'ndd'awd— When I see the thi'dya...-.............. 981 36. A-hu'hu ha'geni'sti'ti— The crow is making aroad ...-.....-.. 982 37. Bi/taa'wu hu'hu' —The crow brought the earth................ 983 38. Ni'nini'tubi'na hu‘hu' (1) —The crow has called me............ 983 39. Ni'nani'naa'tdni'na hu'hu' (1) —The crow is circlingaboveme. 984 40. [yu ha'thabé'nawa’' — Here it is, I hand it to you ..---.......... 984 41. Hanaéhi ya'ga'ahi'na— Little boy, the coyote gun............ 984 42. He'stina’ na'nahatha‘'hi—The father showed me.............-- 985 43. Ndnisa'tdqu’' thi Chinachi'chibad'itha'—The seven venerable priests. 986

44, Nd’nisa'tdgi Chi'ndchi' chibd'iha' — The seven venerable priests. 990

45. Ni’/nani'naa'tani'‘na hu'hu' (II)..........-..-----.------------ 990 46. Na'tdnu'ya ché'bi'nh—The pemmican that I am using......... 991 47, Hiét'nawa' hé'ni'ta'quna'ni—I know, in the pitfall .-.......... 991 (48. Ba'hind'nina'té ni'tabd'na—I hear everything. .........-...... 993 49. A-bd'qati’ hd'nichd'bi'hind’na— With the wheel Iam gambling. 994

50. Ani’dsa’kua’na—I am watching.........-.-..--..------..2--- 995 51. Ni'chi'd i'theti‘hi— (There) is a good river ........--.........-. 995 52. Ni/nini'tubi/na hu'hu! (11) ..-.----.---- 22-2 - ee eee eee ee eeee = 996

53. Anihd'ya atani'td'nu'nawa'—I use the yellow (paint).......... 997 54. Ni'nad'niahu’'tawa bi'taa'wu—I am flying about the earth ..... 997

55. I'nita'ta'-usd'na—Stand ready .......--.-..------------------ 998

56. Wa'wiatha'bi—I have given you magpie feathers .............. 998 57. Ani'qa hé'tabi'nuhu'ni‘na— My father, I am poor .......-...... 999 58. Nd'nisa'taqu'thi hu'na— The seven crows....-...-..------------ 999 59. Ahu'nd he'sina'nin— There is our father ......-.......-...... 1000 60. Ga'awa'‘hu— The ball, the ball ...--.... ...---.-.--.--....-.. 1000 61. Ahuw' ni'‘higa'hu— The Crow is running ........--..-..-.-..--. 1000 62. Ya'thd-yi'na —He put me in five places -..........-...-...-.-. 1001 63. Ni’nad'ga'wa chibd'ti—I am going around the sweat-house.... 1001

64. Hise'hi— My comrade...........-.-.-..---------------------- 1002 65. Na'tu'wani’/sa—My top, my top ...--....------.-------------- 1005 66. He'na'ga'nawa'nen— When we dance until daylight .......... 1006 67. Ni/nd' nina’ ti'‘naku'ni‘na—I wear the morning star ........-.-. 1006 68. A-ne'na’ tabi'ni‘na— My mother gave it to me................- 1007 69. Yi'hd'd' a’ hi'hi' —-Gambling song (Paiute gambling songs)..-.. 1008

70. Ni'qa-hu‘hu' —My father, my father ............--..-......... 1010 71. A’hu'nawu'hu' — With red paint............---..------.------ 1010 72. Ani'qa naga’qu— Father, the Morning Star .......-.......-... 1010 73. Ahu'yu hathi‘na— Closing song........--...-------.-.-------- 1011 Arapaho glossary .......----- 2 ---- eee ee eee ce ees cece ee eens eeee 1012

xX CONTENTS [ETH.ANN. 14

The songs—Continued Page The Cheyenne... ... 2-2. +. 2 eee ee eee cee cee eee ee ceeececeee 1023 Tribal synonymy ......---------. 2-22 eee eee eee eee eee ee eee eee 1028 Tribal sign......- 222-22 eee eee cee ee eee eee eee eee eseeeeee 1024 Sketch of the tribe...... 2-2-2 2-0. eee ee ee eee eee eee eee eee. = 1024

Songs of the Cheyenne ............ 2.22002 -e ee cee ee ee ecee cesses --- 1028

1. O'té na’ nisi'ndsisis— Well, my children. ......--....-......--. 1028 2. Ehi'n esho'tni'— Our father has come. ....-... -.-.------------ 1028 3. Nd'niso' nasi’ stsihi’ —My children ............-..----.----.---- 1029 4, Nd’see'nehe’ ehe'yowo'mi—I waded into the yellow river ....... 1030

5. Wosi'vd-d'ad' —The mountain is circling. .......----........... 1030 6. Ni’ha-w/hi'hi’ —My father, I come.......-.-........----..----. 1081 7. Hi‘awu'hi— We have put the devil aside ............-......-. 1031 8. Ni‘ha e’'yehe’ !—My father, my father.............-.....-..--. 1081 9. A’minii'qi—My comrade.........---.------------0----------- 1082 10. He’stutu'ai— The buffalo head ...........-.-..-.--..----.---. 1082 11. Nad'mio'ts—I am coming in sight.....-....-.....-..---.-.---. 1034 12. A’gachi'hi— The crow is circling ........-..-..--.-.--..------ 1034 13. Nd’ nise'ndsé’ stse— My children, I am now humming........... 1034

14. Ogo'ch ehe'eye' !— The crow, the crow ........--...----------- 1035 15. Tsiso’soyo'tsito’'ho— While I was going about........-..--..... 1035 16. Ni‘ha e'yehe'e'yeye'!—My father, my father.............-..... 1036 17. A’ga’ch ehe'e'ye’ !—The crow, the crow ..........-......-..--. 1037 18. Nd'niso'niisi'stsi he’e'ye’ !—My children, my children.......... 1037 19. Agu’ga'-ihi— The crow woman.........-..--.-------.--------- 1038 Cheyenne glossary ........---. 222. eee ee eee eee eee eee eee eee eee e+ = 1089

The Comanche.......-.... 222-2. 22-22. ee eee ee ee ee eee eee ee eee eee 1048 Tribal synonymy ......------ .----- eee ee ee ee ee eee eee eee eee es 1043

Tribal sign. .......-.--- 222-2) eee eee eee cee eee ee ee eee eee 1048

Sketch of the tribe........-.-..--2 2-2-2 ee ee eee eee eee eee eee eee = 1048

Songs of the Comanche. ..............---.---.----------------------- 1046 1. Heyo'hdnd hde'yo....-...----------- ee eee eee eee eee eee eee 1046 2. Ya'hi'yi'niva’hu ...-... 2-2. -22--2 0e ee ee eeee ee ee eee ee 1047

3. Yani'tsini‘hawa'na ........---- 2-2-2 2-2 ee ee eee eee eee 1047 4, Ni'nini'tuwi'na ...2-. 2222 ee ee ee ee eee eee eee en neee 1047 The Paiute, Washo, and Pit River tribes. ............---.-...--..--------. 1048 Paiute tribal synonymy .......-.----. 0-22-2222 22-2 eee eee eee e---- 1048

Sketch of the Paiute. ............-2--..----2. 0-22-22 eee eee eee ee 1048 Characteristics.... -...-... 2-22 eee ee eee ee eee eee eee eee eee 1048 Genesis myth ....... 22.2022. eee ee ee ee eee ee eee eee ee eee = 1050

The Washo. .....--. 22. eee eee ee ee eee ee ee eee eee eee eee 1051 The Pit River Indians. ........-...----...------2---2---------------- 1052 Songs of the Paiute. .... 2222222022 ee ee eee ee eee eee eee 10852 1. Niivd ka ro'rdni' — The snow lies there........-...--..-....-... 1052 2. Déna’ gayo'n—A slender antelope.........--..-.-..--..-.---. 1053 3. Do ti'mbi— The black rock........-..-----..2---------------- 1058 4. Pdsii’ wi'noghin—The wind stirs the willows ....-........-... 1053 5. Pdgii'ndvi'—Fog! Fog! .........-.-2-...--..------.--------- | 1054 6. Wimbi’ndomd'n — The whirlwind ........-...-..-...--.------ 1054 7. Kosi’ wimbi'ndomd' — There is dust from the whirlwind ...... 1054 8. Dombi'na so'wina’ — The rocks are ringing ..-...........---.-- 1055 9. Si'ng-& ro'yonji'— The cottonwoods are growing tall......... 1055 Paiute glossary ......-.-. 22.2. eee eee ee eee ee eee eee eee eee 1056

The Sioux -...---- 222 eee en ee eee eee cee eee cee eee eee eee 1057 Tribal synonymy ...........----- 2-222 oe eee eee eee eee eee eee 1057 Tribal sign... .......-...----- 2-2 eee eee eee ee eee eee eee eee 1057

MOONEY] CONTENTS xl The songs—Continued Page The Sioux—Continued

Sketch of the trihe.... 2... 2 e ee ee ee ee eee eee eee eee eee ee 1058 Songs of the Sioux .... 2... 222.2222 ee ee eee ee eee eee eee eee eee = 1061 1. Opening song: A’te he'ye e'yayo— The father says so .......... 1061 2. Michi'nkshi naitipe—My son, let me grasp your hand .......... 1061

3. He tuwe'cha he— Who think you comes there? ................ 1064 4, Wana‘ yan ma'niye— Now he is walking.....................-. 1064 5. Lechel miyo'qan-kte— This is to be my work. ...............-.. 1065 6. Michinkshi'yi tewa’gqila che—I love my children ............-.. 1065 7. Mila kit hiyu'michi'chiyana— Give me my knife ............... 1065

8. Le he'yahe' —This one says ............--.-----.-------------- 1068 9. Niya'te-ye' he'u'we—It is your father coming.-.......-......--.- 1068 10. Miyo'qan kin waiila'ki— You see what I can do............---- 1068 11. Michinkshi mita'waye— It is my own child .........-...--..... 1069 12. A'te he’ u-we— There is the father coming. .................... 1069 13. Wa'sna wa'tin-kta—I shall eat pemmican.................-... 1069 14. A’te lena ma‘qu-we—The father gave us these. .............-.. 1069 . 15. Ind’ he’kuwo'— Mother, come home .............--........---. 1070 16. Wa'na wanasa'pi-kta— Now they are about to chase the buffalo. 1070 17. He! Kii'iyanka a'gali'-ye— He! They have come back racing... 1071

18. Mi'ye watma’'yanka-yo !— Look at me!...........-.....--.---- 1071 19. Maka’ sito’maniyan— The whole world is coming....-......... 1072 20. Le'na wa'kan— These sacred things ....-....--.----.-...----.- 1072 21. Miyo'qan kit chichu'-che—I have given you my strength ...... 1072 22. Michi'nkshi tahe'na— My child, come this way.............-.. 1073

23. Wana wiché'shka— Now set up the tipi ..........-..--......-. 1078 24. A'te mi‘chuye— Father, give them to me..................---. 1074 25. Haitpa wecha'ghe—I made moccasins for him -................ 1074 26. Waka'iyan inya'nkin-kte— The holy (hoop) shallrun ......... 1075 Sioux glossary ...--- ..---- 22-222 eee eee cee ee cee eee cence cence cess 1075

The Kiowa and Kiowa Apache ..............-... 2-2-0 ee eee eens eee--- 1078 Kiowa tribal synonymy ...----..---- 22 eee eens ce eee eee eee eeee 1078 Kiowa tribal sign. .....-..---.- 22-22 eee ee cee eee eee eee cee eee eee 1078 Sketch of the Kiowa.... 2.222. 2.222. eee ee eee ee eee ee eee eee e cee ee 1078

The Kiowa Apache.... .....- 22-02-20. cee eee eee ee eee cee eeeeeeees 1081 Songs of the Kiowa...... 2... --.- 2.22 o 8 eee cee cee eee cece cece ee ees 1081

1. Da'ta-i so'da'te— The father will descend.....-.....-...---.-.. 1081 2. Da'k ifi'ago (im) 2a'ntedhe'dal— The spirit army isapproaching. 1082

3. Gu'ato ddad'ga—I scream because I am a bird...............-. 1082 4. Da'ta-i nyd'hodnga’mo— The father shows me the road ........ 1083

5. Dak ii'a bate'yi—The spirit (God) is approaching ............ 1083 6. Na’'da'g dka'na— Because I am poor. ...-...----..----..------ 1084 7. Ze'bit-ga'ga igu'dnpa’'-ima’' —He makes me dance with arrows. 1084

8. Be'ta! To'ngyd-gu'addl— Red Tail has been sent .... ....-...-. 1085 9. Da'ta-i dnka‘iigo'na — My father has much pity for us......... 1085 10. Da'ta-i itka'itihe'dal—My father has had pity on me ........ 1085 11. Dak iit'ago ého'éhe'dal— The spirit host is advancing ......-.. 1086 12. E’hyun't degid'ta —I am mashing the berries ...............-. 1087 13. Go'mgyd-da'ga— That wind shakes my tipi.....-........----. 1087 14. Dak‘ in‘a dakai'tihe'dal—God has had pity on us..........--.. 1087 15. Anso’ gydtdé'to—I shall cut off his feet ................-.----- 1088 Kiowa glossary ...--..----- 2-503 eee eee eee eee ene cee eee ee eeee ee 1088 The Caddo and associated tribes...... 2.2.22. ---.-- 2-05 eee eee eee ee e--- 1092 Caddo tribal synonymy .........--2. ------ 2 eee eee eee ee ee ee ee eee eee 1092 Caddo tribal sign ...- 22-2. 222 eee oe ene ce eee ee eee eee ee eee eee see 1092

Xil CONTENTS [RTH. ANN. 14

The songs—Continued Page The Caddo and associated tribes—Continued | Sketch of the Caddo ...... 2.2.22. ooo ee ee ee eee eee ee eee eee eee 1092

The Wichita, Kichai, and Delaware ............--...---------2-.-... 1095 Songs of the Caddo .............---2 022222222 eee eee eee eee eee 1096 1. Ha’yo ta'ia' dd’ — Our father dwells above .........-......... 1096 2. Wi'nti ha'yano' di‘witi‘a—All our people are going up......... 1096 3. Nina v'isiya' —I have come........--..------.---------------5 1097 4. Na'tsiwa’'ya—I am coming ..............-.----.-------------- 1097 5. Na’-iye’ ino’ ga'nio'sit — My sister above ..................---. 1097 6. Na’a ha'yo ha'wano— Our father above (has) paint............ 1098 7. Wi'nti ha'yano ka‘ka'na' — All the people cried................ 1098 8. Na'ui i’na — We have our mother below ..................... 1098 9. Ni’ ika’ na’a— Our grandmother and our father above........ 1099 10. Hi'na ha'natobi'na— The eagle feather headdress............. 1099 11. Na’ aa’ o'wi'ta'— The father comes from above................ 1099 12. Na’ iwi’ o’wi'ta’ —See! the eayle comes....-..--.-........-... 1100 13. A’nana’ hana'‘nito' — The feather has come back............... 1101 14, Na’ iwi’ ha'‘naa'— There is an eagle above..................2. 1101 15. Wi'tu'’ Ha'sini’'—Come on, Caddo........................----- 1101 Caddo glossary .......-.------ 2-2. eee ee eee eee eee eee eee eee eee eee 1102

Authorities cited ........ 222 2222 eee ee ee ee ee cee eee eee eee eens. 1104

ILLUSTRATIONS opposite

PLATE LXXXV. Map of the Indian reservations of the United States showing

the approximate area of the Ghost dance......-......---.. 653 LXXXVI. The prayer-stick ........---. 2-222. - 2 eee eee eee ---- «© 698 LXXXVII. Chief Joseph .............-.. 2.22.2. ---------------+---2---- 712 LXXXIX. Smohalla and his priests ........-.---------------+ +--+ +--+ 718 XC. Smohalla church on Yakima reservation ...---.------------- 722 XCI. Interior of Smohalla church.-......---.--------------------- 723 XCII. Winter view in Mason valley showing snow-covered sage-

brush. ...2 22... eee cee eee cece ree eeeeecccecss+ 788

XCIII. Sioux ghost shirts from Wounded Knee battlefield......---- 788 XCIV. Sioux sweat-house and sacrifice pole.......--...------------ 789 XCV. Map of the country embraced in the campaign against the SIOUX... oe eee cee eee cee eee eee ee ee eee cece eeeeeeeeees- 850

XCVI. Map of Standing Rock agency and vicinity. .....-.--.------ 851 XCVII. Map of Wounded Knee battlefield -.....-..-.----------+----- 868

XCVIII. After the battle...........--.-..-0. 2-2 eee eee eee eee eee 872 XCIX. Battlefield of Wounded Knee ......-.----.----------------- 873 C. Burying the dead ..........-.------------------- eee eee ee 876 CI. Grave of the dead at Wounded Knee .......--.------------- 877 CII. Battlefield after the blizzard ..........-.---.--------------- 880 CIV. Arapaho ghost shirt—reverse...--....--.-.----------+------ | 881 CV. Black Coyote ......---.------------+------- ---- +--+ -------- «898 CVI. Biinki, the Kiowa dreamer. ........-. ----.----------------- 899

CVIII. Kiowa summer shelter .............-.......-.-.-----.------ 912 CXI. Sacred objects from the Sioux Ghost dance .......--...----. 913

CXII. The Ghost dance—small circle ....................--.------ 920 CXIII. The Ghost dance—larger circle. ..........--..-------------- 921 CXIV. The Ghost dance— large circle ...........-.-----.---.------ 994 CXV. The Ghost dance— praying. ..-.....--..------ 2-22-2222 ---- = 925

CXVI. The Ghost dance— inspiration .................---.-.------- 928 CXVII. The Ghost dance—rigid ......--.........------------------- = 929 CXVIII. The Ghost dance—unconscious.............--.----2--2----- 932 CXIX. The crow dance ...... 2.220. oe ee eee wee eee ew eeeeee 933 CXX. Arapaho bed ....... 2.2.2. 2222 - eee ee eee eee eee eee e eee eeees «© 962

CXXI. The sweat-lodge: Kiowa camp on the Washita...........--- 963 CXXII. Dog-soldier insignia............-.22-. 2-22-22 eee eee eee-- 988 FIGURE 56. Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet, 1808 and 1831 ...........---. 670 57. Greenville treaty medal.............--...--------- ee eee eee eeeees 671 58. Tecumtha.... 2... 222. oe eee ee ee eee cece cece ween cecees 682 59. Harrison treaty pipe .............----.---- eee eee eee ee eee eee 688 60. Kanakfk the Kickapoo prophet... .............----..------------- 693 These color plates follow p. 912 b:

CIII. Arapaho ghost shirt, showing coloring CVII. Bianki’s vision CIX. The Ghost dance (buckskin painting) LXXXVIII. Map showing the distribution of the tribes of the upper Columbia CX. Sacred objects from the Sioux Ghost dance

Xiv ILLUSTRATIONS [BTH. ANN. 14 Page

FiGurRE 61. Kanakfik’s heaven...... -... 222-2 ee ee eee eee cece cc cece eee 694 62. Onsawkie ....-. 22222. eee ee ee ee ee eee eee eee teen ee eee 698

63. Nakai’-dokli’ni’s dance. wheel......-....--.---.---.---------e0---- 704 64. Smohalla’s flag .....----. 0-0. 2 eee ee eee eee eee eee eee eee 726 65. Charles Ike, Smohalla interpreter............---...--..----------. 728 66. Diagram showing arrangement of worshipers at Smohalla service... 729

67. John Slocum and Louis Yowaluch.........-...-2.-.-.------------ 746 68. Shaker church at Mud bay -....... ---..----.---------- ---2e----- 158

69. Wovoka ...... 2-2-2220 - eee een eee eee cee eee ewe cece ness 164 70. Navaho Indians......-.-... 2-2. 2-2 ee eee eee eee eee eee eee eee = 810

71. Vista in the Hopi pueblo of Walpi.......-....-....---.---------. 812 72. A Sioux warrior—Weasel Bear...........-.--..---.---.---------- 844 73. Red Cloud ........ 2-2-0 ee ene eee eee eee eee eee eee eee eee eee = 846 74, Short Bull .... 2.22... 2-22. eee eee ee cee eee ce eee cee eee eee = 851

75. Kicking Bear ........---.---- 0-22 ee eee eee eee eee eee eee eee. 853 76. Red Tomahawk .........---...----- 22 e eee eee eee eee ee eees 856

77. Sitting Bull the Sioux medicine-man.............-....--.---.---- 858 78. Sketch of the country of the Sitting Bull fight, December 15,1890. 859 79. Survivors of Wounded Knee—Blue Whirlwind and children...... 877 80. Survivors of Wounded Knee— Marguerite Zitkala-noni.......-... 878

81. Survivors of Wounded Knee—Jennie Sword ..............-.-.--. 899 82. Survivors of Wounded Knee— Herbert Zitkalazi ........-....---. 880

83. Sitting Bull the Arapaho apostle........-...-....--..------------ 896 84. Two Kiowa prophecies (from a Kiowa calendar).........----.---- 907 85. Poor Buffalo ...... 2.2... 2-22 0-2 ooo eee eee ce ene eee eee eee ees 908

86. Sitting Bull comes down (from a Kiowa calendar)............---. 909 87. A’piataty 2.2.2. cee eee eee cence cece eee cee cece eeteeeeeee 912

88. Arapaho tipi and windbreak ................-22------------2---- 957 89. Bed of the prairie tribes.......-.--. --- 2-2. eee eee eee eee eee ness = 968

90. Shinny stick and ball ......-.....-2-...------ 2-2 eee ee eee eee = 964 91. Wakuna or head-feathers.........-...---2. 0-2. eee eee eee eee eee = 964 92. The Thunderbird. ........ 22... --- 22. eee eee eee eee eee eee eeeee- 969 93. Hummer and bullroarer .......-...-----. 2-52 2-2 eee eee eee eee = O74

94. Dog-soldier insignia—rattle and quirt ....-......-.....--..-.---. 987 95. Diagram of awl game..........--.---.. 2-22 eee eee eee eee eee eee 1002 96. Sticks used in awl game. ........ 1-2-2... 22-20-2222 eee eee ee e--- 1008

97. Trump sticks used in awl game..... ....-.-...-...--..-----.---- 1003 98. Baskets used in dice game. .............-...-.----------.-------- 1004 99. Dice used in dice game.+..........-----. 22-22 eee eee eee eee ee. 1005 100. Cheyenne camping cirele ........-... 2222-2 +222 222-22 eee eee --- 1026

101. Paiute wikiup.........-... 22-2 eee eee ee cee ce eee eee eee ee LOSI 102. Native drawings of Ghost dance—A, Comanche; B, Sioux ........ 1060 103. Jerking beef ...... 2.2.22. 222 e eee ee cece eee eee cence en ceeeeeee 1066 104. Kiowa camping circle -........- 222-2 eee ee eee ee eee e eee ee eee 1080

INTRODUCTION TO THE BISON BOOK EDITION By Raymond J. DeMallie The uniqueness and the strength of Native American cultures is rooted

in their religions, and it has been through religious movements that American Indians, since their first contacts with the invaders from Europe, have dealt with the catastrophic changes consequently introduced to their world. The names of native prophets who preached religious means to resolve the problems caused by the appropriation of the New World by Europeans have survived through the five centuries of the history of Indian-white relations: Popé among the Pueblo peoples of the Southwest in 1680; Handsome Lake, whose vision in 1799 revitalized Iroquois culture; Tenskwatawa, the Shawnee prophet, in 1805; and Wodziwob, the Paiute prophet who launched the Ghost Dance movement of 1870, which spread among the tribes west of the Rockies, particularly in California. Among them, none is more famous

than the most recent of native prophets, the Paiute religious leader Wovoka, whose millenarian visions only a century ago sparked the Ghost Dance, which spread rapidly to many tribes throughout twothirds of the United States. If it were true in fact, as Mooney asserts in his classic The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890, that “the remote in time or distance is always strange” while

“the familiar present is always natural and a matter of course” (p. 928), then of all the native religious movements that punctuated the centuries since Columbus, the Ghost Dance should be the most familiar to us. Yet, even though Wovoka lived until 1932 (outliving Mooney by more than a decade), the religion he preached remains as vaguely understood as any from centuries before. If any nonbeliever understood the Ghost Dance, it was Mooney himself. His study of this religious movement is a monumental exemplar of nineteenth-century American anthropology, an admirable blend of theory, historical data and direct studies among many tribes. Mooney read in the newspapers of the excitement caused by the spread

of the Ghost Dance, and as an employee of the Smithsonian Institution’s Bureau of Ethnology, he asked to be allowed to investigate it. Granted permission by the director, Major John Wesley Powell,

XV1 Bison Book Introduction Mooney left Washington by train on December 22, 1890, for Indian Territory to begin his study among the Cheyennes and Arapahoes. Only one week later, on December 29, the Ghost Dance among the Sioux at Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota culminated in the tragic massacre by soldiers of the U.S. Seventh Cavalry of some three hundred men, women, and children at Wounded Knee Creek. Those needless deaths symbolize the failure of whites to understand the Ghost Dance as a religious movement. Spending twenty-two months in the field during the next four years, Mooney had the opportunity to witness the effects of the Ghost Dance on tribes throughout the Plains. Some rejected it altogether, while others embraced it wholeheartedly. When Mooney completed his field study in 1894 he could report that Ghost Dance beliefs had become incorporated into the religious fabric of many tribal cultures, “although the feverish expectation of a few years ago has now settled down into something closely approaching the Christian hope of a reunion with departed friends in a happier world at some time in the unknown future” (p. 927). Both the Sioux and the Kiowas, after first fervently embracing the Ghost Dance and then rejecting it, reinstituted the religion with decreasing emphasis on dancing and increasing focus on religious and social rituals that combined native and Christian beliefs. Among the Kiowas, the revamped Ghost Dance lasted until 1917; among the Sioux of Canada, under the name of New Tidings, it was still practiced by a few believers as late as the 1960s. From the beginning, Mooney understood the Ghost Dance as a religious movement and saw it in broad crosscultural perspective. He characterized it as follows: “The Indian messiah religion is the in-

spiration of a dream. Its ritual is the dance, the ecstasy, and the trance. Its priests are hypnotics and cataleptics. All these have formed a part of every great religious development of which we have knowledge from the beginning of history” (p. 928). This was at odds with

the perceptions of most non-Indian observers. Frontier settlers associated all Indian dancing with impending warfare; Christian missionaries believed that dancing encouraged immorality, rekindling heathen practices; and Indian agents knew that the gatherings in the Ghost Dance camps disrupted the civilized rhythm of rural life that the reservation system was attempting to foster. Thus the Ghost Dance

was seen as atavistic, the antithesis of progress in civilization, and a potential breeding ground for discontent and rebellion. But where others saw heathen backsliding, James Mooney saw a positive social movement, a religious means to revitalizing native cultures. That his perception differed from those of his contemporaries

may be attributed to his own ethnic and social background, his interests as an anthropologist, and his experiences in Indian communities. Firmly grounded in the perspectives and prejudices of his time,

Bison Book Introduction Xvi he nonetheless transcended them in his writings, giving his work an enduring freshness and relevance. James Mooney was an entirely self-trained anthropologist. Born on February 10, 1861, in Richmond, Indiana, the son of Roman Catholic Irish immigrants, he developed a strong interest in American Indians while still in high school. After graduating, he taught school for a year, then in 1879 took a job with a local newspaper, starting as a printer and working his way up into the editorial offices. Fascinated with cataloging the tribal groups of North America and systematizing information about them, in 1882 he wrote to the Bureau of Ethnology requesting employment, but lacking compelling credentials, was rejected. Repeated efforts through the mail likewise failed, and finally in the spring of 1885 he traveled to Washington at his own expense to press his case in person. Major Powell was sufficiently impressed by his sincerity and by the thoroughness of his list of tribal groups

that he invited him to volunteer at the bureau, which was at this time engaged in producing a “synonymy” of tribal names (compiling both European and native names for tribal groups), and in mapping

the interrelationships and distributions of American Indian languages. In return, Powell promised him employment in the next fiscal

year. Mooney readily agreed; he began work in April 1885, then in August 1886 officially joined the bureau’s staff with the title of eth-

nologist.? |

In addition to his cataloging of tribal names, Mooney’s first task at the bureau was to study the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina. Having met visiting Cherokees at the Quaker schools in Richmond, Indiana, Mooney found his interest rekindled in 1885 and 1886 when a chief of the Eastern Cherokees, in Washington to lobby Congress, made visits to the bureau to be interviewed on language and culture. Subsequently, Mooney requested Powell to send him to Cherokee, North Carolina, to undertake field study focusing on differences in Cherokee dialects. He made field trips to the Eastern Cherokees during the next four summers, 1887-90, amassing a huge quantity of material, much of it recorded in Cherokee, and centering on traditional religion and mythology. During the rest of his time, in Washington, he wrote up some of the field material for publication, continued

to work on the tribal synonymy, and prepared papers on a variety of topics. His first publications drew on his Cherokee field studies, his intense interest in Irish folk customs and beliefs, and his wide reading in historical sources on Indians of the Southeast and Midwest. In the spring of 1890 he worked on his monograph describing Cherokee

sacred formulas, and made a brief visit to the Eastern Cherokees during the summer. He planned a longer field trip to Indian Territory

during the winter to undertake comparative study of the Western Cherokees. While Mooney was there, Powell directed that he begin

XVili Bison Book Introduction an investigation of the Kiowa language, whose genetic affinities were unknown. Then came the newspaper excitement over the Ghost Dance,

and Mooney’s request to take it on as a new assignment, starting with the Cheyennes and Arapahos. The intellectual framework in which Mooney worked was that of the

evolutionary theory of social development first articulated in the United States by Lewis Henry Morgan and developed in his 1877 volume, Ancient Society. In brief, humankind was considered to pass through three great evolutionary stages: from savagery, through barbarism, to civilization. Thus the differences among peoples throughout the world might be explained in terms of development; some groups were frozen at the earliest stages of society (hunters), others had developed to barbarism (adding horticulture and the domestication of livestock), while a few had progressed to civilization (symbolized by writing). Human societies were to be understood in terms of a relentlessly unilineal evolution, and those that had not progressed to civilization would either have to catch up or be doomed to extinction. The task of anthropology was to describe the diversity of societies

because they represented the common human past, soon to be lost irretrievably. Major Powell embraced the doctrine of social evolution passionately; even as American democracy was obviously the evolutionary perfection of British monarchy, so science was the evolutionary perfection of religion. Superstition of every kind must fall away before the march of science, and of all the sciences, anthropology

was the one that comprehended humankind in its entirety.* Given this perspective, the study of American Indian religions, social customs, and oral traditions must necessarily amount to salvaging the past. The evolutionary theory did not have room for the possibility of new cultural forms at variance with those of civilization.

This must be the reason late-nineteenth-century anthropologists seemed so oblivious to the cultural vitality of living American Indian peoples; the scientific model predicted that contact with civilization would lead to the rapid replacement of traditional cultural forms with civilized ones.

Mooney’s distinctiveness among his colleagues at the Bureau of Ethnology was an unfailing interest in such new developments as the Ghost Dance and a willingness to treat them as legitimate cultural expressions, not mere perversions of influences from civilization. Anthropological tradition suggests that his experience in the newspaper business sensitized him to a good story, and so led him to investigate the Ghost Dance. Perhaps so, but the qualities that made his work succcessful were his keen observations, perseverance, and eagerness

not only to observe but to participate. During his field studies, he tracked the Ghost Dance from reservation to reservation; joined in the dances himself to experience first-hand the psychological effects

Bison Book Introduction xix of the ritual; located and interviewed (even photographed) Wovoka, the Ghost Dance prophet; and made extensive documentation of the ritual among seven tribes, recording the music and transcribing the lyrics of the distinctive songs in seven different languages. The body of comparative material he collected is astonishing in its quantity and remarkable in its quality. The richness of data make The GhostDance Religion a classic of descriptive ethnography, living up to the highest standards of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Although the usual practice at the bureau was for the ethnologists to write purely descriptive monographs, leaving it to Major Powell (or his assistant, W. J. McGee) to explain how they fitted into the evolutionary scheme, and hence their significance, Mooney had a grander plan for his study of the Ghost Dance. He began the work by striking a theme familiar to the evolutionists: just as a person’s life progresses from the eagerness and hopefulness of youth to the reflectiveness of old age, when the remembered happiness of youth seems a golden age past, so peoples progress. “The lost paradise is the world’s dreamland of youth,” he wrote. Perhaps with his own Irish

ancestry and his championing of Irish nationalism in mind, he continued: “And when the race lies crushed and groaning beneath an alien yoke, how natural is the dream of a redeemer. . . . The hope becomes a faith and the faith becomes the creed of priests and prophets.” Mooney continued to develop his theme to its logical conclusion; in the end, “The doctrines of the Hindhu avatar, the Hebrew Messiah, the Christian millenium, and the Hesiinanin [‘Our Father,’ the Arapaho name for Wovoka] of the Indian Ghost dance are essentially the same, and have their origin in a hope and longing common to all humanity” (p. 657). Powell, the doctrinaire evolutionist, could hardly have agreed with such reductionism, and he might well have worried over public back-

lash, which always raised the specter of jeopardizing the annual congressional appropriation for the bureau. In his introductory comments on the monograph, published in the bureau’s fourteenth annual report, he hastened to temper Mooney’s conclusions. Characterizing the Ghost Dance as a “fantasy,” Powell wrote: “It may be observed that caution should be exercised in comparing or contrasting religious movements among civilized peoples with such fantasies as that described in the memoir; for while interesting and suggestive analogies may be found, the essential features of the movements are not homologous.” The reason, briefly stated, lay in the difference between “the prescriptorial stage of culture” and civilization (“the scriptorial stage”); the passage from the one to the other “probably marks the ‘most important transition in the development of human culture or the history of the race; so that in mode of thought and in coordination between thought and action, red men and white men are separated

Xx Bison Book Introduction by a chasm so broad and deep that few representatives of either race are ever able clearly to see the other side.” Yet Mooney, the consumate fieldworker who seemed so at home among American Indians, could hardly have agreed with Powell’s assessment. It is to Powell’s credit that he let Mooney’s expression of divergent opinion stand. For Mooney, the Ghost Dance posed a familiar historical problem: a religious reponse to social stress. The approach of the nineteenthcentury evolutionary school in anthropology to understand any social phenomenon was the application of the comparative method, that is, bringing together data on every similiar case to be found in the literature, historical or contemporary, then classifying these cases on the basis of their relative complexity and establishing a conjectural sequence for their development from simple to complex through the three great stages of human evolution. Mooney approached his study in the usual fashion of the evolutionists, combing the literature on North American Indians to find an impressive array of cases of similar religious movements from coast to coast, spanning recorded history. Drawing on the writings of Francis Parkman, Mooney began his account with the eighteenthcentury Delaware prophet, whose religious visions sparked the rebellion led by Pontiac, and worked his way chronologically down to Wovoka. Then, after describing the spread of the Ghost Dance movement from 1889 to 1894—with special attention paid to the Sioux and the resultant conflict with the U.S. military—he concluded by discussing similar religious movements among non-Indian peoples, starting with examples from the Bible and progressing to contemporary movements among both whites and blacks in the United States. Rather than order these cases in a conjectured evolutionary sequence, and rather than comfortably label those closest to Western culture as more complex than the others, Mooney chose simply to equate them all as expressions of a universal human longing. By recognizing the Ghost Dance as a religious movement equivalent to parallel religious movements throughout the past and present of Western civilization, Mooney broke with the accepted anthropological thinking of his day. For this precise reason his work gained a significance and timelessness that, despite its roots in the nineteenth century, makes it as relevant today as when it was written. No other study among the fifty annual reports and two hundred bulletins of the Bureau of Ethnology (whose name, reflecting congressional chauvinism, was changed in 1895 to the Bureau of American Ethnology) engendered the development of theory in the field of anthropology to the extent that Mooney’s The Ghost-Dance Religion did.

From Mooney’s inspiration that religious responses to oppression spring from “a hope and longing common to all humanity” has developed a subfield of anthropology focusing on millenarian movements throughout the world. Anthony F. C. Wallace proposed the now

Bison Book Introduction Xxi widely used term revitalization movements to designate the general phenomenon, suggesting that such religious movements reflect a uni- — versal underlying pyschological process. David Aberle proposed an equally widely used term, relative deprivation, calling attention to the economic factors of oppression from which millenarian movements generate. Other anthropologists have sought explanations in systems of social relations and cultural meanings.® Although Mooney’s suggestion the 1870 Paiute Ghost Dance prophet was the father of Wovoka is in fact untrue, Wovoka’s father, Tavibo,

had been a disciple of the prophet Wodziwob, and this family connection raises the likelihood of direct linkage between the two movements. Subsequent scholars have been intrigued by the possibility of even broader historical relationships. Leslie Spier, studying similar messianic movements among the Plateau Indians, argued that what he called the Prophet Dance was an old (presumably precontact) feature of native religion. He found historical evidence that a Kutenai Indian had introduced a messianic religion—presumably the Prophet Dance—to the Chipewyans in 1813, and he suggested that the Paiute Ghost Dances were also expressions of this widespread ritual complex.

More recently, Melburn Thurman, following David F. Aberle, has argued that these messianic movements are better understood as responses to the social stress caused by Euro-American contact. Thurman found evidence to suggest that the supposed Kutenai prophet (a

female berdache) was in fact an Ojibwa, who carried the Shawnee Prophet’s message from the Midwest to the Northwest. If so, there was a direct historical link between the eighteenth-century messianic movements east of the Mississippi and those in the West during the next century.® Mooney’s characterization of Wovoka’s Ghost Dance as

“only the latest in a series of Indian religious revivals” (p. 654) suggests that he, too, may have suspected such historical continuity. In addition to its theoretical implications, Mooney’s study of the Ghost Dance remains important for the mass of ethnographic detail

that it brings together. Not content to limit his work to the Ghost - Dance narrowly, Mooney (doubtless with Powell’s tribal synonymy project in mind, which had developed into a planned cyclopedia or handbook of North American Indians) prepared historical and cultural sketches of each tribe, lists of tribal names, and vocabularies of words appearing in the song texts.’ This level of detail went far beyond the immediate needs of the Ghost Dance study and very clearly

suggests the sense of dedicated salvage work, a race against time to record disappearing tribal knowledge, that permeated all aspects of the bureau’s enterprise. Mooney’s passion for thoroughness led him to investigate in detail the voluminous documentary record of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Department of War concerning the Ghost Dance, in conjunction with newspaper and other secondary literature. For this, an-

XXil Bison Book Introduction thropologists cite him as an important pioneer in the development of the ethnohistorical method. In this portion of his study Mooney attempted to determine why the situation among the Sioux had become so explosive, and to probe the causes of the Wounded Knee tragedy. Drawing on government documents, he argued that the so-called Sioux outbreak had three main causes: “(1) unrest of the conservative element under the decay of the old life, (2) repeated neglect of promises made by the government, and (3) hunger” (p. 824). Mooney agreed with former Pine Ridge Indian agent Dr. Valentine T. McGillycuddy that the Ghost Dance was only a “symptom or surface indication of deeply-rooted, long-existing difficulty” (p. 833). In itself, the Ghost Dance could not be considered a cause of the outbreak. However, Mooney clearly expressed his conviction that when a tribe found its very existence threatened, a prophet would arise “who strives to avert

the disaster by molding his people to a common purpose through insistence upon the sacred character of his message.” This, he concluded, led to rebellion: “Thus it is found that almost every great Indian warlike combination has had its prophet messenger in the outset, and if all the facts could be known we should probably find the rule universal.”® Although he presented nothing to suggest that the Ghost Dancers among the Sioux preached armed rebellion—on the contrary, noting

that they did not take weapons with them during the dance, and reporting their belief that the whites were doomed to destruction by supernatural means, like all nonbelievers, when the millenium came— nonetheless, Mooney seems to have blamed the Sioux for subverting Wovoka’s doctrine of peace into one of hostility, symbolized by the creation of specially painted and decorated Ghost Dance shirts. Perhaps this assessment reflects the attitude he found expressed in Indian Territory in January 1891; Ghost Dance shirts from the Sioux were just being introduced to the Cheyennes and Arapahos, but these tribes rejected them “on the ground that the doctrine of the Ghost Dance was one of peace, whereas the Sioux had made the ghost shirt an auxiliary of war” (pp. 787, 791). For contemporary observers, as well as subsequent historians, this has been the predominant interpretation.? However, there is no evidence to substantiate that the Ghost Dance religion among the Sioux had any warlike connotations. The Sioux Ghost Dance leaders, like those of other tribes, preached peace and faith in the Ghost Dance prophet as the means to salvation in the coming millennium. At the time of the introduction of the Ghost Dance, the Sioux were facing a religious crisis. The old rituals, associated with buffalo-hunting days, had been banned by the government, and even the ceremonies honoring the dead—the giveaway after an individual’s death—had been prohibited. As Short Bull, one of the Ghost Dance leaders at Pine Ridge, stated, these prohibitions

Bison Book Introduction XXili forced the Sioux to send their “spirits to the spirit world as if they had been conquered and robbed by the enemy. . . . when they come to the spirit world, they will be like beggars.” Wovoka’s teachings found ready adherents among those faced with hunger and uncertainty. The Ghost Dance promised spiritual renewal in the Indians’ own terms.!° By his own admission, when Mooney visited Pine Ridge in Novem-

ber 1891 he was able to learn very little from the Sioux about the Ghost Dance. “The dance was our religion,” Sioux people told Mooney in response to his questions, “but the government sent soldiers to kill us on account of it. We will not talk any more about it” (p. 1060). The most important account Mooney collected was that of George Sword, captain of the U.S. Indian Police at Pine Ridge. This document was originally written by Sword in Lakota, and a copy with translation was presented to Mooney by Emma C. Sickels, superintendent of the Indian school at Pine Ridge. Mooney published an English version only, and filed a typescript of the Lakota text in the bureau archives. It is likely that some or all of the Sioux Ghost Dance songs included in The Ghost-Dance Religion may also have been collected as written

texts.

Failing to make much progress on his study, Mooney remained at Pine Ridge only a few days. The Ghost Dance was no longer being practiced there, and he therefore understood the Sioux version far less well than that of the Kiowas, Arapahos, Cheyennes, and other tribes among whom he studied. Importantly, though, he did appreciate that what the Sioux had told him about the Ghost Dance was indeed true among all the tribes: the Ghost Dance was their religion. In explaining this to a general audience in 1910, Mooney commented: “I am speaking of the dance as a religion because it is the ritual part of the religion itself. It should be understood also that this ghost dance religion was not an old institution among these people, but was an entirely new Indian religion.”!2 While this was so, it was equally true that each tribe integrated the new doctrine into their old religion, producing the many variations of the Ghost Dance recorded by Mooney.

For example, the Ghost Dance religion allowed the Pawnees to revitalize old medicine bundles, whose secrets had long since gone to the graves of their previous owners; by providing a means of communication with the dead, the Ghost Dance allowed sacred knowledge, long thought lost, to live again. Moreover, the ritual hand game introduced with the Ghost Dance became an important expression of

Pawnee culture, one that long outlasted the Ghost Dance religion itself and continues today. For the Sioux, it seems that the Ghost Dance was becoming to some degree assimilated with the Sun Dance, the focal ritual of their old religion; the Ghost Dance was performed around a central tree, and some participants called out to be allowed

XXiV Bison Book Introduction to sacrifice their flesh as in the Sun Dance. Coming at a time when all the old ceremonies had been forbidden by the government and were fast becoming moribund, the Ghost Dance provided a new religious expression. Yet it, too, was speedily forbidden, and the awful massacre at Wounded Knee seemed to underscore the message: no Indian religious practices were to be allowed. The bitterness of this religious defeat has, at least to some degree, lasted through the ensuing century.'®

It is fitting that this centennial reprint of Mooney’s The Ghost-Dance Religion will once again make the work widely available. Nearly a hundred years have passed since Mooney announced to the world, through this book, that the “fantasies” and “delusions” of the Ghost Dance were none other than the common denominator of the religious experience of all peoples. Appropriately, even as he was beginning his study of the Ghost Dance, Mooney became aware of another important new religious movement among the tribes of Indian Territory,

a religion whose ritual centered on the ingestion of sacred peyote cactus. He took up the study of this new religion as well, arguing for its legitimacy as a religion in testimony before a congressional com-

mittee in 1918, and helping in the next year to draft a charter for the Native American Church, thereby placing the peyote religion on the same legal footing as any other organized religion. For Mooney, the cost of his championing of Indian religion was high. Political pressures brought to bear as a result of his visibility as a spokesman for the peyotists led to his recall to Washington and an end to his fieldwork. But ill health prevented him from completing his planned study, and he died prematurely on December 22, 1921, at the age of

sixty, leaving unpublished a large bulk of field notes and related material on the peyote religion and other projects. The situation of 1991 is in many respects remarkably parallel to that of 1891. Throughout North America, native peoples are turning to revitalized and reinvented religious traditions to seek the spiritual strength to deal with the pressing realities of modern life. Across the Plains, community, tribal, and intertribal celebrations—powwows— serve as vehicles for the development and expression of social solidarity. Deriving from sacred traditions, for many years such celebrations were secular in nature; today they are being reinvested with religious meaning. For many Plains tribes, the Sun Dance has been reestablished as the preeminent religious ritual, a focus of faith and commitment to developing Indian religion that blurs tribal boundaries and is rapidly becoming dissociated from native languages. A new ritualism, whose common language is English, seems likely to develop during the coming century. Yet it is no easier now than it was a century ago to combine commitment to traditionalism with the economic realities of modern life. Nor is understanding and accep-

Bison Book Introduction XXV tance of the legitimacy of new religious rituals easier for us than it was for our ancestors. James Mooney’s remarkable The Ghost-Dance Religion is one of those treasures from the past that can help us all, Indians and non-Indians alike, to understand the development of religions, and to appreciate their importance as a uniquely human part of our heritage. NOTES

1. James H. Howard, The Canadian Sioux (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984), pp. 173-79; Alice Kehoe, The Ghost Dance: Ethnohistory and Revitalization (Fort Worth: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1989), pp. 41-50; Benjamin R. Kracht, “Kiowa Religion: An Ethnohistorical Analysis of Ritual Symbolism, 1832-1987” (Ph.D. diss., Southern Methodist University, 1989), pp. 778-819). The Ghost Dance continued to be practiced in Oklahoma by the Caddos and Wichitas until the early 1970s; over time it became more of a private and social affair held every two or three years (Alice Marriott and Carol K. Rachlin, Peyote [New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1971], p. 21; Morris

W. Foster, Department of Anthropology, University of Oklahoma, personal communication, 1991). 2. Biographical details are taken from L. G. Moses, The Indian Man: A Biography of James Mooney (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984), which presents a thorough chronology of Mooney’s life, both personal and professional. 3. Lewis Henry Morgan, Ancient Society; or, Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarism to Civilization (New York: Henry Holt, 1877). George W. Stocking, Jr., Victorian Anthropology (New York: Free Press, 1987), provides an insightful overview of nineteenthcentury social evolutionism. Curtis Hinsley, Savages and Scientists: The Smithsonian Institution and the Development of American Anthropology (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1981), chronicles the development of anthropology in nineteenth-century Washington, D.C. For a good introduction to Powell’s anthropology, see Selected Prose of John Wesley Powell, edited by George Crossette (Boston: David R. Godine, 1970). 4. John Wesley Powell, “Report of the Director,” Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report 14 (1896), 1:1x. 5. Anthony F. C. Wallace, “Revitalization Movements,” American Anthropologist 58 (1956): 264—81; David F. Aberle, The Peyote Religion among the Navaho, Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology 42 (Chicago: Aldine, 1966). Weston La Barre, The Ghost Dance: The Origins of Religion (New York: Delta, 1972), presents a worldwide survey of religious movements from a psychological and anthropological perspective. Ralph W. Nicholas, “Social and Political Movements” (in Annual Review of Anthropology, ed. Bernard J. Siegel, Alan R. Beals, and Stephen A. Tyler [Palo Alto, Calif.: Annual Reviews, 1973], pp. 63—84) presents a helpful bibliographic overview of the literature on social movements. The literature on the Ghost Dance itself is extensive; see Shelley Anne Osterreich, The American Indian Ghost Dance, 1870 and 1890: An Annotated Bibliography (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1991).

XXvi Bison Book Introduction 6. Leslie Spier, The Prophet Dance of the Northwest and Its Derivatives: The Source of the Ghost Dance, General Series in Anthropology 1 (Menasha, Wis.: George Banta, 1935); David F. Aberle, “The Prophet Dance and Reactions to White Contact,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 15 (1959): 74-83; Melburn D. Thurman, “The Shawnee Prophet’s Movement and the Origins of the Prophet Dance,” Current Anthropology 25 (1984): 530-31. 7. Mooney was a major contributor to the project, ultimately published as Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, ed. Frederick Webb Hodge, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 30, 2 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1907— 10).

8. James Mooney, “Prophets,” in Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, 2:309. 9. Robert M. Utley, The Last Days of the Sioux Nation (New Haven: Yale

University Press, 1963) presents a thorough history of the military action among the Sioux and analyzes the Ghost Dance as a political movement. 10. For an interpretation of the Sioux Ghost Dance as a religious movement,

see Raymond J. DeMallie, “The Lakota Ghost Dance: An Ethnohistorical Account, ” Pacific Historical Review 51 (1982): 385-405. The quotation from Short Bull is from a plea addressed to the Pine Ridge Indian agent who had

sent the Indian police to arrest a man for holding a giveaway at the death of his son (James R. Walker, Lakota Belief and Ritual, ed. Raymond J. DeMallie and Elaine A. Jahner (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980; pp. 141— 42).

11. A translation of Sword’s account, along with the texts of twenty-nine Ghost Dance songs written out by Sword and Lizzie Black Fox—apparently also collected by Emma Sickels—were originally published in “The Story of the Ghost Dance” and “Wanagi Olowan Kin,” The Folk-Lorist: Journal of the Chicago Folk-Lore Society, 1(1) (1892): 28-36; and in L. W. Colby, “Wanagi Olowan Kin,” Nebraska State Historical Society Proceedings and Collections 1 (3), (1895): 131-50. 12. James Mooney, “The Indian Ghost Dance,” Collections of the Nebraska State Historical Society 16 (Lincoln, 1911), p. 173. 13. Alexander Lesser, “The Cultural Significance of the Ghost Dance,” American Anthropologist, 35 (1933):108-15; The Pawnee Ghost Dance Hand Game: Ghost Dance Revival and Ethnic Identity, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology 16 (1933; new ed., Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978); DeMallie, “The Lakota Ghost Dance,” pp. 397-405.

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THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION By JAMES MOONEY ©

INTRODUCTION

In the fall of 1890 the author was preparing to go to Indian Territory, under the auspices of the Bureau of Ethnology, to continue researches among the Cherokee, when the Ghost dance began to attract attention, and permission was asked and received to investigate that subject also among the wilder tribes in the western part of the terri-

tory. Proceeding directly to the Cheyenne and Arapaho, it soon became evident that there was more in the Ghost dance than had been suspected, with the result that the investigation, to which it had been intended to devote only a few weeks, has extended over a period of more than three years, and might be continued indefinitely, as the dance still exists (in 1896) and is developing new features at every performance. The uprising among the Sioux in the meantime made necessary also the examination of a mass of documentary material in the files of the Indian Office and the War Department bearing on the outbreak, in addition to the study in the field of the strictly reli-

gious features of the dance. | |

The first visit of about four months (December, 1890-April, 1891)

was made to the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Caddo,

and Wichita, all living near together in the western part of what was then Indian Territory, but is now Oklahoma. These tribes were all more or less under the influence of the new religion. The principal study was made among the Arapaho, who were the most active propagators of the “‘ Messiah” doctrine among the southern tribes and are

especially friendly and cordial in disposition. :

On returning to Washington, the author received a commission to make an ethnologic collection for the World’s Columbian Exposition, and, selecting the Kiowa for that purpose as a representative prairie

tribe, started out again almost immediately to the same field. This trip, lasting three months, gave further opportunity for study of the Ghost dance among the same tribes. After returning and attending to the labeling and arranging of the collection, a study was made of all documents bearing on the subject in possession of the Indian Office and 653

654 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 the War Department. Another trip was then made to the field for the purpose of investigating the dance among the Sioux, where it had attracted most attention, and among the Paiute, where it originated. On this journey the author visited the Omaha, Winnebago, Sioux of Pine Ridge, Paiute, Cheyenne, and Arapaho; met and talked with the messiah himself, and afterward, on the strength of this fact, obtained from the Cheyenne the original letter containing his message and instructions to the southern tribes. This trip occupied about three months.

A few months later, in the summer of 1892, another journey was made to the West, in the course of which the southern tribes and the Sioux were revisited, and some time was spent in Wyoming with the Shoshoni and northern Arapaho, the latter of whom were perhaps the most earnest followers of the messiah in the north. This trip consumed four months. After some time spent in Washington in elaborating notes already obtained, a winter trip (1892-93) was made under another commission from the World’s Fair to the Navaho and the Hopi or Moki, of New Mexico and Arizona. Although these tribes were not directly concerned in the Ghost dance, they had been visited by apostles of the new doctrine, and were able to give some account of the ceremony as it existed among the Havasupai or Cohonino and others farther to the west. On the return journey another short stay was made among the Kiowa and Arapaho. in the summer of 1893 a final visit, covering ‘a period of five months, was made to the western tribes of Oklahoma, bringing the personal observation and study of the Ghost dance down to the beginning of 1894. The field inves igation therefore occupied twenty-two months, involving nearly 32,000 miles of travel and more or less time spent with about twenty tribes. To obtain exact knowledge of the ceremony, the author

took part in the dance among the Arapaho and Cheyenne. He also carried a kodak and a tripod camera, with which he made photographs of the dance and the trance both without and within the circle. Several months were spent in consulting manuscript documents and printed sources of information in the departments and libraries at Washington, and correspondence was carried on with persons in various parts of the country who might be able to give additional facts. From the beginning every effort was made to get a correct statement of the subject. Beyond this, the work must speak for itself. _ As the Ghost dance doctrine is only the latest of a series of Indian

religious revivals, and as the idea on which it is founded is a hope common to all humanity, considerable space has been given to a discussion of the primitive messiah belief and of the teachings of the various

Indian prophets who have preceded Wovoka, together with brief sketches of several Indian wars belonging to the same periods. In the songs the effort has been to give the spirit and exact rendering, without going into analytic details. The main purpose of the work

MOONEY] INTRODUCTION | 655 is not linguistic, and as nearly every tribe concerned speaks a different

language from all the others, any close linguistic study must be left to the philologist who can afford to devote a year or more to an individual tribe. The only one of these tribes of which the author claims intimate knowledge is the Kiowa. Acknowledgments are due the officers and members of the Office of Indian Affairs and the War Department for courteous assistance in obtaining docamentary information and in replying to letters of

inquiry; to Mr De Lancey W. Gill and Mr J. K. Hillers and their assistants of the art and photographic divisions of the United States Geological Survey; to Mr A. R. Spofford, Librarian of Congress; to Mr F. V. Coville, botanist, Agricultural Department; Honorable T. J. Morgan, former Commissioner of Indian Affairs; Major J. W. Mac-

Murray, first artillery, United States Army; Dr Washington Matthews, surgeon, United States Army; Captain H. L. Scott, seventh cavalry, United States Army; Captain J. M. Lee, ninth infantry, United

States Army; Captain E. L. Huggins, second cavalry, United States Army, of the staff of General Miles; the late Captain J. G. Bourke, third cavalry, United States Army; Captain H. G. Browne, twelfth infantry, United States Army; Judge James Wickersham, Tacoma, Washington; Dr George Bird Grinnell, editor of “‘Forest ‘and Stream,” New York city; Mr Thomas V. Keam and the late A. M. Stephen, Keams Canyon, Arizona; Rev. H. R. Voth, Oraibi, Arizona; General L. W. Colby, Washington, District of Columbia; Mr D. B. Dyer, Augusta, Georgia; Rev. Myron Eells, Tacoma, Washington; Mr Emile Berliner and the Berliner Gramophone Company, for recording, and Professors

John Philip Sousa and F. W. V. Gaisberg, for arranging the Indian music; W.S. Godbe, Bullionville, Nevada; Miss L. McLain, Washing-

ton City; Addison Cooper, Nashville, Tennessee; Miss Emma C. Sickels, Chicago; Professor A. H. Thompson, United States Geological Survey, Washington; Mrs L. B. Arnold, Standing Rock, North Dakota; Mr C. H. Bartlett, South Bend, Indiana; Dr T. P. Martin, Taos, New Mexico, and to the following Indian informants and interpreters: Philip Wells, Louis Menard, Ellis Standing Bear, American Horse, George Sword, and Fire Thunder, of Pine Ridge, South Dakota; Henry Reid,

Rev. Sherman Coolidge, Norcok, Sage, and Sharp Nose, of Fort Washakie, Wyoming; Charley Sheep of Walker river, Nevada; Black Coyote, Sitting Bull, Black Short Nose, George Bent, Paul Boynton, Robert Burns, Jesse Bent, Clever Warden, Grant Left-hand, and the

Arapaho police at Darlington, Oklahoma; Andres Martinez, Belo Cozad, Paul Setkopti, Henry Poloi, Little Bow, William Tivis, George Parton, Towakoni Jim, Robert Dunlap, Kichai, John Wilson, Tama,

Igiagyahona, Deo, Mary Zotom, and Eliza Parton of Anadarko, Oklahoma.

14 ETH—PT 2——2

| THE NARRATIVE CHAPTER [

PARADISE LOST There are hours long departed which memory brings Like blossoms of Eden to twine round the heart. Moore.

The wise men tell us that the world is growing happier—that we live longer than did our fathers, have more of comfort and less of toil, fewer wars and discords, and higher hopes and aspirations. So say the wise

men; but deep in our own hearts we know they are wrong. For were not we, too, born in Arcadia, and have we not—each one of us—in that

May of life when the world was young, started out lightly and airily along the path that led through green meadows to the blue mountains on the distant horizon, beyond which lay the great world we were to conquer? And though others dropped behind, have we not gone on

through morning brightness and noonday heat, with eyes always steadily forward, until the fresh grass began to be parched and withered, and the way grew hard and stony, and tle blue mountains resolved into gray rocks and thorny cliffs? And when at last we reached the toilsome summits, we found the glory that had lured us onward was only the sunset glow that fades into darkness while we look, and leaves us at the very goal to sink down, tired in body and sick at heart, with strength and courage gone, to close our eyes and dream again, not of the fame and fortune that were to be ours, but only of the old-time happiness that we have left so far behind. As with men, so is it with nations. The lost paradise is the world’s

dreamland of youth. What tribe or people has not had its golden age, before Pandora’s box was loosed, when women were nymphs and

dryads and men were gods and heroes? And when the race lies crushed and groaning beneath an alien yoke, how natural is the dream of a redeemer, an Arthur, who shall return from exile or awake from some long sleep to drive out the usurper and win back for his people what they have lost. The hope becomes a faith and the faith becomes the creed of priests and prophets, until the hero is a god and the dream a religion, looking to some great miracle of nature for its culmination and accomplishment. The doctrines of the Hindu avatar, the Hebrew Messiah, the Christian millennium, and the Hesfinanin of the Indian Ghost dance are essentially the same, and have their origin in a hope

and longing common to all humanity. 657

658 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [RTH. ANN. 14 Probably every Indian tribe, north and south, had its early hero god,

the great doer or teacher of all first things, from the Iuskeha and Manabozho of the rude Iroquoian and Algonquian to the Quetzalcoatl, the Bochica, and the Viracocha of the more cultivated Aztecs, Muyscas,

and Quichuas of the milder southland. Among the roving tribes of the north this hero is hardly more than an expert magician, frequently degraded to the level of a common trickster, who, after ridding the world of giants and monsters, and teaching his people a few simple arts, retires to the upper world to rest and smoke until some urgent necessity again requires his presence below. Under softer southern skies the myth takes more poetic form and the hero becomes a person of dignified presence, a father and teacher of his children, a very Christ, worthy of all love and reverence, who gathers together the wandering nomads and leads them to their destined country, where he instructs them in agriculture, house building, and the art of govern-

ment, regulates authority, and inculeates peaceful modes of life. “Under him, the earth teemed with fruits and flowers without the pains of culture. An ear of Indian corn was as much as a single man could carry. The cotton, as it grew, took of its own accord the rich dyes

of human art. The air was filled with intoxicating perfumes and the sweet melody of birds. In short, these were the halcyon days, which find a place in the mythic systems of so many nations in the Old World.

It was the golden age of Anahuac.” (Prescott, 1.)' When at last his work is well accomplished, he bids farewell to his sorrowing subjects, whom he consoles with the sacred promise that he will one day return and resume his kingdom, steps into his magic boat by the seashore, and sails away out of their sight to the distant land of sunrise.

Such was Quetzalcoatl of the Aztecs, and such in all essential respects was the culture god of the more southern semicivilized races. Curiously enough, this god, at once a Moses and a messiah, is usually

described as a white man with flowing beard. From this and other circumstances it has been argued that the whole story is only another

form of the dawn myth, but whether the Indian god be an ancient deified lawgiver of their own race, or some nameless missionary who found his way across the trackless ocean in the early ages of Christianity, or whether we have here only a veiled parable of the morning light bringing life and joy to the world and then vanishing to return again from the east with the dawn, it is sufficient to our purpose that the belief in the coming of a messiah, who should restore them to their original happy condition, was well nigh universal among the American tribes. This faith in the return of a white deliverer from the east opened the

gate to the Spaniards at their first coming alike in Haiti, Mexico, Yucatan, and Peru. (Brinton, 1.) The simple native welcomed the white strangers as the children or kindred of their long-lost benefactor, 1 Parenthetic references throaghout the memoir are to bibliographic notes following The Songs.

MOONEY] PUEBLO REVOLT OF 1680 659 immortal beings whose near advent had been foretold by oracles and omens, whose faces borrowed from the brightness of the dawn, whose glistening armor seemed woven from the rays of sunlight, and whose

god-like weapons were the lightning and the thunderbolt. Their first overbearing demands awakened no resentment; for may not the got!s claim their own, and is not resistance to the divine will a crime? Not until their most sacred things were trampled under foot, and the streets of the holy city itself ran red with the blood of their slaughtered princes, did they read aright the awful prophecy by the light of their blazing temples, and know that instead of the children of an incarnate

god they had welcomed a horde of incarnate devils. ‘The light of civilization would be poured on their land. But it would be the light of a consuming fire, before which their barbaric glory, their institutions, their very existence and name as a nation, would wither and become extinct. Their doom was sealed when the white man had set his foot on their soil.” (Prescott, 2.) The great revolt of the Pueblo Indians in August, 1680, was one of the first determined efforts made by the natives on the northern continent to throw off the yoke of a foreign oppressor. The Pueblo tribes along the Rio Grande and farther to the west, a gentle, peaceful race, had early welcomed the coming of the Spaniards, with their soldiers and priests, as friends who would protect them against the wild marauding tribes about them and teach them the mysteries of a greater “medicine” than belonged to their own kachinas. The hope soon faded into bitter disappointment. The soldiers, while rough and overbearing toward their brown-skin allies, were yet unable to protect them from the inroads of their enemies. The priests prohibited their dances and simple amusements, yet all their ringing of bells and chanting of hymns availed not to bring more rain on the crops or to turn aside the vengeful Apache. ‘}What have we gained by all this?” said the Pueblos one to another; “not peace and not happiness, for these new rulers will not protect us from our enemies, and take from us all the enjoyments we once knew.” The pear was ripe. Popé, a medicine-man of the Tewa, had come back from a pilgrimage to the far north, where he claimed to have visited the magic lagoon of Shipapu, whence his people traced their origin and to which the souls of their dead returned after leaving this life. By these ancestral spirits he had been endowed with occult powers and commanded to go back and rouse the Pueblos to concerted effort for deliverance from the foreign yoke of the strangers. Wonderful beings were these spirit messengers. Swift as light and impalpable as thought, they passed under the earth from the magic lake to the secret subterranean chamber of the oracle and stood before him as shapes of fire, and spoke, telling him to prepare the strings of yucca knots and send them with the message to all the Pueblos far and near, so that in every village the chiefs might untie one knot from the string each day, and. know when they came to the last knot that then

was the time to strike. }

660 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 From the Pecos, across the Rio Grande to Zufi and the far-distant Hopi mesas, every Pueblo village accepted the yucca string and began secret preparation for the rising. The time chosen was the new moon of August, 1680, but, through a partial discovery of the plot, the explosion was precipitated .on the 10th. So sudden and complete was the surprise that many Spaniards in the Pueblo country, priests, soldiers,

and civilians, were killed, and the survivors, after holding out for a time under Governor Otermin at Santa Fé, fled to El Paso, and in October there remained not a single Spaniard in all New Mexico. {Bandelier, 1a, 1.) Despite their bitter disappointment, the southern nations continued to cherish the hope of a coming redeemer, who now assumed the character of a terrible avenger of their wrongs, and the white-skin conqueror

has had bloody occasion to remember that his silent peon, as he toils by blue Chapala or sits amid the ruins of his former grandeur in the dark forests of Yucatan, yet waits ever and always the coming of the day which shall break the power of the alien Spaniard and restore to their inheritance the children of Anahuac and Mayapan. In Peru the natives refused to believe that the last of the Incas had perished a wanderer in the forests of the eastern Cordilleras. For more than two

centuries they cherished the tradition that he had only retired to another kingdom beyond the mountains, from which he would return in his own good time to sweep their haughty oppressors from the land. In 1781 the slumbering hope found expression in a terrible insurrection under the leadership of the mestizo Condorcanqui, a descendant of the ancient royal family, who boldly proclaimed himself the long lost Tupac Amaru, child of the sun and Inca of Peru. With mad enthusiasm the Quichua highlanders hailed him as their destined deliverer and rightful sovereign, and binding around his forehead the imperial fillet of the Incas, he advanced at the head of an immense army to the walls of Cuzco, declaring his purpose to blot out the very memory of the white man and reestablish the Indian empire in the City of the Sun. Inspired by the hope of vengeance on the conqueror, even boys became leaders of their people, and it was only after a bloody struggle

of two years’ duration that the Spaniards were able to regain the mastery and consigned the captive Inca, with all his family, to an ignominious and barbarous death. Even then so great was the feeling of veneration which he had inspired in the breasts of the Indians that “notwithstanding their fear of the Spaniards, and though they were surrounded by soldiers of the victorious army, they prostrated themselves at the sight of the last of the children of the sun, as he passed along the streets to the place of execution.” (Humboldt, 1.) In the New World, as in the Old, the advent of the deliverer was to be heralded by signs and wonders. Thus in Mexico, a mysterious rising of the waters of Lake Tezcuco, three comets blazing in the sky, and a strange light in the east, prepared the minds of the people for the near

MOONEY] A WINNEBAGO PROPHECY 661 coming of the Spaniards. (Prescott, 3.) In this connection, also, there was usually a belief in a series of previous destructions by flood, fire, famine, or pestilence, followed by a regeneration through the omnipotent

might of the savior. The doctrine that the world is old and worn out, and that the time for its renewal is near at hand, is an essential part of the teaching of the Ghost dance. The number of these cycles of destruction was variously stated among different tribes, but perhaps the most sadly prophetic form of the myth was found among the Winnebago, who forty years ago held that the tenth generation of their people was near its close, and that at the end of the thirteenth the red race would be destroyed. By prayers and ceremonies they were then endeavoring to placate their angry gods and put farther away the doom that now seems rapidly closing in on them. (Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1.)

CHAPTER II

THE DELAWARE PROPHET AND PONTIAC Hear what the Great Spirit has ordered me to tell you: Put off entirely the cus-

toms which you have adopted since the white people came among us.—The Delaware Prophet. This is our land, and not yours.—The Confederate Tribes, 1752.

The English advances were slow and halting, for a long period almost

imperceptible, while the establishment of a few small garrisons and jsolated trading stations by the French hardly deserved to be called an occupancy of the country. As a consequence, the warlike northern tribes were slow to realize that an empire was slipping from their grasp, and it was not until the two great nations prepared for the final struggle in the New World that the native proprietors began to read the stars aright. Then it was, in 1752, that the Lenape chiefs sent to the British agent the pointed interrogatory: ‘‘The English claim all on one side of

the river, the French claim all on the other—where is the land of the Indians?” (Bancroft,1.) Then, as they saw the French strengthening themselves along the lakes, there came a stronger protest from the council ground of the confederate tribes of the west: “This is our land and not yours. Fathers, both you and the English are white; the land belongs to neither the one nor the other of you, but the Great Being above allotted it to be a dwelling place for us; so, fathers, I desire you to withdraw, as I have desired our brothers, the English.” A wampum belt gave weight to the words. (Bancroft, 2.) The French commander’s reply was blunt, but more practiced diplomats assured the red men that all belonged to the Indian, and that the great king of the French desired only to set up a boundary against the further encroachments of the English, who would otherwise sweep the red tribes from the Ohio

as they had already driven them from the Atlantic. The argument was plausible. In every tribe were French missionaries, whose fearless courage and devotion had won the admiration and love of the savage; in every village was domiciliated a hardy voyageur, with his Indian wife and family of children, in whose veins commingled the blood of the two races and whose ears were attuned alike to the wild songs of the forest and the rondeaus of Normandy or Provence. It was no common tie that bound together the Indians and the French, and when a governor of Canada and the general of his army stepped into the circle of braves to dance the war dance and sing the war song with their red allies, thirty-three wild tribes declared on the wampum belt, ‘“‘The French are our brothers and their king is our father. We 662

MOONEY] JOURNEY TO THE SPIRIT WORLD 663 will try his hatchet upon the English” (Bancroft, 3), and through seven

years of blood and death the lily and the totem were borne abreast until the flag of France went down ‘forever on the heights of Quebec. For some time after the surrender the unrest of the native tribes was soothed into a semblance of quiet by the belief, artfully inculcated by their old allies, that the king of France, wearied by his great exertions, had fallen asleep for a little while, but would soon awake to take ven-

geance on the English for the wrongs they had inflicted on his red children. Then, as they saw English garrisons occupying the aban- . doned posts and English traders passing up the lakes even to the sacred island of the Great Turtle, the despairing warriors said to one another, ‘“‘ We have been deceived. English and French alike are white men and liars. We must turn from both and seek help from our

Indian gods.” ,

In 1762 a prophet appeared among the Delawares, at Tuscarawas, on the Muskingum, who preached a union of all the red tribes and a return to the old Indian life, which he declared to be the divine command, as revealed to himself in a wonderful vision. From an old French manuscript, written by an anonymous eyewitness of the scene which he déscribes, we have the details of this vision, as related by Pontiac to his

‘savage auditors at the great council of the tribes held near Detroit in April, 1763. Parkman gives the story on the authority of this manuscript, which he refers to as the “‘ Pontiac manuscript,” and states that it was long preserved in a Canadian family at Detroit, and afterward deposited with the Historical Society of Michigan. It bears internal - evidence of genuineness, and is supposed to have been written by a French priest. (Parkman, 1.) The vision, from the same manuscript, is related at length in Schoolcraft’s Algic Researches. According to the prophet’s story, being anxious to know the “ Master

of Life,” he determined, without mentioning his desire to anyone, to undertake a journey to the spirit world. Ignorant of the way, and not knowing any person who, having been there, could direct him, he performed a mystic rite in the hope of receiving some light as to the course he should pursue. He then fell into a deep sleep, in which he dreamed that it was only necessary to begin his journey and that by continuing to walk forward he would at last arrive at his destination. Early the next morning, taking his gun, ammunition, and Kettle, he started off, firmly convinced that by pressing onward without discouragement he should accomplish his object. Day after day he proceeded

without incident, until at sunset of the eighth day, while preparing to encamp for the night by the side of a small stream in a little opening in the forest, he noticed, running out from the edge of the prairie, three wide and well-trodden paths. Wondering somewhat that they should be there, he finished his temporary lodging and, lighting a fire, began to prepare his supper. While thus engaged, he observed with astonishment that the paths became more distinct as the night grew darker.

664 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 Alarmed at the strange appearance, he was about to abandon his encampment and seek another at a safer distance, wRen he remembered

his dream and the purpose of his journey. It seemed to him that one of these roads must lead to the place of which he was in search, and he determined, therefore, to remain where he was until morning, and then

take one of the three and follow it tothe end. Accordingly, the next morning, after a hasty meal, he left his encampment, aiid, burning with the ardor of discovery, took the widest path, which he followed until noon, when he suddenly saw a large fire issuing apparently from the

earth. His curiosity being aroused, he went toward it, but the fire increased to such a degree that he became frightened and turned back. He now took the next widest of the three paths, which he followed

as before until noon, when a similar fire again drove him back and compelled him to take the third road, which he kept a whole day with-

out meeting anything unusual, when suddenly he saw a precipitous mountain of dazzling brightness directly in his path. Recovering from his wonder, he drew near and examined it, but could see no sign of a road tothesummit. Hewas about to give way to disappointment, when, looking up, he saw seated a short distance up the mountain a woman of bright beauty and clad in snow-white garments, who addressed him in his own language, telling him that on the summit of the mountain was the abode of the Master of Life, whom he had journeyed so far to meet. ‘But to reach it,” said she, ‘‘you must leave all your cumbersome dress and equipments at the foot, then go and wash in the river which I show you, and afterward ascend the mountain.” He obeyed her instructions, and on asking how he could hope to climb the mountain, which was steep and slippery as glass, she replied that in order to mount he must use only his left hand and foot. This seemed to him almost impossible, but, encouraged by the woman, he began to climb, and at length, after much difficulty, reached the top. Here the woman suddenly vanished, and he found himself alone withouta guide. On looking about, he saw before him a plain, in the midst of which were three villages, with well-built houses disposed in orderly

arrangement. He bent his steps toward the principal one, but after going a Short distance he remembered that he was naked, and was about to turn back when a voice told him that as he had washed himself

in the river he might go on without fear. Thus bidden, he advanced without hesitation to the gate of the village, where he was admitted and saw approaching a handsome man in white garments, who offered

to lead him into the presence of the Master of Life. Admiring the beauty of everything about him, he was then conducted to the Master

of Life, who took him by the hand and gave him for a seat a hat bordered with gold. Afraid of spoiling the hat, he hesitated to sit down until again told to do so, when he obeyed, and the Master of Life thus addressed him:

Iam the Master of Life, whom you wish to see and with whom you wish tospeak. Listen to what I shall tell you for yourself and for all the Indians.

MOONEY] VISIT TO THE MASTER OF LIFE 665 _ He then commanded him to exhort his people to cease from drunkenness, wars, polygamy, and the medicine song, and continued: The land on which you are, I have made for you, not forothers. Wherefore do you suffer the whites to dwell upon your lands? Can you notdo without them? I know that those whom you call the children of your Great Father [the King of France] supply your wants; but were you not wicked as you are you would not need them. You might live as you did before you knew them. Before those whom you call your brothers [the French] had arrived, did not your bow and arrow maintain you? You needed neither gun, powder, nor any other object. The flesh of animals was your food; their skins your raiment. But when I saw you inclined to evil, I removed the animals into the depths of the forest that you might depend on your brothers for your necessaries, for your clothing. Again become good and do my will and I will send animals for yoursustenance. I donot, however, forbid suffering among you your Father’s children. JI love them; they know me; they pray tome. I supply their own wants, and give them that which they bring to you. Not so with those who are come to trouble your possessions [the English]. Drive them away; wage war against them; I love them not; they know me not; they are my enemies; they are your brothers’ enemies. Send them back to the lands I have made for them. Let

them remain there. (Schoolcraft, Alg. 2es., 1.) ; The Master of Life then gave him a prayer, carved in Indian hieroglyphics upon a wooden stick, which he was told to deliver to his chief

on returning to earth. (Parkman, 2.) His instructor continued: Learn it by heart, and teach it to all the Indiansand children. It must be repeated

morning and evening. Do all that I have told thee, and announce it to all the Indians as coming from the Master of Life. Let them drink but one draught, or two at most, in one day. Let them have but one wife, and discontinue running after

other people’s wives and daughters. Let them not fight one another. Let them not sing the medicine song, for in singing the medicine song they speak to the evil spirit. Drive from your lands those dogs in red clothing; they are only an injury to you. When you want anything, apply to me, as your brothers do, and I will give to both. Do not sell to your brothers that which I have placed on the earth asfood. In short, become good, and you shall want nothing. When you meet one another, bow and give one another the [left] hand of the heart. Above all, I command thee to repeat morning and evening the prayer which I have given thee.

The Indian received the prayer, promising to do as he had been commanded and to recommend the same course to others. His former conductor then came and, leading him to the foot of the mountain, bid

him resume his garments and go back to his village. His return excited much surprise among his friends, who had supposed him lost. They asked him where he had been, but as he had been commanded to speak to no one until he had seen the chief, he motioned with his hand to signify that he had come from above. On entering the village he went at once to the wigwam of the chief, to whom he delivered the prayer and the message which he had received from the Master of Life.

(Schoolcraft, Alg. Res., 2.)

_ Although the story as here given bears plain impress of the white man’s ideas, it is essentially aboriginal. While the discrimination expressed by the Master of Life in favor of the French and against

the English may have been due to the fact that the author of the

666 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 manuscript was a Frenchman, it is more probable that we have here set forth only the well-known preference of the wild tribes. ‘The occupancy of a region by the English always meant the speedy expulsion of the natives. The French, on the contrary, lived side by side with the red men, joining in their dances and simple amusements, and entering with fullest sympathy into their wild life, so that they were regarded rather as brethren of an allied tribe than as intruders of an alien race. This feeling is well indicated in the prophet’s narrative, where the Indians, while urged to discard everything that they have adopted from the whites, are yet to allow the French to remain among them, though exhorted to relentless war on the English. The difference received tragic exemplification at Michilimackinac a year later, when a handful of French traders looked on unarmed and unhurt while a crew of maddened savages were butchering, scalping, and drinking the blood of British soldiers. The introduction of the trivial incident of the hat is characteristically Indian, and the confounding of dreams and visions with actual happenings is a frequent result of mental exaltation of common occurrence in the history of religious enthusiasts. The Delaware prophet regards the whole experience as an actual fact instead of a distempered vision induced by long fasts and vigils, and the hieroglyphic prayer—undoubtedly graven by himself while under the ecstasy—is to him a real gift from heaven. The

whole story is a striking parallel of the miraculous experiences recounted by the modern apostles of the Ghost dance. The prayer-stick also and the heavenly map, later described and illustrated, reappear in the account of Kainakik, the Kickapoo prophet, seventy years afterward, showing in a striking manner the continuity of aborigin4l ideas

and methods. ,

The celebrated missionary, Heckewelder, who spent fifty years among the Delawares, was personally acquainted with this prophet and gives a detailed account of his teachings and of his symbolic parchments. He says: In the year 1762 there was a 1amous preacher of the Delaware nation, who resided at Cayahaga, near Lake Erie, and travelled about the country, among the Indians, endeavouring to persuade them that he had been appointed by the Great Spirit to instruct them in those things that were agreeable to him, and point out to them the offences by which they had drawn his displeasure on themselves, and the means by which they might recover his favour for the future. He had drawn, as he pretended, by the direction of the Great Spirit, a kind of map on a piece of deerskin, somewhat dressed like parchment, which he called ‘‘the great Book or Writing.” This,

he said, he had been prdered to shew to the Indians, that they might see the situation in which the Mannitto had originally placed them, the misery which they had brought upon themselves by neglecting their duty, and the only way that was now left them to regain what they had lost. This map he held before him while preaching, frequently pointing to particular marks and spots upon it, and giving explanations as he went along. The size of this map was about fifteen inches square, or, perhaps, something more. An inside square was formed by lines drawn within it, of about eight inches each way; two of these lines, however, were not closed by about half an inch at the corners.

MOONEY] HECKEWELDER ON THE PROPHET 667 Across these inside lines, others of about an inch in length were arawn with sundry other lines and marks, all which was intended to represent a strong inaccessible barrier, to prevent those without from entering the space within, otherwise than at the place appointed for that purpose. When the map was held as he directed, the corners which were not closed lay at the left-hand side, directly opposite to each other, the one being at the southeast by south, and the nearest at the northeast by north. In explaining or describing the particular points on this map, with his fingers always pointing to the place he was describing, he called the space within the inside lines ‘‘the heavenly regions,” or the place destined by the Great Spirit for the habitation of the Indians in future life. The space left open at the southeast corner he called the ‘‘avenue,” which had been intended for the Indians to enter into this heaven, but which was now in the possession of the white people; wherefore the Great Spirit had since caused another ‘‘avenue” to be made on the opposite side, at which, however, it was both difficult and dangerous for them to enter, there being many impediments in their way, besides a large ditch leading to a gulf below, over which they had to leap; but the evil spirit kept at this very spot a continual watch for Indians, and whoever he laid hold of never could get away from him again, but was carried to his regions, where there was nothing but extreme poverty; where the ground was parched up by the heat for want of rain, no fruit came to perfection, the game was almost starved for want of pasture, and where the evil spirit, at his pleasure, transformed men into horses and dogs, to be ridden by him and follow him in his hunts and wherever he went. The space on the outside of this interior square was intended to represent the country given to the Indians to hunt, fish, and dwell in while in this world; the east side of it was called the ocean or “great salt-water lake.” Then the preacher, drawing the attention of his hearers particularly to the southeast avenue, would say

to them, ‘‘Look here! See what we have lost by neglect and disobedience; by being remiss in the expression of our gratitude to the Great Spirit for what he has bestowed upon us; by neglecting to make to him sufficient sacrifices; by looking upon a people of a different colour from our own, who had come across a great lake, as if they were a part of ourselves; by suffering them to sit down by our side, and looking at them with indifference, while they were not only taking our country from us, but this (pointing to the spot), this, our own avenue, leading into those beautiful

regions which were destined for us. Such is the sad condition to which we are reduced. What is now to be done, and what remedy is to be applied? I will tell you, my friends. Hear what the Great Spirit has ordered me to tell you! You are to make sacrifices, in the manner that I shall direct; to put off entirely from yourselves the customs which you have adopted since the white people came among us. You are to return to that former happy state, in which we lived in peace and plenty, before these strangers came to disturb us; and, above all, you must abstain from drinking their deadly beson, which they have forced upon us, for the sake of increas-

ing their gains and diminishing our numbers. Then will the Great Spirit give success to our arms; then he will give us strength to conquer our enemies, to drive them from hence, and recover the passage to the heavenly regions which they have

taken from us.” )

Such was in general the substance of his discourses. After having dilated more or less on the various topics which I have mentioned, he commonly concluded in this manner: ‘‘And now, my friends, in order that what I have told you may remain firmly impressed on your minds, and to refresh your memories from time to time, I advise you to preserve, in every family at least, such a book or writing as this, which I will finish off for you, provided you bring me the price, which is only one buckskin or two doeskins apiece.” ‘The price was of course bought (sic), and the book purchased. Jn some of those maps, the figure of a deer or turkey, or both, was placed in the heavenly regions, and also in the dreary region of the evil spirit. The former, however, appeared fat and plump, while the latter seemed to have’ nothing but skin and bones.-. (Heckewelder, 1.)

668 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 From the narrative of John McCullough, who had been taken by the Indians when a child of 8 years, and lived for some years as an adopted son in a Delaware family in uortheastern Ohio, we gather some additional particulars concerning this prophet, whose name seems to be lost

to history. McCullough himself, who was then but a boy, never met the prophet, but obtained his information from others who had, especially from his Indian brother, who went to Tuscarawas (or Tuscalaways) to see and hear the new apostle on his first appearance. It was said by those who went to see him that he had certain hieroglyphics marked on a piece of parchment, denoting the probation that human beings were subjected to whilst they were living on earth, and also denoting something of a future state. They informed me that he was almost constantly crying whilst he was exhorting them. I saw a copy of his hieroglyphics, as numbers of them had got them copied and undertook to preach or instruct others. The first or principal doctrine they taught them was to purify themselves from sin, which they taught they could do by the use of emetics and abstinence from carnal knowledge of the different sexes; to quit the use of firearms, and to live entirely in the original state that they were in before the white people found out their country. Nay, they taught that that fire was not pure that was made by steel and flint, but that they should make it by

rubbing two sticks together. . . . It was said that their prophet taught them, or made them believe, that he had his instructions immediately from Keesh-she-lamil-lang-up, or a being that thought us into being, and that by following his instruc-

tions they would, in a few years, be able to drive the white people out of their country. I knew a company of them who had secluded themselves for the purpose of purifying from sin, as they thought they could do. I believe they made no use of firearms,

They had been out more than two years before I left them. . . . It was said that they made use of no other weapons than their bows and arrows. They also taught, in shaking hands, to give the left hand in token of friendship, as it denoted that they gave the heart along with the hand. (Pritis, 1.)

The religious ferment produced by the exhortations of the Delaware prophet spread rapidly from tribe to tribe, until, under the guidance of

the master mind of the celebrated chief, Pontiac, it took shape in a grand confederacy of all the northwestern tribes to oppose the further progress of the English. The coast lands were lost to the Indians. The Ohio and the lakes were still theirs, and the Alleghanies marked a natural boundary between the two sections. Behind this mountain barrier Pontiac determined to make his stand. Though the prospect of a restoration of the French power might enable him to rally a following, he himself knew he could expect no aid from the French, for their armies had been defeated and their garrisons were already withdrawn; but, relying on the patriotism of his own red warriors, when told that the English were on their way to take possession of the abandoned posts, he sent back the haughty challenge, ‘I stand in the path.” To Pontiac must be ascribed the highest position among the leaders of the Algonquian race. Born the son of a chief, he became in turn the chief of bis own people, the Ottawa, whom it is said he commanded on the occasion of Braddock’s defeat. For this or other services in behalf of the French he had received marks of distinguished consideration from

MOONEY] PONTIAC’S PLAN OF CONFEDERATION 669 Montcalm himself. By reason of his natural ability, his influence was felt and respected wherever the name of his tribe was spoken, while to his dignity as chief he added the sacred character of high priest of the powerful secret order of the Midé. (Parkman, 3.) Now, in the prime of manhood, he originated and formulated the policy of a confederation

of all the tribes, an idea afterward taken up and carried almost to a successful accomplishment by the great Tecumtha. As principal chief of the lake tribes, he summoned them to the great council near Detroit,

in April, 1763, and, as high priest and keeper of the faith, he there announced to them the will of the Master of Life, as revealed to the Delaware prophet, and called on them to unite for the recovery of their ancient territories and the preservation of their national life. Under the spell of his burning words the chiefs listened as to an oracle,

and cried out that he had. only to declare his will to be obeyed. (Parkman, 4.) His project being unanimously approved, runners were sent out to secure the cooperation of the more remote nations, and in a short time the confederation embraced every important tribe of Algonquian lineage, together with the Wyandot, Seneca, Winnebago, and some of those to the southward. (Parkman, 5.) Only the genius of a Pontiac could have molded into a working unit such an aggregation of diverse elements of savagery. His executive | ability is sufficiently proven by his creation of a regular commissary department based on promissory notes—hieroglyphics graven on birch. bark and signed with the otter, the totem of his tribe; his diplomatic bent appeared in his employment of two secretaries to attend to this unique correspondence, each of whom he managed to keep in ignorance of the business transacted by the other (Parkman, 6); while his military capacity was soon to be evinced in the carefully laid plan which enabled his warriors to strike simultaneously a crushing blow at every British post scattered throughout the 500 miles of wilderness from Pittsburg

to the straits of Mackinaw. ,

The history of this war, so eloquently told by Parkman, reads like some old knightly romance. The warning of the Indian girl; the concerted attack on the garrisons; the ball play at Mackinac on the king’s birthday, and the massacre that followed; the siege of Fort Pitt and the heroic defense of Detroit; the bloody battle of Bushy run, where the painted savage recoiled before the kilted Highlander, as brave and almost as wild; Bouquet’s march into the forests of the Ohio, and the submission of the vanquished tribes —all these things must be passed

over here. They have already been told by a master of language. But the contest of savagery against civilization has but one ending, and the scene closes with the death of Pontiac, a broken-spirited wanderer, cut down at last by a hired assassin of his own race, for whose crime the blood of whole tribes was poured out in atonement. (Parkman, 7.)

i

° r ’ eee°e CHAPTER III

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ought to abandon it.— Tenskwatawa.

A very shrewd and influential man, but circumstances have destroyed him.—

Catlin.

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Forty years had passed away and changes had come to the western territory. The cross of Saint George, erected in the place of the lilies of France, had been supplanted by the flag of the young republic, which in one generation had extended its sway from the lakes to the e

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gulf and from the Atlantic to the Rocky mountains. By treaties made in 1768 with the Iroquois and Cherokee, the two leading Indian confederacies in the east, the Ohio and the Kanawha had been fixed as the boundary between the two races, the Indians renouncing forever their claims to the seaboard, the Delaware, and the Susquehanna, while they were confirmed in their possession of the Alleghany, the Ohio, and the e» great northwest. But the restless borderer would not be limited, and encroachments on the native domain were constantly being made, resulting in a chronic warfare which kept alive the spirit of resentment. The consequence was that in the final struggle of the Revolution the

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EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 56

The first portrait is taken from one given in Lossing’s Awerican Revolution and War of 1812, 111 (1875), page 189, and thus described: ‘‘The portrait of the Prophet is from a pencil sketch made by Pierre Le Dru, a young French trader, at Vincennes,

in 1808. He made a sketch of Tecumtha at about the same time, both of which I found in possession of his son at Quebec in 1848, and by whom I was kindly permitted to copy them.” The other is a copy of the picture painted by Catlin in 1831, after the tribe had removed to Kansas. The artist describes him as blind in his left (?) eye, and painted him holding his medicine fire in his right hand and his

sacred string of beans in the other. :

MOONEY] THE TREATY OF GREENVILLE 671 Indian tribes ranged themselves on the British side. When the war ended and a treaty of peace was made between the new government and the old, no provision was made for the red allies of the king, and they were left to continue the struggle single-handed. The Indians claimed the Ohio country as theirs by virtue of the most solemn trea. ties, but pioneers had already occupied western Pennsylvania, western Virginia, and Kentucky, and were listening with eager attention to the reports brought back by adventurous hunters from the fertile lands of the Muskingum and the Scioto. They refused to be bound by the treaties of a government they had repudiated, and the tribes of the northwest were obliged to fight to defend their territories. Under the able ?

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leadership of Little Turtle they twice rolled back the tide of white invasion, defeating two of the finest armies ever sent into the western country, until, worn out by twenty years of unceasing warfare, and crushed and broken by the decisive victory of Wayne at the Fallen

Timbers, their villages in ashes and their cornfields cut down, the dispirited chiefs met their conqueror at Greenville in 1795 and signed away the rights for which they had so long contended. By this treaty, which marks the beginning of the end with the eastern tribes, the Indians renounced their claims to all territory east of a line running in a general way from the mouth of the Cuyahoga on Lake Erie to the mouth of the Kentucky on the Ohio, leaving to the whites

the better portion of Ohio valley, including their favorite hunting 14 ETH—PrT 2——3

672 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 ground of Kentucky. The Delaware, the Wyandot, and the Shawano, three of the leading tribes, were almost completely shorn of their ancient inheritance and driven back as refugees among the Miami. The Canadian boundary had been established along the lakes; the Ohio was lost to the Indians; for them there was left only extermination or removal to the west. ' Their bravest warriors were slain. Their

ablest chieftain, who had led them to victory against St Clair, had bowed to the inevitable, and was now regarded as one with a white man’s heart and a traitor to his race. A brooding dissatisfaction settled down on the tribes. Who shall deliver them from the desolation that has come on them? Now arose among the Shawano another prophet to point out to, his people the “‘open door” leading to happiness. In November, 1805, a young man named Laulewasikaw (Lalawe’thika, a rattle or similar instrument—Gaischet), then hardly more than 30 years of age, called around

him his tribesmen and their allies at their ancient capital of Wapakoneta, within the present limits of Ohio, and there announced himself

as the bearer of a new revelation from the Master of Life, who had taken pity on his red children and wished to save them from the threatened destruction. He declared that he had been taken up to the spirit world and had been permitted to lift the veil of the past and the future—had seen the misery of evil doers and learned the happiness that. awaited those who followed the precepts of the Indian god. He then began an earnest exhortation, denouncing the witchcraft practices and medicine juggleries of the tribe, and solemnly warning his hearers that none who had part in such things would ever taste of the future happiness. The firewater of the whites was poison and accursed; and those who continued its use would after death be tormented with all the pains of fire, while flames would continually issue from their mouths. This idea may have been derived from some white man’s teaching or

from the Indian practice of torture by fire. The young must cherish and respect the aged and infirm. AlIl property must be in common, according to the ancient law of their ancestors. Indian women must cease to intermarry with white men; the two races were distinct and must remain so. The white man’s dress, with his flint-and-steel, must be discarded for the old time buckskin and the firestick. More than this, every tool and every custom derived from the whites must be put away, and they must return to the methods which the Master of Life had taughtthem. When they should do all this, he promised that they

would again be taken into the divine favor, and find the happiness which their fathers had known before the coming of the whites, Finally, in proof of his divine mission, he announced that he had received power

to cure all diseases and to arrest the hand of death in sickness or on the battlefield. (Drake, Tecumseh, 1. To avoid repetition, it may be Stated that, except when otherwise noted, the principal facts concerning Tecumtha and the prophet are taken from Drake’s work, the most

MOONEY] THE PROPHETS TRANCE 6673 valuable published on the subject. The prophet and his doctrines are also spoken of at some length by Tanner, Kendall, Warren, and Catlin, as hereafter quoted, while the history of Tecumtha is a part of the history of Ohio valley, to be found in any work treating of that section and period ) In an account quoted by Drake, probably from an English writer, it

is stated that the prophet was noted for his stupidity and intoxication until his fiftieth (?) year, when one day, while lighting his pipe in his cabin, he suddenly fell back apparently lifeless and remained in that

condition until his friends had assembled for the funeral, when he revived from his trance, and after quieting their alarm, announced that he had been to the spirit world and commanded them to call the people

together that he might tell them what he had seen. When they had assembled, he declared that he had been conducted to the border of the spirit world by two young men, who had permitted him to look in upon

its pleasures, but not to enter, and who, after charging him with the message to his people already noted, had left him, promising to visit

him again at a future time. (Drake, Ab. Races, 1.) ,

Although the language of this account is somewhat overdrawn, the main statements are probably correct, as it is in complete accordance with the Indian system by which all truth has been revealed in dreams and trances from the first dawn of tradition’down to Smohalla and the messiah of the Ghost dance. His words aroused an intense excitement among his hearers, and the impression deepened as the tidings of the new gospel were carried from camp to camp. Those who were addicted to drunkenness—the besetting sin of the Indians since their acquaintance with the whites—were so thoroughly alarmed at the prospect of a fiery punishment in the spirit world that for a long time intoxication became practically unknown among the western tribes. Their zeal led also to the inauguration of a

crusade against all who were suspected of dealing in witchcraft or magic arts; but here the prophet took advantage of this feeling to effectually rid himself of all who opposed his sacred claims. It was only necessary for him to denounce such a person as a witch to have

him pay the forfeit with reputation, if not with life. | Among the first of his victims were several Delawares— Tatepocoshe (more generally known as Teteboxti), Patterson, his nephew, Coltos, an old woman, and an aged man called Joshua. These were successively marked by the prophet, and doomed to be burnt alive. The tragedy was commenced with the old woman. The Indians roasted her slowly over a fire for four days, calling upon her frequently to deliver

up her charm and medicine bag. Just as she was dying, she exclaimed that her grandson, who was then out hunting, had it in his possession. Messengers were sent in pursuit of him, and when found he was tied and broughtinto camp. He acknowledged that on one occasion he had borrowed the charm of his grandmother, by means of which he had flown through the air over Kentucky, to the banks of the Mississippi, and back again, between twilight and bedtime; but he insisted that he had returned the charm to its owner, and, after some consuitation, he was set at liberty. The following day a council was held over the case of the venerable chief

674 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 Tatepocoshe, he being present. His death was decided upon after full deliberation ; and, arrayed in his finest apparel, he calmly assisted in building his own funeral pile, fully aware that there was no escape from the judgment that had been passed upon him. The respect due to his whitened locks induced his executioners to treat him with mercy. He was deliberately tomahawked by a young man, and his body

was then placed upon the blazing fagots and consumed. The next day the old preacher Joshua met a similar fate. The wife of Tatepocoshe and his nephew Billy Patterson were then brought into the council house and seated side by side. The latter had led an irreproachable life, and died like a Christian, singing and praying amid the flames which destroyed his body. While preparations were making for the immolation of Tatecoposhe’s wife, her brother, a youth of 20 years of age, suddenly started up, took her by the hand, and, to the amazement of the council, led her out of the house. He soon returned, and exclaiming, ‘‘ The devil bas come among us (alluding to the prophet), and we are killing each other,” he reseated himself in the midst of the crowd. This bold step checked the wild frenzy of the Indians, put an end to these cruel scenes, and for a time greatly impaired the impostor’s influence among the Delawares. (Drake, Tecumseh, 2.)

The prophet now changed his name to Tenskwatawa, ‘“‘The Open Door” (from skwa’te, a door, and the'nui, to be open; frequently spelled Elskwatawa), significant of the new mode of life which he had come to point out to his people, and fixed his headquarters at Greenville, Ohio, where representatives from the various scattered tribes of the northwest

gathered about him to learn the new doctrines. Some, especially the Kickapoo, entered fervently into his spirit, while others were disposed to oppose him. The Miami, who regarded the Shawano as intruders, were jealous of his influence, and the chiefs of his own tribe were somewhat inclined to consider him in the light of a rival. To establish his sacred character and to dispel the doubts of the unbelievers, he continued to dream dreams and announce wonderful revelations from time to time, when an event oceurred which effectually silenced opposition and stamped him as one inspired.

By some means he had learned that an eclipse of the sun was to take place in the summer of 1806. As the time drew near, he called about him the scoffers and boldly announced that on a certain day he would prove to them his supernatural authority by causing the sun to become dark. When the day and hour arrived and the earth at midday was enveloped in the gloom of twilight, Tenskwatawa, standing in the midst of the terrified Indians, pointed to the sky and cried, “Did

I not speak truth? See, the sun is dark!” There were no more doubters now. All proclaimed him a true prophet and the messenger of the Master of Life. His fame spread abroad and apostles began to carry his revelations to the remotest tribes. We get but fragmentary light in regard to the details of the doctrine and ceremonies of this religious revival, as well as of that which preceded it. There were then no railroads, no newspaper correspondents to gather each day’s proceedings, and no telegraph to flash the news across the continent before nightfall; no reservation system, with its attendant army of employees, everyone @ spy when an emergency

arose; and no investigators to go among the tribes and study the

MOONEY] DISSEMINATION OF THE DOCTRINE 675 matter from an ethnologic point of view. Our information is derived chiefly from military officers, who knew these things only as vague rumors of Indian unrest fomented by British agents; from the statements of a few illiterate interpreters or captives among the savages, and from the misty recollections of old men long after the excitement had passed away. Of the dances which are a part of every important Indian ceremony, the songs which they chanted, the peculiar dress or adornments which probably distinguished the believers—of all these we know nothing; but we may well surmise that the whole elaborate system of Indian mythology and ceremonial was brought into play to give weight to the words of the prophet, and enough is known to show that in its leading features the movement closely resembled the modern Ghost dance. It is impossible to know how far the prophet was responsible for the final shaping of the doctrine. Like all such movements, it undoubtedly grew and took more definite form under the hands of the apostles who

went out from the presence of its originator to preach to the various tribes. A religion which found adherents alike in the everglades of Florida and on the plains of the Saskatchewan must necessarily have undergone local modifications. From a comparison of the various accounts we can arrive at a general statement of the belief. _ The prophet was held to be an incarnation of Manabozho, the great ‘first doer” of the Algonquian system. His words were believed to be the direct utterances of a deity. Manabozho had taught his people certain modes of living best suited to their condition and capacity. A new race had come upon them, and the Indians had thrown aside their primitive purity of life and adopted the innovations of the whites, which had now brought them to degradation and misery and threatened them

with swift and entire destruction. To punish them for their disobedience and bring them to a sense of their duty, Manabozho had called the game from the forests and shut it up under the earth, so that the tribes were now on the verge of starvation and obliged to eat the flesh of filthy hogs. They had also lost their old love for one another and become addicted to the secret practices of the poisoner and the wizard, together with the abominable ceremonies of the calumet dance. They must now put aside all these things, throw away the weapons and the dress of the white man, pluck out their hair as in ancient times, wear the eagle feather on their heads, and clothe themselves again with the breechcloth and the skins of animals slain with the bows and arrows which Manabozho had giventhem. (Kendall, 1.) They must have done with the white man’s flint-and-steel, and cook their food over a fire made by rubbing together two sticks, and this fire must always be kept burning in their lodges, as it was a symbol of the eternal life, and their care for it was an evidence of their heed to the divine commands. The firewater must forever be put away, together with the medicine bags and poisons and the wicked juggleries which had corrupted the ancient

676 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 purity of the Midé rites. Instead of these the prophet gave them new songs and new medicines. Their women must cease from any connection with white men. They were to love one another and make an end of their constant wars, to be kind to their children, to keep but one dog in a family, and to abstain from lying and stealing. If they would listen to his voice and follow his instructions, the incarnate Manabozho promised that at the end of four years (i. e., in 1811) he would bring on two days of darkness, during which he would travel invisibly throughout

the land, and cause the animals which he had created to come forth again out of the earth. (Kendall, 2.) They were also promised that their dead friends would be restored to them. The ideas as to the catastrophe that was to usher in the new era seem to have varied according to the interpreter of the belief. Among the Ottawa, and perhaps among the lake tribes generally, there was to be

a period of darkness, as already stated. Among the Cherokee, and probably also among the Creek, it was believed that there would be a terrible hailstorm, which would overwhelm with destruction both the whites and the unbelievers of the red race, while the elect would be warned in time to save themselves by fleeing to the high mountain tops. The idea of any hostile combination against the white race seems to

have been no part of the doctrine. In the north, however, there is always a plain discrimination against the Americans. TheGreat Father, through his prophet, is represented as declaring himself to be the common parent alike of Indians, English, French, and Spaniards; while the Americans, on the contrary, “are not my children, but the children of the evil spirit. They grew from the scum of the great water, when it was troubled by an evil spirit and the froth was driven into the woods

by a strong east wind. They are numerous, but I hate them. They are unjust; they have taken away your lands, which were not made for them.” (Kendall, 3.) From the venerable James Wafford, of the Cherokee nation, the author in 1891 obtained some interesting details in regard to the excite-

ment among the Cherokee. According to his statement, the doctrine first came to them through the Creek about 1812 or 1813. It was probably given to the Creek by Tecumtha and his party on their visit to that tribe in the fall of 1811, as will be related hereafter. The Creek were taught by their prophets that the old Indian life was soon to return, when “instead of beef and bacon they would have venison, and instead

of chickens they would have turkeys.” Great sacred dances were inaugurated, and the people were exhorted to be ready for what was to come. From the south the movement spread to the Cherokee, and one | of their priests, living in what is now upper Georgia, began to preach

that on a day near at hand there would be a terrible storm, with a mighty wind and hailstones as large as hominy mortars, which would destroy from the face of the earth all but the true believers who had previously taken refuge on the highest summits of the Great Smoky

MOONEY] THE EXCITEMENT AMONG THE CHEROKEE 677

mountains. Full of this belief, numbers of the tribe in Alabama and Georgia abandoned their bees, their orchards, their slaves, and everything else that might have come to them through the white man, and, in spite of the entreaties and remonstrances of friends who put no faith in the prediction, took up their toilsome march for the mountains of Carolina. Wafford, who was then about 10 years of age, lived with

his mother and stepfather on Valley river, and vividly remembers the troops of pilgrims, with their packs on their backs, fleeing from the lower country to escape from the wrath to come. Many of them stopped at the house of his stepfather, who, being a white man, was somewhat better prepared than his neighbors to entertain travelers, and who took the opportunity to endeavor to persuade them to turn back, telling them that their hopes and fears alike were groundless. Some listened to him and returned to their homes, but others went on and climbed the mountain, where they waited until the appointed day arrived, only to find themselves disappointed. Slowly and sadly then they took up their packs once more and turned their faces homeward, dreading the ridicule they were sure to meet there, but yet believing in their hearts that the glorious coming was only postponed for a time. — This excitement among the Cherokee is noted at some length in the Cherokee Advocate of November 16, 1844, published at Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation. Among the Creek the excitement, intensified by reports of the struggle now going on in the north, and fostered and encouraged by the emissaries of Spain and England, grew and spread © until it culminated in the summer of 1813 in the terrible Creek war. Enough is known of the ceremonial of this religion to show that it.

must have had an elaborate ritual. We learn from Warren that the adherents of the prophet were accustomed to perform certain cere-

monies in solemn councils, and that, after he had prohibited the corrupt secret rites, he introduced instead new medicines and songs, and that at the ancient capital of the Ojibwa on Lake Superior the Indians collected in great numbers and performed these dances and ceremonies

day and night. (Warren, 1.) They were also instructed to dance naked, with their bodies painted and with the warclub in their hands.

(Kendall, 4.) The solemn rite of confirmation, known as “shaking hands with the prophet,” was particularly impressive. From the narrative of John Tanner, a white man captured when a child from his _ home in Kentucky and brought up among the wild Ojibwa, we get the best contemporary account of the advent of the new doctrine in the north and its effect on the lake tribes. He says: It was while I was living here at Great Wood river that news came of a great man among the Shawneese, who had been favoured by a revelation of the mind and will of the Great Spirit. Iwas hunting in the prairie, at a great distance from my lodge, when I saw a stranger approaching. At first I was apprehensive of an enemy, but as he drew nearer, his dress showed him to be an Ojibbeway; but when he came up, there was something very strange and peculiar in his manner. He signified to me that I must go home, but gave no explanation of the cause. He refused to look at

678 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN, 1d me or enter into any kind of conversation. I thought he must be crazy, but nevertheless accompanied him to my lodge. When we had smoked, he remained a long time silent, but at last began to tell me he had come with a message from the prophet of the Shawneese. ‘‘ Henceforth,” said he, ‘‘the fire must never be suffered to go out in your lodge. Summer and winter, day and night, in the storm, or when it is calm, you must remember that the life in your body and the fire in your lodge are the same and of the same date. If you suffer your fire to be extinguished, at that moment your life will be at its end. You must not suffer a dog to live; you must never strike either a man, a woman, a child, ora dog. The prophet himself is coming to shake hands with you; but I have come before, that you may know what is the will of the Great Spirit, communicated to us by him, and to inform you that the preservation of your life, for a single moment, depends on your entire obedience. From this time forward we are neither to be drunk, to steal, to lie, or to go against our enemies. While we yield an entire obedience to these commands of the Great Spirit, the Sioux, even if they come.to our country, will not be able to see us; we shall be protected and made happy.” I listened to all he had to say, but told him, in answer, that I could not believe we should all die in case our fire went out; in many instances, also, it would be difficult to avoid punishing our children; our dogs were useful in aiding us to hunt and take animals, so that I could not believe the Great Spirit had any wish to take them from us. He continued talking to us until late at night; then he lay down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake first in the morning, and, perceiving the fire had gone out, I called him to get up and see how many of us were living and how many dead. He was prepared for the ridicule I attempted to throw upon his doctrine, and told me that I had not yet shaken hands with the prophet. His visit had been to prepare me for this important event, and to make me aware of the obligations and risks I should incur, by entering into the engagement implied in taking in my hand the message of the prophet. I did not rest entirely easy in my unbelief. The Indians, generally, received the doctrine of this man with great humility and fear. Distress and anxiety was visible in every countenance. Many killed their dogs, and endeavored to practice obedience to all the commands of this new preacher, who still remained among us. But, as was usual with me, in any emergency of: this kind, I went to the traders, firmly believing that if the Deity had any communications to make to men, they would be given, in the first instance, to white men. The traders ridiculed and despised the idea of a new revelation of the Divine will, and the thought that it should be given to a poor Shawnee. Thus was I confirmed in my infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not openly avow my unbelief to the Indians, only I refused to kill my dogs, and showed no

great degree of anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As long as I remained among the Indians, I made it my business to conform, as far as appeared consistent with my immediate convenience and comfort, with all their customs. Many of their ideas I have adopted, but I always found among them opinions which I could not hold. The Ojibbeway whom I have mentioned remained some time among the Indians in my neighborhood, and gained the attention of the principal men so effectually that a time was appointed and a lodge prepared for the solemn

and public espousing of the doctrines of the prophet. When the people, and I anong them, were brought into the long lodge, prepared for this solemnity, we saw something carefully concealed under a blanket, in figure and dimensions bearing some resemblance to the form of a man. This was accompanied by two young men, who, it was understood, attended constantly upon it, made its bed at night, as for a man, and slept near it. But while we remained ne one went near it or raised the blanket which was spread over its unknown contents. Four strings of mouldy and discoloured beans were all the remaining visible insignia of this important mission, After a long harangue, in which the prominent features of the new revelation were stated and urged upon the attention of all, the four strings of beans, which we were told were made of the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried with much solemnity to each man in the lodge, and he was expected to take hold of each string at the top, and draw them gently through his hand. This was called shaking hands with

MOONEY] THE DOCTRINE IN THE NORTH 679 the prophet, and was considered as solemnly engaging to obey his injunctions, and accept his mission as from the Supreme. All the Indians who touched the beans had

previously killed their. dogs; they gave up their medicine bags, and showed a

disposition to comply with all that should be required of them. |

We had now been for some time assembled in considerable numbers. Much agitation and terror had prevailed among us, and now famine began to be felt. The faces of men wore an aspect of unusual gloominess; the active became indolent, and the spirits of the bravest seemed to be subdued. I started to hunt with my dogs, which I had constantly refused to kill or suffer to be killed. By their assistance, I found and killed a bear. On returning home, I said to some of the Indians, “Has not the Great Spirit given us our dogs to aid us in procuring what is needful for the support of our life, and can you believe he wishes now to deprive us of their services? The prophet, we are told, has forbid us to suffer our fire to be extinguished in our lodges, and when we travel or hunt, he will not allow us to use a flint and steel, and we are told he requires that no man should give fire to another. Can it please the Great Spirit that we should lie in our hunting camps without fire, or is it more agreeable to him that we should make fire by rubbing together two sticks than with a flint anda piece of steel?” But they would not listen to me; and the serious enthusiasm which prevailed among them so far affected me that I threw away my flint and steel, laid aside my medicine bag, and, in many particulars, complied with the new doctrines; but I would not kill my dogs. I soon learned to kindle a fire by rubbing some dry cedar, which I was careful to carry always about me, but the discontinuance of the use of flint and steel] subjected many of the Indians to much inconvenience and suffering. The influence of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly and painfully felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had any knowledge, but it was not the common impression among them that his doctrines had any tendency to unite them in the accomplishment of any human purpose. For two or three years drunkenness _ was much less frequent than formerly, war was less thought of, and the entire aspect of affairs among them was somewhat changed by the influence of one man. But gradually the impression was obliterated; medicine bags, flints, and steels were resumed; dogs were raised, women and children were beaten as before, and the Shawnee prophet was despised. At this day he is looked upon by the Indians as an

impostor and a bad man. (Tanner, 1.) |

Tanner’s account is confirmed by Warren, from the statements of old men among the Ojibwa who had taken part in the revival. According to their story the ambassadors of the new revelation appeared at the different villages, acting strangely and with their faces painted black — perhaps to signify their character as messengers from the world of shades. They told the people that they must light a fire with two dry

sticks in each of their principal settlements, and that this fire must always be kept sacred and burning. They predicted the speedy return of the old Indian life, and asserted that the prophet would cause the dead to rise from the grave. The new belief took sudden and complete possession of the minds of the Ojibwa and spread “like wildfire” from end to end of their widely extended territory, and even to the remote northern tribes in alliance with the Cree and Asiniboin. Thestrongest evidence of their implicit obedience to the new revelation was given by their attention to the command to throw away their medicine bags, the

oue thing which every Indian holds most sacred. It is said that the shores of Lake Superior, in the vicinity of the great village of Shagawaumikong (Bayfield, Wisconsin), were strewn with these medicine bags, which had been cast into the water. At this ancient capital of

680 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 the tribe the Ojibwa gathered in great numbers, to dance the dances and sing the songs of the new ritual, until a message was received from the prophet inviting them to come to him at Detroit, where he would explain in person the will of the Master of Life. This was in 1808. The excitement was now at fever heat, and it was determined to go in a body to Detroit. It is said that 150 canoe loads of Ojibwa actually started on this pilgrimage, and one family even brought with them a dead child to be restored to life by.the prophet. They had proceeded a.considerable distance when they were met by an influential French trader, who reported, on the word of some who had already visited the prophet’s camp and returned, that the devotees there were on the brink of starvation—which was true, as the great multitude had consumed their entire supply of provisions, and had been so occupied with religious ceremonies that they had neglected to plant their corn. It was also asserted that during the prophet’s frequent periods of absence from the camp, when he would disappear for several days, claiming on his return that he had been to the spirit world in converse with the Master of Life, that he was really concealed in a hollow log in the woods. This is quite probable, and entirely consistent with the Indian theory of trances and soul pilgrimages while the body remains unconscious in one spot. These reports, however, put such a damper

on the ardor of the Ojibwa that they returned to their homes and gradually ceased to think about the new revelation. As time went on a reaction set in, and those who had been most active evangelists of the

doctrine among the tribe became most anxious to efface the remembrance of it. One good, however, resulted to the Ojibwa from the throwing away of the poisonous compounds formerly in common use by the lower order of doctors, and secret poisoning became almost unknown. (Warren, 2.) When the celebrated traveler Catlin went among the prairie tribes some thirty years later, he found that the prophet’s emissaries—he says the prophet himself, which is certainly a mistake—had carried the living fire, the sacred image, and the mystic strings (see portrait and descrip-

tion) even to the Blackfeet on the plains of the Saskatchewan, going without hindrance among warring tribes where the name of the Shawano had never been spoken, protected only by the reverence that attached to their priestly character. There seems no doubt that by this time they had developed the plan of a confederacy for driving back the whites, and Catlin asserts that thousands of warriors among those remote tribes had pledged themselves to fight under the lead of Tecum-

tha at the proper time. His account of the -prophet’s methods in the extreme northwest agrees with what Tanner has. reported from the Ojibwa country. (Catlin, 1.) But disaster followed him like a shadow. Rivals, jealous of his success, came after him to denounce his plans as visionary and himself as an impostor. The ambassadors were obliged to turn back to save their lives and retrace their way in haste to the far distant Wabash, where the fatal battle of Tippecanoe and the death of his great brother, Tecumtha, put an end to all his splendid dreams.

CHAPTER IV

TECUMTHA AND TIPPECANOE | These lands are ours. No one has aright to remove us, because we were the first

owners.— Tecumtha to Wells, 1807.

The Great Spirit gave this great island to his red children. He placed the whites on the other side of the big water. They were not contented with their own, but came to take ours from us. They have driven us from the sea to the lakes—we can

go no farther.—Tecumtha, 1810.

The President may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will

have to fight it out.—Tecumtha to Harrison, 1810. |

And now we begin to hear of the prophet’s brother, Tecumtha, the most heroic character in Indian history. Tecumtha, “The Meteor,” was

the son of a chief and the worthy scion of a warrior race. His tribe, the Shawano, made it their proud boast that they of all tribes had opposed the most determined resistance to the encroachments of the whites. His father had fallen under the bullets of the Virginians while leading his warriors at the bloody battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774. His eldest and dearest brother had lost his life in an attack on a southern

frontier post, and another had been killed fighting by his side at Wayne’s victory in 1794. What wonder that the young Tecumtha declared that his flesh crept at the sight of a white man! But his was no mean spirit of personal revenge; his mind was too noble for that. He hated the whites as the destroyers of his race, but prisoners and the defenseless knew well that they could rely on his honor and humanity and were safe under his protection. When only a boy—for his military career began in childhood—he had witnessed the burning of a prisoner, and the spectacle was so abhorrent to his feelings that by an earnest and eloquent harangue he induced the party to give up the practice forever. In later years his name was accepted by helpless women and children as a guaranty of protection even in the midst of hostile Indians. Of commanding figure, nearly six feet in

height and compactly built; of dignified bearing and piercing eye, before whose lightning even a British general quailed; with the fiery eloquence of a Clay and the clear-cut logic of a Webster; abstemious in habit, charitable in thought and action, brave as a lion, but humane and generous withal—in a word, an aboriginal American knight—his life was given to his people, and he fell at last, like his father and his brothers before him, in battle with the destroyers of his nation, the champion of a lost cause and a dying race. His name has been rendered “The Shooting Star” and ‘“‘The Panther

Crouching, or Lying in Wait.” From a reply to a letter of inquiry 681

682 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 addressed to Professor A. S. Gatschet, the well-known philologist, I extract the following, which throws valuable light on the name system and mythology of the Shawano, and shows also that the two renderings, apparently so dissimilar, have a common origin: Shawano personal names are nearly all clan names, and by their interpretation the clan to which the individual or his father or mother belongs may be discovered. Thus, whena man is called “ tight fitting” or ‘“‘good fit,” he is of the Rabbit clan, because the fur fits the rabbit very tightly and closely. The name of Tecumtha is

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One of the finest looking men Ifellow.—Captain ever saw—aboutFloyd, 6 feet1810. high, straight, with large, fine features, and altogether a daring, bold-looking One of those uncommon geniuses which spring up occasionally to produce revolutions and overturn the established order of things.—Governor Harrison.

. derived from nila ni tha'mthka, ‘I cross the path or way of somebody, or of an animal.” This indicates that the one so named belongs tothe clan of the round-foot or claw-foot animals, as panther, lion, or even raccoon. Tecumtha and his brother belonged to the clan of the manetuwi msipessi or ‘‘miraculous panther” (msi, great, big; pishiwi, abbreviated pessi, cat, both combined meaning the American lion). So the translations ‘‘ panther lying in wait,” or ‘‘crouching lion,” give only the sense of the name, and no animal is named in it. But the msi-pessi, when the epithet miraculous (manetuwi) is added to it, means a “celestial tiger,” i. e., a meteor or shooting star. The manetuwi msi-pessi lives in water only and is visible not as an

EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 58

This portrait is a copy of the one given by Lossing in his American Revolution and the War of 1812, 111 (1875), page 283. He quotes a description of Tecumtha’s personal appearance by a British officer who saw him in 1812, and then goes on to give the history of the portrait. ‘‘Captain J. B. Glegg, Brock’s aid-de-camp, has left on record the following description of Tecumtha at that interview: ‘Tecumseh’s appearance was very prepossessing; his figure light and finely proportioned; his age I imagined to be about five and thirty [he was about forty]; in height, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches; his complexion light copper; countenance oval, with bright hazel

eyes, bearing cheerfulness, energy, and decision. Three small silver crosses or coronets were suspended from the lower cartilage of his aquiline nose, and a large si!ver medallion of George the Third, which I believe his ancestor had received from Lord Dorchester when governor-general of Canada, was attached to a mixedcolored wampun string and hung round his neck. His dress consisted of a plain, neat uriform, tanned deerskin jacket, with long trowsers of the same material, the seams of both being covered with neatly cut fringe, and he had on his feet leather moccasins, much ornamented with work made from the dyed quills of the porcupine.’ The portrait of Tecumtha above given is from a pencil sketch by Pierre Le Dru. . . . InthisI have given only the head by Le Dru. The cap was red, and in front was a single eagle’s feather, black, with a white tip. The sketch of his dress (and the medal above described), in which he appears as a brigadier-general of the British army, is from a rough drawing, which I saw in Montreal in the summer of 1858, made at Malden soon after the surrender of Detroit, where the Indians celebrated that event by a grand feast. It was only on gala occasions that Tecumtha was seen in full dress. .The sketch did not pretend to give a true likeness of the chief, and was valuable only as a delineation of his costume. From the two we are enabled to give a pretty faithful picture of the great Shawnoese warrior and statesman as he appeared in his best mood. When in full dress he wore a cocked hat and plume, but would not give up his blue breechcloth, red leggins fringed with buckskin, and buckskin moccasins,”

MOONEY] TECUMTHA AT GREENVILLE 683 animal, but as a shooting. star, and exceeding in size other shooting stars. This monster gave name to a Shawano clan, and this clan, to which Tecumtha belonged, was classed. among the claw-foot animals also. The quick motion of the shooting

star was correctly likened to that of a tiger or wildcat rushing upon his prey. Shooting stars are supposed to be souls of great men all over America. The home of the dead is always in the west, where the celestial bodies set, and since meteors .

travel westward they were supposed to return to their western home. | -Tecumtha was now in the prime of manhood, being about 40 years of age, and had already thought out his scheme of uniting all the tribes in one grand confederation to resist the further encroachments of the whites, on the principle that the Indians had common interests, and that what concerned one tribe concerned all. As the tribes were constantly shifting about, following the game in its migrations, he held that no one tribe had any more than a possessory right to the land while in actual occupancy, and that any sale of lands, to be valid, must be sanctioned by all the tribes concerned. His claim was certainly founded in justice, but the government refused to admit the principle in theory, although repeatedly acting on it in practice, for every important treaty afterward made in Mississippi valley was a joint treaty, as it was found impossible to assign the ownership of any considerable section to any one

particular tribe. The Shawano themselves hunted from the Cumberland to the Susquehanna. As a basal proposition, Tecumtha claimed that the Greenville treaty, having been forced on the Indians, was invalid; that the only true boundary was the Ohio, as established in 1768, and that all future cessions must have the sanction of all the tribes claiming rights in that region. By this time there were assembled at Greenville to listen to the teach-

ings of the prophet hundreds of savages, representing all the widely extended tribes of the lake region and the great northwest, all wrought up to the highest pitch of excitement over the prospect of a revival of the old Indian life ‘and the perpetuation of aboriginal sovereignty. This was Tecumtha’s opportunity, and he was quick to improve it. Even those who doubted the spiritual revelations could see that they were in danger from the continued advances of the whites, and were easily convinced that safety required that they should unite as one people for the preservation of a common boundary. The pilgrims carried back these ideas to their several tribes, and thus what was at first a simple religious revival soon became a political agitation. They were equally patriotic from the Indian point of view, and under the circumstances one was almost the natural complement of the other. All the evidence goes to show that the movement in its inception was purely religious and peaceable; but the military spirit of Tecumtha afterward gave to it a warlike and even aggressive character, and henceforth the apostles of the prophet became also recruiting agents for his brother. Tecumtha himself was too sensible to think that the whites would be destroyed by any interposition of heaven, or that they could be driven out by any combination of the Indians, but he did believe it possible

684 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 that the westward advance of the Americans could be stopped at the Ohio, leaving his people in undisturbed possession of what lay beyond.

In this hope he was encouraged by the British officials in Canada, and it is doubtful if the movement would ever have become formidable if it had not been iricited and assisted from across the line. In the spring of 1807 it was estimated that at Fort Wayne fifteen hun-

dred Indians had recently passed that post on their way to visit the prophet, while councils were constantly being held and runners were going from tribe to tribe with pipes and belts of wampum. It was plain that some uncommon movement was going on among them, and

it also was evident that the British agents had a hand in keeping up the excitement. The government became alarmed, and the crisis came when an order was sent from the President to Tecumtha at Greenville to remove his party beyond the boundary of 1795 (the Greenville treaty). Trembling with excitement, Tecumtha rose and addressed his followers

in a passionate speech, dwelling on the wrongs of the Indians and the continued encroachments of the whites. Then, turning to the messenger, he said, “These lands are ours. No one has a right to remove

us, because we were the first owners The Great Spirit above has appointed this place for us, on which to light our fires, and here we will

remain. As to boundaries, the Great Spirit above knows no boundaries nor will his red children acknowledge any.” (Drake, Tecumseh, 3.)

From this time it was understood that the Indians were preparing to make a final stand for the valley of the Ohio. The prophet continued to arouse their enthusiasm by his inspired utterances, while Tecumtha became the general and active organizer of the warriors. At a conference with the governor of Ohio in the autumn of 1807 he fearlessly denied the validity of the former treaties, and declared his intention to resist the further extension of the white settlements on Indian lands. The next spring great numbers of Indians came down from the lakes to visit Tecumthaand his brother, who, finding their following increasing s0 rapidly, accepted an invitation from the Potawatomi and Kickapoo,

and removed their headquarters to a more central location on the Wabash. The Delaware and Miami, who claimed precedence in that region and who had all along opposed the prophet and Tecumtha, pro-

tested against this move, but without effect. The new settlement, which was on the western bank of the river, just below the mouth of the Tippecanoe, was known to the Indians as Kehtipaquononk, “the great clearing,” and was an old and favorite location with them. It had been the site of a large Shawano village which had been destroyed by the Americans in 1791, and some years later the Potawatomi had rebuilt upon the same place, to which they now invited the disciples of the new religion. The whites had corrupted the name to Tippecanoe, and

it now generally became known as the Prophet’s town.

Nothing else of moment occurred during this year, but it was learned

that Tecumtha contemplated visiting the southern tribes in the near

MOONEY] THE CONFERENCE WITH HARRISON 685 future to enlist them also in his confederacy. In 1809, however, rumors

of an approaching outbreak began to fill the air, and it was evident that the British were instigating the Indians to mischief in anticipation of a war between England and the United States. Just at this juncture the anger of Tecumtha’s party was still further inflamed by the negotiation of treaties with four tribes by which additional large tracts were ceded in Indiana and Illinois. The Indians now refused to buy ‘ammunition from the American traders, saying that they could obtain all they wanted for nothing in another quarter. In view of the signs of increasing hostility, Governor Harrison was authorized to take such steps as might be necessary to protect the frontier. Tecumtha had now gained over the Wyandot, the most influential tribe of the Ohio region, the keepers of the great wampum belt of union and the lighters

of the council fire of the allied tribes. Their example was speedily followed by the Miami, whose adhesion made the tribes of the Ohio and

the lakes practically unanimous. The prophet now declared that he would follow in the steps of Pontiac, and called on the remote tribes to assist those on the border to roll back the tide which would otherwise overwhelm them all. In return, the Sauk and Fox sent word that they were ready whenever he should say the word. In the summer of 1810, according to a previous arrangement, Tecumtha, attended by several hundred warriors, descended the river to Vincennes to confer with Governor Harrison on the situation. The con-

ference began on the 15th of August and lasted three days. Tecumtha reiterated his former claims, saying that in uniting the tribes he was endeavoring to dam the mighty water that was ready to overflow his people. The Americans had driven the Indians from the sea and threatened to push them into the lakes; and, although he disclaimed any intention of making war against the United States, he declared his fixed resolution to insist on the old boundary and to oppose the further

intrusion of the whites on the lands of the Indians, and to resist the survey of the lands recently ceded. He was followed by chiefs of five different tribes, each of whom in turn declared that he would support the principles of Tecumtha. Harrison replied that the government would never admit that any section belonged to all the Indians in common, and that, having bought the ceded lands from the tribes who were first found in possession of them, it would defend its title by arms. To this Tecumtha said that he preferred to be on the side of the Americans, and that if his terms were conceded he would bring his forces to the aid of the United States in the war which he knew was soon to break out

with England, but that otherwise he would be compelled to join the British. The governor replied that he would state the case to the President, but that it was altogether unlikely that he would consent to the conditions. Recognizing the inevitable, Tecumtha expressed the hope that, as the President was to determine the matter, the Great Spirit would put sense into his head to induce him to give up the lands, adding,

686 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 ‘Tt is true, he is so far off he will not be injured by the war. He may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will have to fight it out.” The governor then requested that in the event of an Indian war Tecumtha would use his influence to prevent the practice of cruelties on women and children and defenseless prisoners. To this he readily agreed, and the promise was faithfully kept. (Drake,

Tecumseh, 4.) ,

The conference had ended with a tacit -und ‘rstanding that war must come, and both sides began to prepare for the struggle. Soon after it was learned that the prophet had sent belts to the tribes west of the Mississippi, inviting them to join in a war against the United States. Outrages on the Indians by settlers intensified the hostile feeling, and the Delawares refused to deliver up a murderer until some of the whites who had killed their people were first punished. Harrison himself states that the Indians could rarely obtain satisfaction for the most unprovoked wrongs. In another letter he says that Tecumtha “has taken for his model the celebrated Pontiac, and I am persuaded he will bear a favorable comparison in every respect with that far-famed warrior.”

In July, 1811, Tecumtha again visited Harrison at Vincennes. In the course of his talk he said that the whites were unnecessarily alarmed, as the Indians were only following the example set them by the colonies in uniting for the furtherance of common interests. He added that he was now on his way to the southern tribes: to obtain their adhesion also to the league, and that on his return in the spring he intended to visit the President to explain his purposes fully and to clear away all difficulties. In the meantime he expected that a large number of Indians would join his colony on the Wabash during the winter, and to avoid any danger of collision between them and the whites, he requested that no settlements should be made on the disputed lands until he should have an opportunity to see the President.

To this Harrison replied that the President would never give up a country which he had bought from its rightful owners, nor would he suffer his people to be injured withimpunity. This closed the interview,

and the next day Tecumtha started with his party for the south to visit the Creek and Choctaw. About the same time it was learned that the British had sent a message to the prophet, teling him that the time had now come for him to take up the hatchet, and inviting ~ him to send a party to their headquarters at Malden (now Amherstburg, Ontario) to receive the necessary supplies. In view of these things Harrison suggested to the War Department that opportunity be taken of Tecumtha’s absence in the south to strike a blow against his confederacy. Continuing in the same letter, he says of the great Indian leader: The implicit obedience and respect which the followers of Tecumseh pay to him is really astonishing, and more than any otber circumstance bespeaks him one of

MOONEY] TECUMTHA AMONG THE CREEK 687 those uncommon geniuses which spring up occasionally to produce revolutions and

overturn the established order of things. If it were not for the vicinity of the United States, he would perhaps be the founder of an empire that would rival in glory Mexico or Peru. No difficulties deter‘him. For four years he has been in constant motion. You see him to-day on the Wabash, and in a short time hear of him on the shores of Lake Erie or Michigan or on the banks of the Mississippi, and wherever he goes he makes an impression favorable to his purposes. He is now upon the last round, to put a finishing stroke to his work. I hope, however, before his return that that part of the fabric which he considered complete will be demolished, and even its foundations rooted up. (Drake, Tecumseh, 5.)

On this trip Tecumtha went as far as Florida and engaged the Seminole for his confederacy. Then, retracing his steps into Alabama, he came to the ancient Creek town of Tukabachi, on the Tallapoosa, near the present site of Montgomery. What happened here is best told in the words of McKenney and Hall, who derived their information from Indians at the same town a few years later: He made his way to the lodge of the chief called the Big Warrior. He explained his object, delivered his war talk, presented a bundle of sticks, gave a piece of wampum and a war hatchet—all which the Big Warrior took—when Tecumthé, reading the spirit and intentions of the Big Warrior, looked him in the eye, and, pointing his finger toward his face, said: ‘‘Your blood is white. You have taken my talk,

and the sticks, and the wampum, and the hatchet, but you do not mean to fight. I know the reason. You do not believe the Great Spirit has sent me. You shall know. I leave Tuckhabatchee directly, and shall go straight to Detroit. When I arrive there, I will stamp on the ground with my foot and shake down every house in Tuckhabatchee.” So saying, he turned and left the Big Warrior in utter amazement at both his manner and his threat, and pursued his journey. The Indians were struck no less with his conduct than was the Big Warrior, and began to dread the arrival of the day when the threatened calamity would befall them. They met often and talked over this matter, and counted the days carefully to know the day when Tecumthé would reach Detroit. The morning they had fixed upon as the day of his arrival at last came. A mighty rumbling was heard —the Indians all ran out of their houses—the earth began to shake; when at last, sure enough, every house in Tuckhabatchee was shaken down. The exclamation was in every mouth, “‘Tecumthé has got to Detroit!” Theeffect was electric. The message he had delivered to the Big Warrior was believed, and many of the Indians took their rifles and prepared for the war. The reader will not be surprised to learn that an earthquake had produced all this; but he-will be, doubtless, that it should happen on the very day on which Tecumthé arrived at Detroit, and in exact fulfillment of his threat. It was the famous earthquake of New Madrid on the Mississippi. (McKenney and Hall, 2.)

The fire thus kindled among the Creek by Tecumtha was fanned into a blaze by the British and Spanish traders until the opening of the war of 1812 gave the opportunity for the terrible outbreak known

in history as the Creek war. |

While Tecumtha was absent in the south, affairs were rapidly

approaching a crisis on the Wabash. The border settlers demanded the removal of the prophet’s followers, stating in their memorial to the

President that they were “fully convinced that the formation of this combination headed by the Shawano prophet was a British scheme, and

that the agents of that power were constantly exciting the Indians to

14 ETH—PT 2——4 ,

688 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 hostility against the United States.” Governor Harrison now sent messages to the different tribes earnestly warning them of _ ,, the con-

sequences of a hostile outbreak, but about the same /¥ time the prophet himself announced that he had now taken up i | the tomahawk against the United States, and would only lay by it down

with his life, unless the wrongs of the Indians iy were redressed. It was known also that he was arousing /#f his fol-

mystic rites. i

lowers to a feverish pitch of excitement bythe daily /J practice of

Harrison now determined to break up the pro Y, phet’s camp. Accordingly, at the head of about 900 men, in if cluding about 250 regulars, he marched from Vincennes, and if on the 5th of November, 1811, encamped within a few miles fq of the prophet’s

town. The Indians had fortified the place thi with great care

and labor. It was sacred to them as the spot Hy where the rites of the new religion had been so long enacted, /{j and by these rites they believed it had been rendered impregna Hy ble to the attacks of the whiteman. The nextday he approached tt still nearer, and was met by messengers from the town, who stated fii that the prophet was anxious to avoid hostilities and had already Hi sent a pacific message by several chiefs, who had unfortunately | ;; gone down on the other

side of the river and thus had J failed to find the gen-

eral. A truce was accord Hi ingly agreed on until ranged between the gov a {i ernor and the chiefs. the next day, when terms ERP vom Jf of peace were to be ar-

The army encamped on a nal a | i spot pointed out by the Indians, an elevated piece he a. | i of ground rising out of a marshy prairie, withina \Y\ ~ “oy ‘+; mile of the town. Al-

though Harrison did not eee” | believe that the Indians

would make a night attack, yet “$m. —‘|{|/} as a precaution he had

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EXPLANATION OF PLATE XCIII

The originals of these ghost shirts, now in the National Museum, were taken, by scouts present during the fight, from the bodies of Indians killed at Wouncied Knee,

and were obtained by the author, at Pine Ridge, from Philip Wells and Louis Menard, mixed-blood interpreters, the former having also been present as interpreter for the Indian scouts during the fight. They are made of coarse white cloth,

sewn with sinew. One of the shirts is partially burned, having probably been taken out of one of the tipis overturned and set on fire during the action. Two other ghost shirts, said to be from the same battlefield, are also in the National Museum.

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852 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 Bad Lands was not properly a hostile movement, but was a stampede caused by panic at the appearance of the troops. In his official report Commissioner Morgan says: When the troops reached Rosebud, about 1,800 Indians—men, women, and children—

stampeded toward Pine Ridge and the Bad Lands, destroying their own property before leaving and that of others en route.

After the death of Sitting Bull he says: Groups of Indians from the different reservations had commenced concentrating in the Bad Lands, upon or in the vicinity of the Pine Ridge reservation. Killing of cattle and destruction of other property by these Indians, almost entirely within the limits of Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, occurred, but no signal fires were built, no warlike demonstrations were made, no violence was done to any white settlers, nor was there any cohesion or organization among the Indians themselves. Many of them were friendly Indians who had never participated in the ghost dance. but had fled thither from fear of soldiers, in consequence of the Sitting Bull affair or through the overpersuasion of friends. The military gradually began to close in around them and they offered no resistance, and a speedy and quiet capitulation of all was confidently expected. (Comr., 33.)

The Sioux nation numbers over 25,000, with between 6,000 and 7,000

warriors. Hardly more than 700 warriors were concerned altogether, including those of Big Foot’s band and those who fled to the Bad Lands. Noneof the Christian Indians took any part in the disturbance. While it is certain that the movement toward the Bad Lands with the subsequent events were the result of panic at the appearance of the troops, it is equally true that the troops were sent only on the request of the civilian authorities. On this point General Miles says: ‘ Not until the civil agents had lost control of the Indians and declared themselves powerless to preserve peace, and the Indians were in armed hostility and defiance of the civil authorities, was a single soldier moved from his garrison to suppress the general revolt.” (War, 7.) Throughout the whole trouble MeGillycuddy at Standing Rock consistently declared his ability to control his Indians without the presence of troops. In accord with instructions from the Indian Office, the several agents in charge among the Sioux had forwarded lists of disturbers whom it would be advisable to arrest and remove from among the Indians, using the military for the purpose if necessary. The agents at the other res-

ervations sent in all together the names of about fifteen subjects for removal, while Royer, at Pine Ridge, forwarded as a ‘‘ conservative estimate” the names of sixty-four. Short Bull and Kicking Bear being in the Bad Lands, and Red Cloud being now an old man and too politic to make much open demonstration, the head and front of the offenders

was Sitting Bull, the irreconcilable; but McLaughlin, within whose jurisdiction he was, in a letter of November 22, advised that the arrest be not attempted until later in the season, as at the date of writing the weather waS warm and pleasant—in other words, favorable to the Indians in case they should make opposition. (G. D., 32.) The worst

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854 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 D., 83; LL. B., 3.) Such were the conditions on the opening of Decem-

ber, 1890. Everything seemed to be quieting down, and it was now deemed a favorable time to forestall future disturbance by removing the ringleaders. Agent McLaughlin at Standing Rock had notified the Department some weeks before that it would be necessary to remove Sitting Bull

and several others at no distant day to put an end to their harmful influence among the Sioux, but stated also that the matter should not be precipitated, and that when the proper time came he could accomplish the undertaking with his Indian police without the aid of troops. As soon as the War Department assumed control of the Sioux agencies, it was determined to make an attempt to secure Sitting Bull by military power. Accordingly, orders were given to the noted scout, William F. Cody, better known as Buffalo Bill, who was well acquainted with Sitting Bull and was believed to have influence with him, to proceed to Standing Rock agency to induce him to come in, with authority

to make such terms as might seem necessary, and, if unsuccessful, to arrest him and remove him from his camp to the nearest post, Fort Yates. Cody arrived at Fort Yates on November 28, and was about to undertake the arrest, when his orders were countermanded at the urgent remonstrance of Agent McLaughlin, who represented that such a step at that particular time was unwise, as military interference was liable to provoke a conflict, in which the Indians would have the advantage, as the warm weather was in their favor. He insisted that there was no immediate danger from the dancing, and that at the proper time—when the weather grew colder—he could take care of Sitting Bull and the other disturbers whose removal he advised with the aid of the Indian police, whom, in all his years of service, he had always

found equal to the emergency. The attempt was accordingly postponed. Inthe meantime Sitting Bull had promised to come into the agency to talk over the situation with the agent, but failed to keep his

engagement. A close watch was kept over his movements and the agent was instructed to make no arrests except by authority from the military or the Secretary of the Interior. (G. D., 34.) There is no question that Sitting Bull was plotting mischief. His previous record was one of irreconcilable hostility to the government,

and in every disturbance on the reservation his camp had been the center of ferment. It was at his camp and on his invitation that Kicking Bear had organized the first Ghost dance on the reservation, and the dance had been kept up by Sitting Bull ever since in spite of the repeated remonstrance of the agent. At the same time the turbulent followers of the medicine-man took every opportunity to insult and annoy the peaceable and progressive Indians who refused to join them

until these latter were forced to make complaint to the agent. In October, while the dance was being organized at his camp, Sitting Bull had deliberately broken the “ pipe of peace” which he had kept

MOONEY] SITTING BULL’S ARREST ORDERED 855 in his house since his surrender in 1881, and when askea why he had broken it, replied that he wanted to die and wanted to fight. From that time he discontinued his regular visits to the agency. It became known that he contemplated leaving the reservation to visit the other leaders of dissatisfaction at the southern Sioux agencies, and to frustrate such an attempt the agent had gradually increased the number of police in the neighborhood of his camp, and had arranged for speedy information and prompt action in case of any sudden move on his part. (G. D., 35.)

Foreseeing from the active movements of the military that the arrest of Sitting Bull was liable to be ordered at any moment, and fearing that such action might come at an inopportune time, and thus result in trouble, McLaughlin made arrangements to have him and several other disturbers arrested by the Indian police on the night of December 6, the weather and other things being then, in his opinion, most favorable for the attempt. On telegraphing to the Indian department, however, for authority, he was directed to make no arrests excepting upon order from the military authorities or the Secretary of the Interior. In reply to a telegram from General Ruger, McLaughlin stated that there was no immediate need of haste, and that postponement was preferable, as the winter weather was cooling the ardor of the dancers. On December 12 the military order came for the arrest of Sitting Bull. Colonel Drum, in command at Fort Yates, was directed to make it his personal duty to secure him and to call on the agent for assist-

ance and cooperation in the matter. On consultation between the commandant and the agent, who were in full accord, it was decided to make the arrest on the 20th, when most of the Indians would be down _ at the agency for rations, and there would consequently be less danger of a conflict at thecamp. On the 14th, however, late Sunday afternoon, a courier came from Grand river with a message from Mr Carignan, the teacher of the Indian school, stating, on information given by the police, that an invitation had just come from Pine Ridge to Sitting Bull asking him to go there, as God was about to appear. Sitting Bull was determined to go, and sent a request to the agent for permission, but in the meantime had completed his preparations to go anyhow in case permission was refused. With this intention it was further stated that he had his horses already selected for a long and hard ride, and the police urgently asked to be allowed to arrest him at once, as it would be a difficult matter to overtake him after he had once started. It was necessary to act immediately, and arrangements were made between Colonel Drum and Agent McLaughlin to attempt the arrest at daylight the next morning, December 15. The arrest was to be made by the Indian police, assisted, if necessary, by a detachment of troops, who were to follow within supporting distance. There were already twenty-eight police under command of Lieutenant Bull Head in the immediate vicinity of Sitting Bull’s camp on Grand river, about 40

856 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 miles southwest of the agency and Fort Yates, and couriers were at once dispatched to these and to others in that direction to concentrate at Sitting Bull’s house, ready to make the arrest in the morning. It was then sundown, but with loyal promptness the police mounted their ponies and by riding all night from one station to another assembled a force of 43 trained and determined Indian police, including four volun-

teers, at the rendezvous on Grand river before daylight. In performing this courier service Sergeant Red Tomahawk covered the distance of 40 miles between the agency and the camp, over an unfamiliar road,

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ae , Te es a oe ak Fic. 76—Red Tomahawk.

in four hours and a quarter; and another, Hawk Man, made 100 miles,

by a roundabout way, in twenty-two hours. In the meantime two troops of the Eighth cavalry, numbering 100 men, under command of Captain EH. G. Fechét, and having with them a Hotchkiss gun, left Fort

Yates at midnight, guided by Louis Primeau, and by a rapid night march arrived within supporting distance near Sitting Bull’s camp just before daybreak. It was afterward learned that Sitting Bull, in anticipation of such action, had had a strong guard about his house for his protection for several nights previous, but on this particular night the

MOONEY] DEATH OF SITTING BULL 857 Indians had been dancing until nearly morning, and the house was consequently left unguarded. At daybreak on Monday morning, December 15, 1890, the police and volunteers, 43 in number, under command of Lieutenant Bull Head,

a cool and reliable man, surrounded Sitting Bull’s house. He had two log cabins, a few rods apart, and to make sure of their man, eight of the police entered one house and ten went into the other, while the rest remained on guard outside. Theyfound him asleep on the floor in the larger house. He was aroused and told that he was a prisoner and must go to the agency. He made no objection, but said “All right; I will dress and go with you.” He then sent one of his wives to the other house for some clothes he desired to wear, and asked to have his favorite horse saddled for him to ride, which was done by one of the police. On looking about the room two rifles and several knives were found and taken by the police. While dressing, he apparently changed his mind and began abusing the police for disturbing him, to which they made no reply. While this was going on inside, his followers, to the number of perhaps 150, were congregating about the house outside and by the time he was dressed an excited crowd of Indians had the police entirely surrounded and were pressing them to the wall. On being brought out, Sitting Bull became greatly excited and refused to go, and called on his followers to rescue him. Lieutenant Bull Head and Sergeant Shave Head were standing on each side of him, with Second Sergeant Red Tomahawk guarding behind, while the rest of the police were trying to clear the way in front, when one of Sitting Bull’s followers, Catch-the-Bear, fired and shot Lieutenant Bull Head in the side. Bull Head at once turned and sent a bullet into the body of Sitting Bull, who was also shot through the head at the same moment

by Red Tomahawk. Sergeant Shave Head was shot by another of the crowd, and fell to the ground with Bull Head and Sitting Bull. Catch-the-Bear, who fired the first shot, was immediately shot and killed by Alone Man, one of the police, and it became a desperate hand-

to-hand fight of less than 43 men against more than a hundred. The trained police soon drove their assailants into the timber near by, and then returned and carried their dead and wounded into the house and held it for about two hours, until the arrival of the troops under Captain Fechét, about half past seven. The troops had been notified of the perilous situation of the police by Hawk Man, who had volunteered

to carry the information from Sitting Bull’s camp. He succeeded in getting away, assisted by Red Tomahawk, although so closely pursued that several bullets passed through his clothing. In spite of the efforts of the hostiles, the police also held possession of the corral, which Sitting Bull had filled with horses in anticipation of his flight. When the cavalry came in sight over a hill, about 1,500 yards distant from the camp, the police atthecorral raised a white flag to show where they were, but the troops, mistaking them for hostiles, fired two shells at them from

858 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 the Hotchkiss, when Sergeant Red Tomahawk, who had taken command after the wounding of his superior officers, paraded his men in line and then rode out alone with a white flag to meet the troops. On the approach of the soldiers Sitting Bull’s warriors fled up Grand river a short distance and then turned south across the prairie toward Cherry creek and Cheyenne river. Not wishing to create such a panic among them as to drive them into the hostile camp in the Bad Lands, Captain Fechét pursued them only a short distance and then left them to be handled by the other detachments in that direction. Their wives and families, their property and their dead, were left behind in the flight.

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As soon as possible Captain Fechét also sent word to them by some Indian women to return to their homes and they would not be molested. To further reassure them, the troops at once began their march back to

the post. As a result of this sensible policy, very few of the Sitting Bull band joined the hostiles. They had made no resistance to the troops, but fled immediately on their appearance. The fight lasted only a few minutes, but with terribly fatal result. Six policemen were killed or mortally wounded, including the officers

Bull Head and Shave Head, and one other less seriously wounded. The hostiles lost eight killed, including Sitting Bull and his son Crow

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MOONEY] FAITHFULNESS OF INDIAN POLICE 859

Foot, 17 years of age, with several wounded. During the fight the

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women attacked the police with knives and clubs, but notwithstanding the excitement the police simply disarmed them and put them in one of the houses under guard.

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860 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 can not too strongly commend their splendid courage and ability in the action, and in another letter says: ‘The details of the battle show that the Indian police behaved nobly and exhibited the best of judgment and bravery, and a recognition by the government for their serv-

ices on this occasion is richly deserved. . . . I respectfully urge that the Interior Department cooperate with the War Department in obtaining Congressional action which will secure to these brave survivors and to the families of the dead a full and generous reward.” Colonel Drum, under whose orders the arrest was made, after stating that Sitting Bull was not hurt until he began struggling to escape and until one of the police had been shot, adds: ‘It is also remarkable that no squaws or children were hurt. The police appear to have constantly warned the other Indians to keep away, until they were forced to fight in self-defense. It is hardly possible to praise their conduct too highly.” Notwithstanding the recommendation of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Congress has taken no action in recognition of their services on this occasion.

Before the action orders had been sent to the police to have with them a wagon, in order to convey Sitting Bull quickly away from the

camp, so as to avoid trouble, but in the excitement of preparation this was overlooked. The police returned to the agency late in the afternoon, bringing with them their dead and wounded, together with two prisoners and the body of Sitting Bull, which was turned over to the military authorities at Fort Yates. The four dead policemen were buried at the agency next day with military honors. Bull Head and Shave Head died in the hospital soon afterward, with the consolation of having their friends around them in their last moments. The agent states that the large majority of the Indians were loyal to the government, and expressed satisfaction at what they considered the termina-

tion of the disturbance. Couriers were again sent after the fleeing Indians by McLaughlin, warning them to return to the agency, where they would be safe, or suffer the consequences if found outside the reservation. Within a few days nearly 250 had come in and surrendered,

leaving only about one-third still out. Most of these soon afterward surrendered with Hump on Cherry creek, while the remainder, about 50, joined Big Foot or went on to Pine Ridge. (G. D., 36; War, 8.) Thus died Tata’nka I’yota/nke, Sitting Bull, the great medicine-man of the Sioux, on the morning of December 15, 1890, aged about 56 years. He belonged to the Uncpapa division of the Teton Sioux. Althougha priest rather than a chief, he had gained a reputation in his early years by organizing and leading war parties, and became prominent by his participation in the battle of Little Bighorn, in Montana, on June 25, 1876, by which Custer’s command was wiped out of existence. Being pursued by General Terry, Sitting Bull and his band made their escape

northward into Canada, where they remained until 1881, when he surrendered, through the mediation of the Canadian authorities, on a

MOONEY] SITTING BULL 861 promise of pardon. To obtain subsistence while in Canada, his people had been obliged to sell almost all they possessed, including their fire-

arms, so that they returned to their old homes in an impoverished condition. After confinement as a prisoner of war until 1883, Sitting Bull took up his residence on Grand river, where he remained until he met his death. Here he continued to be the leader of the opposition to civilization and the white man, and his camp became the rallying point

for the dissatisfied conservative element that clung to the old order of things, and felt that innovation meant destruction to their race. For seven years he had steadily opposed the treaty by which the great Sioux reservation was at last broken up in 1889. After the treaty had been signed by the requisite number to make it a law, he was asked by

a white man what the Indians thought about it. With a burst of passionate indignation he replied, ‘‘Indians! There are no Indians left now but me.” However misguided he may have been in thus continuing a losing fight against the inevitable, it is possible that from the Indian point of view he may have been their patriot as he was their high priest. He has been mercilessly denounced as a bad man and a liar; but there can be no doubt that he was honest in his hatred of the whites, and his breaking of the peace pipe, saying that he “ wanted to fight and wanted to die,” showed that he was no coward. But he represented the past. His influence was incompatible with progress, and his death marks an era in the civilization of the Sioux. In thelanguage of General Miles, ‘“ His tragic fate was but the ending of a tragic life. Since the days of Pontiac, Tecumseh, and Red Jacket no Indian has had the power of drawing to him so large a following of his race and molding and wielding it against the authority of the United States, or of inspiring it with greater animosity against the white race and civilization.” (War, 9.) On December 18 the Indians who had already fled to the Bad Lands

attacked a small party of men on Spring creek of Cheyenne river. Major Tupper with 100 men of Carr’s division was sent to their rescue,

and a skirmish ensued with the Indians, who were concealed in the bushes along the creek. The government wagons, while crossing the creek, were also attacked by the hostiles, who were finally driven off by reinforcements of cavalry under Captain Wells. On the same date over a thousand Indians returned to Pine Ridge. News was received that there were still about 1,500 fugitives camped on Cheyenne river in

the neighborhood of Spring creek. (Colby, 1.) |

The most dangerous leader of dissatisfaction in the north after the death of Sitting Bull-was considered to be Hump, on Cheyenne River reservation. The agent in charge had long before recommended his removal, but it was thought that it would now be next to impossible to arrest him. Hump with his band of about 400 persons, and Big Foot with nearly as many, had their camps about the junction of Cherry creek and Cheyenne river. For several weeks they had been dancing ~

862 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [DrH. ANN. 14 almost constantly, and were very sullen and apparently very hostile. After serious consideration of the matter, the task of securing Hump was assigned to Captain E. P. Ewers of the Fifth infantry, who had had charge of this chief and his band for seven years and had their full confidence and respect. He was then on duty in Texas, but was ordered. forward and reported soon after at Fort Bennett on the border of the reservation. So dangerous was Hump considered to be that the civil agents did not think it possible even for the officer to communicate with him. However, Captain Ewers, without troops and attended only by Lieutenant Hale, at once left the fort and rode out 60 miles to Hump’s

camp. ‘ Hump at the time was 20 miles away and a runner was sent for him. Immediately upon hearing that Captain Ewers was in the vicinity he came to him and was told that the division commander desired him to take his people away from the hostiles and bring them to the nearest military post. He replied that if General Miles sent for him, he would do whatever he desired. He immediately brought his people into Fort Bennett and complied with all the orders and instructions given him, and subsequently rendered valuable service for peace. Thus an element regarded as among the most dangerous was removed.”

After coming into the fort, Hump enlisted as a scout under Captain Ewers, and soon afterward, in eennection with the same Lieutenant Hale, proved his loyalty by bringing about the surrender of the Sitting Bull fugitives. Subsequently Captain Ewers further distinguished himself by conducting the northern Cheyenne—who were considered as particularly dangerous, but who regarded Captain Ewers with absolute affection—from Pine Ridge to Tongue river, Montana, a distance of 300 miles, and in the most rigorous of the winter season, without an escort of troops and without the loss of a single life or the commission by an Indian of a single unlawful act. (War, 10.) The Sitting Bull fugitives who had not come in at once had fled southward toward their friends and near relatives of Cheyenne River reservation, and were camped on Cherry creek a few miles above its junction with Cheyenne river at Cheyenne City. As their presence there could

serve only to increase the unrest among the other Indians in that vicinity, and as there was great danger that they might attempt to join those already in the Bad Lands, Captain Hurst, of the Twelfth infantry, commanding at Fort Bennett, directed Lieutenant H. EK. Hale on Decem-

ber 18 to go out and bring them in. On arriving at Cheyenne City the officer found it deserted, all the citizens excepting one man having fled in alarm a short time before on the report of a half-blood that the Sitting Bull Indians were coming and had sworn to kill the first white man they met. Having succeeded in frightening the whole population, the half-blood himself, Narcisse Narcelle, left at once for the fort. After some difficulty in finding anyone to assist him, Hale sent a policeman to bring back Narcelle and sent out another Indian to learn the situation and condition of the Indian camp. His only interpreter

MOONEY] AFTER SITTING BULL’S BAND 863 for the purpose was Mr Angell, the single white man who had remained, and who had learned some of the Sioux language during his residence

among them. While thus waiting, a report came that the Indians had

raided a ranch about 10 miles up the creek. Not hearing from his scouts, the lieutenant determined to go alone and find the camp, and was just about to start, when Hump, the late dangerous hostile, but now

an enlisted scout, rode in with the news that the Sitting Bull Indians were approaching only a short distance away, and armed. Although from the reports there was every reason to believe that they had just destroyed a ranch and were now coming to attack the town, the officer, with rare bravery, kept his determination to go out and meet them, even without an interpreter, in the hope of preventing their hostile purpose. Hump volunteered to go with him. The two rode out together and soon came up with the Indians, who received them in a friendly manner. There were 46 warriors in the party, besides women and children, wagons and ponies. Says the officer: ‘‘I appreciated the importance of the situation, but was absolutely powerless to communicate with the

Indians. I immediately formed the opinion that they could be easily persuaded to come into the agency if I could but talk with them. While I was trying by signs to make them understand what I wanted, Henry Angell rode into the circle and took his place at my side. This generous man had not liked the idea of my going among these Indians,

and from a true spirit of chivalry had ridden over to ‘see it out.’” Verily, while such men as Ewers, Hale, and Angell live, the day of chivalry is not gone by. With Angell’s assistance as interpreter, the officer told the Indians that if they would stay where they were for one day, he would go back

to the agency and return within that time with the chief (Captain J. H. Hurst) and an interpreter and no soldiers. They replied that they would not move, and, having directed Angell to kill a beef for them, as they were worn-out and well-nigh starving, and leaving Hump with them to reassure them, the lieutenant rode back to Fort Bennett, 40 miles away, notified Captain Hurst, and returned with him, Sergeant Gallagher, and two Indian scouts as interpreters, the next day. Knowing the importance of haste, they started out on this winter ride of 40 miles without blankets or rations. On arriving Captain Hurst told them briefly what he had come for,

and then, being exhausted from the rapid ride, and knowing that an Indian must not be hurried, he ordered some beef and a plentiful supply of tobacco for them, and said that after he and they had eaten and

rested they could talk the matter over. In the evening the principal men met him and told him over a pipe that they had left Standing Rock agency forever; that their great chief and friend Sitting Bull had been killed there without cause; that they had come down to talk with their friends on Cherry creek about it, but had found them gone, 14 ETH—PT 2——15

864 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (RTH. ANN. 14 and were consequently undecided as to what they should do. The captain replied that he had come as a friend; that if they would surrender their arms and go back with him to Fort Bennett, they would be provided for and would not be harmed; that he could make no promises as to their future disposition; that if they chose to join Big Foot’s camp, only a few miles up the river, the result would be their certain destruction. After deliberating among themselves until midnight, they came in a body, delivered a number of guns, and said they would go back to the fort. Accordingly they broke camp next morn-

ing and arrived at Fort Bennett on December 24. The entire body numbered 221, including 55 belonging on Cherry creek. These last were allowed to join their own people camped near the post. The Sitting Bull Indians, with some others from Standing Rock, numbering 227 in all, were held at Fort Sully, a few miles below Fort Bennett,

until the close of the trouble. Thirty-eight others of the Sitting Bull band had joined Big Foot and afterward fled with him. (War, 17.) After the death of Sitting Bull and the enlistment of Hump in the government service, the only prominent leader outside of the Bad Lands who was considered as possibly dangerous was Sitanka or Big Foot, whose village was at the mouth of Deep creek, a few miles below the forks of Cheyenne river. The duty of watching him was assigned to Lieutenant-Colonel E. V. Sumner of the Eighth cavalry, who had his

camp just above the forks. Here he was visited by Big Foot and his head men, who assured the officer that they were peaceable and intended to remain quietly at home. Friendly relations continued until the middle of December, when Big Foot came to bid good bye, telling Sumner that his people were all going to the agency to get their annuities. A day or two later the order came to arrest Big Foot and send him as a prisoner to Fort Meade. Believing that the chief was acting in good faith to control his warriors, who might easily go beyond control were he taken from them, Colonel Sumner informed General Miles

that the Indians were already on their way to the agency; that if Big Foot should return he (Sumner) would try to get him, and that otherwise he could be arrested at the agency, if necessary. Soon after, however, the report came that Big Foot had stopped at Hump’s camp on the way to the agency, to meet the fugitives coming south from Sitting Bull’s camp.

On receipt of this information, Sumner at once marched down the river with the intention of stopping Big Foot. When about half way to Hump’s camp, Big Foot himself came up to meet him, saying that he was friendly, and that he and his men would obey any orders that the

officer might give. He stated that he had with him 100 of his own Indians and 38 from Standing Rock (Sitting Bull’s band). When asked why he had received these last, knowing that they were refugees from their reservation, he replied that they were his brothers and relations; that they had come to his people hungry, footsore, and almost

MOONEY] BIG FOOT’S BAND 865 naked; and that he had taken them in and fed them, and that no one with a heart could do any less. Sumner then directed one of his officers, Captain Hennisee, to go to

the Indian camp with Big Foot and bring in all the Indians. That officer started and returned the next day, December 21, with 333 Indians. This large number was a matter of surprise in view of Big Foot’s statement shortly before, but it is possible that in speaking of his party he intended to refer only to the warriors. They went into camp as directed, turned out their ponies to graze, and were fed, and on the next morning all started quietly back with the troops. As they had all along appeared perfectly friendly and compliant with every order, no attempt was made to disarm them. On arriving near their own village, however, it became apparent that Big Foot could not control their

desire to go to their homes. The chief came frankly to Sumner and said that he himself would go wherever wanted, but that there would be trouble to force the women and children, who were cold and hungry,

away from their village. He protested also that they were now at home, where they had been ordered by the government to stay, and that none of them had done anything to justify their removal. As it was evident that they would not go peaceably, Colonel Sumner determined to bring his whole force on the next day to compel them. In the meantime he sent a white man named Dunn, who had a friendly acquaintance with Big Foot, to tell him that the Indians must obey the order to remove. Dunn delivered the message and returned, being followed later by the interpreter, with the statement that the Indians had consented to go to the agency, and would start the next morning, December 23. That evening, however, scouts came in with the word that the Indians had left their village and were going southward. It was at first thought.that they intended turning off on another trail to the agency, but instead of doing so they kept on in the direction of Pine Ridge and the refugees in the Bad Lands, taking with them only their ponies and tipi poles. The cause of this precipitate flight after the promise given by Big

Foot is somewhat uncertain. The statement of the interpreter, Felix Benoit; would make it appear that the Indians were frightened by Dunn, who told them that the soldiers were coming in the morning to carry them off and to shoot them if they refused to go. While this doubtless had the effect of alarming them, the real cause of their flight was probably the fact that just at this critical juncture Colonel Merriam

was ordered to move with his command up Cheyenne river to join forces with Sumner in compelling their surrender. Such is the opinion of General Ruger, who states officially that “Big Foot and adherents who had joined him, probably becoming alarmed on the movement of Colonel Merriam’s command from Fort Bennett and a rumor that Colonel Sumner would capture them, eluded Colonel Sumner’s command and started for the Pine Ridge reservation.” This agrees with

866 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 the statement of several of the survivors that they had been frightened from their homes by the news of Merriam’s approach. Sumner, in his report, calls attention to the fact that they committed no depredations in their flight, although they passed several ranches and at one time

even went through a pasture filled with horses and cattle without attempting to appropriate them. He also expresses the opinion that Big Foot was compelled unwillingly to go with his people. The whole number of fugitives was at least 340, including a few from the bands

of Sitting Bull and Hump. Immediately on learning of their flight Colonel Sumner notified General Carr, commanding in the direction of

the Bad Lands. (War, 12.) The situation at this crisis is thus summed up by Indian Commissioner Morgan: Groups of Indians from the different reservations had commenced concentrating in the Bad Lands upon or in the vicinity of the Pine Ridge reservation. Killing of cattle and destruction of other property by these Indians, almost entirely within the limits of Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, occurred, but no signal fires were built, no warlike demonstrations were made, no violence was done to any white settler, nor was there cohesion or organization among the Indians themselves. Many of them were friendly Indians, who had never participated in the ghost dance, but had fled thither from fear of soldiers, in consequence of the Sitting Bull affair or through the overpersuasion of friends. The military gradually began to close in around them and they offered no resistance, and a speedy and quiet capitulation of all was confidently expected. (Comr., 34.)

Nearly 3,000 troops were now in the field in the Sioux country. This force was fully sufficient to have engaged the Indians with success, but

as such action must inevitably have resulted in wholesale killing on both sides, with the prospect of precipitating a raiding warfare unless the hostiles were completely annihilated, it was thought best to bring about a surrender by peaceful means. The refugees in the Bad Lands who had fled from Pine Ridge and

Rosebud had been surrounded on the west and north by a strong cordon of troops, operating under General Brooke, which had the effect

of gradually forcing them back toward the agency. At the same time that officer made every effort to expedite the process by creating dis-

sensions in the Indian camp, and trying in various ways to induce them to come in by small parties at a time. To this end the Indians were promised that if they complied with the orders of the military their rights and interests would be protected, so far as it was within

the power of the military department to accomplish that result. Although they had about lost confidence in the government, these assurances had a good effect, which was emphasized by the news of the death of Sitting Bull, the arrest of Big Foot, and return of Hump to his agency, and the steady pressure of the troops from behind; and on December 27, 1890, the entire force broke camp and left their strong-

hold in the Bad Lands and began moving in toward the agency at Pine Ridge. The several detachments of troops followed behind,

MOONEY] SURRENDER OF BIG FOOT 867 within supporting distance of one another, and so closely that the fires were still burning in the Indian camps when the soldiers moved in to occupy the same ground. (War, 13.) As early as December 6 a conference had been brought about at Pine Ridge, through the efforts of Father Jutz, the priest of the Catholic mission, between General Brooke and the leading chiefs of both friendlies and ‘“hostiles.” Although no definite conclusion was reached, the meeting was a friendly one, ending with a feast and an Indian dance. The immediate effect was a division in the hostile camp, culminating in a quarrel between the two factions, with the result that Two Strike and his party left the rest and moved in toward the agency, while Short Bull and Kicking Bear retreated farther into the Bad Lands. On learning of this condition of affairs, General Brooke sent out American Horse and Big Road with a large party of warriors to meet Two Strike and go back with him to persuade the others, if possible, to come in. At the same time the troops were moved up to intercept the flight of the hostiles. (Colby, 2; G. D., 37.) On Christmas day the Cheyenne scouts, camped on Battle creek north of the Bad Lands, were attacked by a party of hostiles led by Kicking Bearin person. The fight was kept up until after dark, several being killed or wounded on both sides, but the hostiles were finally driven off. (Colby, 3.) But the tragedy was near at hand. Orders had been given to inter-

cept Big Foot’s party in its flight from Cheyenne river toward the Bad Lands. This was accomplished on December 28, 1890, by Major Whitside of the Seventh cavalry, who came up with him a short distance west of the Bad Lands. Not having succeeded in communicating with the refugees who had fled there and who were already on their way to the agency, Big Foot had made no stop, but continued on also

toward Pine Ridge. On sighting the troops he raised a white flag, advanced into the open country, and asked for a parley. This was refused by Major Whitside, who demanded an unconditional surrender, which was at once given, and the Indians moved on with the troops to Wounded Knee creek, about 20 miles northeast of Pine Ridge agency, where they camped as directed by Major Whitside. In order to make assurance complete, General Brooke sent Colonel Forsyth to join Major Whitside with four additional troops of the Seventh cavalry, which,

with the scouts under Lieutenant Taylor, made up a force of eight troops of cavalry, one company of scouts, and four pieces of light artillery (Hotchkiss guns), with a total force of 470 men, as against a total of 106 warriors then present in Big Foot’s band. A scouting party of Big Foot’s band was out looking for the camp under Kicking Bear and. Short Bull, but as these chiefs, with their followers, were already on their way to the agency, the scouting party was returning to rejoin Big Foot when the fight occurred the next morning. It was the intention of General Miles to send Big Foot and his followers back to their own

868 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 reservation, or to remove them altogether from the country until the excitement had subsided. (War, 14.) At this time there were no Indians in the Bad Lands. Two Strike and Crow Dog had come in about a week before and were now camped

close to the agency. Kicking Bear and Short Bull, with their followers, had yielded to the friendly persuasions of American Horse, Little Wound, Standing Bear, and others who had gone out to.them in the interests of peace, and both parties were now coming in together and had arrived at the Catholic mission, 5 miles from the agency, when the battle occurred. On the morning of December 29, 1890, preparations were made to

disarm the Indians preparatory to taking them to the agency and thence to the railroad. In obedience to instructions the Indians had pitched their tipis on the open plain a short distance west of the creek and surrounded on all sides by the soldiers. In the center of the camp the Indians had hoisted a white flag as a sign of peace and a guarantee of safety. Behind them was a dry ravine running into the creek, and on a Slight rise in the front was posted the battery of four Hotchkiss machine guns, trained directly on the Indian camp. In front, behind, and on both flanks of the camp were posted the various troops of cavalry, a portion of two troops, together with the Indian scouts, being dismounted and drawn up in front of the Indians at the distance of only a few yards from them. Big Foot himself was ill of pneumonia in his tipi, and Colonel Forsyth, who had taken command as senior officer, had provided a tent warmed with a camp stove for his reception. Shortly after 8 oclock in the morning the warriors were ordered to come out from the tipis and deliver their arms. They came forward

and seated themselves on the ground in front of the troops. They were then ordered to go by themselves into their tipis and bring out and surrender their guns. The first twenty went and returned in a

short time with only two guns. It seemed evident that they were unwilling to give them up, and after consultation of the officers part of the soldiers were ordered up to within ten yards of the group of warriors, while another detachment of troops was ordered to search the

tipis. After a thorough hunt these last returned with about forty rifles, most of which, however, were old and of little value. The search had consumed considerable time and created a good deal of excitement among the women and children, as the soldiers found it necessary in the process to overturn the beds and other furniture of the

tipis and in some instances drove out the inmates. All this had its effect on their husbands and brothers, already wrought up to a high nervous tension and not knowing what might come next. While the soldiers had been looking for the guns Yellow Bird, a medicine-man, had been walking about among the warriors, blowing on an eagle-bone

whistle, and urging them to resistance, telling them that the soldiers would become weak and powerless, and that the bullets would be

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MOONEY] THE NEWS AT PINE RIDGE 843 inquiring afterward I learned that this was not correct, as Father Craft did have on his priestly robes. From the Indian statement, however, and the well-known affection in which he was held by the Sioux, it is probable that the Indian who stabbed him was too much excited

at the moment to recognize him. ,

The news of the battle was brought to the agency by Lieutenant Guy Preston, of the Ninth cavalry, who, in company with a soldier and an Indian scout, made the ride of 16 or 18 miles in a little over an hour, one horse falling dead of exhaustion on the way. There were then at the agency, under command of General Brooke, about 300 men of the Second infantry and 50 Indian police. The firing at Wounded Knee was plainly heard by the thousands of

Indians camped about the agency at Pine Ridge, who had come in from the Bad Lands to surrender. They were at once thrown into great excitement, undoubtedly believing that there was a deliberate purpose on foot to disarm and massacre them all, and when the fugitives— women and children, most of them—began to come in, telling the story of the terrible slaughter of their friends and showing their bleeding wounds in evidence, the camp was divided between panic and

desperation. A number of warriors mounted in haste and made all speed to the battle-ground, only about two hours distant, where they met the troops, who were now scattered about, hunting down the fugi-

tives who might have escaped the first killing, and picking up the dead and wounded. The soldiers were driven in toward the center, where they ¢hrew up entrenchments, by means of which they were finally able to repel the attacking party. With the assistance of a body of Indian scouts and police, they then gathered up the dead and wounded soldiers, with some of the wounded Indians and a few other prisoners to the number of 51, and came into the agency. In the meantime the hostiles under Two Strike had opened fire on the agency from the neighboring hills and endeavored to approach, by way of a deep ravine, near enough to set fire to the buildings. General Brooke, desiring to avoid a general engagement, ordered out the Indian police—a splendidly drilled body of 50 brave men—who gallantly took their stand in the center of the agency inclosure, in full view of the hostiles, some of whom were their own relatives, and kept them off, returning the fire of besiegers with such good effect as to kill two and wound several others. The attacking party, as well as those who rode out to help their kinsmen at Wounded Knee, were not the Pine Ridge Indians (Ogalala) but the Brulé from Rosebud under the lead of Two Strike,

Kicking Bear, and Short Bull. On the approach of the detachment returning from Wounded Knee almost the entire body that had come in to surrender broke away and fell back to a position on White Clay creek, where the next day found a camp of 4,000 Indians, and including

more than a thousand warriors now thoroughly hostile. On the evening of the battle General Miles telegraphed to military headquarters,

874 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 ‘Last night everything looked favorable for getting all the Indians under control; since report from Forsyth it looks more serious than at

any other time.” (G. D.,41.) It seemed that all the careful work of the last month had been undone. At the first indication of coming trouble in November all the outlying schools and mission stations on Pine Ridge reservation had been

abandoned, and teachers, farmers, and missionaries had fled to the agency to seek the protection of the troops, all but the members of the Drexel Catholic mission, 5 miles northwest from the agency. Here the

two or three priests and five Franciscan sisters remained quietly at their post, with a hundred little children around them, safe in the assur-

ance of the “hostiles” that they would not be molested. While the fighting was going on at Wounded Knee and hundreds of furious war-

riors were firing into the agency, where the handful of whites were shivering in spite of the presence of troops and police, these gentle women and the kindly old German priest were looking after the children, feeding the frightened fugitive women, and tenderly caring for the wounded Indians who were being brought in from Wounded Knee and the agency. Throughout all these weeks of terror they went calmly

about the duties to which they had consecrated their lives, and kept their little flock together and their school in operation, without the presence of a single soldier, completely cut off from the troops and the agency and surrounded by thousands of wild Indians. Some time afterward, in talking with the Indians about the events of the campaign, the warrior who had spoken with such admiration of Father Craft referred with the same affectionate enthusiasm to Father Jutz, and said that when the infuriated Indians attacked the agency on hearing of the slaughter at Wounded Knee they had sent word to the mission that no one there need be afraid. ‘We told him to stay where

he was and no Indian would disturb him,” said the warrior. He told how the priest and the sisters had fed the starving refugees and bound up the wounds of the survivors who escaped the slaughter, and then after a pause he said: ‘‘He is a brave man; braver than any Indian.” Curious to know why this man had not joined the hostiles, among whom were several of his near relatives, I asked him the question. His reply

was simple: “I had a little boy at the Drexel mission. He died and Father Jutz put a white stone over him. That is why I did not join the hostiles.” While visiting Pine Ridge in 1891 I went out to see the Drexel school

and found Father John Jutz, a simple, kindly old German from the Tyrol, with one or two other German lay brothers and five Franciscan sisters, Americans. Although but a recent establishment, the school was in flourishing condition, bearing in everything the evidences of

orderly industry. Like a true German of the Alps, Father Jutz had already devised a way to make jelly from the wild plums and excellent wine from the chokecherry. While talking, the recess hour arrived and

MOONEY] HOSTILITY RENEWED 875 a bevy of small children came trooping in, pushing over one another in the effort to get hold of a finger of the good father, or at least to hold on to his robe while he led them into another room where one of the sisters gave to each a ginger cake, hot from the oven. The room was

filled with the shouts and laughter of the children and the father explained, “Children get hungry, and we always have some cakes for

the little ones at recess. I let the boys be noisy in the playroom as long as they don’t fight. Itis good for them.” Looking at the happy, noisy crowd around the black-gowned missionary and sister, it was easy to see how they had felt safe in the affection of the Indians through all

the days and nights when others were trembling behind breastworks

and files of soldiers. Referring to what the Indians had told me, I asked Father Jutz if it was true that the hostiles had sent word to them not to be afraid. He replied, “Yes; they had sent word that no one in the mission need be alarmed,” and then, with a gentle smile, he added, “But it was never our intention to leave.” It was plain enough that beneath the quiet exterior there burned the old missionary fire of Jogues and Marquette. The conflict at Wounded Knee bore speedy fruit. On the same day, as has been said, a part of the Indians under Two Strike attacked the agency and the whole body of nearly 4,000 who had come in to sur-

render started back again to intrench themselves in preparation for renewed hostilities. On the morning of December 30, the next day after the fight, the wagon train of the Ninth cavalry (colored) was attacked within 2 miles of the agency while coming in with supplies. One soldier was killed, but the Indians were repulsed with the loss of several of their number. On the same day news came to the agency that the hostiles had attacked the Catholic mission 5 miles out, and Colonel Forsyth with eight troops of the Seventh cavalry and one piece of artillery was ordered by General Brooke to go out and drive them off. It proved that the hostiles had set fire to several houses between the mission and

the agency, but the mission had not been disturbed. As the troops approached the hostiles fell back, but Forsyth failed to occupy the commanding hills and was consequently surrounded by the Indians, who endeavored to draw him into a canyon and pressed him so closely

that he was obliged to send back three times for reinforcements. Major Henry had just arrived at the agency with a detachment of the Ninth cavalry, and on hearing the noise of the firing started at once to the relief of Forsyth with four troops of cavalry and a Hotchkiss gun. On arriving on the ground he occupied the hills and thus succeeded in driving off the hostiles without further casualty, and rescued the Seventh from its dangerous position. In this skirmish, known as the ‘‘mission fight,” the Seventh lost one officer, Lieutenant Mann, and a private, Dominic Francischetti, killed, and seven wounded. (War, 20; G. D., 42.)

876 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 The conduct of the colored troops of the Ninth calvary on this occasion deserves the highest commendation. At the time of the battle at Wounded Knee, the day before, they were in the Bad Lands, about 80 or 90 miles out from Pine Ridge, when the order was sent for them to come in to aid in repelling the attack on the agency. By riding all night they arrived at the agency at daylight, together with two Hotchkiss guns, in charge of Lieutenant John Hayden of the First artillery. Hardly had they dismounted when word arrived that their wagon train, coming on behind, was attacked, and they were obliged to go out again to its relief, as already described. On coming in again they lay down

to rest after their long night ride, when they were once more called out to go to the aid of the Seventh at the mission. Jumping into the saddle they rode at full speed to the mission, 5 miles out, repelled the hostiles and saved the command, and returned to the agency, after having ridden over 100 miles and fought two engagements within thirty hours. Lieutenant Hayden, with his Hotchkiss, who had come in with them from the Bad Lands, took part also with them in the mission fight.

On the same evening Standing Soldier, an Indian scout, arrived at the agency with a party of 65 Indians, including 18 men. These were a part of Big Foot’s or Short Bull’s following, who had lost their way during the flight from Cheyenne river and were hunting for the rest of the band when captured by the scouts. They were not aware of the death of Big Foot and the extermination of his band, but after having been disarmed and put under guard they were informed of it, but only in a mild way, in order not to provoke undue excitement. (G. D., 43.) Immediately after the battle of Wounded Knee, in consequence of the panic among the frontier settlers of Nebraska, the Nebraska state troops were called out under command of General L. W. Colby. They were stationed at the most exposed points between the settlements and the reservation and remained in the field until the surrender of the hostiles

two weeks later. The only casualty among them was the death of private George Wilhauer, who was accidentally shot by a picket. (Colby, 5.)

On New Year’s day of 1891, three days after the battle, a detachment

of troops was sent out to Wounded Knee to gather up and bury the Indian dead and to bring in the wounded who might be still alive on the field. In the meantime there had been a heavy snowstorm, culminating in a blizzard. The bodies of the slaughtered men, women, and children were found lying about under the snow, frozen stiff and covered

with blood (plate xcvi1). Almost all the dead warriors were found lying near where the fight began, about Big Foot’s tipi, but the bodies of the women and children were found scattered along for 2 miles from the scene of the encounter, showing that they had been killed while trying

to escape. (Comr., 37; Colby, 6.) A number of women and children were found still alive, but all badly wounded or frozen, or both, and most of them died after being brought in. Four babies were found

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as before the trouble began, and unaware of what was transpiring at the agency. A long trench was dug and into it were thrown all the bodies, piled one upon another like so much cordwood, until the pit was full, when the earth was heaped over them and the funeral was complete (plate Cc). Many of the bodies were stripped by the whites, who went out in order to get the “ ghost shirts,” and the frozen, bodies were thrown into the

trench stiff and naked. They were only dead Indians. As one of the burial party said, “It was a thing to melt the heart of a man, if it was

MOONEY] SURVIVORS OF WOUNDED KNEE 879 of stone, to see those little children, with their bodies shot to pieces,

thrown naked into the pit.” The dead soldiers had already been brought in and buried decently at theagency. When the writer visited

the spot the following winter, the Indians had put up a wire fence around the trench and smeared the posts with sacred red medicine paint (plate CI). A baby girl of only three or four months was found under the snow, carefully wrapped up in a shawl, beside her dead mother, whose body was pierced by two bullets. On her head was a little cap of buckskin,

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upon which the American flag was embroidered in bright beadwork. She had lived through all the exposure, being only slightly frozen, and soon recovered after being brought in to the agency. Her mother being killed, and, in all probability, her father also, she was adopted by General Colby, commanding the Nebraska state troops. The Indian women in camp gave her the poetic name of Zitkala-noni, “Lost Bird,” and by the family of her adoption she was baptized under the name of Marguerite (figure 80). She is now (1896) living in the general’s family at Washington, a chubby little girl 6 years of age, as happy with her dolls and playthings as @ little girl of that age ought to be. 14 ETH—PT 2——16

,.

880 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGIO N (ETH. ANN. 14

1e inal | ‘Wwn nVipl1wh-man egan

notner W 1e battleld

Anoth as picked up on th little g girl y about 5 years o age I 011Ce On y lan poli afternoon of the!fight. field and brought | t ‘ W yG Sword, captain of the Indian in police, and She was adopted b g , | oliee, and! ennle y now livi h under the name of or J ;emarkab ow living wl 1m Sw d, a j ngaLlins in ner n l Janners gure ° e itle girl,boy gentle and engag eofYellow rell ird, ylittle years, the son of Bird, A four , }the8m , e

— ee ee he

aying on his pony i front of a tipi as play

en e nring

e

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ae ie ce ene! id a {| on pore ie pane “anne Hwa cass ea ren wots : ae Bee saggy Yan hibgi es SEEeE hc aaa si2

MOONEY] BLACK COYOTE 897 the winter season, at the request of the Wichitas, for which I understand they paid

him $50 before starting, but everything that was given him while at this camp was a voluntary gift, prompted entirely by the good wishes of the giver. He took but little property away when he left, and I saw but one horse that I thought he had not brought down with him. Upon being asked concerning his religion, he said that all I had heard must not be attributed to him, as some of it was false; that he does not believe that he saw the veritable ‘‘ Jesus” alive in the north, but he did see a man there whom “ Jesus” had helped or inspired. This person told him that if he persevered in the dance it would cause sickness and death to disappear. He avoided some of the questions about the coming of the buffalo, etc, and under the circumstances it was not possible to draw him out further, and the subject of religion was then dropped, with the

intention of taking it up at a more favorable time, but this time never came. A great many of the doings seen at these dances are the afterthoughts of all kinds of people. I have seen some of them arise and have watched their growth. These are not the teachings of Sitting Bull, although he refrains from interfering with them through policy. He took no part in the humbuggery going on, but danced and sang like the humblest individual there. These things, taken in connection with Apiataii’s letter, would make it seem that Sitting Bull has been a dupe himself partly, and there is a possibility that he is largely sincere in his teachings. Thereis this to be said in his favor, that he has given these people a better religion than they ever had before, taught them precepts which if faithfully carried out will bring them into better accord with their white neighbors, and has prepared the way for their final Christianization. For this he is entitled to no little credit. (G. D., 54.)

He made no claim to be a regular medicine-man, and so far as known

never went into a trance himself. Since the failure of his predictions, especially with regard to the recovery of the ceded reservation, he has fallen from his high estate. Truth compels us also to state that, in spite of his apostolic character, he is about as uncertain in his movements as the average Indian. After Sitting Bull, the principal leader of the Ghost dance among the southern Arapaho is Wa/tén-ga’a or Black Coyote, from whom the town of Watonga, in Canadian county, derives itsname. Black Coyote is a man of considerable importance both in his tribe and in his own estimation, and aspires to be a leader in anything that concerns his people. With a natural predisposition to religious things, it is the dream of his life to be a great priest and medicine-man. At the same time he keeps

a sharp lookout for his temporal affairs, and has managed to accumulate considerable property in wagons and livestock, including three wives. Although still a young man, being but little more than 40 years

of age, he has had his share of the world’s honors, being not only a leader in the Ghost dance and other Indian ceremonies, tribal delegate to Washington, and captain of the Indian police, but also, in his new character of an American citizen, deputy sheriff of Canadian county. He is a good-natured fellow, and vain of his possessions and titles, but at the same time thoroughly loyal and reliable in the discharge of his

duties, and always ready to execute his orders at whatever personal risk. His priestly ambition led him to make the journey to the north, in which he brought back the first songs of the Ghost dance, and thus became a leader, and a year later he headed a delegation from Okla-

893 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 homa to the messiah of Walker lake. He has repeatedly asked me to get for him a permanent license from the government to enable him to visit the various reservations at will as a general evangel of Indian medicine and ceremony. Black Coyote in full uniform, with official badge, a Harrison medal, and an immense police overcoat,. which he procured in Washington, and riding with his three wives in his own doubleseated coach, is a spectacle magnificent and impressive. Black Coyote

in breecheloth, paint, and feathers, leading the Ghost dance, or sitting

flat on the ground and beating the earth with his hand in excess of religious fervor, is equally impressive. It was this combination of vanity of leadership and sense of duty as a government officer that made him my first and most willing informant on the Ghost dance, and enabled me through him to do so much with the Arapaho.

In his portrait (plate Cv) a number of scars will be noticed on his chest and arms. The full number of these scars is seventy, urranged in various patterns of lines, circles, crosses, etc, with a long figure of the sacred pipeon one arm. According to his own statement they were made in obedience to a dream as a sacrifice to save the lives of his children. Several-of his children had died in rapid succession, and in accordance with Indian custom he undertook a fast of four days as an expiation to the overruling spirit. During this time, while lying on his bed, he heard a voice, somewhat resembling the cry of an owl or the subdued bark of a dog. The voice told him thatif he wished to save his other children he must cut out seventy pieces of skin and offer them

to the sun. He at once cut out seven pieces, held them out to the sun and prayed, and then buried them. But the sun was not satisfied, and soon after he was warned in a vision that the full number of seventy

must be sacrificed if he would save his children. He then did as

directed, cutting out the pieces of skin in the various patterns indicated,

offering each in turn to the sun with a prayer for the health of his family, and then burying them. Since then there has been no death in his family. In cutting out the larger pieces, some of which were several inches long and nearly half an inch wide, the skin was first lifted up with an awl and then sliced away with a knife. This had to be done by an assistant, and Black Coyote was particular to show me by signs, sitting very erect and bracing himself firmly, that he had not flinched during the process. As has been stated, the first trances in the southern Ghost dance

occurred at the great dance held near the Cheyenne and Arapaho agency under the auspices of Sitting Bull in September, 1890. On this occasion Cheyenne and Arapaho, Caddo, Wichita, Kiowa, and Apachetothe number of perhaps 3,000 assembled, and remained together

for about two weeks, dancing every night until daylight. This was the largest Ghost dance ever held in the south. After dances had been held for two or three nights Sitting Bull announced that at the next one he

would perform a great wonder in the sight of all the people, after

|3 RTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CV

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MOONEY ] ARAPAHO BEDS 963 5

happens in this fevered mental condition, and instead o is father

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6. E’YEHE’! WO’‘NAYU’UHU

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MOONEY] ARAPAHO WARRIOR ORDERS 989 the ground, tied themselves to them by means of the straps, thus anchor-

ing themselves in front of the battle. Here they remained until, if the battle seemed lost, they themselves gave the order to retreat. Even then they waited until some of their own society released them by pulling the lances out of the ground and whipping them away from the place with a peculiar quirt carried only by the private members of this division. No one was allowed to retreat without their permission, on penalty of disgrace, nor were they themselves allowed to retire until thus released. Should their followers forget to release them in the confusion of retreat, they were expected to die at their posts. They could not be released excepting by one of their own division, and anyone else

attempting to pull up the lances from the ground was resisted as an enemy. When pursued on the retreat, they must give up their horses to the women, if necessary, and either find other horses or turn and face the enemy alone on foot. They seldom accompanied any but large

war parties, and, although they did but little actual fighting, their very presence inspired the warriors with desperate courage, and the driving of their lances into the ground was always understood as the signal for an encounter to the death. The seventh order was that of the Ninaha’wii, a word of which the

meaning is now unknown. This was a secret order. They had no dance and their ceremonies were witnessed only by themselves. They

did not fight, but accompanied the war parties, and every night in secret performed ceremonies and prayers for their success.

The eighth and highest order was that of the Chi'/nachiné'na or Water-pouring men, the “seven venerable priests” to whom the song

refers. They were the high priests and instructors of all the other orders, and were seven in number, from among the oldest warriors of the tribe. Their name refers to their pouring the water over the heated stones in the sweat-house to produce steam. They had no dance, and were not expected to go to war, although one of the seven was allowed to accompany the war party, should he so elect. Their ceremonies were performed in a large sweat-lodge, called chinachichi'bat, which, when the whole tribe was camped together, occupied the center of the circle, between the entrance and the lodge‘in which was kept the sacred medicine pipe. Unlike the ordinary sweat-lodge, this one had no mound and buffalo skull in front of the entrance. The warrior organization of the Kiowa is called Ya'péhe, ‘‘Soldiers,” and consisted of six orders, each with its own dance, songs, and ceremonial dress. 1. Poldiyup or Tsdit'yui, “Rabbits.” These were boys

and young men from 8 to 15 years of age. Their dance, in which they were drilled by certain old men, has a peculiar step, in imitation of the jumping movement of a rabbit; 2. Adalto'yui, or Te'Abiyu'i, ‘¢Young Mountain Sheep,” literally ‘“‘Herders or Corralers;” 3. Tseftd’/nmo, ‘‘ Horse Head-dress (?) people;” 4. * Tonkon'ko (?) “ Black-leg peo-

ple;” 5. T'dipe'ko, ‘““Skunkberry (?) people;” 6. Kd/itsen‘ko, ‘“ Prin-

cipal Dogs or Real Dogs.” These last were the highest warrior

990 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 order, and also the camp police, combining the functions of the Bitahi‘néna and the Héthé’biné'na of the Arapaho organization. Their two leaders carried an arrow-shape lance, with which they anchored themselves in the front of the battle by means of buckskin straps brought over the shoulders. The Tofkon'ko captains carried in a similar way a crook-shape lance, called pabo'n, similar to that of the Bitahi'néna of the —

Arapaho. :

___ — _ __ ~~eg py) gg gg i === Sato eee we ° We we om A wt . a

E’-hyufi’-i de-gi’-4-ta, E/-hyufi’-i de - gi’-4-ta; tsi’-hop 4 - 4- he/-dal, tsi’-hop 4 - 4 - he’-dal.

oe = TT a = = == Saal Na de‘: gu/4n-ta; de- gu/in-ta; na de'’- gu/an-ta, de’- gu/An-ta; ga’-dal-gufi t‘afi’-gya de-o’-ta,

Tee oe % "ae we we v "se g4’-dal-gufi t‘afi’-gya de-o’-ta, go’ de - hi’-4- ta, de - hi’-d-ta, go’ de - hi’-4- ta, de - hi’-d-ta.

E’hyufi’i degi’ita, E’hyufi'i degi’dta. Tsa’hop i4/i’he’dal, Tsi/hop d’a‘he’da). Na de'gu‘’nta, de'gu/anta; Na de'gu’dinta, de'gu‘anta; Ga‘dal-guii t'afi'gya deo’ta, Ga’dal-guii t’afi’/gya deo’ta.

Go’ dehi‘ata, dehi‘ata, Go’ dehi'ata, dehi’iita.

MOONEY] SONGS OF THE KIOWA «1087 Translation

I am mashing the berries, I am mashing the berries. They say travelers are coming on the march, They say travelers are coming on the march. I stir (the berries) around, I stir them around; I take them up with a spoon of buffalo horn, I take them up with a spoon of buffalo horn, And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers), And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers).

This song gives a pretty picture of the old Indian home life and hospitality. In her dream the woman who composed it imagines herself cooking fruit, when the word comes that travelers are approaching, the verb implying that they are on the march with their children, dogs, and household property. She stirs the berries around a few times more, lifts them out with a spoon of buffalo horn, and goes to offer them to the strangers. The translation is an exact paraphrase of the rhythmic repetition of the original. The berry called ehyui’i, “principal or bast fruit,” is not found in the present country of the Kiowa, but is remembered among the pleasant things of their old home in the north. It is described as a species of cherry.

13. GO/MGYA-DA'GA | Go'mgy4-da'ga, Go/mgy4-da‘ga,

Do’ nya‘za'ngo, Do’ nya‘zi'ngo, Go’ da’gya iiihi’po, Go’ da’gya inhi’po. Translation

That wind, that wind Shakes my tipi, shakes my tipi, And sings a song for me, And sings a song for me.

To the familiar this little song brings up pleasant memories of the prairie camp when the wind is whistling through the tipi poles and blowing the flaps about, while inside the fire burns bright and the song and the game go round. 14, DAK'IN’A DAKA'NTAHF DAL

Dak'ifi‘a daka‘fitahe‘dal,

Dak'in’a daka’fitihe’dal. Tsi‘shs-4 daka‘fitihe’dal, Tsi‘sts-% daka‘fitihe’dal. Da'gya nyiipa‘de, Da’‘gya nyiipa’de.

Da’gya ifati’gyi, Da‘gvya ifiata’gyi.

14 ETH—pT 2——29

1088 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 Translation

God has had pity on us, God has had pity on us. Jesus has taken pity on us, Jesus. has taken pity on us. He teaches me a song, He teaches me a song. My song is a good one, My song is a good one.

In their confounding of aboriginal and Christian ideas the Kiowa frequently call the Indian messiah “ Jesus,” having learned the latter as a sacred name through the whites. 15, ANSO’ GYATA’TO

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