The Germans of Charleston, Richmond and New Orleans during the Civil War Period, 1850-1870: A Study and Research Compendium 9783110236897, 9783110236880

Table of contents :
Foreword by Robert N. Rosen
Acknowledgements
Table of Contents
Introduction
I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”: Immigration & Settlement, 1820–1860
1. A Forgotten Chapter: German Immigration and Settlement in the Southern United States in the Period between 1820 and 1860.
2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”: Mutualities among the German Revolutionaries of 1848.
2.1 The Ideals of the “48ers”: A Private Declaration of War on the South
2.2 The Lonely Crowd: “48ers” in the South, especially in the Cities of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans
II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves: the Urban South as the New Home of German Immigrants
1. The Holy City: Charleston, South Carolina.
2. The City at the Falls: Richmond, Virginia
3. The Crescent City: New Orleans, Louisiana.
4. Comparative Statistics: Germans in the Urban South (1850–1870)
III. Know-Nothing Nativism in Richmond, New Orleans, and Charleston in the 1850’s: the Dress Rehearsal for 1861.
1. Pandora’s Box: the Radical Agitation of Carl Steinmetz, a “48er” Immigrant, in Nativist Richmond.
2. “In dubio pro reo”: Nativist New Orleans, Christian Roselius, and the Germans.
3. “If God will, let these days come back again”: the Lack of Nativism in the Lives of the Germans in Charleston
IV. The Antebellum Militias of South Carolina and Virginia up to December, 1860: Organization and Significance
1. The Development of German Militia Units in Charleston, South Carolina, up to December 1860: “[...] The highest duty of the adopted citizen was to the community in which he had made his home.”
1.1 The Officers of the German Antebellum Militia Companies of Charleston, South Carolina: a Leadership Elite between Nepotism and Patriotism
1.2 German Antebellum Militias as the Basis of Ethnic German Civil War Companies of the City of Charleston
2. The Development of the German Militia Units of Richmond, Virginia, up toDecember 1860: “[...] to enhance the respect of our co-citizens for us.”
2.1 The Officers of the Virginia Rifles, Richmond: a Militia without “Ethnic Spokesmen”
2.2 German Antebellum Militias as the Basis of Ethnic German Civil War Companies of the City of Richmond
V. Goliath and his Pygmies: The German Antebellum Militias in New Orleans
1. German Antebellum Militias in New Orleans, Louisiana (1806–1860): Lack of Tradition and Continuity
2. “A Mountain has Borne a Tiny Mouse!”: Mobilization of the Militia in New Orleans and the Long-held Dream of a German Battalion.
2.1 Louis Hellwig and his Efforts to Form a German Battalion in New Orleans (January–July 1861)
2.2 The Second Attempt: the Hansa Guards Battalion under C. T. Buddecke (October 1861–February 1862)
2.3 Reichard's Battalion: the Final Attempt to Organize a German Battalion under the Leadership of the Prussian Consul August Reichard
VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German minority in Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans (1861–1865)
1. The Question of Loyalty and Citizenship as a Basic Precondition for Service in the Confederate Army
1.1 Exemption: The Legally Sanctioned Liberation from Confederate Military Service
1.2 The Source of Endless Corruption: The Substitution System and the Payment of Premiums
1.3 Commutation Clauses and the Twenty-Negro Law: Possibilities for Wealthy Citizens to Buy Their Freedom From Conscription
2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston: the Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis.
2.1 Captain Bachman's German Volunteers: the Native-born Elite among the Germans of Charleston.
2.2 Charleston's German Artillery, Companies A & B: Wagener, Melchers, and the Heroes of Port Royal
2.3 The Epitome of German Prosperity in Charleston: Captain Cordes and his German Hussars
2.4 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston
3. Ethnic German Military Units from Richmond: the Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis.
3.1 The Virginia Rifles as Company K of the 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment: Twelve Months in the Service of Tradition.
3.2 The Marion Rifles as Company K of the 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment: the Military Pride of the Germans of Richmond
3.3 Service in the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment: the Final Ethnic German Conscription in Richmond.
3.4 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of Richmond.
4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans: the Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis.
4.1 Colonel Reichard's 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment: “One of the best Louisiana regiments in existence [...]”
4.2 “I have been trying my best to perform my duty in the sacred cause of my adopted country”: Colonel Reichard between War and Peace.
4.3 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of New Orleans.
VII. Anaconda & Martial Law: The Germans of the Confederacy in the Stranglehold of the Enemy
1. Blockade-Running: “What most people don’t seem to realize is that there is just as much money to be made out of the wreckage of a civilization as from the upbuilding of one.”.
1.1 Adventurers, Captains, Privateers, and Patriots: German Diversity on the Ocean.
1.2 "To export produce from the State to neutral ports..." – The Importing & Exporting Company of South Carolina and its German Investors.
2. The Janus Head of the Blockade: German Charity Organizations, Soldier Social Care, Free Markets, and Bread Riots
2.1 The Free Market of New Orleans as a Social and Patriotic German Field of Activity
2.2 Saints and Sinners: The German Minority under Martial Law in Civil War Richmond
2.3 “We may learn something from our German citizens”: German Mobility and Autonomy in Charleston.
VIII. The First Phase of Reconstruction, 1865–1870: a New Beginning for the Ethnic German Minority
1. Ethnic German Inhabitants of a Unionist Island in the Confederate Sea: New Orleans between the Recruitment of Soldiers and Emancipation Politics (1862–1865)
2. “We reject [...] to be placed on equal political and social footing with the negroes”: the Political Self-Assertion of the Ethnic German Minority of Richmond (1865–1870).
3. Charleston redeemed: Charleston’s Ethnic German Minority and its Mayor Johann A. Wagener (1865–1873).
4. The Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans and the Recruitment of Immigrants (1865–1870): Germans as Slave Substitutes on Louisiana Plantations
5. The Deutsche Einwanderungs-Gesellschaft des Staates Virginia: a Center of Activity for German Confederate Veterans (1865–1870).
6. Hated by the Republicans, loved by the Germans: J. A. Wagener, Franz Melchers, and the German Immigration, Land and Trading Company of Charleston (1865–1870)
Conclusions
Bibliography and Sources
Manuscripts and Manuscript Collections
Contemporary Sources
Other published Primary Sources
Newspapers
Secondary Sources and Reference Works
Appendix A: Ethnic German Companies of South Carolina
Appendix B: Ethnic German Companies of Virginia
Appendix C: Ethnic German Companies of Louisiana
Appendix D: Comparative Population Statistics: Germans in the South (1850–1870)
List of Tables
List of Illustrations
Index

Citation preview

Andrea Mehrländer The Germans of Charleston, Richmond and New Orleans during the Civil War Period, 1850–1870

Andrea Mehrländer

The Germans of Charleston, Richmond and New Orleans during the Civil War Period, 1850–1870 A Study and Research Compendium

De Gruyter

For K. B., who did not live long enough to work on her own doctoral dissertation.

Cover illustration: Johann Heinrich Patjens (1839–1903) Born at Worpswede, Kingdom of Hannover, in 1839, Patjens emigrated to Charleston in 1860. He was mustered into Capt. Wagener’s Co. A, German Artillery, on April 13th, 1862, and served as a private for one year. In 1865, Patjens moved to Mt. Pleasant and opened up a grocery store, amassing a comfortable fortune. He married Rebecca Elise Catherine Tiencken of Bremen, with whom he had three children. In 1899, Patjens was appointed postmaster; by the time of his death in 1903, “J. H. Patjens & Son” was Mt. Pleasant‘s leading business house. Courtesy of Wilfred P. Tiencken, Mt. Pleasant, S.C.(†) Accepted as a dissertation by the Department of History at Ruhr-University Bochum, Germany, in 1998.

ISBN 978-3-11-023688-0 e-ISBN 978-3-11-023689-7 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data: Mehrländer, Andrea. The Germans of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans during the Civil War period, 1850-1870 : a study and research compendium / Andrea Mehrländer. p. cm. ISBN 978-3-11-023688-0 -- ISBN 978-3-11-023689-7 (e-ISBN) 1. United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865--Participation, German. 2. Germans-South Carolina--Charleston--History--19th century. 3. Germans--Virginia--Richmond-History--19th century. 4. Germans--Louisiana--New Orleans--History--19th century. 5. Charleston (S.C.)--History--Civil War, 1861-1865. 6. Richmond (Va.)--History--Civil War, 1861-1865. 7. New Orleans (La.)--History--Civil War, 1861-1865. I. Title. E540.G3M44 2011 973.70893‘1--dc22 2011007993 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. © 2011 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York Typesetting: Dr. Rainer Ostermann, München Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen f Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Foreword by Robert N. Rosen Andrea Mehrländer was born and raised in Berlin. She became fascinated with the Old South at the age of ten after seeing “Gone with the Wind.” As she states in her Acknowledgements “Thirty-two years have passed since then and my love of the Old South of the United States and its history has never let go of me.” Her mission has been to chronicle the ethnic German experience in the Confederacy. Like Ulrich B. Phillips, the great pioneer and indefatigable researcher of the history of slavery, she has gone to extraordinary lengths over many years and has (as Phillips in the Preface to American Negro Slavery wrote) “panned the sands of the stream of Southern life and garnered their golden treasure.”1 Mehrländer travelled extensively and met with innumerable families of German descent who provided her with hitherto unknown privately held diaries, letters and documents. She has studied and analyzed the primary sources (state and federal census, church, immigrant society and business records, Confederate war pension files, slave schedules, and burial records) as no previous historian of the German-American experience in the Civil War ever has. As a result she has written a path-breaking book. It is the first monograph on ethnic Germans in the Confederacy and is the most authoritative study, indeed the definitive work, of German immigration into the South during the Civil War era. Mehrländer has investigated and explained points of origin, means of travel, GermanAmerican life and society in the South, attitudes toward the war, German-American participation in the war effort, the prejudice encountered, and the extraordinary service this small but hard-working and talented group rendered to the Confederacy, both on the field of battle as well as in manufacturing, food production, blockade running and supplies. In 1860, there were almost seventy-two thousand Germans in the South. Foreigners made up thirty-nine percent of the free white population of the eight largest cities in the South. Germans constituted a major component of this population. Mehrländer’s command and understanding of extensive American and German sources has allowed her to write a brilliant prosopography, a collective biography, of many individuals throughout the South, centering on New Orleans, Richmond and Charleston. The reader learns the complex story of German intellectuals, “48’ers”, laborers, craftsmen, merchants, restaurant owners, shoemakers, brewers, barkeepers, sailors, lithographers, German-language newspaper owners, confectioners, apothecaries, grocers, bakers, musicians – a host of people who, to a degree hitherto unknown, helped the Confederacy stay afloat. It was a German immigrant, Wilhelm Flegenheimer, who transcribed the Virginia Ordinance of Secession.2 1 2

Ulrich B. Phillips, American Negro Slavery (New York: D. Appleton, 1918), vii. Ira Berlin and Herbert Gutman were surprised by the importance of immigrant labor in the urban South during the ante bellum period. Indeed they believed these free white workers were a threat to the institution of slavery. See Berlin and Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves: Urban

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Foreword by Robert N. Rosen

This book chronicles the German militia groups and traces their histories from the 1850’s to the 1870’s. It describes German units in the Confederacy and the roles these units played in the war. On September 10, 1861, the German volunteers left Charleston for Virginia led by William K. Bachman, son of the famous minister and scientist, John Bachman. The Richmond Germans served in the well-equipped Virginia Rifles. Five of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment’s ten companies were ethnic German companies. Mehrländer estimates that between nine thousand and eighteen thousand German soldiers fought for the Confederacy. (Two hundred thousand fought for the Union.) “When this country [the Confederacy] cut itself off from all sources … and stood helplessly, …” Burghardt Hassel wrote in 1865, “it was Germans who supplied the powder for percussion caps … who called forth a thousand-armed industry all at once … showed how leather was made … made buttons, poured cannons and furnished artistic instruments.” Mehrländer also provides a visual record of almost sixty images which add another dimension to the story. Again, she has mined private collections and institutional collections in Germany and the South. The book describes and analyzes the delicate issue of German loyalty – or lack thereof – to the Confederate cause. As is well known to Civil War scholars, German immigrants generally tended to disapprove of slavery in larger numbers than other white Southerners. Mehrländer explores the subtleties of their unwavering support for slavery and the Confederate cause in Charleston and the more complex situation in Richmond and New Orleans. (The loyalty of some of Richmond’s Germans was openly questioned.) She concludes, however, that the members of the ethnic German minority were a significant factor politically, militarily and economically in the Civil War and Reconstruction; that quite a few owned slaves and supported the racial views of the white majority; that they overcame, by loyalty and hard work, the nativistic prejudice of their neighbors to become respected members of white Southern society before, during, and after the war. Indeed, Mehrländer contends that a higher percentage of the ethnic Germans in the South fought for the Confederacy than the percentage of their fellow ethnic Germans who fought for the Union. In short, most ethnic Germans, like other ethnic groups – the Irish and the Jews – adapted to the dominant culture and to “Southern distinctiveness.” Yet Mehrländer is careful to point out that a substantial majority of ethnic Germans in Richmond and New Orleans left the South because of the war, and that Richmond’s German community was greatly shaken by the war, some being accused of spying, treason, smuggling and profiteering. Mehrländer also chronicles the history of ethnic Germans after the war. While generally supporting the conservative, white regimes, some Germans in Louisiana supported the Republican Party. Michael Hahn, for example, became the first Republican Governor of Louisiana. Pro-Confederate Germans shunned him. In Charleston, German businessmen led the economic revitalization of the city after the war. John A. Wagener, a successful businessman and political moderate, was elected mayor in 1871. This work is a major contribution to ethnic history and the Civil War. In recent years, historians have begun to chronicle the German-American experience in the War. This is Urban Working Men in the Antebellum South,” American Historical Review 88 (December 1983): 1175–1200.

Foreword by Robert N. Rosen

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not without its difficulties, mainly because it requires proficiency in both English and German sources (including deciphering nineteenth century German handwriting), the lack of previous works to build upon (over half the states banned the teaching of German in schools as a result of World War I and World War II, which, needless to say, made the study of German-Americans anathema) and the resulting lack of memoirs, regimental and company histories and local histories. There is however, more to Germans in the Civil War than Major Generals Franz Sigel and Carl Schurz. Scholars are busily at work to fill this gap. Clearly, ethnic German history focuses on the North. After all, 1.3 million Germans settled in the states that remained in the Union. Only 5.5% of all German immigrants settled in the South. William L. Burton published Melting Pot Soldiers: The Union’s Ethnic Regiments (New York: Fordham Univ. Press, 1988) in 1988; Stephen D. Engle, Yankee Dutchman: The Life of Franz Sigel (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1993); Eric Bright, “Nothing to Fear from the Influence of Foreigners: The Patriotism of Richmond German-Americans During the Civil War,” M. A. thesis, Virginia Polytechnic and State University, 1999; Anne J. Bailey, “In the Far Corner of the Confederacy: A Question of Conscience for German-speaking Texans,” Southern Families at War, ed. Catherine Clinton (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000); Dean B. Mahin, The Blessed Place of Freedom: Europeans In the Civil War (Washington, D.C.: Brassey’s, 2002); Joseph R. Reinhart edited German letters and a diary in Two Germans in the Civil War (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2004); Walter D. Kamphoefner and Wolfgang J. Helbich, eds., Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2006); and Christian B. Keller, Chancellorsville and the Germans (New York: Fordham Univ. Press, 2007). This important subject has come a long way from outdated and frequently erroneous works, such as Wilhelm Kaufman’s The Germans in the American Civil War (1911) and Ella Lonn’s Foreigners in the Confederacy (1940). But the writing of ethnic GermanAmerican history has only just begun. George Tindall, in his 1973 presidential address to the Southern Historical Association, reminded us that “the idea of ethnicity affords historians a strategic vantage point from which to re-assess the Southern past.”3 Andrea Mehrländer has contributed mightily to this effort by allowing us to glimpse, for the first time, the true story of ethnic Germans in the Confederacy. Robert N. Rosen, Esq. President, Ft. Sumter/Ft. Moultrie Historical Trust Lowcountry Sesquicentennial Coordinating Committee Charleston, South Carolina

3

George B. Tindall, “Beyond the Mainstream: The Ethnic Southerners,” Journal of Southern History, vol. XL, No. 1 (February, 1974), 3–18. See also: George B. Tindall, The Ethnic Southerners (Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 1976).

Acknowledgements On the afternoon of April 4, 1978, I was part of a birthday party going to the movies to see “Gone with the Wind.” I was not quite ten years old and could not know what a major influence this classic film would have on the further course of my life. Thirty-two years have passed since then, and my love of the old South of the United States and its history has never let go of me. Benjamin Disraeli once said that the secret of success is the continuity of one’s goal. Indeed a kind fate at the turning points of my life has always given me people who have helped me to come a bit closer to this goal: the choice of study majors, a year at an American university, extensive travels to Civil War locations, and, finally, this book – a revised version of my dissertation “‘Gott gebe uns bald bessere Zeiten…’: Die Deutschen in Charleston, Richmond und New Orleans im Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg, 1861 – 1865,” completed at Ruhr University Bochum. The affection and support that I have experienced during my studies in Germany and especially in the United States cannot be put into words. I would like to express my deep appreciation to those who gave me a home away from home and who took care of my soul after hours in archives: Dennis (†) and Barbara N. Auld, Mt. Pleasant, S.C.; Kate Bale, Arlington, Va.; Jim and Jinny Batterson, Richmond, Va.; Lillie R. Batton, Bronx, NY; Dr. Michael E. and Cheryl Bell, Richmond, Va.; Betty Brown, Washington, D.C.; Mona Brown, New Orleans, La.; Mary Lilla Brown (†) , Washington, D.C.; Leonora R. Burnet, Richmond, Va.; Richard and Sarah Clear, New Orleans, La.; Vennie and Derek Deas-Moore, Columbia, S.C.; Dr. Irene di Maio, Baton Rouge, La.; Dr. Conrad D. and Jean Festa, Charleston, S.C.; Kerstin Fretlöh, Bochum; Franz J. and Maria (†) Gaertig, Bochum; Tony and Wilma Giglio, Marietta, Ga.; Reiner A. and Melissa Gogolin, Tacoma Park, Md.; Col. Wayne and Margaret Harris, Carlisle, Pa.; Albert and Helke Heller, Halstenbek-Krupunder; Torben Hermanns, Bochum; Herbert H. Hill, Summerville, S.C.; Josephine Humphreys, Charleston, S.C.; Marjorie and Allen Johnson, New Orleans, La.; Felicia Kahn, New Orleans, La.; Rev. Barbara Kingston, Charleston, S.C.; Larry Kruhm, Arlington, Va.; Angela S. Lehr, Glen Rock, Pa.; Caitriona Lyons-Welsch, Austin, Tx.; Linda Marshall, New Orleans, La.; Dale L. and Judy Massey, Carrollton, Tx.; Dr. Howard Mielke, New Orleans, La.; Timothy P. and Bonnie Mulligan, Lanham, Md.; Rudi and Susan Neumann, Spokane, Wa.; Jérôme and Jean Ney, Savannah, Ga.; Hildegard Pfeifer, Bremen; Pavlos Pissios, Boston, Mass.; Lt. Col. James Rickard, Bolling Air Force Base, Washington, D.C.; Robert N. Rosen, Charleston, S.C.; Fred Seckendorff, New Orleans, La.; Katherine Senter, New Orleans, La.; William Scott and Terry Shurett, Tuscaloosa, Ala.; Richard Troy (†), New Orleans, La.; Dr. Effy Tzamely, Boston, Mass.; Phil and Helen (†) Vaughn, Teague, Tx.; Marilyn Verbits, Media, Pa.; Jack and Priscilla Via, Spring Hill, Fla.; Sgt. Ward, Carlisle Barracks, Pa.; Prof. Dr. Gerhard L. and Janet Weinberg, Efland, N.C.; John Welsch, Austin,

Acknowledgements

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Tx.; Tadeusz and Johanna Wilga, Szczecin, Poland; Frank Williams, Dover, Pa.; Edward and Betty Wiser, Raleigh, N.C.; Dr. Arlen and Dorothy Zander, West Monroe, La. I am grateful for countless books, research materials, copy aids, good advice, and access to private collections to: Heiner Baurmeister, Lehrte (Baurmeister Family Information); Thomas Begerow, Berlin, (Wieting Information); Johann C. Bosse, Bremen; Lloyd G. Bowers III., Greenville, S.C. (Siegling Family Archives); Rudolph Bunzl, Richmond, Va.; August Dietz III. (†), Richmond, Va. (Richmonder Anzeiger); Kim Gissendanner (photographer), Charleston, SC; Gerhard Holler (†), Sievern (Wagener information); Arla Holroyd, Mt. Pleasant, S.C.; Prof. Dr. Charles Joyner; Willis J. Keith, Charleston, S. C.; Christian B. Keller, Carlisle, Pa.; Prof. Dr. Frank W. Klingberg, Friday Harbor, Wa.; Christian Kolbe, Richmond, Va. (John Kolbe Family Papers); Hans Koldewey (†), Charleston, S.C. (Koldeway & Michaelis Information); Doris Lattek, Bochum; Mary Anne Muckenfuss Lilienthal, Mt. Pleasant, S.C.; Sand W. Marmillion, Vacherie, La.; Julien Theodore Melchers, Jr., Mt. Pleasant, S.C. (Melchers Family Papers); Dr. Randall M. Miller, Philadelphia, Pa.; Michael P. Musick, Harpers Ferry, W.Va.; Virginia Neyle, Charleston, S.C. (Jahnz Papers); Norma Norman, North Charleston, S.C. (Louis Jacobs Family Papers); Charles T. Pohle, Silver Spring, Md. (C. R. M. Pohle Family Information); David Quick (The Post and Courier, Charleston, S.C.); Gertha Reinert, Kempen; Linda Robb, Tappahannock, Va. (Wacker Family Papers); Petra Dreyblatt-Schmidt, Berlin; Rev. George B. Shealy, Walhalla, S.C.; Beverly Sloan Shuler, Mt. Pleasant, S.C.; Linda Dayhoff Smith, Columbia, S.C. (Koper & Portwig Family Information); Wilfred P. Tiencken (†), Mt. Pleasant, S.C. (Patjens Family Information); Inge von Gröning, Bremen (v. Gröning Family Information and pictures); Lee A. Wallace Jr. (†), Falls Church, Va.; Ralf Wandersee, Berlin; Gertrud Weber, München, (BozonierMarmillion Letter Collection); Jamie Westendorff, Charleston, S.C.; Frauke and H. Diedrich (†) Wieting, Bremen (Wieting Letter Collection); Gisela and Franz (†) Tecklenborg, Bremen-Lesum; Eddie Willard, Richmond, Va. (C. M. R. Pohle Information); Fielding Williams, Richmond, Va. (F. W. Hanewinkel Information); John T. Woodruff, Wrightsville, N.C. (Martin Schulken Family Papers). In research institutions and document depositories one is hopelessly lost without the help of excellent archivists and scholarly assistants who can find even the most abstruse items. I am grateful to 65 most wonderful experts in 44 research institutions, both in Germany and the United States – they are all individually inscribed in my heart. Not to be forgotten is the generous financial support of a dissertation fellowship given me by the German National Merit Foundation, which allowed for intensive and carefree work over a period of more than two years. I was able to finance my six research trips to the USA with the help of the Erwin Stephan Prize from the Technical University in Berlin, participation in the project-oriented DAAD support of scholarly exchange (together with the American Council of Learned Societies), and a dissertation fellowship from the German Historical Institute, Washington, D.C. This study would not have begun if I had not found a mentor open to and enthusiastic about the subject. My doctoral advisor, Prof. Dr. Wolfgang J. Helbich, wisely let me fight the decisive battles by myself; today I am grateful to him because this let me grow intellectually. I also had the privilege of finding a second advisor who spontaneously and enthusiastically agreed to read my work: Prof. Dr. Jürgen Heideking of the University of

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Cologne. It saddens me tremendously that he did not live to see my dissertation as a published book. My deep appreciation goes out to my publishing company, Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, especially to Bettina Neuhoff, Dr. Rainer Ostermann and Andreas Brandmair. I am also tremendously indebted to my brilliant translators, Kate Delaney, M. A. (USA), James C. Griffin, M. A. (Berlin) and Jane R. Helmchen, M. A. (Berlin), who now know more about the Civil War than they ever wanted to know. That holds also true for Shannon T. Hanson, Esq., Angelika Krieser, Claudia Mehrländer-Konang, Diana Pielorz, Alexandra Schekierka and Franziska Schlüns, who helped me in various ways to put the finishing touches on this manuscript. Last but not least, I thank the Leucorea Foundation and the Ruhr-University Bochum, without whose financial support this book could not have been published. As is customary in the production of a doctoral dissertation, the closest family members have participated most intensively in the process. Without my parents and my brother Thomas I would not have written a single page. They shared my highs and lows at all hours of the day and night and encouraged me to continue even when I thought I had no more strength to do so. The man, who finally triggered the process of putting this book into print, was Prof. Dr. h. c. mult. Klaus G. Saur. His belief in the goodness of mankind will always humble me. Maria Sophia Schütten, my great-great-great-great-great-great-grandmother on my mother’s side, was born a serf of a landed squire in Mecklenburg in 1735 and never went to school. I’m certain that she would have been happy with my dissertation. What was it that Benjamin Disraeli said? The secret of success is the continuity of one’s goal.

Andrea Mehrländer April, 2011

Table of Contents Foreword by Robert N. Rosen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”: Immigration & Settlement, 1820–1860 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. A Forgotten Chapter: German Immigration and Settlement in the Southern United States in the Period between 1820 and 1860 . . . . . . . . . 2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”: Mutualities among the German Revolutionaries of 1848. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 The Ideals of the “48ers”: A Private Declaration of War on the South . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 The Lonely Crowd: “48ers” in the South, especially in the Cities of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves: the Urban South as the New Home of German Immigrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. The Holy City: Charleston, South Carolina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. The City at the Falls: Richmond, Virginia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. The Crescent City: New Orleans, Louisiana. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Comparative Statistics: Germans in the Urban South (1850–1870) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III. Know-Nothing Nativism in Richmond, New Orleans, and Charleston in the 1850’s: the Dress Rehearsal for 1861. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Pandora’s Box: the Radical Agitation of Carl Steinmetz, a “48er” Immigrant, in Nativist Richmond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. “In dubio pro reo”: Nativist New Orleans, Christian Roselius, and the Germans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. “If God will, let these days come back again”: the Lack of Nativism in the Lives of the Germans in Charleston . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IV. The Antebellum Militias of South Carolina and Virginia up to December, 1860: Organization and Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. The Development of German Militia Units in Charleston, South Carolina, up to December 1860: “[...] The highest duty of the adopted citizen was to the community in which he had made his home.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 13 16 19 20 24 29 36 42 47 55 61 61 66 73 77

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1.1 The Officers of the German Antebellum Militia Companies of Charleston, South Carolina: a Leadership Elite between Nepotism and Patriotism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 German Antebellum Militias as the Basis of Ethnic German Civil War Companies of the City of Charleston . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. The Development of the German Militia Units of Richmond, Virginia, up toDecember 1860: “[...] to enhance the respect of our co-citizens for us.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 The Officers of the Virginia Rifles, Richmond: a Militia without “Ethnic Spokesmen” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 German Antebellum Militias as the Basis of Ethnic German Civil War Companies of the City of Richmond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V.

Goliath and his Pygmies: The German Antebellum Militias in New Orleans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. German Antebellum Militias in New Orleans, Louisiana (1806–1860): Lack of Tradition and Continuity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. “A Mountain has Borne a Tiny Mouse!”: Mobilization of the Militia in New Orleans and the Long-held Dream of a German Battalion . . . . . . . . 2.1 Louis Hellwig and his Efforts to Form a German Battalion in New Orleans (January–July 1861) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 The Second Attempt: the Hansa Guards Battalion under C. T. Buddecke (October 1861–February 1862) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Reichard's Battalion: the Final Attempt to Organize a German Battalion under the Leadership of the Prussian Consul August Reichard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German minority in Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans (1861–1865) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. The Question of Loyalty and Citizenship as a Basic Precondition for Service in the Confederate Army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Exemption: The Legally Sanctioned Liberation from Confederate Military Service . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 The Source of Endless Corruption: The Substitution System and the Payment of Premiums . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Commutation Clauses and the Twenty-Negro Law: Possibilities for Wealthy Citizens to Buy Their Freedom From Conscription . . . 2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston: the Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Captain Bachman's German Volunteers: the Native-born Elite among the Germans of Charleston. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Charleston's German Artillery, Companies A & B: Wagener, Melchers, and the Heroes of Port Royal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

88 91

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2.3 The Epitome of German Prosperity in Charleston: Captain Cordes and his German Hussars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Ethnic German Military Units from Richmond: the Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 The Virginia Rifles as Company K of the 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment: Twelve Months in the Service of Tradition. . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 The Marion Rifles as Company K of the 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment: the Military Pride of the Germans of Richmond . . . . . . . 3.3 Service in the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment: the Final Ethnic German Conscription in Richmond. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of Richmond. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans: the Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Colonel Reichard's 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment: “One of the best Louisiana regiments in existence [...]” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 “I have been trying my best to perform my duty in the sacred cause of my adopted country”: Colonel Reichard between War and Peace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of New Orleans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII. Anaconda & Martial Law: The Germans of the Confederacy in the Stranglehold of the Enemy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Blockade-Running: “What most people don’t seem to realize is that there is just as much money to be made out of the wreckage of a civilization as from the upbuilding of one.”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Adventurers, Captains, Privateers, and Patriots: German Diversity on the Ocean. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 "To export produce from the State to neutral ports..." – The Importing & Exporting Company of South Carolina and its German Investors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. The Janus Head of the Blockade: German Charity Organizations, Soldier Social Care, Free Markets, and Bread Riots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 The Free Market of New Orleans as a Social and Patriotic German Field of Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Saints and Sinners: The German Minority under Martial Law in Civil War Richmond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 “We may learn something from our German citizens”: German Mobility and Autonomy in Charleston. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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169 170 181 181 183 187 192 199 199

204 208 213

214 215

219 234 235 241 251

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VIII. The First Phase of Reconstruction, 1865–1870: a New Beginning for the Ethnic German Minority . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Ethnic German Inhabitants of a Unionist Island in the Confederate Sea: New Orleans between the Recruitment of Soldiers and Emancipation Politics (1862–1865) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. “We reject [...] to be placed on equal political and social footing with the negroes”: the Political Self-Assertion of the Ethnic German Minority of Richmond (1865–1870). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Charleston redeemed: Charleston’s Ethnic German Minority and its Mayor Johann A. Wagener (1865–1873) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. The Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans and the Recruitment of Immigrants (1865–1870): Germans as Slave Substitutes on Louisiana Plantations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. The Deutsche Einwanderungs-Gesellschaft des Staates Virginia: a Center of Activity for German Confederate Veterans (1865–1870) . . . . . . . . . . . 6. Hated by the Republicans, loved by the Germans: J. A. Wagener, Franz Melchers, and the German Immigration, Land and Trading Company of Charleston (1865–1870) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography and Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Manuscripts and Manuscript Collections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Contemporary Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Other published Primary Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Newspapers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Secondary Sources and Reference Works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix A: Ethnic German Companies of South Carolina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix B: Ethnic German Companies of Virginia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix C: Ethnic German Companies of Louisiana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix D: Comparative Population Statistics: Germans in the South (1850–1870) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

261

261

273 276

283 288

292 295 303 303 312 317 318 320 343 362 376 388 409 411 413

Introduction This book examines the socio-economic situation, the political behavior, and the military participation of the ethnic German minority population in the Confederate States of America between 1861 and 1865. It will concentrate specifically on the cities of Charleston, New Orleans, and Richmond. This topic belongs to the history of ethnic minorities and their relationship to the majority society, but I will first examine it in the broader sense of social history, including an overview of thought and ideas, supported by both qualitative and quantitative sources. In 1860 there were only 71,962 native Germans living in the eleven states of the subsequent Confederacy, and this group constituted only 1.3% of the entire free population in that area. On the other hand, according to the census of 1860 there were 1,229,210 persons living in the Northern states who had been born in Germany.1 A discussion of the position of Germans in the Confederacy is still the largest and most serious research gap in the field of American Studies of the Civil War era, but is a book like this justified when it examines a minority of fewer than 72,000 people? A German-Confederate history of the War of Secession could be written like this: Carl H. Schwecke from Hanover, a member of the German Artillery of Charleston, fired the socalled secession gun as a salute in front of the Mercury building in honor of South Carolina’s secession from the Union on December 20, 1860.2 In the Institute Hall Reverend John Bachman, of Swiss-German descent, blessed the young Confederacy. When Virginia left the Union, calligrapher William Flegenheimer, from Leutershausen in Bavaria, preserved Virginia’s Ordinance of Secession for posterity.3 And General Lee used topographical maps of his home state during the following five years that had been drawn by Louis von Buchholtz.4 Almost all of the insignia of the new federation came into existence under German auspices: Nicola Marschall, who had immigrated from Prussia in 1849, designed the famous “stars and bars” flag, which was raised over the capitol in Montgomery on March 4, 1861. He also provided the basic design of the Confederate uniforms.5

1 Population of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the original returns of the eighth census (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1864), xxix–xxxii. 2 Charleston Mercury, January 21, 1861. 3 Richmond Whig, May 28, 1861 and June 24, 1861. 4 “Map of the State of Virginia: Containing the counties, principal towns, railroads, rivers and all other internal improvements” (Richmond: Ritchie & Dunnavant, 1858); “A Map of the State of Virginia, reduced from the nine sheet map of the state in conformity to law by Herman Boeye, 1828, corrected by order of the executive by L. v. Buchholtz.” Both maps are now in the Virginia State Library & Archives in Richmond. 5 “Flag and Uniform of the Confederacy,” Confederate Veteran XIII, 5 (May, 1905), 222–223; Peggy Robbins, “Fight for the Flag,” Civil War Times Illustrated XXXV, 5 (October 1996), 32–38.

2

Introduction

Fig. 0.1: HOYER & LUDWIG, LITHOGRAPHERS OF THE CONFEDERACY Commercial advertisement of Hoyer & Ludwig, taken from the Second Annual Directory for the City of Richmond, compiled by W. Eugene Ferslew in 1860.

The unofficial national anthem of the Confederacy, “Dixie,” was printed for the first time in 1860 by Philip P. Werlein, who was born in Bavaria in 1812; during the war he alone sold copies.6 Julius Baumgarten, 25 years old, an engraver from Hanover, designed not only the great state seal of the Confederacy but also the Confederate “medals of honor.”7 On February 21, 1861, President Davis named Christopher G. Memminger, born in Mergentheim in Wuerttemberg, as the first Confederate Secretary of the Treasury. Memminger remained in this position until his resignation on July 18, 1864,8 and in August 1862, the government ordered the production of Confederate money from the German company of Louis Hoyer & Charles Ludwig, which had already received the order to print Confederate stamps in April, 1861.9 6 New Orleans Times – Picayune, January 25, 1937. 7 Michael P. Musick, “The Mystery of the Missing Confederate Medals of Honor,” Military Collector & Historian XXIII, 3 (Fall, 1971), 74–78. 8 Biographical Register of the Confederate Congress, ed. Ezra J. Warner, W. Buck Yearns (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975), 171–173. 9 August Dietz, The Postal Service of the Confederate States of America (Richmond: Dietz Printing Co., 1929), 94f.: The company belonged to Louis Hoyer (born in Bremen in 1823) and Charles Ludwig (born in Baden in 1828).

Introduction

3

Fig. 0.2: ONE DOLLAR BILL IN CONFEDERATE MONEY Fredericksburg, May 4th, 1861, No. 4784: This One Dollar Bill was printed by Hoyer & Ludwig at Richmond, Va. The company was formed by Charles Ludwig of Baden, a lithographer, and Ludwig Hoyer of Bremen, a watchmaker, in 1858. It went out of business in 1864. Private Collection of Andrea Mehrländer, Berlin

As did every individual Confederate state, South Carolina also had its own paper money. The small bills for 5, 10, 25, and 50 cents were produced by the Hessian engraver Friedrich W. Bornemann.10 The gardens of the “White House of the Confederacy” in Richmond were cared for by E. G. Eggeling, a horticulturist from Hanover, whereas Heinrich Georg Müller, born in Lauterbach in Hesse, was the President’s bodyguard until the beginning of 1864; Mueller later became the president of the Virginia Choral Society and president of the church council of St. John’s Church, Richmond.11 The Westfalian pastor Karl Minnigerode was highly respected in Richmond as Jefferson Davis’ closest confidant and advisor. Minnigerode offered the benediction at 16 sessions of the Confederate House of Representatives.12 Jefferson Davis learned of the upcoming evacuation of Richmond in Minnigerode’s church. After Davis was taken prisoner and accused of high treason on May 13, 1867 in Richmond, the trial took place in the U. S. Customs House that had been designed and constructed in 1858 under the supervision of Albert Lybrock, an architect from the Rhineland.13 Edward V. Valentine, the sculptor asked to design the Lee Mausoleum, created a design in 1883 modeled after Christian Daniel Rauch’s 1815 tomb for Queen Louise with a marble sarcophagus that was almost identical to that of the Prussian queen. Valentine had studied with August Kiss in Berlin, a student of Rauch.14 10 “Small Notes,” Charleston Mercury, July 16, 1861. 11 Herrmann Schuricht, The German Element in Virginia (Baltimore, 1900), II, 50; “St. John’s United Church of Christ,” MSS 45A 237 b7, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 12 Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, 1861–1865 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904/1905), Vol. VI and VII. 13 Mary Wingfield Scott, Old Richmond Neighborhoods (Richmond: Whittet & Shepperson, 1950), 140. 14 Meyers Konversations-Lexikon (Leipzig/Wien: Bibliographisches Institut, 1896), Vol. X, 179.

4

Introduction

This brief listing, even if accurate, of the German-Confederate symbiosis nonetheless distorts the real ethnic relationships of the 1860’s and glorifies the situation in a filiopietistic manner: Until the beginning of the 20th century the reception in Germany of the Confederate side of the American Civil War was determined, in large part, by three authors.15 Two of these, Colonel Johann Heinrich August Heros von Borcke and Major Justus Scheibert, had experienced the action first hand as war participants and observers on the staff of General J. E. B. Stuart – the only work that von Borcke and Scheibert issued together discusses the battle of Brandy Station: Heros von Borcke (1835–1895) served on Stuart’s staff between 1862 and 1864. He published his war memoirs in English in 1865 and in German only in 1898.16 Justus Scheibert (1830–1904), a major in the Prussian pioneer corps, originally published four military history commentaries on the Civil War.17 The third author, General Hugo Friedrich Phillip Johann Baron von Freytag-Loringhoven (1855–1924) was one of the most important German military authors and after 1891 head of the adjutant major general staff. He used all the official sources at his disposal to draw parallels between the American Civil War and various European conflicts.18 It might be due to the biographical background of these authors that between 1865 and 1910 the history of the Confederacy in Germany was discussed almost exclusively as military history;19 Confederate commanders and their strategies were often the subject of military history essays in the publication series Jahrbücher für die deutsche Armee und Marine between 1870 and 1900. On the other hand, this was also a reflection of the spirit of the times: Germany was involved in several conflicts during those years – for example the Prussian-Austrian War in 1866, the Franco-German War 1870/71, the GermanSpanish dispute over the Caroline Islands in 1885, the 1894 Hottentot Uprising in German 15 Works of American authors, which were first published in English and then translated into German, are disregarded, as well as German language Civil War studies that were distributed by German-American publishers. Cf.: Bibliography in Theophile Noack, Der vierjährige Bürgerkrieg in Nordamerika von 1861–1865: Eine Skizze (Leipzig: Gustav Fock, 1889), 44ff.; Andrea Mehrländer, “Historiographical Survey of Research on Germans in the Confederacy (1865–to date),” Opening Statement for panel discussion on “New Perspectives in Civil War Ethnic History” at the Society of Civil War Historians’ Second Biennial Meeting, Richmond, Va., June 19, 2010. 16 Heros von Borcke, Zwei Jahre im Sattel und am Feinde: Erinnerungen aus dem Unabhängigkeitskriege der Konföderierten, 2 volumes (Berlin: Mittler und Sohn, 3. Edition, 1898). H. von Borcke’s autobiography was published in three volumes: Heros von Borcke, Ein Reis vom alten Stamm: Junges Blut, (Berlin: Paul Kittel, 1895); posthumously: Heros von Borcke, Ein Reis vom alten Stamm: Auf dem Kriegspfade, ed. by Hermann Müller-Bohn (Berlin: Paul Kittel, 1895) and Heros von Borcke, Ein Reis vom alten Stamm: An des Grabes Rand, ed. by Hermann Müller-Bohn (Berlin: Paul Kittel, 1896); Heros von Borcke and Justus Scheibert, Die grosse Reiterschlacht bei Brandy Station, June 9, 1863 (Berlin: Paul Kittel, 1893). 17 Justus Scheibert, Das Zusammenwirken der Armee und Marine (Rathenow: Max Babenzien, 1887); ibid., Der Bürgerkkrieg in den nordamerikanischen Staaten, militärisch beleuchtet für den deutschen Offizier (Berlin, 1874), his memoirs: ibid., Sieben Monate in den Rebellen-Staaten während des nordamerikanischen Krieges 1863 (Stettin, 1868), and a revision of his memoirs with an evaluation of Confederate commanders and their strategies: ibid., Mit Schwert und Feder (Berlin, 1902). 18 Hugo Friedrich Phillip Johan Baron von Freytag-Loringhoven, Studien über Kriegführung auf Grundlage des Nordamerikanischen Sezessionskrieges in Virginien (Berlin: Mittler, 1903). 19 A bibliography of German (non-belletristic) literature about the reception of the Confederacy is to date only a research wish. A preliminary attempt is: Alexander C. Niven, “German Military Literature and the Confederacy,” American-German Review 25, 3 (1959), 31–33.

Introduction

5

Southwest Africa, or the 1904 Herero Uprising in German Southwest Africa – and had, in expectation of future warfare, a real interest in military studies. Prussian German militarism experienced a phenomenal increase after 1871, and the appetite for military history was nearly insatiable. In 1895 there were many military societies in the German Empire with no fewer than 1.3 million members.20 A federation that had fought to preserve slavery could hardly be expected to be popular among the German middle classes of the turn of the 20th century. Thus it is understandable that the memoirs of August Conrad, deputy consul of Hanover in Charleston and deputy director of William C. Bee & Co., a blockade-breaking firm, during the Civil War, were ignored when they were published in 1879. They offer an excellent description of German life in the center of the Secession.21 The 50th anniversary of the outbreak of the Civil War in 1911 and 1912 saw the publication of several works in German that discussed, at least briefly, the question of German participation on the side of the South. Among them was a study by Ralph Lutz about the diplomatic relations between Germany and the United States, and works by Karl Bleibtreu, a Swiss author, and Wilhelm Kaufmann.22 With careful attention to detail Kaufmann had written to more than 100 German-American war veterans and asked them about their personal memories and views. These men had, for the most part, served in the Union army, so Kaufmann’s description as a whole favors the Northern states. In his generally useful biographical appendix Kaufmann names 32 persons as “German Confederates,” and 500 persons as “German Union Officers.”23 Among the latter were a number of recognized former “48ers,” who, after the war, recorded their experiences and impressions in the form of autobiographies.24 There was no comparable wave of publications on the Confederate side immediately after the war. For one thing there was a lack of “48ers” who wanted to write; for another thing the survivors were involved in rebuilding, and their time could not be spared for long-term writing projects that would have to confront not only the very painful military defeat but 20 Indeed, the American Civil War was in many areas a dress rehearsal for European war strategy in World War I. Cf.: Jay Luvaas, The Military Legacy of the Civil War: The European Inheritance (Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas Press, 21988), and Edward Hagerman, The American Civil War and the origins of modern warfare, ideas, organization, and field command (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1988). 21 August Conrad, Schatten und Lichtblicke aus dem Amerikanischen Leben während des Sezessions-Krieges (Hannover: Th. Schulze’s Buchhandlung, 1879). 22 Ralph Lutz, Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und den Vereinigten Staaten während des Sezessionskrieges (Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1911); Karl Bleibtreu, Vor 50 Jahren: Das Volksheer im amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg (Basel: Benno Schwabe & Co., 1912); Wilhelm Kaufmann, Die Deutschen im Amerikanischen Bürgerkriege 1861–1865 (Munich/Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1911). Since 1999, Kaufmann’s study has been available in English: Wilhelm Kaufmann, The Germans in the American Civil War, trans. by Steven Rowan, ed. Don Heinrich Tolzmann (Carlisle, PA: John Kallmann, Publishers, 1999). 23 Kaufmann, Die Deutschen im Amerikanischen Bürgerkriege, 443–556 (USA) and 566–576 (CSA). 24 Of the many, not always war-related publications of the “48ers”, the following works provide extensive information: Eitel Wolf Dobert, Deutsche Demokraten in Amerika: Die Achtundvierziger und ihre Schriften (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1958); The Forty-Eighters: Political Refugees of the German Revolution of 1848, ed. by Adolph E. Zucker (New York: Russel & Russel, 21967); Marino Mania, Deutsches Herz und amerikanischer Verstand: Die nationale und kulturelle Identität der Achtundvierziger in den USA (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1993), Bibliography: 95–141.

6

Introduction

also the moral guilt of “fighting for slavery.” There were no German-Confederate selfportraits at all in New Orleans – where the history of the German minority was written mainly by post-war immigrants John Hanno Deiler and Louis Voss – and only minimal ones in Richmond and Charleston. In Richmond Confederate veteran Herrmann Schuricht wrote a two-volume work called The History of the German Element in Virginia, published between 1898 and 1900. In Charleston the German self-representation was spread by Johann A. Wagener between 1871 and 1876; after his death by Franz Melchers, beginning in 1878, who sporadically sent letters or essays to Rattermann’s Deutscher Pionier – both of these men had served with the Confederate Army. Ten years after the end of the Civil War Johann A. Wagener wrote to the editors of the Deutscher Pionier, in Chicago: “I would have continued the series [sketches about the Germans in South Carolina after 1860] if it hadn’t been such a ticklish subject, because we were the so-called ‘rebels,’ and the readers of the Pionier cultivate a somewhat ‘sensitive’ patriotism. From my point of view, I must be able to write freely and be judged liberally. I am convinced however that the time will not be far away, when even the Germans of the South, who defended their chosen sunny home so bravely and ‘without fear or reproach,’ will be allowed to explain the reasons for their actions without causing an uproar.”25 Wagener died in 1876 and was unable to realize his planned publications. The silence of the Germans within the Confederacy, which could have indicated a guilty conscience, together with what Wilhelm Kaufmann wrote in 1911 about the Germans in the South – “Whereas the native-born Americans and the members of all the other immigrated nationalities divided into two enemy army camps, we find the Germans only on the side of the Union. There were almost no supporters of the secession among them, just as there were almost no German slaveowners” – meant that for more than 70 years not a single piece of writing appeared in Germany that discussed, either predominantly or exclusively, the Germans in the Confederacy.26 In the United States, on the other hand, after the ground-laying work of Ella Lonn’s Foreigners in the Confederacy (1940) there have been only a few contributions – up to the mid-2000’s – that have specifically treated the situation of Germans in the South: I will on purpose disregard the specific situation of the Texan Germans here and also not comment on the research done on them, as Texas was never part of the Deep South, and the Texan Germans, consequently, were never representative of Confederate Germans, who were predominantely urbanized. In 1860, the cities of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans sheltered the largest urban communities of German immigrants in the South. Articles and monographies on these Germans were published between 1937 and 2008 by Robert T. Clark and John Nau, Keil and Hunter for New Orleans, Klaus Wust, Rudolph Bunzl, Michael Bell, Gregg Kimball, Eric W. Bright and Christian B. Keller for Richmond, and Michael Bell, Jason Silverman, Gerta Reinert, Helene Riley and Jeffery Strickland for Charleston.27 With the exception of Bell’s 1996 dissertation, none of these works were 25 Letter from J. A. Wagener to the editors of the Deutscher Pionier, printed in “Editorielle Notizen”, Der Deutsche Pionier 7 (1875/76), 77. 26 Kaufmann, Die Deutschen im Amerikanischen Bürgerkriege, iii–iv. 27 New Orleans: Robert T. Clark Jr., “The German Liberals in New Orleans (1840–1860),” Louisiana Historical Quarterly 20 (1937), 137–151; ibid., “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil War,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly 20 (1937), 990–1015, and ibid., “Reconstruction and the New Orleans German Colony,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly 23 (April, 1940), 501–524; John F. Nau, The Geman

Introduction

7

comparative; to the contrary, they treated the social situation of the ethnic German minority in a particular place at a particular time, often as case-studies or biographical research. Dean B. Mahin’s The Blessed Place of Freedom: Europeans in Civil War America. (2002) is more or less an updated version of Ella Lonn’s work, showing clearly that the author had no knowledge of the German language and simply compiled newer publications and findings, but did not analyze them. The first comparative study on Confederate Germans considering social, cultural and military aspects was done by Robert Rosen in 2000 with The Jewish Confederates, focussing however, but naturally, only on those Germans that happened to be also Jewish.28 At the same time, two other important German publications on the Civil War came out, Löffler’s 1999 diplomatic history of Prussian-Saxonian relationships during the Civil War, and People of New Orleans, 1850–1900 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1958); Hartmut Keil, “Ethnizität und Rasse: Die deutsche Bevölkerung und die Kritik der Sklaverei in der deutschen Presse von New Orleans,” Gesellschaft und Diplomatie im transatlantischen Kontext: Festschrift für Reinhard R. Dorries, ed. Michael Wala (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1999), 9–25; G. Howard Hunter, “The Politics of Resentment: Union Regiments and the New Orleans Immigrant Community, 1862–1864,” Louisiana History 44,2 (2003), 185–210; Harold W. Hurst and Dean Sinclair, “Germans in Dixie: The German Element in Antebellum Southern Cities,” Southern Studies 11,1/2 (2004), 47–67. Richmond: Klaus Wust, “German Immigrants and Nativism in Virginia, 1840–1860,” Society for the History of the Germans in Maryland 29 (1956), 31–50 and ibid., The Virginia Germans (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1969); Michael E. Bell, “Germany upon the James: German Immigrants in Antebellum Richmond, 1848–1852,” (M.A., University of Richmond, 1990); Rudolph H. Bunzl, “Immigrants in Richmond after the Civil War, 1865–1880,” (M.A., University of Richmond, 1994); Gregg D. Kimball, “Strangers in Dixie: Allegiances and Culture Among the Germans in Civil War Richmond,” (paper delivered at the OAH Conference, Atlanta, 1994) and ibid., American City, Southern Place: A Cultural History of Antebellum Richmond (Athens/London: The University of Georgia Press, 2000); Eric W. Bright, “Nothing to fear from the influence of Foreigners: The Patriotism of Richmond’s German-Americans during the Civil War,” (M.A., Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1999); Christian B. Keller, “Pennsylvania and Virginia Germans During the Civil War: A Brief History and Comparative Analysis,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 109,1 (2001), 37–86; Charleston: Michael E. Bell, “‘Hurrah für dies süsse, dies sonnige Leben’: The Anomaly of Charleston, South Carolina’s Antebellum GermanAmericans,” (Dissertation, University of South Carolina at Columbia, 1996), and ibid., “‘For God and the Fatherland’: Charleston, South Carolina’s Germans and the American Civil War,” (paper delivered at the SSHA Conference, New Orleans, 1996); Gertha Reinert, “Aus dem Leben des Auswanderers Johann Andreas Wagener aus Sievern 1816–1876“, Jahrbuch MvM 60 (1981), 123–159; Jason H. Silverman and Robert M. Gorman, “The Confederacy’s Fighting Poet: General John Wagener,” North & South II, 4 (April 1999), 42–49; Jason H. Silverman, “Ashley Wilkes Revisited: The Immigrant as Slaveowner in the Old South,” Journal of Confederate History VII (1991), 123–135; Jeffery Strickland, “How the Germans Became White Southerners: German Immigrants and African Americans in Charleston, S.C., 1860–1880,” Journal of American Ethnic History 28,1 (Fall 2008), 52–69, and ibid., “Ethnicity and Race in the Urban South: German Immigrants and African Americans in Charleston, South Carolina During Reconstruction,” (Ph. D. Diss., Florida State University, 2003); Helene M. Kastinger Riley, “Deutsche Einwanderer in South Carolina vor, während und nach dem amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg: ein Beitrag zur deutsch-amerikanischen Kulturgeschichte,” Die Auswanderung nach Nordamerika aus den Regionen des heutigen Rheinland-Pfalz, ed. Werner Kremp and Paul Roland (Trier: WVT Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2002), 1–20. 28 As far as Southern Jews and their role in the antebellum South and the Confederacy are concerned, see: Adam Mendelsohn, “‘A Struggle Which Has Ended so Beneficently’: A Century of Jewish Historical Writing About the American Civil War,” American Jewish History 92,4 (2004), 437–454; Jews and the Civil War: A Reader, ed. Adam Mendelsohn and Jonathan D. Sarna (New York / London: New York University Press, 2010).

8

Introduction

Helbich’s impressive letter edition, entitled Germans in the Civil War, the Letters They Wrote Home.29 Both of them, however, treat the 72,000 German-Confederates as a minor issue and a neglectable minority. In the antebellum period Northern and Southern states presented themselves to immigrants as two totally different systems; the so-called “Southern distinctiveness” lent even the ethnic German communities in the South the status of “being different.”30 In this study I have limited myself to New Orleans, Charleston, and Richmond for the following reasons: in 1860 these three port and primate cities31 were not only the three cities of the subsequent Confederacy with the largest populations, but, in 1860, they also sheltered the three largest urban communities of German immigrants. In addition these cities took on distinctive roles in the subsequent Confederacy itself: New Orleans as the largest trading metropolis of the South, Charleston as the “cradle of secession”, and Richmond as the subsequent capital of the Confederacy. The two decades between 1850 and 1870 form the time frame of my investigation, with a distinct emphasis on the war years. Although this time frame has rarely been used by American historians, it has great value if one is examining particular social continuities and discontinuities caused by the war among an ethnic minority. The term “ethnic German minority” seems to me to be the best way to describe the group of Germans in the center of this study, because the term includes four categories of immigrants who were considered “Germans” in the eyes of their American neighbors: – First-generation Germans, those born in Germany, who immigrated to America during their adult lifetimes, some of whom later became American citizens. – German-born persons, who immigrated to America while very young, and who grew up in an American environment. – Second-generation Germans, the sons and daughters of German immigrants, who culturally and linguistically remained loyal to Germany, attended German language schools, belonged to German clubs, or even returned briefly to Germany to study. 29 Michael Löffler, Preußens und Sachsens Beziehungen zu den USA während des Sezessionskrieges 1860– 1865 (Münster: LIT-Verlag, 1999); Deutsche im Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg: Briefe von Front und Farm 1861–1865, ed. Wolfgang Helbich, Walter D. Kamphoefner (München: Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag, 2002), for the translation see: Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home, ed. Walter D. Kamphoefner and Wolfgang J. Helbich (Chapel Hill, N.C.: North Carolina University Press, 2006). The letters used for this publication are now part of the “Nordamerika-Briefsammlung” (NABS) of Gotha, Germany, the largest archival collection of letters written by German immigrants to the USA in the 19th century [formerly: “Bochumer Auswandererbriefsammlung” (BABS)]: www. auswandererbriefe.de/sammlung.html . 30 Drew Gilpin Faust, “The Peculiar South Revisited: White Society, Culture, and Politics in the Antebellum Period, 1800–1860,” Interpreting Southern History: Historiographical Essays in Honor of Sanford W. Higginbothem, ed. John B. Boles / Evelyn Thomas Nolen (Baton Rouge / London: Louisiana State University Press, 1987), 78–119. 31 This phenomenon was first recognized by M. Jefferson in 1939: In a primate city, the population growth of a particular state is overly concentrated on a single city, often the capital. In the historical view this can be attributed to the beginning stage of urbanization and can, if population growth continues, lead to overurbanization or metropolization; in this case the influx of population exceeds the integration capacity of the cities involved. This happened in New Orleans as well as in Richmond between 1862 and 1865: Burkhard Hofmeister, Stadtgeographie (Braunschweig: Westermann, 6th edition, 1994), 103ff.

Introduction

9

– German families who had lived in America for generations and were American citizens with American names and in part no longer spoke German, but because of old traditions still retained important positions within the German community. This study offers first a basic overview of the immigration and settlement of German immigrants in the southern part of the United States between 1820 and 1860. I will then analyze the specific profile of the urban German ethnic centers of settlement of New Orleans, Charleston, and Richmond. The varying effects of the “know-nothing” movement on the antebellum living conditions of each ethnic German community and its political activities will be discussed in a comparative way, explaining why it was nativist agitation that lead to the establishment of ethnic German militias during the antebellum period. These German militia companies have, to date, been ignored in previous research, but deserve attention because they formed the basis of the ethnic German military companies in 1861. The most extensive part of this book is the socio-military analysis of twelve ethnic German companies in order to evaluate the military participation of the ethnic German population of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans during the Civil War. Two chapters consider various aspects of the Confederate home front with attention to the socio-economic situation of the ethnic German communities: everyday routine during the blockade, the efforts to provision the civilian population with food, and the burden of martial law. My study concludes with an inventory of the development of ethnic German communities during the first five years of the Reconstruction Period: the primary fields of action of the ethnic German leaders of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans during those years were local politics and immigration recruiting. Here too the 20-year period of my investigation offers the opportunity to compare personnel continuity between the antebellum and the postwar periods.32 My research concentrated mainly of the members of ethnic German military companies listed in the appendix (A–C), the group of influential ethnic German business people, sometimes consuls, and the ethnic German local politicians. Altogether this was a pool of about 1,350 persons. It goes without saying that only a fraction of the information collected can be reflected in this study as representative. I also utilized the military service records of the ethnic German military units (Record Group 109), along with the files of the Confederate Secretary of War, the Secretary of State, the Adjutant and General Inspector, as well as the Confederate and Union military police (Provost Marshal). They provide information about all kinds of events that could affect an individual person in military service of the Confederate States during the war, and in some cases they include personal letters.33 The so-called Amnesty Papers (Record 32 Ingrid Schöberl’s well-founded study of immigration recruiting offers almost no biographical background information about immigration agents and “commissioners” from the former Confederate states: Ingrid Schöberl, Amerikanische Einwandererwerbung in Deutschland 1845–1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1990), 69–94, 145–168. 33 An essential and supporting aid in evaluating military details was the 128-volume compilation War of the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1880–1901). Further referrals to this work will be abbreviated as OR.

10

Introduction

Group 94), in which the handwritten requests for amnesty from President Johnson on May 29, 1865, are collected, sometimes include complete life stories, expanded with personal evaluations of the services rendered to the Confederacy, but often only the completed forms. The personal evaluations must, however, be used with caution, because the main reason for these papers was to receive an amnesty . To determine the existence of economic ties between the Confederate government and German companies I used the papers of the Confederate Business File. These papers give information about the kind and extent of business dealings, list property confiscations, and name partners or owners of ships that participated in breaking the blockade. Information about the ships involved can be found in the so-called Vessel Papers. The handwritten papers of the R. G. Dun Collection were of great value to me.34 This credit information bureau was founded in 1841 by Lewis Tappan, a New York merchant and co-founder of the Anti-Slavery Society. By 1850, he had more than 2,000 employees scattered throughout the states of the Union and Canada; in 1854 the credit bureau was purchased by Benjamin Douglas; and in 1859 Robert Graham Dun took over the company. Reports were sent twice a year to the New York headquarters. These reports contained information about the public reputation of business owners and information about their partners and creditors. Family relationships among the persons mentioned were always noted if relevant and were sometimes expanded with personal comments; there is information about national origin and in many cases about immigration and age. If a person was Jewish, this was always mentioned. The first Dun office was opened in New Orleans in 1845, in Charleston in 1853, and in Richmond in 1856.35 Indispensable sources for information on the individual level are of course the census lists of 1860, divided into free schedules and slave schedules (Record Group 29). They include the greatest amount of information about name, place of residence, age, sex, skin color, profession, real estate and personal fortune, and place of birth. Tax lists were also helpful. Further important sources for researching the social network of an urban ethnic minority were the city directories issued yearly until 1860–1861. Among other items they listed ethnic associations, churches, militia companies, insurance companies, banks, and their boards of directors. The editors of the Charleston city directory from 1860 underlined the seriousness and accuracy of their publication with the following words: “We now repeat again, that no Northern men, either as printers, or otherwise, have had or have any connection with this publication.”36 34 James H. Madison, “The Credit Reports of R. G. Dun & Co. as historical sources,” Historical Methods Newsletter 8 (September, 1975), 128–131. Cf. too: David Gerber, “Ethnics, Enterprise, and Middle Class Formation: Using the Dun and Bradstreet Collection for Research in Ethnic History,” Immigrant History Newsletter 12 (1980), 1–7. 35 Robert Wellford Allen, Jr., “The Richmond Story: History of the Richmond District of Dun & Bradstreet, Inc. 1856–1952,” (Richmond, 1952): Between 1856 and 1865 John Davies Jr. was the district manager; from 1866–1869 it was Joseph Scarlett, and between 1870 and 1873 it was J. A. Scarlett. In Charleston John E. Holmes was the district manager beginning in 1870; nothing is known of the Dun agents before him: An Historical and Descriptive Review of the City of Charleston and her Manufacturing and Mercantile Industries including many sketches of leading Public and Private Citizens, ed. by C. M. Tallman (New York: Empire Publishing Co., 1884), 76. 36 Directory of the City of Charleston to which is added a Business Directory 1860, compiled by W. Eugene Ferslew (Savannah: John M. Cooper & Co., 1860), “Preface”.

Introduction

11

Furthermore, I consulted the preserved collections of the local German-language newspapers in all three ethnic German communities and compared them with the Englishlanguage papers. The German-language newspapers of the Civil War era were the most important vehicle of the ethnic German self-representation within the Confederacy and cannot be rated highly enough in their significance.37 In New Orleans these papers were mainly the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung (1849–1867), to a lesser extent the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung (1862–1865); for Charleston the Deutsche Zeitung (1853–1859), which stopped publishing at the beginning of the war, and its highly informative, bilingual anniversary issue of November 22, 1913; for Richmond the Virginische Zeitung of March 26, 1865 and the incomplete issues of the Richmonder Anzeiger from about 1860 to 1865, privately owned by the late August Dietz III in Richmond. For treatment of the early postwar years (1865–1870) I had at my disposal the Südliche Correspondent and the Charlestoner Zeitung for Charleston, for Richmond the Richmond Patriot, and for New Orleans the New Orleans Journal. Consular correspondence, notes, questions, and surveys of the German consuls38 were found, partially in very poor condition and very incomplete, in the State Archives in Hamburg and Bremen as well as in the Historic New Orleans Collection. In addition I used the correspondence of the Prussian and Hanseatic legations in Washington with the United States Department of State; these are found in the National Archives (Record Group 59). An article by David Quick about my intended dissertation in the Charleston Post & Courier of August 3, 1995 resulted in an overwhelming flood of personal papers from the descendants of a number of ethnic German Civil War veterans, for which I am especially grateful. All in all, these countless mosaic pieces enabled me to put together a picture of the life of ethnic German minorities in Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans before, during, and immediately after the Civil War.

37 Andrea Mehrländer, “‘…to strive for loyalty’: German-Confederate Newspapers, the issue of slavery, and German ideological commitment, ” American Studies Journal 48 (Winter 2001), 44–51. 38 For complete biographies of all the German consuls serving through the war years in Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans, as well as an evaluation of their diplomatic efficiency see my dissertation: Andrea Mehrländer, “‘Gott gebe uns bald bessere Zeiten...’: Die Deutschen von Charleston, Richmond und New Orleans im Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg, 1861–1865,” Diss. phil. Ruhr-Universität Bochum 1998, 570–672.

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”: Immigration & Settlement, 1820 to 1860 I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”: Immigration The lack of research on the immigration of foreigners, especially Germans, to the American South1 can be attributed to the hypothesis advanced by George B. Tindall, that the South is “the biggest single WASP nest this side of the Atlantic.”2 Indeed the wave of immigration3 to the North that began in the middle of the 19th century and continued until the end of the century hardly touched the South. On the eve of the Civil War, for example, the number of foreigners in the states that would become the Confederacy was 233,651 or 4.2% of the total free population of those states; German immigrants to these states numbered 71,962 persons or 1.28% of the total free population,4 a number too low to attract researchers. Although there have been specific studies about particular nationality groups in particular places at particular times, there has to date not been a cross-regional and comparative immigration study for the South.5 In 1978 it was noted that the European immigrant had become the “invisible subject” of the historiography of the old South;6 in the following decade the situation had not changed.7 1 In this study the words “South” and “Southern states” refer, unless otherwise stated, to the eleven states that belonged to the Confederacy after 1860–1861: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. Cf.: Michael K. Prince, “Coming to Terms with History: An Essay on Germany and the American South,” Virginia Quarterly Review 76,1 (Winter 2000), 67–75. 2 George B. Tindall, The Ethnic Southerners (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1976), 8. Cf. the earlier version as well: George B. Tindall, “Beyond the Mainstream: The Ethnic Southerners,” Journal of Southern History XL (February, 1974), 3–18; Anne J. Bailey, Invisible Southerners: Ethnicity in the Civil War (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2006), 95 p. 3 Die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, ed. by Willi Paul Adams (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1977), 184–211, 499–500. 4 Cf. Population of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census, xxix, xxxi. 5 Jason H. Silverman, “Stars, Bars, and Foreigners: The Immigrant and the Making of the Confederacy,” Journal of Confederate History I, 2 (Fall, 1988), 266, and Jason H. Silverman, “Writing Southern Ethnic History: An Historiographical Investigation,” Immigration History Newsletter XIX, 1 (May, 1987), 1–4. 6 Randall M. Miller, “Immigrants in the Old South,” Immigration History Newsletter X, 2 (November, 1978), 8. 7 Ira Berlin, Herbert G. Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves: Urban Workingmen in the Antebellum American South,” American Historical Review 88 (1983), 1176: the authors refer to the following studies that interpret the urban South exclusively as a network of black and white racial relations: Richard C. Wade, Slavery in the Cities: The South, 1820–1860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), and Claudia D. Goldin, Urban Slavery in the American South, 1820–1860: A Quantitative History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976); Silverman, “Writing Southern Ethnic History,” 2.

14

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

The 19th century was marked by formative events in the political and cultural development of both Germany and the United States. The political uprisings in Germany of 1817– 1819, the “hep-hep” pogrom against Jews that started in Würzburg in 1819, the student protests against the Restoration of 1830–1832, and finally the unsuccessful revolution of 1848–1849 unleashed an emigration of some of Germany’s finest intellects.8 Having arrived before the outbreak of the Civil War in America, these newcomers were then, often only a few years after their arrival, involved in the bloodiest event in American history. The convictions, hopes, and expectations that they associated with their chosen adopted country would be questioned during this tensile test of the American nation.9 Compared to the mass of economically motivated emigrants, the political-religious freethinkers, the “30ers” and the “48ers”, formed only a very small part of the total emigration10; nonetheless, by their active engagement in American political life, they exercised considerable influence over the abolition of slavery and preservation of the Union”,11 while thousands of other German immigrants would defend their new homeland with weapons. 8 The following four studies offer excellent research overviews of German emigration studies published between 1980 and 2009: Cornelia Pohlmann, Die Auswanderung aus dem Herzogtum Braunschweig im Kräftespiel staatlicher Einflussnahme und öffentlicher Resonanz 1720–1897, ed. Rudolf von Albertini and Eberhardt Schmitt (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2002), 15–23; Wolfgang Helbich, “German Research on German Migration to the United States,” Amerikastudien / American Studies 54.3 (2009): 383–404; Die Deutschsprachige Auswanderung in die Vereinigten Staaten: Berichte über Forschungsstand and Quellen, ed. by Willi Paul Adams (Berlin: John F. Kennedy Institut für Nordamerikastudien, FU Berlin, 1980); Reinhard R. Doerries, “German Emigration to the United States: A Review Essay on recent West German Publications,” Journal of American Ethnic History VI, 1 (1986), 71–83; for further in-depth study, check: Wolfgang Riechmann, “Vivat Amerika” – Auswanderung aus dem Kreis Minden 1816–1933 (Minden: J. C. C. Bruns, 1993), 25–34; Die Auswanderung nach Nordamerika aus den Regionen des heutigen Rheinland-Pfalz, ed. Werner Kremp and Paul Roland (Trier: WVT Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2002); German-American Immigration and Ethnicity in Comparative Perspective, ed. Wolfgang J. Helbich and Walter D. Kamphoefner (Madison, WI: Max Kade Institute for German-American Studies / University of Wisconsin Press, 2004); Schöne neue Welt: Rheinländer erobern Amerika: Führer und Schriften des Rheinischen Freilichtmuseums und Landesmuseums für Volkskunde in Kommern, vol. 2, ed. Kornelia Panek (Wiehl: Martina Galunder-Verlag, 2001). 9 Cf. Wolfgang Helbich, “Land der unbegrenzten Möglichkeiten? Das Amerika-Bild der deutschen Auswanderer im 19. Jahrhundert,” Deutschland and der Westen im 19. and 20. Jahrhundert, Bd. 1 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, 1993), 295–321; Peter J. Brenner, Reisen in die Neue Welt: Die Erfahrung Nordamerikas in deutschen Reise- and Auswandererberichten des 19. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1991); Antonius Holtmann, “Amerika-Auswanderung im Kontext einer (gescheiterten) Revolution: 1848/49: Szenarien eines überschätzten Zusammenhangs,” Schöne Neue Welt: Rheinländer erobern Amerika, ed. Landschaftsverband Rheinland (Wiehl: Galunder, 2001), 329–338; Winfried Herget, “‘I Wish You Good Voyage’: Zu den Sprachführern für Auswanderer im 19. Jahrhundert,” Menschen zwischen zwei Welten: Auswanderung, Ansiedlung, Akkulturation, ed. Walter G. Rödel and Helmut Schmahl (Trier: WVT Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2002), 131– 157. 10 Andrea Mehrländer, “Die deutschen ‘1848er’ im amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg 1861–1865,” (Staatsexamensarbeit, Technische Universität Berlin, 1992), 30–87. 11 Cf. Jörg Nagler, Fremont contra Lincoln: Die deutsch-amerikanische Opposition in der Republikanischen Partei während des amerikanischen Bürgerkrieges (Frankfurt/Main: Peter Lang, 1984), chapters 4 and 6; The German Forty-Eighters in the United States, ed. by Charlotte L. Brancaforte (New York: Peter Lang, 1989), 37–278; Marino Mania, Deutsches Herz and amerikanischer Verstand, 95–141; People in Transit: German Migrations in Comparative Perspective, 1820–1930, eds. Dirk Hoerder, Jörg Nagler (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Hartmut Keil, “Liberal Immigrants from Germany:

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

15

Fig. 1.1 THE EMIGRANTS’ FAREWELL (1860), oil-painting by Antonie Volkmar (1827–after 1880). Between 1820 and 1861, about 1.5 million Germans left their homeland for the United States; of those, however, only 5.5 per cent chose the South as their final destination. Deutsches Historisches Museum, Berlin

America had given the German immigrants political and religious freedom and a new existence during a period of four peaceful antebellum decades. In April 1861, in the face of the threatening crisis within the Union, the newly settled adopted citizens had to decide with which side to cast their lot. German mass immigration, strengthened by three waves before 1860, led to the creation of a number of ethnic microcosms, which in turn allowed for the creation of a German subculture in America. If only for the development of Civil War armies, the 580,000 German men who immigrated to the United States after 1850 represented an immense human potential.12 Due to cheap farmland in the Midwest and a high degree of industrialization in the Northeast, almost 1.3 million Germans settled in the 23 states that would remain in the Union after 1860, including the federal capital of Washington, D.C.;13 only 5.5% of all Their Views of Slavery and Abolition,” Atlantic Migrations – Regions and Movements in Germany and North America: USA during the 18th and 19th Century, ed. Sabine Herwart and Claudia Schurmann (Hamburg: LIT, 2007), 169–182; Ulrich Klemke, Die deutsche politische Emigration nach Amerika 1815–1848: Biographisches Lexikon (Frankfurt/M.: Peter Lang, 2007). 12 Indeed, it has been determined that native-born Americans, in comparison with their share of the population, were the smallest contingent in the Union army: Murray M. Horowitz, “Ethnicity and Command: The Civil War Experience,” Military Affairs 42 (1978), 183, 188. 13 The total of 1,301,136 Germans represented no less than 31.5% of all foreigners in the U.S. and made up 13.2% of the entire population: Walter D. Kamphoefner, “German-Americans and Civil War Politics: A Reconsideration of the Ethnocultural Thesis,” Civil War History 37, 3 (1991), 245.

16

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

German America immigrants chose the South as their new home. However, only the criterion of settlement divided the German minority unwillingly into two groups in 1860: the individual decision of the German immigrants to settle in the South, suddenly took on an unforeseen dimension and made the Germans overnight literally into “Johnny Rebs”.

1. A Forgotten Chapter: German Immigration and Settlement in the Southern United States in the Period between 1820 and 1860 1. A Forgotten Chapter: German In comparison with the numbers of those immigrating to the North the immigration of foreigners to the South was almost negligible, and a recognizable profile was only available after 1850, when the census included the category of “birthplace”, information necessary to determine the country of origin. At that time every fifteenth immigrant settled in the slaveholding South; in 1860 only every seventeenth immigrant. In 1850 the foreign population amounted to 3.3% of the total free population of the region; in 1860 it was still only 4.2%. Although there are no complete studies of migration patterns of European immigrants between the northern and southern states, sample studies have indicated that many European immigrants settled first in the North and then moved to the South some years later or else shuttled between the North and South depending on seasons and jobs.14 Almost 40,000 German immigrants had settled in the South by 1850; they made up almost 28% of the total immigration and composed 0.5% of the entire population. In comparison, more Germans lived in New York City than in the entire area of the states that would form the Confederacy. Only in Louisiana and Texas was the German share of the free population as much as 6%; in the other southern states the Germans did not reach even the 1% mark. Those who did come to the South, however, and until 1860 these were mostly men, settled mainly in the cities. With the exception of Texas and Florida Germans formed the second largest group among the ethnic minorities in all the other southern states between 1850 and 1860. Of the 1.3 million Germans who immigrated to the United States before 1860, almost one million entered the country via New York City between 1847 and 1860.15 The largest southern immigration port, which was also the second largest port in the entire nation, was New Orleans. During this same period 1,217 ships with about 240,600 Germans entered 14 Herbert Weaver, “Foreigners in Ante-Bellum Towns of the Lower South,” Journal of Southern History XIII, 1 (1947), 65ff.; Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1195; Waldemar Zacharasiewicz, “German Ethnicity in the American South and the Permeability of Ethnic Borders,” Southern Ethnicities, ed. Youli Theodosiadou (Thessaloniki: Sfakianaki, 2008), 131–151; Dennis C. Roussey, “Friends and Foes of Slavery: Foreigners and Northerners in the Old South,” Journal of Social History 35,2 (Winter 2001), 373–396. 15 Robert Ernst, Immigrant Life in New York City, 1825–1863 (New York: Octagon Books, 1979), 188; Kornelia Panek, “Quellen zur Geschichte der deutschen Amerika-Auswanderung,” Archivar 55,2 (2002), 129–133. German immigration to the US is now available for researchers through a few excellent online sources: For Lower-Saxony: www.staatsarchiv.niedersachsen.de/Auswanderer-Quellen/Auswanderer. htm; for the greater Stuttgart region: www.auswanderer.lad-bw.de; for Hamburg passenger lists: www. hamburg.de/LinkToYourRoots/welcome.htm; for Bremerhaven emigration: www. deutsche-auswandererdatenbank.de/dadframeset.htm and www.dausa.de; for US counterparts check: www.ellisisland.org and http://fisher.lib.virginia.edu/census/ .

1. A Forgotten Chapter

17

the port of New Orleans, only a quarter of the number entering New York. Whereas New York could retain many of the immigrants and offer them many job possibilities, New Orleans was, from the beginning, more of a transit station for those travelling on to Texas or up the Mississippi River to St. Louis and Cincinnati. Only a minority decided to stay for a longer period or permanently.16 Germans favored those states in the South with fewer slaves. Thus Louisiana and Texas placed first and second in German settlement preference; in terms of slave population these states ranked eighth and ninth. In 1850 and 1860 Virginia had the largest number of slaves, but was in third place in the preference of German immigrants. The Germans settled mainly in the area that seceded from Virginia in 1863 and became West Virginia, joining the Union side. Thus, for example, there were no slaves at all in the abolitionist center of Ohio County in 1860, but a quarter of the population of Ohio County consisted of foreigners. Foreign workers were generally opposed to slavery and possessed, if at all, fewer slaves than did the white laborers and craftsmen born in the South. Nonetheless many foreign workers, even those without slaves, often adopted the racial prejudices of the South; anger on the part of foreigners over the threat to white jobs through competition from freed slaves increased throughout the antebellum period.17 This resentment arose mainly from the fact that newly immigrated Europeans entered a labor market that had been the domain of the blacks: “Immigrants ignored local taboos […] and crashed into free black monopolies everywhere, from drayage to barbering.”18 Even though less than half of all German immigrants gave specific information about their places of birth in 1860, it is nonetheless possible to identify the regions which supplied the greatest number of German immigrants to the South: the Kingdom of Prussia led with 12,092 persons, followed by Baden with 6,721 immigrants, and Bavaria with 6,674 persons. Emigrants from Baden most likely left because of the unsuccessful uprisings during the Revolution of 1848 and the terrible pogroms against the Jews in the same year, those emigrating from Bavaria were mostly Jews, who favored New Orleans and Mobile as places to settle. The Bavarians dominated in Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, and North Carolina, while the Prussians were in first place in the other seven states. On the eve of the Civil War, in 1860, almost 72,000 Germans called the South their new home; within ten years the number of German immigrants had not even doubled, and their share of the entire foreign population in the South came to 30.8%.19 16 Of the 240,627 Germans who immigrated through New Orleans, one sixth (= 38,523 persons) found work in New Orleans with the help of the German Society: “Vierzehnter Jahresbericht der Deutschen Gesellschaft von New Orleans (1860 / 61),” Collection: Deutsches Haus, item 1N, in Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans. 17 Ira Berlin, Slaves without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 230–233; Bruce Levine, “‘Against All Slavery, Whether White or Black’: GermanAmericans and the Irrepressible Conflict,” Crosscurrents: African Americans, Africa, and Germany in the Modern World, ed. by McBride David, Leroy Hopkins, and C. Asiha Blackshire-Belay (Columbia, SC: Camden House, 1998), 53–64; Hartmut Keil, “German Immigrants and African-Americans in Mid-Nineteenth Century America,” Enemy Images in American History, eds. Ragnhild Fiebig-von Hase and Ursula Lehmkuhl (Providence/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1997), 137–157. 18 Miller, “The Enemy Within”, 35. 19 Cf. Weaver, “Foreigners in Ante-Bellum Towns,” 63. For comparative population statistics of Germans in the South between 1850 and 1870 see Appendix D.

18

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

Fig. 1.2: GERMANY IN THE 19TH CENTURY Map: Courtesy of Peter Marschalck, Osnabrück. Prussia and its Provinces (up to 1865): 1. East Prussia 4. Posen 7. Saxony 2. West Prussia 5. Silesia 8. Westphalia 3. Pomerania 6. Brandenburg 9. Rhine Province 10. Duchy of Schleswig (Danish until 1865) after 1866 the Prussian province of Schleswig-Holstein 11. Duchy of Holstein

]

12. Duchy of Lauenburg

(after 1866 a Prussian province, 1876 to SchleswigHolstein (after 1866 a Prussian province)

13. Kingdom of Hanover 14. Electorate of Hesse (Kassel) after 1866 the Prussian province of Hesse 15. Duchy of Nassau 16. Duchy of Hohenzollern (after 1849 a Prussian province) 17. Gd. Duchy of Mecklenbrg22. Duchy of Anhalt (Dessau) 27. Kingdom of Bavaria Schwerin 18. Gd. Duchy of Mecklenburg-Strelitz 23. Kingdom of Saxony 28. Palatinate 19. Grand Duchy of Oldenburg 24. Thuringian States 29. Grand Duchy of Baden 20. Duchy of Brunswick 25. Duchy of Waldeck 30. Kingdom of Württembrg 21. Duchy of Schaumburg-Lippe 26. Grand Duchy of Hesse 31. Alsace-Lorraine (to German Empire in 1871)

]

2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”

19

2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”: Mutualities among the German Revolutionaries of 1848 2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”: Mutualities The “48ers” who immigrated between 1848 and 1856 composed only a small fraction of the tremendous stream of immigrants who flooded the United States during this period. Sources estimate that the “48ers” numbered between 3,000 and 4,000, of whom about one-tenth remained publicly active after settling in the United States and were noticed by the American press because of their outspoken political and military involvement.20 The unmarried young men were on average not older than twenty-eight years; the overwhelming majority had either attended university or came from the military, although basically all professions were represented. Most of them had fled abruptly and with little luggage from Germany to the “land of unlimited opportunities.” Many of them had been in prison or had escaped from the death sentence. Others had already spent years in exile, preferably in Switzerland, England, or France;21 these countries offered the possibility of returning quickly to the home country. The revolutionaries knew each other; they had fought together in the various centers of revolution – especially Berlin, Vienna and Baden22– for freedom, democracy, and national unity. Carl Schurz wrote: “My home country was closed to me. England was a stranger and would always remain so. Whereto then? ‘To America,’ I said to myself. ‘There I’ll find the ideals of which I had dreamed and for which I fought, perhaps not completely realized but moving toward hopeful and complete realization.’”23 Sophisticated and with some knowledge of other languages, mostly French, they settled in America, which at first was not regarded as a permanent place of residence.24 Many

20 Marcus Lee Hansen, The Atlantic Migration, 1607–1860, ed. Arthur M. Schlesinger (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951), 274; Hansen, “The Revolution of 1848 and German Emigration,“ Journal of Economic and Business History 2 (1929/30), 630–658; The Forty-Eighters: Political Refugees of the German Revolution of 1848, 269; Carl F. Wittke, Refugees of Revolution: The German Forty-Eighters in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1952), vii. 21 Veit Valentin, Geschichte der deutschen Revolution von 1848/49 (Berlin: Ullstein, 1930), 543–544; Myron Berman, Richmond’s Jewry, 1769–1976: Shabbat in Shockoe (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1979), 48–49; Bertram W. Korn, “Jewish 48’ers in America,” American Jewish Archives 1 (1949), 3–20; Paul Neitzke, Die deutschen politischen Flüchtlinge in der Schweiz 1848–1849 (Charlottenburg: Gebr. Hoffmann, 1927); Edgar Bauer, Konfidentenberichte über die europäische Emigration in London 1852–1861, ed. by Erik Gamby (Trier: Karl-Marx-Haus, 1989); Imma Melzer, “Pfälzische Emigranten in Frankreich während and nach der Revolution von 1848/49,” Francia 12 (1984), 371– 424. 22 Rüdiger Hachtmann, Berlin 1848: Eine Politik- and Gesellschaftsgeschichte der Revolution (Bonn: J.H.W.Dietz Nachf., 1997). 23 Carl Schurz, Revolutionär and Staatsmann: Sein Leben in Selbstzeugnissen, Bildern and Dokumenten, ed. by Rüdiger Wersich (Munich: Heinz Moos Verlag, 1979), 72. 24 Walter D. Kamphoefner, “‘Auch unser Deutschland muß einmal frei werden’: The Immigrant Civil War Experience as a Mirror on Political Conditions in Germany,” Transatlantic Images and Perceptions: Germany and America since 1776, ed. David E. Barclay and Elisabeth Glaser-Schmidt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 87–107; Wolfgang Hochhbruck, “Der Zweite Frühling der Revolutionäre: 1848/49 und der amerikanische Bürgerkrieg,” Baden 1848/49: Bewältigung und Nachwirkungen einer Revolution, ed. Hans-Peter Becht, Kurt Kochstuhl, and Clemens Rehm (Stuttgart: Thorbecke, 2002), 239–253.

20

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

returned once to Germany before they established themselves permanently in America. The hope of a successful revolution at home died only very slowly. The great expectations of America that motivated the “48ers” were not unfounded, because the United States had been the only government of importance to have sent a congratulatory message to the parliament in Frankfurt.25 Many might also have read Bromme’s “Handbuch für Auswanderer”: “The advantages that America promises and offers the immigrant are easily purchased land, complete political and religious freedom of business and commerce, low taxes, general political and religious freedom to think and believe what one wishes [...] Whoever lives here and wants to be content must take off his European skin and never crawl back into it.”26 The great majority of the “48ers” were intellectuals with complex ideas and demands upon society. They settled mainly in the cities of the Middle West: Chicago, St. Louis, and Milwaukee, the “German Athens” – avoiding the South as a place of settlement as much as possible.27 But even urban America had little use for Europeans with a university education: “Knowledge is respected but only according to its everyday usefulness and practicability; this means that a talented tanner is worth more than a scholarly pedant.” For this reason Traugott Bromme wrote that there “were only two classes, farmers and craftsmen, who will be certain to prosper in America, and only these people should go there.”28

2.1 The Ideals of the “48ers”: A Private Declaration of War on the South For many “48ers” the ideals of the revolution of 1848 were the only things they rescued from Europe. These men were obsessed by their demands for freedom, social equality, and true democracy. At first they viewed America as the basis for a renewed revolution in Europe and remained expectantly waiting until “things started moving again over there.”29 After 1854, however, even the last hopes for a new revival had been dashed, and the “48ers” began to try to realize their goals in the U.S. They did this in many very different ways.30 25 Carl J. Friedrich, “The European Background,” The Forty-Eighters: Political Refugees of the German Revolution of 1848, ed. by Adolph E. Zucker (New York: Russel & Russel, 21967), 4. 26 Traugott Bromme, Hand- und Reisebuch für Auswanderer und Reisende nach Nord-, Mittel- und SüdAmerika, ed. Gustav Struve (Bamberg: Buchner’sche Buchhandlung, 14th edition, 1866), 487–488. 27 James A. Dunlevy, “Regional Preferences and Migrant Settlement: On the avoidance of the South by nineteenth-century Immigrants,” Research in Economic History VIII (1983), 218. To a great extent he follows the argumentation of Caroline E. MacGill, “Immigration to the Southern States 1783–1865,” The South in the Building of a Nation : Economic History, Vol. V, ed. by James Curtis Ballagh (Richmond: Southern Historical Publication Society, 1910), 595–606. 28 Bromme, Hand- and Reisebuch für Auswanderer, 71, 489. 29 Carl F. Wittke, We Who Built America (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1945), 193. 30 Achtundvierziger/Forty-Eighters: Die deutsche Revolution von 1848/49, die Vereinigten Staaten und der amerikanische Bürgerkrieg, ed. by Wolfgang Hochbruck, Ulrich Bachteler, Henning Zimmermann (Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2000); Joachim Reppmann, Freedom, Education and Well-being for All! Forty-Eighters from Schleswig-Holstein in the USA 1847–1860 (Preetz: Hesperian Press, 1999), 58–133, Bruce Levine, The Spirit of 1848: German Immigrants, Labor Conflict, and the Coming of the Civil War (Urbana, Il., and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992); Justine Davis Randers-Pehrson, Germans and the Revolution of 1848–1849 (New York: Peter Lang, 1999); Don Heinrich Tolzmann (ed.), The German-American Forty-Eighters, 1848–1998 (Indianapolis: Max Kade German-American

2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”

21

Because of the complexity of their demands, it is difficult to speak of groupings; the borders among the individual groups are fluid; and some of the “48ers” moved frequently from camp to camp. However, from an American perspective, the following differentiation makes sense: a) liberals, b) socialists / “Turners”, c) radicals, and d) free thinkers. a) The group of liberals was led by Carl Schurz (1829–1906),31 who, as a member of the Republican Party, favored equality under law for all citizens and the unconditional abolition of slavery.32 He believed that human beings could change; freedom and equality would make the former slaves into respected and productive members of the American society. For him slavery was the only “shadow on the shield of the republic.”33 The liberals generally tried to achieve their aims through political activity within the Republican Party. Unity, freedom, and equality became the central emphasis of American politics for Schurz.34 He fought bitterly to preserve the Union; he knew from personal experience the meaning of mini-states. On February 15, 1858, Schurz wrote the following in a letter: The power of slavery shows itself shamelessly as the most unscrupulous despotism [...] We are going to have a special interest war on the most colossal scale; […] I do not believe in a permanent dissolution of the Union; this federation is not the result of imagination or political speculation [...] The guarantee for the future of this republic lies in the fact that strength is to be found on the same side [of the Union] where rights and progressive principles are.35 There was no place in the South for “48ers” so strongly associated with the Republican Party and so adamantly opposed to slavery.36

31 32 33

34 35 36

Center, Indiana University-Purdue University at Indianapolis; Indiana German Heritage Society, 1998); Mischa Honeck, “In Pursuit of ‘Freedom’: African-, Anglo-, and German-American Alliances in the Abolition Movement,” Bulletin of the German Historical Institute 38 (2006): 99–117. Cf. Hans L. Trefousse, Carl Schurz: A Biography (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1982). For further goals cf.: Bayard Quincy Morgan, “Carl Schurz,” The Forty Eighters, ed. by Adolph E. Zucker, 244. Carl Schurz, Unter dem Sternenbanner: Lebenserinnerungen 1852–1869, ed. by Joachim Lindner (Berlin: Verlag der Nation, 21981), 55. Cf. his speech “On American Greatness,” American-German Review 9.3 (1943), 34. Other influential “Liberals” who supported Schurz’s crusade for freedom were Hecker, Claußen and Börnstein: Sabine Freitag, “A Republikaner Becomes a Republican: Friedrich Hecker and the Emergence of the Republican Party,” Yearbook of German-American Studies 33 (1998), 5–17; Ernst-Erich Marhencke, “Hans Reimer Claußen (1804–1894): Kämpfer für Freiheit und Recht in zwei Welten: Ein Beitrag zur Herkunft und Wirken der `Achtundvierziger’,” Ph. D. diss., University of Kiel, 1998; Heinrich Börnstein, Memoirs of a Nobody: The Missouri Years of an Austrian Radical, 1849–1866, transl. by Steven Rowan (St. Louis: Missouri Historical Society Press, 1997). Cf. Schurz’ s speech “On True Americanism” in Faneuil Hall, Boston, on April 18, 1859. Printed in American-German Review 9,2 (1942), 18 and 34. Eberhard Kessel, Die Briefe von Carl Schurz an Gottfried Kinkel, ed. by Ernst Fraenkel [et al.] (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1965), 137. Wolfgang Hochbruck cites an outstanding website for mostly northern liberal “48ers” during the Civil War, entitled “Forty-Eighters in the American Civil War: An Annotated Bibliography,” http:// www.gtg1848.de/bibl.html.

22

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

b) The socialist “48ers” were led by Wilhelm Weitling (1808–1871), a tailor’s apprentice. In his publications37 he demanded shared goods, elimination of money and private property, as well as far-reaching self-government. His goal was a world republic as a craftsmen’s state with a corporate base. To realize his goals he purchased a 100-acre farm in Iowa for the members of the “Allgemeiner Arbeiterbund,” which he had founded. He established the Communia settlement which existed for almost two years.38 The goals of the “Turner” movement were more successful and included social equality and a republican state order, based on Rousseau’s idea of the sovereignty of the people. It goes without saying that there were not many followers of Weitling’s brand of committed socialism in the South and that the elimination of private property and money was not taken seriously in a society in which fewer than 390,000 free citizens called 3.5 million slaves their property. It was somewhat different with the founding of “Turner” societies; in 1859 a total of ninety-one societies with about 6,300 members belonged to the “United Turner Association”, and another 3,000 “Turner” belonged to sixty-one independent societies. Although most of the societies were in the North, New Orleans was the southernmost of the five national “Turner” districts in 1853. Every southern coastal town between Galveston and Richmond had one or two such societies until 1860. In 1855 the “United Turner Association” had officially endorsed the abolition of slavery and thus directly threatened the social system of the South, causing the withdrawal of all Southern Turner societies from membership.39 c) Radical “48ers” such as Theodor Poesche (1826–1899) harbored a vision of the annexation of the world by America, first Cuba and Santo Domingo, then Mexico and Latin America, followed by Europe and Australia. Poesche published a book called The New Rome: The United States of the World, dedicated to President Pierce: “We demand extension of American freedom! [...] An Empire, not of conquest and of subjugation, not 37 Wilhelm Weitling, Die Menschheit wie sie ist and sein sollte (Bern: Jenni and Sohn, 1845); Weitling, Der Katechismus der Arbeiter (New York, 1854); Weitling, Garantien der Harmonie and Freiheit (Vivis: Selbstverlag, 1842); Dobert, Deutsche Demokraten in Amerika, 220–21. 38 Eitel Wolf Dobert, “The Radicals,” The Forty-Eighters, ed. by Adolph Zucker (New York: Russel & Russel, 21967), 179–80; Wilhelm Weitling: Ein deutscher Arbeiterkommunist, ed. by Lothar Knatz, Hans-Arthur Marsiske (Hamburg: Ergebnisse Verlag, 1989). 39 Henry Metzner, Geschichte des Turner-Bundes (Indianapolis: “Zukunft”, 1874); Horst Ueberhorst, Turner unterm Sternenbanner: Der Kampf der deutsch-amerikanischen Turner für Einheit, Freiheit und soziale Gerechtigkeit, 1848–1918 (München: Moss, 1979); Annette R. Hofmann, “One Hundred Fifty Years of Loyalty: The Turner Movement in the United States,” Yearbook of German-American Studies 34 (1999), 63–81; C. Eugene Miller, “The Contribution of German Immigrants to the Union Cause in Kentucky,” Filson Club History Quarterly 64,4 (October, 1990), 462–478; Dolores J. Hoyt, A Strong Mind in a Strong Body: Libraries in the German-American Turner Movement (New York: Peter Lang, 1999); Robert Knight Barney, “Knights of Cause and Exercise: German Forty-Eighters and Turnvereine in the United States during the Ante-Bellum Period,” Canadian Journal of History of Sport 13,2 (1982), 62–79; Mary Lon Lecompte, “German-American turnvereins in frontier Texas, 1851–1880,” Journal of the West 26 (January, 1987), 18–25; Südwestdeutsche Turner in der Emigration, ed. Annette R. Hofmann, and Michael Krüger (Schorndorf: Hofmann, 2004); Stephen D. Engle, “A Raised Consciousness: Franz Sigel and German Ethnic Identity in the Civil War,” Yearbook of German-American Studies 34 (1999), 1–17, and ibid., Yankee Dutchmann: The Life of Franz Sigel (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press,1993).

2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”

23

of inheritance, not of international frictions and hatreds, but of fraternity, of equality, and of freedom!”40 In March 1854 another radical effort, called the Louisville Platform, attracted much attention when it was published in Kentucky by Karl Heinzen (1809–1880) and Bernard Domschke (1827–1869).41 These radicals demanded a revision of the federal Constitution and abolition of the office of President. All Germans living in North America were supposed to join together to form the Union of Free Germans, a purely German state. These revolutionary hotheads called forth in the North as in the South the resistance of all those who saw in this kind of separatist movement a serious threat for the American union of states that was still in formation. d) Finally, the group of free thinkers urged taxation of church property and the abolition of the Sunday laws. Many “48ers” were free thinkers and had already broken with their Catholic and Protestant churches at home to join free communities independent of the state.42 They rejected any church dogma and attempted to combine science and religion. Friedrich Schünemann-Pott and Eduard Schröter, both former ministers, were outspoken representatives of free thought in the U.S. Pastor Schünemann-Pott became the speaker of the Free Community of Philadelphia and edited the Blätter für freies religiöses Leben for 21 years. Schröter was the speaker of several Free Communities in Wisconsin and edited the Humanist, an anticlerical publication. They were opposed to the temperance movement as well as to the exaggerated Puritan sanctification of Sundays.43 Forty-eighters were suspicious of Catholics and Lutherans, whose numbers were much greater than those of the free-thinkers. Friedrich Hassaurek considered Catholics to be dangerous and destructive to the republic because of their connection to the Pope.44 The rigorous anticlerical position of the “Turners” among the “48ers” was based on their deep disappointment over the cooperation of clerical and reactionary groups during the revolution of 1848.45 Southern society was based on the combination of a “Herrenvolk democracy” and Protestantism; Catholics belonged to the edge of society. Those who wanted to be successfully assimilated in the South had to imitate the majority and go to a Protestant church regularly – something that did not appeal to forty-eighters at all. Neither of the two 40 Theodor Poesche and Charles Goepp, The New Rome: The United States of the World (New York: Putnam & Son, 1853), quoted in Theodore Huebener, The Germans in America (Philadelphia: Chilton Company, 1962), 101; Charles Reitz, “Horace Greeley and the German Forty-Eighters in the Kansas Free State Struggle,” Yearbook of German-American Studies 43 (2008), 1–34. 41 Carl F. Wittke, Against the Current: The Life of Karl Heinzen (1809–1880) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1945); Ferdinand Freiligrath, “Trotz alledem und alledem”: Ferdinand Freiligraths Briefe an Karl Heinzen 1845 bis 1848. Mit einem Verzeichnis der Schriften Heinzens, ed. Gerhard Friesen (Bielefeld: Aisthesis, 1998). 42 Carl Wittke, We Who Built America, 222–225. 43 Cf. the case study of Newark, New Jersey: Maria Wagner, “The Forty-Eighters in Their Struggle against American Puritanism: The Case Study of Newark, New Jersey,” The German Forty-Eighters in the United States, ed. by Charlotte L. Brancaforte (New York: Peter Lang, 1989), 219–229; Michael Hochgeschwender, Wahrheit, Einheit, Ordnung: Der US-amerikanische Katholizimsus und die Sklavenfrage, 1835–1870 (Paderborn. Schöningh, 2006). 44 Eitel Wolf Dobert, “The Radicals,” 168. 45 Horst Ueberhorst, Turner unterm Sternenbanner ..., 48.

24

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

religious groups actively attempted to gain immigrants as congregation members. As a result ethnic churches were founded.46

2.2 The Lonely Crowd: “48ers” in the South, especially in the Cities of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans Among the more than 300 “48ers” whose biographies are known, only eight settled in the South:47 Eduard Degener, Oswald Dietz, Carl A. Douai, Julius Dresel, Gustav Eisenlohr,48 Anton Eickhoff, Dr. Benjamin Maas, and Charles T. Mohr. The first five settled in the area of New Braunfels, Texas; Eickhoff and Dr. Maas settled in New Orleans; and Mohr worked as a botanist in Mobile, Alabama. Except for Mohr, none of the men settled in the deep South but rather in cosmopolitan New Orleans and western Texas, and only three of them, Degener,49 Dr. Maas, and Mohr, remained permanently in the South. In addition, Wilhelm Flegenheimer, Oswald Heinrich, Burghardt Hassel, and Albert Lybrock were important “48ers” in Richmond50, as was Ludwig von Reizenstein, an engineer and writer, in New Orleans. Charleston, indeed, really had no “48ers,” at least none that could be identified as such. The “48ers” who settled permanently in the South might have become active politically on occasion, but for the most part they were intellectuals who devoted themselves to their professional work: Dr. Maas, a socialist and enthusiastic “Turner,” was one of the leading doctors in New Orleans for forty-one years. He was politically very active and an unconditional supporter of the Republicans; he certainly would not have been able to stay in 46 Miller, “The Enemy Within,” 31, 48. 47 Zucker did not aim for a complete biographical list, but his list is sometimes used that way; according to Zucker 2.6% of the “48ers” on his list settled in the South. For Douai see: Justine Davis RandersPehrson, Adolf Douai, 1819–1888: The Turbulent Life of a German Forty-Eighter in the Homeland and in the United States (New York: Peter Lang, 2000); Clifford Neal Smith, German Revolutionists of 1848: Among whom many Immigrants to America, German-American Genealogical Research Monograph No. 21 (McNeal: By the Author, 1985), 4 vols. The extensive research on the Lieber Family in South Carolina will be neglected here: Franz Lieber, officially not a “48er”, but a member of the “Greys”, the German intellectuals emigrating in the 1830’s, held a professorship at South Carolina College from 1835 to 1857, but left the South prior to the war. Both his sons, though, fought for the Confederacy: Hartmut Keil, “Francis Lieber’s Attitudes on Race, Slavery, and Abolition,” Journal of American Ethnic History 28,1 (Fall 2008), 13–33; Franz Lieber und die deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Peter Schäfer and Karl Schmitt (Weimar/Köln/Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 1993); James O. Breeden, “Oscar Lieber: Southern Scientist, Southern Patriot,” Civil War History 36, 3 (Sept. 1990), 227–233. 48 “Pastor Gus. Wilh. Eisenlohr,” Der Deutsche Pionier 13 (1881), 77–78. 49 Degener was an exception among the “48ers”; he came from a wealthy family and purchased a large estate in Texas, which he worked without slaves. After Degener lost both of his sons in the Nueces Massacre, he became increasingly involved in politics and represented Texas in Congress for two terms. He died in 1890. Cf. Zucker, 286. 50 For “48ers” in Richmond, cf.: Werner Steger, “Das andere 1848: Deutsche Immigranten in den Südstaaten der USA,” Achtundvierziger/Forty-Eighters: Die deutschen Revolutionen von 1848/49, die Vereinigten Staaten und der amerikanische Bürgerkrieg, ed. by Wolfgang Hochbruck, Ulrich Bachteler, Henning Zimmermann (Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2000), 85–97, as well as Steger, “German Immigrants, the Revolution of 1848, and the Politics of Liberalism in Antebellum Richmond,” Yearbook of German-American Studies 34 (1999), 19–34.

2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”

25

Fig. 1.3: THE VIRGINIA ORDINANCE OF SECESSION (1861) In May 1861, Wilhelm Flegenheimer (1832–1910) of Leutershausen, Grand Duchy of Baden, was ordered by the State Convention to transcribe the “Ordinance of Secession” on parchment. His ornamental penmanship wad lauded in the Richmond Whig of May 28th, 1861. Flegenheimer, an active participant in the revolution of 1848, escaped to Virginia in 1851, where he moved in with his uncle, Wolf Thalheimer (1809–1883), the founder of Thalhimer’s Department Store in Richmond. The Library of Virginia, Richmond

26

I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

Fig. 1.4: BURGHARDT HASSEL (1828–1912) WITH HIS WIFE MARIA, NÈE GERHARDT (1837–1919) Burghardt Hassel, born at Kassel as one of four brothers, was editor and publisher of two German-speaking newspapers in Richmond, Va., the Richmonder Anzeiger and the Virginische Zeitung. Originally a “Fortyeighter”, Hassel left Germany in 1850, spending some time in New York and Baltimore, before he came to Richmond in 1852. In 1857, he married Maria Gerhardt of Gelnhausen, Wiesbaden and became the father of five children. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

New Orleans had the city not been taken by the Union in April 1862. Carl Douai, for example, had to flee from Texas in 1856. Charles T. Mohr, a pharmacist and botanist from Württemberg, was active as a pharmacist for more than forty years, published extensively, and, at the time of his death in 1901, left a herbarium with more than 25,000 pressed plants to the University of Alabama. As a scientist, he was interested in developing medications for the Confederacy during the war, but politics was a foreign concept to him. If he had lived in the Union, he would have produced the same medications there. Ludwig von Reizenstein was an excellent technical designer and engineer; he became known, however, for his activities as a writer.51 In addition, he also possessed the largest collection of rare insects in the state of Louisiana. Reizenstein died in New Orleans in 1888. Wilhelm Flegenheimer, from Baden, arrived at the home of his uncle, Wolf Thalheimer, in Richmond in 1851; he became a graphic artist and calligrapher. His most famous work was the secession declaration of the state of Virginia.52 Albert Leibrock (subsequently: Lybrock), from St. Johann in the Rhineland, studied at the Polytechnic Institute in Karlsruhe, emigrated in 1848, and became a self-employed architect in Richmond in 1855. Between 1855 and 1885 he designed and built thirteen of 51 Baron Ludwig v. Reizenstein, The Mysteries of New Orleans, transl. by Steven Rowan (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), and Rowan, “‘Smoking Myriads of Houses:’ German-American Novelists View 1850’s St. Louis,” Gateway Heritage XX,4 (Spring 2000), 30–41; for German translations, see: Ludwig Freiherr v. Reizenstein, Die Geheimnisse von New-Orleans: Roman von Ludwig Reizenstein, ed. Steven Rowan (Shreveport: Éditions Tintamarre, 2004); Patricia Herminghouse, “The German Secrets of New Orleans,” German Studies Review 27,1 (2004), 1–16. 52 Richmond Whig, June 14, 1861 and May 28, 1861; Richmond Dispatch, May 29, 1861.

2. The “Avoidance of the South Syndrome”

27

Fig. 1.5: RICHMONDER ANZEIGER, MAY 2nd, 1863. War-time issue of B. Hassel’s Richmonder Anzeiger, which was published in Richmond between 1853 and ca.1870. From November 1862 onwards, Hassel delivered his newspaper to 26 cities in eight Confederate States. The Library of Virginia, Richmond

the most important buildings in Richmond. Oswald J. Heinrich, a mining engineer and architect from Dresden, emigrated first to Augusta, Georgia, in 1852 and moved to Richmond in 1855. Together with Albert Leibrock, Heinrich designed the tomb of President James Monroe in 1858; he founded the engineering firm of Heinrich & Koch the same year. In 1878 Heinrich moved to Drifton, Pennsylvania, where he opened a mining academy. Burghardt Hassel, from Kassel, immigrated to New York in 1850 and settled in Richmond at the end of 1852. On June 1, 1853 he began to publish the Richmonder Anzeiger; in addition the Sunday edition of the Virginische Zeitung appeared in 1873. After almost sixty years of uninterrupted newspaper and schoolbook publishing activity, Burghardt Hassel died in Richmond in 1912; his newspaper outlasted him by fourteen years. These men, who had gone through the revolution as inexperienced students, did not see themselves first and foremost as political fighters for an ideology; they were rather enthusiastic scholars and devoted to their professional success. This situation enabled them to lead a mostly peaceful, long-term existence in the South, without creating enemies. In

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I. The “Period of the Great German-American Symbiosis”

their non-political stance they resembled the majority of their less intellectual fellow countrymen who also eschewed political activity in their new home in America’s South: “Most German immigrants to the Confederacy were simple people lured to America by the promise of land and wealth and not, contrary to popular belief, political refugees from the failed European revolutions of 1848.”53

53 Jason H. Silverman, “Germans,” Encyclopedia of the Confederacy, ed. by Richard N. Current [et al.] (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993), Vol. II, 275.

II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves: The Urban South as the New Home of German Immigrants II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves: The When Wilbur J. Cash published The Mind of the South in 1941, the urban South had not yet been discovered by historical research: “Here were no towns to rank as more than trading posts save New Orleans, Charleston, Richmond, and Norfolk; […] for even these four (three of which were scarcely more than overgrown villages) were rather mere depots on the road to the markets of the world, mere adjuncts to the plantation, than living entities in their own right, after the fashion of Boston and New York and Philadelphia.”1 Although this historiographical deficiency has been partially eliminated,2 neglect of the importance of ethnic groups for the development of the urban South has continued.3 And yet in 1850 no fewer than 44.3% of all foreigners who had emigrated to the South lived in the eight largest cities of the South and represented together more than 39% of the free white population of these cities. The Germans dominated especially in New Orleans (12.9%) and Charleston (9.1%), followed by Memphis (5.5%) and Richmond (5.0%). Weaver’s estimation that in 1860 about 80–90% of all foreigners in the South were urbanized, may be too high, but he judges correctly.” [...] that their urbanization in this section was more complete than in any other region of comparable population.”4 In the social order of the South the city had the function of a synapse; the city was the contact point where the interests of the planter aristocracy came together with the interests of those in trade and finance. The urban services kept the southern agrarian economy, based on slavery, alive. On the other hand the city was also the source of increasing diversification of the southern society; it was the cities of the South, not its plantations, that attracted the European immigrants.5 1 Wilbur J. Cash, The Mind of the South (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1941), 99. 2 David Ward’s Cities and Immigrants: A Geography of Change in the Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971); The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South, ed. Blaine A. Brownell, David R. Goldfield (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1977); Lawrence H. Larsen, The Urban South: A History (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1990); Don H. Doyle, New Men, New Cities, New South: Atlanta, Nashville, Charleston, Mobile 1860–1910 (Chapel Hill/London: University of North Carolina Press, 1990). 3 Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1175; Edward Pessen, “How Different from Each Other Were the Antebellum North and South?” American Historical Review 85 (1980), 1119–1149. 4 Weaver, “Foreigners in Ante-Bellum Southern Towns,” 67. 5 Miller speaks of a “Southern gemeinschaft society” or of a “Herrenvolk democracy” and lists the following elements of patriarchal rule: close family connections, holding on to traditional values, and belonging to the white race; these determined the foundation of the southern social system. Cf. Randall Miller, “The Enemy Within: Some Effects of foreign Immigrants on Antebellum Southern Cities,” Southern Studies 24 (Spring, 1985), 30.

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In the first half of the 19th century the urban southern population grew three and a half times as fast as the entire population of the South. This was not due to the stream of immigrants alone, but also can be attributed to the improvement of the quality of life in the South.6 In 1860 the South had only twelve cities with more than 10,000 inhabitants. The only city comparable in size to northern cities was New Orleans with close to 170,000 inhabitants. As might be expected, the six largest cities were port cities, including Memphis as a river port on the Mississippi, and at the same time junctions or end stations of railroad lines. The economic inferiority as compared to the North and the resulting loss of political power within the nation led to an aggressive policy on the part of the South to develop its cities and to connect them. Southern railroads quadrupled their miles of usable tracks in the 1850’s, whereas the northern railroads tripled theirs. In 1852 Virginia’s track network ranked seventh in the country; by 1858 it placed third after New York and Pennsylvania.7 Direct trade with Europe and other foreign ports became the priority of the southern port cities; Richmond specialized in South America; Savannah had a good wood trade with seven Caribbean islands;8 Charleston, Norfolk, and Wilmington concentrated on trade partners in the northern states, along with some contacts in Europe; and New Orleans and Mobile covered the greater part of the transatlantic trade. In 1830 New Orleans had a favorable trade balance of 22 million dollars, which increased to 185 million dollars by 1860. As a result of the recession of 1837, which demonstrated the necessity of locally based production, a number of spinning factories, mills, iron works, and tobacco factories had been created. By 1860 Richmond had developed into the largest tobacco producer in the world; there were 52 tobacco factories on the banks of the James River.9 Richmond also led in the production of wheat flour10 and possessed the Tredegar and Belle Isle Iron Works that represented a unique industrial diversification in the South. The important changes occurring in the everyday urban South up to the outbreak of the Civil War affected poor and rich, black and white, free men and slaves alike. The urban elite contributed in great measure to these changes: one study states that, of the sixty-five leading businessmen in Richmond between 1840 and 1860, two-thirds of them owned property with an average value of $14,897; their average age was forty; 80% of them were married; and two-thirds of them owned between one and six slaves. Goldfield speaks of Richmond’s elite as white, male, and native, and defines the three characteristics of southern urbanization as “leadership, labor, local government.”11 They dominated the city government, were part owners of the most important railroad and canal projects, sup6 David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” The City in Southern History, ed. Blaine A. Brownell, David R. Goldfield (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1977), 53. 7 David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 56. 8 John A. Eisterhold, “Savannah: Lumber Center of the South Atlantic,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 57 (Winter 1973), 526–543. 9 David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 58. 10 Thomas S. Berry, “The Rise of Flour Milling in Richmond,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 78 (October 1970), 387–408. 11 David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 59ff.

II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves

31

ported charitable organizations, and controlled the local press. In these respects Richmond’s elite did not differ from the leading classes of any other city of the era. The competition felt among southern sister cities such as Savannah and Charleston, Mobile and New Orleans was sometimes greater and more complicated than the competition between North and South. The urban elite of the South formed so-called Boards of Trade or Chambers of Commerce and thus made the connection between business and urban development apparent to the public. The establishment of so-called City Directories aided the flow of information among business people; in the middle of the century it was easily possible to find out who produced what and where in any southern city.12 In the southern cities of the antebellum period white male immigrants not only made up the majority among the foreign population but also provided an even higher percentage within the group of urban laborers and craftsmen: the expansion of the railroad track network and the building of canals demanded countless laborers, whom the South could not provide by itself. Many Southern cities were in effect immigrant cities.13 White immigrants found their social entrance on the bottom end of the free white hierarchy in the South, and on the eve of the Civil War white immigrants provided the majority of the free labor force. The further south the city, the greater the percentage of foreign laborers in general: they amounted to two-thirds in Mobile, about 50% in Charleston and Baton Rouge, and 40% in Nashville and Richmond.14 Irish and German immigrants laid tracks, dug canals, and hired themselves out as day laborers for odd jobs. Their competition was made up of slaves, the cheapest laborers, and free blacks; the latter were not only generally cheaper than immigrants, but they also had the great advantage that they usually did not organize strikes for better pay and improvement of labor conditions, as did immigrant workers.15 White laborers feared the competition of free blacks and slaves, and, because white workers often came out as the losers, they left the South as soon as they found work elsewhere. White immigrants who were unskilled generally found work only in jobs that 12 David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 63; Bibliography of American Directories through 1860, comp. Dorothea N. Spear (Worcester, Mass.: American Antiquarian Society, 1961) and Peter R. Knights, “City Directories as Aids to Ante-Bellum Urban Studies: A Research Note,” Historical Methods Newsletter II, 4 (Sept. 1969), 2: By 1854 thirty American cities could boast of their regular “City Directory“ publications. 13 Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1178: The study considers Mobile, Baton Rouge, Charleston, Lynchburg, Nashville, Richmond. Randall M. Miller offers the following numbers for the period between 1850 and 1860: In New Orleans 70% of the white men over eighteen had been born abroad, in Charleston 45% (1850) and 49% (1860), in Savannah 37% (1850) and 51% (1860), in Memphis 35% (1850) and 49% (1860), in Augusta 21% (1850) and 35% (1860), in Nashville 22% (1850) and 38% (1860), and in Richmond 25% (1850) and 34% (1860). Neither Atlanta nor Montgomery showed an increase: cf.: Miller, “The Enemy Within,” 33 (footnote). 14 Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1180ff. Cf.: Fred Siegel, “Artisans and Immigrants in the Politics of Late Antebellum Georgia,” Civil War History 18 (1981), 221– 230. 15 Randall M. Miller, “The Fabric of Control: Slavery in Antebellum Southern Textile Mills,” Business History Review 55,4 (1981), 471–490. David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 65.

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seemed to the slave-holders to be too dangerous for their own slaves;16 as valuable property, in which the slave-holders had invested, slaves had to be protected – the market value of an “adult Negro slave” in 1855 has been given as an average of $1,100.17 In the final ten years before the outbreak of the Civil War Charleston and New Orleans experienced a decrease in the number of city slaves of 29% and 21% respectively; on the other hand Richmond had an increase of 18%.18 This was caused by a rapid increase in the market price of individual slaves in the 1850’s, during which the system of slave hiring experienced an unexpected boom.19 This hiring had been an established practice since the 1840’s. Slaves with skills could be hired for an average of $225 per year; unskilled slaves went for $85 to $175.20 Since the demand for laborers increased constantly, immigrant hiring also became competitive: The immigrants were often willing to accept any kind of even the most menial work. Social peace was thus seriously threatened in the South by the readiness of white immigrants to take on work that had up to then been the domain of blacks. The expansion of local city government was a further characteristic of urban development in the South. This included dividing the city region into manageable administrative districts (wards) and giving all white male citizens above the age of 21 the right to vote. The ward became the smallest politically important unit, and the need for services grew. Fighting epidemics and illnesses, removing trash, and draining the swamps had first priority.21 A city could only grow if it seemed healthy to the outside world; unfortunately this situation often led to suppression of the news of an epidemic or illness to protect the image of the city. When cholera broke out in Richmond in 1849, the entire legislature fled to the North; in the late fall of 1853 11,000 people died of yellow fever in New Orleans, a tragedy of unprecedented extent for the city.22 In the same year Charleston organized special health districts, each of which was supervised by a doctor. While northern cities suffered regularly from violent riots and uprisings in the middle of the 19th century, these were almost unknown in the South, due mainly to the existence of slavery and the homogeneous character of the rest of the urban population in the South.

16 Gregg D. Kimball, “Life and Labor in an Industrial City 1865–1920,” Labor’s Heritage 3, 2 (1991), 6: In 1860 48% of the factory workers in Richmond were slaves; only 20% were immigrants; the latter were given the hardest and most dangerous jobs. 17 Kaufmann, 98; Pessen, “How Different from Each Other were the Antebellum North and South?”, 1131. 18 Goldin, Urban Slavery in the American South 1820–1860: A Quantitative History, Table 13. 19 Clement Eaton, “Slave-Hiring in the Upper South: A Step toward Freedom,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 46 (1959/60), 663–678. 20 David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 66. 21 This was particularly done in Savannah to eliminate yellow fever: Savannah Daily Morning News, April 28, 1851. For Richmond, cf.: Langhorne Gibson, Jr., Cabell’s Canal: the Story of the James River and Kanawha (Richmond: Commodore Press, 2000). 22 Jo Ann Carrigan,“Yellow Fever in New Orleans, 1853: Abstractions and Realities,” Journal of Southern History 25 (August, 1959), 339–355; ibid., “Privilege, Prejudice, and Strangers Disease in NineteenthCentury New Orleans,” Journal of Southern History 36 (Nov., 1970), 568–578; John Duffy, “Nineteenth Century Public Health in New York and New Orleans: A Comparison,” Louisiana History 15 (Fall 1974), 325–337.

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Training of efficient police forces was not successful in either the North or the South; New York and New Orleans had the best functioning units. The Irish were overly represented in the poorly paid police forces in the cities of Savannah, Charleston, New Orleans, and Memphis; the unskilled immigrants were lured by the thought of a regular job and an entrance into community politics; corruption and misuse of office were not unknown.23 Arson and robbery led in the crime statistics of southern states. As a result, laws were passed that forbade the building of wooden houses in the center of the city; Charleston’s Fireproof Building of 1826 was the first building in America to be erected solely to resist fire.24 There were twenty volunteer fire departments, organized to fight fires, in Charleston in 1857, for example, but they considered themselves sports clubs rather than effective fire-fighting units. The acquisition of steam-driven water pumps and long ladders improved the situation but could not make up for the inadequate water supplies in the southern cities. City-run water works were expensive and thus few and far between.25 Gas street lights were not introduced into New Orleans until 1835. Planning public parks and cemeteries was among the most important tasks of city planners; they served urban families as places for excursions and relaxation. New Orleans’s Greenwood Cemetery, Richmond’s Hollywood Cemetery, and Charleston’s Magnolia Cemetery became the epitome of southern urbanity. The overall increase in population in the cities also made it necessary to provide for widows, orphans, and the poor.26 Poorhouses were open all year, but also provided soup kitchens and food deliveries during the winter months for other poor people living in the city. Poverty was looked upon with suspicion in the South. The same was true of education. Public school systems were almost non-existent in the South, although there were a number of expensive private academies. Charleston and New Orleans were exceptions; they had built up public school systems in the 1850’s.27 Richmond did not do this until 1869.28 The call for public school education came at a time, however, when the new city administrations were, for the first time, confronted with serious debt, which had arisen from the necessity of providing services for the inhabitants. Southern cities reacted with the introduction of taxes for all white men ($1–2) and slaves ($1)29 as well as with yearly license fees for businesses. Charleston was among 23 Randall Miller, “The Enemy Within,” 49; cf.: Norbert Finzsch, “Polizei und sichere Stadt: AfricanAmericans und irische Einwanderer in der Hauptstadt der USA, 1860–1870,” Unsichere Großstädte vom Mittelalter zur Postmoderne, ed. Martin Dingers and Fritz Sack (Konstanz: UVK, 2000), 197– 216. 24 The South Carolina Historical Society and its entire archives are now located in this building. 25 David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 75 and Julia Cuthbert Pollard, Richmond’s Story (Richmond: Richmond Public Schools, 1954), 119ff. 26 Raymond A. Mohl, “Poverty, Pauperism, and Social Order in the Preindustrial American City, 1780– 1840,” Social Science Quarterly 52 (March, 1972), 934–948. 27 Laylon Wayne Jordan, “Education for Community: C. G. Memminger and the Origination of Common Schools in Antebellum Charleston,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 83 (1982), 110; Samuel J. Peters Jr. Papers, Hill Memorial Library, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, La. 28 Michael B. Chesson, Richmond after the War 1865–1890 (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1981), 11. 29 Goldin, Urban Slavery in the American South 1820–1860: A Quantitative History, 133–138.

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the first cities to introduce an income tax in 1816 and to tax incomes at the rate of $1.50 per $100. The percentage of export volume decreased in all U.S. ports between 1815 and 1860, with the exception of New York and New Orleans, which speaks for a concentration of trade in these two ports. In 1860 goods valued at 107 million dollars were exported via New Orleans, whereas from New York goods valued at 145 million dollars were exported. Charleston, with twenty-one million dollars, and Richmond / Norfolk, with five million dollars, lagged far behind; the export volume of the latter two was directed to the northern states and not to Europe. Nonetheless, Charleston lay far ahead of Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore; Richmond equaled Philadelphia in rank.30 The import statistics were even more catastrophic for the South: Mobile, Savannah, and Richmond / Norfolk accounted annually for less than one million dollars each in imported goods between 1835 and 1860. Charleston annually imported goods worth one million dollars, New Orleans twenty-two million dollars worth of goods. All together the southern ports accounted for only 9.1% of the entire import volume of the U.S. in 1860; New York alone imported 68.5%. The South searched desperately for a city that could compete successfully with New York. Northern penetration of the southern economy had undesirable socio-political effects on the particular nature of southern society. This became especially apparent during the recession of 1857: Richmond’s tobacco factories had to close literally from one day to the next, causing mass unemployment. One-sixth of all laborers in Henrico County had been employed in these factories. In New Orleans forty-eight trading companies went bankrupt.31 Mercantile activities continued to be mainly in the hands of the native white population of the South, and up to 1860 trade was not dominated anywhere by foreigners. On the eve of the Civil War the urban centers of the South were more dependent for trade on the North, especially New York, than ever before. But even the economic connections among the larger cities could not counteract the divisive forces at work in the nation. To the contrary, the Charleston Mercury wrote: “There are no people in the Southern States who will gain so certainly by a dissolution of the Union as the merchants of our cities [...] Those who have ears to hear, let them hear what a calculation of dollars and cents teaches.”32 Apparently, Virginia’s decision to join the Confederacy was determined at least in part by economic considerations. Richmond’s delegates voted 3 to 1 for secession because they assumed that Richmond could become the New York of the Confederacy. Because the urbanization of the South began considerably later than that of the North it gave European immigrants who arrived after about 1845 entrance to all areas of the urban working world, such as services, crafts, industry, retail and wholesale trade; all of this made the South especially attractive as a permanent new home, and Germans, who generally had some training, were able to find work quickly: “Before the war the South was wealthy,

30 David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 82ff., 85, table 3–2. 31 Lawrence Larsen, The Urban South: A History, 58; David R. Goldfield, “Pursuing the American Urban Dream: Cities in the Old South,” 62ff. 32 Charleston Mercury, quoted in the New York Herald of November 4, 1860.

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prosperous, expanding geographically, and gaining economically at rates that compared favorably to those of the rest of the country.”33 Interestingly enough, two-thirds of all Americans with a total fortune of $110,000 and more lived in the South in 1860.34 As Helbich recognized in his studies, the average immigrant to the U.S. from Germany after 1848 had an abstract understanding of democracy, egalitarian political views, and an attitude of resistance toward the state authority. None of these aspects of political education were opposed to the system of a “Herrenvolk democracy” based on slavery. Ambiguity, not open rejection, was prevalent; the planter status was “the ideal to which other white southerners aspired,”35 and every European immigrant possessed the most important basic characteristics of a future southern planter; he had white skin and was a free person,36 even if at the lower end of the white hierarchy. Up to the early 1850’s no really ethnic residential areas could be found in the southern cities; the low numbers of immigrants were generally absorbed invisibly without friction. After 1850 this was no longer possible: differences in class, fortune, race, and cultural origin became dividing lines.37 The segregation of free blacks and Irish was most apparent in the southern cities; they lived in the most unhealthy and crowded areas. But Germans too could be found increasingly in German blocks after 1850, even though their living situations were considerably better.38 The living patterns of immigrants could become matters of concerns to the dominant classes in the South: “Immigrants violated the etiquette of race relations and disgusted Southerners by living, trading, drinking, and even sleeping with blacks, slave and free. More than anything else, slaveholders feared a world in which blacks were elevated above whites.”39 Even though the concentration of foreigners in specific city districts increased considerably after 1855, foreigners in the South were distributed mostly over the area of an entire city, which might have been due to the fact that, for Europeans, southern cities seemed more like little towns.40 London, with its 2.8 million inhabitants in 1861, had completely different problems than Charleston, South Carolina, with its 40,500 residents. Only New Orleans, with its 168,675 inhabitants, was an exception in the South, and even then it was one and a half 33 Quotation from Gavin Wright in Pessen, “How different...”, 1126. 34 Ibid., 1130. 35 Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1197. Immigrants are included among “other white southerners”: Quotation from Carl Degler in: Pessen, “How Different Were...,” 1135; Shearer D. Bowman, “Antebellum Planters and Vormärz Junkers in Comparative Perspective,” American Historical Review 85 (Oct./Nov. 1980), 779–809; Shearer D. Bowman, Masters & Lords: Mid-19th Century U. S. Planters and Prussian Junkers (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993). 36 Jason H. Silverman, “Ashley Wilkes Revisited: The Immigrant as Slaveowner in the Old South,” Journal of Confederate History VII (1991), 135, cf. Kenneth M. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South (New York: Vintage Books, 1956), 30. 37 Miller, “The Enemy Within,” 42ff. 38 Kathleen Neils Conzen, “Immigrants, Immigrant Neighborhoods, and Ethnic Identity: Historical Issues,” Journal of American History 66 (1979), 603–615. 39 Miller, “The Enemy Within,” 47. 40 Weaver, “Foreigners in Ante-Bellum Southern Towns,” 67ff.

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times smaller than Dublin.41 All in all, on the eve of the Civil War, the cities of the South offered an economically attractive settlement region for a reasonable number of skilled immigrants; however, because of their small size, the cities were not able to absorb mass immigration.

1. The Holy City: Charleston, South Carolina 1. The Holy City: Charleston, South Carolina blabla Between 1830 and 1849 a total of 268 German immigrants in Charleston applied for American citizenship. Of these 125 almost 50% indicated their place of origin as the Kingdom of Hanover; the next larger groups came from Prussia (c. 15%) and Oldenburg (c. 6%). This pattern, which had already existed during the Colonial period, had changed little up to 1850;42 as far back as 1755, in a letter to Pastor Krone in Einbeck, Mühlenberg had expressed the enthusiasm that the people from Hanover felt about the Carolinas.43 In 1860, 87% of all German immigrants to Charleston came from Prussia, Hanover, Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, Holstein, and Brunswick, so that the German community of Charleston up to the outbreak of the Civil War was a homogeneous society.44 Direct immigration to Charleston took place mainly via Bremerhaven, which had a permanent shipping line to the “Holy City” after 1832.45 According to consular information, 450 people sailed directly from Bremerhaven to Charleston between 1832 and 1840.46 In 1839 Heinrich Wieting,47 a twenty-four-year-old from Bremen-Vegesack, became captain of the Johann Friedrich, a bark upon which German emigrants could sail directly to 41 Population statistics of major European cities in comparison: Berlin (1849): 410,726 inhabitants; London (1861): 2,803,989 inhab.; Paris (1861): 1,696,141 inhab.; Dublin (1861): 254,808 inhab., from: Meyers Konversations-Lexikon (Leipzig/Vienna: Bibliographisches Institut, 1895–1897), vol. II, 833; vol. V, 240; vol. XI, 483, vol. XIII, 535. 42 South Carolina Naturalizations, 1783–1850, comp. Brent H. Holcomb (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, 1985); Warren Smith, White Servitude in Colonial South Carolina (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1961), 44–69; G. D. Bernheim, History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina (Philadelphia: The Lutheran Book Store, 1872), 529f. 43 A. G. Roeber, Palatines, Liberty, and Property: German Lutherans in Colonial British America (Baltimore/ London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993): Letter from Heinrich Melchior Mühlenberg to Thomas Krone, pastor in Einbeck, 1755. 44 Michael E. Bell, “Hurrah für dies süsse, dies sonnige Leben,” 93. 45 Birgit Gelberg, Auswanderung nach Übersee: Soziale Probleme der Auswandererbeförderung in Hamburg und Bremen von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg, ed. Verein für Hamburgische Geschichte, vol. 10 (Hamburg: Hans Christians Verlag, 1973), 10ff. 46 Bell, “Hurrah,” 45. According to the total emigration figures calculated by Dirk Hoerder, 102, 260 persons emigrated via Bremerhaven between 1832 and 1840; the emigration to Charleston made up 0.4%: Dirk Hoerder, “The Traffic of Emigration via Bremen/Bremerhaven: Merchants’ Interests, Protective Legislation, and Migrants’ Experiences.” Journal of American Ethnic History 13, 1 (1993), 70. 47 My thanks go to Thomas Begerow, from whom I received biographical information about Heinrich Wieting from his private collection in Berlin on April 27, 1997, and the Wieting, Bosse, and Tecklenborg families, all of Bremen, who later on encouraged me to turn my Wieting research into another book, the latter being forthcoming under the title Mit Kurs auf Charleston: Kapitän Heinrich Wieting und die deutsche Auswanderung nach South Carolina im 19. Jahrhundert (Bremen: Hauschild Verlag).

1. The Holy City: Charleston, South Carolina

37

Charleston. Captain Wieting’s Bremen ships were so popular because the death rate on the Hamburg emigration ships between 1854 and 1858 was four times as high as on the Bremen ships.48 Wieting soon knew every German family in Charleston personally; every arrival of his ship in port was a festival.49 People trusted him with money, gave him letters and gifts for the relatives at home, and often Wieting advanced the money for passage. To immigrate to Charleston on a Wieting ship was an honor for the emigrant and gave him or her a higher status within the German community upon arrival than the emigrants who sailed via Liverpool or Rotterdam to New York with unknown captains and traveled over land to Charleston.50

Fig. 2.1: CAPTAIN HEINRICH WIETING (1815–1868) One out of five seafaring sons born to Captain Cord Wieting of Rönnebeck/Bremen and his wife Anna, née Ruyter, Heinrich Wieting accomplished legendary fame as the ”Father of Emigrants“, bringing more than three-fourths of all German-born immigrants from Bremen to Charleston on one of his ships. In 1868, Wieting died of typhoid fever in Charleston, leaving his second wife Therese Wieting, née Voß, and 8 children, in dire straits. He was buried in Bethany Cemetery. Courtesy of Johann C. Bosse, Bremen

The Johann Friedrich sank in 1850 near Harwich; however, Captain Wieting was able to rescue all of the passengers. In his honor the Germans of Charleston held a thanksgiving service in the Lutheran Church of St. Matthew and gave Wieting a silver megaphone in 1854.51 Beginning in 1851 he commanded the Copernicus, and after 1857 Wieting was responsible for the Gauss, his third ship. Due to the blockade, he did not sail to Charleston between 1861 and 1865. After the war the connection was restored.52 Wieting did not return from his last trip to Charleston; he died of typhus in the home of Nikolaus 48 Gelberg, 46. 49 In the Deutsche Zeitung of Charleston from December 3, 1857, there is a poem with six verses, written by C. F. Vogler and called “Wieting ist da!” in honor of the arrival of Wieting on the Gauss. 50 In the anniversary edition of the Deutsche Zeitung in 1913 those people who had immigrated to Charleston on a Wieting ship were specifically mentioned: D. W. Ohlandt, a grocer (Copernicus, 1852), Johann Wulbern, a wholesaler (Johann Friedrich, 1850), J. H. Stelling, a wholesaler (Gauss, 1868), J. Friedrich Johanns, a grocer (Gauss, 1857), John C. Lilienthal, a grocer (Gauss, 1868), F. W. Jessen, a grocer (Gauss, 1868). 51 Ludwig Müller, Predigt bei dem Dankfeste über die glückliche Ankunft der Passagiere (Charleston: M. H. Kappelmann, 1851): Pastor Müller led the service on January 26, 1851. 52 Peter-Michael Pawlik, Von der Weser in die Welt: Die Geschichte der Segelschiffe von Weser and Lesum and ihrer Bauwerften 1770 bis 1893 (Hamburg: Kabel, 1993), 188, 220, 232.

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Fehrenbach on December 2, 1868, leaving a widow and eight children. On December 3, 1868, a call for contributions for his family appeared;53 thousands of people came to his burial; forty coaches alone accompanied the coffin to the German Bethany Cemetery. In 1869 a marble memorial was donated for the tomb. On it is carved the following inscription: ”This Monument is erected by his many friends in Charleston through the D[eutsche]. B[rüderliche]. Bund. Capt. H. Wieting commanded the barks Johann Friedrich, Copernicus, Gauss during the years 1840 to 1868 bringing immigrants from Bremen to Charleston.”54 Wieting was called “Father of the Immigrants” by the Germans in Charleston; it is estimated that he brought three quarters of all the Germans to Charleston on his three ships.55 Because of Heinrich Wieting, the “Father of the Immigrants,” immigration to Charleston took on family-like features, a phenomenon that did not exist in any other immigration port of the United States. Between 1850 and 1860 the entire population of Charleston declined by almost 2,500 persons (= 6%); 58% of the inhabitants were white, although visitors to the city in the 19th century often described it as a “black city.”56 At the beginning of the 1840’s the German population had increased to about 1,200 persons, so that in April 1844, the first German newspaper appeared and was issued twice weekly.57 Among the foreigners in the city of Charleston, after the Irish, the Germans formed the second largest group in 1850 and amounted to 9.1% of the free white population of the city. Ten years later, in 1860, their proportion had sunk to 8.3%, although about 66% of all the Germans in the state of South Carolina lived in Charleston; with 1,944 persons the Germans were still the second largest group of foreigners (30.8%) after the Irish. The first neighborhood of new immigrants was the 3rd ward in the southeastern part of the city, between Meeting Street and the Cooper River. The northeastern part of this ward, which was regularly flooded, was inhabited mainly by Irish; in 1861 27.5% of all the Irish in Charleston lived here. It was a crowded area of tiny housing, very prone to epidemics, especially yellow fever, which broke out here in 1849, 1851, 1854, and 1858.58 German immigrants were distributed throughout all of the wards of the city in 1850 and also in the area known as the “neck” north of the old city limits that was incorporated into the city in 1849.59 With the exception of the 2nd ward, the Germans comprised more “Death of Capt. Wieting,” Charleston Daily Telegraph, December 3, 1868. Bethany Cemetery, North Charleston, September 29, 1996. Gerhard Schaub, “Unterwegs Teil 4: Die Wietings,” Kiel (ms.) 1987, 132. Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1177 (table I) and 1189; Ivan D. Steen, “Charleston in the 1850’s: As Described by British Travellers,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 71 (1970), 36–45. 57 Gertha Reinert, “Aus dem Leben des Auswanderers Johann Andreas Wagener aus Sievern 1816– 1876,” 139. Der Teutone: Zeitschrift für Literatur, Handel und Gewerbe was issued, beginning on April 9, 1844, by Johann Andreas Wagener and was printed by J. B. Nixon. The Democratic paper was absorbed by the Deutsche Zeitung: Cf. Die deutschsprachige Presse der Amerikas, eds. Karl J. R. Arndt and May E. Olson (Munich: Verlag Dokumentation, 3rd edition, 1976), vol. 1, 608. 58 Report of the Health Department (1867) as quoted in: Christopher Silver, “A New Look at Old South Urbanization: The Irish Worker in Charleston, South Carolina, 1840–1860.” South Atlantic Urban Studies 3 (1979), 151. 59 Bell, “Hurrah für dies süsse, dies sonnige Leben,” 68. 53 54 55 56

1. The Holy City: Charleston, South Carolina

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than 10% of the white population in every district; in the “neck” they accounted for more than 15%. The majority of Germans in 1850 were male (86%) and unmarried (66%). Ford’s Census of the City of Charleston 1861 lists 1,429 men born in Germany and 1,008 women born in Germany. Of these 2,437 Germans 529 persons – over 20% – lived in the 4th ward, the most heavily populated in the city; the Germans there comprised 8.9% of the white inhabitants. However, the 4th ward also had the highest number of slaves (4,365) and the second highest number of free blacks (815), so that black and white lived there with a relationship of almost 1 to 1. In the 7th ward, where only 9.6% of all the Germans lived, there was a relationship, for example, between blacks and whites of 1 to 3. The 3rd ward followed with 395 Germans (16.2%), who made up 8.7% of all whites.60 The lowest number of German women was found in the 5th ward, a workers’ quarter;61 the fewest men were in the 2nd ward, a prosperous residential area. The number of Germans in Charleston’s poorhouse was far lower than that of the Irish after 1830; in 1855, when the “neck” area was included in the poorhouse area and a large wave of immigrants arrived in Charleston, the number of Germans needing welfare in the pre-Civil War era peaked at ninety-eight persons.62 Of the 125 applicants for American citizenship from the Kingdom of Hanover more than 40% of them listed their profession as merchant or grocer. In 1851 the “grocer from the countryside” was described as follows: Merchants have a chance to find a job quickly only if they speak English, but even then it is not easy to find a job in one of the larger trade centers, because all those opportunities have been taken by [immigrants] coming from Bremen and Hamburg. […] grocers are not trained merchants, as in Germany, but rather, insofar as they are Germans, are generally farmers who have immigrated. They come from the area around Bremen, bring their relatives over, have them work long enough until they have learned the business and are able to become independent. This way they make sure that the business will remain in the family. These country grocers, as they are called, are very quiet and thrifty and usually acquire a fortune, but, because of their education, they do not contribute much to the German community. It would be difficult for any trained young merchant to find employment with them, unless of course he comes from the same village in the home country as the grocer....63 This was typical, not only for grocers: Johann A. Wagener, who immigrated in 1832, brought his brothers Jürgen, Georg Heinrich, and Friedrich Wilhelm over to Charleston between 1840 and 1848; Franz Adolph Melchers, who immigrated in 1843, brought over his brothers Theodor and Alexander in 1848 and 1851; his parents came in 1850 together with their daughters Jenny and Agnes. J. C. H. Claussen, a baker, arranged for his brother 60 Frederick A. Ford, Census of the City of Charleston, South Carolina, for the year 1861 (Charleston: Evans & Cogswell, 1861), 11–12. 61 Dale Rosengarten [et al.] Between the Tracks: Charleston’s East Side During the Nineteenth Century (Charleston: Charleston Museum, 1987), 185–192. 62 Barbara L. Bellows, “Tempering the Wind: the Southern Response to Urban Poverty, 1850–1865” (Dissertation, University of South Carolina, 1983), 229–230. 63 A. Kirsten, Skizzen aus den Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1851), 338.

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Friedrich Wilhelm to come over in the early 1850’s. Even if someone had no relatives, he would be taken care of.64 The employment of people coming from the same village in the home country was common practice in Charleston: C. G. Ducker, from Hanover, arrived in Charleston in 1851 at the age of sixteen and was taken on as a trade assistant by Claussen, the baker, who was born in Kirchhatten. Later Ducker opened up his own bakery, with the name of “Werner & Ducker”: “[...] Greetings to W. Peick; tell him, that if he wants to, he should come over to Charleston; it’s good for bakers here and you can earn a lot of money.”65 Otto Tiedemann, from Sellstedt near Bremerhaven, landed in Charleston in 1838 at the age of seventeen and found work with John A. Cook, a grocer from Hanover; after 1845 this young immigrant had his own enterprise, Tiedemann & Co. In 1850 one third of all German men in Charleston were employed in trade; 20% worked in crafts, mainly in those in which they had the least possible competition from free blacks and hired slaves.66 In 1860 the occupational diversity remained unchanged; only the category of grocers grew considerably (by 143%): the number of 147 shops increased to 210 in 1860. In 1870 Germans still owned almost 80% of all Charleston groceries. In 1850 a little over 330 Germans in Charleston owned slaves, possessing 583 of them; in 1860 only 8.9% (c. 170 Germans) owned a total of 325 slaves. The number of slaves in Charleston decreased during the last decade before the Civil War by 5,600 persons. The Germans joined their American neighbors and sold their “human chattel.” Most of them owned one or two slaves, although there were exceptions.67 The more than 4,000 slaves represented, with 51%, the majority of the laboring force in Charleston, while the free laborers68 of the city comprised 3,846 persons in 1860. Of these 2,413 persons were skilled workers, and 1,433 persons were unskilled laborers. The share of foreigners was 40% of the first group and 72% of the second group; 60% of the foreign unskilled laborers were Irish.69 Thus, in Charleston 52% of its free laborers were foreign-born. In 1860 Charleston’s craftsmen owned no less than 14% of the slaves working as laborers (566 persons), and thus, as far as their “human chattel” was concerned, they owned almost twice that of the free craftsmen of Mobile and Richmond.70 In addition, those craftsmen who did not own slaves were easily able to hire slaves: white women and planters who had a second residence in the city owned 2,910 slaves, whom they often and profitably hired out to others – even as skilled laborers.71 64 Jacob F. Schirmer was born in Charleston in 1803, the son of Johann E. Schirmer from Hamburg; although he spoke only broken German, he was the best-known person to assist new arrivals from Germany, whom he either sent on or for whom he arranged work. In 1859 Jacob F. Schirmer owned 17 slaves and property with a value of $11,600. His diaries (1827–1880) are kept in the South Carolina Historical Society: cf. Charles W. Nicholson, “The Journal of Frederick William Muller,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 86,4 (1985), 255–281. 65 Letter from Eduard Jacob Thode from Charleston on June 6, 1858, to his parents and sisters in Otterndorf: Kreisarchiv Otterndorf, LK CUX K.A.OTT: Mag. Otterndorf A.R., Fach 140 F,K. Entlassungen aus dem Untertanen-Verbande Nr. 2. 66 Bell, “Hurrah,” 79; Silver, 171; Goldin, 43. 67 Bell, “Hurrah,” 97. 68 Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1182 (table 6). 69 Berlin/Gutman, 1178 and 1187 (table 3 and 5). 70 Ibid., 1184ff., (table 8). 71 Ibid., 1184–1187, (table 8).

1. The Holy City: Charleston, South Carolina

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Fig. 2.2: PORTRAITS OF THE FIREMASTERS AND OFFICERS OF THE FIRE DEPARTMENT OF THE CITY OF CHARLESTON IN 1841, painted by German-born artist Christian Mayr. This rare painting shows a considerable number of German-born immigrants who were already influential in ante-bellum Charleston, among them John A. Wagener (14th from the left) as President of the German Fire Company in 1841 and mayor of Charleston in 1871/72, Jacob F. Mintzing, first German-born mayor of Charleston from 1840 to 1842 (3rd from the right, inside the door), John Schnierle (19th from the left) as the Chief of the Fire Department in 1841 and mayor of Charleston from 1842 to 1846, and John Siegling of Erfurt (below the sign „Fire Department Engine“), founder of the South’s oldest music store Siegling & Sons. Collection of City Hall, Charleston, S.C.

A disproportional number of tailors, shoemakers, and smiths came from Europe; four out of five shoemakers in Charleston came either from Germany or England.72 On the other hand, unclean occupations such as barber or butcher were considered “negro work” and were carried out by free blacks: 78% of all the barbers in Charleston in 1860 were free blacks. The black and white competition in craftsmen’s occupations was looked upon with justified suspicion; in competition with blacks, white laborers were seen as inferior persons.73 Indeed, the slave-holding elite of Charleston feared for social peace in their city; free white laborers were unreliable, and were met with deep suspicion. Thus Charleston was one of the few southern cities that prevented the displacement by immigrants of free blacks from their typical workplaces, because Charleston employers refused to give up their preference for free black employees. Instead a radical racial division continued in specific occupations. 72 Ibid., 1188. 73 Charleston Courier, December 7, 1860.

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White laborers born in the South could be found especially among the masons, stonemasons, carpenters, printers, and ships’ pilots.74 Of the 1,146 people in Charleston employed in trade in 1860, such as bookkeepers, salesmen, etc., 65% of them came from the South, mainly from South Carolina:75 The city leaders fostered a familial, paternalistic urban ethos and appealed to immigrants and native-born white workers on the basis of common racial interest.76 Charleston sought to promote the interests of the whites regardless of their origin; white identity was to be strengthened independently of its nationality and was to be separated from the black race.77 The Germans took up this offer and assimilated faster and with less friction than did their countrymen in the rest of the South: “[...] Tell them that E. Thode is better off than some rich boys in Germany!”78

2. The City at the Falls: Richmond, Virginia 2. The City at the Falls: Richmond, Virginia bla bla During the decade before the outbreak of the Civil War the population of Richmond grew by more than 10,000 persons, and in 1860 62% of the population was white. The number of foreign laborers more than doubled. Richmond thus had more white inhabitants than Charleston, and approximately the same percentage of city slaves.79 Herrmann Schuricht reported the origin of the antebellum Germans in Richmond as representing nearly all of the German States, yet “[…] they principally came from Hessia and Saxony – particularly from the city of Marburg in Hessia.”80 Indeed the organized settlement of German immigrants in Virginia began before the outbreak of the Revolution of 1848–49 and was concentrated on the poor province of Saxony. The main organizer of the Saxon Colonization Project81 was Friedrich August Mayo, who had immigrated to Richmond from Öderan, near Chemnitz, before 1808, and ran a “Land-Agentur and Intelligenz-Bureau” in the Exchange Hotel in Richmond. After 1819 he lived in the suburb of Rocketts. His business partner was Carl Andreas Geyer (1809–1853), the president of the Meissen Emigration Society.82 The plan was to have the 74 Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1189. 75 Ibid., 1192. 76 Miller, “The Enemy Within,” 41; Jane H. Pease / William H. Pease, “Social Structure and the Potential for Urban Change: Boston and Charleston in the 1830’s,” Journal of Urban History 8 (1982), 173– 75, 177–179. 77 Shortly after secession General Joseph E. Brown pointed out the importance of white identity and the emphasis on homogeneous interests in southern society; cf.: Pessen, 1143. 78 Letter from Eduard Jacob Thode from Charleston on December 28, 1857, to his parents and sisters in Otterndorf: Kreisarchiv Otterndorf, LK CUX K.A.OTT: Mag. Otterndorf A.R., Fach 140 F,K. Entlassungen aus dem Untertanen-Verbande Nr. 2. 79 Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1177, table I. 80 Schuricht, 29. 81 Klaus Wust, “The Saxons who never came to Virginia,” Society for the History of Germans in Maryland 45 (1972), 52–56. 82 Friedrich August Mayo, Vierzig Jahre in Virginien, oder Kommt nach West-Virginien (Meissen: Kleinkicht and Sohn, 1850); Carl Andreas Geyer, Virginien, physiko-geographische und statistische Beschreibung desselben mit besonderer Rücksicht auf deutsche Auswanderung (Meissen: Goed’sche Buchhandlung, 1849); Wust, “The Saxons...,” 54.

2. The City at the Falls: Richmond, Virginia

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Germans settle in the southwestern Virginia counties of Grayson, Monroe, Montgomery, Tazewell, and Wythe, which had few slaves.83 Mayo founded the “Society for the Advice and Aid to Saxon Immigrants” in Richmond and was able to persuade two very well-known persons from the German community to become members: A. W. Nölting, a merchant and agent of D. H. Wätjen & Co., a Bremen trading company that played a considerable role in expanding Bremen into an emigration port and tobacco market; Wätjen ranked first in importing tobacco and cotton in the 1840’s. Another member was O. A. Strecker, a well-known pharmacist.84 In spite of the good planning and the efforts of well-known persons, the project failed – Between 1832 and 1840 a total of 786 Germans immigrated directly to Richmond; this was 0.8% of the total emigration via Bremerhaven.85 Under pressure from A. W. Nölting a considerable number of German laborers were sent to build the James River and Kanawha Canals to Rocketts, the entry port of the German tobacco sailing ships.86 One of these laborers was Johann G. Lange, a twenty-eight-yearold from Erfurt, who stepped onto American soil in the early morning of September 16, 1837, in the port of Richmond. “At day break 1000 people had already gathered, white and black ones, to admire our outlandish clothes. But we did the same. We never had seen so many Negroes. Some were sitting chewing on a cracker. [...] Some days went by with doing nothing but making debts. Outside of the house nobody could understand us since at that time [1837] only about 24 German families were living in Richmond, most of them merchants who shied away from speaking to the new immigrants and kept their noses in the air higher than necessary.”87 According to Lange these twenty-four families included about forty persons; in addition, between 1837 and 1839 several Jewish families from Bavaria arrived in Richmond. Their numbers grew to twenty families by 1840. Eight years later the Jewish religious community was large enough to found Beth Ahabah Synagogue. 83 Lewis Eisenmenger, from Württemberg, had purchased a large piece of land there. Eisenmenger’s role is unclear, because he had died sixteen years before the planned colonization in 1849. Presumably Mayo had inherited a part of the Eisenmenger property. Of the counties named, Monroe became a county of West Virginia in 1863, and Tazewell was directly on the border; Wust, “The Saxons...,” 53. Lewis Eisenmenger immigrated to Virginia from Württemberg in 1825, founded a gold washing shop in 1830, and died at the age of 63 in Portsmouth, Virginia in January, 1833: Richmond Whig, January 31, 1833. 84 Robert A. Mayo (not related to F. A. Mayo) and Robert H. Cabell, along with Hugh Sheffey and William Kinney, both lawyers, all from Richmond, joined to represent the American members; Ernst Kurth, a Saxon engineer, was chosen to work with the railroad companies: Wust, “The Saxons,” 54. 85 Michael E. Bell, “Hurrah für dies süsse, dies sonnige Leben,” 45. 86 Rocketts today is Fulton, Virginia. The canal project was to assure Richmond of a connection to the Ohio River: Marie Tyler-McGraw, At the Falls: Richmond, Virginia, & Its People (Chapel Hill/London: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 110ff. Cf.: Friedrich Prüser, “Diedrich Heinrich and Christian Heinrich Wätjen,” Niedersächsische Lebensbilder (Hildesheim, 1954), vol. 2, 72–389 and Franz Josef Pitsch, Die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen Bremens zu den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Bremen: Staatsarchiv der Freien Hansestadt Bremen, 1974), 202. 87 John Gottfried Lange (1809–1892), “The New Name or the Shoemaker in the Old and the New world: Thirty years in Europe and thirty years in America.” Written c. 1870–1880 in German: Virginia Historical Society, Richmond: MSS 5:1 L 2605:1, vol. I, Typescript copy, translated into English by Ida S. Windmueller in 1991; Original: Johann Gottfried Lange, “Der Veraenderte Nahme oder Der Schuster In der alten und Neuen Welt: Dreisich Jahre in Europa und Dreisich Jahre in Amerika,” 73, 121.

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In 1840–41 Lange reported the arrival of more German families from the North. Around 1850 the German population of Richmond had grown to 750 persons and comprised 5% of the free white city population. Ten years later the number of Germans had doubled to 1,619 persons, although only 15.4% of all Germans in Virginia lived in Richmond; nonetheless, their presence in the city was quite visible and was described by at least three contemporaries. Depending on their standpoints, the reports are positive or negative. The earliest description was by Frederick Law Olmsted, who visited Richmond in 1855 and noted in a nativist tone: There is a considerable population of foreign origin, generally of the least valuable class; very dirty German Jews, especially, abound, and their characteristic shops, (with their characteristic smells, quite as bad as in Cologne), are thickly set in the narrowest and meanest streets, which seem to be otherwise inhabited mainly by Negroes.88 In 1860 Samuel Mordecai offered a completely opposite picture: [The Germans] are a valuable acquisition to our city, in many useful trades. They are also our gayest citizens, and enjoy their hours of relaxation. They have their Musical and Turner’s societies, their private theatres, their ‘Volks Garten’, and support two or three newspapers,89 and though last, but not least, Churches of different denominations. This is a new and pleasant phase in the aspect of our city.90 Samuel Philips Day, an Englishman, visited Richmond right before the outbreak of the war, and offered a description which shared some features with that of Mordecai but with a less positive interpretation: A large proportion of the inhabitants are Germans, who either keep lager-beer saloons, or clothing stores. […]. The German Population is not liked in Virginia; they seldom associate, and never assimilate, with the regular citizens, and are generally dirty and untidy in their habits. In some parts of Richmond more German than other names appear over the doors; and to judge from the conversation heard on the streets, one might be at a loss to ascertain whether German or English was the language of the country.91 88 Frederick Law Olmsted, A Journey in the Seabord Slave States (London: Sampson, Low, Son & Co., 1856), 55; Leon Harris, Merchant Princes: An intimate History of Jewish Families who built great Department Stores (New York: Kodansha International, 51994), 125. 89 The Tägliche Anzeiger was a democratic weekly and was published after June 1, 1853 by Burghardt Hassel, a “48er”; a second democratic weekly, the Virginische Zeitung, appeared after January, 1859, published by Herrmann Schuricht; in 1860 it briefly appeared daily: Karl J. R. Arndt and May E. Olson. The German Language Press of the Americas / Die deutschsprachige Presse der Amerikas, vol. I. (München: Verlag Dokumentation, ³1976), 639–641. 90 Samuel Mordecai, Virginia, Especially Richmond, In By-Gone Days: With a Glance at the Present (Richmond: C. H. Wynne, 1860), 246; Joseph C. Robert, Gottwald Family History: The First Century of the Gottwalds and Freyfogles in Richmond, Virginia 1822–1922 (Richmond: Privately printed, 1984), 105; Virginius Dabney, Richmond: The Story of a City (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, rev. ed., 1990), 153–154. 91 Samuel Phillips Day, Down South: or an Englishman’s Experience at the Seat of the American War (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1862), vol. I, 139.

2. The City at the Falls: Richmond, Virginia

45

Between 1803 and 1860 Richmond consisted of the Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe wards with eight councilmen each(reduced to five after 1861).92 The general right to vote for all white men over 21 years of age, including immigrants, was introduced in 1851 and was exercised by taking hand counts. The Shockoe Creek divided the city, spread out over seven hills, into two halves; the eastern half included Church Hill and Union Hill (Jefferson), the residential areas of the middle class.93 Union Hill, the German section, was one of the few areas of the city in which free blacks lived as close neighbors to white inhabitants before the Civil War. Because of its proximity to the Tredegar works, Oregon Hill (Monroe) was a convenient residential area for laborers; even those who had worked their way up often did not move out but purchased more property in the city and rented this out.94

Fig. 2.3: DANIEL VON GRÖNING WITH HIS SON ALBERT (about 1850) Bremen-born Daniel von Gröning (1818–1874) emigrated to Virginia in the mid-1840’s and served as Consul for Sicily in Richmond during the Civil War. In 1846 the young tobacco merchant married Marie Trott, whose family had settled in Charleston, S.C. The von Grönings had three children. Courtesy of Inge von Gröning, Bremen

In 1850 Richmond already had clearly identifiable German sections, Union Hill and also North Fifth, Third and Second Streets. After 1840 both Union Hill and parts of Navy Hill experienced a strong increase in German settlement. Among the notable residents of Union Hill were Dr. Otto A. Strecker, Consul von Gröning, and Albert Lybrock the architect. Albert Lybrock built his house at 504 Mosby Street in 1853; Dr. Strecker his house at 1904 Pleasants Street in 1844; and Daniel von Gröning moved into his house at 1901 Pleasants Street in 1847. After Dr. Strecker came under suspicion of corruption, Union Hill was sometimes called “Striker’s Hill”. Burghardt Hassel, the newspaper publisher, lived in Strecker’s house between 1886 and 1912.95 The first German churches were built in the Navy Hill district: the Roman Catholic St. Mary’s Church stood next to the Lutheran St. John’s and the Bethlehem Churches and 92 Chesson, Richmond after the War 1865–1890, 19. 93 Chesson, Richmond after the War 1865–1890, 7; Kathryn Lynn Mahone, “The Irish Community in Antebellum Richmond, 1840–1861” (M. A., University of Richmond, 1986), 26. 94 Gregg D. Kimball, “Life and Labor in an Industrial City, 1865–1920,” 47–48. 95 Cf. Scott, Old Richmond Neighborhoods, 52, 140, 283.

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the Jewish Beth Ahabah Synagogue. Unskilled laborers, who made up about 9% of the Germans in 1850, settled mainly in Thomas’s District.96 In 1850 almost half of the Germans were unmarried; by 1860 half of the Germans lived with people who did not belong to the family, including 10% employees who lived with their employers.97 In 1860 Richmond was the most industrialized southern city and possessed, along with 4,628 slaves working as laborers, a free labor force of almost 5,000 persons, of whom 39% were foreign-born. At the same time 39% of the free laborers came from the South, a unique equilibrium in the pre-Civil War South.98 However, if one divides the free labor force into skilled and unskilled workers, one finds that the share of white immigrants among the 1,588 free, unskilled laborers of Richmond was, at 46%, higher than that of the free blacks or the whites born in America. Thus the local newspaper wrote in 1857 : “[...] slaves or Negroes may be inclined to consider themselves on a par of equality with white servants.”99 More than 40% of the unskilled, foreignborn laborers were Irish. Five railroad lines met in Virginia’s capital; after 1816 Richmond could be reached directly by steamship and was no longer dependent on Norfolk. The port of Rocketts Landing was connected with Shockoe Hill by a horse-drawn bus line in 1856.100 As far back as the 18th century many of the most respected businessmen in Richmond had come from Europe and were open-minded toward foreigners. This did not change during the period up to the Civil War.101 Of the 890 persons active in trade in Richmond in 1860, 83% of them came from the South. These include bookkeepers, salespersons, trade assistants, and sales representatives.102 Richmond’s industrialization began with the expansion of flour production; the Gallego mill was the largest flour mill in the world in the 1840’s. The city imported and processed Brazilian coffee; in 1860 Richmond, with seven mills, was the largest coffee trading center in the United States. After 1820 the tobacco industry developed swiftly, and by 1860 the city had fifty-two tobacco factories, which in the last year before the war had a total turnover of five million dollars. Richmond’s third industry was the iron-working industry, closely related to the development of the railroad; in 1860 one-fifth of all the laborers of Richmond were employed there, 800 workers in Joseph R. Anderson’s Tredegar Iron Works alone.103

96 97 98 99 100 101

Michael E. Bell, “Germany upon the James,” 19, 26. Michael E. Bell, “Hurrah für dies süsse, dies sonnige Leben,” 72. Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants,” 1180 (table 5) and 1182 (table 6). Richmond Enquirer, Richmond, August 27, 1857. Chesson, Richmond after the War 1865–1890, 6–7. Johann David Schoepf, Reise durch einige der mittleren und südlichen vereinigten nordamerikanischen Staaten nach Ost-Florida und den Bahama-Inseln unternommen in den Jahren 1783 und 1784 (Erlangen: Johann Jacob Palm, 1788), 2 volumes, quoted in Chesson, Richmond after the War 1865–1890, 8. 102 Cf. Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1192. 103 Thomas S. Berry, “The Rise of Flour Milling in Richmond,” 405; Chesson, Richmond after the War 1865–1890, 9; Larry J. Daniel and Riley W. Gunter, Confederate Cannon Foundries (Union City: Pioneer Press, 1977), 3–19; Charles B. Dew, Ironmaker to the Confederacy: Joseph R. Anderson and the Tredegar Iron Works (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1966), 28.

3. The Crescent City: New Orleans, Louisiana

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Among the Germans of Richmond in 1850 there were sixteen iron workers (3.4%) and thirty-three railroad track workers (7.0%); in 1852 Philip Rahm, who had immigrated from Bavaria in 1835, founded the Richmond Eagle Foundry, the largest German-run iron works in Richmond.104 Until the outbreak of war Richmond had several dozen auction houses that traded in slaves and earned two to four million dollars in profits in the 1850’s. By 1860 Richmond had developed into the undisputed financial and industrial metropolis of Virginia and, with an annual turnover of twelve million dollars, looked forward to prosperous times. In 1861 Richmond was the third largest city of the Confederacy, and was prospering.105 As in Charleston, tailors, shoemakers, and smiths came in greater numbers from Europe; three out of five shoemakers in Richmond came either from Germany or England. Of the 465 German households listed in the census of 1850, forty-eight heads of household worked as shoemakers (10.3%), which was the largest occupational group among the Germans and ranked ahead of the forty-six grocers: The many shoemakers who came to Richmond caused a real revolution. The American bootmakers were still far behind in their methods. They called us the French bootmakers. I also put a sign over my door J. G. Lange, French Boot Maker, though I couldn’t speak a word of French. Since French style was in vogue in Virginia I got plenty of customers. French had become popular through Lafayette who with his troops had helped in the fight for freedom.106 Haberdashers made up 5.1%, tailors 6.1%. Indeed most of the new German arrivals managed to enter the middle class immediately; only about 10% remained in the working class due to lack of schooling.107 Only thirty Germans were listed in the Slave Schedules of 1850, and these owned a total of eighty-one slaves. The slave-holder with the largest number of slaves, nine, was Bernhard Briel, a merchant, followed by Dr. Strecker with seven slaves, and Valentin Hechler, a butcher, with six slaves. Thus only 6.45% of the German households in Richmond owned slaves, and the majority of them were merchants or butchers. Whereas the Germans in Charleston sold many of their slaves before 1860, the Germans of Richmond continued to invest in them.108

3. The Crescent City: New Orleans, Louisiana

3. The Crescent City: New Orleans, Louisiana bla bla The first large wave of imported German laborers reached New Orleans with the beginning of construction on the New Basin Canal in 1832. This project swallowed up more than one million dollars, took six years, and cost 8,000 German and Irish lives. Those who did 104 Rahm, “Amnesty Papers”, (RG 94, M 1003, roll 67, 0530–0534): Rahm died in 1862 and left behind eight minor children. 105 John G. Lange, 127 and 142. 106 John G. Lange, 136; Berlin/Gutman, “Natives and Immigrants, Free Men and Slaves,” 1188; Michael E. Bell, “Germany upon the James,” 25. 107 Robert Saunders, “Modernization and the Free Peoples of Richmond – the 1780’s and the 1850’s.” Southern Studies XXIV, 3 (Fall 1985), 266. 108 Bell, “Hurrah,” 97.

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not die of cholera or yellow fever in the Metairie Ridge swamps were paid a grand monthly wage of $20 and a whiskey ration of $6.25.109 In 1853–1854 almost 36,000 Germans immigrated to New Orleans, but about 25,000 of them moved onward toward St. Louis or Texas. The immigrants were mostly single men between twenty and thirty-five years of age: “And the trains of arriving immigrants press on, mostly Germans in their national costumes, just as they left the farm at home […] [carrying] heavy wooden crates, generally in groups of two; old chests decorated with colorful wreaths of impossible flowers and pious sayings, above which the name of the owner and the word “America” have been ruthlessly painted with black paint […].”110 The so-called southern route via New Orleans to Texas or St. Louis was avoided by many immigrants, since the immigrants flocked to trade routes. Even by 1860 New Orleans had not managed to establish regularly used trade routes to Europe; the city remained only a part of the cotton triangle with Europe and New York without setting its own priorities.111 New Orleans experienced an enormous fluctuation as an entry and transit port for crowded immigration, so that the native-born reported “hordes of exposed, unacclimated helpless Irish and Germans.”112 The busiest years of German immigration to New Orleans were 1852–53 and 1853–54, but far more than 60% of the new arrivals moved onward to Texas, Ohio, or St. Louis, whereas only 10–21% found a place to work in the city itself. However, statistics too are only approximate: for example, a laborer who arrived in 1847 perhaps asked for assistance from a labor agency in 1850 but then finally moved on to St. Louis in 1853.113 The fact is that the Germans, due to their numbers, constituted a visible part of the population. In 1850 the 11,425 Germans already comprised almost 10% of the total population of New Orleans. The decade between 1850 and 1860 was the most important period in the history of German immigration to New Orleans. The height of German immigration came in the middle of the 1850’s; this period was marked by several terrible yellow fever epidemics, which negatively influenced the demographic situation of the city and had severe economic consequences as a result of the enormous fluctuation of population. An estimated 50% of the Germans in New Orleans were victims of the yellow fever epidemics.114 At this time there were about 15,000 Germans in New Orleans, and the numbers grew by the day. The share of Germans in the city was more than 30% of the entire foreign population in 1860, and their share of the free population of the city was almost 13%. Those New Orleans Germans whose region of origin was recorded in the census of 1860 came mainly from Bavaria, Prussia, and Hesse. Interestingly enough, by 1860 Louisiana

109 Joan B. Garvey, Mary Lou Widmer, Beautiful Crescent: A History of New Orleans (New Orleans: Garmer Press, Inc., 1982), 86ff. 110 Friedrich Gerstäcker, Nach Amerika! Ein Volksbuch (Jena: Hermann Costenoble, 1855), vol. 1, 466. 111 Frederick Marcel Spletstoser, “Back Door to the Land of Plenty: New Orleans as an Immigrant Port, 1820–1860,” (Ph. D., Louisiana State University, 1978), 57. 112 Letter from Richard Henry Wilde to his brother John Walker Wilde, New Orleans, of August 4, 1847, in: Richard H. Wilde, “Richard Henry Wilde in New Orleans: Selected Letters, 1844–1847,” ed. Edward L. Tucker, Louisiana History VII, 4 (Fall, 1966) 353–355. 113 Frederick Marcel Spletstoser, “Back Door to the Land of Plenty,” 356. 114 Nau, The German People of New Orleans, 1850–1900, 7.

3. The Crescent City: New Orleans, Louisiana

49

sheltered almost one-third of all of the Jews who settled in the South.115 More than 2,000 Jews, mostly Bavarians and Alsatians, chose New Orleans as their new home. The suburb of Lafayette attracted them with its economic possibilities, including dry goods, clothing, and food shops, and was the only town with a significant number of Jewish inhabitants. Although only an estimated 10% belonged to an organized community, the “Gates of Prayer” congregation was founded there in 1850.116 Of the eleven states that formed the Confederate States of America in 1861, Louisiana had by far the largest number of German immigrants within its borders: in 1860 24,614 Germans had settled there, of whom no fewer than 19,752 (80%) lived in the port city of New Orleans. The demographic dominance of New Orleans meant that between 1810 and 1910 Louisiana had the highest percentage of urbanization of the entire South; in 1860 26% of the population of Louisiana was urbanized, while the entire country had a rate of only 20% and the South as a whole of only 7%.117 The geographic location of the city was almost the sole reason for the increased settlement by Germans there, since Louisiana at the time offered few economic prospects. The growth rate among the slave population increased rapidly between 1840 and 1860, so that in 1860 a total of 331,726 slaves were working in Louisiana, mainly on plantations outside the city.118 Of the 1,090 sugarcane plantations worked with slave labor in 1861, 179 of them were located in the parishes of Iberville and Ascension, northwest of New Orleans.119 With few exceptions, there was thus no need for German farm workers and farmers; the interior of the country had no market openings.120 The immigrant who wanted to make his fortune in Louisiana could do this only in the single large city of the state, in New Orleans: only here did German small traders, craftsmen, and laborers have the possibility of working for profit; only here did they have a real chance of competing with cheaper slave labor.121 The “Queen of the South” was the only city in the Confederate South with a distinctive and visible German quarter comparable to the Little Germanies in the North. Between 1820 and 1850 53,909 German immigrants landed in the port of New Orleans.122 The 115 Stephen Hertzberg, Strangers within the City Gate: The Jews of Atlanta (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1978), 281, n. 18. Elliott Ashkenazy, The Business of Jews in Louisiana, 1840– 1875 (Tuscaloosa/London: University of Alabama Press, 1988), 31–66; Avraham Barkai, Branching Out: German-Jewish Immigration to the United States, 1820–1914 (New York/London: Holmes & Meier, 1994), 1–39; Jacob R. Marcus (ed.), To Count a People: American Jewish Population Data, 1585–1984 (Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America, 1989), 81ff. 116 Bobbie Malone, “New Orleans Uptown Jewish Immigrants: The Community of Congregation Gates of Prayer, 1850–1860,” Louisiana History 32 (1991), 249. 117 The remaining 4,862 Germans settled mainly in Germantown and Baton Rouge: Lewis M. Killian, White Southerners (New York: Random House, 1970), 161. 118 Cf. Berlin, Slaves without Masters, 401. 119 DeBow’s Review, After the War Series 1 (1866), 201, and DeBow’s Review, After the War Series 4 (1867), 239. 120 Donald J. Millet, “The Lumber Industry of ‘Imperial’ Calcasieu: 1865–1900,” Louisiana History VII, 1 (Winter, 2966), 59ff. 121 Louisiana’s German Heritage: Louis Voss’ Introductory History, ed. Don Heinrich Tolzmann (Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, Inc., 1994), xii. 122 John Hanno Deiler, Geschichte der Deutschen Gesellschaft von New Orleans (New Orleans: by the author, 1897), 39–40.

50

II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves

majority of the immigrants before 1830 were redemptionists, who worked for three to eight years for an employer who had paid his transatlantic passage in advance for him. This status prevented many of the immigrants from moving on immediately to Texas or up the river to Missouri. Instead, they remained in New Orleans until they had paid off their debts, and often they made the city their home. By 1835 approximately 7,000 Germans were living in New Orleans. After 1836 New Orleans consisted of three independent municipalities, which were combined under a central administration in 1852 and renamed districts. Poorer Germans settled mostly in the area called Little Saxony between Elysian Fields Avenue and Esplanade, east of the French Quarter.123 Algiers, Lafayette, and Carrollton were also popular areas of settlement, because rent was low and property available for purchase. Lafayette and Carrollton were connected with the French Quarter after 1833 by the New Orleans and Carrollton Railroad Company,124 Little Saxony was within walking distance, but Algiers, on the western bank of the Mississippi, could only be reached by ferry. Economic prosperity came to Carrollton in 1835 and 1836; Christian Winter opened the first dry goods and clothing shop in town in 1836. In 1844 Carrollton was described in the Bee as “the most agreeable place to visit of an evening that we know of....”125 In 1853 1,885 people lived in Carrollton; 126 of these were slaves. By far the most famous German citizen of Carrollton was Christian Roselius.126 Within the following eight years the town grew to 2,776 inhabitants, 248 slaves, and 99 free blacks.127 Carrollton was only incorporated as the 7th district of New Orleans in 1874. The suburb of Lafayette became the 4th district of New Orleans (the 10th and 11th wards) as a result of the reform of 1852; it was also the second main settlement area of German immigrants, although the dock area of Lafayette along the riverside was inhabited by many Irish and was called “Irish Channel.”128 Lafayette had its own port in the 1840’s, which was used solely by ships from Bremen. In 1853, with approximately 1,500 Germans living in Lafayette, the first large yellow fever epidemic is said to have begun here.129 The sanitary conditions in the city were a tremendous problem. Albert Stein,130 an engineer from Düssel123 John H. Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse (New Orleans: the author, 1901), 11; John H. Deiler, Zur Geschichte der Deutschen am unteren Mississippi: Das Redemptionssystem im Staate Louisiana (New Orleans: By the Author, ²1901). 124 Garvey / Widmer, Beautiful Crescent, 86, 127–129. 125 Bee, New Orleans, May 17, 1844. 126 John S. Kendall, “Old New Orleans Houses and some of the people who lived in them,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly 20 (1937), 810: Roselius’ house was located next to Loyola University. 127 Wilton Paul Ledet, “The History of the City of Carrollton,” (M.A., Tulane University, 1937), 96ff. 128 Lafayette was originally the county seat of Jefferson Parish and held this function for a short time even after incorporation. The area of Lafayette is today between Felicity Street and Toledano Street and is called the Garden District. The Irish Channel is geographically difficult to limit, but was originally comprised only of tiny Adele Street: Kathryn C. Briede, “A History of the City of Lafayette,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly XX (1937), 895–964; James A. Renshaw, “The Lost City of Lafayette,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly XX (1937), 192–211. 129 Frederick Marcel Spletstoser, “Back Door to the Land of Plenty,” 368. 130 Albert Stein lived in Spring Hill, near Mobile, after 1850, where he ran the water facility and placed 16th among the 100 richest citizens of Mobile with a fortune of $34,925: Alan Smith Thompson, “Mobile, Ala., 1850–1861: Economic, Political, Physical, and Population Characteristics,” (Dissertation, University of Alabama, 1979), 453.

3. The Crescent City: New Orleans, Louisiana

51

dorf, had planned to build a water facility in New Orleans in 1844, but did not start construction until 1849.131 The concentration of the poorest immigrants in ethnic quarters gave rise to the opinion in the southern society in general and among the doctors in New Orleans that illnesses and epidemics started in the miserable quarters of the newly arrived immigrants. In March, 1852, before the epidemic broke out, Dr. von Poellnitz had founded an association of German doctors.132 This association had several functions: the members protected their patients from quacks and swindlers; they treated patients according to customary practice; and they assisted young German doctors in establishing their own practices. Nonetheless, 2,344 Germans died in the yellow fever epidemic of 1853 and were buried in twelve cemeteries. New Orleans lost 10% of its population, and the German community more than 25% of its members.133 In the 2nd district (French Quarter) there was no concentrated German settlement before 1860, but a number of German retailers and merchants could be found there, about whom the Daily Picayune wrote in 1843: “You will see nothing but Dutch faces and hear nothing but the Dutch language [...] This part of the city is so thoroughly Dutch that even the pigs grunt in that language...”134 Cultural life in the three German quarters began around 1842 with the appearance of the first regular newspaper, the Deutscher Courier, published by Alfred Schücking and Joseph Cohn. With this the German minority received its own press voice.135 By 1860 Germans had built twenty-nine Protestant and Catholic churches and Jewish temples in New Orleans, three of them in Little Saxony, seven in Lafayette, seven in the French Quarter, four in Carrollton, and one in Algiers.136 Even in 1880 the geographic distribution of the Germans in New Orleans remained unchanged, although their numbers decreased after the Civil War.137 By 1839 thirty-seven liquor dealers had opened shops in the German suburb of Lafayette; by 1840 there were forty-six such shops.138 In Carrollton, which was smaller, 131 Nau, 7. 132 Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, March 30, 1852. The announcement was also signed by Dr. Langenbecker, Dr. Leisnig, Dr. Maas and Dr. Wetzel. 133 J. S. Farlane, The Epidemic Summer: List of Interments in all the Cemeteries of New Orleans, 1 May– 1 Nov. 1853 (New Orleans: True Delta, 1853), “Statistical Recapitulation”: The place of birth could be determined for 8,919 persons (73,4%) of the total of 12,151 persons who died – all together 26,2% of the yellow fever victims were German immigrants and 39,6% were Irish. 134 Daily Picayune, New Orleans, September 23, 1843. 135 Clark, “The German Liberals in New Orleans (1840–1860),” 139–141: After Cohn had sold the Courier to Charles Medicus in 1847, he founded, in 1848, the Deutsche Zeitung, which existed until 1915. The Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, a competing paper, appeared after 1850. 136 Raymond Neil Calvert, “The German Catholic Churches of New Orleans 1836–1898,” (M. A., Notre Dame Seminary, 1986), 116ff. Directory of Churches and Religious Organizations in New Orleans, comp. Historical Records Survey (WPA) (Baton Rouge: Dept. of Archives, Louisiana State University, 1941); J. Hanno Deiler, A History of the German Churches in Louisiana (1823–1893), transl. and ed. Marie Stella Condon (Lafayette: Center for Louisiana Studies, University of Southwestern Louisiana, 1983). 137 Raimund Berchtold, “The Decline of German Ethnicity in New Orleans, 1880–1930,” (M.A., University of New Orleans, 1984), 7 and 35. 138 Briede, “A History of the City of Lafayette,” 949.

52

II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves

approximately sixteen liquor shops had opened by 1851; five years later there were also nine saloons and six grocery stores that had a license to sell liquor. The mayors and councilmen of the city were frequently the owners of these establishments.139 As early as 1850 Germans and Irish had forced free black laborers out of their customary occupations transporting goods, driving coaches, and serving in hotels; only work at the docks and in river trade was still done by blacks. The militant behavior of Irish laborers, demanding higher wages and better working conditions, led to the employment of more free blacks.140 However, because the demands of the labor market increased at the end of every epidemic, white immigrants could not permanently be kept out of particular areas of work. In January, 1854 Joseph Eder, born in Teisendorf, Bavaria, wrote: “I earn a dollar a day, i. e. 2 fl 30 kr., although I am a mere apprentice. I am working for a German cabinetmaker. The beginning was rather good [...] Carpenters earn three dollars a day, but it is hard to stand the work in summer on account of the great heat.”141 Eder pointed out that painters, shoemakers, and tailors also earned well; overnight one could begin a new business: “... only change [the] sign and start something else.”142 The earning possibilities mentioned by Eder have been confirmed.143 Most of the German immigrants streaming into the port city after 1853 were urbanites, and many of them were skilled craftsmen, small tradesmen, students, and intellectuals, whose arrival permanently influenced the development of a visible German quarter, but who also oversupplied the labor market. The small group of highly successful German businessmen and merchants, mostly consuls, only became visible in New Orleans as their fortunes grew, near the end of the antebellum years. A number of firms remained, in spite of assimilation, wholly German, particularly in the cotton and tobacco trade.144 In November, 1860 Friedrich Kappelmann, a barber, wrote to his parents: “As far as I’m concerned, I’m in good spirits and healthy, my people think that I gained quite a bit of weight since I came here: You asked whether my boss is English or German. He is a Yankee from top to toe. He is a very nice man.”145

139 Ledet, “The History of the City of Carrollton,” 94: Liquor shops and saloons were controlled by the yearly issuance of licenses. In 1851 a saloon license cost not less than $100; a grocer, on the other hand, paid only $25. 140 Richard R. Tansey, “Economic Expansion and Urban Disorder in Antebellum New Orleans” (Diss. University of Texas at Austin, 1981), p 94–97, 100ff. and Miller, “The Enemy Within,” 37. 141 Letter from Joseph Eder from New Orleans, dated January 16, 1854, to his friends in Teisendorf, Bavaria. In: “A Bavarian’s Journey to New Orleans and Nagodoches in 1853–1854,” ed. Karl J. R. Arndt, Louisiana Historical Quarterly 23 (1940), 492–493. 142 “A Bavarian’s Journey to New Orleans and Nagodoches in 1853–1854,” 494. 143 Spletstoser, “Back Door to the Land of Plenty,” 378ff.: From 1847 to 1859 an unskilled laborer in New Orleans earned between $1.15 and $1.55 per day. 144 Clark, “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil War,” 991. 145 Letter from Friedrich P. Kappelmann to his parents, New Orleans, November 9, 1860. Kappelmann, a barber, was born in Wertheim, Bavaria, in 1843: Friedrich P. Kappelmann, “Civil War Times Illustrated Collection,” 82nd Illinois Infantry Regiment Correspondence 1856–1865, US Army Military History Institute, Carlisle Barracks, Pa.

3. The Crescent City: New Orleans, Louisiana

53

During the war as well the Germans were noticed: “[They are] usually employed as dock labourers, carmen, porters [...].”146 The skilled craftsmen, merchants, and retailers disappeared in the army of port workers and day-laborers; New Orleans had more poor German immigrants than Richmond and Charleston together. New Orleans, like the rest of the South, was governed as an oligarchy, in which the economic interests of a small minority took precedence; welfare for the poor had no place. But by 1850, at the latest, the city fathers found it increasingly difficult to shut their eyes in the face of thousands of poor immigrants. During the summer, which lasted for eight months in New Orleans, there was the yearly customary mass unemployment in the port. During the winter there was a considerable north-south migration, which brought unemployed workers fleeing the cold into the city. The city government, however, did not look for a solution, at least none that went beyond free overnight lodging: “Until the end of the 1850s New Orleans officials refused to develop any direct relief program, preferring to let private benevolent groups furnish assistance to the poor.” 147 Indirectly New Orleans thus encouraged the development of ethnic welfare and aid organizations, which gave the ethnic communities an organizational framework. The “Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans,” founded in 1847, was established to fight poverty among the Germans, find work for them, and, if possible, to help them to move onward. Joseph Eder probably saw slaves for the first time in his life in 1854; he developed an immediate opinion: [The rich people] have bought these Negroes by the hundreds and make them work in these factories. These people are black as coal, but they are good people. Dear Friends, it is true, there are many slaves here, but they are all Negroes, who know no better than to be slaves. In Germany, however, there are far more slaves than here, for there all of you are slaves, a few well-to-do people excepted. The officials, who exist in such great numbers in Germany, long ago made slaves of you, only they do not sell you [...] There are many Germans here, also many Negroes and slaves. These are treated better than servants are in Germany.148 Eder was not alone in his opinion; many Germans felt the same after their arrival, and the immigrant literature often compared the slaves to the lower classes in Germany: “In comparison to the latter, the slaves are often better off. They have housing, food, and care.”149 Even Gerstäcker reported freely in 1855 about German slave-holders in New Orleans and even German-speaking slaves: 146 Two Months in the Confederate States including a visit to New Orleans under the domination of General Butler, by an English Merchant (London: Richard Bentley, 1863), 31. 147 Gilles Vandal, “The Nineteenth-Century Municipal Responses to the Problem of Poverty: New Orleans’ Free Lodgers, 1850–1880, as a Case Study,” Journal of Urban History 19, 1 (1992), 42ff. 148 “A Bavarian’s Journey to New Orleans and Nagodoches in 1853–1854,” 494 and 497: letter from Joseph Eder from New Orleans, dated January 16, 1854, to his friends in Teisendorf, Bavaria. 149 Franz Joseph Ennemoser, Eine Reise vom Mittelrhein (Mainz) über Cöln, Paris und Havre nach den nordamerikanischen Freistaaten, beziehungsweise nach New Orleans (Kaiserslautern: J. J. Tascher, 9th Edition, 1864), 61–62. Dr. Ennemoser, born in Vienna, worked for the Louisiana Staatszeitung after 1855: Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 17.

54

II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves

‘Nothing,’ said this quadroon girl, but now blushing, in pure German, ‘the young woman and the child should take the flowers.’ ‘You speak German?’ Eltrich was amazed, ‘but you were not born across the ocean?’ ‘No,’ answered the slave-girl, shaking her head, ‘but my master is a German and German is spoken in his house, so I learned it as a child.’ ‘What’s your master’s name?’ ‘Messerschmidt.’ ‘But may we have the flowers?’ ‘I can give them to you,’ answered the young girl, and the blood threatened to explode in her temples at any moment, ‘because I have earned much more for them this morning than my master demands for them, so please keep them.’150 New Orleans was the largest slave trading region of the United States; between 1804 and 1862 135,000 slaves were sold there. The high point was in the 1830’s, in which 44% of the slaves offered for sale came from Virginia, 18.8% from North Carolina, and 15.4% from Maryland. There were auctions every day during the winter months.151 The number of slaves decreased between 1850 and 1860, and the number of free blacks increased. In 1860 there were 6,367 more Germans than slaves in the city; this was unique in the South and was one of the factors that made New Orleans attractive to Germans. Since slaves numbered only 8% of the population within the city, there was less competition on the labor market. The atmosphere of the city, dominated less by blacks than by a mixture of nationalities, was not as strange to Germans, as was, for example, that of Charleston. In New Orleans Germans could feel more quickly at home.

150 Friedrich Gerstäcker, Nach Amerika! Ein Volksbuch, vol. 1, 449: Richard Messerschmidt owned the inn called “Zum deutschen Vaterland.“ On October 9, 1861 he applied for a passport from the Prussian consul in New Orleans to travel home via Louisville: Deutsches Haus Archiv, Königl.Preußisches Consulat in New Orleans, 1837–1872 (Item 75), Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans. 151 Hermann Freudenberger, Jonathan B. Pritchett. “The Domestic United States Slave Trade: New Evidence,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXI, 3 (Winter 1991), 447–477.

55

4. Comparative Statistics: Germans in the Urban South (1850–1870)

4. Comparative Statistics: Germans in the Urban South (1850–1870) 4. Comparative Statistics: Germans in the Urban South (1850–1870) bla

Table II.1 Germans in South Carolina, 1850–1870 In 1860 South Carolina had 55,056 white men between the ages of eighteen and fortyfive. In the population statistics South Carolina placed 14th for all states in 1850, 18th in 1860, and 22nd in 1870. In 1850 South Carolina had 384,984 slaves and thus placed 2nd; in 1860, with 402,406 slaves, it placed 5th. 1850

1860

1870I

Total population of this:

668,507

703,708

705,606

whites free blacks slaves

274,563 8,960 384,984

291,393 9,909 402,406

289,667 415,814 -----------

Foreigners (total) and their proportion of the total population in %

8,662

9,986

8,074

1.3%

1.41%

1.14%

GermansII and their proportion of

2,235

2,947

2,764

25.8%

29.51%

34.23%

0.33%

0.41%

0.39%

0.81%

1.01%

0.95%

South Carolina

the total number of foreigners, the total population, and the total free white population (in %) I

The category of “German” includes Austrians in all three decades for reasons of comparability.

II

The difference between the addition of the whites plus free blacks and the entire population is due to the fact that numbers of Indians are not taken into consideration here.

Sources: Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of the United States 1870. Comp. from the original returns of the Ninth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872.. 3, 7, 336. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the eighth Census Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. iv, xxix, xxxi, 449. Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95, 116 ff.

56

II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves

Table II.2 Germans in Charleston, S.C., 1850–1870 Among the southern cities with more than 25,000 inhabitants in 1860 Charleston ranked 2nd, in 1880 3rd, and in 1910 13th. Charleston Total population: of this a) whites b) free blacks c) slaves Foreigners (total) and their proportion of the total population in % II

Germans and their proportion of the total number of foreigners, the total population, and the total free white population (in%)

1850

1860

1870I

42,985

40,522

48,956

20,012 3,441 19,532

23,376 3,237 13,909

22,749 23,110 ----

4,643

6,311

4,892

10.8%

15.57%

9.99%

1,817

1,944

1,875III

39.13%

30.80%

38.33%

4.22%

4.79%

3.82%

9.07%

8.31%

8.24%

I

The difference between the addition of the whites plus free blacks and the entire population is due to the fact that numbers of Indians are not taken into consideration here.

II

The category of “German” includes Austrians in all three decades for reasons of comparability.

III

Census information includes ten “colored Germans.”

Sources: Doyle, Don H. New Men, New Cities, New South: Atlanta, Nashville, Charleston, Mobile, 1860–1910 (Chapel Hill / London: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), p. 16. Mac Gill, Caroline E. “Immigration to the Southern States, 1783–1865.” The South in the Building of a Nation: Economic Histor. Vol. V. Ed. James Curtis Ballagh. Richmond: Southern Historical Publications, 1910. 600. Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of the United States 1870. Comp. from the original returns of the Ninth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872. 7, 258, 386, 389. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the eighth Censu. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. xxxi, 452. Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95, 116 ff.

57

4. Comparative Statistics: Germans in the Urban South (1850–1870)

Table II.3 Germans in Virginia, 1850–1870 In 1860 the state of Virginia had 196,587 white men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. In the population statistics Virginia placed 4th for all states in 1850, 5th in 1860, and 10th in 1870. In 1850 Virginia had 472,528 slaves and in 1860 490,865 slaves, for which it placed first by far. Virginia Total population: of this a) whites b) free blacks c) slaves Foreigners (total) and their proportion of the total population in % Germans II and their proportion of the total number of foreigners, the total population, and the total free white population (in %)

1850

1860

1870I

1,421,661

1,596,318

1,225,163

894,800 54,333 472,528

1,052,411 53,042 490,865

712,089 512,841 –

22,294

35,058

13,754

1.57%

2.19%

1.12%

5,562

10,512

4,106

24.8%

29.98%

29.85%

0.39%

0.65%

0.33%

0.62%

0.99%

0.57%

I

The numbers given for Virginia for 1870 are without the area founded in 1863 as West Virginia. The difference between the addition of the whites plus free blacks and the entire population is due to the fact that numbers of Indians are not taken into consideration here.

II

The category of “German” includes Austrians in all three decades for reasons of comparability.

Sources: Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of the United States 1870. Comp. from the original returns of the Ninth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872. 3, 7, 336. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. p. iv, xvii, xxix, xxxi, 505, 509. (The entire population numbers included Indians in this census.) Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95, 116 ff.

58

II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves

Table II.4 Germans in Richmond, Va., 1850–1870 Among the southern cities with more than 25,000 inhabitants in 1860 Richmond ranked 3rd, in 1880 2nd, and in 1910 5th. Richmond

1850

1860

1870

Total population: of this

27,570

37,910

51,038

a) whites b) free blacks c) slaves

15,274 2,369 9,927

23,635 2,576 11,699

27,928 23,110 –

2,102

4,956

3,778

7.62%

13.07%

7.4%

760

1,623

1,650

36.2%

32.74%

43.67%

2.8%

4.28%

3.23%

5.0%

6.86%

5.9%

Foreigners (total) and their proportion of the total population in % Germans and their proportion of the total number of foreigners, the total population, and the total free white population (in %) I

The category of “German” includes Austrians in all three decades for reasons of comparability.

Sources: “Richmond, Virginia.” De Bow’s Review. Vol. 26 (March, 1859). 320. Doyle, Don H. New Men, New Cities, New South: Atlanta, Nashville, Charleston, Mobile, 1860– 1910. Chapel Hill / London: University of North Carolina Press, 1990.. 16. Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of the United States 1870. Comp. from the original returns of the Ninth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872. 280, 386, 389. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. xxxii, 519. Seventh Census of the United States 1850. Ed. by J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, D.C.: Robert Armstrong, Public Printer, 1853. 258. Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95, 116ff.

59

4. Comparative Statistics: Germans in the Urban South (1850–1870)

Table II.5 Germans in Louisiana, 1850–1870 In 1860 the state of Louisiana had 83,456 white men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. In the population statistics Louisiana placed 18th for all states in 1850, 17th in 1860, and 21st in 1870. In 1850 Louisiana, with 244,809 slaves, placed 7th, and in 1860, with 331,726 slaves, placed 6th. 1850

1860

1870I

Total population: of this

517,762

708,002

726,915

a) whites b) free blacks c) slaves

255,491 17,462 244,809

358,055 18,221 331,726

362,065 364,210 –

66,413

81,029

61,827

12.82%

11.44%

8.5%

18,043

24,614

19,366

27.16%

30.37%

31.32%

3.48%

3.47%

2.66%

7.06%

6.87%

5.34%

Louisiana

Foreigners (total) and their proportion of the total population in % II

Germans and their proportion of the total number of foreigners, the total population, and the total free white population (in %) I

The difference between the addition of the whites plus free blacks and the entire population is due to the fact that numbers of Indians are not taken into consideration here.

II

The category of “German” includes Austrians in all three decades for reasons of comparability.

Sources: Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of the United States 1870. Comp. from the original returns of the Ninth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872. 3. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. iv, xxix, xxxi, 194. Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95, 116ff.

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II. In the Land of Masters and Slaves

Table II.6 Germans in New Orleans, La., 1850–1870 Among the southern cities with more than 25,000 inhabitants in 1860 New Orleans ranked 1st, in 1880 1st, and in 1910 1st. 1850

1860

1870I

116,375

168,675

191,418

a) whites b) free blacks c) slaves

89,459 9,905 17,011

144,601 10,689 13,385

140,923 50,456 –

Foreigners (total) and their proportion of the total population in %

48,601

64,621

48,475

41.76%

38.31%

25.32%

Germans and their proportion of

11,554

19,752

15,493III

the total number of foreigners, the total population, and the total free white population (in %)

23.7%

30.56%

31.96%

9.92%

11.71%

8.09%

12.91%

13.65%

10.99%

New Orleans Total population: of this

II

I

The difference between the addition of the whites plus free blacks and the entire population is due to the fact that numbers of Indians are not taken into consideration here.

II

The category of “German” includes Austrians in all three decades for reasons of comparability.

III

Census information includes fifteen “colored Germans”.

Sources: Doyle, Don H. New Men, New Cities, New South: Atlanta, Nashville, Charleston, Mobile, 1860– 1910. Chapel Hill / London: University of North Carolina Press, 1990. 16. Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of the United States 1870. Comp. from the original returns of the Ninth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872.. 156, 386, 389. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. xxxii, 195. Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95, 116ff.

III. Know-Nothing Nativism in Richmond, New Orleans, and Charleston in the1850’s: the Dress Rehearsal for 1861 The hypothesis of “lack of immigration to the South” has resulted in a dearth of research about the nativism movement in the South: if there were no foreigners, then there were no “know-nothings.”1 It is true that the numbers of foreign immigrants who chose to settle in the South was minimal compared to those who settled in other regions. In 1850 only 3.3 % of all immigrants to America lived in the South, but the increase to 4.2% in 1860 had significant repercussions. This increase of 145,395 persons in the southern states that seems so marginal in comparison with the rest of the country, meant a dramatic increase of more than 60 % in the foreign-born population in the South during the final decade before the beginning of the Civil War. German immigration increased by more than 80 %. Such numbers were too great to be ignored, and an outbreak of nativism was one of the consequences. The German minority was never the only target of the “know-nothings,”2 but it is important to look at how nativism affected German life in Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans, because the conflicts in the middle of the 1850’s served as indicators of how Germans would respond to social and political threats in their new home. The conflicts proved to the native-born Americans that, in case of a pending war, they could depend on the absolute loyalty of their German neighbors; on the other hand, based on their encounter with nativism, the German minority understood the kind of animosity and reprisals they could expect if there was even the slightest doubt about their “southern identity.” The reputation gained by the German minority during these years was a basis for the treatment that they would receive from their American neighbors during the war.

1. Pandora’s Box: the Radical Agitation of Carl Steinmetz, a “48er” Immigrant, in Nativist Richmond 1. Pandora’s Box: the Radical Agitation of Carl Steinmetz bla Richmond was more seriously affected than either New Orleans or Charleston by “knownothing” nativism in the 1850’s. This was due in part to its proximity to the abolitionist 1 William Darrel Overdyke, The Know-nothing Party in the South (Gloucester: Peter Smith, ²1968); James Marchio, “Nativism in the Old South: Know-Nothingism in Antebellum South Carolina,” Southern Historian 8 (1987), 39–53; Marius M. Carriere, “Slavery, Consensus, and the Louisiana KnowNothing Party,” Mid-America 66, 2 (1984), 51–63; Klaus Wust, “German Immigrants and Nativism in Virginia 1840–1860,” 31–50; Raymond L. Cohn, “Nativism and the End of Mass Migration of the 1840’s and 1850’s,” Journal of Economic History 60 (June 2000), 361–383. 2 Cf.: Michael F. Holt, “The Politics of Impatience: The Origins of Know-Nothingism,” Journal of American History 60 (Sept. 1973), 309–331.

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III. Know-Nothing Nativism in Richmond

center of Wheeling in what later became West Virginia, but also to the provoking agitation of “radical 48ers” who settled in the city after 1850: [...] Many [Germans] came […] to Richmond, among them Ricks, Roestler, the big mouth Steinmetz, the loud mouth Kreischer from Durlach. – They became Republicans and soon started to hold meetings. […] They made themselves very unpopular and soon the situation became unpleasant […].3 Little is known about the background of this Dr. Carl Steinmetz, who seem to have worked as a correspondent for the Baltimore Wecker after his escape to America in 1849.4 In 1850 he moved into Richmond’s “American Hotel” and formed a “Free German Community of Richmond” with twenty-two members, which proclaimed radical and farfetched theories: “The number of these fanatics was very small, but their foolish agitation was the cause of great evil to the entire German element. Almost all German-Virginians were opposed to the movement….”5 This “community” demanded, among other things, universal suffrage, elimination of the office of President, dissolution of the Senate, lessening the waiting period for citizenship, and finally the emancipation of the slaves.6 For the Germans of Richmond this radical association was a serious threat. Steinmetz was able to surround himself with respected Germans, including the owner of the Chimborazo Hill Brewery, Erhard Richter, and Simon Steinlein, a twenty-seven-year-old Bavarian who owned Monticello Hall. Steinmetz himself had to flee Richmond in 1851 after he raised a red flag in front of Steinlein’s beer garden. Steinmetz’s agitation dissolved quickly, but five years later, in January 1855, the unfortunate flyer put out by his Community with the fateful list of demands reappeared in the nativist press of Richmond. The “Socialer Turnverein”, also founded in 1850 in Monticello Hall, presided over by Hermann L. Wiegand, a Catholic, was from the beginning an affiliate of the New York “Turnerbund” and subscribed to its socialist credo. This however did not stop Wiegand from keeping a forty-five-year-old slave as his housekeeper.7 The “Gesangsverein Virginia,” founded in 1852, had close connections with choral societies in the North. The German community of Richmond had, thus, through its “anti-southern” activities, attracted great suspicion. In addition, according to the 1850 “Slave Schedule” only thirty Germans (less than 7% of the Germans in Richmond) owned a total of eighty-one slaves and could thus hardly be considered enthusiastic supporters of this institution. To make matters worse, in September, 1852, Charles Goepp and Theodor Poesche organized a “World Annexation” convention in Wheeling, Virginia. Of the 1,112 expected delegates, only sixteen actually came, of whom three lived in Wheeling. Although it was 3 John G. Lange, 152–153. 4 Wust, The Virginia Germans, 212. In an earlier article Wust speaks of a “John Steinmetz”: Klaus Wust, “German Immigrants and Nativism in Virginia, 1840–1860,” 42. Steinmetz probably died of cholera in Cincinnati in August 1852. 5 Schuricht, vol. II, 33–34. 6 Schuricht, vol. II, 35ff. 7 Cf. “Slave Schedules” for Richmond, Henrico County, 1860: RG 29, M 653, Roll 1392, 42, National Archives, Washington.

1. Pandora’s Box: the Radical Agitation of Carl Steinmetz

63

obvious that the Germans of Richmond wanted nothing to do with the radical platform of the Wheeling convention, nonetheless this projected a negative image of the Germans. The demands of this convention were as radical as those of Steinmetz, and, in the public mind, the Wheeling convention of 1852, and not the “Free Community of Richmond” of 1850, became the epitome of radical demagogy on the part of German “48ers.”

Fig. 3.1: OLD AND NEW FLAG OF THE GESANGSVEREIN VIRGINIA, RICHMOND. The “Gesangsverein Virginia” was founded in Richmond on July 2nd, 1852, by O. Cranz, H. C. G. Timmermann, E. Behrend, B. Krause, A. Schad, M. Mielke, G. König, C. Ritterhaus, F. Lehmkuhl, J. Keppler, C. Weimer, H. von Gröning, F. Dollinger, and C. Emminger. The old flag (above), designed by Oscar Cranz and carried out by Greiner of Philadelphia, was dedicated on June 20th, 1853. The festivity ended in a mob riot, caused by Richmond’s Know-Nothings, who accused the Germans of having “risen en masse upon our native citizens”. The new flag was presented to the society by Miss Helene Bauer on May 9th, 1898. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

In Richmond itself the public support of Valentin Hechler, a German slaveholder, for Winfield Scott, the Whig candidate in October 1852, caused great and lasting commotion.8 On June 20, 1853, on the occasion of a flag ceremony of the choral society a fist fight broke out between American and German parade participants; there were rumors that “the whole German population had risen en masse upon our native citizens, and were about to take entire possession of the city.”9 Heinrich Doerflinger was seriously injured in the head by a rock; August Schad, a restaurant owner, Charles Emminger, Andrew Miller, a grocer, J. Charles Rittershouse, a 8 Bell, “Germany Upon the James,” 41ff. 9 Klaus Wust, “German Immigrants and Nativism in Virginia, 1840–1860,” 40.

64

III. Know-Nothing Nativism in Richmond

music professor, and A. Rix were arrested. Mayor Mayo led the investigation and set the men free. The Richmond Enquirer wrote: “We are glad to state that […] not more than thirty or forty of our German citizens were engaged in the row, the result of which they seem to regret as deeply as any other person can do.”10 During the following year and a half there was no German festivity in Richmond without the presence of the “German Rifles,” a self-defense organization that appeared threatening to the Americans. In January 1855, the Steinmetz flyer appeared in the Penny Post, the paper of the American Party in Richmond.11 The activities of the “Free Community” of Richmond became the target of nativist agitation overnight. Joseph Hierholzer,12 a Catholic, the president at the time of the German “Democratic Club” was assumed to be behind the name “Steinmetz” or “Sternmetz”: The so-called “Steinmetz resolution” was presented to their horrified Southern public as the true expression of the purpose of the Germans in Richmond. The motto of the Penny Post during the election campaign of 1855 was widely publicized: “Foreigners and Roman Catholics may ride the chariot of Freedom – but Americans must drive.”13 In 1855 the city elections in Richmond were disappointing again for the Germans; once again Valentin Hechler, considered a tool of the know-nothings, was in the headlines.14 One possible explanation for Hechler’s actions could be that old and comfortably situated Germans such as he and Philip Rahm, a blacksmith,15 who was also considered a “knownothing” sympathizer, wanted to oppose decisively the agitation coming from outside of the city that threatened the Germans in Richmond. Hassel, the publisher of the Richmonder Anzeiger, disagreed: At the time of our last election it was obvious that a dozen German know-nothings voted for the ticket opposed to us as immigrated citizens whether out of real stupidity or out of personal interest.16 [...] May the Lord forgive them, because they did not 10 Richmond Enquirer, June 24, 1853. 11 Daily Penny Post, Richmond, January 31, 1855; Klaus Wust, “German Immigrants and Nativism in Virginia, 1840–1860,” 43. 12 Joseph Hierholzer, born in Switzerland in 1812, had a fur and skin trade with his twenty-seven-yearold son Alexander in 1860; in 1860 Hierholzer owned one slave and rented two others. He was a member of the Catholic St. Mary’s Church and in 1859 financed the journey of three “Notre Dame” nuns who taught about sixty German children in the “Convent of the German Nuns” from 1859 to 1868: Ignatius Remke, Historical Sketch of St. Mary’s Church, Richmond, Virginia, 1843–1935 (Richmond, 1935), 8. 13 Klaus Wust, “German Immigrants and Nativism in Virginia, 1840–1860,” 43. 14 Richmond Enquirer, April 20, 1855. 15 Philip Rahm, a blacksmith, was born in Bavaria in 1817 and emigrated to Richmond in 1835; in 1852 he opened his iron foundry there, “Rahm’s Eagle Machine Works,” on Cary Street between 14th and 15th Streets. In 1860 he owned two slaves and rented eight others. After July 1861, he manufactured war material for the Confederacy, e.g. steam engines, circular saws, and cannon boat parts. Philip Rahm died in January 1862, and left a widow and eight minor children. His business burned down completely during the evacuation of Richmond: Richmond Enquirer, April 16, 1852; RG 109, “Amnesty Papers,” (NA, M 1003, Roll 67, 0530–0534). 16 The Virginia Historical Society has a list of so-called “know-nothing voters” in Madison Ward dated 1850 (but probably referring to 1854); this list names the following German voters: H. R. Burger,

1. Pandora’s Box: the Radical Agitation of Carl Steinmetz

65

know what they were doing! [...] As our readers have perhaps seen in the English papers, Mr. Ruhle17 has lost his position as city gardener and inspector of the Capitol Gardens and the Fair Grounds. [...] The Committe [sic] responsible for finding a substitute for this position consisted only of know-nothings, and our dear mayor was the chairman of the same.18 For the most part the Germans in Richmond joined the Democratic Party after about 1856, because this was the only viable alternative. The Democratic candidate for governor, Henry A. Wise, was sympathetic to them; his son O. Jennings Wise was the publisher of the Richmond Enquirer, which was sympathetic to Germans; the latter had studied in Germany and could speak the language. Hassel supported James Buchanan’s campaign, along with that of the Democratic candidates for city office.19 In the diary of Georg Kundyman, a German musician, the following entry can be found for November 4, 1856: “Went to City Hall and cast my vote for Buchanan, got hissed…”20 The Germans presented themselves to the public as a unified and non-religious community, including all of the German societies, in the perfectly organized “Steuben” Festival in September 1857. Oswald J. Heinrich, a liberal “48er,”21 who, together with Albert Lybrock, an architect and equally liberal “48er,” designed the tombstone for James Monroe, announced in his speech on September 14, 1857, the complete dedication of the Germans to the Democratic Party: “Haven’t the Germans always fought in all countries for freedom and independence, for truth and light? [...] And don’t the Germans now stream toward the flying flag of the party that has made the principles of the Founding Fathers of the Republic to their own and that strives to protect freedom and equality of all against dangerous attacks and monopolies?”22 Even politically inexperienced Germans realized that the praise of Germans coming from the mayor and other Richmond notables was for the sole purpose of assuring them the German vote in the 1860 elections, but this tactic nonetheless proved successful.

17

18 19 20

21 22

R. L. Christian, W. Ritter, Wendlinger, R. M. Zimmermann, and P. Rahm: “Know-nothing Voters in Madison Ward (1850?),” MSS 1 M 3855a, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. Carl Ruhle, a gardener, lost his position to E. G. Eggeling, who had already sought this position in 1853, and now apparently denied his German origins in order to be named by his nativist party friends. Hassel wrote that Eggeling was not a garden specialist, but Schuricht called him a horticulturist. During the war Eggeling, who in 1860 had rented four slaves, was the administrator of the “Crenshaw Mansion,” built in 1818 and lived in by President Davis from August 1861, to April 1865. Jefferson Davis’ residence later became famous as the “White House of the Confederacy” (1201 East Clay Street): Schuricht, vol. II, 50. “How a German Know-nothing can be rewarded,” Richmonder Anzeiger, July 7, 1855. “Watch out for False Tickets – the Election to City Office,” Richmonder Anzeiger, March 2, 1856 “German Musician’s Diary,” (1856), Acc. 22671, Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond: George Kundyman, the presumable author, was a musician in Loebmann’s orchestra, a member of Pastor Hoyer’s congregation, a friend of August Schad and J. G. Lange, and, in December, 1856, became a member of the Schiller Lodge. Nonetheless Oswald J. Heinrich had one slave in 1861: Personal Property Tax, City of Richmond, Commissioner C. C. Johnson, 1861, Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. Schuricht, vol. II, 32; Don Heinrich Tolzmann (ed.), The German Element in Virginia: Hermann Schuricht’s History (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, Inc. 1993).

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III. Know-Nothing Nativism in Richmond

In June, 1858, the “Richmond Unabhängiger Turnverein” separated from the “SocialDemokratischer Turnverein.” The former, under Friedrich Holle,23 intended to be seen as a pro-South society, but it now put physical exercise to the forefront of its mission and announced that it would stay out of politics completely. As much as the Germans in Richmond opposed slavery, they nevertheless considered it even more unacceptable to be placed on the same level as the blacks: “The Germans living here in the South can demand of their brothers in the free states that their interests should not be placed behind those of the Negroes …”24 Nothing changed in the basic Democratic position of the Germans of Richmond up to the outbreak of the war: On September 15, 1860, O. Jennings Wise and James Lyons, both Democrats, invited the German naturalized citizens to a mass meeting at Monticello Hall25; the speeches held in German led ten days later to the founding of the “German Breckinridge Club.”26 At one of the last mass meetings in Steinlein’s beer garden in April, 1861, the Germans, under the leadership of Wiegand, a former Republican, and in the presence of O. J. Wise, passed a resolution “to defend the political and commercial independence of the States.27” Not long afterwards two German companies joined the war effort. The diplomatic move to join the Democratic party and fit in politically after 1857 would not benefit the Germans very much during the war; in Richmond people had learned between 1850 and 1860 that it was necessary only to scratch the German facade to discover radical abolitionism beneath. After the events of the 1850s many natives never regained full trust in German loyalty toward southern principles.28 The consequences of their actions became evident to the Germans during the war: almost all of German citizens who had been in the headlines during the nativism phase and were thus considered “suspicious,” were arrested by the Confederate Provost Marshal, fled across the border, and were subject in both places to house searches.

2. “In dubio pro reo”: Nativist New Orleans, Christian Roselius, and the Germans 2. “In dubio pro reo”: Nativist New Orleans, Christian Roselius, and the Germans Its large numbers of foreigners made New Orleans a center of nativism, even before the rest of the country was caught up in “know-nothing” fever. A certain amount of xenophobia had always been part of the daily political routine in the city and was also part 23 Friedrich Holle had, for example, a slave to teach his three children, a rare situation among gymnasts: Richmonder Anzeiger, January 25, 1862. 24 “About the Cleveland Convention,” Richmonder Anzeiger, June 28, 1859. 25 Richmonder Anzeiger, September 14, 1860 and September 17, 1860: O. Jennings Wise had studied law in Göttingen and was the attaché of the American Legation in Berlin from 1853 to 1855. Captain O. J. Wise was killed in the battle of Roanoke Island. 26 Richmonder Anzeiger, November 19, 1860. 27 Schuricht, vol. II, 70. 28 Rodney Dale Green, “Urban Industry, Black Resistance, and Racial Restriction in the Antebellum South: A General Model and a Case Study in Urban Virginia,” (Ph.D. diss., American University, Washington, 1980), 288 ff; Gregg Kimball, “Place and Perception: Richmond in Late Antebellum America,” (Ph. D. diss., University of Virginia, 1997).

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67

of the relationship between Creoles and Americans.29 This latent xenophobia, dangerous as it was, was probably the reason why nativist conflict here never escalated into a bloody battle. The first distinctively nativist New Orleans mayor, William Freret, was elected twice in the 1840’s. Immediately before his first election in 1840 the following sentiments circulated in the city: [...] when we see the dregs and scum of the human society, the poor, the tramp, the convicted criminal sent over to our coasts in droves, – people whose hands are still bloody from the countless crimes of the entire civilized and uncivilized world, and when we see them given by law the same rights, freedoms, and advantages as the noble native citizens of the United States: – then we can no longer look on all this with comfortable indifference. […] We, the native citizens of the United States [...] are the aristocracy, the royal blood of America, and we should consider it high treason and should oppose to the death every attempt to take away our heritage, our rights to undivided possession of American rights, freedoms, and advantages […]. The foreigner can be of use to the United States only through the labor of his hands, and it is the obligation and right of the American people to limit foreigners to this as the only appropriate occupation for them in our country.30 Because Louisiana had a large number of Catholics, among whom were many of the richest Creole sugar planters, the “anti-Catholic” components of the party platform were muted in deference to support of slavery; nativism in Louisiana was thus always of a special kind that existed in no other state.31 The followers of the “American Party” in Louisiana were mostly former Whigs and confirmed slaveholders; as much as they wished for a reform of old political structures, they did not want to see this renewal in the hands of corrupt foreigners, whose main interest was the elimination of slavery: Thus it was not surprising to the nativists that the New Orleans police force often proved to be totally inefficient. Because it was composed mainly of foreigners, they could expect no better.32 New Orleans was first and foremost a pragmatic trading city: as long as lucrative business deals were possible, the political leadership of the country was clearly of secondary interest. A study of the participants in Louisiana’s secession convention shows clearly that the individual voting behavior of the delegates strictly followed business considerations. The districts that voted for immediate secession were districts with cotton plantations, which had the highest number of slaves as well as the highest per capita income in 29 Before 1820 the population of New Orleans was divided into the “ancienne population,” the “new French,” and the “Anglo-Americans”. By 1850 the first two groups had established themselves as Whig supporters, whereas the Anglo-Americans were followers of the Democratic Party: Garvey / Widmer, 114ff. 30 “Nativist Call to American Citizens in New Orleans, 1839”: Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 3. 31 William J. Cooper called the nativist politics of Louisiana “the politics of slavery”: William J. Cooper, The South and the Politics of Slavery 1828–1856 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1978). 32 Overdyke, 242. See also Robert A. Selig. “La Côte des Allemandes: 300 Years of Germans in Louisiana,” German Life 11,1 (2004), 42–44.

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III. Know-Nothing Nativism in Richmond

Louisiana.33 Personal progress and business success had determined daily politics in New Orleans for decades; In addition the city had an unusually high percentage of citizens sympathetic to the Union. The situation of the German immigrants was similar to that of the native New Orleans residents and was marked by inner strife, business calculation, and opportunism. German immigrants, who for the most part had no slaves, supported so-called “free soil” opinions and generally could be counted as abolitionists.34 A few Germans such as Dr. Benjamin Maas from the socialist “Turnverein,” the lawyer Michael Hahn, or Dr. Max Bonzano were well-known Unionists even in the 1850’s. Nonetheless, there was a demand for German Whig newspapers: Karl Schlüter’s Die Glocke filled this gap briefly; in 1850 Christian Roselius came out with the Louisiana Zuschauer, a Whig paper with a nativist touch, which circulated in Jefferson City. Two other German-language newspapers, the Deutsche Zeitung and Boelitz’ Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, were on the side of the Democratic Party35 and urged their countrymen to register in the voting lists in order to gain political influence.”36 In connection with the activities of the “Central-Verein des Südens zur Beförderung der Republik in Deutschland,” founded in 1850, Gottfried Kinkel and Wilhelm Weitling, both “48ers,” thought it necessary to visit the city on the banks of the Mississippi. In the course of his journey Kinkel hoped to collect three million dollars from his German compatriots to bring to fruition the revolutionary ideals in the homeland. Kinkel’s triumphal journey through America included no other large cities besides New Orleans; he reached the city on January 10, 1852 and gave inflammatory speeches in the German centers of Carrollton and “Little Saxony,” where he met with Dr. Benjamin Maas and Christian Roselius.37 The mass meetings that took place during his visit exceeded anything that the city had seen to date. On the other hand, Weitling’s visit to New Orleans in 1852 would have gone almost unnoticed had it not been for the founding by Franz Beuter in the fall of that year of the short-lived Whig paper Der wahre Republikaner, which supported the Scott/Graham campaign.38 Unlike the various short-lived German weekly newspapers which supported the communist movements, the German laborer and craftsmen organizations founded in the 1850’s lasted until the outbreak of the war.39 33 Ralph A. Wooster, The Secession Conventions of the South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962), 119ff. 34 Southern Sentinel, Plaquemine, May 12, 1855; Patriot, Opelousas, August 25, 1855, Daily Delta, New Orleans, October 4, 1855. Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 18. Cf.: E. Gabain, “Die demokratischen Platformen im Süden der Vereinigten Staaten, das Sklavensystem und die freie Arbeit,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, July 3, 1855, and “Aufruf zur Massenversammlung der Deutschen,” ibid., July 22, 1855 (riots in Columbus). 35 Reinhart Kondert, “The German Press of New Orleans, 1839–1909,” The German-American Press, ed. Henry Gleitz (Madison: Max Kade Foundation, 1992), 144f. 36 Nau, The German People of New Orleans 1850–1900, 30. Cf.: Clark, Jr., “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil War,” 995. 37 Deutsche Zeitung, January 18, 1852; Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, January 16, 1852. 38 Franz Beuter, a printer and setter, was a member of the New Orleans “Turn-Verein” and a passionate follower of Wilhelm Weitling (1808–1871), a socialist “48er” from Magdeburg: Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 12ff; Nau, 31ff. 39 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, October 5, 1859: e.g., the “Louisiana Gewerbe Verein” (Philip Schulz), the “Deutscher Louisiana Draymanns-Verein” (J. Runte), the “Allgemeiner Arbeiter-Verein” (H. Korn-

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New Orleans was not the only city in the South that was visited by well-known German “48ers,” but it was notable for the lack of public engagement shown by the “48ers” who lived there. J. C. Kathman, who owned a café, could at least put through a regulation in 1853 that the council meetings be held in German as well as in French and English. Kathman was made director of the New Orleans immigration office at the end of the war.40 Because of its large number of German inhabitants New Orleans had more German organizations than any other city in the subsequent Confederacy, but numbers did not guarantee continuity. Associations were founded and dissolved in about the same rhythm as the immigrant ships landed; supply and demand, not tradition, determined this development. In addition, a number of the organizations that sprang up were limited in two ways. There were not only the so-called “ward associations” that one could join if one lived in that ward, but in many cases one had to belong to a certain occupational group. Thus there were the “German Societies” of the first to the fourth wards, which joined together in 1854 under the title of “Central Committee of German Societies” in order to discuss political topics; there was also the “German Craftsman Society of the 4th Ward” or the “New Orleans Baker Society,” which refused to accept bakers from Lafayette or Jefferson. It was estimated that about 20,000 Germans, mostly belonging to the laboring class, were organized in almost fifty German societies that were almost exclusively charitable.41 Because of their numbers a division of the Germans of New Orleans according to professional groups, residential areas, or religion could not be avoided. This division could be seen in the communal politics of New Orleans as well. In addition, there was a clearly marked division according to region of origin: People from Baden went to Ziegler’s “‘Badischer Hof” or to Treder’s “Stadt Rastatt” café. The Swiss drank their beer in Albert Kleinert’s “Schweizer Hof”; the gymnasts met in Villo’s “Turner-Bierhaus”; the 48ers discussed politics in Charles Seeliger’s “Kossuth-Haus”. The people from the Palatinate ate in the “Hambacher Schloss,” and the Prussians celebrated in Theodor Brüning’s “SansSouci Restaurant”. By 1859 twenty-nine German churches and ten militia companies had been founded; not counting the five German-Jewish societies considerably more than thirty more or less active organizations were mentioned in the German-language press in 1858–1859.42 These numbers were three times more than those which the Germans in Charleston could claim. The only society that could be called a “mother organization” of the German minority and that had an almost spotless reputation among Americans was the “Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans,” founded in 1847. It was by the far the most influential, traditional, and efficient German organization in New Orleans. Whoever served as a director of this association was an established person in society. For the most part, however, the mann), the “Deutscher Handwerker Verein im 4. Distrikt” (Jacob Frischherz) and the “New Orleans Bäcker-Verein” (Christian Knopp). 40 Nau, 30. 41 “Deutsches Vereinsleben in New Orleans,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, December 6, 1859. 42 Jeannette K. Laguaite, “The German Element in New Orleans, 1820–1860.” M. A. Thesis, Tulane University, 1940, 72–73; Bobbie Malone, “New Orleans Uptown Jewish Immigrants: The Community of Congregation Gates of Prayer, 1850–1860,” 277ff.; Samuel Proctor, “Jewish Life in New Orleans, 1718–1860,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly 40 (1957): 110–132.

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Germans were organized without spokesmen according to place of residence, professional groups, or religion. The fact that the German minority remained largely protected against violent nativist street riots and could be organized peacefully in its ethnic clubs was due in part to the German language press, which dedicated itself to fighting nativism in particular. While the press may have united to oppose nativism, neither of the two newspapers ever forgot to tear apart the other one and also to criticize the immigrated 48ers. In 1853 the editors of the two newspapers actually fought a duel over differing opinions: Dr. Wenzel (Deutsche Zeitung) had to leave town; Heinrich T. R. Cohen (Louisiana Staats-Zeitung), who was wounded in the stomach, died two months later from yellow fever.43 In 1860 Sebastian Seiler founded the New Orleans Journal for the sole purpose of circulating the abolitionist articles of Georg Förster among a wider German public. Förster had at one time written Unionist opinions for a New York paper, before he became the new editor and thus successor of Sebastian Seiler at the Deutsche Zeitung. In mid-November, 1860 Förster had to flee from the city.44 The political divisions among the Germans of New Orleans reached their apex at the beginning of the Civil War. In October 1861 the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung printed a three-part series by Hermann F. Gayer,45 entitled “Der Bürgerkrieg und ‘die deutschen Radikalen’,” [“The Civil War and the ‘German Radicals’”], including the following text: “The local German paper [Seiler’s Deutsche Zeitung] has made the historically significant discovery that the German radicals of the North and West are the sole causes of the present Civil War.”46 Gayer correctly recognized a windfall for the nativists in this declaration of guilt and warned against further similar statements. At the same time the Germans in New Orleans profited from the fact that Christian Roselius, a fellow German, was a well-known nativist Whig lawyer and was highly respected by the Americans. The conflicting personality of Christian Roselius can be seen as an incarnation of New Orleans pragmatism of the day: Christian Roselius, born in Thedinghausen/Bremen in 1803, arrived in New Orleans on July 11, 1820, as a sixteen-year-old redemptionist on board the Bremen ship Jupiter; here he worked off his passage for William Duhy, the publisher of the Louisiana Advertiser, until 1822. Then he studied law with Auguste Davezac and was admitted as a lawyer to the bar in Louisiana in 1828.47 In 1840 Roselius was elected as a Whig candidate 43 Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 15. 44 Georg Förster, born in Dresden in 1828, fled to Cincinnati in 1860; at the outbreak of war he organized a German company and fought on the Union side until 1865. He only returned to New Orleans in 1870 and died there on March 29, 1896: Daily State, New Orleans, March 30, 1896; Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 30. 45 Gayer, born in Sigmaringen in 1825, died at the beginning of April 1862 in New Orleans. The Louisiana Staats-Zeitung wrote two memorial pieces about the “48er”; cf. issues of April 6, 1862 and April 20, 1862. 46 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, October 16, 1861. 47 At first less successful, Roselius taught languages for a while in a finishing school run by his French wife. Almost nothing is known of his private life: The Daily Picayune announced his marriage to Elisabeth L. Lambert, a French woman, on July 22, 1848; she is the mother of his only daughter, Emelia Roselius, born in 1852. Elisabeth L. Roselius died on September 5, 1861. His second wife, whom he must have married before 1863, was an American and a fervent secessionist. Cf. Resolutions

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to the Constitutional Assembly of Louisiana and influenced the constitutional changes of 1845 and 1852.

Fig. 3.2: CHRISTIAN ROSELIUS, Esq. (1803–1873) In 1819, sixteen-year-old Roselius emigrated from Bremen to New Orleans on board the Jupiter as an indentured servant. The impoverished orphan worked his way up; in 1828, Christian Roselius was admitted to the bar. By 1860, the staunch Unionist owned nine slaves and $150.000 in real estate. Roselius voted against Louisiana’s secession, but when the war broke out, he served in the Jefferson Parish Mounted Guard. Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans (1974.25.27.390)

On May 5, 1847, the “Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans” was founded under the chairmanship of Roselius, who never bothered to accept a seat among its directors.48 Roselius was not successful in his bid to become a judge of the Supreme Court of Louisiana in 1853, because his Democratic opponent Thomas Slidell made political capital out of Roselius’ connections to the “Louisiana Native American Association” and thus siphoned off important votes.49 Since 1847 Roselius had had a professorship at the University of Louisiana (Tulane University today), in which position he served until 1855.50 In 1856, as the know-nothing movement had passed its zenith on the national level, a certain Dr. Harris tried to assassinate Roselius, who, however, survived. Harris’ motives are still unclear.51 In 1860 Roselius, himself a foreigner, served Jefferson Parish as its “know-nothing representative.”52 At this point Roselius possessed nine slaves, 15 houses in and around New Orleans, a fortune of $150,000 in land and $ 30,000 in liquid capital.53

48 49 50

51 52

and Addresses on the Death of the late Christian Roselius, by the Bar of New Orleans (New Orleans: N. O. Picayune Steam Print, 1873). Louis Voss, The History of the German Society of New Orleans (New Orleans: Sendker Printing Service, Inc., 1927), 75. Daily Crescent, March 31,1853, July 5, 1853 and April 7,1853; Louisiana Courier, April 1–3, 1853. Michael Hahn, born in Bavaria in 1830 and later a governor of Louisiana, was one of his students. From 1865–1872 Roselius was the dean of the university: A Dictionary of Louisiana Biography, vol. II, 696. Nau, 32. A brief account of the transformation of Southern Whigs into Know-nothings can be found in: William Best Hesseltine, A History of the South, 1607–1936 (New York: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1936), 390ff.

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Christian Roselius was one of the few representatives who, during the secession assembly in Baton Rouge in 1861, openly voted against Louisiana’s secession from the Union.54 After this he presented himself, even to neighbors, as a passionate Unionist: “I like Mrs. Roselius better than any woman of the world I have ever known [...] Her husband is such a Federal and talks so abusively of Southerners that she excuses our want of sociability on that account.”55 His loyalty to the Union did not prevent him, however, from serving the Confederacy as a member of the “Jefferson Parish Mounted Guard” militia. After New Orleans was conquered and the military government wanted to give him the position of supreme judge that he had sought in 1853, he refused on the grounds that he did not want to be a puppet of the United States military. Roselius, a know-nothing who consciously appeared as a German, directed the nativist attacks of his party friends away from his German countrymen; as a well-known slave-holder he could express opinions friendly to the Union even before the war without having to expect retaliation. These views reflected what the majority of his countrymen in the city thought and were also shared by many natives of New Orleans, even if only because of trading interests.56 Thus it did not appear strange to New Orleans natives but showed spontaneous business sense when Wenger’s pub, which had suddenly been renamed as “Confederate States Bier Salon” in October 1861, became once again, just “Bier-Salon” in September 1862. Similarly, following secession John Jaske and Heinrich Leopold invited people for beer into their “Südlicher Conföderations-Garten,” and John Jennewein promised excellent food in his “Southern Restaurant.” Alphons Schwab, a pharmacist, sold his “Schwab’s Southern Bitters,” a laxative, to the “inhabitants of the South.”57 Immediately following the arrival of the Union army, however, the Germans could once again visit Charles Seeliger’s “Kossuth Haus,” Frank Herber’s “Milwaukee Lager-Bier Salon,” the “Hambacher Schloß,” or Adam Ziehe’s “Gasthaus zur Concordia.” In late April 1864 the city even witnessed the transformation of a “United States Bakery” through a “Confederate States Bakery” into a “States Bakery [what might turn up].”58 53 In: RG 29, M 653, #412, 594. Marius Michael Carriere, Jr., “The Know-Nothing Movement in Louisiana,” (Diss. Louisiana State University, 1977), 325. 54 Christian Roselius represented Jefferson Parish in the House of Representatives as a moderate candidate and had received the most votes against three other candidates. In Assumption Parish Evan Jones McCall, the brother-in-law of Charles Kock, the German consul, ran as a secessionist for a senator’s seat in the Secession Assembly but lost to Martin and Verret, moderate candidates: Charles B. Dew, “The Long Lost Returns: The Candidates and their totals in Louisiana’s Secession Election,“ Louisiana History X, 4 (Fall 1969), 359, 362. 55 Diary entry of Julia LeGrand, a Roselius neighbor, of February 22, 1863: Julia LeGrand, The Journal of Julia LeGrand, New Orleans 1862–1863, ed. Kate Mason Rowland, Mrs. Morris L. Croxall (Richmond: Everett Waddey Co., 1911), 147. Julia LeGrand (1829–1881) left New Orleans in 1863 and married Adolph Waitz, a German, in Galveston, Texas, in 1867. 56 Chester G. Hearn, The Capture of New Orleans 1862 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995), 8ff. 57 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung of December 3, 1861, September 17, 1862, May 19,1864, and in the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung of October 1, 1861 and October 10, 1861. 58 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, April 26, 1862; Joe Gray Taylor, “New Orleans and Reconstruction,” Louisiana History IX, 3 (Summer 1968), 190ff.

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3. “If God will, let these days come back again”: the Lack of Nativism in the Lives of the Germans in Charleston 3. “If God will, let these days come back again”: the The state of South Carolina could look back on a long tradition of being a one-party state, and it belonged completely to the Democratic Party in the 1850’s. Besides this, South Carolina did not attract either “active” or “passive” “48ers”, and thus, as opposed to Richmond and New Orleans, it did not experience a wave of immigration of unwelcome or indeed radical inhabitants after the unsuccessful revolution of 1848. The American Party thus had great difficulties in gaining acceptance of its platform with its usual program, let alone finding followers in the state. The Deutsche Zeitung of Charleston, edited by Franz Melchers after 1853,59 supported the Democratic party leadership as enthusiastically as did the New Orleans newspapers and Hassel’s Anzeiger, but as opposed to the other papers, it had been in favor of this ideology from the very beginning. The German community in Charleston became familiar with the know-nothings only in the summer of 1854, much later than in New Orleans or Richmond, as accusations began circulating that the Democratic Party was illegally urging nonnaturalized immigrants to vote.60 During the first year of existence of the Deutsche Zeitung, and during the discussion of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Melchers showed a moderate acceptance of the institution of slavery.61 Melchers’ Deutsche Zeitung in Charleston was, in the fall of 1854, the only Germanlanguage paper in the United States that openly supported slavery.62 If it seemed necessary, Melchers published in German and English. “We consider the institution of slavery a necessity for the South and the activities of the abolitionists uncalled for, illegal, and much more damaging for the Negroes than their obedience to their masters.”63 Three weeks later Melchers wrote the following: The question of slavery is one of the most ticklish points of American domestic and foreign policy; the development, even the existence of the South depends upon this, and we must and will protect ourselves for our own interest [...] One thing is certain, that we will prefer to turn to open slave trading than to give up slavery.64

59 Andrea Mehrländer, “‘…to strive for loyalty,” 44–45, and Mehrländer, “‘…überall hiest man fahnen:’ Bremens Einwanderer während des amerikanischen Bürgerkriegs in den Konföderierten Staaten – Ausgewählte Fallbeispiele,” Genealogie und Auswanderung: Über Bremen in die Welt, ed. by Die Maus, Gesellschaft für Familienforschung, e. V. (Clausthal-Zellerfeld: PAPIERFLIEGER, 2002), 137–140. 60 Michael E. Bell, “‘For God and the Fatherland’: Charleston, South Carolina’s Germans and the American Civil War,” 14–15. Lecture at the Social Science History Association Annual Meeting in New Orleans, October 10, 1996, with kind permission from the author. 61 “Baumwolle und Sklaverei,” Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, October 6, 1853. 62 In his study Wittke concluded that no German-language paper in the country ever defended slavery. But indeed one has to credit Hassel with “defending slavery”; real support could only be found with Melchers: Carl Wittke, The German Language Press in America (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1957), 136. 63 “An unsere Leser,” Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, October 5, 1854. 64 Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, October 24, 1854.

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White foreigners could live comfortably in the South as long as they did not rattle the foundations of society in any way; this included accepting slavery and the separation of the races as an integral part of southern society and the acceptance of oligarchic power structures. Thus the church elders of the German Evangelical St. Matthew’s Church, founded in 1840, recommended on September 9, 1853, the purchase of a slave to serve in the church. Alick was purchased in early October, 1853, for $600 and was paid $ 10 a month by the German church congregation beginning in December, 1853.65 Pragmatic understanding, careful accommodation to local conditions, and the acceptance of particular modes of behavior were required. German immigrants had enough sensitivity and experience to consider their position from all perspectives and adopt local mores to further their possibilities for moving upward in society. Melchers formulated this development as follows: “We are certain that immigration will not harm the institution of slavery in the least. […] the immigrants will quickly adopt the principles that rule here, will tolerate slavery, and finally will themselves want to buy slaves and teach those coming after them about this object.”66 In 1850 about 18% of all the Germans in Charleston owned a total of 583 slaves; thus in 1850 Charleston had three times as many German slave-holders as Richmond.67 As early as the 1840’s Johann A. Wagner had to confirm that for lack of marriageable German women “many of the storeowners had colored concubines”68 Thus Heinrich Bullwinkel, Sr. had Pastor Müller baptize the six children of his slave Betty in St. Matthew’s Church; the baptismal certificates say nothing about the father.69 Indeed the Germans of Charleston had accepted slavery, and no abolitionists could be identified among them.70 The election of the know-nothing sheriff John E. Carew in 1855 alarmed the German community considerably and inspired the founding of the patriotically oriented “Deutsche Ingraham Gesellschaft“71 and the “Democratischer Frei Männer Verein.” In both associations Franz Melchers, the newspaper publisher, was a member of the board.72. 65 Ostendorff and Ahrens were assigned the task of buying the slave Alick: Minutes of the Secretary, Wm. Ufferhardt, from September 9, 1853 and Oct. 7, 1853, in: “St. Matthew’s Minutes, 1853,” 8. Church Archives of St. Matthew’s Church, Charleston, S.C. 66 “Charleston,” Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, March 28, 1854. see also: Helene M. Kastinger Riley, “The Industrious Immigrant: German Artists & Artisans in Antebellum South Carolina,” The Report: A Journal of German-American History 45 (2004), 67–80. 67 Bell, “‘Hurrah für dies süsse, dies sonnnige Leben,’” 97ff. 68 Johann A. Wagener, “Die Deutschen von Süd-Carolina: Die Stadt am Meere,” Der Deutsche Pionier III (1871), 154. Wagener was indeed the most reliable source in these matters, cf.: George Benet Shealy, Gen. John A. Wagener: Charleston and South Carolina’s Formeost German American: Founder of Walhalla (Walhalla, S.C.: Alexander’s Office Supply, 2000). 69 The children were Alice (*1848), Mary Francis (*1852), William (*1855), Ernest (*1858), and the twins Rosa and Betty (*1859). Since this was the only baptismal register which did not include the name of the father, one can assume that Heinrich Bullwinkel was the father of the children: Baptismal Registry of the Evangelical Lutheran St. Matthew’s Church, 1860, 80, Church Archives of St. Matthew’s Church, Charleston, S.C. 70 Marchio, “Nativism in the Old South,” 50. 71 The society honored Duncan Nathaniel Ingraham (1802–1891), born in Charleston, the captain of the U.S.S. St. Louis, who had made possible the liberation of Martin Kosta, the Hungarian revolutionary. In this combination the Germans could celebrate the democratic principles of 1848 and at the same time honor a son of their new homeland: Francis B. C. Bradlee, A Forgotten Chapter in

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The goal of the “Demokratischer Frei Männer Verein” was to vote against candidates of the “know-nothings” in all succeeding elections and to support the Constitution and “Southern States Rights Party.”73 The natives of Charleston registered the activities of their adopted German citizens with approval. With wise foresight the Charleston “Turnverein” resigned from the socialist national “Turnerbund” organization immediately after the Buffalo convention of 1855.74 The national organization’s refusal to accept slavery was unacceptable to the German gymnasts of Charleston, who viewed the convention’s resolution as improper and insulting interference in the southern social system. In November, 1855, the American Party disappeared from the political stage of the state of South Carolina.75 Thus, the Charleston Germans never came under pressure during the nativist phase; they always managed to present their southern loyalty credibly and in good time,76 although between 1852 and 1865 there were no Germans among the members of the Charleston City Council who could have led the German minority in this direction.77 Charleston thanked the Germans for their loyalty in its own way. In 1858, its first year, the Charleston “Carolina Art Association” exhibited works by the German painter Emanuel Leutze, one of the best known history painters of the realistic school78 at a time when Richmond and New Orleans were still painfully trying to heal their nativist wounds. In Charleston other topics had already taken over the daily political scene. In June 1858, recently arrived immigrant Eduard J. Thode wrote from Charleston to his parents in Otterndorf:

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73 74 75 76 77

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Our Naval History: A Sketch of the Career of Duncan Nathaniel Ingraham, Commander U. S. N., and Commodore C. S. N. (Salem, MA: The Essex Institute, 1923). Along with President Charles P. Westendorff and 1st Vice-President Jacob H. Kalb the society had members who represented “colonial Germanhood”; Franz Melchers (2nd Vice-President) and his brother-in-law Issertel (Secretary) stood for “neo-German immigration” – a well-chosen mixture: Deutsche Zeitung, August 30,1855. Charleston Courier, August 21,1855; Charleston Mercury, August 21,1855; Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, August 21 and August 23,1855. Cf.: Marchio, “Nativism in the Old South,” 43f. Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, October 11, 1855. Marchio, “Nativism in the Old South,” 40. Thomas Petigru Lesesne, History of Charleston County, South Carolina (Charleston: A. H. Cawston, 1931), 84f. City of Charleston Yearbook 1881 (Charleston: News & Courier Book Presses, 1881), 374–375: Michael Everette Bell, “Regional Identity in the Antebellum South: How German Immigrants Became ‘Good’ Charlestonians,” South Carolina Historical Magazine, 100, 1 (January 1999), 9–28. Cf. also: Helene M. Riley, “Cultural Contributions of German-speaking Settlers in South Carolina,” Web page, 2000. Available at http://hubcap.clemson.edu/german.html. Emanuel Leutze (1816–1868), born in Schwäbisch-Gmünd, lived in the United States after 1859. His masterpiece, painted in 1850–1851, was “Washington Crossing the Delaware, December 26, 1776.” For Charleston his painting “Jasper Rescuing the Flag at Fort Moultrie” was of the utmost importance. Julius J. Wagener, son of J.A. Wagener, was called the second “Jasper” after his heroic action at Fort Walker during the battle of Hilton Head in 1861: “Maj. Julius J. Wagener,” Confederate Veteran XXV, 12 (Dec. 1917), 565 and Walter J. Fraser, Jr., Charleston! Charleston! The History of a Southern City (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1989), 239. On Leutze, cf.: Daniel Clayton Lewis, “Emanuel Leutze’s Art of the Civil War Era: History and the Crisis of the Union,” (Ph. D. diss. University of Iowa, 2000); Karsten Fitz, “The Düsseldorf Academy of Art, Emanuel Leutze, and German-American Transatlantic Exchange in the Mid-Nineteenth Century,” Amerikastudien /American Studies 52.1 (2007): 15–34.

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People here are talking about war constantly [...] North America and South America cannot get along because of the slave trade, because the North wants to have all the blacks free as are the whites and to have no slave trade. The South does not agree, and no-one knows how this argument will be settled.79 The loyalty felt by the Germans toward the state of South Carolina and their political interest in the future of the state were not artificial but deeply felt; this marked a major difference between the Germans of Charleston and those of Richmond or New Orleans.

79 Letter of Eduard Thode, Charleston, to his parents, Otterndorf, June 6,1858: Kreisarchiv Otterndorf, LK CUX K. A. OTT: Mag. Otterndorf A. R., Fach 140 F, K. Entlassungen aus dem UntertanenVerbande Nr. 2.

IV. The Antebellum Militias of South Carolina and Virginia up to December 1860: Organization and Significance IV. The Antebellum Militias of South Carolina and Virginia up to December 1860: The legal basis for the establishment and organization of the militia system in the United States was the Constitution,1 as extended by the “Uniform Militia Act” of 1792. This law stipulated that every fit white man between the ages of eighteen and forty-five was obligated to serve in the militia. Colored men, whether free or not free, were forbidden to carry weapons. Free colored men were obligated to serve in the militia, but could serve only in pioneer units, the labor corps, or the music corps.2 As was customary throughout the United States, the militia armies of the states of Louisiana, South Carolina, and Virginia evolved organizationally from a hybrid status that was established in the 1850’s3 and was followed until the outbreak of the Civil War: line militia companies (regular militia men) served along with volunteer militia companies,4 but the latter were integrated administratively into the regular troop units. After serving for an uninterrupted period of seven years, of which at least two years had to be in the same company, members of volunteer companies had satisfied their militia service requirements and were no longer called up for exercising and training practice.5 A militia company, not counting the officers, was composed of at least thirty (later fifty) and at the most sixty-four men. The most apparent characteristic of the dual militia, as opposed to the standing army, was the lack of permanent territorial formations, since the soldiers were organized only for training purposes and usually as companies and not as regiments. 1 Constitution, Article 8, Paragraph 1: “The Congress shall have the power to [...] provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States.” This clause was adopted by the Constitution of the Confederate States as Article 6, Paragraph 1, Sentence 16: Helmut Riege, Nordamerika: Geographie, Geschichte, Politisches System, Recht (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1978), 172. 2 Michael E. Stauffer, “Volunteer or Uniformed Companies in the Antebellum Militia: A Checklist of Identified Companies, 1790–1859,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 88,1 (1987), 108–109 and Robert Mills, “Militia System,” Statistics of South Carolina (Charleston: Hurlbut & Lloyd, 1826), 292–293; Ervin L. Jordan, Jr., Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees in Civil War Virginia (Charlottesville/London: University Press of Virginia, ²1995) 185–307. Louisiana was an exception: Since 1729 there had been a Free Men of Color militia – outlawed between 1803 and 1811 – which later became an integral part of the Louisiana militia; in 1862 the Native Guards Regiment that defended New Orleans counted 3,000 colored members: Ted Tunnell, Crucible of Reconstruction: War, Radicalism, and Race in Louisiana 1862–1877 (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, ²1992), 68ff. 3 Louisiana Acts 1853, 345–357; Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, Passed at the Session of 1850–51, in the Seventy-Fifth Year of the Commonwealth, Richmond, Va., 16–17; OR, Ser. IV, vol. 1, 361; Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ed. Thomas Cooper, David J. McCord (Columbia: A. S. Johnston, 1836–1841), vol. 8, 542–544. 4 Der große Brockhaus (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1932), vol. XII, 554. 5 Lee A. Wallace, “The First Regiment of Virginia Volunteers,” Virginia Cavalcade 13, 2 (Autumn 1963), 26.

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To register the companies the individual states were divided into demographically determined recruiting districts whose specific borders changed often:6 South Carolina was divided into 405 recruiting districts (“beats”),7 Louisiana into five (“districts”),8 and Virginia into “five divisions.”9 In case of war or domestic strife each state had to provide a specific number of militia troops; the supreme commander was the governor of the state involved, and the President of the United States was only second in command. The level of the militias with regard to discipline, military training, and armaments varied considerably. Every militia member had to participate in six practices every year. The men of the regular troops, who basically belonged to the infantry, usually brought along their own weapons, which led during the day-long maneuver and parade training every two months and later during the war10 to a questionable collection of the most differing kinds of weapons.11 Uniforms were worn only by officers. The artillery, rifle, and cavalry units of a state were provided by the volunteer militias: “The specialized nature of the volunteer companies required a higher degree of literacy and expertise than the infantry companies, and this, combined with the fact that the volunteers had to maintain their own cannon, horses, and rifles [...] meant that recruitment centered on those who could afford it.”12 The volunteer militia went through joint maneuvers with the regular troops twice a year and could otherwise determine their own exercises. Incorporated companies formulated their own statutes; non-incorporated companies were without their own rights and liable to the state militia laws. Incorporated companies13 functioned as non-profit organizations and had particular rights, including owning property, electing officers, determining membership dues, and in some cases even holding court-martials within their own areas of responsibility. The members of the cavalry were without question at the top of the social hierarchy within the volunteer militia.14 These men had to provide their own usually magnificent uniforms as well as their horses and the horses’ care and equipment. Only occasionally were volunteer militia companies able to take advantage of state financial aid. Among the southern population the interest in the militias was influenced by crises and bound to a specific purpose; mainly people were interested in domestic peace, which 6 Bruce S. Allardice, More Generals in Gray (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, 1995), 7–9, especially footnote 15. 7 Michael E. Stauffer, South Carolina’s Antebellum Militia (Columbia: South Carolina Department of Archives & History, 1991), 8–11. 8 Louisiana Acts 1853, 345–357. 9 A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations 1861–1865, ed. Lee A. Wallace (Lynchburg: H. E. Howard, Inc., ²1986), 234–235. 10 Michael E. Stauffer, “Volunteer or Uniformed Companies in the Antebellum Militia: A Checklist of Identified Companies, 1790–1859,” 109. 11 Jan Boger, Der US-Bürgerkrieg 1861–1865: Soldaten, Waffen, Ausrüstung (Stuttgart: Motorbuch Verlag, ²1988), 27–227. 12 Michael E. Stauffer, “Volunteer or Uniformed Companies in the Antebellum Militia: A Checklist of Identified Companies, 1790–1859,” 110. 13 Ibid., 112–113. 14 Ibid., 112.

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meant nothing more than keeping control over the slaves, who outnumbered the whites, especially in the coastal areas. Fear of possible slave revolts was omnipresent and not without cause.15 Thus nighttime patrols featured among the assignments of the militia. In 1860 the militias of the undivided Union numbered c. three million men. Whereas at the outbreak of war the Union had, in addition to the militia, a small, professional army of c. 16,000 men,16 the Confederacy could fall back only onto the militia troops from the antebellum period; they became the basis for the subsequent Confederate Army and thus deserve particular attention.17 Service in the militia affected every immigrant and thus every German, assuming that he had completed his eighteenth year and had resident status in a state. Immigrants who served with other Americans in regular militia units were not recognizable as “foreigners” by the American majority. The situation was different in the volunteer companies, which were formed along ethnic lines. They consciously presented their nationality to the public, emphasized their ethnic differences by easily recognizable national names,18 and represented militarily the social status of their ethnic minority. This was of course only possible in those recruitment districts in which there were enough foreigners to create a company. The increase in the number of ethnic militia companies between 1830 and 1860 can be explained by the increasing total number of immigrants but also by their rapid social rise, which gave them financial resources necessary for membership.19 Other opinions to the contrary, the success of the know-nothing movement should not be seen as the main cause of the growth of German militia companies in the South.20 Ethnic militias in the martially charged culture of the South21 had protective functions similar to those of the “Little Germanies” springing up especially in the North: a) they offered the immigrants protection against the dangers of assimilation, and b) they made possible a faster integration.22

15 Ivan D. Steen, “Charleston in the 1850’s as described by British Travelers,” 36–45. 16 Boger, 13; Leah Ireland-Kunze, Der Bürgerkrieg in den USA: 1861–1865 (Berlin: Militärverlag der DDR, 1989), 33. 17 Allardice, More Generals in Gray, 8; Mark Pitcavage, “Colliding Spheres: The Civil and the Military in the Antebellum American Militia,” Paper presented at the OAH Conference, San Francisco, April 17th, 1997. 18 “Steuben Guards,” “Black Jagers,” or “German Fusiliers” were as obvious as “British Guards Battalion,” the “Cazadores Espanoles,” the “French Legion,” or “Austrian Guards”. 19 Joseph P. Ferrie, “The Wealth Accumulation of Antebellum European Immigrants to the U. S., 1840–1860,” Journal of Economic History 54 (March 1994), 1–33. 20 Michael E. Bell, “‘For God and the Fatherland’: Charleston, South Carolina’s Germans and the American Civil War.” 21 Raimund Lammersdorf, “Schlägerei und Duell: Die gesellschaftliche Funktion von Gewalt in den Südstaaten vor dem Bürgerkrieg,” Gewalt in den USA, eds. Hans Joas, Wolfgang Knöbl (Frankfurt/ Main: Fischer, 1994), 152–172. 22 Günter Moltmann, “Charakteristische Züge der deutschen Amerika-Auswanderung im 19. Jahrhundert,” Amerika und die Deutschen: Bestandsaufnahme einer 300jährigen Geschichte, ed. Frank Trommler (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1986), 48; for the Northern counterpart, see: Wolfgang J. Helbich, “German-Born Union Soldiers: Motivation, Ethnicity, and ‘Americanization’,” German-American

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Life within a militia company was similar to that of a club: internally the social togetherness and soldierly camaraderie was expressed in lifelong friendships, social contacts, and support for the families of deceased or impoverished members.23 Externally the militia was a means of self-presentation: magnificent, exotic uniforms, highly polished weapons, and sharp exercise drill at public parades were expressions of the wealth and pride of an ethnic minority. In the urban South during the antebellum period holidays such as the Fourth of July or ethnic festivals such as the May Festival or St. Patrick’s Day were unthinkable without the participation of the many volunteer militias; the balls, picnics, concerts, and parades organized by these groups were events of high social prestige. The membership criteria for the formation of an ethnic militia differed little, other than the foreign language used in communication and for commands, from those of non-ethnic companies: a) common working place, b) family relationships, circle of friends, c) common living area (wards). The southern militias of the antebellum period, whether ethnic or non-ethnic, were an expression of a very strongly expressed local patriotism and an exaggerated attachment to home. The American militia as a social institution was very appealing to the German immigrant community: it was similar to the popular rifle and gymnast clubs and gave the Germans the possibility of organizing themselves according to their mini-state identity.24 Many of the militias were composed solely of men from Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, etc. Since the officers were elected by their units, it is safe to assume that the Germans elected to leading positions those compatriots who were socially recognized and could represent German priorities to native interests. Often the companies were even named after their officers.25 This chapter will discuss the development of German antebellum militias in times of peace, their importance as the source of ethnic German Civil War companies and the role of their militia officers as ethnic spokesmen. These ethnic spokesmen were to support the material interests of their ethnic group, to promote the reputation and status of the group, to defend the life style of their group, and to present the public expression of the relationship of the group and the South to the homeland.26

23 24 25 26

Immigration and Ethnicity in Comparative Perspective, ed. Wolfgang J. Helbich and Walter D. Kamphoefner (Madison, WI: Max Kade Institute for German-American Studies / University of Wisconsin Press, 2004), 295–325; Wolfgang J. Helbich, “Immigrant Adaption at the Individual Level: The Evidence of Nineteeth-Century German-American Letters,” Amerikastudien 2 (1997): 407–18. Gregg Kimball, ”Place and Perception: Richmond in late Antebellum America,” 162. Vereine in Deutschland: Vom Geheimbund zur freien gesellschaftlichen Organisation, ed. Heinrich Best (Bonn: Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften, 1993). Local Designation of Confederate Organizations: Confederate Synonyms Register, 2 vols., comp. H. Wilson (without place or date). Cf.: Willi Paul Adams, “Ethnische Führungsrollen und die Deutschamerikaner,” Amerika und die Deutschen: Bestandsaufnahme einer 300jährigen Geschichte, ed. Frank Trommler (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1986), 173.

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1. The Development of German Militia Units in Charleston, South Carolina, up to December 1860: “[...] The highest duty of the adopted citizen was to the community in which he had made his home.”27 1. The Development of German Militia Units in Charleston, South Carolina, up

Fig. 4.1: GERMAN FUSILIER COMPANY This ornamental advertisement appeared in Charleston’s Daily Courier on March, 21st, 1861, by order of Captain Samuel Lord.

The Charleston German Fusiliers were founded in 1775 and were the oldest German militia in the South at the outbreak of the Civil War.28 This unit was an example for all subsequent organizations, not only for the patriotism and integrity of its members, but also for the support it provided to the widows and orphans of fallen members, not to mention the elegance of its uniforms.29 The Fusiliers served in several units during the Civil War. One small group remained as German Fusiliers under Capt. Samuel Lord Jr., one part served as Company E of the Charleston Battalion of the Union Light Infantry; and the younger members of the Fusiliers served in Capt. Bachman’s company, which was called up as the German Volunteers. Franz Melchers, better known as the publisher of Charleston’s Deutsche Zeitung after 1853, became a member of the German Fusiliers in 1846 at the age of twenty. He served 27 Rudolph Siegling, The German Fusiliers of Charleston, S. C.: Oration of Gen. Rudolph Siegling, on the occasion of their Centennial Anniversary, May 3, 1875. (Charleston, S.C.: The News and Courier Book Presses, 1879), 17. 28 Deutsche Zeitung, jubilee edition, Nov. 22, 1913: “Die Geschichte des Charlestoner Deutschtums der letzten 60 Jahre.” 29 Ibid.; German Fusilier Society Charleston, S.C.: The Constitution of the German Fusilier Society, instituted at Charleston, South Carolina, August 13th, 1792, and incorporated in Dec. 1806 (Charleston: J. S. Burges, 1834), 30 pp.; R. Withers Memminger, Jr. and J. Hermie Ostendorff, History of the German Fusiliers, of Charleston, S.C. (1775–1892) and the story of the visit of the Veteran Zouaves of Elizabethport, N. J. (Charleston: n. d.). The original pamphlet is in the possession of Mrs. Walter Schroeder, James Island, S.C.; Heinrich A. Rattermann, “Das 100jährige Stiftungsfest der deutschen Füsiliere von Charleston, S.C.,” Der Deutsche Pionier 7 (1875), 103–105.

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for years as a private. In 1886 he remembered: “Now came the ambition to be higher, and sometimes when I looked at the Sergeant, who did not have to carry a gun, but a sword, and who had gold epaulets on his shoulders, I felt quite jealous.”30 At the same time Melchers reported the practice of offering high bribes during the election of officers. His wish to become a sergeant failed because his opponent was a wealthy wholesaler who invested a great deal of money in the election and received ninetenths of all votes. Melchers’ own financial means were rather limited at the time and, as he later admitted, “[...] those dollars certainly were a drain on me. Also the outlook of buying a new uniform, a sword, and epaulets often made me regret having ever expressed the wish to be a Sergeant of Fusiliers.”31 During a new wave of emigration of Germans to Charleston, the German Artillery was founded in 1841 by Captain Jürgen Wagener, a younger brother of Johann Andreas Wagener.32 Whereas for the most part those who served with the Fusiliers came from families that had immigrated before 1835, and thus, if they belonged to the second or third generation, spoke no German, the German Artillery was composed of new northern German immigrants.33 They chose the following weighty motto for their flag: “Pectus Amico, hosti frontem” – Offer your breast to the friend; offer your forehead to the enemy. James Simons, who had studied law at the University of Leipzig, was a First Lieutenant in Captain Bachman’s company during the Civil War, and, in 1879, opened the subsequently very successful law practice of “Simons & Siegling,” together with his war comrade Rudolph Siegling.34 In 1884 Simons remembered: This company owes its existence to the fact of great patriotism among these young people as American citizens; nonetheless they were properly proud of their ancestors and decided to found a specific German organization, one that would represent Germans in particular. That’s how it happened that it was decided in that meeting to use only German in meetings [...] For a while all the commands were given in German, but this was soon seen as impractical and stopped. To the contrary, however, to this day all other organizational details continue to be spoken in this language.35 After the enrollment capacity of this unit was completely filled, another German company, the German Riflemen, was incorporated in 1842. In 1859 Jacob Small, who was 30 Franz Melchers (1826–1899), “My Recollections as a Soldier,” 1: private property of J. Theodore Melchers, Charleston, S.C. Fragments of these “Recollections” are in the Mrs. John R. Cone, Jr., Collection #43–74, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 31 Ibid., 1. 32 Jürgen Wagener, born in Sievern in the Kingdom of Hanover on February 2, 1818, died in 1847 at the age of only twenty-nine; his brother J. A. Wagener, who had served with the Fusiliers since 1835, took over the command in 1847: Artur Burmeister, John-Wagener-Haus: Niedersächsisches Bauernhaus von 1850–Auswanderer-Erinnerungsstätte (Langen-Debstedt: Selbstverlag, 1994), 22. In a number of publications about the German Artillery the first captain is named “Geo. A. Wagener,” unless the respective authors had mistakingly anglicized “Jürgen” (rather than “Georg”!!) into George. 33 James Simons, “Geschichte der deutschen Artillerie”, in: Deutsche Zeitung, Nov. 22, 1913. 34 An Historical and Descriptive Review of the City of Charleston, 50–52. 35 James Simons, “Geschichte der deutschen Artillerie.”

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born in Stein-Bockenheim on February 5, 1820, commanded the German Riflemen. Small belonged to the board of directors of the Charleston Orphanage from 1875 to 1893.36 The antebellum prosperity of the Germans in Charleston was obvious to all observers during the parades of the German militia: The German Riflemen are now without question one of the handsomest and best companies of the city. Clothing and weapons are simple, tasteful, and practical, and the formation as outstanding as can be expected from a German company and completely in harmony with the military sense of the Germans.37 Between 1842 and 1858 there were no new militias founded in Charleston, but Walhalla’s German community, which consisted largely of German transplants from Charleston, recruited 43 Germans to found the Walhalla Riflemen in 1852.38 In general, membership in a unit was expensive, and newly arrived Germans had to acquire some financial security first: Buying the uniform to be worn in service and the dues to be paid by every member made military service rather costly, but I was glad to make this sacrifice, and it was richly outweighed by the pleasure of the same, by the pride with which my own and others’ opinion was fulfilled by the sight of the extravagant but tasteful clothing.39 In October, 1855, the founding of the “Deutsche Scharf-Schützengesellschaft” took place; this company, initiated by Prof. Deden, demanded less of a financial burden of its members.40 The “Schützengesellschaft” was socially as well as financially very successful. Between 1855 and 1859 four extremely successful riflemen festivals, closely watched by Charleston’s native population, were organized at Magnolia Farms, in cooperation between the “Schützengesellschaft” and the Charleston “Turnverein,” which had been in existence since 1846.41 In 1859 the former purchased its own property for a shooting range with a dance hall and bowling alley. After a total investment of more than $10,000 by the members, the new property was dedicated from May 2–4, 1860 as part of the last riflemen festival before the war.42

36 Gene McKnight, The Charleston Orphan House, 1790–1951 (Charleston: 1830 Savannah Highway, 1990), 83. 37 Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, Nov. 15, 1853, 2. 38 Rules and Regulations of the Company of the Walhalla Riflemen: Instituted in October 1852 (Charleston: Office of “Die Deutsche Zeitung,” 1855), 30 p.; George B. Shealy, Walhalla: A German Settlement in Upstate South Carolina (Seneca, S.C.: Blue Ridge Art Association, 1990), 62, 82. 39 August Conrad, a clerk, had immigrated in 1859 and was the youngest member of Captain Chichester’s “Charleston Zouave Cadets”: Conrad, Schatten und Lichtblicke aus dem Amerikanischen Leben während des Secessions-Krieges, 25, 33–34. 40 “Die Deutsche Schützen-Gesellschaft von Charleston,” Deutsche Zeitung, Nov. 22, 1913. 41 Cf.: Lesesne, History of Charleston County, South Carolina, 84f. 42 Deutsche Zeitung, Nov. 22, 1913; Verfassung der Deutschen Schützen-Gesellschaft in Charleston, Süd Carolina (New York: H. Ludwig, 1868), 30–39.

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The “Schützengesellschaft” existed for three to four years as a paramilitary collective organization; after February 1858 the officers of the newly founded militia companies were recruited from within the organization.

Fig. 4.2: PALMETTO RIFLEMEN In this ad in Charleston’s Daily Courier of November 19th, 1860, Captain Alexander Melchers ordered his men to appear for a parade.

An ideological and political pro-Southern direction grew out of the close cooperation of the riflemen with the Charleston gymnastic association after 1855. Immediately after the resolution of the national gymnastic association in Buffalo in 1855 “[...] against slavery in general, but also against the expansion of it in free territories,”43 the Charleston “Turnverein” resigned from the national organization, as did the German gymnasts from Savannah, and called itself “Unabhängiger Turnverein.” Its directors stated that this resolution of the national organization was against the rights of the South and that the club could therefore not recognize it. Thus the loyal and patriotic tendencies of the German militias toward South Carolina and the South were confirmed and strengthened at a time when the nativists were attacking foreigners everywhere. In January, 1858, the “Deutsche Artillerie” (Captain J. A. Wagener), the “Füsiliere” (Captain Otten), and the “Jäger” (Lieutenant H. Young) paraded with a total of 250 men, accompanied by the “Palmetto Band” (formerly “Werners Musik-Corps”), to Charleston’s Citadel Square: “Only if they march together to one goal can their adopted homeland become a real home for them. May this unity and harmony always rule among the German inhabitants of Charleston as the three companies showed yesterday.”44 The apparent unity within the German companies was not always a fact; only shortly after the parade, the Palmetto Riflemen unit was formed by “unsatisfied members of the German Riflemen.”45 Among the unsatisfied were Johann Meitzler, a shoemaker from 43 Deutsche Zeitung and Charleston Courier, Oct. 11, 1855; Herbert Weaver, “Foreigners in AnteBellum Savannah,” 4; the “Social-demokratische Turner-Verein” of Richmond divided into two groups only in 1858: Richmonder Anzeiger, June 19, 1858. 44 Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, January 26, 1858, 2. 45 Deutsche Zeitung, Nov. 22, 1913: “Die Geschichte des Charlestoner Deutschtums der letzten 60 Jahre.”

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Fig. 4.3: THE MELCHERS SIBLINGS (taken before 1892) Back row (left to right): Franz A. Melchers (1826-1899), Theodore A. W. Melchers (1833-1907), Alexander Melchers (1831-1892). Seated: Jenny Melchers (1828-1906), married to Henry Bischoff, Agnes Melchers (wife of Richard Issertel). Franz Melchers was the editor of the Deutsche Zeitung Charleston between 1853 and 1899; in 1861, he became Captain of Co. B of the German Artillery. Theodor A. W. Melchers served with the German Hussars for eleven months, and was then detailed in the signal corps at Ft. Johnson. In 1866, he entered the employment of his brother-in-law, H. Bischoff & Co., wholesale grocers, to whose business he succeeded as head of the firm of Melchers & Co. in 1887. Alexander Melchers arrived in Charleston in 1850. One year later, he started the VIENNA BAKERY at 381 King Street. He served as 1st Lieutenant, then as Captain of the Palmetto Riflemen from 1858 to 1860, as President of the German Rifle Club from 1868 to 1873, and as President of the German Friendly Society from 1874 to 1875. Courtesy of Julien Theodore Melchers, Jr., Mt. Pleasant, S. C.

Hesse, who was elected to the position of captain, and Franz Melchers’ two brothers, First Lieutenant Alexander Melchers and Third Sergeant Theodore Melchers, all of whom had been founding members of the Riflemen Society: The law of the state requires that every white inhabitant, with a few exceptions, who is between twenty-one and forty-five years old,46 must belong to a company, either a military or a fire company […] Since the Germans are all rather prosperous and are able to purchase an expensive uniform, most of them choose to become a member of a 46 Melchers is wrong here; the militia obligation included the age group from eighteen to forty-five: Fraser, Jr., Charleston! Charleston! The History of a Southern City , 182.

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company, and thus we believe that the Palmetto Riflemen will soon have a sufficient number of members in order to be recognized and enrolled as a company.47 In the late summer of 1859, after the German Artillery had had a sensational membership growth of more than 230% over that of 1850,48 the unit was restructured into a battalion, led by Johann A. Wagener, now a major, and divided into Companies A and B. Company A was led by Captain Carsten Nohrden and Company B by Captain Henry Harms; these officers were also members of the “Schützengesellschaft.”49

Fig. 4.4: WALHALLA RIFLEMEN (about 1860) Captain John M. Hencken, who had organized Walhalla’s only German militia company in 1852, died as a prisoner of war at Johnson’s Island near Sandusky, Ohio on May 12th, 1865. From: George Benet Shealy, Walhalla: A German Settlement in Upstate South Carolina - „The Garden of Gods“. Copyright © 1990 by George Benet Shealy.

Fig. 4.5: GERMAN RIFLEMEN Captain Jacob Small placed this ad in Charleston’s Daily Courier of August 21st, 1861, to announce the election for colonel of the First Regiment of Rifles.

The incorporation of the German Hussars, a German cavalry unit, in May 1859, was the last new formation of a German militia unit before the outbreak of the Civil War. The 47 Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, Feb. 11, 1858, 2. 48 The original rosters of the “German Artillery” show eighty-three members on October 6, 1850, 148 members on July 1, 1857, and no fewer than 191 members at the end of July: Capt. J. A. Wagener, Order Book German Artillery (1847–1860), #34-212, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, and “German Artillery, Charleston”: I&O, 1001, MS, Apr.–July 1859, South Caroliniana Manuscript Collection, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 49 Franz Melchers, “Historical Sketch of the German Artillery, Companies A and B, Charleston, S.C.,” City of Charleston Year Book 1898 (Charleston: City Council, 1898), 352–356 and “German Artillery has noted Record,” in: MSS John M. Bateman (1864–1940) Scrapbook, MP vol. bd, 1891–1939, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia, S.C.

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captain of the Hussars was no less a personality than Theodore Cordes, the “rifleman king” of 1859, who had commanded the German Fusiliers since 1853. The initiation fee was $5.00, a considerable sum if one considers that a merchant assistant earned $10.00 a month.50 After initiation the new member had to purchase his complete uniform within thirty days.51 The new German elite unit, the German Hussars, became the favorite of Melchers’ Deutsche Zeitung.52 Wagener and Melchers had immigrated in 1832 and 1846, at a time when only the militia service in the traditional Fusiliers was open to them or seemed attractive. Both men later transferred to the artillery and thus belonged to the few “new immigrants” who had worked with the “old immigrants” and now could operate as middlemen. Whereas the “old immigrants” came mostly from Württemberg, the “new immigrants” arrived from the Kingdom of Hanover. Wagener and Melchers were the ones who prevented open conflicts from breaking out among the German militias of Charleston, as happened, for example, in New Orleans: “The German population was small and was made up of all possible elements, and animosity existed between North and South Germans. By constant patience and constant warning I succeeded in making the hostile brothers into friends, and this friendship exists up to this day.”53 The German militia of Charleston was a traditional institution that could look back on a long history in the service of the adopted fatherland and was admired and respected for this by the natives. No other state of the Confederacy could show a similar development history of German militia companies; the continuity with which the German militias defended the rights of the South in general and those of South Carolina in particular came from a deeply rooted feeling of obligation toward the new homeland. As Wagener recalled, the Germans in Charleston were then at the zenith of their prosperity and influence during the antebellum period: In 1860 the Germans of Charleston were comfortable and highly respected, celebrated their festivals, made important business deals, had weddings and baptismal banquets, and were just in general happy and optimistic. Their many clubs made possible a dance almost weekly and a rather good theater performance every two weeks, while their poor were not forgotten at all.54 The well-guided and singularly harmonious combination of the militias with the riflemen’s society and the gymnasts’ club resulted from the structure of the individual officer staffs. 50 Letter from Eduard Jacob Thode from Charleston, Dec. 28, 1857, to his parents in Otterndorf near Bremen: Kreisarchiv Otterndorf, LK CUX K. A. OTT: Mag. Otterndorf A. R., Fach 140 F, K. Entlassungen aus dem Untertanen-Verbande Nr. 2. 51 Charleston, S.C., German Hussars: Rules of the German Hussars of Charleston, S.C., revised and adopted 1900 (Charleston: Kahre & Welch, 1900), 1. Cf.: George H. Momeier, “German Hussars,” in: Deutsche Zeitung, Nov. 22, 1913. 52 Franz Melchers, “Recollections,” 2. 53 Franz Melchers, letter of May 7,1880, to Rattermann [et.al.], in: Der Deutsche Pionier 12,3 (June 1880), 104–106. 54 Johann A. Wagener, “Die Deutschen von Süd-Carolina: Die Stadt am Meer,” 214.

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1.1 The Officers of the German Antebellum Militia Companies of Charleston, South Carolina: a Leadership Elite between Nepotism and Patriotism This analysis will limit itself to the ranks of captain, first lieutenant, and lieutenant, those positions that were filled by election by the soldiers and that were paid by the state and thus assured the officer of a monthly income.55 Lower officer ranks, such as sergeant, were not paid by the state. During the period between 1858 to the beginning of 1860 twentyfour men served as officers in the German militias, and twenty-three of them had been born in Germany.56 A sure measure of the influence and recognition that these men enjoyed among the German population of Charleston during the 1850’s was their connection to the ethnic German organizations of the city.57 No fewer than nineteen of the twenty-four militia officers (about 80%) were directors of sixteen organizations between 1853 and the beginning of 1860; of these nineteen men eight held various directorate positions in three to five different organizations, so that a total of forty-five board of directors’ positions were divided among the nineteen men. The only organization with none of the antebellum militia officers on the board of directors was the German Friendly Society, which had been founded in 1765. The families that had immigrated in the 18th century were still leaders in this organization. Franz and Alexander Melchers, born in Cloppenburg in 1826 and 1831 respectively, led the group in collecting offices. In the 1850’s the brothers were on five boards each. Their youngest brother Theodore Melchers had only one director’s position; their brotherin-law Henry Bischoff (1821–1878) was listed solely as a simple member of the “SchützenGesellschaft,” but, with $420.50, had the second highest tax rate among the militia officers in 1859. Bischoff, born in Heerstedt, was married to Jenny Melchers, they had five children.58 The second Melchers brother-in-law, Richard Issertel, was a native of Karlshafen in Kurhessen, who had married Agnes Melchers before 1859 – they, too, had five children. In 1860, he was employed as a merchant by Browne and Calder, but also had three board positions within the German community; together with Franz Melchers, for example, Issertel belonged to the board of directors of the “Demokratische Frei Männer Verein.” After the war, between 1868 and 1870, Issertel successfully operated a gallery in partnership with the wartime photographer F. E. Durbec at 265 King Street.59

55 The German Riflemen and the Fusiliers were an exception: I was only able to find the names of the sergeants but not of the appropriate lieutenants for 1859. The Palmetto Riflemen had the rank of “ensign” and “3rd sergeant”; they are also included. 56 The only officer not born in Germany was Samuel Lord Jr., a lawyer. He was born in South Carolina in 1830 (RG 29, M 653, roll 1216, 264). 57 Deutsche Zeitung between 1853 and 1859; Heinrich Rattermann, “General Johann Andreas Wagener,” Der Deutsche Pionier 8 (Nov. 1876), 323–333, 369–376, 408–416; Michael E. Bell, “‘Hurrah für dies süsse, dies sonnige Leben,’” Appendix C. 58 “Melchers Family Records,” privately owned by Julien T. Melchers, Jr., Mt. Pleasant, S.C. 59 “Melchers Family Records,” privately owned by Julien T. Melchers, Jr., Mt. Pleasant, S.C.; Harvey S. Teal, Partners with the Sun: South Carolina Photographers, 1840–1940 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2001), 132f.

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The male members of the Melchers family thus represented over 20% of the antebellum militia officers, one-third of all of the board of directors’ positions occupied by militia officers, and owned a total of ten slaves in 1859. Within German circles in Charleston, this was the most obvious case of nepotism. Franz Melchers was the publisher of the only German-language newspaper in Charleston, the Deutsche Zeitung, which appeared twice weekly. In his democratic, anti-abolitionist editorials he urged his compatriots to be visibly patriotic. For the outside world Melchers’ paper served as the spokesman of the German minority of Charleston.

Fig. 4.6: JACOB SMALL (1820–1893) Jacob Small of Stein-Bockenheim (near Bad Kreuznach) prospered as a confectioner in Charleston. By 1860, serving as captain of the German Riflemen, he owned 18 slaves. After the war, Small served as Commissioner of the Charleston Orphan House from 1875 to his death in 1893. Published with permission of the Division of Archives and Records, City of Charleston, S.C.

The only serious competition for the Melchers family in respect to board of directors’ positions was Major Johann A. Wagener; in the 1850’s he was the president of four organizations: the Carolina Mutual Insurance Company, the German Colonization Society, La Candeur Lodge (AFM), a Freemason’s lodge, and the “Deutsche Schützen-Gesellschaft.” Franz Melchers was president of two organizations, “Demokratischer Freier Männerverein” and Walhalla Lodge, and was vice-president of one organization, the “Deutsche SchützenGesellschaft”. These two men, Melchers and Wagener, were thus presidents of six organizations before the outbreak of the war; in ten of the seventeen ethnic German associations antebellum militia officers were either the presidents or vice-presidents. John Campsen, a grain merchant, was the treasurer of four different organizations. None of the officers were professional soldiers, although probably many had served for a few years in the old country. Of the twenty-four whose professions can be identified, sixteen were merchants, and of those, ten were grocers; four officers were craftsmen. Only Wagener (a notary), Melchers (a publisher), Lichtenfeld (a sailor), and Lord (a lawyer) had other occupations. Nine of the officers – almost 40% – possessed a total of fifty slaves, although there was a wide range in the number owned; Jacob Small had no fewer than eighteen slaves in 1859, while John Campsen, a grain merchant and miller, had only one slave. Among the six officers in the rank of captain, Henry Harms and Johann Meitzler were the only ones without any slaves. Henry Harms, born in Sievern in 1817, had grown up together with

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Johann Andreas Wagener, who was one year older. The latter considered the institution of slavery to be necessary to allow whites and blacks to live together, but he refused personally to buy slaves. Wagener might have influenced his friend in this direction.

Fig. 4.7: THE CHARLESTON ZEITUNG Curiously enough, three officers of German militia companies also played a vital role in the founding of Charleston’s German-speaking newspapers: Between 1844 and 1853, John A. Wagener (center) edited Charleston’s first German-speaking newspaper Der Teutone. From October 1853 to 1899, Franz Melchers continued the paper under the name Deutsche Zeitung. A. J. Hoffman (upper right) was associate editor of this paper in 1858/59. From 1869 to 1871, C. G. Erckmann (lower left) edited the semi-weekly Der Südliche Correspondent. Richard Issertel (lower right), born in Karlshafen, Hesse, was married to Agnes Melchers, with whom he had five children. He worked as a clerk for Brown & Calder, when he joined the Palmetto Riflemen in 1858. Reverend Louis Mueller (upper left) of Charleston’s German-Lutheran St. Matthew’s Church became Theodore Melchers’ father-in-law in 1860. Charleston Library Society, Charleston, S.C.

Among the nine officers of the German Artillery only Carsten Nohrden had slaves; the Prussian-born grocer owned three slaves and had to pay $130.50 in taxes in 1859. He died a natural death in 1861; Nohrden’s successor was Dietrich Werner. On the other hand, three of the four officers of the German Hussars had slaves. Due to Jacob Small, the German Riflemen had eighteen slaves, the highest total number. The German officers of the antebellum militias of Charleston were democratically oriented and loyal adopted citizens of South Carolina; and more than one-third of them belonged to the group of slave-holders. Because of their publicly declared acceptance of the southern way of life there existed a symbiosis based on mutual respect between the natives and the German immigrants. The militia officers supported the material interests of the Germans in their active club life, increased through publicly effective appearances the natives’ admiration for their German neighbors, and defended the German life style. They

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supported contacts with the German militias of Savannah, who were invited to Charleston regularly.60 During the final ten years before the outbreak of the war, they were indeed the ethnic spokesmen. The social life of the German minority was almost completely in the hands of these twenty-four militia officers, who, through a complex network of clubs, nepotistic connections, and their business contacts as merchants, had created a watertight structure of mutual interests that allowed them to reach nearly every aspect of community life.

Fig. 4.8: MILITARY OF CHARLESTON, S.C. as depicted in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated News of February 2nd, 1861: The Palmetto Guard (actually Palmetto Riflemen), the German Artillery, and the Charleston Zouaves, also largely German, are featured as fourth, third and first from the right. The South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina

1.2 German Antebellum Militias as the Basis of Ethnic German Civil War Companies of the City of Charleston In 1860 there were at least 118 volunteer militia units in South Carolina,61 of which six were composed exclusively of German members. The city of Charleston was in the area of the fourth brigade. In December 1860, there were four militia regiments stationed there; and these six German units were attached to them: the 1st Regiment of Artillery, the 17th Regiment of Infantry, the 1st Regiment of Rifles and the 16th Regiment of Infantry.62

60 John H. Stegin (born in Hanover in 1816), a grocer, founded the German Volunteers in Savannah in 1845. Stegin settled in Charleston around 1839, where his oldest son was born; in 1840 he moved to Savannah and was naturalized there in 1843: “German Volunteers to Mark 108th Anniversary Tonight,” Savannah Evening Press, Feb. 14,1953 and “Federal Naturalization Oaths: Savannah, GA, 1790–1860: From Federal Court Records, District of Georgia, Savannah, Ga,” comp. Marion R. Hemperley, unpublished typescript, (East Point: 2525 Headland Drive, 1964), 70. The DeKalb Riflemen were founded in June, 1850, under the command of Captain Dr. Charles Ganahl: “DeKalb Riflemen, 1850–1865,” comp. Gordon B. Smith, Georgia Historical Society, Savannah, Ga. (Oct. 1978). 61 Stauffer, South Carolina’s Antebellum Militia, 16–20; James David Altman, “‘We are prepared for this, too’: Charleston During the Civil War,” M. A. Thesis, unpublished manuscript, University of South Carolina (1984), 17–18. 62 Frederick P. Todd, “Notes on the Organization and Uniforms of South Carolina Military Forces, 1860–1861,” Military Collector & Historian III, 3 (September 1951), 53f.

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Table IV.1 Officers of the German Antebellum Militias in Charleston (1858– 1860) and their Connections to Ethnic German Organizations (1853–1860)

1. The Development of German Militia Units in Charleston, South Carolina B: CM: CMP: CMVP: G. A. (A): G. A. (B): G. H.: G. F.: G. R.: G: M: P: P. R.: VP: TBP: X:

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A board of directors’ position in the “Schützen-Gesellschaft” Charter membership in the “Schützen-Gesellschaft”, May 1855 Charter member and president of the “Schützen-Gesellschaft” Charter member and vice-president of the “Schützen-Gesellschaft” German Artillery, Co. A German Artillery, Co. B German Hussars German Fusiliers German Riflemen Grocer General membership in the “Schützen-Gesellschaft” President Palmetto Riflemen Vice-President Total number of board positions of each officer Position on board of directors

Sources: Information from the Deutsche Zeitung: (1) Carolina Mutual Insurance Company, July 3, 1855, (2) Charleston Unabhängiger Turnverein, Feb. 4, 1858, (3) Demokratischer Freier Männer Verein, Aug. 30, 1855, (4) Deutscher Brüderlicher Bund, May 5, 1857, (5) Deutsche Feuer-Spritzen Compagnie, Feb. 7, 1856, (6) Deutscher Freundschaftsbund, Dec. 9, 1858, (7) German Colonization Society 1857, in: German Colonization Society of Charleston, S.C., German Colony Protocol, trans. B. E. Schaeffer (Walhalla: Oconee County Library, 1960), p. 159; (8) German Friendly Society, Jan. 22, 1858, (9) German Fusilier Society, July 14, 1858, (10) German Ingraham Association, May 1, 1855, (11) Deutsche SchützenGesellschaft 1859/1860, (12) Germania Lodge, Dec. 27, 1858, (13) La Candeur Lodge, April 16, 1858, (14) St. Matthew’s Evangelical-Lutheran Church, Jan. 4, 1859, (15) Saving and Building Association, March 2, 1858, (16) Walhalla Lodge, March 30, 1858, (17) Zion Evangelical-Lutheran Church, March 11, 1853.

Whereas in Richmond and especially in New Orleans new formations were pulled together in a great rush between December, 1860, and the summer of 1861, the German companies in Charleston, except for minimal fluctuation, remained in their antebellum structure. Klatte and Lilienthal, both young businessmen, wrote to their friend Henning P. Thode in Walhalla at the beginning of November 1860: “[...] There is a great deal of excitement here; flags with one star are being raised all over in the streets; there are processions, serenades, and meetings every evening [...]”63 The Germans participated in the war excitement that hit Charleston. Carl H. Schwecke, twenty-nine years old, a member of the German Artillery of Charleston, fired the so-called “secession gun” in front of the Mercury building on the days that South Carolina and Georgia seceded from the Union.64 The names of John A. Wagener, Jacob Small, Theo Cordes, John Klinck, Henry Gerdts, John Schnierle, and Franz Melchers appeared in the Courier as radical supporters of South 63 Lilienthal & Klatte, Charleston, to H. P. Thode, Walhalla, November 10, 1860: Thode Family Papers (1845–1895), South Caroliniana Library, Manuscript Division, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 64 Charleston Mercury, January 21,1861.

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Table IV.2. German Militia Units in Charleston, South Carolina City

Militia Unit

Belonging to st

Founding/Existence

Officers

1858: Capt. J. A. Wagener, 1st Lt. C. Nohrden, 2nd Lt. C. Harms, 3rd Lt. J. Campsen. 1859: Major John A. Wagener Charleston German Artillery Co. A 1st Reg. of from 1859 onwards 1859: Capt. C. Nohrden, Artillery, 4th 1st Lt. D. Werner,2nd Lt. D. Lesemann, 3rd Lt. G. H. Brigade Lindstedt Charleston German Artillery Co. B 1st Reg. of from 1859 onwards 1859: Capt. Henry Harms, Artillery, 4th 1st Lt. F. Melchers, 2nd Lt. B. Meyerhoff, 3rd Lt. H. Brigade Klatte Charleston German Hussars 3rd Regt.SC May 10, 1859 1859: Capt. Theodore Cavalry Cordes, 1st Lt. John Campsen, 2nd Lt. R. Mehrtens, 2nd Lt. Henry Bischoff Charleston German Fusiliers 17th Militia Inf. 1775 1859: Capt. Cord Otten, Regt. 1st Lt. Samuel Lord, Jr., Serg. D. A. Amme Charleston German Riflemen (called 1st Reg. of Rifles, 1842 1857: Capt. John A. “Jäger-Kompanie” or 4th Brigade Baum, 1st Lt. H. E. Young, “Grüne Jäger“) 2nd Lt. A. Lengnick, 3rd Lt. J. H. Menzing. 1859: Capt. Jacob Small, 1st Lt. A. Lengnick, Serg. Ch. Götting Charleston Palmetto Riflemen (called 1st Reg. of February 1858 1858: Capt. John Meitzler, “Palmetto Guard” or Artillery, 4th 1st Lt. Alex. Melchers, 2nd “Palmetto Jäger”) Brigade Lt. C. Lichtenfeld, Ensign R. Issertel, 3rd Serg. Th. Melchers. Charleston/ Walhalla Riflemen 1st Brigade SC 1852 1852: Capt. John M. Walhalla, S.C. Militia Hencken, 1st Lt. John P. Niebuhr, 2nd Lt. Jacob Schröder, Ensign D. Biemann. 1854: Capt. John M. Hencken, 1st Lt. Jacob Schröder, 2nd Lt. D. Biemann, Ensign Hanke Gissel Charleston

German Artillery

1 Reg. of Artillery, 4th Brigade

1841–1859

Sources: Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, 1857–1869; Anniversary Edition, Nov. 22, 1913. Rules and Regulations of the Company of the Walhalla Riflemen. Charleston: Office of “Die Deutsche Zeitung,” 1855. 30 p.

1. The Development of German Militia Units in Charleston, South Carolina

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Fig. 4.9: HERMANN KLATTE (1834–after 1913) Bremen-born Klatte emigrated to Charleston in 1851. In his detailed letters to his friend H. P. Thode in Walhalla, S. C., Hermann Klatte – then of Lilienthal & Klatte – depicted the belligerent atmosphere that swept through Charleston from December 1860 onwards. Months later, he served as second junior lieutenant of the German Artillery, Co. B., under Capt. Franz Melchers. In January 1865, Klatte married Julia F. Kalb and embarked on a wholesale business career, from which he retired in 1895. The picture was taken in 1902, when Klatte attended the South Carolina Inter-State and West Indian Exposition. Courtesy of Charleston County Public Library (SCR 907.4757)

Carolina’s secession.65 Whereas the Germans in other cities hastily called on people to report for military service, in Charleston they were prepared and could join the secession celebrations. On November 20, 1860, with great public notice, Theodore Cordes planted a palmetto palm in front of his house and thus announced his support for secession from the Union:66 Messrs. J. CAMPSEN & CO. have thrown a pretty banner to the breeze, at their hay and grain store, Market street. This flag is four feet by three and a half, a deep blue color, with palmetto and four white stars, one in each corner. Above the palmetto is the motto: ‘Now or Never.’67 The German soldiers went to war with the officers whom they had known for years. Franz Melchers, first lieutenant and later captain of the “German Artillery,” Company B, even went so far as to shut down the publication of the Deutsche Zeitung and to offer the press for sale in 1862 along with all the “German and English-language” letters through Wilbur & Son.68 Thus during the war there was no German-language newspaper in Charleston. 65 “Charleston Speaking out – Will of the City,” Daily Courier, Charleston, Nov. 11,1860: The Klinck family consisted of devout sympathizers for the Confederate cause: John Klinck, Sr. (1797–1888), part owner of Klinck & Wickenberg, who had immigrated from Meldorf, Holstein, in 1821, invested in four blockade runners. Three of his sons were in Confederate service: Pvt. John Klinck, Jr. (1831–1864, killed at Petersburg), Lt. Theodore K. Klinck (1838–1862, killed at Fair Oaks), Sgt. Gustavus Wickenberg Klinck (1844–1916): Charles W. Wickenberg, Jr., Kith and Kin: Wickenberg and Klinck (Lexington, S.C.: Palmetto Bookworks, 2000), 81ff., 228–232. 66 Daily Courier, Charleston, Nov. 11,1860. 67 “More Flags,” Charleston Mercury, Nov. 16,1860. 68 “Press and Printing Outfit,” Daily Courier, Charleston, Dec. 09,1862: “Capt. Melchers, the Editor and Proprietor, is and has been in service since the opening of the war, and has been compelled for this cause to suspend issue.” The last issue from before the war still in existence dates from September 29, 1859.

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On April 13, 1860, the day after the war broke out, Lilienthal and Klatte wrote: Yesterday morning at 4:30 they began fighting at Fort Sumter [...] the United States flag [...] was not raised again; boats were sent from the city and came back [...] somewhat after 2:00 Sumter surrendered unconditionally to the southern Confederacy, and soldiers from the same government will take over soon, and the bells are playing [...] victory; the fire companies are going down now with their machines to put out the fire at the same fort.69 Through September 1861, the Germans, led by William K. Bachman, a son of the highly respected minister and scientist John Bachman, formed the German Volunteers in addition to the already existing units. September 10, 1861, when they left for Virginia, marked the day on which the first ethnic German unit from Charleston marched into war as part of the Confederate Army.70

2. The Development of the German Militia Units of Richmond, Virginia, up to December 1860: “[...] to enhance the respect of our co-citizens for us.” 2. The Development of the German Militia Units of Richmond, Virginia, up In 1850 Richmond’s German community had less than half the population of the German community of Charleston, and thus only two German militia companies were founded before 1860, the first – “Schwarze Yaeger” – in March 1842.71 The incorporation petition of the Black Hunters, organized by Charles A. Schwagerly, carried the signatures of sixty-seven members but did not list any officers. The high number of German members is impressive; five years earlier there had been only two dozen German families in Richmond. It is not known how long the Black Hunters unit existed. One can assume, however, that it no longer existed at the time that the Richmond German Rifles were founded in January 1850. Except for Charles A. Schwagerly, who kept the records, the officers cannot be determined, and little is known about Captain Schwagerly, who came from Bavaria. He was naturalized on August 6, 1844, worked in 1860 for F. Hattorf & Co. – a firm dealing in alcohol and smoking products – and commanded the German Mounted Guard of Richmond in September 1863.72 The Richmonder Anzeiger reported a break-in at Schwagerly’s house in the summer of 1864.73 69 Lilienthal & Klatte, Charleston, to H. P. Thode, Walhalla, April 4,1861: Thode Family Papers (1845– 1895), South Caroliniana Library, Manuscript Division, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 70 “Departure of the German Volunteers for the War,” Charleston Mercury, Sept. 11,1861. 71 “Petition to the General Assembly of Virginia,” Legislative Petitions, Richmond City, March 1st, 1842: Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. 72 A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations 1861–1865, 210; Second Annual Directory for the City of Richmond for 1860, comp. W. Eugene Ferslew (Richmond: Ferslew, 1860), 195. Schwagerly is listed as “Schwagerle” in both publications. 73 During his absence three men who called themselves members of Winder’s Secret Police broke into the Schwagerly house in June 1864, and stole three gold watches, $200 in gold, $500 in city bills, $500 in Confederate bills, and other objects: Richmonder Anzeiger, July 1, 1864.

2. The Development of the German Militia Units of Richmond, Virginia

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Almost one-third of the Black Hunters came from the groups of German immigrants who had founded the Jewish Beth Ahabah Congregation and the Evangelical St. Johannes Church (St. John’s) in 1842 and 1843: there were six Jews and fourteen Lutherans among the sixteen militia members: Most of the Jewish members came from Bavaria: Henrick Buxbaum, S. Guggenheimer, Abraham Hirsh (born in Illereichen in 1815), Joseph Myers (born in Illereichen in 1803), Henry Rosenheim, Henry Rosenfeld (born in Uhlfeld in 1813). Founding members of St. Johannes were: Altmeier, J. H. Boschen, John Kloeber, Franz Dusch, Heinrich Esman, Jacob Freyfogel, Valentin Hechler, Peter Köhl, Martin Kress, J. Gottfried Lange, Jacob Mattern, Carl Mau, Lorenz Paul and H. Schütte. Among the Germans living in Richmond at the time, this was not an unusual religious mixture, and the mixed nature of the militia company might also have resulted from the low number of German immigrants.74 That Jews generally avoided joining German militia companies cannot be taken at face value, because the existence of the Black Hunters was unknown.75 With increasing immigration after 1852 the attempts became more noticeable to form mainly Jewish or mainly Christian militias, a process that was most apparent in New Orleans. At all times there were clear attempts to recruit prominent members of the small German community for the militia, for example, Joseph Dörflinger, a watchmaker and jeweller, who later represented the Virginia City project (a German city-founding project) near Norfolk.76 Or, for example, Jacob Freyfogel,77 a successful forty-six-year-old grocer from Baden. John Kloeber, a Prussian jeweller, naturalized on October 8, 1844, founded the first German community school together with Eduard Frank in 1847 under the auspices of St. John’s Church.78 Or Whig sympathizer Valentin Hechler, a butcher who had immigrated in 1835, but already possessed six slaves by 1850. Hechler continued,

74 “Beth Ahabah Synagogue for German Israelites 1841 in Richmond: Congregation Beth Ahabah, Richmond City, Records, 1841–1903,” Acc. 25986, 130 p. Handwritten in German & Hebrew: Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond; 65. Jubiläum der Deutschen Evangelischen St. Johannes Gemeinde zu Richmond, Va. 1843–1908 (Richmond: Dietz Printing Press, 1908), 3. Cf.: Allan D. Creeger, “Maximilian J. Michelbacher (1810–1879): His Times and Legacy,” Generations, Journal of Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives 5, no. 2 (April 1997). 75 “Significantly, German Jews generally did not join the all-German military units, preferring the more prestigious organizations such as the Richmond Light Infantry Blues and Richmond Grays.”: Gregg D. Kimball, “Strangers in Dixie: Allegiances and Culture Among the Germans in Civil War Richmond,” 19; cf.: John A. Cutchins, A Famous Command: The Richmond Light Infantry Blues (Richmond: Garrett & Massies, 1934). 76 Richmonder Anzeiger, Dec. 3, 1860. 77 Freyfogel was sentenced to five years of prison for manslaughter on October 31, 1863. At the time of his arrest, Freyfogel was a private in the 1st Virginia State Reserves, 2nd Class Militia, Company B: Freyfogel had killed his wife’s lover; his wife was said to be a loose woman, and, according to witnesses, during his imprisonment she gave birth to a mixed race child: RG 42, Dept. of Corrections: Virginia State Penitentiary, Virginia State Records, Prisoner Register (31 May 1863 to 19 Jan. 1869), 1 vol., 21; as well as: trial records “Freyfogel vs. Freyfogel (1867), File # 001–11, Box 001: Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond; cf, also Robert, Gottwald Family History This publication was produced on order of the Gottwald-Freyfogle families. It contains no mention of Jacob Freyfogel’s sentence. 78 Joicey Haw Lindsay, “Henrico County, Virginia, Naturalizations 1844–1858,” Magazine of Virginia Genealogy 22 (Nov. 1984), 12–17; Klaus Wust, The Virginia Germans, 205.

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though, to live in the notorious Butchertown until the outbreak of the war.79 J. Gottfried Lange, a shoemaker who immigrated in 1837, founded the “Deutsche Krankenunterstützungs-Gesellschaft” in 1841 and, although never prosperous, belonged until his death in 1893 among the best known representatives of the German community.80 Eight years later, in 1850, the German community of Richmond had become large enough so that a second German militia could be founded on January 31, 1850 under the name of Richmond German Rifles (Deutsche Schützen).81 It belonged briefly to the 19th Regiment Richmond Militia, and, as one of the original founding companies, was attached to the first Virginia Infantry Regiment in 1851.82 Among the founding members was once again Johann Gottfried Lange, the shoemaker, now forty-six years old. He wrote about the founding of the Rifles: So, on May 1 [1850] we elected the first captain by the name of A. Boedeser83 and though my circumstances were not the best, I joined the company. And when we had the first parade and marched in our green outfits through the streets as the Virginia Rifle Company all eyes were on us and it enhanced the respect of our co-citizens for us.84 A further problem of militia membership becomes apparent here. As much as Lange liked the admiration and respect militia membership conferred, the financial burden of membership was very difficult for him; in 1850 Lange had been married for eight years and had four children. The first captain of the militia was August Bodeker, a pharmacist, elected by acclamation; he was replaced in 1853 by John Hartz, a tailor. Under Hartz’s command the Virginia Rifles busied themselves mainly with social activities, they put on the annual Civic and Military Ball, and, after 1853, they sponsored Military and Civic Excursions to Slash Cottage (today Ashland); the parades on the Fourth of July regularly ended with company parties held in beer gardens owned by August Schad or C. Kraus.85 Under John Hartz the Virginia Rifles underwent a visible Americanization; the nativists were not to receive any additional fuel for their fire: the adjective German disappeared completely from their title by the end of 1853, and they met at Slash Cottage, which was 79 Even after the Civil War the working-class children of Butchertown, known as Butcher Cats, engaged in rock-throwing fights with the Hill Cats, the children of prosperous families from Shokoe Hill. Quoted in Mary Tyler-McGraw, At the Falls, 114. 80 Herrman Schuricht gives a brief account of Lange’s life (p. 41) in his book, The German Element in Virginia. 81 The name Virginia Rifles had established itself by the end of 1853 – the company was thus for outsiders no longer recognizable as an ethnic German militia: Richmond Volunteers: The Volunteer Companies of the City of Richmond and Henrico County, Virginia 1861–1865, eds. Louis H. Manarin and Lee A. Wallace, Jr. (Richmond: Westover Press, 1969), 188. 82 A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations, 81–83. 83 He means Captain August Bodeker, who had also arrived in Richmond in 1837, and who went into business for himself as a pharmacist in 1846; in: A century of service: Bodeker Drug Co., comp. Bodeker Drug Company (Richmond: Dietz Printing Press, 1946), 4, 10. 84 John Gottfried Lange, 159. 85 Richmond Volunteers, 188.

2. The Development of the German Militia Units of Richmond, Virginia

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well-known as the favored meeting place of the Richmond Grays and Richmond Blues, the elite militias. After the resignation of John Hartz in 1855 the company was led for only one year by Louis von Buchholtz. The list of members86 of the Virginia Rifles still exists from this period. The information about occupations in the City Directory of 1860 makes it clear that the members of the Virginia Rifles were not wealthy men; half of them were, however, important enough for the economy of Richmond to be mentioned in the Directory of 1860.87 The German members of the 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment were hardly different, as far as their occupational profiles and economic status were concerned, from the members of the eight other companies. Thus several entire companies and many other members were missing from the festive parade in 1856 commemorating the British capitulation at Yorktown : “[...] many of our best soldiers are working men, who cannot well afford to lose two days in succession.”88 The “Wilhelm Tell Haus” at 164 Broad, a restaurant run by Lieutenant August Schad, had become the regular meeting place of the German riflemen by the middle of the 1850’s. In April, 1856, Schad took over the Hermitage, a “farm on the road to Fredericksburg,” and turned it into a pleasure garden.89 In June, 1856, a fatal incident occurred there. Kundyman, a German musician, noted in his diary: “Read in the Dispatch a long article about Gottfried Frick, who was killed on Monday the 16th inst. by George Heffrich [sic] on Schad’s farm, while the V.[irginia] R.[ifle] Camp was out there.”90 The practice shooting of the Virginia Rifles had, as usual, ended with some drinking; Frick, a butcher, who did not belong to the militia and who was drunk and looking for a fight, attacked the men who were leaving and was shot by Corporal Helfrich, a shooting medallist, in the ensuing fight: “The corporal disappeared and was never heard of again; all German citizens of Richmond lamented the sad event, but no one considered the Company in any way responsible.”91 The City Council of Richmond, however, saw the incident in a different light and decided on July 21, 1856, to deprive the German militia of the yearly financial support of $50, which was given to all of the uniformed militia companies in the city. Several days later, there was a protest meeting in St. John’s Church, initiated by Carl R. M. Pohle.92

86 “List of Member [sic] composing the Va Rifles, Richmond, October 29th, 1855,” in: Collection “Richmond German Rifles, Co. K.,” Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. Auditor of Public Accounts, “German Rifles 1859”, Record vol. 20, 368: Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. 87 Montague’s Richmond Directory and Business Advertiser for 1850–1851, ed. William Montague (Richmond: Randolph, Nash & Woodhouse, 1851); Second Annual Directory of the City of Richmond to which is added a Business Directory for 1860; Knights, “City Directories as Aids to Ante-Bellum Urban Studies: A Research Note,” 4. 88 Wallace, Jr., “The First Regiment of Virginia Volunteers,” 28. 89 Richmonder Anzeiger, May 3, 1856. 90 Diary entry of June 18, 1856: Diary of George Kundyman, “German musician’s diary” (January 1st– Dec. 19, 1856), Acc. 22671, Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. 91 Schuricht, Vol. II, 37–39. 92 Richmonder Anzeiger, July 26,1856; Schuricht, Vol. II, 38; Steve Clark, “A new gravestone for a rebel musician,” Richmond Times-Dispatch, 18.11.1995, and information from Pohle’s great-grandson, Charles T. Pohle, Silver Spring, MD, in a letter from May 5, 1997.

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IV. The Antebellum Militias of South Carolina and Virginia

Fig. 4.10: CARL RUDOLPH MAXIMILIAN POHLE (1821–1899) Born in Delitzsch, Prussia, on April 17, 1821, as the only son of General Carl Gottlieb Pohle and his wife Margarethe, née Strupler, he emigrated to New York in 1844. There he served with William H. Duff‘s „Troop of Hussars“, 6th Brigade, New York State Artillery, 1st Division of Artillery, and also worked as an actor at Palm‘s Opera House. Around 1853 Pohle moved on to Richmond where he was employed by Burghardt Hassel as a newspaper agent. At the age of 40, Pohle volunteered for the Drum Corps of the 1st Virginia Vol. Infantry. Together with Charles T. Loehr, he was most active in the veterans‘ organisation of the 1st Virginia Regiment after the war. Pohle was married twice and had 12 children. He died in the Soldiers’ Home in Richmond on April 21, 1899. In November 1995, the Sons of Confederate Veterans put up a new tombstone for him in Hollywood Cemetery. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

Under the chairmanship of Burghardt Hassel, the editor of the Richmonder Anzeiger, the 200 Germans present denounced the decision of the City Council as “[...] calculated to create discord between foreigners and natives, and particularly to generate the hatred of the latter against the German adopted citizens of Richmond.”93 In spite of another investigation, the City Council kept its decision and denied financial support to the German militia until the outbreak of the war. The German answer could be found in the Richmond Enquirer, edited by O. Jennings Wise and friendly to the Germans: “[...] our patriotism and reverence for American liberty cannot be shaken by the undignified and short-sighted policy of certain members of the City Council.”94 Nonetheless, a report by Captain Albert Lybrock, in office after 1856, gives the impression that the Hermitage incident led to a clear increase in membership in the Virginia Rifles.95 Indeed, the German community of Richmond was able to keep its own antebellum militia equipped and operating without state support, an achievement that was not possible in New Orleans. In November 1859, thirty-five men of the Virginia Rifles, led by their new captain Miller, marched to Charles Town, where a slave revolt was expected in connection with the storming of the armory at Harpers Ferry; they stayed there until the execution of John Brown.96

93 Richmond Enquirer, August 2, 1856. 94 Ibid. 95 Report from Captain Albert Lybrock to Colonel T. P. August, Richmond, Dec. 29, 1856. On December 17, 1856, the company consisted of a captain, two first lieutenants, two second lieutenants, five sergeants, six corporals, thirty-two privates, and two pioneers (fifty men): Collection “Richmond German Rifles, Co. K.,” Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. 96 Lee A. Wallace, Jr., “The First Regiment of Virginia Volunteers,” 30f.

2. The Development of the German Militia Units of Richmond, Virginia

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In early 1860 the company decided to exchange its blue coats for gray uniforms and held its first parade in this new clothing on April 12, 1860.97 According to Miller’s report of July 4, 1860, the unit had fifty-six members at this time.98 Less than four weeks before Virginia’s secession from the Union, the past caught up with the Virginia Rifles. On March 21, 1861, Georg Helfrich, once a corporal in the Virginia Rifles and the suspected murderer of Gottlieb Frick, was arrested by the police and brought to the Richmond prison. The Richmond Dispatch99 wrote its article about this arrest in such a way that its readers would have to see the German militia as a collection of shoot-from-the-hip, often completely drunken, “wannabe” soldiers, but the paper never reported the results of the Helfrich trial. Nonetheless, on April 21, 1861100, the Virginia Rifles, led by Captain Miller, volunteered with seventy-five men for service for the state of Virginia.

2.1 The Officers of the Virginia Rifles, Richmond: a Militia without “Ethnic Spokesmen” Since there was only one German militia that existed permanently in Richmond during the antebellum period, this analysis will limit itself to the officers of this unit in the ranks of lieutenant, first lieutenant, and captain. For the period from 1850 to 1860 it has been possible to compile a list of eleven men from the fragmentary militia documents101 still extant; all of these men were born in Germany. Their connections with the twenty-four ethnic German organizations102 that were intermittently active could only be proven in individual cases and are in general much more poorly documented than in the case of Charleston’s militia officers, so that the lives of the officers had to be researched individually. August Bodeker emigrated from Hanover at the age of seventeen in 1836, together with four younger brothers, and settled in Richmond as a drugstore clerk. Bodeker soon became well-known in the small German community of the time; in May 1843, together with his brother Charles, he was one of the fifty founding members of the German EvangelicalLutheran St. Johannes congregation (St. John’s Church).103 In January 1846, August Bodeker married Anna Whitehead, who was eighteen years old, and thus was able to give

97 Richmond Volunteers, 188. 98 Report of Company K (Capt. Miller) to the Commander of the 1st Regiment, Virginia Volunteers, 4th of July, 1860, in: Collection, “Richmond German Rifles, Co. K.,” Virginia Library and State Archives, Richmond. 99 Richmond Dispatch, March 22, 1861: In this article Georg Helfrich is incorrectly identified as “Frederick Helfrick”. 100 A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations 1861–1865, “Introduction to Volunteer Forces.” 101 “Richmond German Rifles, Co. K.” and “Executive Department, Governor’s Office, Militia Commission Papers 1850–1856,” Virginia Library and State Archives, Richmond. 102 The information about the “Gesangsverein Virginia” came from MSS 3 G 3302 a1 “Minute Book, 1854–1859” (Translation: Miss Laura Vietor, Richmond, 1969), Virginia Historical Society, and the “Gesetze des Gesangsvereins Virginia”, handwritten in 1862, from the collection of August Dietz. 103 65. Jubiläum der Deutschen Evang. St. Johannes-Gemeinde zu Richmond, Va. (Richmond: Dietz Printing Co., 1908), no page numbers.

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IV. The Antebellum Militias of South Carolina and Virginia

his siblings, of whom two were still children, a home. Anna later became active in the woman’s suffrage movement.104

Fig. 4.11: AUGUST BODEKER (1819–1884) At age seventeen, the oldest of five brothers, August Bodeker emigrated from Hanover to Richmond in 1836. Together with his brother Henry, he started the ”A. Bodeker Apothecary“ on Main Street in 1846. By 1860, August Bodeker – meanwhile married to suffragette Anna Whitehead – owned two slaves, property in Henrico County and a drug company worth $40.000. During the war, August sold drugs to most of Richmond’s 44 hospitals, among them Phoebe Pember’s and Sally Tompkins’ private hospitals. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

Fig. 4.12: HENRY BODEKER ( ? –1890) Henry Bodeker was August Bodeker’s younger brother and part owner of the business. As the Bodeker Drug Company was urgently needed for the production of all kinds of medicine, Henry did not take up arms during the Civil War. His son George H. Bodeker, however, served as a private in Captain Joseph K. Lee’s Co. B, 1st Virginia Volunteers, until he offered his services as a secret detective to the Provost Marshal’s Office in 1862, “being familiar with the German language.” Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

In the spring of 1846 the young groom, together with his brother Henry, opened the “A. Bodeker-Apotheke”, a pharmacy on Main Street.105 The firm prospered; in 1858 another brother, William, entered the business; William M. Dade joined as a clerk and later became a partner. August Bodeker, who owned two slaves106 at the time and intended to withdraw from the business, purchased an estate in Henrico County. In 1860 the A. Bodeker & Co. pharmacy possessed a business fortune of $40,000.107 104 Sandra G. Treadway, “A Most Brilliant Woman: Anna Whitehead Bodeker and the First Woman Suffrage Association in Virginia,” Virginia Cavalcade 43,4 (Spring 1994), 167. 105 A Century of Service: Bodeker Drug Company, 4, 10. 106 Personal Property Tax Lists for Richmond City, Virginia, 1859, compiled by John M. Francisco, Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. 107 Entries from January 23, 1860, and Jan., 1861: Virginia, vol. 43, 398, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston.

2. The Development of the German Militia Units of Richmond, Virginia

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When the war broke out, August and Henry Bodeker were exempted from war service because of their occupation, other members of the family served;108 the brothers concentrated their entire energy on supplying Confederate hospitals with drugs of every kind, especially soap, saltpeter, laudanum, opium, camphor, beeswax, and various salts.109 There were forty-four hospitals in Richmond alone in 1862, including the Chimborazo Hill Hospital with five branches. These together could treat a total of 5,000 wounded soldiers. Until the end of the war they cared for about 76,000 Confederate soldiers. The brothers had particularly good contacts with the privately run Robertson Hospital, directed by Sally Tompkins, who reported: “[...] never once did [urgent calls for drugs] go unheeded if the Bodekers had the drugs.”110 From 1853 to the beginning of 1855 John Hartz, a tailor on 8th Street between Broad and Grace and a member of St. Mary’s Church, held the rank of captain in the Virginia Rifles.111 The fact that the German militia was not highly regarded around 1855, that it had no one lobbying for it, and that it apparently lacked any political influence at all might well have been due to Hartz’s abrupt departure. In the summer of 1855, at a difficult time for the German militia, Captain John Hartz submitted his resignation from the Virginia Rifles and joined the oldest militia in the city, the very popular Richmond Light Infantry Blues,112 as a private. O. Jennings Wise, the son of Virginia’s Governor Wise, was also a member of this company. During the celebration of July 4, 1855, Hartz thanked his new comrades for the toast in his honor: I could have joined other companies as some would think with fairer prospects [...] I had the promise of office, but what they thought would induce me to join them, was the very reason why I did not. I seek no office – I never sought it amongst my own countrymen, for I was elected captain of my old company, without asking any for the office. I accepted the trust only because I desired to serve my adopted company, should there be a call for my services [...] I was captain for two years and could have held to 108 Pt. William Bodeker (Co. K, 2nd Virginia Cavalry, “Radford’s Rangers” [RG 109, M 382, roll 5]), the younger brother, and Henry Bodeker’s son George H. Bodeker (Co. B., 1st Virginia Infantry, “William’s Rifles,” [RG 109, M 382, roll 5]), National Archives. 109 Receipts from December 1863, to November 1864: RG 109, “Confederate Papers Relating to Citizens or Business Firms,” (M 346, roll 76), National Archives. Bodecker supplies were also delivered to the following Richmond hospitals: “General Hospitals” No. 9 (Seabrook’s Hospital), No. 13 (Christian & Lee Hospital) and No. 24 (Moore Hospital). Outside of Richmond’s city limits: Jackson Hospital and Texas Hospital. 110 A Century of Service: Bodeker Drug Company, 12; “List of Hospitals in Richmond”: The City Intelligence, or Stranger’s Guide, comp. V. & C. (Richmond: MacFarlane & Fergusson, Printer, 1862), 16; Dietmar Kügler, Die Armee der Südstaaten im Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg 1861–1865 (Wyk auf Föhr: Verlag für Amerikanistik, 1987), 66f. Sally L. Tompkins (1833–1916) was the director of the privately run Robertson Hospital in Richmond and cared for 1,333 Confederate soldiers until the end of the war; only seventy-five of them died of their wounds. Since all of the hospitals had to be directed by military personnel, President Davis appointed Miss Sally Tompkins as Captain of the Artillery on September 9, 1861; she thus became the only woman to receive an officer’s appointment in the Confederate Army. 111 St. Mary’s Catholic Church Birth, Marriage, and Death Register, 1848–1852. Handwritten MSS, St. Peter’s Catholic Church, Richmond, Virginia, in: Virginia State Library. 112 Wallace, “The First Regiment of Virginia Volunteers,” 26.

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longer [sic] if I had sold my principles for the sake of office. Finding that I could serve my country no longer in that capacity I resigned my commission, and I am with you a private of the Blues, to accomplish that which I could not do as Captain – namely: to serve my country in case of need [...] America is my country, for all my interests lie in America; my wife is American, my children are Americans. As for myself I have been so long in this country, that I believe if I was to go back to my ‘Father Land’ I would feel as a ‘stranger in a strange land’ and long to go back to the Land of my adoption. Gentlemen, I have but little more to say. I trust I may always remain a true Blue.113 The reasons for Hartz’s decision to change companies are not known. It seems that after 1855 he moved further and further away from the German community of Richmond, and during the war he did not serve actively. During the summer of 1861 he had some orders from the Confederate Army Equipment Office and sewed 2,000 bags at 32 cents each for oats for horses.114 There is no further mention of him after 1865, but he kept his tailor’s shop until his death in April 1881.115 Louis von Buchholtz, a cavalry officer from Württemberg, immigrated to Washington, D.C. in 1850, and shortly thereafter took on the suddenly vacant position of captain of the Virginia Rifles in the summer of 1855 as the German militia threatened to disintegrate as a result of the nativist wave. Because he had not been properly voted into this office, he was not recognized later as the real captain. Louis von Buchholtz was a close friend of Governor Henry A. Wise (1806–1876) and, as a talented survey engineer, had received an order from him in June 1855, to produce the first accurate topographical map of the state of Virginia. Until the outbreak of the war he worked on designing maps of Virginia.116 All of the topographical maps of Virginia that were produced after 1860 were based on the map designed by Buchholtz. In connection with John Brown’s attack on Harpers Ferry, Buchholtz, as a staff officer, accompanied Governor Henry A. Wise to Jefferson County in 1859. In 1861, Buchholtz published his study Tactics for Officers of Infantry, Cavalry and Artillery with J.W. Randolph, and served after 1862 as captain in the Ordnance Department of Virginia. His assistant at the time was Herrmann Schuricht, still a young man.117 After the war Buchholtz moved to California where he became the superintendent of an ammunition factory and died there in 1892.118 113 “Richmond Light Infantry Blues Records”, vol. I, Minutes, Organizational Records: July 4th, 1855, 335, Virginia State Library, Richmond, Va. 114 Orders from July 31, 1861 and August 27, 1861: RG 109, “Confederate Papers Relating to Citizens or Business Firms,” (M 346, roll 417), National Archives. 115 Entries from November 3, 1865, November 17, 1866, September 21, 1867, April 18, 1881: Virginia, vol. 44, 71, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. 116 “B.P.M. Maps and County Boundaries, Correspondence 1854–57, 1859–1861, 1870–71, 1873,” Virginia State Library & Archives, Richmond; Earl B. McElfresh, Maps and Mapmakers of the Civil War (New York: Abrams, 1999). 117 Cf.: letter from Henry A. Wise, Richmond, to Secretary of War J. P. Benjamin, January 20, 1862. In: RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War, (10452-1862), M 437, roll 25, National Archives. 118 Schuricht, Vol. II, 86.

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On September 27, 1856, Albert Lybrock,119 an architect who had been in Richmond only since 1853, was elected the new captain of the Virginia Rifles in August Schad’s beer saloon. Lybrock, who was born in St. Johann near Saarbrücken in 1827, had studied at the Polytechnicum in Karlsruhe and emigrated to New York in 1849. He had the liberal views of the “48ers”. It was thanks to his election that the Virginia Rifles survived the Hermitage incident. At first Lybrock had worked as an assistant to the American architect Henry Exall, but in 1854 he was given the responsibility for building the Customs House in Richmond, which he had also designed. His appointment was met with great opposition on the part of those citizens of Richmond who harbored nativist sentiments and felt that such a prestigious building should not be built with the help of a foreigner.120 In 1855 Lybrock went into business for himself and designed the famous Ballard Hotel that same year. By now he was well-known. During the three years in which he led the German militia, he restored parts of the Capitol (1857–1858), built the U. S. Post Office and the Customs House in 1858, and during the same year, together with his new partner Oswald J. Heinrich, he created the tombstone of James Monroe in Hollywood Cemetery. Thus Lybrock was responsible for all of the important buildings built in Richmond between 1855 and 1860.121 He never denied his German origins, but before the war he joined only the German militia and the Virginia, a choral society. Albert Lybrock, a close friend of Consul von Gröning, had bought four slaves within a short period in Henrico County; in October 1860, he ran a shop for engineering and artist supplies in the modern Spotswood Hotel, which demanded a monthly rent of $1,500.122 None of his responsibilities, however, kept him from handing over his business to his wife Pauline in May 1861, and going to war as captain of the newly formed Marion Rifles.123 The fact that the thirty-four-year-old did not join his old company as a private but rather decided to accept the rank of an officer offered him was due to his social position at the time. In 1859 the Virginia Rifles elected Florius Müller (anglicized to Florence Miller), a bartender living in Richmond since 1850, as their fifth captain. Miller was a member of the Turner-Liebhaber-Theater until 1862 and, as a Catholic, a member of St. Mary’s Church. While he could not be considered a social or professional equal to any of his predecessors, he was elected because he had served in the Virginia Rifles as a lieutenant since 1855, knew the members, was quite popular, and was able to command. At the time of his election he did not know that in April, 1861, when he was forty years old, he would 119 Lybrock received his commission from George W. Munford, Secretary of the Commonwealth, “Executive Department,” Richmond, on September 27,1856: Collection “Richmond German Rifles, Co. K,” Virginia State Library & Archives, Richmond. 120 Richmond Dispatch, September 13,1854. 121 The Virginia Architects, 1835–1955: A Biographical Dictionary, comp. John E. Wells and Robert E. Dalton (Richmond: New South Architectural Press, 1997), 166, 270ff., 393, 404. 122 Personal Property Tax Lists for Henrico County, Virginia, 1860, District of W. P. Lawton and District of J. B. Keessee, Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. Entry from October 9, 1860: Virginia, Vol. 43, 384, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. 123 Albert Lybrock died on January 11, 1886, his wife Pauline on March 30, 1897. Both were buried in Hollywood-Cemetery: Richmond Dispatch, January 12, 1886 and March 30,1897.

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have to go to battle with the Virginia Rifles. He resigned for health reasons on December 27, 1861.124 Louis Rüger, born in Prussia in 1821, opened a restaurant in Richmond in 1846 and belonged to the group of initiators of the “Steubenfest” in 1857.125 Rüger’s Lafayette Saloon was a popular meeting place among the Germans; Rüger was quite prosperous by 1860 but not influential.126 August Schad, who had once been a tailor and in 1843 had been another founding member of the Evangelical St. John’s Church, had a grocery shop at 162 Broad Street in 1850. A few years later Schad’s restaurant, the “Wilhelm Tell Haus,” became the center of Richmond’s German community; German balls and choral events took place here, political speakers were invited, and militia meetings were celebrated. The local Dun agent, however, described August Schad as a “questionable character” in April, 1853, and appraised his saloon with the clearly understood remark as a “ball room for the German lasses”. In 1854 it was described as a “second rate drinking house, not in first repute as to order”; in 1855 the impression of a “disreputable drinking house” was emphasized. Schad himself was said to have “no social standing”; in 1856, Schad was described as a “pretty rough customer”; that same year Frick, the butcher, was shot at Schad’s Hermitage; and in 1858 it was “hard to get money out of [Schad].”127 Schad, who was a loyal member of the Virginia Rifles from its founding in 1850 until he finished his militia service obligation in 1857 and served as a First Lieutenant after November, 1855,128 decided to join the Marion Rifles in April, 1861, although he was already forty-six years old, and to go to war with this German company that had been “founded for reasons of war.” Christian A. Schäfer ran the saloon during his absence. In December, 1862, August Schad died as a result of “marching illness”;129 his death was a hard blow to the Germans of Richmond. It was not until April, 1866 that the “Wilhelm Tell Haus” was reopened with great public interest as “Schad’s Hotel” by Schad’s former comrade in arms, John Marxhausen.130 Of the eleven Richmond officers of the Virginia Rifles discussed here, seven served actively during the Civil War, four of whom were officers. The antebellum officers were mainly Evangelical, and the largest occupational group was those employed in beer saloons (36%). Three of the officers (27%) owned slaves in 1859–1860. The definition of “ethnic spokesman” as formulated by Adams cannot be applied to the Richmond antebellum officers; they apparently did not publicly support the material interests of the Germans, and they defended the life style of their community only in a limited way. Men like Bodecker, Hartz, Lybrock, and von Buchholtz moved mainly in American circles and kept their distance from German traditions. August Schad, who was 124 1st Virginia Infantry, 106. 125 Schuricht, Vol. II, 31. 126 In the Census of 1860 Rüger declared property valued at $14,000 and other assets of $400 (RG 29, M 653, roll 1352, 309). 127 Entries for A. Schad, 1853–1858: Virginia, vol. 43, 166, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. 128 Collection “Richmond German Rifles, Co. K,” Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. 129 Richmonder Anzeiger, December 27,1862. 130 Richmonder Anzeiger, April 14, 1866 and April 21, 1866.

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very popular among the Germans, hardly furthered the status of his compatriots in the eyes of the Americans. None of the eleven officers participated in the public representation of the Germans in the press before the war; their interest seldom went beyond support in organizing German festivals. After the war Bodeker and Lybrock, both former slave-holders and founding members of the “Deutsche Gesellschaft” in 1866, succeeded in joining the social elite of Richmond; the former by marrying an American, the latter through his excellent buildings; Schad died during the war and von Buchholtz moved to the West Coast; the other five disappeared into oblivion. In German Richmond of the antebellum period there was no mixture of club life, militia, and press. The nepotism of Charleston was foreign to the Germans of Richmond and unknown as a means toward political strength.

2.2 German Antebellum Militias as the Basis of Ethnic German Civil War Companies of the City of Richmond With their well-equipped company of the Virginia Rifles the Germans of Richmond were prepared for the war; the company was well known to the citizens of Richmond. They had given “excellent service in John Brown days [...]” and were now “equally ready to come forward to defend their adopted State.”131 Editor Hassell wrote: “Let us tell the friends of secession, and there are also German secessionists (!) here, that in the coming days 200 little palmetto trees will arrive here.”132 On April 17, 1861, Virginia seceded from the Union. Since the German community had grown considerably in numbers since 1850, it was possible to found a second company in a relatively short time in order to create a possibility for the newcomers to serve in an ethnic German unit and to use their mother tongue.133 The driving force behind this second unit was Albert Lybrock, the former captain of the Virginia Rifles. The native population of Richmond noted his activities positively: Knowing well that many of the German citizens of the city could not afford the costs that went with membership in a company of volunteers, Lybrock spared no financial efforts in establishing the Marion Rifles. In May, 1861, seventy-five men were fully equipped.134 Lybrock advertised constantly for German recruits and drummers in the Richmonder Anzeiger; he put Anton Seiberling, a twenty-six-year-old jeweller from Baden and business partner of Benno Heinrich, in charge of the recruiting office; Seiberling was also responsible for the free transportation of the men to the training camp near Yorktown.135 Tamborine Major Pratt was responsible for choosing the best drummers.136 Friedrich Röth, an artist, was asked to design a flag for $40 or less; Lybrock was able to give his men free uniforms thanks to the generous sponsorship of the Louis Euker & Bros. Brewery.137 131 132 133 134 135 136 137

“The Virginia Rifles,” Richmond Dispatch, April 22,1861. Richmonder Anzeiger, March 28,1861. A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations 1861–1865, 36. “Marion Rifles,” Richmond Dispatch, May 18, 1861. Richmonder Anzeiger, June 1,1861 and June 5,1861. Richmonder Anzeiger, August 7,1861. Richmonder Anzeiger, June 1,1861 and June 3,1861.

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Table IV.3 Overview of the Antebellum Officers of the Virginia Rifles, Richmond Name

Rank

Occupation (Richmonder Anzeiger 1855)

Slaves owned in 1859/60

Bodeker, August Buchholtz, Louis v.

Capt. 1850–1853 Capt. 1855

Pharmacist Survey engineer

2 –

Hartz, John

1st Lt. 1850 Capt. 1853–1855 2nd Lt. 1850 1st Lt. 1850–1853

Tailor

–

Butcher

–

Lybrock, Albert

Capt. 1856–1859

Architect

4

Miller, Florence

2nd Lt. 1855 Capt. 1859–1862

Bartender with saloon on Old Market

–

Miller, John

1st Lt. 1850

Lentz, Georg

Rüger, Louis Schad, August Spott, Wm. A.

Machine laborer at Talbott & Bros. 1st Lt. 1850–1853 Bartender at Lafayette Saloon 2nd Lt. 1850–1853 Bartender at 1st Lt. 1855 Wilhelm Tell Haus 1st Lt. 1853–1855 Jeweller and watchmaker

Timmermann, H. C. G. 1st Lt. 1855

11 officers CM: Charter Member Source: Author’s compilation.

Hotel owner and agent for Lauer Lagerbier from Baltimore

– – 1 –

–

7

Memberships and military service during the war St. John’s (CM) St. John’s Service: Ordnance Dept., Richmond St. Mary’s (CM) Deutscher KrankenUnterstützungs-Verein (1855) Service: “Co. F, 1st Virginia State Reserves, 2nd Class Militia” (from 1862 on) St. John’s Gesangsverein “Virginia” (1857) Service: 15th Va. Inf., Co. K. Turner-Liebhaber-Theater (to 1862) St. Mary’s Service: 1st Va Inf., Co. K. Service: 15th Va. Inf, Co. K. Gesangsverein “Virginia” (1862) St. John’s (CM) Service: 15st Va Inf., Co. K. Bethlehem’s (CM) Service: “Co. A, 1st Virginia State Reserves, 2nd Class Militia” (from 1862 on) Gesangsverein “Virginia” (CM)

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The attempt to form yet another German unit by a less well-known compatriot had little success. John Herbig, thirty-five years old, formerly a lieutenant in the Royal Bavarian Army, had a restaurant and confectionery store on Broad Street in 1860; he was married and had two young sons.138 In August, 1861, Herbig began to care for fifty seriously wounded Yankees of German birth in the poorhouse of Richmond.139 On August 11, 1861, in a letter to Jefferson Davis, he asked permission to recruit a corps of orderlies with about 130 men. He received permission only half a year later, on February 26, 1862, from the Secretary of War.140 In March, 1862, Herbig went to a training camp near Fair Grounds with eighty-five men for more than six weeks. He failed in his attempt to transfer “mainly barbers and especially those who had had a chance to learn something about surgery in Germany”141 from the twelve-month company to his company of orderlies. The Richmonder Anzeiger complained that of the officers in Herbig’s company, besides Herbig, only four others were Germans, and the “other positions were occupied by Americans.”142 Since the rosters of Herbig’s company no longer exist, it cannot be determined whether one can speak of an ethnic German company in this case. Herbig resigned on February 18, 1863; his successor was Captain Anthony H. Lyneman, at one time a private in Company B, 1st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment.143 The Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles marched off with well-known and proven officers and thus were able to fulfil their patriotic obligation to defend their homeland. The difficulties began in the early summer of 1862, when the twelve-month-service period of both companies came to an end, and the Germans returned to Richmond.

138 Schuricht, The German Element in Virginia, Vol. II, 79. 139 Richmonder Anzeiger, August 12,1861. 140 Letter from John Herbig to President Jefferson Davis, Richmond, August 11,1861: RG 109, M 437, #6 (3099-1861); J. P. Benjamin to John Herbig, Richmond, February 26.1862: RG 109, M 522, 68, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 141 Richmonder Anzeiger, March 8, 1862 and March 15,1862. 142 Richmonder Anzeiger, April 5,1862. 143 1st Virginia Infantry, ed. Lee A. Wallace, Jr. (Lynchburg: H. E. Howard, Inc., 3rd edition, 1985), 104.

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Table IV.4 German Militia Units in Richmond, Virginia (1852–1865) City

Militia Unit

Belonging to

Founded in

Officers

Richmond

Marion Rifles

15th VA Co. K

05/1861

1861: Capt. Albert Lybrock, 1st. Lt. A. Schad, 2nd Lt. Henry Schnäbele, 2nd Lt. J. C. Fischer, 3rd Lt. G. Fisher, 3rd Lt. Edward Euker.

Richmond

Virginia Rifles ("Richmond German Rifles")

1st VA, Co. K

01/1850

1850: Capt. A. Bodeker, 1st Lt. John Miller, 1st Lt. Louis Rüger, Jun., 2nd Lt. George Lentz, 2nd Lt. August Schad 1853: Capt. John Hartz, 1st Lt. William A. Spott, 2nd Lt. Florence Miller 1855: Capt. Louis von Buchholtz, 1st Lt. August Schad, 1st Lt. William A. Spott, 2nd Lt. Florence Miller (52 members) 1856: Capt. Albert Lybrock 1859: Capt. Florence Miller 1861: Capt. Florence Miller, 1st Lt. F. W. E. Lohmann, 1st Lt. H. Paul, 2nd Lt. C. Baumann, 2nd Lt. Wm. Pfaff, 3rd Lt. H. Linkhauer 1862: Capt. F. W. Hagemeyer

Richmond

Schwarze Yaeger ("Black Hunters")

????

03/1842

1842: Capt. C. A. Schwagerly, Valentin Hechler, Joseph Dörflinger (67 members)

Richmond

German Infirmary Company

Independent Medical Co.

1861

1862: Capt. John Herbig, 1st Lt. H. Linkhauer, 2nd Lt. A. H. Linnemann, 3rd Lt. H. C. Riedt, 2nd Sgt. A. Faulhaber

Richmond

German Artillery Company

Vol. Forces, Artillery

1861: Capt. Louis v. Buchholtz 02/1861 not drafted (40 members) because of insufficient members

Richmond

German Mounted Guard

Home Guard

09/1863

Richmond

German Home Guard, 19th VA Militia 1862 Co. H

1862: Capt. Charles Seibert

Richmond

German Home Guard, 19th VA Militia 1862 Co. M

1862: Capt. J. Kindervater 1863: Capt. H. Schuricht

1863: Capt. Charles A. Schwagerly

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Sources: Charles Hennighausen Papers, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. Legislative Petitions, Richmond City (1842), Virginia State Library & Archives, Richmond. Richmonder Anzeiger, April 5,1862. Schuricht, Herrmann. The German Element in Virginia. Baltimore, 1900. Vol. II. 76–79. Wallace, Lee A., Jr. 1st Virginia Infantry. Lynchburg: H. E. Howard, Inc., 1984. 1–14. Wallace, Lee A., Jr. A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations 1861–1865. Lynchburg: H. E. Howard, Inc., 1986. 36, 82, 99, 151, 210, 260.

V. Goliath and his Pygmies: the German Antebellum Militias in New Orleans As in the case of Charleston and Richmond, there has not yet been an attempt to research the significance of the German minority in connection with the antebellum militia of New Orleans, largely because the relevant documents are either difficult or impossible to find.1 The Germans of New Orleans, whose community was twenty times the size of Charleston or Richmond, had not nearly a proportional number of militia units during the antebellum period and thus, at the outbreak of war faced almost insurmountable problems in organizing German units for battle. The largely ethnic German 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment was the rather thin result of a long process accompanied by many difficulties; the genesis of this particular regiment demonstrates the history of the German antebellum militia of New Orleans.

1. German Antebellum Militias in New Orleans, Louisiana (1806–1860): Lack of Tradition and Continuity 1. German Antebellum Militias in New Orleans, Louisiana (1806–1860): Lack The first German militia, the Steuben Guards, was founded in New Orleans in 1806, upon the initiative of Captain Vincent Nolte, merchant and later Consul of the City of Hamburg.2 It is not known how long this unit existed, and it had no connection to the Steuben Guards organized by Captain Burger in 1861. After almost thirty years of stagnation the Louisiana Dragoneers under Captain Emil Johns, the Russian Consul, and the Black Yaegers under Captain Heinrich Autz were formed in 1831 and 1835.3 By the middle of the 1840’s the German Fusiliers under Captain Karl Fiesca, the Orleans Fusiliers under Captain H. H. Wagner, and the Jaeger 1 Nau, The German People of New Orleans, 1850–1900, 29, 38–41; “Historical Military Data on Louisiana Militia”: Report of A. B. Booth, Commissioner of Military Records, to the Governor of the State of Louisiana, May 1, 1918, comp. A. B. Booth (New Orleans, 1918), 12–19, Military Library of Jackson Barracks, National Guard Headquarters, New Orleans; “Confederate Louisiana Commands History,” Manuscripts Department, Tulane University, #524 (60), New Orleans; Arthur W. Bergeron, Jr., Guide to Louisiana Confederate Military Units 1861–1865 (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, 1989), 2. 2 Vincent Nolte, Fünfzig Jahre in beiden Hemisphären, 2 volumes. (Hamburg, 1854). Cf.: Vincent Nolte, The Memoirs of Vincent Nolte: Reminiscences in the Period of Anthony Adverse or fifty years in both hemispheres, ed. Burton Rascoe (New York: G. Howard Taft, 1934); Kendal, “Old New Orleans Houses and some of the people who lived in them,” 796; Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 27f. 3 Deiler, Deutsche Presse, 4. Jeannette K. Laguaite, “The German Element in New Orleans 1820– 1860,” 44, 72, Appendix E.

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Company H under Captain Theodor Grabau had been added. During the Mexican War in 1846 the Germans of New Orleans sent a total of 273 men in four companies, part of the Montezuma Regiment under Colonel H. Davis, to the Rio Grande.4 After the formation of the “Deutsche Schützengesellschaft” in 1851, the organization of further companies seemed to be only a question of time, but, between 1854 and 1857 only three companies were added, two of which were in the suburbs of Jefferson and Lafayette. The city of New Orleans, together with the rural counties of Jefferson, Orleans, St. Bernard, and Plaquemines, formed the recruiting district of the 1st Division of Louisiana, in which 157,675 or 44% of all of the whites in the entire state lived.5 This is the reason for the popularity of the 1st Division, whose commander, Major General John Lawson Lewis (1800–1886), a one-time mayor of New Orleans, enjoyed the highest military recognition in the state.6 The Germans felt honored that their compatriot Louis Stein, a major, served as an adjutant to General Lewis.7 In the 1850’s theory and practice of the militia in Louisiana were far apart. After March, 1850, when only seven of the volunteer militia units were subsidized by the state, companies disbanded all over Louisiana; especially smaller and financially insecure militia companies succumbed to the temptation to save money, and the consequence was the disappearance of almost all volunteer German militia units.8 The published number of 66,567 active members of the regular militia in 1853 is misleading because of the unbelievably low number of 3,000 available weapons. In the summer of 1860 there was militia strength of 33,000 men within the city limits of New Orleans; however never more than 1000 soldiers appeared for the quarterly parades.9 On the eve of the War of Secession the Louisiana militia neared a state of collapse. The militia law of 1853 was valid for all of the divisions of the state of Louisiana with the exception of the so-called Louisiana Legion, which consisted almost exclusively of foreigners and was attached administratively to the 1st Division. In the case of irregularities in the elections of officers the governor was empowered to make the appropriate appointments. Major General Lewis could also dissolve any company of the Legion that appeared for three consecutive drill practices with less than one third of the company’s

4 Captain Georg Dippacher with sixty-four men, Captain Karl Wirth with eighty-two men, Captain J. C. Boepler with sixty-two men, and Captain H. Roemer with sixty-five men. Three other units – the “Jäger” Company, the Jackson Guard, and the Black Hussars (Captain Charles Eckart) were ordered back to New Orleans in August, 1846, because they had not been in training for a year as required. In December, 1846, two further German companies marched out and fought near Huazala. Among them were Christian Wirth and Fred Otto Eichholz, both officers. Karl Fiesca, captain of the German Fusiliers, was the only German from New Orleans to be named a colonel in the Mexican War; he served under General Winfield Scott. In: Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 7–9. 5 Edwin Albert Leland, “Organization and Administration of the Louisiana Army during the Civil War” (M. A. Tulane University, 1938), 6–7. 6 The Daily Picayune, New Orleans, December 9, 1860; Allardice, More Generals in Gray, 250. 7 “Herr Louis Stein,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, March 30,1862. Tables of Officers, Ch. 8-160–170, (M 359, roll 20, vol. 160, 170). Another German, Louis C. Buncken, later captain of the Turner Guards, served as an adjutant (Aide de Camp) to General James Trudeau. 8 Leland, 13. 9 Robert C. Reinders, “Militia in New Orleans, 1853–1861” Louisiana History III, 1 (Winter 1962), 35, footnote 6.

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strength. However, as the Louisiana Legion paid for its own uniforms and equipment it was thus not liable to these regulations.10 Because foreigners numbered almost 39% of the population in its area, the 1st Division of the state militia of Louisiana was a colorful mixture of soldiers who came from all European nationalities. The volunteer militia units, especially those of the Louisiana Legion with their exotic and colorful uniforms, were the pride of the citizens of New Orleans: The Louisiana Legion […] is […] the most singular military organization which could be found in all Christendom. The 7,000 men who form it, represent all the Nationalities, of Europe and America, and some of Asia and Africa. […] The Legion is a real representation of all the various elements which, agglomerated together, but never combined, form the population of Louisiana, and just as the corps of the Cacciatori are nicknamed the “Gambo Regiment” on the other side of Canal, we think the Division commanded by General Trudeau might be called as properly, the “Polyglot Legion”.11 Although there had been calls for a complete German regiment in New Orleans – and the success of the know-nothings up to the outbreak of the Civil War argued for the formation of such a unit – none had been created.12 Nowhere else in the South did foreign militia units enjoy greater social attention than in New Orleans. Ethnic representation was important here, not only to show strength in relation to the native majority, but also to show the group’s influence as compared to the many other nationalities. In New Orleans a community had to set itself apart ethnically if it wanted to survive as a homogeneous minority. After 1854 Germans held high positions on the staff of the Louisiana Legion. Thus in 1855 Brigadier General H. W. Palfrey, the commander of the Louisiana Legion, was regularly represented during his absence by the German Colonel Fred Otto Eichholz, a veteran of the Mexican war, who commanded the infantry regiment of the Louisiana Legion after 185413; Col. Eichholz’s staff was composed almost exclusively of Germans.14 The Fusiliers, who belonged to the infantry, were divided into two companies; one was commanded by Captain H. F. Stürken and Lieutenants Ricks and Eichhorn, the other by Captain W. Klein and Lieutenants Zengel and Weisheimer. In addition there were the Sharpshooters under Captain H. Blaese15 and the Jefferson Guards under Captain Mathis. Eichholz’ successor in March, 1856, was Captain H. F. Stürken, so that in 1857 the officers’ staff of the Regiment of Light Infantry, comprising eight 10 “Historical Military Data on Louisiana Militia,” vol. 119, 80: Military Library, Jackson Barracks, New Orleans, La.; “Louisiana Legion – Historical Militia Data on Louisiana Militia 1862–1878,” comp. Works Progress Administration (New Orleans: Jackson Barracks, 1938), 44. 11 Undated, not identifiable newspaper article in: “Louisiana Legion: Historical Militia Data on Louisiana Militia 1862 –1878,” 17; Reinders, 36. 12 Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 8; New Orleans Deutsche Zeitung, March 2, 1853 and March 5, 1853. 13 Louisiana Courier, New Orleans, July 24,1855. 14 First Lieutenant Charles Schönbeck, Aide-de-Camp Louis Stein, Purser O. H. Karstendiek, Private First Class Adolph Eckhardt and the non-German Quartermaster Dameron. 15 Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana (Chicago: The Goodspeed Publishing Co., 1892), vol. I, 294.

116

V. Goliath and his Pygmies

companies, consisted exclusively of Germans, including E. H. Boelitz, the publisher of the Louisiana-Staatszeitung.16 Nothing changed in this constellation until 1860. Although there were favorable conditions for the formation of a strong ethnic German militia, all efforts failed due to the lack of financial support by the state, animosity on the part of the French and Anglo-American population and the mini-state mentality of the German minority. In probably no other city of the South were the Germans so politically divided among themselves, so hostile socially to each other, and so separated by subnational feelings as in New Orleans.17 Whereas in Charleston and Richmond there was a certain continuity in connection with the persons filling the officers’ ranks, in New Orleans there was a total break in 1861. Those who had served in the staff of the Louisiana Legion until 1860 resigned just as Louisiana seceded from the Union. Men such as Eichholz (46), owner of a café, or Stürken (45), a brewer, were indeed over-age in 1861, and who could have confidence, for example, in F. O. Eichholz’s twenty-year-old son Theodor? The so-called second generation was a weak alternative to the leadership elite. Whereas the social interconnections of politics, society, and the military in New Orleans meant that the higher officers of the native antebellum militia reflected the social elite, and those above the grade of captain were often lawyers and merchants,18 this structure was not true of the disintegrating ethnic German militias between 1855 and the outbreak of war. New Orleans as an immigration port was a transit station for many Germans and, thus, not a place where people made an effort to join prestigious militias and to keep up traditions. Few of the poor immigrants had money for this kind of luxury. In New Orleans before 1860 there was no sign of an active German militia life in a real sense; the few companies pursued a shadowy existence that occasionally came to life with the arrival of new immigrants. There was no innate German militia tradition as in Charleston; the city on the Mississippi could not point to a militia that, in comparison with the Virginia Rifles of Richmond, existed continually during the final ten years before the outbreak of the war and could have formed a basis for the creation of German military units in the Civil War. Many German citizens were indeed prepared to defend the city of New Orleans with weapons and considered this a necessity; their thoughtful patriotism, however, blinded them to the advantages that non-naturalized citizens could claim, especially if they belonged to the local fire fighting organizations. Thus in 1861 a number of hastily formed companies petitioned to be recognized as a home guard.19 All of the units serving in the Louisiana Legion received the desired status of home guards. 16 Colonel H. F. Stürken, First Lieutenant C. L. Mathis, Major Henry Blaese, Aide-de-Camp E. H. Boelitz, Quartermaster E. Heidingsfelder, Purser Georg Lugenbühl, Regiment Doctor E. Leisinger: Mygatt & Co.’s New Orleans Directory for 1857, comp. W. H. Rainey (New Orleans: Pesson & Simon, 1857), Appendix, 39; Cohen’s New Orleans Directory for 1854 (New Orleans), 289, 298–299; Louisiana Courier, New Orleans, March 12, 1856; The Semi-Monthly Creole, New Orleans, March 29, 1856. 17 Clark, “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil War,” 998. 18 Leland, 14. 19 Petition to the Commander of the 1st Division, Louisiana Militia, Major General John L. Lewis, New Orleans, from October 2, 1861, signed by Captain George Geier, First Lieutenant A. Scholl, Lieutenant W. Schreiber. In: RG 109, M 359, roll # 19, Entry 53: “Letters Sent, Louisiana State Troops, 1861–1862,” vol. 145, document #23, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

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On July 4, 1861, the Louisiana Legion celebrated Independence Day with a large parade.20 In September, 1861, after many volunteers had already left the city, another Legion parade could allay the population’s fears that they were not being sufficiently well defended: 2,223 men, although not all supplied with weapons, paraded on Canal Street. Among the forty-three units inspected by Major General Lewis, there was only one German company, led by Capt. Christen.21 In December, 1861, Colonel Numa Augustin issued an order to exclude from the Legion all of those militia members who had become naturalized citizens, in order to add them to companies composed of native citizens.22 Indeed, the foreigners remaining in the Legion as well as citizens older than forty-five had the right, according to Article 3 of the order, to serve exclusively within the city limits.23 Foreign troops of the Louisiana Legion were also not to be made subject to the laws of the Confederate government, but only to the militia law of the state of Louisiana.24 All existing volunteer companies in Louisiana were dissolved by law in February, 1862, in order to regroup and to allow the soldiers to change to other units.25 This reform not only came much too late, but it also caused further confusion along with the mass dissolution of the companies. In the summer of 1861 officers’ resignations had often crossed with their appointment letters; thus Colonel Morel complained in a letter to Major General John H. Lewis on December 2, 1861 that Captain Ferdinand Schuhmacher had never once appeared for service and asked to be allowed to replace him with August Weisheimer.26

20 The Bee, New Orleans, July 2,1861. 21 The Bee, New Orleans, September 23,1861. Capt. “A.” Christen was really J. Christen. Major Reichard participated as Aide-de-Camp in the inspection. Captain Joseph C. Christen, from France, thirtyeight years old and owner of a brewery, had organized the Orleans Guides (Guides d’Orleans) at the end of 1861, a cavalry unit of the European Brigade, in which mainly sons of wealthy German families served. In 1860 Christen employed seven German workers in his brewery and was married to a German from Arnsberg. The Orleans Guides were originally an independent company of the Louisiana Legion. Other officers were: First Lieutenant Emile Detot, Lieutenant Theodor Brüning (Sans-Souci Restaurant), Lieutenant Samuel Levy, Hornist F. Joseph Fabacher (from Busenberg, the founder of the Fabacher dynasty of New Orleans). 22 Special Order No. 325, Headquarters 1st Division, Louisiana Volunteer Troops, New Orleans, Dec. 4th, 1861, Maj. Gen. John L. Lewis (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 24, vol. 151, 45–46). 23 “Special Order No. 336” printed in: The Bee, New Orleans, Dec. 5, 1861. 24 Letter from John L. Lewis, Major General of the 1st Division, Headquarters in New Orleans, Dec. 23, 1861, to Colonel Numa Augustin, Commander of the Louisiana Legion (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 19, vol. 145, 39–40). 25 Letter from Major General John L. Lewis, March 31, 1862, to Pierre Soulé, Provost Marshal of the 3rd District, (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 19, vol. 146, 85). For the individual changes that became law on February 15, 1862, cf.: Official Copy of the Militia Law of Louisiana adopted by the State Legislature, January 23, 1862 (Baton Rouge: Tom Bynum, State Printer, 1862). 26 F. Schumacher commanded Company B of the 11th Militia Regiment (2nd Brigade, 1st Division). H. W. Kloppenburg served as First Lieutenant in this unit. The Kloppenburg Rope and Cord Factory, “one of the largest industrial establishments of the city,” had burned to the ground on October 30, 1861 as a result of arson: “Große Feuersbrunst,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, Oct. 31, 1861; (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 142, #52).

118

V. Goliath and his Pygmies

The turnover among the militia officers made it almost impossible to build up a fighting troop. There were at least two reasons for this: ignorance of the responsibilities of an officer and incompetence.27 In October, 1861, the 1st Brigade reported a total strength of 11, 564 soldiers; of these 9,541 men served in nine militia regiments and another 2,023 in 24 volunteer companies. General Charbonnet assumed that, of these, only 7,500 militia soldiers were actually at his disposal.28 In November, 1861, the officers of the Beauregard Mounted Light Guards informed Colonel Stay that they would not be able to participate in the brigade parade scheduled for the following Saturday because: 1. The district would be practically undefended if they were not present, as only women and blacks would be there, and there was a rumor that five warships were in the vicinity. 2. Generally speaking, everyone would be gone fishing and hunting.29 In this second regard, the Germans were no different than their native neighbors. A newspaper report stated that the members of the German sharpshooters and hunting companies were off hunting.30 Another commander informed General Charbonnet in complete despair on March 29, 1862, that the twelve-mile long bank of the Mississippi within his district could not be protected by his troops, because in this area not even eight white men were registered as being obligated to serve in the militia and all the other men between eighteen and fortyfive were either already at war or had joined the Jefferson Mounted Guards. This volunteer unit belonged to the organization of his brigade but was not subject to his command.31 Christian Roselius served in this unit. Thus the Germans did not differ from the native citizens of Louisiana in respect to the disorderly militia service conditions; German units were as poorly equipped, had as few members, and lacked elected commanders just as did their non-German colleagues. After the militia reorganization of February 15, 1862, chaos was even more pervasive. Men obligated to serve sometimes took advantage of overlapping memberships to avoid service at all.32 This practice corresponded completely to the pragmatic thinking in the trade center of New Orleans and, in the eyes of the city’s inhabitants, this had little to do with desertion. 27 Letter from Colonel Daniel Edwards, Commander of the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, Louisiana State Troops, New Orleans, Aug. 13, 1861, to Major General John H. Lewis (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 22, vol. 141, #12). 28 Colonel Charbonnet, Commander of the 1st Brigade, New Orleans, Oct. 16, 1861, to Major General John H. Lewis (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 22, vol. 141, #145). 29 Letter from the five company leaders of the Beauregard Mounted Light Guards, St. Bernard, Nov. 19, 1861, to Colonel H. C. Stay (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 142, #17). 30 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, April 8, 1862. 31 Letter from Colonel N. Commandeur, Carrollton, La., March 29, 1862, to General L. A. Charbonnet, Commander of the 4th Brigade (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 143, #183). 32 Cf. the case of Hermann Sommer, Chalmette Regiment, Co. G: (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 143, #137).

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Table V.1 German Militia Units within the 1st Division, Louisiana Militia, Greater New Orleans (1806–1862) City

Militia Unit

Belonging to

Founding/ Officers Existence

Baton Rouge, La.

National Guard

La. Militia

Jefferson, La.

Jefferson Guards

R. L. I. LL

1861

-----

ca. 1854

1854: Capt. Mathis;

to 1861

1857: 1st Lt. Carl Rosner; 1857–59: Capt. F. Wohlbrecht, 1st Lt. Charles Koenig, 2nd Lt. Charles Roemer

Jefferson, La.

Jefferson Police Guards

La. Militia

06/1861

1861: Capt. George Geier, 1st Lt. A. Scholl, 2nd Lt. W. Schreiber

Kenner, La. Lafayette, La.

New Orleans Tirailleure

La. Militia

06/1861

1861: Capt. Baron Victor v. Scheliha

Lafayette Artillery

La. Militia

11/1861

1861: Capt. J. Lenes, 1st Lt. W. H. Clark, 2nd Lt. Ph. W. Dielmann (77 men)

Lafayette, La.

Lafayette Co. No. 2 (Sharpshooters; “Lafayette Volunteers”)

Keary’s Battalion

01/1861

1861: Capt. P. Kredell, 1st Lt. G. Lehman, 2nd Lt. A. Friedenbach (cf. German Guards)

Lafayette, La.

Lafayette Guards

R. L. I. LL

1857

1857: Capt.: VACANT, 1st Lt. B. Aman, 2nd Lt. G. Hollenbach

(Artillery)

1861: Capt. König (cf. Jefferson Guards) New Orleans

Askew Greys (2nd Co.)

La. Militia

04/1862

1862: Capt. A. Dressel

New Orleans

Baker Guards

Continental Guards Regiment/

03/1861

1861: Capt. Ferdinand Lang, 1st Lt. Ch. Knop, 2nd Lt. H. Nolting, 2nd Lt. Charles May (81 men)

Jefferson Davis Regiment 12/1861 New Orleans

14th La. “Beuters Sensenmänner” (Co. of the “Polish Regiment”)

07/1861

1861: Capt. F. Beuter

New Orleans

Black Hussars

La. Militia

1846

-----

New Orleans

Black Jaegers

LL;

1835

1835: Capt. H. Autz;

Co. B, 22nd La.

New Orleans

Blücher Guards (3rd District)

La. Militia

1861: Capt. Charles Rabenhorst, 1st Lt. H. Meister, 1st Lt. James Hullet (06/61), 2nd Lt. Henry Miller (79 men) 09/1861

05/1861: Capt. J. F. Töbelmann, 1st Lt. H. Hoppe, 2nd Lt. G. Gessow 09/1861: Capt. Henry Meister, 1st Lt. J. Häberle, 2nd Lt. Moses Mayer, 2nd Lt. J. F. Kellner

120

V. Goliath and his Pygmies

Table V.1 German Militia Units within the 1st Division, Louisiana Militia, Greater New Orleans (1806–1862) (continued) New Orleans

Davis Rangers (4th District)

La. Militia

06/1861

1861: J. A. Reil, Alex Dressel

New Orleans

Deutsche Legion, Co. A

La. Militia

10/1861

1861: Carl Becker

New Orleans

Florance Guard (originally as Home Guard, recruited outside the city)

Lovell’s;

09/1861

1861: Capt. H. Brummerstadt, 1st Lt. E. Lachenmeyer, 2nd Lt. B. Wasservogel, 2nd Lt. E. Warburg (86 men)

Fusilier Co. No. 1 (“German Fusiliers”)

R. L. I. LL

ca. 1842

1842: Capt. Karl Fiesca;

New Orleans

Co. F, 20th La.

1854: Capt. H. F. Stürken, 1st Lt. Ricks, 2nd Lt. Eichhorn; 1857: Capt. F. Sievers, 1st Lt. Ritch, 2nd Lt.: VACANT

New Orleans

Fusilier Co. No.2 (“Orleans Fusiliers”)

R. L. I. LL

ca. 1842

1842: Capt. H. H. Wagner; 1854: Capt. W. Klein, 1st Lt. Zengel, 2nd Lt. A. Weisheimer; 1857: Capt. John Baden, 1st Lt. C. Hauschild, 2nd Lt. Henry Wallbracht

New Orleans

German Battalion (Maj. A. Reichard; Maj. L. Hellwig, Maj. Ch. Janvier)

1st Div.

05/1861

La. Militia

1st Co.: Capt. Julius Hörner, 1st Lt. L. Voltz, 2nd Lt. Jacob Huth 2nd Co.: Capt. Louis Hellwig, 1st Lt. Fritz Bahncke, 2nd Lt. J. Niederländer 3rd Co.: Capt. F. Reitmeyer, 1st Lt. O. Weise, 2nd Lt. Chas. Flentge 4th Co.: Capt. J. Riedel, 1st Lt. F. Helfer, 2nd Lt. B. Wasservogel 5th Co.: Capt. Wm. Kersten, 1st Lt. A. Lange, 2nd Lt. Theo Eichholz

New Orleans

German Guard

O. R. R.

(4th District)

New Orleans

German Yaegers (“German Yaeger Co. No. 1”) Jäger Co. No. 2

08/1861

R. L. I. LL;

ca. 1842

O. R. R.; Co. I, 22nd La.; 21st La.

New Orleans

04/1861-

Government Mechanic-Guards La. Militia

from 10/1861 04/1861

1861: Capt. F. Laner (05/61), Capt. Chas. Römer, 1st Lt. G. Baumann, 2nd Lt. Alex Dressel, 2nd Lt. Adam Friedenbach, 2nd Lt. Anton v. Schellenberg 1857: Capt. F. K. Schwiebel, 1st Lt. Peter Fritz, 2nd Lt. C. Stratch; 06/1861: Capt. F. Peters, 1st Lt. H. Fassbender, 1st Lt. D. Simon, 2nd Lt. O. Simon, 2nd Lt. Chas. Wermes (90 men) 10/1861: Capt. F. Peters 1861: Capt. Anton Stuve

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Table V.1 German Militia Units within the 1st Division, Louisiana Militia, Greater New Orleans (1806–1862) (continued) New Orleans

Hansa Guards Battalion (6 Companies, Maj. C. T. Buddecke)

4th Reg.

09-12/

European Brigade,

1862

Co. A: Capt. W. T. Williams, 1st Lt. E. Meyer, 2nd Lt. E. F. Del Bondio, 2nd Lt. L. Husmann Co. B: Capt. L. Schwartz, 1st Lt. C. E. Goertz, 2nd Lt. A. Henning, 2nd Lt. H. Hanewinkel

La. Militia

Co. C: Capt. H. Batjer, 1st Lt. J. S. Huber, 2nd Lt. D. Lanzac, 2nd Lt. H. Roehl Co. D: Capt. Wm. Herzger, 1st Lt. L. Reder, 2nd Lt. J. F. Zimmermann, 2nd Lt. O. Wicke Co. E: Capt. B. Wasservogel, 1st Lt. J. Billeisen, 2nd Lt. H. Wm. Buck, 2nd Lt. R. Gumpert Co. F: Capt. J. E. Rickert, 1st Lt. F. R. Justus, 2nd Lt. Geo. H. Hauschild, 2nd Lt. Wm. Oertling New Orleans

Home Guard

O. R. R.,

02/1861

1861: Capt. John L. Müller/Capt. R. Woeste, 1st Lt. Chas. Fleisen, 2nd Lt. Henry Blaese

National Guards Regiment New Orleans

Home Guard No. 2 (4th District)

La. Militia

04/1861

04/1861: Capt. F. Burger

New Orleans

Jackson Home Guard

La. Militia

ca. 1846

05/1861: Capt. F. Schumacher

New Orleans

Lewis Guards

La. Militia

1861 10/1861

1861: Capt. Henry Meister, 1st Lt. M. Mayer, 2nd Lt. S. Altschuh, 3rd Lt. J. Adler

New Orleans

Louisiana Dragoner

La. Militia

1831

1831: Capt. Emil Johns

New Orleans

Louisiana Ingenieur Corps

La. Militia

05/1861

1861: H. A. Schuermann, A. Gericke, L. Runke

New Orleans

Louisiana Volunteers (“German Musketeers”, ”Louisiana Musketeers”)

05/1861 La. Militia RB at./ Co. B, 20th La.

1861: Capt. L. Moritz, 1st Lt. Geo. Melville, 1st Lt. A. Dittmer, 1st Lt. P. Ruhl, 2nd Lt. C. Assenheimer (76 men) 09/1861: Capt. C. Assenheimer, 1st Lt. P. Ruhl, 2nd Lt. J. Düssel (79 men)

New Orleans

Lovell’s Regiment - Reichard’s Battalion - Florance Guards - 5 non-German companies

La. Militia

12/1861

1861: Col. A. Reichard, Maj. v. Zinken

122

V. Goliath and his Pygmies

Table V.1 German Militia Units within the 1st Division, Louisiana Militia, Greater New Orleans (1806–1862) (continued) New Orleans

Magnolia Guards

Continental Guards Regiment, Co. B

03/1861

1861: Capt. Frank Roder, 1st Lt. H. Fabian, 2nd Lt. Wm. H. Giffhorn, Lt. Philip Schneider (73 men)

New Orleans

Mechanic’s Guard

La. Militia

10/1861

1861: Capt. Nikolaus Laubach, 1st Lt. Jacob Derheimer, 2nd Lt. Georg Gläber, 3rd Lt.G. Rübenkönig

New Orleans

New Basin Guards Co. H

4th Reg., 1st Brig. 1st Div./

03/1862

1861: Capt. Ed. Hansen, 1st Lt. G. F. R. Pfaefflin, 2nd Lt. B. Levy (69 men, of those 14 “at sea”)

09/1861

1861: Capt. J. Christen, 1st Lt. Emile Detot, 2nd Lt. Theodor Brüning, 2nd Lt. Samuel Levy, Cornet Jos. Fabacher

National Guards Regiment New Orleans

Orleans Guides (“Guides d’Orleans”)

LL

New Orleans

Orleans Hussars (4th District)

Orleans Battery 11/1861 Artillery

1861: Capt. F. W. Coeler, 1st Lt. Charles Frantz, 2nd Lt. Adam Wagner, 2nd Lt. Charles Frey, Cornet J. F. Wild

New Orleans

Orleans Rifle Regiment (6 German companies = 372 men, Maj. Reichard)

1st Div.

04/1861

1861: Maj. A. Reichard, Adj. L. C. Buncken, Lt.-Col. J. N. Müller

Pelican Guards Co. A

O. R. R.

1861

1861: Capt. Francis A. Mader, 1st Lt. Leopold Rosenfield, 2nd Lt. Leser Isaac Cohen, 2nd Lt. Ernest Pragst

New Orleans

EuBrig.

La. Militia

New Orleans

Pickett Guard

La. Militia

04/1861

1861: Capt. F. Bähnke

New Orleans

Protection Guards

La. Militia

04/1861

-----

New Orleans

11/1861 Reichard’s Battalion (315 men) Lovell’s - Turner Guards Battalion/ 20th - Reichard Rifles La. Infantry - Steuben Guards - Louisiana Volunteers

Cf. individual companies

New Orleans

Reichard Rifles

1861: Capt. F. Reitmeyer, 1st Lt. O. Weise, 2nd Lt. Charles de Petz, 2nd Lt. F. H. Müller

RBat./

07/1861

Co. C, 20th La.

1862: Capt. Henry Müller (80 men) New Orleans

Sappers & Miners

Co. H, 22nd La.

06/1861

1861: Capt. H. A. Gericke, 1st Lt. Theo. Runde, 2nd Lt. H. Hochgruber (95 men)

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Table V.1 German Militia Units within the 1st Division, Louisiana Militia, Greater New Orleans (1806–1862) (continued) New Orleans

Sharpshooters (“Scharfschützen”)

R. L. I. LL

ca. 1854

1854: Capt. H. Blaese; 1857: Capt. M. Petre, 1st Lt. Geo. Pierre, 2nd Lt. Heinrich Fassbender; 1861: Capt. J. Christian, 1st Lt. Heinrich Fassbender

New Orleans

Steuben Guards

O. R. R.,

05/1861

RBat./ Lovell’s;

05/1861: Capt. F. Burger, 1st Lt. G. Kehrwald, 2nd Lt. L. Passbaum, 2nd Lt. J. Fabian (76 men) 11/1861: Capt. G. Kehrwald, 1st Lt. L. Rosenbaum, 2nd Lt. J. Hausner, 2nd Lt. Kirschenheuter (94 men)

Co. A, 20th La.

New Orleans

Steuben Guards

----?

1806

1806: Capt. Vincent Nolte

New Orleans

Turner Guards

RBat./

05/1861

1861: Capt. F. Beuter/Capt. L. Rosenbaum /Capt. F. Bähnke/ Capt. L. Hellwig/ Capt. L. C. Buncken, 2nd Lt. T. Eichholz

1861

1861: Capt. F. Schumacher/ Capt. A. Weisheimer, 1st Lt. H. W. Kloppenburg, 2nd Lt. W. C. Müller

1861

1861: Capt. Ed. Goldman, 1st Lt. F. Tobelman, 2nd Lt. S. Joseph

1861

1861: Capt. F. W. Kloppenburg, 1st Lt. C. Schmidt, 2nd Lt. Theo. Goldman

La. Militia

04/1861

1861: Capt. Rudolph Woeste

La. Militia

07/1861

-----

Lovell’s Co. D, 20th La. New Orleans

Co. B

11th Reg. 2nd Brig. 1st Div. La. Militia

New Orleans

Co. C

11th Reg. 2nd Brig. 1st Div. La. Militia

New Orleans

Co. H

11th Reg. 2nd Brig. 1st Div. La. Militia

New Orleans

Violet Rifles (Home Guard)

Shreveport, La. Shreveport Rebels

EuBrig.: European Brigade; La. Militia: Louisiana Militia; LL: Louisiana Legion;

Lovell’s: Lovell’s Battalion O. R. R.: Orleans Rifles Regiment RBat: Reichard’s Battalion

R. L. I.: Regiment Light Infantry

Sources: “Confederate Louisiana Commands History.” Unpublished and undated collection. Manuscripts Department, Tulane University, #524 (60), New Orleans.

124

V. Goliath and his Pygmies

“Louisiana State Government in the War Department of Confederate Records 1850–1888,” NA: M 359, reel 21, vol. 170: Register of Officers 1855–1863; vol. 171: Register of Commissions 1855–1861. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Daily Delta, New Orleans, Jan. 4, 1862. Deiler, J. Hanno. Geschichte der New Orleanser deutschen Presse. New Orleans: Paul J. Sendker Co., Ltd., 1901. 7-9. Laguaite, Jeannette K. “The German Element in New Orleans 1820–1860.” M.A. Thesis. Tulane University, 1940. Apendix E. Lonn, Ella. Foreigners in the Confederacy. Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 21965. 111. Nau, John F. The German People of New Orleans, 1850–1900. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958. 38–41. “Historical Military Data on Louisiana Militia.” Comp. A. B. Booth (1918). Special Collections, Jackson Barracks, New Orleans. Report of A. B. Booth, Commissioner of Military Records, to the Governor of the State of Louisiana, May 1, 1918. Comp. A. B. Booth. New Orleans, 1918. 153 vols. Rosengarten, Joseph. The German Soldier in the Wars of the United States. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1866. 188. The Bee, New Orleans, Jan. 22, 1861; May 28, 1861; Feb. 24, 1862; Winters, John D. The Civil War in Louisiana. Baton Rouge / London: Louisiana State University Press, 1963. 32ff.

2. “A Mountain has Borne a Tiny Mouse!”: Mobilization of the Militia in New Orleans and the Long-held Dream of a German Battalion “A Mountain has Borne a Tiny Mouse!”: Mobilization In 1861 and 1862 New Orleans was overrun by a flood of hastily founded German militia companies; reports in the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung and the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung provide evidence of the existence of nearly forty German militias in greater New Orleans (including Jefferson, Lafayette, and Kenner) between the spring of 1861 and April, 1862. Most of these companies were extremely short-lived. Many men switched companies several times, hoping to improve their lot; the reorganization of the militia in February, 1862, also led to company changes. Those units that lasted longer were increasingly filled with non-German members and thus lost their ethnic character. Only three of the militias founded in 1861 had larger significance for the Germans of New Orleans: a) Louis Hellwig’s German Battalion, b) C.T. Buddecke’s Hansa Guards Battalion, and c) Consul Reichard’s Battalion. As with all of the other German efforts in New Orleans, the only organizations to flourish were those under the auspices of the “Deutsche Gesellschaft” or that were based on consular power: New Orleans was the Confederate city with the largest number of German consuls in 1861; fourteen German states were represented by ten consuls:33 The German consuls of New Orleans were an unswerving group, closely involved with each other in business matters: of the nine consular offices six were located close to each other on Carondelet Street.34 The founding of the influential Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans was their idea; eight of the ten consuls listed here were founding members in 1847; 33 Cf.: Gardner’s New Orleans Directory for 1861, “Consuls,”: Kirchhoff was not listed as a consul, although he held this office until 1863. The address given is his home address. 34 Consuls Eimer and Freudenthal were business partners as were Consuls Reichard and Kruttschnitt or Thiele and Kirchhoff; the Kock and Kruttschnitt families were related by marriage after 1882.

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Fig. 5.1: CARL ANTON KOCK, CONSUL FOR HAMBURG (1813–1869) Bremen-born Charles A. Kock came to America in 1840, worked his way up as a tobacco merchant, and married Hedda Longér of New Orleans in 1844. By 1854 he owned the sugar-cane plantations “Belle Alliance” and “St. Emma” and a total of 305 slaves. During the war, Kock donated generously to the Free Market of New Orleans and financially supported the “Hansa Guards Battalion”, in which 32 Germans served who had been born in the Hanseatic cities of Bremen, Hamburg and Lübeck. When Hedda Kock died in 1858, leaving six children behind, Charles Kock married his niece, Magdalena von Lotten. Kock stood up for the debts of his infamous brother Bernhard Kock, who went bankrupt in 1861 and left New Orleans over night; his merchant firm “Charles Kock & Co.” was dissolved upon his death in 1869. Courtesy of Mrs. Anne Kock Montgomery, New Orleans.

five of them held various offices over the years. The Deutsche Gesellschaft was their political and cultural platform; without the explicit support and the practical involvement of the consuls, who almost always presented themselves in total agreement, nothing could be moved within the German minority. Their argumentative compatriots, on the other hand, often disagreed along mini-state lines. All ten men enjoyed a high degree of respect in New Orleans society; five of them had married into the highest circles and had been citizens for many years. All ten men were merchants and directed, as was customary with consuls, financially strong trading houses. Cotton and tobacco trade were equally important; coffee and sugar exportation were less significant. As consuls these men were bound by the instructions of their sending states; on the other hand, they also clearly followed private interests and were thus forced by the secession of Louisiana to set priorities based on their family obligations, if they did not want to lose everything that they had achieved in decades of work: financial riches, landed property, and slaves. In 1860 four of the ten consuls35 owned slaves: three of them called four or five slaves their own, while Charles Kock had acquired a total of 306 slaves within twenty-five years. With the exception of Kock, none of the consuls belonged to the native “sugar planter elite,” which, according to the arguments of later historians, drove Louisiana into secession;36 nonetheless within the German community these ten men comprised the “elite,” which had a definite interest in retaining its standard of living and thus supported the Southern cause. This cooperation with the Confederate government – although not permitted by their status – was necessary; each of them made his own arrangement with the new powers, without foreseeing that New Orleans would belong to the Union again only sixteen months later. 35 Slave ownership could not be established for Prehn, because the tax documents for New Orleans for the family names beginning with L–P no longer exist. 36 Charles P. Roland, Louisiana Sugar Plantations During the American Civil War (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1957), 21f. and Ralph A. Wooster, The Secession Conventions of the South, 101–120.

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Table V.2 The German Consuls of New Orleans (1860–1865) Consul/ Slave Company Membership in State represented Owner- Chronological Order ship 1860

Goods Sold

Membership in Engagement for the Confederacy the Deutsche Gesellschaft

Eimer; J. H. Baden, Bavaria

---

Cotton

FM, P, VP

Blockade-runner

Freudenthal, F.W. Brunswick, Nassau

---

W. Blanchard & Co. J. H. Eimer J. H. Eimer & Co. A. Eimer Bader & Co. John E. Beylle J. H. Eimer & Co.

Cotton

FM, B, 2. VP, 1. VP, P

Honold, Christian Württemberg Kirchhoff, F. W. Lübeck Kock, Charles Hamburg

---

Charles Odier & Co. C. Honold & Co. Warneken & Kirchhoff

Cotton

FM, B

Verein zur Unterstützung hülfsbedürftiger Familien unserer activen Soldaten hierselbst N.N.

Tobacco & Cotton Tobacco Sugarcane

M

Blockade-runner

FM

- Establishment of the “Hansa Guards” (Captain Williams) - Contributions for “Free Market” - “Committee of Public Safety” - Brother-in-law of Judah P. Benjamin - Ernest B. Kruttschnitt in the “White League” - Formation of the “Florance Guards” (Captain Brummerstadt) - Formation of “Reichard’s Battalion” - Colonel of the 20th La. Inf. Reg. - Founding and Board Member of the “Association of the Army of the Tennessee” - Presidency of the “Southern Bank” - “Committee of Public Safety” - John Rodewald as drug courier N.N.

Kruttschnitt, John Hanover, Prussia, Hesse-Darmstadt, Bremen (after 1862)

5 306

4

Charles Kock & Co.

Joshua Dixon & Co. Coffee Nathan, Kruttschnitt & Co. Cotton Reichard & Co.

FM

Prehn, Wilhelm Mecklenburg

N.N

Prehn, Clegg & Co. Prehn & Co.

Tobacco & Cotton

FM

Reichard, Augustus Hanover, Prussia, Hesse-Darmstadt (until 1862)

5

Schmidt & Co. Reichard & Co. Reichard & Quentell Reichard & Baquie Meyer, Weis & Co.

Cotton

FM

Rodewald & Co.

Tobacco

FM, 2. VP

Warneken & Kirchhoff Thiele & Seiler

Tobacco & Cotton

B

Rodewald, Fred Bremen (until 1862)

Thiele, Richard Hesse-Kassel, Oldenburg

---

---

B: Board Member; FM: Founding Member, 1847; M: Member only; N. N.: No documents available; P: President; VP: Vice-President. Source: Author’s compilation.

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2.1 Louis Hellwig and his Efforts to Form a German Battalion in New Orleans (January–July, 1861) By May, 1860, the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung complained: “It’s true that the German population of New Orleans could surely provide more military companies, but we don’t feel compelled to encourage our compatriots to do so as long as the lawmakers of the state are so uninterested and do nothing to support this.”37 The idea of a German Battalion came mainly from John Kattmann, a pharmacist from Hesse, from a certain E. S. Würzburger, and from Louis Hellwig, a forty-year-old merchant, and could only hope to succeed as an initiative supported by the German ethnic minority, especially the “Deutsche Gesellschaft”.38 In the first half of January, 1861, ten days before Louisiana’s official secession from the Union, there were several anonymous articles in the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung about the formation of a “Deutsches Freicorps.” The author, who was most probably Louis Hellwig, announced that he was an “experienced military person,” who “prided himself in understanding his ‘business.’”39 He demanded urgently: “Meet at a mass assembly; join together to form at least one battalion of at least 400 men in four companies, […] form a ‘German Free Corps’, […] that is independent of the command of any of the American militia generals.”40 The goal of having a German officer at the head came from long years of experience with the New Orleans militia system. Hellwig advocated that modern warfare demanded speed and movement, as well as competent military men: […] speed and lightness in formations and movements is the main secret of all tactics. To carry this out a commander has to be at the head who has had well-founded military training, and officers and especially subordinate officers must be available to assist [...] I mean not, as usually happens, to elect café owners or wealthy men as officers or subordinate officers who occasionally want some amusement for their money, but really good military men of whom there are hundreds here, who never participate because they don’t want to be commanded by people who don’t understand anything.41 The comment about the “café owners” obviously points directly to E. H. Boelitz,42 the publisher of the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung. He was an adjutant in the staff of Colonel H. F. 37 “Die deutschen Militär-Compagnien von New-Orleans,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, May 12, 1860. 38 Kattmann was a member of the board of directors of the “Deutsche Gesellschaft” in 1858–59, and Würzburger was a member after 1862; neither one had enough influence to create a German Battalion. 39 “Das ‘Deutsche Freicorps’,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, Jan. 13, 1861: Since some of the articles were signed with “H.---“, one can assume that this author was Louis Hellwig, the subsequent major of the German Battalion. 40 “Das ‘Deutsche Freicorps’,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, Jan. 13, 1861. 41 Ibid. 42 Ewald Hermann Boelitz was born in Guben, the Brandenburg part of Prussia, in 1819. After the death of his father in 1865 Boelitz separated from his wife, returned to Germany, and died in Osterode/Harz in the summer of 1866 at the age of forty-seven: Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 21; Germans of Louisiana, 183–185, 314.

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Stürken in the Regiment of Light Infantry43 in 1857 and published his “Basic Rules for the Election of Officers” in 1861: 1. The captain must be at least able to treat his company to refreshments. 2. The captain must be a coffeehouse keeper. 3. The captain must have enough military experience to be able to differentiate between a bullet and a cocktail.44 Boelitz’s newspaper supported only halfheartedly Hellwig’s attempts to form a German battalion, so that the entire publicity took place almost exclusively in the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung.45 Louis Hellwig assumed that every German would be happy to contribute to the financial support of a German free corps and pleaded with the community to unite and support his effort. Probably in expectation of a poor result from the mass assembly a fiery call appeared that morning: “The assembly […] has been called for the purpose of letting our compatriots form independent corps or companies so that acquaintances and friends can stand together and thus avoid service in what might be unpleasant company isolated among foreign nations.”46 It seems doubtful that this mass assembly, lead by Karl Potthoff and by Dr. Grall, was a well-planned project of the German leadership elite;47 it was organized in a much too unprofessional way. It was obvious that the military activities were to be left to the people who knew something about them; H. F. Stürken, the brewer and former captain of the Fusiliers and colonel of the Louisiana Legion, was first elected president. Louis Hellwig suggested accepting the gymnasts as a group into the battalion; this was also supported enthusiastically, because the gymnasts were used to drilling and had team spirit. The New Orleans “Turner” Home Guard under Franz Beuter was the only German military unit that was praised in the native New Orleans press before the early summer of 1861: “Their Captain is our esteemed friend [...] Mr. F. Beuter.48 [...] The gymnastic and athletic 43 Mygatt & Co.’s New Orleans Directory for 1857, 39. 44 Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 20: F. O. Eichholz, Stürken’s respected predecessor, was a café owner. 45 Louis Hellwig thanked the newspaper in an open letter to the editor for the free printing of all battalion articles: “Geehrter Herr Redakteur,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, May 30, 1861. 46 “Deutsche Bürger, Achtung!” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Jan. 17, 1861. 47 Dr. Grall was later employed as a doctor by President Jefferson Davis: Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Jan. 13, 1861; According to the Deutsche Zeitung the meeting was “very well attended and by the most influential citizens”; however, H. F. Stürken, who was a captain of the German Fusiliers in 1854 and was originally elected president, was absent: Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, Jan. 18, 1861. 48 Franz Beuter, born in Württemberg in 1821, was a follower of Wilhelm Weitling and had published the short-lived paper, Der wahre Republikaner, in 1852; until 1861 he printed the Louisiana StaatsZeitung. His involvement during the war was very questionable: at first captain of the “Turner” Company, in July, 1861, he recruited soldiers for a German-Polish company in Sulakowsky’s Polish Legion. In February, 1862, he appeared as the organizer of a German company called “Sensenmänner”; after the capitulation of New Orleans Franz Beuter advertised in March, 1865, as a “substitute middleman” and even ran a professional recruitment agency for the Union Army in April, 1865: Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, July 20, 1861, March 1, 1865, April 2, 1865;

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proclivities and practices of the Turners will render them equal to the best Zouaves in the world, should hot and heavy work come on.”49 In April, 1861, the gymnasts declared publicly that it was their “holy obligation” to “defend the righteous cause again the republicanism and abolitionism of the North.”50 As opposed to the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung and in spite of their support for a German battalion, editors Pfeiffer and Hassinger, in spite of specific requests, did not want to print German-language excerpts of the militia law in their paper; in this way they missed the opportunity to eliminate right at the beginning the fear of many German citizens of an apparently almighty militia. When the spring of 1861 arrived, there was still no German regiment in the field.51 At the end of January, 1861, Pfeiffer had already feared that the mini-state disunity that affected everything would destroy all efforts: Will our German compatriots be able to represent their nationality? Or do they want to continue to be Prussians and Austrians, Bavarians and Saxons here too and continue to sing the old tune of German disunity? [...] Let us Germans stand together and represent our fatherland as one unified whole.52 By April, 1861, the pessimistic prophecies of Pfeiffer and Hellwig had been confirmed. “The fatherland is in danger! Where are our German compatriots?”53 asked the Deutsche Zeitung finally at the end of the month. And this although the architectural office of Thiel & Dittel had already set aside areas for drilling.54 A further mass assembly brought new hope: The signatures for the German battalion are being collected fast, and by next week we can perhaps hear that there is a sufficient number of them to form a battalion – no, a German regiment. A German regiment in the South, in New Orleans! How proud we are at this thought! In face of this glory who will dare to treat us with anything but the highest respect?55 The latent bitterness that a large number of Germans in New Orleans felt about the way they were treated by their Anglo-American neighbors comes through here:

49 50 51 52 53 54 55

“Meeting of the Germans tonight,” Daily Crescent, Feb. 10, 1862; “An die Militärpflichtigen,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, Feb. 16, 1862. “The Turners on a War Footing,” Daily Crescent, April 20, 1861. Cf. the call for contributions for the equipment of the gymnasts: “The German Turners,” Daily Delta, May 1, 1861. “Versammlung des deutschen Turn-Vereins von New Orleans,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 24, 1861. “Zur Beherzigung unserer Landsleute in New-Orleans,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 24, 1861. “Bildung eines deutschen Bataillons,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, Jan. 26, 1861. “Zur Beherzigung unserer Landsleute in New-Orleans,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 24, 1861. “An unsere Frauen und Jungfrauen,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 28, 1861. “Sic Semper Tyrannis,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 28,1861.

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The secondary position that we have had up to now will disappear, and that which the German civilian could not achieve will be achieved by the German soldier. […] no – we Germans in the South are the self-confident fighters and protectors of our hearths and follow the sovereign banner of Davis-Aristides. Germans! The South will and must be victorious; its fight is righteous!56 After yet another mass demonstration, four companies of the German Battalion were listed in the announcements of the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung of May 2, 1861. On May 24, 1861, Louis Hellwig was elected unanimously as major of the German Battalion.57 Nonetheless wide circles of the German population did not support the German Battalion unreservedly.58 Louis Hellwig called upon his compatriots once again on May 30, 1861, to support the battalion materially.59 Finally, on July 9, 1861, the dissolution of the German Battalion was announced. The German Battalion has been dissolved! […] After trying for three months without pause and moving heaven and earth to organize and form a corps deserving the German name, the house of cards created with so much sacrifice simply disintegrates into a hopeless nothing. And we stand here with the shame of not being able to form a German battalion from the large population of New Orleans.60 The expected consequences caused even greater worry, Germans were joining the Union Army in droves.61 Louis Hellwig, for whom the German Battalion had become a complete obsession, expressed himself as follows: “The fact that the formation of a purely German military body was prevented due to lack of participation, even with intrigue on certain sides, is the worst proof of incapacity that the Germans could give themselves.”62 The men elected to officers’ positions – Hörner, Hellwig, Reitmeyer, Riedel, Bähnke, and Wasservogel – for the first time, had military training and brought the necessary service knowledge with them. They had invested in the battalion with their personal fortunes, especially Captain J. Hörner with $472, followed by Louis Hellwig with $467 and Franz Beuter with $297. At no time did more than twelve individuals participate in financing the battalion; the sum of almost $2,000 did not even cover the costs of making caps and uniforms, so that the battalion dissolved itself in July, 1861, with a debt of $74.80.63 One looks in vain in the German-language papers for the names of the supposed intriguers, for the representatives of the Germans who were not considered during the

56 Ibid. 57 “Majorswahl des deutschen Bataillons,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, May 25, 1861. 58 “Rüsten wir uns?,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, May 3, 1861; “Das deutsche Bataillon: Deutschthum ohne und mit Selbstrespect – und unsere deutschen Mitbürger,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, May 29, 1861. 59 “Geehrter Herr Redakteur!,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, May 30, 1861. 60 “Die Stellung der Deutschen in den Conföderirten Staaten,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, July 9, 1861. 61 Ibid. 62 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, July 13, 1861. 63 “Abrechnung,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, July 13, 1861.

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distribution of officers’ positions and whose wounded vanity and boundless envy brought the battalion down. Another reason was that the business and family situations of many members who were not particularly well off did not really allow for active military service, so that at the decisive moment the necessary minimal numbers could not be achieved. The dream of the German Battalion also failed miserably for lack of recognized ethnic spokesmen. The battles of Fort Sumter and Bull Run had already been fought by the time a German military unit could be created that was prepared to fight.

2.2 The Second Attempt: the Hansa Guards Battalion under C. T. Buddecke (October, 1861–February, 1862) While Hellwig’s German Battalion was dissolving and the men recruited with such effort were in danger of being drafted elsewhere, the Hansa Guards Battalion began forming during the first week of October, 1861, with a meeting in rooms belonging to Louis Schwarz, who had a book and paper goods store on Chartres Street. The persons in question were expressly “non-citizens of the Confederate States.”64. As usual with German meetings, the formation of a military battalion resembled the founding of a new club: Louis Schwarz was named president and J. B. Ehlers secretary. During the following election of officers W. T. Williams was named captain, H. Bätjer, Eberhardt Meyer, and E. F. DelBondio were elected lieutenants. On October 4, 1861, the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung reported: We are very pleased to see our German brothers rushing to the flag [of the country] that offered them hospitality as did no other country in the world. German men, noncitizens of the Confederate States, met and formed within a few hours a corps of young men of whom can be said that they are noble Germans full of loyalty and belief.65 On October 12, 1861, officers were elected for the second company of the Hansa Guards. Louis Schwarz was elected captain, C. E. Görts, Albert Henning, and Paul List were elected lieutenants.66 The impossible seemed to have happened: the Hansa Guards Battalion took over the recruits from the dissolved German Battalion. A prominent New Orleans businessman was placed, probably for tactical reasons, at the head of the new project: C. T. Buddecke,67 a fifty-seven-year-old merchant, who had run a commission wholesale business in New Orleans since 1836, was wealthy and respected in local circles; he sympathized with the Confederacy and had already sent his son Theo to war.68 Buddecke Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 2, 1861. “Hansa Guard,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 4, 1861. “Hansa Guard,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 13, 1861. Buddecke’s origins were unknown; in 1860 he had nine children; he possessed property valued at $15,000 and $30,000 in movable fortune: Manuscript Census 1860, 11th ward, 742. 68 Theo. W. Buddecke Jr. was a lieutenant, then captain of the Beauregard Rifles (Beauregard Battalion, Louisiana Legion): Officer’s List, Ch. 8-160–184 (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 20, vol. 160, 184, 222). 64 65 66 67

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was also a member of the “Deutsche Gesellschaft” and had been its president from 1856 to 1858. Buddecke had business associates in New Orleans and in Mississippi. As an agent of the Hazard Powder Company he sold mainly gunpowder, ignition devices, and fuses after the beginning of the war.69 About the time of the consolidation of the Hansa Guards Buddecke was trying to collect the money owed him by the Confederate Ordnance Department since April, 1861. The gunpowder had a value of not less than $ 10,532.80, but the government could not pay.70 Hermann Roehl, Buddecke’s partner, served as lieutenant in Company C. At the beginning of 1862 there were six companies with a total of 588 men under the command of Major Buddecke. The following officers headed the individual companies71: Hansa Guards, Co. A:

Captain W. T. Williams (England) First Lieutenant Eberhardt Meyer (Bremen) Lieutenant E. F. DelBondio (Hesse-Darmstadt) Lieutenant L. Husmann (Hanover)

Hansa Guards, Co. B:

Captain Louis Schwarz First Lieutenant C. E. Goertz Lieutenant Albert Henning Lieutenant H. Hanewinkel

(Prussia) (Prussia) (Prussia) (Prussia)

Hansa Guards, Co. C:

Captain H. Bätjer First Lieutenant J. M. Huber Lieutenant D. Lanzac Lieutenant H. Roehl

(Bremen) (Bavaria) (Saxony) (Mecklenburg)

Hansa Guards, Co. D:

Captain Wilhelm Herzger First Lieutenant Louis Reder Lieutenant J. F. Zimmermann Lieutenant Otto Wicke

(Prussia) (France) (Prussia) (England)

69 His New Orleans partner was Hermann Roehl; in Mississippi he was represented by Madison McAfee. It has been documented that Buddecke & Co. supplied 100 containers of Dupont gunpowder for $800 on July 31, 1861. His business dealings with the Confederacy came to an abrupt end in April, 1862, but Buddecke was able to change over to flour wholesaling. In 1867 and 1870 his business fortune once again was valued at about a half-million dollars: The Mercantile Agency Reference Book: January 1867, vol. 22, comp. R. G. Dun & Co. (New York: 295 Broadway, 1868), “New Orleans, La.”, no page numbers; The Mercantile Agency Reference Book: July 1870, vol. 31, comp. R. G. Dun & Co. (New York: 295 Broadway, 1868), “New Orleans, La.”, no page numbers; C. T. Buddecke & Co., RG 109, “Confederate Papers Relating to Citizens or Business Firms,” (M 346, #117) National Archives, Washington, D. C. 70 Letter from C. T. Buddecke to Major P. Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance, Richmond, Va., Oct. 16, 1861: RG 109, M 437, #13, 6879-1861. 71 Cf. hand-written membership lists of the Hansa Guards Battalion, Companies A–F, in A. B. Booth, Report of A. B. Booth, Commissioner of Military Records to the Governor of the State of Louisiana (New Orleans, 1918), Book #42, Jackson Barracks, New Orleans. This is the only extant primary source for the membership of the Hansa Guards Battalion; the lists indicate address and country of origin for each member, but age and occupation are not recorded.

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Hansa Guards, Co. E:

Captain Bernhard Wasservogel First Lieutenant J. Billeisen Lieutenant H. W. Buck Lieutenant R. Gumpert

(Prussia) (Baden) (Norway) (Prussia)

Hansa Guards, Co. F:

Captain J. E. Rickert First Lieutenant F. R. Justus Lieutenant Geo. H. Hauschild Lieutenant Wilhelm Oertling

(Schleswig) (Hanover) (Hanover) (Mecklenburg)

On an average each company had ninety-eight soldiers; in fact Captain Herzger’s Company C was the largest with 112 men, Captain Rickert’s Company F was the smallest with eighty-five men. Of the 588 soldiers fifty-six men, about 10%, were not Germans; presumably however more than half of them had grown up speaking German and could understand the language adequately. The largest minority among the non-German members were, with c. 27%, Russians, surprisingly enough; they served mainly in Companies A, B, and C. They were followed by the Swiss (14%) and then by the Danes and Austrians with roughly 13% each. Of the 532 soldiers born in German states, 32 % of them came from Prussia, 12% from Bavaria, about 10% from Hesse and Hanover and less than 8% from Baden and Württemberg. The non-Germans among the twenty-four officers of the six companies were, compared to the number of foreigners among the soldiers, overrepresented with 16.6%. Prussian officers, with a proportion of 33.3%, corresponded with the percentage of Prussian soldiers in the battalion. Nonetheless, Company C had not a single Prussian officer, although this company had the largest percentage of Prussians. The successful formation of the battalion was due not only in great part to Major Buddecke, in whom many Germans had great confidence, but also because, as opposed to the organizers of the German Battalion, here the responsible persons were able to find respected men to be company officers. This was especially important in the first two companies, because the social prestige of the unit was determined by the first drafts. The captain of Company A was W. T. Williams, a British citizen and business partner of Charles Kock, the Hamburg Consul. Kock’s money, which silently financed the undertaking, was honored by the name of the company.72 Emil Ferdinand DelBondio, twenty years old, the younger brother of Frederick DelBondio, a respected commission merchant, also served in Company A.73 72 Only thirty-two members came from the Hansa cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lübeck. W. T. Williams, who was also active in the cotton trade after the war and who had married the daughter of the well-known cotton broker H. Legendre, died in New Orleans on March 23, 1892, at the age of sixty-three. New Orleans Times Democrat, March 24, 1892. 73 E. F. DelBondio was born in Mainz on July 16, 1842, and came to New Orleans in 1858 at the age of sixteen. After the war he began an amazing career as a businessman, on the board of directors of various banks, and director of the local newspaper, the Times-Democrat. As the son-in-law of F. W. Ziegler, partner in the influential import company Schmidt & Ziegler, he became president of the Germania National Bank in 1869 and joined the social elite of the city. DelBondio died in New Orleans on May 3, 1904: Voss, History of the German Society of New Orleans, 50; according to Ellen C. Merrill DelBondio was married to Clara Hassinger: Germans in Louisiana, 317. Entries of

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Louis Schwarz, a pillar of the German community of New Orleans, was the captain of Company B. Deiler wrote about the bookseller: Schwarz took an active part in all German activities and was secretary of the “Deutsche Gesellschaft” for twenty years. He was among the founders and most active members of the “Permanente Revolutionscomite [sic],” several German clubs, the “Deutsche Theaterverein,” the “Deutsche Protestantische Waisenhaus,” and the “Teutonia-Versicherungsgesellschaft.74 The connections to the “Deutsche Gesellschaft,” which existed through Buddecke and Schwarz, were multiplied by the financial support of the battalion by Riemann, a merchant. Riemann, after 1862, and DelBondio, after 1864, belonged to the board of directors of the “Deutsche Gesellschaft.” In February, 1862, Hermann H. Riemann, the merchant, was named by Major C. T. Buddecke as an honorary member of the Hansa Battalion; the motives that led him to support the battalion are not known. Riemann had given the battalion a silk flag that had been made in his factory. The factory of Riemann & Co., 163 Canal Street, produced combed cotton material; Riemann’s business partner was Thomas Deters.75 In February, 1862, the Hansa Guards Battalion was placed under the European Brigade. The latter had been created on February 22, 1862, in face of the threatened invasion of northern troops and had been placed under the command of the French Brigadier General Paul Juge, Jr. The six regiments of the European Brigade consisted entirely of foreigners, four French, one Spanish, and one with Germans, British, and Italians.76 The single responsibility of the European Brigade was to defend the city of New Orleans; using the men outside of the city defense lines was legally impossible.77 The 4th Regiment of the European Brigade consisted of a total of six companies of German soldiers under the name Hansa Guards Battalion; the Austrian and English guards

74

75

76 77

March 20, 1869, and November 12, 1869: Louisiana, Vol. 10, 507, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. Louis Schwarz, a bookseller, born in Brackwede near Bielefeld (Westphalia) in 1819, immigrated to St. Louis in 1843 and settled in New Orleans in 1846, where he took over Helmich & Co. a bookstore. In 1854 Schwarz had a monopoly in New Orleans for German-language literature and enjoyed an excellent reputation. Schwarz died in New Orleans on August 30, 1893: entries of April 3,1854, and June 20, 1860: Louisiana, Vol. 10, 487, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston; Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 32; Germans in Louisiana, 344. “Neue Anzeigen,” Louisiana Staatszeitung, New Orleans, Feb. 26, 1862. Riemann is said to have come to New Orleans at the end of 1852 and to have been a liquor dealer at first: “[...] appears to be a correct man, but we can learn nothing of his means”; in February, 1854, as an approximately thirty-five-year-old father, he registered himself as H.H. Riemann & Bock. Bock was a twenty-eightyear-old clerk, a quadroon by birth, who had lived in Germany for seven years and worked for more than eight years for Voigts & Jeaurenaud. Bock was already wealthy and inherited $12,000 from his father in June, 1854. In January, 1855 the company went out of business: In: Louisiana Vol. 11, 28, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. New Orleans Bee, February 24, 1862; The Daily Delta, January 4, 1862. “Historical Military Data on Louisiana Militia,” vol. 41, 59.

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were attached to them. After this reorganization the former Major C. T. Buddecke became the Colonel of the entire regiment; his adjutant was H. Stampel.78 On March 3, 1862, the regiment attendance of the Hansa Guards Battalion was a shameful fifty-five men, not even 10% of the total strength.79 This scandalous condition may have been the reason why Colonel Buddecke decided to recruit men on his own; he forced fifteen recruits to go to Camp Lewis.80 Buddecke’s decision to act on his own had consequences. Colonel J. M. D. Taylor requested an investigative commission: “I would respectfully direct your attention to the uncourteous and unsoldierlike manner in which these men were forced from the Ranks of one of the Companies under my Command while at Drill and request that a Court of Enquiry be called by you to ascertain the participation of Captain Buddecke, or his Commis and Officers, in the Outrage.”81 On March 26, 1862, the total strength of the European Brigade was 5,310 soldiers in fifty-seven companies, but only 180 men had weapons. The only part of the European Brigade that possessed equipment at all, even if not sufficient, was the 4th Regiment under Buddecke: 801 men shared fifty weapons, 287 backpacks, 373 belts, 373 bayonettes, 373 bullet bags, 283 shoulder belts, and 283 canteens.82 Buddecke had confiscated weapons in the New Orleans 10th ward on his own in order to equip his troops.83 Nonetheless the court martial mentioned above decided against the German officer; at the beginning of April C. T. Buddecke was succeeded by William Fogo as Colonel of the 4th Regiment; here too the Germans could not hold on to a man representing their interests. The Hansa Guards Regiment, now under Fogo’s command, received a final positive notice during the troop parade of the Foreign Legion on Canal Street on April 7, 1862.84 On April 21, 1862, four days before the unofficial capitulation of the city, the Hansa Battalion remembered once again the man who had so strongly supported its founding: 78 According to a notice from February 15, 1862, Major C. T. Buddecke was elected by Companies A, B, C, and D: (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 142, #101). The election of officers for the 4th Regiment took place according to Buddecke on February 20, 1862. Buddecke himself was naturalized and over-age (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 142, #219). In April, 1862, Buddecke was succeeded as Colonel by William Fogo. 79 Report from Adjutant Gordon about the numbers of those present in the 4th Regiment, 1st Brigade, Louisiana Militia: Co. A=25, B=3, C=0, D=6, E=16, F=5. In the other four non-German companies there were eighty-eight men present. (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 143, #40). 80 Petition from Frank John, Valentine Bohner, Charles Keifner, Friedrich Wetter, Peter John, Jacob Fox, Martin Miller, Jacob Scheurer, Christian Schewer, Urban Eberenz, Henry Mayer, Joseph Winstett, Rudolph Stal, Thomas Pugh, H. Strohmeyer, New Orleans, March 10, 1862, to Major General John H. Lewis (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 143, #101). 81 Letter from Colonel J. M. D. Taylor, New Orleans, March 13, 1862, to General Charbonnet. Cf.: Report of General Charbonnet, March 14, 1862, to Major General John H. Lewis (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 143, #102 und #104). 82 Winters incorrectly estimated a total strength of 10,000 men: John D. Winters, The Civil War in Louisiana (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, 1963), 74; “State of the European Brigade, New Orleans,” by Paul Juge, March 26, 1862: (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 23, vol. 143, #164). 83 The “Committee 10th ward” had eleven men to confiscate weapons: NA, RG 109, M 359,#4 (undated). 84 “Revue,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, April 8, 1862.

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V. Goliath and his Pygmies

Table V.3 Origins of the German Members of the Hansa Guards Battalion, Louisiana Militia D C B A Bätjer Herzger Williams Schwartz April 1862 Nov. 1861 April 1862 April 1862

Company Co. Captain

Anhalt

E Wasservogel

F Rickert

Total

–

–

–

1

–

–

1

2

10

7

11

6

3

39

7

7

12

10

20

8

64

Braunschweig

2

2

2

–

–

–

6

Bremen (City)

6

1

1

2

2

4

16

Frankfurt/Main (City)

–

–

1

1

–

1

3

Hamburg (City)

2

–

3

6

1

2

14

12

6

8

9

5

18

58

Hessen-Darmstadt

6

3

6

5

9

3

32

Hessen-Kassel

4

11

1

4

–

2

22

Hessen-Homburg

–

–

–

1

–

–

1

Holstein

1

3

–

–

–

–

4

Lippe-Detmold

–

1

1

–

2

1

5

Lübeck (City)

–

–

1

–

–

1

2

3

1

1

1

1

2

9

Nassau

–

4

1

4

1

3

13

Oldenburg

1

2

1

1

2

4

11

21

30

38

39

23

18

169

Saxony

2

3

2

3

–

2

12

Schleswig

2

–

–

–

–

2

4

Thuringian StatesV

3

4

2

1

2

–

12

Waldeck

–

–

–

3

–

–

3

Württemberg

7

8

4

2

2

7

30

Unknown

–

–

–

–

2

–

2

81

96

92

104

78

81

532

Foreign

11

14

8

8

11

4

56

Total

92

110

100

112

89

85

588

Baden Bavaria

I

Hannover

II

Mecklenburg

Prussia

III

IV

Total German States VI

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“A Mountain has Borne a Tiny Mouse!” I II III

IV

V VI

Including the Palatinate. Including the city of Osnabrück. The Grand Duchies of Mecklenburg-Schwerin (2), Mecklenburg-Strelitz (1), and the general name of “Mecklenburg” (6) were combined here. In 1865 the provinces of Brandenburg, East Prussia, Pomerania, Posen, Rhineland, Saxony, Silesia, Westphalia, and West Prussia belonged to Prussia. Altenburg, Gotha, Meiningen, Reuss, Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt, Weimar for the detailed origins of the 9.5% “foreigners” cf. table: Origins of the Non-Germans in the Hansa Guards Battalion, Louisiana Militia

Source: Author’s compilation.

Table V.4 Origins of the Non-Germans in the Hansa Guards Battalion, Louisiana Militia A Williams 04/1862

B Schwartz 11/1861

C Bätjer 04/1862

D Herzger 04/1862

E Wasservogel

F Rickert

Total

Denmark

2

1

–

–

3

1

7

England

1

–

–

1

3

–

5

France

1

–

–

2

1

1

5

Dutch Guayana

1

–

–

–

–

–

1

Norway

1

–

–

–

1

–

2

Austria

–

2

1

1

2

1

7

Poland

1

2

–

2

–

–

5

Russia

4

5

5

–

1

–

15

Switzerland

–

3

2

2

–

1

8

Hungary

–

1

–

–

–

–

1

11

14

8

8

11

4

56

Company Co. Captain

Total

Source: Author’s compilation.

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V. Goliath and his Pygmies

The present consists of two cups made of silver and plated in gold, together with golden spoons; one of the saucers has the motto of the Hansa Battalion “Gott mit uns” and the name of Mr. Riemann is engraved on the other one. [...] Mr. H. H. Riemann, the distinguished recipient of this well-earned recognition, is very well-known among the German population of New Orleans; we know of no popular and charitable undertaking in which our respected compatriot has not taken part in the most beneficial and effective way. His name was always first in the series of those German citizens of whom the German community of New Orleans can rightfully be proud.85 During the last days of April the European Brigade was of inestimable service to the city, preventing arson and plundering, and halting rioting and destruction. Under Union General Butler the European Brigade was at first used for police service, but then finally dissolved. For the men of the Hansa Guard the war ended in May, 1862.86

2.3 Reichard’s Battalion: the Final Attempt to Organize a German Battalion under the Leadership of the Prussian Consul August Reichard The Prussian Consul August Reichard was a well-known man in New Orleans; he had been elected Major of the 1st Battalion of the Orleans Rifles Regiment on May 8, 1861, and was sent to Camp Lewis on July 15, 1861.87 His superior was the camp commander, Brigadier General C. A. Labuzan. The five companies of the Orleans Rifles Regiment were in miserable condition, discipline was sorely lacking. All the men needed backpacks, attachable bayonets, and bullet bags with belts. The two companies of the German Battalion had no weapons at all, the “Jäger” had fifty-one muskets for a total of eighty-nine men, and the Steuben Guards had sixtyfive muskets for seventy-four men.88 At the end of August, 1861, Major Reichard called attention to the situation that a number of his soldiers from the Orleans Rifle Regiment, after being drafted into the battalion, “were tampered with & illegally enrolled and mustered into a corps known as the Avegno Rifles or Zouaves.”89 85 “Wohlverdiente Anerkennung,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 22, 1862: In 1860 the merchant Hermann H. Riemann was forty-five years old and had three children; according to the Census of 1860 his movable fortune amounted to $5,000. 86 Winters, 99, 126. “Die europäische Brigade,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, April 27, 1862; “Unsere gegenwärtige Lage,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, April 29, 1862; Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, April 26, 1862. 87 Report of Augustus Reichard to active military service within the state of Louisiana, July 13, 1861, New Orleans; letter from Brigade Inspector Major Dreux, Headquarters of the Louisiana Legion, New Orleans, May 29, 1861, to Major General John L. Lewis, Commander of the 1st Division; Special Order No. 71, Headquarters 1st Division, Louisiana Volunteer Troops, New Orleans, July 13th, 1861, Maj. Gen. John L. Lewis.(NA: RG 109, M 359, roll 22, vol. 140, items 63 & 153; roll 24, vol. 151, 196). 88 Letter of Brigade inspector Major Dreux, Headquarters of the Louisiana Legion, New Orleans, June 11, 1861, to Major General John L. Lewis, Commander of the 1st Division (NA: RG 109, M 359, roll 22, vol. 140, item 70). 89 Note from Aide-de-Camp James Forbes, Headquarters of Camp Lewis, August 24, 1861, to Inspector of the 1st Division, Col. L. E. Forstall, New Orleans (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 22, vol. 141, #33).

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Tired of the daily strife and recognizing the importance of a purely German military unit, Consul Reichard resigned as commander of the Orleans Rifle Regiment on September 2, 1861,90 and began building up his own battalion, also known as the 6th Battalion. He was able to recruit the following companies for Reichard’s Battalion in September, 1861: the Turner Guards under Captain Bähncke, the Steuben Guards under Captain Burger with seventy-six men, the Reichard Rifles under Captain Reitmeyer with eighty men, and the Louisiana Volunteers under Captain Louis Moritz with seventy-six men.91

Fig. 5.2: COLONEL AUGUSTUS REICHARD (1819–1900) Augustus Albert Maurice Reichard emigrated to the United States in 1845 and became consul for Prussia in 1858. By 1861 Reichard was head of the firm “Reichard & Co.”, cotton dealers, and owned 5 slaves. He volunteered to raise a German regiment and became Colonel of the 20th Louisiana Vol. Regiment, with five companies out of ten being German. In 1862, General Butler had his property in New Orleans confiscated; his home on Carondelet street was auctioned off in 1866; Reichard resigned from his command in 1863, went to Liverpool and from there to Alexandria in Egypt. In 1868, Reichard returned to New Orleans and became one of the founding members of the “Association of the Army of Tennessee, Louisiana Division” in 1877. Special Collections, Tulane University Library, New Orleans

In October, 1861, August Reichard had the following announcement printed in the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung: The German Battalion in Camp Lewis [...] is at the point of being called for service for the Confederate States to defend the state of Louisiana, and for this purpose it is desirable to bring each of the companies named up to 100 men. Every German who wants to stand up for the noble principles represented by the South is requested, in this moment of danger when it can be necessary from one day to the next to defend one’s own home, to join the battalion, this battalion of which in respect to discipline and training every German can well be proud. [...] Food and uniforms are free.92 The men could register in either of the two recruiting offices directed by Captain Fritz Burger and Lieutenant von Zinken. It was no coincidence that this call appeared in the same column with the announcement of the formation of the Hansa Guards by Louis Schwarz. Whereas the Hansa Guards, as a “home guard,” could advertise that it would remain in the city, Reichard offered free 90 Note from Aide-de-Camp James Forbes, Hauptquartier Camp Lewis, Sept. 2, 1861, to the Inspector of the 1st Division, Col. L. E. Forstall, New Orleans (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 22, vol. 141, #47). 91 Further Louisiana Volunteer Companies for State Service, (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 24, vol. 162, 17). All the information refers to July, 1861, in: “Further Louisiana Volunteer Companies for State Service”, (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 24, vol. 162, 17). 92 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 2, 1861.

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V. Goliath and his Pygmies

food and uniforms for his German Battalion that would be moving out to Tennessee very soon. Thus one had to decide whether it was better to serve in a self-financed militia at home or go to the front with free food and uniforms. The Louisiana Staats-Zeitung commented: “The officers taking application for service are well-liked in their circles and are good soldiers. Major Reichard, the commander of the German Battalion, is a prominent man in New Orleans, who, like thousands of his countrymen, stands with his life for the honor and interests of the South.”93 In order to eliminate the fear of complicated militia laws felt by those Germans who could not understand English, the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung published a number of articles about militia service and offered translations of selected paragraphs beginning in October94: “All Germans – because all Germans are patriotic and courageous, especially when the hour of danger is near – can see that they have every opportunity to be useful to their country either on foot or on horseback, as infantry, cavalry, or as cannoniers.”95 On November 26, 1861, the Steuben Guards, the Louisiana Volunteers, the Reichard Rifles, the Turner Guards, and the Florance Guards joined with five non-German companies to form the Lovell Regiment under Colonel Augustus Reichard. First Lieutenant Sam Boyd and Major Leon von Zinken were on his staff.96 The Florance Guards, named after Mr. Benjamin Florance,97 were drafted in New Orleans on October 2, 1861, and consisted of seventy-seven German soldiers under Captain Hermann Brummerstadt. The company was named after Benjamin Florance, founding member and first vice-president of Kehilath Kodesh Nefutzoth Yehudah (The Holy Congregation of the Dispersed of Judah) in 1847. Being very active in New Orleans’ antebellum German-Jewish life, Florance financed their equipment with a generous contribution. Florance was a merchant and in 1860 was the treasurer of the Louisiana Manufacturing Company at 43 Carondelet, a close neighbor to the clerk Brummerstadt. Brummerstadt worked for the trading company of Consul Prehn at 31 Carondelet.98 In the end the consular influence was decisive. 93 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 2, 1861. 94 “Das Milizwesen,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 1, 1861; “Staats Miliz,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 22, 1861; “Bürger Miliz, aufgepaßt!” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Nov. 26, 1861. 95 “Staats Miliz,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 22, 1861. 96 Mansfield Lovell (1822–1884), the son of a doctor, was born in Washington, D.C., graduated from West Point in 1842 and was a captain in the War Against Mexico. He lived and worked in New York City until September, 1861; on October 7, 1861, he was appointed Major General of the Confederate Army and assigned to the defense of New Orleans: A Dictionary of Louisiana Biography, vol. I., 523–524. The non-German companies were: Orleans Blues A (Captain Herrick), Orleans Blues B (Captain Sam Boyd), Stanley Guard (Captain Rainey), Mann Rifles (Captain William Boyd), Ventress Life Guard (Captain Joseph Goldmann): Special Order No. 294, Headquarters 1st Division, Louisiana Volunteer Troops, New Orleans, Nov. 26th, 1861, Maj. Gen. John L. Lewis. (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 24, vol. 151, 19). Identical with Order No. 1432, Headquarters, LA Militia, Adjutant General’s Office, New Orleans, Nov. 26th, 1861, Gov. Th. O. Moore (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 20, vol. 156, 7). Also cf: “Militärisches,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, Dec. 1, 1861; Sunday Delta, Dec. 1, 1861. 97 Daily Delta, New Orleans, Oct. 3, 1861. For details on B. Florance, see: Samuel Proctor, “Jewish Life in New Orleans, 1718–1860,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly 40 (1957), 124f. 98 The trading company of Prehn & Co. belonged to Wilhelm Prehn, the Consul for Mecklenburg in New Orleans, and to his partner, William Quintell. The latter was a partner of Augustus Reichard in

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On December 21, 1861, the Lovell Regiment was placed in the service of the Confederacy.99 On December 23, 1861, another restructuring occurred. The nine Lovell companies with 879 men were placed in service as the 20th Louisiana Volunteer Infantry Regiment and left town under the command of Colonel Reichard on March 11, 1862, in the direction of Mississippi. The battle of Corinth was their first test.100

the cotton trade in 1870. Cf.: Gardner’s New Orleans Directory for 1860, comp. Charles Gardner (New Orleans: Bulletin Book & Job Printing Establishment, 1859), 81, 149 and 312. 99 Special Order No. 367, Headquarters 1st Division, Louisiana Volunteer Troops, New Orleans, Dec. 20th, 1861, Maj. Gen. John L. Lewis. (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 24, vol. 151, 46); an overview of the 20th Regiment can be found in “Louisiana Volunteers, Twentieth Regiment,” (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 24, vol. 162, 26). 100 Special Order No. 371, Headquarters 1st Division, Louisiana Volunteer Troops, New Orleans, Dec. 23rd, 1861, Maj. Gen. John L. Lewis. (NA, RG 109, M 359, roll 24, vol. 151, 38).

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority in Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans (1861–1865) VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority in To date there has been no attempt to enumerate the military participation of the Germans on the Confederate side, because the fragmentary remaining militia lists almost never stated the soldier’s nationality, and the Confederate Compiled Service Records did so only on occasion. Sources allow a careful estimate of 9,000 to 18,000 German soldiers who might have fought for the Confederacy between 1861 and 1865. In 1875 Johann A. Wagener gave the figure of 18,000 ethnic German Confederate soldiers, which seems an upper limit.1 The border states of Texas and Tennessee are a major factor in the uncertainty in estimating German participation figures.; the percentage of German soldiers from Kentucky, Missouri, and Maryland must remain pure speculation and is not considered here. For the individual Confederate States I consider the following figures realistic: Louisiana: 4,000; Texas: 4,100; South Carolina: 500; Tennessee: 750; Virginia: 500 (without West Virginia!); Georgia: 500; Alabama: 400; Mississippi: 400; Arkansas: 250; North Carolina: 150; Florida: 70.2 If one assumes approximately 11,600 German soldiers, this means that 16% of all Germans in the South served in the Confederate Army; this number differs only slightly from the statistics of the North, where approximately 16.6% of all German immigrants fought in the Union Army.3 However, although the Germans constituted almost 13% of all the Union soldiers, the number of their southern compatriots comprised only 1.2% of the Confederate Army.4 Evaluation of the participation of the Germans of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans in the American Civil War presents a difficult methodological problem for several reasons. I use the term socio-military participation to indicate the combination of military information (unit, service rank, service period, particular events) and personal data of the war participants (age, origin, occupation, possession of slaves, pension, religion, private fortune) that I employ to develop a social-historical analysis. As far as I know, this has never before been attempted for ethnic units of the Confederacy.5 1 Wagener, “Editorielle Notizen,” Der Deutsche Pionier 7 (1875/76), 77. 2 Walter Möll’s assumption that c. 35,000 Germans fought for the South lacks scholarly credibility: Annette R. Hofmann, ”One Hundred Fifty Years of Loyalty,” 71ff. 3 Benjamin A. Gould, Investigations in Military and Anthropological Statistics of American Soldiers (New York: Hurd & Houghton, 1869), 15–19; Kaufmann, Die Deutschen ..., 125; Tim Engelhart, Zu den Waffen!: Deutsche Emigranten in New Yorker Unionsregimentern während des Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieges 1861–65, (Zella-Mehlis: Heinrich-Jung-Verlagsgesellschaft, 2000). 4 Thomas L. Livermore, Numbers and Losses in the Civil War in America 1861–1865 (Boston: Houghton & Mifflin Co., 1901). 5 Earl J. Hess, “The 12th Missouri Infantry: A Socio-Military Profile of a Union Regiment,” Missouri Historical Review 76 (October 1981), 53–77. Further socio-historical studies of Union regiments are:

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VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

There are no descriptive rolls in existence for any of these German military units that could give alphabetical or tabular information about the origin, age, occupation, and family status of their members.6 The basic source for my research was therefore the Confederate Compiled Service Records, from which I excerpted the members of the individual units, but there are a number of missing records in this compilation.7 Beginning with the names in the Compiled Service Records and the brief information there about age, nationality, and occupation, I attempted an empirical identification on an individual basis and tried to identify the soldiers that I was researching in the census lists of 1860.8 The first big problem of every historian when researching about an ethnic minority in the United States is the spelling of names. German family names were often incomprehensible for American officials; they wrote them down phonetically just as they heard them. Anton von Landgraff became Anthony Landgrave, Oswald Heinrich became Oswell Heanrich, and Otto Ammon became Otto Van Hammon. These phonetic inventions found their way into tax lists, address books, census lists, draft documents, and name rolls. German immigrants were not wholly innocent of these falsifications, as they tried as soon as possible to answer with an American accent. Tired of constantly spelling their family names, they often adapted them to the new language: Johannes Koch became John Cook and Otto Morgenstern became Otto Morningstar. Thus, if the chances were few in times of peace to be registered correctly in an orthographic sense, they were reduced during the War of Secession to an absolute minimum, often due to the hectic draft conditions. In comparing the Compiled Service Records with the Census of 1860, I reached totally different results for each town. In the twelve ethnic German companies that I researched William L. Burton, Melting Pot Soldiers: The Union’s Ethnic Regiments (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1988) and Catherine C. Catalfamo, “The thorny rose: The Americanization of an urban, immigrant, working-class regiment in the Civil War: A social history of the Garibaldi Guard, 1861– 1864,” (Diss., University of Texas at Austin, 1989). Cf: Kevin J. Weddle, “Ethnic Discrimination in Minnesota Volunteer Regiments during the Civil War,” Civil War History 35, 3 (Sept. 1989), 239– 259. For the South see Thomas W. Brooks and Michael D. Jones, Lee’s Foreign Legion: The 10th Louisiana Infantry (Gravenhurst/Ontario: Watts Printing, 1995). 6 Confederate military documents are as a whole much more fragmentary than Union documents. During the evacuation of Richmond in 1865 the central archives of the Confederacy went up in flames; files that were saved were collected as archives under the name of Rebel Archives by the Adjutant General in Washington after July, 1865. Only in 1903 were the governors of the former Confederate States asked to release the military personnel files kept in the individual states to the War Department. Between 1903 and 1927 employees used these documents to create the Confederate Compiled Service Records that I used (RG 109, War Department Collection of Confederate Records). These contain mainly military data (place and date of registry, pay, release, battle injuries, illness, prisoner of war, sometimes personal letters), but hardly any information about age, nationality, and occupation. Cf. Lonn, Foreigners in the Confederacy, 95f. 7 For a Union case study see: Maris A. Vinovskis, “Have Social Historians Lost the Civil War? Some Preliminary Demographic Speculations,” Toward a Social History of the American Civil War: Exploratory Essays, ed. Maris A. Vinovskis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 13f. 8 Maris A. Vinovskis, “Have Social Historians Lost the Civil War?”, 1–30; Vinovskis came to the conclusion: “[...] the native-born were more apt to be found [in the census of 1860] than the foreign-born.” (Vinovskis, footnote 26); W. J. Rorabaugh, “Who fought for the North in the Civil War? Concord, Massachusetts, Enlistments,” Journal of American History 73 (Dec. 1986), 695–701.

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1,143 men served. But only those cases were considered for which definite identification was possible. At no time during the war was the German minority in a position to fill their ethnic German companies entirely from their own ranks, so that the Americanization of the units was a logical development experienced by every ethnic company in the Confederate Army. According to my definition, an ethnic German unit had to consist of at least 90% ethnic German soldiers until at least the summer of 1862.9 The highest rates of agreement between the name rolls and the Census of 1860 were found in the four companies from Charleston with 53.7% to 20.6%, followed by the three German units of Richmond with 25.3% to 9.3%. The five companies of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment from New Orleans brought up the rear with an agreement of only 11.7% to 7.5%. To complete these results I used the Confederate war pension files, address books, and the slave schedules of 1860 for all three cities. In addition, for Charleston I was also able to consult the alphabetical list of all persons buried in the German Bethany Cemetery as well as the published lists of the city tax paid in 1859; thus I was able to compile the fortune structure for these units. This was not possible for Richmond and New Orleans due to lack of sources. However, for the Richmond units I was able to find the religious connections from the church books.10 The individual members of the twelve ethnic German companies are listed in the Appendix (A–C) along with the evaluated sources. It has, of course, never been doubted that “…the Confederacy also had German soldiers.”11 Ella Lonn’s study, Foreigners in the Confederacy, published in 1940, gives scholarly recognition to the military service of Germans in the Confederacy12 – but what “type” of Germans? For the past sixty years, historical research mostly considered German “soldiers of fortune”, the “knights-errant” when looking at foreigners in Confederate service – the ordinary German private who “fought for the cause”13 was neglected. This was due mainly to the fact that many of the “soldiers of fortune” later made some money by writing down their experiences, and for historians it was easy to follow their tracks, while the penniless immigrant, possibly illiterate, took his individual war experience with him to the grave. The Prussian officers Heros von Borcke and Justus Scheibert are among the group of frequently quoted German war participants and observers. Both men were admitted to the top circles in the South.14 9 Captain Melcher’s German Artillery, Company B is an example: this unit consisted of 114 Irish and American recruits between 1862 and 1864, so that the Germans comprised only 42.7% at the time of capitulation in 1865. 10 The evaluation of the New Orleans tax lists of the 1860’s was not possible, because the tax lists no longer contain the names from L to P, and thus 69 soldiers (18.4%) could not be considered. In: New Orleans Public Library, New Orleans. 11 Kathleen Neils Conzen, “Germans,” Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, ed. Stephan Thernstrom (Cambridge/London: Harvard University Press, 1980), 421: “[...] they enlisted or were drafted like other Southerners.” 12 Ella Lonn, Foreigners in the Confederacy, vii. 13 June Murray Wells, “Foreigners in the Confederate Service,” United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine LIX, 8 (September 1996), 10; cf. John Collier, Confederate Gravesites of Europe (By the author, 2002). 14 The twenty-five-year-old Emma E. Holmes reported in her diary on August 27, 1863, about one “Capt. Shiver, a Prussian officer, [...] singing and acting” during an evening event given by William

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Fig. 6.1: CAPTAIN JUSTUS SCHEIBERT (1831–1903) Justus Scheibert, a prolific writer of military treatises, was born in Stettin, Pomerania, the oldest of eleven children. In 1849, he joined the Prussian Army and served at Glogau, Magdeburg, Silberberg, Neisse, and other military posts. Prince von Radziwill, chief of the Prussian Engineer Corps, ordered him to proceed to the United States as an observer in January 1863. In the course of his stay, Scheibert met with Generals Beauregard, Lee, Stuart, Hill, Longstreet, Hood, and also with President Jefferson Davis. He returned to Europe as a confirmed Confederate. In 1864 he participated in the AustroPrussian War, 1866 in the Seven Weeks’ War in Bohemia, and 1870 in the Franco-Prussian War. Major Scheibert resigned from the Prussian Royal Engineer Corps in 1878. He wrote close to 70 military treatises based on his observations. Scheibert had this picture taken upon his return to Berlin in 1864 at Bruno Brügner’s studio in Berlin-Charlottenburg. Courtesy of Horst Scheibert, Weilburg

Justus Scheibert, born in Stettin in 1831, entered the Prussian army in 1849 and was sent by Prince von Radziwill to the Confederate States as a war observer with the rank of captain of the Prussian pioneer corps.15 There he ran into his Pomeranian compatriot, Johann Heinrich August Heros von Borcke, born in 1835, with whom he spent seven months on J.E.B.Stuart’s general staff, before he returned to Germany. Heros von Borcke, a close friend of Stuart, was seriously wounded during the battle of Middleburg in June, Walker, Charleston”: Emma Holmes, The Diary of Emma Holmes, 1861–1865, ed. John F. Marszalek (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, ²1994), 297. Scheibert was even used as an historical figure in Michael Shaara’s novel, The Killer Angels (New York: Ballantine, 28. edition, 1990), 49ff. Shaara, whose novel provided the scenario for the movie “Gettysburg,” produced in 1993, spelled Scheibert however without the “t.” Heros von Borcke met Mary Chestnut in Richmond on January 8, 1864, who congratulated the wounded man for the resolution of thanks of the Confederate Congress: Mary B. Chestnut, Mary Chestnut’s Civil War, ed. C. Vann Woodward (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1981), 528–529. 15 Justus Scheibert, Seven Months in the Rebel States During the North American War, 1863, ed. Joseph C. Hayes (Tuscaloosa: Confederate Publishing Company, Inc., 1958), 1–10. From Hirschberg Scheibert sent a list of his publications in German about the Civil War to the editors of the Southern Historical Society Papers on October 13, 1881: “Letter from Major Scheibert,” SHSP IX (1881), 570–572.

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1863,16 and returned as a lieutenant colonel in poor health to Germany in December, 1864. Von Borcke visited the South for the last time in the summer of 1884 and died in Berlin on May 10, 1895. Next to the shining characters of Baron von Massow, Baron von Borke, Victor von Scheliha, Baron von Eberstein, August Buchel,17 and Karl Friedrich Hennigsen,18 soldiers of fortune such as Heinrich von Steinecker,19 H. von Meyer, Baron von König, Baron von Frother, and H. R. von Bieberstein look almost like innocent children.20 Some of them drank their beer in the pub run by Johann Gottfried Lange in Richmond.21 For two reasons the above-named persons are not part of my investigation: 1. With the exception of Buchel and Victor von Scheliha,22 these men came to the Confederacy at the outbreak of war with the express goal of earning a promotion in this war23 but had no private or economic connections to the South. 16 Heros von Borcke was said to wear the longest and heaviest cavalry sabre in the Confederacy: “Our last stop was Richmond, Virginia [...] mainly to see the legendary sword that Regine’s greatgrandfather had worn in the Civil War. Our niece Regine accompanied us during our entire trip, was very interested in everything but not particularly in her famous ancestor, a Prussian officer who fought on the side of the Southern states. But when everyone in Richmond with whom we spoke knew something about Colonel von Borke [sic], and when she saw his overly long sabre in the museum and it was taken out of the glass case for her, she couldn’t avoid being impressed [...]”: Christmas letter of 1962 from Rudolf, Janette and Franziska Heberle (*1919) to relatives and friends, Baton Rouge, 1637 Cloverdale Avenue, in: Franziska Heberle Letters, Y-82, 94, Louisiana State University, Hill Memorial Library, Baton Rouge. 17 August Carl Buchel, born in Guntersblum near Mainz on October 8, 1813, immigrated to Texas in 1845 after military adventures in France, Spain, and Turkey; in 1863 he became colonel of the 1st Texas Cavalry and was killed near Pleasant Hill, La., on August 9, 1864: Robert W. Stephens, August Buchel: Texan Soldier of Fortune (Dallas, 1970). 18 Lonn, Foreigners in the Confederacy, 165–199. Kaufmann called America during the Civil War “the great overseas orphanage for failed German officers”: Kaufmann, Die Deutschen..., 131. 19 RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War, (1288-S-1862): von Steinecker first served in General Blenker’s staff on the Union side, but crossed over to the South for ideological reasons in September, 1862. In the winter of 1866 von Steinecker came under suspicion of having participated in the assassination of Lincoln: OR, Series II, vol. 8, 976f. 20 For information about von Bieberstein cf. Lonn, 224; about Claus Baron von Frother cf: RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War [M 346] (B-863-1863); about Baron Robert von König: ibid., letter of April 30, 1863; about H. von Meyer: ibid., letter of December 5, 1860; about Baron Robert von Massow: ibid. (M-423-1863). 21 Lange wrote: “I served many a glass of beer to great personalities during the war for instance R. E. Lee and son [...] Also some Germans who had joined the Southern army, as Herr von Bork [Borcke], Herr von Krob, Herr von Masrow [Massow] from Berlin; the latter was in Mosby’s Battalion, was badly wounded in his chest, cured and later returned to Berlin. [...] von Schmeling, former Public Prosecutor in Breslau, was Colonel under General Brice in the State of Missouri, was also wounded, taken prisoner and later exchanged for Richmond. All the above named gentlemen came here through the local Spotswood Hotel [...] Herr von Schmeling visited me daily, but later went back to his regiment.” John Gottfried Lange (1809–1892), The New Name or the Shoemaker in the Old and the New world, 236–237. 22 On September 15, 1859, Victor von Scheliha opened the “Kenner-Akademie,” a private boarding school for German boys in the New Orleans suburb of Kenner (Jefferson Parish); twenty subjects were offered. In June, 1861, von Scheliha recruited for the New Orleans Tirailleure and then served as Lieutenant Colonel of the Confederate pioneer corps during the defense of Mobile and Selma: Arthur W. Bergeron Jr., Confederate Mobile (Jackson/London: University Press of Mississippi, 1991), 61–91, 112–114, 133–164; Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, Sept. 29, 1859 and June 6, 1861.

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2. All of these men, except for Barons von Eberstein and von Scheliha as well as Buchel, who was killed in 1864, returned to Europe after the war and thus cannot be considered part of the local German minority. The Confederacy, of whose generals only 2% were foreigners – none of them German – did not tend “to give high rank to distinguished foreigners, or to give commissions at all to undistinguished aliens.”24 Why then should foreigners, or Germans, for that matter, serve with the Confederate Army?

1. The Question of Loyalty and Citizenship as a Basic Precondition for Service in the Confederate Army 1. The Question of Loyalty and Citizenship as a Basic From the beginning of the war a general deep distrust of foreigners of every nationality reigned in the Confederacy; this was a heritage of the antebellum and nativism period, but also part of a new national feeling that viewed everything foreign with a high degree of scepticism, watchfulness, and suspicion. The xenophobia of the South that was typical, even if usually latent, included the Germans, but at the beginning was not specifically directed at this minority. Since the 1850’s Southerners had been aware of the political engagement of the Germans in the North on behalf of the Republican Party and the abolition of slavery. The Confederacy took on a specifically anti-German position only as the war continued: a) About 200,000 German-born soldiers fought in the Union Army up to 1865; they constituted almost 13% of the entire Northern army and served as the irrevocable proof of the fact that a majority of the Germans in the United States were Yankee sympathizers. b) After late summer of 1863 it was well-known in the Confederacy that mass recruitment of young Germans for the Union Army was taking place in Germany with the aid of recruiting agents of the Northern states.25 23 According to Ella Lonn, the Prussian government was forced to cancel all leaves of absence in 1863, because an armed conflict with Austria was threatening and there would then be a shortage of officers: Ella Lonn, Foreigners in the Union Army and Navy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951), 281–283. I could not find this cancellation of leave as a ratified law, but in Prussia there was the possibility of refusing departure by specific ruling “during the period of a war or danger of war”: Gesetz-Sammlung für die Königlichen Preußischen Staaten 1843, law of Dec. 31, 1842, Paragraph 19, 17. 24 Lonn, Foreigners in the Confederacy, 166. A similar policy could be seen in the North. Among the 538 generals of the Union there was a total of forty-one foreigners (7.6%), of whom only twelve were of German origin (22%): Ezra J. Warner, Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, ²1989), xx–xxii. Kügler’s argumentation is totally beside the point: “The southern states welcomed the German officers with open arms and gave them generous possibilities of action, which were only hesitantly offered to the Germans in the North, in spite of their often proven loyalty.” In: Dietmar Kügler, Die Deutschen in Amerika (Stuttgart: Motorbuch Verlag, 1983), 140. 25 Andrea Mehrländer, “‘...ist dass nicht reiner Sclavenhandel?’ Die illegale Rekrutierung deutscher Auswanderer für die Unionsarmee im amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg,” Amerikastudien/American Studies 44, 1 (1999), 65–93.

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c) In connection with the Northern recruitment campaigns in German cities, the Confederate government received reports extremely hostile to Germans from its agents in Europe, especially from Henry Hotze and Ambrose D. Mann. The accusatory texts of these reports appeared increasingly often in the propaganda columns of radical Confederate newspapers and discredited the German minority.26 d) Since Sherman’s march through Georgia many rumors had circulated throughout the South about the indescribable brutality of German soldiers, which was reputed to be much worse even than that of the Yankees.27 President Davis spoke out clearly against depriving foreigners who had already lived for a long time in the South of their naturalization and against thus punishing them in spite of their loyalty to the South.28 The “foreign question” was discussed from various angles in the Confederate Congress. At first the discussion centered around the status of “nonConfederate” citizens and their right to vote, then around the conscription of foreigners into military service and the question of whether consuls had the right to protect foreign citizens from Confederate military service.29 The fact that the representatives in Congress of the state of South Carolina were the strongest defenders of the foreign minority in the South was without a doubt to the credit of the Germans of Charleston – their unconditional loyalty was well-known beyond the borders of their home state. After the Confederacy had, for tactical reasons, on August 22, 1861, created the legal framework granting Confederate citizenship to those who served in the Confederate Army,30 Senator Clay of Alabama moved in the spring of 1863 to withdraw naturalization from foreigners who had not served or who had been dishonorably discharged.31 Senator James L. Orr of South Carolina,32 in arguing against Clay, pointed out that in that case the 26 James W. Silver, “Propaganda in the Confederacy,” Journal of Southern History 11 (1945), 487–503; J. Cutler Andrews, “The Confederate Press and Public Morale,” Journal of Southern History 32 (1966), 445–465; “The Dutch High and Low,” Richmond Examiner, Sept. 7, 1864; William Alexander, “Elements of Discord in Secessia,” Loyal Publication Society 15 (October 1863), 11–12 (excerpts from the Charleston Mercury); “Die Conföderation und die Deutschen,” Richmonder Anzeiger, Feb. 5, 1865; Robert E. Bonner, “Slavery, Confederate Diplomacy, and the Racialist Mission of Henry Hotze,” Civil War History 51.3 (Sept. 2005), 288–316. 27 Recollections and Reminiscences 1861–1865 through World War I, ed. South Carolina Division, United Daughters of the Confederacy (1990/91); Vol. I: 538–539; Vol. II, 300, 312, 345. 28 “An Act to Repeal so much of the laws of the United States adopted by the Congress of the Confederate States as authorize the naturalization of aliens,” February 4, 1862: Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Vol. I, 758f. 29 House of Representatives, January 28, 1863, Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Vol. VI, 50f.; House of Representatives, May 3, 1864, Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Vol. VIII, 17; House of Representatives, August 28, 1862: Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Vol. V, 322. 30 Journal of the Confederate Congress, Vol. I, 384. 31 “An Act to repeal the naturalization laws” of March 9, 1863: Southern Historical Society Papers XLVIII (1941), 268. Cf.: Biographical Register of the Confederate Congress, 52–53. 32 James Lawrence Orr (1822–1873) represented the state of South Carolina for eleven years as a Democrat in the Congress of the United States; in 1860, Orr acted as President of the Secession Assembly of South Carolina; he recruited Orr’s Regiment, including the Walhalla Riflemen as Company C. After the war Orr, now the governor of South Carolina, was a friend of John A. Wagener:

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Confederacy would not be able to replace the loss of foreign craftsmen. He spoke of the thousands of loyal foreigners serving the Confederacy, including Germans, some of whom had served and fought since Manassas. Orr also argued that the withdrawal of naturalization would stop immigration to the South completely. Clay considered this fear to be exaggerated and that the desire for land would continue to attract foreigners to the South. Senator Oldham of Texas suggested that the naturalization of civilian foreigners should be withdrawn, that they should be allowed to remain in the country but not allowed to vote, as that was a privilege only for those native to the country. Senator Clark of Missouri considered that foreigners, including Yankees, were generally dangerous and seditious. He argued that the Germans were all opposed to the Confederacy: “When this war is over these foreigners will swarm in upon us, and invest [sic] the cities and take possession of the waste lands.“33 Immediately after that the Confederate Congress had to take up the question whether so-called alien residents, i.e. inhabitants who had lived there for a long time but were not naturalized, were subject to the Confederate draft: The precedence case, Judge Magrath vs. Henry Spincken, became the basis of further suits; Henry Spincken, a German, had lived in South Carolina more than seven years before he volunteered as a member of the German Artillery in Charleston; in 1862 he protested against the drafting of alien residents. Judge Andrew Gordon Magrath, himself the son of Irish immigrants and, after December, 1864, governor of South Carolina, rejected Spincken’s case.34 Senator Barnwell of South Carolina urgently warned against forcing all foreigners out of the Confederacy by such a draft law and thus harming relations with foreign countries; after all, the foreigners had served the Confederacy well and, because of their small numbers, would hardly strengthen the Southern forces even if they were drafted. Senators Clay and Clark objected vehemently to this point of view; the foreigners, they argued, monopolized trade in many Southern cities and had many privileges. As useless consumers they ate away Southern substance, and through inflationary price speculation they cheated the families of loyally serving soldiers.35 Senator Henry S. Foote of Tennessee, chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, put an anti-Semitic touch to the polemic debate a week later by storming against “Foreign Jews [...] scattered all over the country, under official protection”; he maintained that they had monopolized trade and were undermining the Confederate currency. He too was strongly in favor of drafting foreigners.36 In January, 1864, it was generally understood that, according to international law, no foreign citizen could be forced to serve in the army of the Confederacy. However there was no obstacle to deporting them; this was especially favored because the prejudices and

33 34 35

36

Historical Times Illustrated: Encyclopedia of the Civil War, ed. Patricia L. Faust (New York: HarperPerennial, ²1991), 549. SHSP, vol. XLVIII (1941), 232. “Opinion on the Liability of Alien Residents to Conscription”. In: RG 109, Chapter XII, vol. I, National Archives, Washington, D.C. “Conscription of Alien Residents,” Senate debate of April 13, 1863, Southern Historical Society Papers XLIX (1943), 132f.; Senate, April 4, 1863: Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, vol. III, 236f. SHSP, ibid., 213f. Foote (1804–1880) was the only really bitter enemy of Jefferson Davis in the Confederate Congress. Biographical Register of the Confederate Congress, 86–87.

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complaints against foreigners had increased.37 In January, 1864, the draft was passed for all white men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five who lived within the Confederate borders – without consideration of foreign citizenship.38 Escape to the North to avoid military service automatically invoked the Alien Enemy laws, which sanctioned confiscation by the state of the property left behind.39 Those of the German immigrants who had sworn loyalty to the Union and had become naturalized citizens before the war found themselves at the outbreak of war in conflicts of conscience similar to those experienced by Robert E. Lee, E. K. Smith, Beauregard, Joseph E. Johnston, or the other 213 officers, about 50%, born in the South who had loyally served the Union until 1860 but who became generals in the Confederacy after 1861.40 For German immigrants the loyalty problem was less the consequence of dual citizenship,41 which most of them did not see as such; it was more the elementary question whether they wanted to fight with or against their closest neighbors. The America to which they had immigrated and sworn loyalty no longer existed in 1860; it had divided into two geographical parts, both of which claimed to be legitimate successors of the original Union. The definition of state citizenship formulated by South Carolina on January 1, 1861, was in principle adopted by all eleven Confederate states, including Louisiana and Virginia: [...] 1. Every person, who, at the date of the Ordinance of Secession, was residing in this State, and was then by birth, residence or naturalization, a citizen of this State, shall continue a citizen of this State, unless a foreign residence shall be established by such person with the intention of expatriation. [...] 4. So also, every free white person who 37 Debate in the House of Representatives between Clapp (Miss.), Chambliss (Va.), and Kenan (Ga.) from January 5, 1864: SHSP L (1953), 184f and 208f. 38 House of Representatives, Jan. 2, 1864: Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, vol. VI, 584f. 39 Senate, Jan. 7, 1864: Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, vol. III, 520f: “[...] declaring all persons owing military service to the Confederate States, and who voluntarily depart beyond the boundaries thereof without the written permission of the President, with intent to abandon the same, alien enemies.” The property of such people was confiscated by the Confederate government. 40 Ezra J. Warner, Generals in Gray: Lives of the Confederate Commanders (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, ²1989), xxiii. 41 American citizenship meant a status of double membership: A person was a citizen of the United States, but also a citizen of the state in which he lived. As far as the political privileges accompanying citizenship were concerned, they could vary from state to state and did not automatically mean active voting rights or the possibility of being elected to public office: James H. Kettner, The Development of American Citizenship, 1608–1870 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978), 324. The right to vote was limited during the nineteenth century in at least four ways: It was given only to free, white men, who were at least twenty-one years old and had a specified amount of property. For example, in 1895 South Carolina passed a voting law in which a one dollar voting fee had to be paid, the ability to read and write had to be proven, property at a value of at least $300 had to be shown, and prisoners were excluded from voting, cf.: Werner von der Ohe, “Rassen und Ethnien,” Länderbericht USA, Vol. II, ed. by Willi Paul Adams [et. al.], Series, Vol. 293/II (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, 1992), 344; Dietrich Herrmann, Hans Vorländer and Ulrike FischerInverardi, Nationale Identität und Staatsbürgerschaft in den USA: Der Kampf um Einwanderung, Bürgerrechte und Bildung in einer multikulturellen Gesellschaft (Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2001).

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shall be engaged in the actual service, military or naval, of the State, and shall take an oath of his intention to continue in such service for at least three months unless sooner discharged honorably, and also the oath of allegiance below prescribed. [...].42 Thus it was the place of residence, not citizenship, that served as the decisive criterion for military service, to the disadvantage of all non-naturalized immigrants. Only a person who could establish that, in spite of years of residence, he never had the intention of remaining permanently in the Confederacy, could, as a “not domiciled” person, legally refuse to serve.

1.1 Exemption: the Legally Sanctioned Liberation from Confederate Military Service Parallel to the draft the Confederate Congress also passed laws of exemption to military service; of all the registered soldiers of the Confederacy, about 40 % were exempted on the basis of physical unfitness. In addition the exemption was intended to serve the division between “fighters” and “producers” and thus to assure the continuation of a functioning civil society.43 Teachers, postmen, pharmacists, and newspaper publishers were the primary beneficiaries of this regulation. Pharmacists sometimes developed into owners of grocery stores offering a wider variety of products while the regular shop owners were serving in the army. Occupations that could be exempted became very popular. The new exemption law of October 13, 1862, added a number of occupations that had not been included in the first law, generally craftsmen needed for the production of goods necessary for the war effort: e.g. salt producers, wheelwrights, blacksmiths, shoemakers, millers and mill builders, tanners, harnessmakers, sadlers, and mechanics44 – occupations that were represented over-proportionately among the Germans along with other foreign nationality groups.45 The damage done to the reputation of foreigners due to the occupational war service exemption was without precedent and called disproportionate attention to the existence of the foreign minority, which before the outbreak of war had been nearly invisible to most of the people in the South : “[...] now [...] it is astonishing to observe the great number of ‘foreigners’ in our midst and therefore exempt from the Conscript Act. [...] Nearly every town and city in the South is full of this class of persons – most of them able-bodied young men who voted at our elections two years ago, and who ought to be in the fields in defense of the government of their adoption.”46

42 An Ordinance Concerning Citizenship, Charleston, January 1st, 1861, signed by D. J. JAMISON, President, in: Constitutional Papers, Convention of 1860–1862, Box 2, Folders 11 & 13, South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, SC. Also cf: Amendment of April 4th, 1861: An Ordinance Concerning Citizenship, ibid. 43 See April 21, 1862: Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, vol. II, 221; Albert B. Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1924), 16f., 53, 108. 44 Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, vol. II, 477. 45 Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy, 66f. 46 The Sun, Columbus, Ga., August 26, 1862.

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1.2 The Source of Endless Corruption: the Substitution System and the Payment of Premiums The system of substitution that was also adopted by the Union was originally intended to liberate skilled laborers for industry positions necessary for the war, but in the end it destroyed the fighting morale of the lowly soldiers and, especially in view of the poor payment in the Confederate Army, created the slogan of “a rich man’s war and a poor man’s fight.”47 Privates received $11 per month, after June, 1864, $18. A lieutenant was paid $80, a first lieutenant $90 and a captain $130 per month Those who paid a substitute were often those who were not eligible for exemption because they had not learned a trade important to the war effort but who did not want to risk their lives and had enough money to pay for a substitute.48 A man registered for the draft could legally present a physically and mentally fit substitute who would perform the required military service in his place even if he had not yet been drafted. The “principal” brought this substitute personally to the training camp, had his fitness examined by the military doctor, and paid him a so-called settlement sum that was determined by supply and demand. The principal then received a certificate freeing him from military service, which allowed him to go on with his civil occupation; many of these “freed men” turned to speculation trades.49 Premiums, so-called bounties, were offered by the army of the financially strong Union. Premiums were also customary in the South; their one-time payment independent of the soldiers’ wages was intended to encourage military service among poorer groups. Increasing inflation, however, made the Southern premium system less lucrative50; it could be profitable only in the case of a so-called bounty jumping. A man could desert regularly, be recruited again under a false name in another district, and thus repeatedly collect a “one-time” premium. Countless substitutes who also received the settlement sum from their principals tried to improve their economic situation in this way. There were proven cases of bounty jumping in which men were recruited more than thirty times.51 The longer the war continued, the fewer were the numbers of available substitutes. Whereas at the beginning substitutes could be found for about $150, by the end of 1863 the settlement price had climbed to a sum between 1,500 and 10,000 Confederate dollars.52 The substitutes were often penniless immigrants53; they were sometimes sick men 47 Harry N. Scheiber, “The Pay of Confederate Troops and Problems of Demoralization: A Case of Administrative Failure,” Civil War History XV, 3 (1969), 226–236; Samuel Phillips Day, Down South; An Englishman’s Experience at the seat of the American War, 200. 48 Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy, 27. 49 Ibid., 28: Per company the presentation of one substitute per month was allowed, cf.: OR, Series IV, vol. I, 1099. 50 Eugene M. Lerner, “Money, Prices, and Wages in the Confederacy,” Journal of Political Economy LXIII, 1 (1955), 20–40 and ibid., “Inflation in the Confederacy 1861–1865,” Studies in the Quantity Theory of Money, ed. Milton Friedman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956), 161– 175. 51 Historical Times Illustrated: Encyclopedia of the Civil War, ed. Patricia L. Faust, 72f; Georgia L. Tatum, Disloyalty in the Confederacy (New York: AMS Press, Reprint of 1934 edition, 1970). 52 Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy, 29–30. 53 Ibid., 33–34n and 60f.

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or men who were themselves of draftable age. There were agencies specializing in finding substitutes. Because of the mass desertion of substitutes a law was passed on July 20, 1863, declaring that a principal could be drafted if his substitute deserted. Whereas the substitution system in the Union was professionalized almost to excess, the Confederate Congress eliminated the system in 1863. It is difficult to estimate how many substitutes actually served in the Confederate Army. Apparently 791 substitutes served in South Carolina, 2,040 in North Carolina, 7,050 in Georgia, and 15,000 in Virginia. As a total, there are estimates between 50,000 and 150,000 men.54

1.3 Commutation Clauses and the Twenty-Negro Law: Possibilities for Wealthy Citizens to Buy Their Freedom From Conscription The possibility of buying one’s freedom from conscription existed mainly for the members of religious communities such as the Mennonites, the Quakers, or the Shakers, and this generally cost a flat rate of $500. The first draft law also included the exemption of plantation owners or overseers of at least twenty slaves, if they lived in regions that, like the states of South Carolina and Louisiana, by law required the presence of one white man per plantation. One of the few Germans to have their overseers exempted was J.C.H. Claussen of Charleston, a baker. On August 11,1863, Claussen applied in writing to have his overseer, Douglas Burns, exempted to oversee his plantation in St. Andrew’s Parish, Ashley River. Burns directed the cutting and delivery of yellow pine wood – Claussen needed this wood to run his steam bakery. Claussen had purchased the plantation after 1860.55 This preference available to the plantation class met with massive criticism and led to new thinking in the Confederate Congress. At first they were exempted without cost, but after May 1, 1863, for the maintenance of the social peace, planters and overseers were subject to the exemption fee of $500. In addition in the case of overseers two witnesses had to swear that the person had been employed on the plantation before April 16, 1862.56 In February, 1864, the minimum number of slaves to be managed to qualify for draft exemption was reduced to fifteen, but at the same time a regulation was passed by which a plantation owner had to agree to deliver a specific amount of meat and other goods in order to have an overseer exempted. Only a few slave overseers took advantage of exemption.

54 Senate, December 10, 1863: Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, vl. III, 454f. According to Moore the War Department officially ended substitution on March 5, 1862¸ legally the system continued until the end of 1863: Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy, 27n, 40n; Historical Times Illustrated: Encyclopedia of the Civil War, 731; James C. Neagles, Confederate Research Sources: A Guide to Archive Collections (Salt Lake City: Ancestry, 1986), 124. 55 In: RG 109, Confederate Records Relating to Citizens or Business Firms (M 346, roll 171), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 56 Historical Times Illustrated: Encyclopedia of the Civil War, 767.

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2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston: the Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis 2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston: the The part played by the small German community in Charleston, although small in numbers, in establishing military units to defend the city showed an exemplary patriotism: Almost 17 % of the 3,000 soldiers from Charleston were born in Germany.57 On New Year’s Day, 1862, the Charleston Mercury reported that the city of Charleston had mobilized forty-eight militia companies with more than 3,000 soldiers.58 Among these were seven German companies: Hampton’s Legion

German Volunteers

Capt. Bachman

1st Regiment of Artillery German Artillery, Co. A Capt. Harms German Artillery, Co. B Capt. Werner 1st Regiment of Rifles59

German Riflemen Palmetto Riflemen

Capt. Small Capt. Melchers

17th Regiment Infantry

German Fusiliers

Capt. Lord

Mounted Troops

German Hussars

Capt. Cordes

The traditional German Fusiliers under Samuel Lord, later Captain Schroeder, were no longer an ethnic German unit in 1860 but rather consisted of Charleston citizens of German ancestry and are thus not included in my analysis.60 The German Fusiliers served on the coast of South Carolina and were later combined with the Union Light Infantry to form Company E of the Charleston Battalion.61 The Palmetto Riflemen and the German Riflemen served in the militia until the spring of 1862 and dissolved themselves as independent units when they registered for Confederate war service. For this reason they are also not considered here.62 The remaining four companies served in the Confederate Army until the end of the war in 1865 and retained throughout the adjective “German” in the names of their units. 57 James Simons, “Sketch of Bachman’s Battery,” Stories of the Confederacy, ed. U. R. Brooks (Columbia, SC: The State Company, 1912), 277. 58 “What Charleston is doing for the War,” Charleston Mercury, Jan. 1, 1862. 59 The “Charleston Zouave Cadets” under Captain Chichester belonged to this group. A small group of sixteen Germans, among them August Conrad, served in this unit. 60 “W. H. Grimball’s Glowing Tribute to the German Fusiliers,” Stories of the Confederacy, ed. U. R. Brooks (Columbia, SC: The State Company, 1912), 273–275. 61 This unit, founded in 1775, dissolved itself in 1865 and was refounded in 1873 with Alexander Melchers as Captain and Lieutenants von Santen and Knobloch: R. Withers Memminger Jr., J. Hermie Ostendorff, History of the German Fusiliers of Charleston, S.C. 1775–1892 (n.p., n.d.), 6/7. Also cf.: “Record and Roll of the ‘German Fusiliers,’ S. C. Militia, 1775–1904,” handwritten sketch comp. by Anthony W. Riecke (1842–1907), South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia. 62 Roll Of Volunteer Members Residing In Beat No. 1 S.C.M. January 1862 (believed to be State Reserves) in: RG 109, War Department Collection of Confederate Records, General Records of the Government of the Confederate States of America, Manuscript Rolls 791–1289 (1861–1865) Entry 183, Manuscript 1227, National Archives.

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On the evening of December 20, 1860, Jacob F. Schirmer, the fifty-seven-year-old son of John E. Schirmer from Hamburg, sadly wrote in his diary: “Thus is the commencement of the dissolution of this Union that has been the Pride and Glory of the whole world...”63 No less a person than the seventy-year-old minister John Bachman, son of Swiss and Württemberg immigrants and the “chief religious spokesman for slavery,”64 gave the blessing for the newly founded Confederacy65 in the Charleston Institute Hall on that decisive evening.

Fig. 6.2: REV. JOHN BACHMAN (1790–1875) Pastor John Bachman of St. John’s Lutheran Church in Charleston was of Swiss-German parentage. On the eve of December 20th, 1860, 70-year-old Bachman spoke the benediction for the newly established Confederacy at Institute Hall. Bachman, a close friend of Edmund Ruffin and owner of four slaves in 1860, was considered the “chief religious spokesman for slavery”. The Charleston Museum, Charleston, S. C.

Dr. Bachman, mainly known as a nature researcher to both Germans as well as natives, was an institution in Charleston. He deeply regretted the secession from the Union: “I have this day done the saddest act of my life; I have preached a sermon against the Union, and upholding the secession movement of our people. My father fought in the Revolutionary war. I was taught from my earliest childhood to venerate my country’s flag. Many and many a time have I looked upon that flag with pride. It grieves me that I can do so no more. I love the Union, but I must go with my people.”66 Nonetheless, Bachmann was very proud of sending his son William to the front shortly thereafter as captain of the newly founded German Volunteers. In November, 1862, John Bachman wrote to his friend Edmund Ruffin: “He [William] has been away from us for 63 Jacob Frederick Schirmer Diary, 1853–1861 (#11/567/9), South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 64 John Bachman was born on February 4, 1790, in Rhinebeck, Dutchess County, New York, the son of Jacob Bachmann from Switzerland; his mother came from Württemberg. His father, later a slaveholder, came to America together with William Penn and fought in the Revolutionary War; John Bachman came to Charleston in January, 1815, where he took on the ministry of St. John’s Lutheran Church and preached in two languages: Christopher Happoldt, The Christopher Happoldt Journal: His European Tour with the Rev. John Bachman, ed. Claude Henry Neuffer (Charleston: The Charleston Museum, 1960), 29–38; Fraser, Charleston! Charleston!, 204. 65 Charleston Mercury, Dec. 20, 1861. 66 Anthony W. Riecke Scrapbook, #34/388, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, 273.

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Fig. 6.3: WILLIAM K. BACHMAN (1830–1902) Born in Charleston as the son of Rev. John Bachman, 21-year-old William went to Germany to study law at Göttingen’s GeorgAugust-University. Upon his return, he married Julia R. Fisher and moved to Columbia. There he worked for Bachman & Waties. In 1861 he was elected captain of the German Volunteers, as whose captain he served throughout the war. W. K. Bachman was a member of the South Carolina Legislature in 1865–66, and assistant attorney-general of the State from 1880–1890. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

eighteen months, and amid our anxieties for his safety, I am cheered with the belief that my beloved son is discharging his duty to his country.”67

2.1 Captain Bachman’s German Volunteers: the Native-born Elite among the Germans of Charleston Johann A. Wagener68 signed as the responsible founder of the German Volunteers. His almost thirty-year experience with native Charleston citizens had taught him that the head of the first German military unit established for the war that was to find general recognition would have to be a person accepted by both sides. William K. Bachman, a thirty-year-old lawyer, was a Charlestonian by birth and was the ideal German-American integration figure. He could speak to German as well as American recruits in his unit in their mother tongues; he had studied law in Göttingen for three years, and, after a brief period in Charleston, had moved to Columbia to join Bachman and Waties as an associate. In Columbia, he married Julia R. Fisher on November 27, 1855.69 The young Bachman returned to Charleston at the end of 1860 and volunteered for the military, while his wife Julia organized sewing and spinning circles for the production of bandages in Columbia. Johann A. Wagener also used his influence to acquire two other persons of status in the German community to serve as lieutenants: James Simons Jr. became First Lieutenant and Rudolph Siegling Lieutenant of the German Volunteers. Wagener could not have made better choices. 67 Letter from John Bachman, Charleston, to Edmund Ruffin, Virginia, Nov. 22, 1862, printed in: Charles L. Bachman, John Bachman: Letters and Memories of his Life (Charleston: Walker, Evans & Cogswell, 1888), 363f. 68 Cf. anonymous manuscript, presumably typed by James Simons : “The German Volunteers”, MS (T), c. 1890 I & O 3596, 2: South Caroliniana Library, Manuscripts Department, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 69 See registration number 44050 in 1851: Die Matrikel der Georg-August-Universität zu Göttingen 1837–1900, issued by Wilhelm Ebel (Hildesheim: Verlag August Lax, 1974), 150. In the Deutsche Zeitung of May 23, 1854, Bachman announced his services to potential German clients, including the qualification of fluency in German; his office was at 5 St. Michael’s Alley.

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Fig. 6.4 : JAMES SIMONS Jr. (1839–after 1913) The son of James Simons (1813–1879), James Jr. attended Leipzig University and was admitted to the bar upon his return to Charleston in 1860. Feeling a strong attachment to the German community of Charleston, young Simons entered the service as 1st Lieutenant of Bachman’s German Volunteers in 1861. Simons, who was a close friend of Bachman and Siegling, kept up his German lessons while in the Confederate Army. His journal contains 52 pages of German grammar exercises. In 1879, James Simons formed a co-partnership with Hon. Rudolph Siegling under the firm name of Simons & Siegling. The Charleston Library Society, Charleston, S.C.

James Simons Jr. belonged to the generation of native-born Charlestonians for whom studying at a German university remained an indispensable part of their education.70 As the son of the Militia Brigadier General and Representative James Simons,71 he studied law at the University of Leipzig and passed the bar immediately after returning in 1860. 70 David Moltke-Hansen wrote about the “fashion” of studying in Germany, followed by the sons of respected Charleston families: “Physician Philip Tidyman, after several years in Edinburgh, became the first of a long line of Charlestonians to study in Germany and the first American to take a degree at Goettingen.” In: Intellectual Life in Antebellum Charleston, ed. Michael O’Brien and David MoltkeHansen (Knoxville: The University of Knoxville Press, 1986), 27f., Maurie McInnis and Angela D. Mack, In Pursuit of Refinement: Charlestonians Abroad, 1740–1860 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999); August Conrad tells in his memoirs that it was not his commander, Captain Charles E. Chichester of the Charleston Zouave Cadets, but rather the commander’s wife Jane who spoke fluent German and took special care of the German company members during evening meetings in her house – certainly an unusual situation: Conrad, Schatten und Lichtblicke, 32, 66. In 1895 Jane Chichester issued an eight-page pamphlet about her experience as the wife of the commander of Castle Pinckney with the title: “A Lady’s Experience Inside the Forts in Charleston Harbor”; Anja Becker, “For the Sake of Old Leipzig Days…Academic Networks of American Students at a German University, 1781–1914.” Ph. D. Diss. University of Leipzig, 2006; Michael O’Brien, Conjectures of Order: Intellectual Life and the American South, 1810–1860, 2 vols. (Chapel Hill: University Press of North Carolina, 2004); Waldemar Zacharasiewicz, “Southern Alumni of German Universities: Fashioning a Tradition of Excellence,“ Die deutsche Präsenz in den USA / The German Presence in the U.S.A., ed. Josef Raab and Jan Wirrer (Münster: LIT, 2008), 539–560. 71 Cf. the biography of James Simons (1813–1879) in: Allardice, 209f. As a militia general Simons commanded the 4th Brigade (greater Charleston), which Snowden called “the military backbone of the State” and “nucleus of South Carolina’s military opposition to Federal authority”: History of South Carolina, ed. Yates Snowdon. Vol. II (Chicago/New York: The Lewis Publishing Co., 1920), 669f.

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Fig. 6.5: THREE GENERATIONS OF THE HOUSE OF SIEGLING This rare picture shows three generations of the Siegling family. LEFT: The founder of Siegling’s Music House, Johann Z. Siegling (1791–1867) of Erfurt (Prussia), the oldest of 16 children of Professor Johann Blasius Siegling. He established the family business in 1819 and married Maria Schnierle in 1823. By 1859, Siegling owned 9 slaves. During the Civil War, Siegling rented out a total of 526 pianos in the Charleston area. MIDDLE: One of John’s seven children, Henry Siegling (1828–1905), who grew up in Germany, served with the Marion Artillery during the war, but was also engaged in blockade running. Siegling had a second branch in Havana/Cuba under the name Siegling & Vallote. In 1868, Henry became head of the company. RIGHT: In 1905, Henry’s son Rudolph Siegling incorporated the business under the name „Siegling Music House“. The Charleston Library Society, Charleston, S.C.

Rudolph S. Siegling, the son of Erfurt-born John Z. Siegling, a music house merchant, was born in Charleston in 1839 and visited Germany for the first time in 1866–1867, but had grown up speaking English and German. Sieglings’s mother was related to John Schnierle, who became the first German mayor of Charleston in 1842.72 The fathers of these three young lawyers commanding the German volunteers owned a total of twenty slaves in 1859 and were highly respected citizens in Charleston. Henry Siegling, Rudolph’s older brother and the young head of the music house, did not miss the 72 Rudolph Septimus Siegling was born in Charleston on December 3, 1839, as the youngest of the seven children of Johann Z. Siegling (1791–1867) and Maria Schnierle (1805–1896); he married Effie Oswald Campbell in 1884, and died, a director of the Bank of Charleston, on March 13, 1894, at the age of only fifty-four: Mary Regina Schuman-Leclerq, Memoirs of a Dowager (self-published, 1908), 33 p. and Siegling Family Papers (11 MSS (R), 6 Dec. 1824–18.Aug. 1970 and n. d.), South Caroliniana Library, Manuscript Division, University of South Carolina, Columbia, S.C.

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opportunity, immediately after the secession of the state, to print and sell exclusively the music of the “Palmetto State Song”.73 After Pastor Müller had preached to all of the German companies in Institute Hall on June 13, 1861, “Thanksgiving Day” of the Confederacy, declared by President Davis, and a collection had been taken,74 the excellently equipped German Volunteers met in front of the German Artillery Hall on August 22, 1861 and marched off in the service of the Confederate Army.75 Captain Bachman, who received the regimental flag from Josephine Cordes, declared: Comrades: This is our flag. Under it you are to go to take your place in the contest. You are to fight under that flag; you are to see that it is brought back in honor, for I have promised it for you. This flag is not only to lead you – to be your guide on the field of battle. Recollect at all times who made that flag. All that they ask in return is, that you will never bring dishonor upon their own loved German name.76 Unlike all the other ethnic German units of the Confederacy, the German Volunteers pledged themselves to a five-year period of service. On September 10, 1861, Bachman’s unit left its home town of Charleston, was transported to Richmond by train, and was placed there as Infantry Company H of the famous Hampton Legion. The day that the German Volunteers left home was a big event in the history of Charleston and was described in detail in the Charleston Mercury.77 The German Volunteers bypassed the planned reception by the Richmond Germans and went to their camp at Freestone Point on the Potomac. With his own money Colonel Wade Hampton had imported British Enfield rifles and two field artillery pieces for his legion. Because the number of rifles was not sufficient for the entire legion, Hampton ordered a shooting match with drill exercises to determine the best company by competition. The Washington Light Infantry won the rifles, but the German Volunteers won the two light field artillery pieces. From then on the unit was designated B Company, Hampton Legion Artillery, and, as part of the artillery battalion, came under the command of Major Stephen D. Lee, the Army of Northern Virginia.

73 Copy of the title page in Robert Rosen, Confederate Charleston: An Illustrated History of the City and the People during the Civil War (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1995), 45. Sieglings “Music Store” existed from 1819 to 1970 and was the oldest company of its kind in the United States. For information about the music house cf.: W. H. J. Thomas, “Music House Boasts 150 Year History,” The News and Courier, Charleston, Nov. 11, 1968; “Siegling Music House,” The News and Courier, Charleston, Aug. 18, 1970; Miles B. Gwyn, “Nostalgic Account of the Store,” The New and Courier, Charleston, Aug. 15, 1970. 74 Entry of Jacob F. Schirmer in his diary of June 13, 1861: Jacob F. Schirmer Diary, 1861–1869, (#11/567/10), South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 75 “German Volunteers,” Daily Courier, Charleston, May 6, 1861. Information about registering: Daily Courier, Charleston, Aug. 23, 1861. About drill near Hampstead: “The German Volunteers Company for the War,” Daily Courier, Charleston, Sept. 5, 1861. 76 Charleston Mercury, “Departure of the German Volunteers for the War”, Sept. 11, 1861; Richmonder Anzeiger of Sept. 21, 1861. 77 The Daily Courier, Sept. 11, 1861, described the day as a “proud sight for Charleston” and predicted that “yesterday will long be remembered and enshrined in the hearts of our German fellow-citizens.”

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When the Hampton Legion was reorganized after the expiration of its twelve-month service period, the German Volunteers, because of their five-year agreement, remained unchanged in their organization. On June 22, 1862, the unit came under the command of Pender’s Brigade; on July 28, 1862, under the command of General Hood’s Texas Brigade. The German Volunteers fought, among other battles, at Seven Pines (May 31, 1862), the Seven-Day Battle of Richmond (June–July, 1862), especially Mechanicsville (June 26, 1862) and Gaines’ Mill (June 27, 1862), the second battle of Bull Run (August 29–30, 1862), Boonesborough Gap–Sharpsburg (September 17, 1862), Fredericksburg (December 13, 1862), and Suffolk. During the second Battle of Bull Run on August 30, 1862, the twenty-two-year-old Lieutenant Rudolph Siegling was thrown from his horse by an exploding grenade and was seriously wounded78 Pastor Bachman wrote to Edmund Ruffin: I saw my son William, who commands the German Artillery of Charleston [...] One of my son’s lieutenants, Rudolph Siegling, was struck by the fragments of a shell and pronounced mortally wounded. The army was ordered to cross the Potomac into Maryland; my son remained that night with his wounded lieutenant, and, before, joining his command, ordered a coffin to be made for him. Siegling has however, almost miracuously recovered; he was brought home, and I saw him today on crutches walking about. The young man is both brave and talented. He is one of the few men who has read his own obituary.79 The only source in existence with information about the daily routine of Bachman’s company until March, 1863, is the diary of First Lieutenant James Simons Jr., Siegling’s best friend.80 The young man, who gives us the picture of a very unified unit, in which he, speaking German with his comrades, never felt excluded as an American but felt strongly the uniqueness of the German company.81 Regardless of where they were stationed, the unit retained close connections with Charleston’s German community. Couriers traveled constantly to keep the men supplied with mail and other necessities from home.82 Simons never tired of mentioning the flag hand-made by the German ladies,83 describing the popular items sent by the German 78 Cf. report of Major B. W. Frobel about the operations of August 29–30, 1862, Frederick, Md., Sept. 9, 1862, to Captain W. H. Sellers, Assistant Adjutant-General: “Lieutenant [R.] Siegling, a gallant young officer attached to Bachman’s battery, fell seriously [supposed to be mortally) wounded at his guns, setting an example of cool bravery not often equaled.” In: OR, Series I, vol. 12, part II, 607f. 79 Letter from John Bachman, Charleston, to Edmund Ruffin, Virginia, Nov. 22, 1862, printed in: Bachman, John Bachman: Letters and Memories of his Life, 363f. 80 The diary closes on March 15, 1863, and then contains fifty-two pages of writing practice in Sütterlin script. Simons managed to teach himself 131 German lessons parallel to his army service. The second part of his diary, although announced, does not exist and was probably sold to a private buyer during the auction of his widow’s property in November, 1936: Lt. James S. Simons Jr. Journal 1861–1863, #34/479, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, S.C. 81 Ibid., 21: Simons happily described a reunion with his friend from Leipzig, Richard von SchmidtPoppen, who had married a young woman from Georgia and was now fighting for the South. 82 Ibid, 11, 14, 21, 53/54, 57, 64, 65, 68, 69, 82. 83 Ibid., 1, 13.

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citizens,84 or being ecstatic about the long-wished-for shoes for forty men, which were “the liberal donation of our German friends in Charleston” and which could not be procured by the War Department.85 Simons not only wrote about his German comrades, but also about the problems he and Siegling had when a slave butler ran away or when a slave cook named Henry was left behind.86 In Bachman’s German Volunteers keeping slaves as personal servants was never questioned, although years later Bachmann maintained that his soldiers had never had slaves with them. This was probably glorified in retrospect just as was his declaration that his men were “at all times cheerful and bright” and “never affected by home-sickness.”87 Thanks probably to the connections of the family of Captain Bachman, Simons had meetings with two eminent Germans in the Confederate capital. On February 28, 1863, Simons had an audience with Secretary of the Treasury Memminger88; on March 1, 1863, he went to services in St. Paul’s Church and listed to a sermon by Pastor Minnigerode89 in the presence of President Davis. Minnigerode as well as Memminger had both turned away completely from their German background – Simons also did not mention their 84 Ibid.: Especially mentioned was the arrival of Courier Behre with winter clothing on November 19, 1862, the return of Sgt. Bergmann with four boxes sent from Charleston on December 18, 1862, and the receipt of two more boxes from Charleston on January 1, 1863. Captain Bachman had requested woolen blankets in a letter to Col. Wagener from Bacon Race on September 29,1861. This letter was published in the Daily Courier, Charleston, on October 11, 1861, and named the three German company charitable committees. 85 Ibid: From the beginning of November, 1862, about forty men of the German Volunteers were without shoes; Simons reported this impossible situation for the first time on November 7, 1862. On January 7, 1863, the company finally received valuable leather shoes made in England. 86 Ibid. 13: Jim, the slave rented by Bachman and Siegling, ran away; he stole Simons’ felt hat; 16: Henry, the cook, left behind in Ashland, Va.; illness of Thomas, the servant – Siegling and Simons take things into their own hands; 59: search for the run-away cook Thomas. 87 In the article it is mentioned twice that all the men were German-born – the replacement with Americans due to battle losses goes unmentioned: William K. Bachman, “W. K. Bachman’s Battery: A brief and modest story by their gallant commander,” undated newspaper article in: Anthony W. Riecke’s Scrapbook, Vol. III, 167–168 (#34-390), South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 88 Simons’ Journal, 84: On the day of his audience with Memminger Simons commented in his diary how overwhelmed he was with the inflationary prices in Richmond. Christopher G. Memminger was born on January 9, 1803, in Mergentheim, Württemberg and immigrated to Charleston in 1806 : Johann A. Wagener, “Christopher Gustav Memminger,” Der Deutsche Pionier VII (1875/76), 171– 173. 89 Ibid., 84: “[...] heard a good sermon badly delivered by the Rev. Mr. Minnigerode.” Simons was not the only contemporary to critize Minnigerode’s style of preaching. Thomas Conolly, an Irish visitor to Richmond in 1864 and 1865, noted in his diary that Minnigerode’s sermon “sent me to sleep” (March 26, 1865): An Irishman in Dixie: Thomas Conolly’s Diary of the Fall of the Confederacy, ed. Nelson Lankford (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988), 67ff. Karl Minnigerode, born in Arensberg in Westphalia in 1814, spent several years in prison because of his revolutionary activities, before he emigrated to America at the end of 1839, and took on a professorship for classical literature at William and Mary College, Williamsburg, Va., in 1842. Beginning in 1848 the theologian, himself a glowing supporter of slavery, preached as pastor of the Episcopalian St. Paul’s Church in Richmond. Minnigerode was a close friend, confidant, and confessor of President Davis. He died in 1894. Cf.: Schuricht, I, 42. Of the nine children of the minister, Charles Minnigerode (born in 1846) served as Aide-de-Camp and Lieutenant on the staff of General Fitzhugh Lee. The war letters of the son to the father were published in: Marietta Minnigerode Andrews, Scraps of Paper (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1929).

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Fig. 6.6: REV. CHARLES MINNIGERODE (1814–1894) Born in Arensberg, Westphalia, Charles Minnigerode studied law at the University of Gießen. There he took part in politics and distributed revolutionary pamphlets. He was sentenced to several years in prison and emigrated to America in 1839, first to Philadelphia and in 1842 to Williamsburg, Va., where he taught at the College of William and Mary. In 1844, he joined the Episcopal Church and, in 1848, exchanged the professorship with the pulpit. As a staunch believer in the institution of slavery, himself being the owner of four in 1860, his estrangement from the German community of Richmond became more and more apparent. Minnigerode was friend and confessor of President Jefferson Davis. From Minnigerode’s eight children, Lt. Charles Minnigerode Jr. (*1846) served as Aidede-Camp to General Fitzhugh Lee. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

German origins. Memminger, who grew up in the orphanage in Charleston and was then adopted by Governor Thomas Bennett, received American citizenship on June 22, 1824. Already by this time he could no longer understand German, but had letters from relatives in Germany translated.90 On Sunday, March 8, 1863, Simons, the church-goer, reported: Yesterday some of our men erected a very excellent Bowling alley, and they devoted the whole of today to its enjoyments. It may be thought rather singular, that men should spend Sunday in rolling ten pins. The Germans are, however, differently educated on this subject than the Americans and our men in innocently amusing themselves in this way, did nothing more, than what is done every Sunday in their own country, and their enjoyment was much more harmless, than many other Sunday employments either in the army or in Richmond.91 90 On September 5, 1854, Memminger wrote to his wife from Cologne: “[...] and how far we seem to be from home. Everything around us is foreign and we hear foreign words on every side.” In: Christopher G. Memminger Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Library of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C. 91 Simons’ Journal: entry of March 8, 1863, 89. Captain Bachman confirmed this in his article about the history of the unit and also mentioned that the men were great chess players. For Simons’ description of German manners and mentality, cf.: Waldemar Zacharasiewicz, Das Deutschlandbild in

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After the Battle of Gettysburg the German Volunteers returned to Pocotaligo, South Carolina, in 1863. Although until the end of 1863 the officers of the unit were able to resist promotions and thus transfers, Captain Bachman was finally promoted to commander of an artillery battalion92 and replaced by First Lieutenant James Simons Jr., who, as Captain, led the German Volunteers until the end of the war. When the Confederates withdrew from South Carolina, the German Volunteers once again came briefly under the command of Wade Hampton in Fayetteville, North Carolina. The unit showed great bravery during the battles of Tullifinny and Coosawhatchie; after the surrender of General Johnston the company dissolved itself near Camden, South Carolina, in 1865 and returned home to Charleston.93

2.2 Charleston’s German Artillery, Companies A & B: Wagener, Melchers, and the Heroes of Port Royal As opposed to Bachman’s German Volunteers, the German Artillery did not have GermanAmerican officers. The German Artillery was instead the continuation of the nepotistic militia system of the antebellum period and could really be called a Melchers-Wagener joint project. The artillery, divided into two companies in 1859, was led by Major Johann A. Wagener, who was appointed colonel of the militia in September, 1861, and in the following six months was able to prepare both companies for the hard war.94 In the spring of 1862, when the companies were mustered into Confederate service, Wagener’s brother Friedrich Wilhelm Wagener led Company A and Franz Melchers led Company B. On December 27, 1860, the German Artillery received orders to march to Fort Moultrie. The German militia companies served in almost all of the forts in the port of Charleston until April, 1861. The young men in the companies were not born soldiers and were used to the pleasant aspects of the antebellum militia. Franz Melchers, still First Lieutenant of Company B, looked back on the spring of 1861 and his transfer to Castle Pinckney: “I missed my afterdinner coffee a great deal.”95 In March the artillery was ordered to Sullivan’s Island. “It was

92 93

94

95

der amerikanischen Literatur (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1998), and ibid., “Transatlantische Affinitäten: Europabilder im amerikanischen Süden zwischen Antebellum und Moderne,” Europa Interdisziplinär: Probleme und Perspektiven heutiger Europastudien, ed. Brigitte Glaser and Hermann Josef Schnackertz (Würzburg: Neumann, 2005), 181–202. Bachman’s promotion had already been recommended to General Lee by Brigadier General W. N. Pendleton on November 1, 1862: OR, Series I, vol. 51, part II, 639f. Cf.: Bachman’s obituary in: Confederate Veteran X (1902), 274. In a letter to his father W. K. Bachman wrote in 1865: “Charleston will certainly be evacuated – leave it.” Quoted from Kate Bachman’s (W. K. Bachman’s sister) festive speech before the Daughters of the Confederacy on the occasion of Jefferson Davis’ birthday, 1898, in: Mrs. W. K. Bachman Papers, Letters to Kate Bachman 1865, South Caroliniana Library, Manuscript Collection, University of South Carolina, Columbia; James Simons, “Sketch of Bachman’s Battery,” 276–283. Brigadier General Wilmot DeSaussure wrote to Wagener on August 9, 1862, giving him a two-month leave, and added: “[...] upon the expiration you can remain at Walhalla with your family until summoned by orders.” In “Fourth Brigade, S. C. Militia 1861–1865”, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. Franz Melchers, “My recollections as a soldier,” 3.

2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston

165

Fig. 6.7: JOHN A. WAGENER (1816–1876) Wagener emigrated from Sievern to New York in 1831 and came to Charleston in 1833. In 1837 he married Marie Elise Wagner (1822–1897) of Karlshafen, Hesse. By the time he volunteered for military service, Wagener had eight children, two more being born in 1861 and 1864. He served as Colonel of the First Regiment of Artillery. From: Der Deutsche Pionier (1876).

very disagreeable to have to get up and march in the middle of such a cold night. None had dreamed of such a thing.”96 Nonetheless, the inexperienced men participated in the bombardment of Fort Sumter between April 12 and 14, 1861.97 In May, 1861, Major Wagener was in the headlines of the Charleston press with his newly developed mortar projectile. In the presence of Governor Pickens Wagener held shooting practice from the Battery to test the precision and distance of the projectile.98 The good results led to the order on October 11, 1861, for his artillery to take up position in Fort Walker near Hilton Head, between Charleston and Savannah.99 The Battle of Port Royal took place there on November 7, 1861.100 Two hundred twenty mainly German artillery soldiers, with only fifteen artillery pieces, tried for five hours to resist an enemy with more than eighteen warships and 4,000 artillery pieces. More than thirty had been killed or wounded by the time the Germans finally retreated.101 Wagener’s sixteen-year-old son Julius J. Wagener became quite famous when he picked up the battalion 96 Ibid. 97 Franz Melchers, “Historical Sketch of the German Artillery,” 352–356. 98 “Experiments with Artillery – Major Wagener’s new projectile,” Charleston Mercury, May 22, 1861; Daily Courier, Charleston, May 6, 1861 and May 22, 1861. 99 Charleston Mercury, Oct. 12, 1861: “The German Artillery, companies A and B [...] yesterday embarked for a point on our coast which shall be nameless. We heard but one opinion as to their soldierly appearance and comfortable outfit. Indeed, in the matter of outfit, our German companies seem all to have been peculiarly fortunate.” After the unexpected death of the thirty-four-year-old Captain Nohrden in 1861, Company A was commanded by Dietrich Werner. 100 “Calendar of Events in the Defense of Charleston, South Carolina (Appendix A),” City of Charleston Yearbook 1888 (Charleston: Walker, Evans & Cogswell Co., 1888), i–xx. 101 W. A. Boyle, “Defense of Fort Walker,” Confederate Veteran XXIX, 11/12 (Dec. 1921), 411, 442.

166

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Fig. 6.8: BOMBARDMENT OF FORT WALKER, S.C. Ft. Walker was said to have been designed by John A. Wagener. On November 7th, 1861, 220 men of the German Artillery defended Port Royal against a fleet of 18 enemy ships – after five hours, they succumbed to the enemy’s superior force. Col. Wagener and the German Artillery were lauded for their bravery and distinguished service. From: The Confederate Soldier in the Civil War, 1861–1865, ed. Benjamin LaBree (1895).

flag that had been shot down and held it up until the company surrendered.102 Franz Melchers was standing next to his best friend Meyerhoff when the latter was killed. “He lay in front of me as if it were a piece of me,” Melchers later wrote.103 For the German Artillery Port Royal marked the real beginning of the war. It was also to be the only battle in the entire South that brought honor to the German troops. On December 3, 1861, Charleston prepared an unprecedented reception for the brave returning troops, even though the Union Navy occupied Port Royal until the end of the war.104 The House of Representatives of the state of South Carolina, in the person of G. A. Trenholm, issued a resolution of thanks in recognition of their “loyalty to the State of their adoption.”105 102 The state of South Carolina gave him a fellowship as a cadet at the state military academy, which he however never accepted. Julius J. Wagener served as a major in the Spanish-American War and offered his services in World War I against the Germans in 1917; J. J. Wagener died on August 10, 1917: “Maj. Julius J. Wagener,” Confederate Veteran XXV, 12 (Dec. 1917), 565. 103 Franz Melchers, “My recollections as a soldier,” 5. 104 Major Huger called the Germans “a group of heroes”: “Die deutsche Artillerie von Fort Walker,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Dec. 5, 1861. 105 Text of the resolution in: “The German Artillery,” Anthony W. Riecke’s Scrapbook, vol. III (#34390), South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston.

2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston

167

Fig. 6.9: JULIUS J. WAGENER (1845–1917) and NIKOLAUS BISCHOFF (1832–1917) The second son of John A. Wagener – pictured here with Nikolaus Bischoff (left) and J. Friedrich Johanns (right) – became one of the boy heroes of the Confederacy, when, only 16 years old, he daringly replaced the flag at Ft. Walker after it had been shot away. In a resolution of the State House of Representatives, dated December 19th, 1861, Julius was appointed a state cadet. He also served in the SpanishAmerican War, and offered his services to the US Army in 1917 against his father’s homeland, when death came. Nikolaus Bischoff of Kassebruch served as 2nd Lieutenant in Co. A, German Artillery; after the war he became a caterer and established a splendid reputation in Charleston. The Charleston Library Society, Charleston, S.C.

The Battle of Port Royal on November 7, 1861, was the last battle fought by both companies together. “Let no-one in the future deride your patriotism. Answer him with Port Royal,”106Colonel Wagener reminded his men when Company A (light artillery) was ordered to Tar Bluff and Company B (heavy artillery) to Ashepoo River.107 In the middle of April, 1862, they were mustered into Confederate service. Both companies fought to the end of the war exclusively within the state of South Carolina.108 Captain F.W. Wagener’s Company A belonged in 1863 to the six of a total of seventeen batteries of light artillery in South Carolina that were given special mention for their excellent discipline and drill.109

106 “Die deutsche Artillerie von Fort Walker,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Dec. 5, 1861. 107 Stewart Sifakis, Compendium of the Confederate Armies: South Carolina and Georgia (New York: Facts on File, 1995),18–19. 108 River’s Account of the Raising of Troops in South Carolina for State and Confederate Service, 1861–1865 (Columbia: Bryan Printing Co., 1899), 262. 109 “Report of Inspection of German Artillery, Capt. F. W. Wagener, by Major W. J. Saunders, CSA, 30.03.1863,” in: RG 109, War Department Collection of Confederate Records, Records of the Dep. of S.C., Ga. and Fla.: Inspection Reports, no. 1–166: # 70, National Archives, Washington, D.C.; “Report of Inspection of German Artillery Comp. A (Capt. Werner), by 1st Lieut. and Inspector Schniede, Feb. 28th, 1863”: ibid.

168

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Fig. 6.10: FRIEDRICH WILHELM WAGENER (1832–1921) Friedrich Wilhelm Wagener followed his older brother John A. to Charleston in 1848, where he began a small grocery and liquor business. He married Hanna Sophia Krantz of Sievern in 1859. In 1861 he was elected captain of Co. A of the German Artillery. By the war’s end the firm Wagener, Heath & Monsees was without “much means”. Friedrich Wilhelm, however, was hard-working and industrious. In 1876 he built a large warehouse on East Bay and expanded into the cotton business, claiming the largest business among all Charleston firms in that line by 1881. He launched Summerville as a prosperous tourist resort for northern visitors and was the moving spirit behind the South Carolina Interstate and West Indian Exposition in 1901/1902. Despite his major contributions to the city, Wagener remained a nearly invisible man in the annals of Charleston’s history. The Charleston Library Society, Charleston, S.C.

Very ill with the measles at the beginning of 1862, Franz Melchers for the first time regretted his decision to serve in the army. As the publisher of a newspaper he was legally exempt from military service,110 but he stayed and was appointed captain of Company B in the middle of 1862. His unit received special mention in 1863 for excellent discipline and drill.111 Melchers, as had many others of his unit, had rented a slave as his personal servant; Tembrur stayed with him until the end of the war and even saved the life of the seriously ill officer in the spring of 1865. It was not Tembrur though, but the slave cook Amos Cooper, who received a war pension from the state of South Carolina for his services in Melchers’ company after April, 1924.112 The companies surrended at the end of April, 1865, in North Carolina under General Johnston and were only reorganized under Captain F. W. Wagener at the end of the Reconstruction Period in 1877. However, the veterans met every year after 1865 at Bethany Cemetery: The artillery had a particularly nice custom. Every year in the late fall they went to Bethany, the beautiful and flowering German cemetery, as large as nine fields, and dedicated a mourning and memorial parade to the fallen comrades, an impressive and moving ceremony that should be imitated everywhere. We have sometimes seen tears running down the bearded cheeks of the brave German artillery members.113 110 Franz Melchers, “My recollections as a soldier,” 7. 111 “Report of Inspection of Co. B, German Artillery, Capt. Melchers, by Lieut. James D. Gist, A.D.C., Feb. 28th, 1863,” in: RG 109, War Department Collection of Confederate Records, Records of the Dep. of S.C., Ga. and Fla.: Inspection Reports, no. 1–108, report #49, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 112 Franz Melchers, “My recollections as a soldier,” 13: Amos Cooper, born in Oceda, in Georgetown District, #4050: Confederate Pension Applications 1919–1925, South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, S.C. 113 Johann A. Wagener, “Die Deutschen von South Carolina: Die Stadt am Meere,” 214.

2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston

169

Fig. 6.11: THEODORE D. BELITZER (1843–1864) The son of Prussian-born Isaac Behlitzer and his wife Caroline, who had come to Charleston in 1850, Theodore enlisted as private in Capt. Cordes’ German Hussars on February 26th, 1862. He was taken prisoner of war at Wilmington, N. C., in November 1864. 21year-old Belitzer was killed when the Federal steamer that was to bring the prisoners to Ft. Monroe caught fire at sea. The Belitzers were members of Charleston’s Beth Elohim Congregation. Courtesy of Congregation K. K. Beth Elohim, Charleston, S.C.

The Wagener and Melchers families, as followers of the “lost cause” ideology, supported the erection of a monument of granite and bronze in the German Bethany Cemetery in honor of the fallen men of the German Artillery: “The Confederate Army / The Soldiers / whom this Monument / Commemorates / Illustrated in Death as in Life / The German’s Devotion to Duty.”114

2.3 The Epitome of German Prosperity in Charleston: Captain Cordes and his German Hussars Cordes’ German Hussars were the only ethnic German cavalry militia in the South during the antebellum period and took up position on Sullivan’s Island in the spring of 1861. After their enlistment into Confederate service in April, 1862, they were integrated as Company G into the 3rd South Carolina Cavalry under Colonel Colcock.115 The Hussars fought at 114 Inscription of the “Wagener Monuments,” Bethany Cemetery, North Charleston, copied by the author on September 29, 1996. 115 “The Third South Carolina Cavalry,” Stories of the Confederacy, ed. U. R. Brooks (Columbia, SC: The State Company, 1912), 219–233.

170

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Secessionville and Camp Lay. Even in 1863, when many cavalry units were in poor conditions, the German Hussars had complete and cared-for equipment, seventy-eight horses, two covered wagons, and sufficient reserve ammunition.116 In the summer of 1864 Captain Cordes asked to be relieved. He was the oldest of all the commanders of German units in South Carolina and was worried about his family: “I am fifty years of age now and am too advanced in life to do effective duty in the field. I have a wife, six children and two grant children [sic] almost entirely dependent upon me for support. My son who is the only male person to whom my family can look to for assistance of any kind is now seventeen years of age and is obliged to go into service.”117 Here too continuity was found: Cordes’ twenty-eight-year-old clerk Charles Fremder was named as the new captain and led the men during the siege of Savannah. For the first time the Hussars served as an infantry unit here and fought in the ditches of the city. Only thirty men were left in the unit at the end of the war – one of the most tragic casualties was 21-year-old Theodore Belitzer.118 Theodore Cordes died of pneumonia in Ridgeville, South Carolina at the age of sixty-one on April 7, 1874.119

2.4 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Of the 395 researched soldiers more than 28 could be identified in the Census of 1860, an extraordinarily high rate compared with the results for Richmond and New Orleans. The highest rate of conformity of all the investigated companies with 53.7%, was for the German Hussars, which is surely due to the low number of only fifty-four men. However, since Cordes’ company was also the only mounted antebellum militia of German immigrants in the South, one might assume that its members were, on the basis of their social standing and fortunes, well-known representatives of the German community. The ethnic elites were much more likely to be found in various bureaucratic registers in 1860 than were the “large masses of poor foreigners.” For the German Hussars the investigation centered on the period between the founding of the mounted militia and their enlistment into Confederate military service. In May, 1859, the German Hussars included exactly eighty-nine men as their founding members. Among them were nine Americans. Of these eighty-nine men only twenty-four owned real property in 1859–60 totaling US $172,950. Thus 73% of the members were listed neither in the Census of 1860 nor in the city tax lists of Charleston (1859) as having property. A total of US $62,400 in movable property for 1859–60 was divided among thiry members (33.7%) of the unit. Here it can be assumed that the propertied members 116 “ Report of Inspection of Capt. Theo Cordes Cavalry Co., by Lieut. L. M. Butler, CSA, Feb. 1863,” in: RG 109, Records of the Dep. of S.C., Ga. and Fla. – Inspection Reports, no. 1–108, report #2, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 117 Letter from Captain Theodore Cordes to General S. Cooper, Camp Fripp, June 5, 1864: CSR Cordes (M 267, roll 16). 118 “The German Hussars,” 177: Anthony W. Riecke Scrapbook, vol. III (#34-390), South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 119 News & Courier, Charleston, April 8, 1874.

2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston

171

were older men already established with an occupation, whereas the younger men still lived with their parents and had no private property. The twenty-one slave holders among the founding members of the unit (23.6%) belonged to the elite of only 31% of all the whites in the South who had slaves at all in 1860.120 Persons who, in 1850, possessed property valued at at least $2,000 belonged to the richest 13% in the country and thus to the economic elite of the USA121; among the founding members of the German Hussars twenty persons belonged to this exclusive circle, especially the American Alexander Owens with $27,700, followed by J. C. H. Claussen with $24,500. At the outbreak of war forty-three members (47.2%) left the German Hussars, among them all of the Americans. Seven men were added, so that the unit rode out in 1861 with fifty-four men. In spite of the loss of prosperous founding members, the majority of the richest men remained in the company. The four men who were taxed the most included the captain as well as the two lieutenants: 1. J. C. H. Claussen;

$449.50; Slaves: 11,

Rank: Pvt.

2. Henry Bischoff;

$420.50; Slaves: 6,

Rank: 2nd Lt.

3. Theodore Cordes;

$238.00; Slaves: 7,

Rank: Capt.

4. John Campsen;

$209.50; Slaves: 1,

Rank: 1st Lt.

Total:

$1317.50; Slaves: 25

There is also more information about origin, occupation, and age for Cordes’ company than for any other investigated unit. Cordes’ soldiers were older – an average of 31.8 years of age – than those of the other German companies in Charleston, which is logical in view of their economic standing. The average wealth of a German immigrant in North America in 1860 was estimated at $1,200.122 If one divides the total property of more than $158,000 among the fifty-four members, each member of the German Hussars owned property valued at an average of almost $3,000 and thus double the national average. Cordes’ company alone had twelve members who exceeded this value by a great deal, led by the already familiar owner of the South Carolina Steam Bakery, J. C. H. Claussen, originally from Kirchhatten near Oldenburg, with property valued at $24,500. Of the fifty-four men serving in the unit before the German Hussars were mustered into Confederate service, eleven offered substitutes at the time. However, substitutes, who were affordable at this early point in the war were, with the exception of Claussen, not offered by any of the propertied members. A “poor man’s fight” can thus not be assumed here.123 120 Peter J. Parish, Slavery: History and Historians (New York: Harper & Row, 1989), 26f. 121 Lee H. Soltow, Men and Wealth in the United States, 1850–1870 (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1975), 65, 186; Loren Schweninger, “Prosperous Blacks in the South, 1790–1880,” American Historical Review 95,1 (Feb. 1990), 31–56. 122 Soltow, Men and Wealth, 171. 123 “Draft Substitutes, 1862 (A–Z),” Ledger Book, Adjutant General’s Office, handwritten (Charleston: Evans & Cogswell, n. d.). In: South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, S.C.

172

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Claussen presented John Wambach as a substitute on May 13, 1862;124 he was urgently needed in Charleston. His South Carolina Steam Bakery was the largest and most important bakery in the Department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida125 in 1863 and was responsible for supplying 35,000 soldiers with bread.126 In a letter from the front published in November, 1861, we read: “Think of it, ye city people!! Luxuriating daily in warm crisp loaves, from Claussen or Marshall – think of your brave volunteers craving for well baked bread.”127

Fig. 6.12: J. C. H. CLAUSSEN’S SOUTH CAROLINA STEAM BAKERY From the Daily Courier, Charleston, November 20th, 1860.

Cordes’ men came mainly from the Kingdom of Hanover and Grand Duchy of Oldenburg; forty of the fifty-four members (74%) were merchants or clerks; there were no laborers. Whereas in every other ethnic German company in Charleston at least one member received a war pension from the state of South Carolina after 1887, no one from Cordes’ company received such a pension; there was no need here. 124 In his amnesty appeal of September 8, 1865 Claussen wrote: “[...] your petitioner [...] may not deny, that in the late rebellion his sympathies have been with the South, but that he has not [...] performed any military service [...].”Indeed, he resigned from the company when the German Hussars were mustered into Confederate service. In : RG 94, “Amnesty Papers” (M 1003, roll 44, 687f.), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 125 Historical Times Illustrated, 704. 126 On August 4, 1863, Major H. C. Gravier issued the following statement: “This certifies that Mr. Claussen is the principal Baker for this department – his bakery is indispensable [...].”In: RG 109, Confederate Papers relating to Citizens or Business Firms (M 346, roll 171), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 127 “Progress of the Border Campaign – Our Manassas Correspondence,” Charleston Mercury, Nov. 5, 1861: the writer signed with “KIAWAH”.

2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston

173

Fig. 6.13: J. C. H. CLAUSSEN (1823–1910) Promoting “Southern Rights and Southern Interests” in his business ad of November 20th, 1860, J. C. H. Claussen (1823–1910) of Kirchhatten/ Oldenburg cast his lot with the Confederacy. By 1859, the prosperous baker owned 11 slaves; he and his brother F. C. Claussen purchased two plantations outside Charleston during the war. J. C. H. Claussen served with Capt. Theodore Cordes’ German Hussars for one year and then paid a substitute to do his duty. In the 1870’s Claussen started the PALMETTO BREWERY, which was later renamed GERMANIA BREWING CO. Claussen had this picture taken in 1902 for his South Carolina InterState and West Indian Exposition Pass. Courtesy of Charleston County Public Library (SCR 907.4757)

The other ethnic German companies were also not penniless; Bachman’s unit, the youngest with an average age of 23.5 years, was also the unit with the smallest fortune. His unit also had the highest rate of desertion – 20.6% – which leads to the assumption that many of the men who had obligated themselves to serve for five years, which was unusual in the South, could not hold out in face of the dangers and of the economic hardships faced by those left behind. Melchers’ company, with a desertion rate of 19.7%, was also far above the average desertion rate among Confederate soldiers of 11% in total.128 To summarize: the soldiers of the ethnic German companies of Charleston came from the Kingdom of Hannover, the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg, and South Carolina (secondgeneration Germans); more than 67% were occupied in trade, a completely different occupational structure than in the units from Richmond or New Orleans. Ten percent of the men were not within the required age limits established for service after April, which might be due to patriotic enthusiasm for the war. Of the 395 men forty soldiers (10%) presented a substitute in the period under investigation. If one considers the officially published number of 791 substitutes for South Carolina, the Germans of Charleston alone offered 5%.129 With a total of twenty-eight men who had property valued at more than $2,000 in 1860, 7% of all the members of these units belonged to the richest 13% in the USA. The Charleston ethnic German units also had, with 5.6%, the highest rate of slave-holders. This is independent of the rented slaves serving in Bachman’s and Melchers’ companies as servants, cooks or drummers. In comparison to Richmond and New Orleans the high number of eleven pensioners (2.8%) had a simple explanation: the ten men who received a pension from the state of South Carolina (one had moved to Louisiana and received a pension there) applied only in 1919, when the eligible groups were enlarged130 and when seventy-nine-year-old Anton W. 128 Ella Lonn, Desertion during the Civil War (Gloucester: Peter Smith, ²1966), 231–235. 129 OR, vol. 129, 103. 130 The state of South Carolina paid war pensions to veterans and widows after December, 1887; in 1919 the law was extended by Act 176, so that widows older than sixty who had married a Civil War veteran before 1890 were eligible to receive a pension. Only after 1923 could “African-Americans” apply for a pension if they had served as cook, etc., for at least six months. Between 1919 and 1925

174

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Jäger, who had once been the flagbearer in Bachman’s German Volunteers, served as the chairman of the three-person Charleston County Pension Board. He died on November 13, 1920.131 Along with sixty-two other comrades Jäger found his last resting place in Bethany Cemetery in Charleston.

about 12,000 pension applications were submitted to the appropriate offices: Comptroller General, Confederate Pension Department, Index to Confederate Pension Applications, Film #3. In: South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, S.C. 131 The obituary of the loyal flagbearer stated: “Anton W. Jäger took the guidon of Bachman’s Battery and tenderly placed it inside his jacket of gray, next to a heart which, until it was pulseless in death, ever throbbed with fidelity to and affection for the Confederate Cause.” In: “Anton W. Jäger,” Confederate Veteran XXIX, 11/12 (Nov./Dec. 1921), 432.

175

2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston

Table VI.1 Evaluation Overview of the Ethnic German Companies of South Carolina Melchers’ Co. Wagener’s Co. Bachman’s Co. Troop Strength

86

I

158

II

97

III

Cordes’ Co. 54

Total

IV

395

Census 1860

24(27.9%)

38(24.1%)

20(20.6%)

29(53.7%)

111(28.1%)

City Directory 1860

28(32.6%)

39(24.7%)

18(18.6%)

34(62.9%)

119(30.1%)

Origin Information

48(55.8%)

61(38.6%)

35(36.1%)

37(68.5%)

181(45.8%)

Occupation Information

41(47.6%)

70(44.3%)

28(28.9%)

41(75.9%)

180(45.6%)

47 (54.7%)

65 (41.1%)

35 (36.1%)

35 (64.8%)

182 (46.1%)

29.8 years

26.6 years

23.5 years

31.8 years

27.7 years

5(5.8%)

2(1.3%)

3(3.1%)

12(22.2%)

22(5.6%)

27

11

15

51

104

54,626.00

2,900.00

48,100.00

153,376.00

Age Information

Average Slave-holders Slaves Personal property in $ in 1859-60

47,750.00

(24 P.= 7.9%) (25 P.= 5,8%)

Real Estate Property in $ in 71,810,00(12 1859-60 P.= 13.9%) War pension (CSA) Buried in Bethany Cemetery

(2 P.= 2,.%) (24 P.= 4.4%) (75 P.= 8.9%)

50,600,00(6 P.= 3.8%)

10,000,00(1 P.= 1.03%)

110,150,00(1 7 P.= 31.5%)

242,560,00(3 6 P.= 9..1%)

1(1.2%)

6(3.8%)

4(4.1%)

--

11(2.8%)

21(24.4%)

21(13.3%)

8(8.2%)

13(24.1%)

63(15.9%)

P: Persons Explanations of the Troop Numbers: I: Melchers’ German Artillery Co. B All of those German-born132 men are included in this troop compilation who served in the German Artillery Co. B between April 12, 1862, the official mustering into Confederate service, and the end of the war and who could be found in the Compiled Service Records133. American-born men are not included. II: Wagener’s German Artillery Co. A All of those German-born134 men are included in this troop compilation who served in the German Artillery Co. A between April 12, 1862, the official mustering into Confederate service, and the end of

132 The word "German-born" refers to all men born in Germany and those sons of immigrant Germans who were born in America (second-generation Germans). If nationality information was missing, J. A. Wagener’s list of the 191 members of the German Artillery of July, 1859, was used to verify the German-born members.: German Artillery, Charleston: I&O, 1001, MS, Apr.-July 1859, South Caroliniana Manuscript Collection, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 133 The Compiled Service Records of the unit can be found in: Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of South Carolina, RG 109, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 267, roll 106 ("Melchers’ Co./ German Artillery, Co. B").

176

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

the war and who could be found in the Compiled Service Records135. American-born men are not included. III: Bachman’s German Volunteers In conformity136 with the Compiled Service Records of the unit, all of those German-born137 men are included in this troop compilation who were mustered on August 22, 1861, according to Lieutenant Simons138. American-born men are not included. IV: Cordes’ German Hussars All members of the German Hussars are included in this troop compilation who, according to the Compiled Service Records139, served in this unit until February, 1862. After their mustering into the Confederate Army in April, 1862, Cordes’ Hussars belonged officially as Company G to the 3rd South Carolina Cavalry140 Source: Author’s compilation.

134 The word “German-born” refers to all men born in Germany and those sons of immigrant Germans who were born in America (second-generation Germans). If nationality information was missing, J. A. Wagener’s list of the 191 members of the German Artillery of July 1859 was used to verify the German-born members.: German Artillery, Charleston: I&O, 1001, MS, Apr.-July 1859, South Caroliniana Manuscript Collection, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 135 Captain C. Nohrden, who died at the end of 1861, was still listed in the CSR in the Spring of 1862 and is thus included here. The Compiled Service Records of the unit can be found in: Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of South Carolina, RG 109, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 267, roll 103 ("Wagener’s Co./ German Artillery, Co. A"). 136 Only the names of those German-born members were taken from Simons’ manuscript for whom there were entries in the CSR; Americans were not included. The German-born members who, according to the CSR, enlisted only after August, 1861, have also been included. The Compiled Service Records of the unit can be found in: Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of South Carolina, RG 109, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 267, roll 92 ("Bachman’s Co."). 137 The word “German-born” refers to all men born in Germany and those sons of immigrant Germans who were born in America (second-generation Germans). 138 James Simons, “Sketch of Bachman’s Battery,” Stories of the Confederacy, ed. Ulysses Robert Brooks (Columbia, S. C.: The State Company, 1912), 278/79: Simons names 111 men. 139 The Compiled Service Records of the unit can be found in: Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of South Carolina, RG 109, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 267, roll 54 ("German Hussars"). 140 Cf.: “The Third South Carolina Cavalry,” Stories of the Confederacy, ed. Ulysses Robert Brooks (Columbia, S. C.: The State Company, 1912), 221–223. After Cordes’ resignation in June, 1864, Charles Fremder (mistakenly written as F. Fremder here) became captain of the company.

177

2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston

Table VI.2 Overview of the German Hussars: May 1859 and April 1861 Cordes’ German Hussars (May, 1859)

Cordes’ German Hussars (1861)

Difference

Loss and Decline in Percentage

89 (iiie)

54

42I

- 47.2%

Real Estate in US $ (1859-60)

172,950.00 (24 P.= 26.9%)

110,150.00 (17 P.= 31.5%)

- 62,800.00

- 36.3%

Personal Property in US $ (1859-60)

62,400.00 (30 P.= 33.7%)

48,100.00 (24 P.= 44.4%)

- 14,300.00

- 22.9%

21II

12

-

9

- 42.9%

98

51

-

47

- 47.9%

4,119.75 (44 P.= 49.4%)

2,704.50 (33 P.= 61.1%)

- 1,415.25

- 34.4%

Number of Members

Slave-holders Number of Slaves City tax paid in 1859

I

Of the eighty-nine founding members in May, 1859, forty-two members left the unit at the outbreak of war; seven new members joined in 1861.

II

John Cook Jr. was one of eight children of John A. Cook, born in the Kingdom of Hanover in 1798, a wholesale grocer and slave-holder. Although he himself was not the official owner of the fifteen Cook slaves, he is considered here to be the slave-holder, because in 1860 he still lived at home and certainly saw these slaves as “family property.”

III

Founding members of Cordes’ German Hussars (1859).141All founding members of the German Hussars of May, 1859, researched by George H. Momeier, are included in this troop compilation.

Source: Author’s compilation.

141 George H. Momeier, “German Hussars,” Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, Nov. 22, 1913: This includes native Americans as well as non-German members from other European nations. All the source material about the history of this unit was lost during a fire in the home of J. C. W. Bischoff, the archivist, around the turn of the last century.

178

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Table VI.3 Analysis of the Origins of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Origin

Melchers’ Co.

Wagener’s Co.

Bachman’s Cordes’ Co. Co.

Total

Alabama

–

–

1

–

1

Bremen

3

–

1

1

5

Germany

20

13

15

7

55

Georgia

–

1

–

–

1

Hamburg

–

–

2

–

2

14

35

9

21

79

Hessen-Kassel

1

–

–

–

1

Holstein (Duchy)

1

2

–

–

3

Ireland

–

2

–

–

2

Italy

–

–

–

2

2

Oldenburg (Grand Duchy)

4

3

2

2

11

Prussia (Kingdom)

–

–

2

1

3

Scotland

–

1

–

–

1

Sweden

–

–

–

1

1

South Carolina

3

4

3

1

11

Thuringia

2

–

–

–

2

Württemberg (Kingdom)

–

–

–

1

1

Unknown

38

97

62

17

214

Total

86

158

97

54

395

Hanover (Kingdom)

Source: Author’s compilation.

179

2. Ethnic German Military Units from Charleston

Table VI.4 Analysis of the Occupations of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Occupations Apprentice Baker Basketmaker Blacksmith Bookkeeper Butcher Cabinet maker Carpenter Clerk Dairy farmer Drayman Druggist Dyer Engraver Farmer Fireman Flour merchant Fruit merchant Gristmill owner Grocer Laborer Lawyer Liquor dealer Mechanic Merchant Painter Policeman Publisher Sadler Sailor Saloon owner Tailor Tin maker Upholsterer Wheelwright Wood merchant Unknown Total

Source: Author’s compilation.

Melchers’ Co. – 2 – – – – – – 9 – – – 1 1 – – – – 1 16 – 1 2 – 4 – – 1 – 1 1 2 – – – – 44 86

Wagener’s Co. 2 2 – 1 3 – 1 2 20 1 – 1 – – 1 – – 1 – 29 1 – – 1 – – 1 – 1 – 1 – – – 1 – 88 158

Bachman’s Co. – 1 1 1 1 – – – 15 – – – – – 1 – – – – – – 2 – – 2 2 – – – – 1 – 1 – – – 69 97

Cordes’ Co. – 3 – 1 1 1 – 1 5 – 2 – – – – 1 1 1 – 12 – – 2 – 5 – – – – – 2 – – 1 – 2 13 54

Total 2 8 1 3 5 1 1 3 49 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 57 1 3 4 1 11 2 1 1 1 1 5 2 1 1 1 2 214 395

180

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Table VI.5 Overview of the War Data of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Melchers’Co.

Wagener’sCo.

Bachman’sCo.

Total:341men

9(10.5%)

13(8.2%)

5(5.2%)

27(7.9%)

17(19.7%)

4(2.5%)

20(20.6%)

41(12.0%)

POW

1

2

4(4.1%)

7(2.1%)

Pension

1

6(3,8%)

4(4.1%)

11(3.2%)

Reduced in rank CourtMartial

1

1

1

3(0.9%)

Killed

1

10(6.3%)

1

12(3.5%)

Substitute

3(3.5%)

24(15.2%)

-

27(7.9%)

Principal

6(6.9%)

23(14.6%)

-

29(8.5%)

Government work Deserted

Source: Author’s compilation.

Table VI.6 Age Analysis of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Age in 1860

12 – 17 yrs.

18 – 35 yrs.

36 – 50 yrs.

N. N.

Total

Melchers’ Co.

2

35

10

39

86

Wagener’s Co.

6

53

6

93

158

Bachman’s Co.

4

30

1

62

97

Cordes’ Co.

1

24

10

19

54

13 (3.3%)

142 (35.9%)

27 (6.8%)

213 (53.9%)

395 (99.9%)

Total

Source: Author’s compilation.

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

181

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond: the Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis 3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond: the With three unsuccessful attempts at founding companies between 1861 and 1863 the military contributions of the Germans of Richmond were limited to mobilization of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles, each of which belonged as Company K to the 1st and the 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment and which volunteered for twelve months of service. Although the succeeding militia service required within Richmond was no longer a volunteer service, Companies H and M of the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment must also be considered as ethnic German units. They represented the final attempt at forming ethnic German companies, even under the legal compulsion of joining first and second class militias. Although not as patriotically moved as the Germans of Charleston, the pro-Southern Germans of Richmond did not hesitate to volunteer for the military within the first four weeks after the secession of Virginia from the Union.142

3.1 The Virginia Rifles as Company K of the 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment: Twelve Months in the Service of Tradition On April 17, 1861, Governor Letcher proclaimed general mobilization.143 Only four days later the Virginia Rifles with seventy-five men under Captain Miller volunteered for service for the state of Virginia. The Captain had established his headquarters in the United States Hotel, located on the corner of Main Street and 19th Street. The hotel’s owner was the sergeant of the company, John Emmenhauser.144 On April 26, 1861, the unit enlisted as Company K of the 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment, light infantry, for a period of twelve months. The head of the regiment, consisting of eight companies and one music corps was Colonel Patrick T. Moore, a respected Irish merchant. Until mid-May the regiment was stationed for drill exercises together with other units at the Hermitage Fair Grounds; several German restaurant owners, especially Ropp and Hauser, offered refreshments to civilian regiment visitors.145 Because the Germans had not applied for a license, the alcohol was confiscated, further sales were forbidden, and their booths were dismantled.146 The spring of 1861 was quite pleasant for the men of the various militia units of Richmond; they politicked and discussed, but no-one, including the Germans, who were about to march off, thought about a long and bloody war. One example was Johann Gottfried Lange, a restaurant owner, nonpolitical but loyal to Virginia, who did not like hearing insults to his adopted country and state: “But this was only war with words. […]

142 Gregg D. Kimball, “Strangers in Dixie: Allegiances and Culture Among the Germans in Civil War Richmond,” (OAH Paper, Atlanta, 1994), 1, 2, 10, 17. 143 Cf.: A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations 1861–1865, “Introduction to Volunteer Forces.” 144 “The Virginia Rifles,” Richmond Dispatch, April 22, 1861. 145 Richmonder Anzeiger, June 6, 1861. 146 Richmonder Anzeiger, June 11, 1861.

182

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Many of my neighbors said‚ ‘oh, the war does not last long.’ But I could not believe it seeing the enormous arming on both sides.”147 While the uniform orders for the 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment piled up in the tailor shop of Caspar Wendlinger,148 a forty-two-year-old Bavarian and father of six children, the day of departure came closer. The Union had already crossed the Potomac and conquered Alexandria. Lange, the restaurant owner, followed the preparations of his German compatriots in the Virginia Rifles and commented on the period before their departure with the following words: But this was only child’s play in comparison with the great armament of the great Union, which had everything it needed, money and credit, masses of volunteers from all nations enlisting by the thousands, especially many Germans who fought for their freedom in 1848 are helping here to oppress our state rights and freedom. Everything is set against us, those who haven’t the slightest knowledge of our local politics. Great groups marched to Washington to protect the U. S. Capitol. Virginia didn’t want anything more than to occupy its own borders with the handful of militia soldiers in order to maintain and defend its rights as a state.149 Whether the majority of the men in the Virginia Rifles shared Lange’s somewhat naive opinions is not known. At any rate, the Virginia Rifles celebrated their farewell from peace with a drink in August Schad’s restaurant.150 The latter had volunteered for the Marion Rifles. On May 25, 1861, the regiment left its home town of Richmond to the sound of “Dixie” and marched toward Manassas Junction. The Virginia Rifles fought in the Battles of Blackburn’s Ford and Bull Run; three of its men were killed there.151 Captain Miller, in poor health, resigned as commander of the Virginia Rifles on December 14, 1861, and was replaced by his 2nd Lieutenant, Friedrich W. Hagemeyer. During the siege of Yorktown in April 1862, the official service period of the twelvemonth-volunteers came to an end; forty-four members of the Virginia Rifles received their discharge papers as “non-domiciled foreigners,” and the company dissolved even before its official end on April 26, 1862. Captain Hagemeyer,152 himself a victim of the unclear legal situation at the end of the service period, was imprisoned in Castle Godwin for desertion for a short period in July, 1862, on order of the Provost Marshal. Drum Major Pohle resigned from the service for reasons of age; almost all of the musicians in his corps did the same. The latter were however under seventeen and were thus considered minors for service in the Confederate Army. Thus, on July 1, 1862, when

147 148 149 150 151 152

Johann Gottfried Lange (1809–1892): 180, 196–197, 199 and 206. Wallace, 1st Virginia Infantry, 11. Lange, 204–209. Richmonder Anzeiger, May 23, 1861. 1st Virginia Infantry, 15f. Hagemeyer, born in Germany on October 8, 1821, came to the United States in May, 1841, ran a grocery and dairy shop in Richmond in 1859, and died at the age of ninety-one on May 9, 1913. At the time of his military service he was more than forty-one years old.

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

183

the 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment began its service in the Confederate Army, an ethnic German company was no longer part of it.153 By the end of 1862 three further members of the Virginia Rifles had died of illnesses caught in the field. Another six members joined the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment in 1863.

3.2 The Marion Rifles as Company K of the 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment: the Military Pride of the Germans of Richmond The 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment was established in Richmond under Colonel Thomas P. August in May, 1861, and mustered into the service of the Confederate Army with ten companies as of July 1, 1861. Captain Lybrock’s Marion Rifles reported as Company K of the new regiment on May 16, 1861, with seventy-five men. At the beginning of June the company began training at a camp near Yorktown.154 Carl August Henninghausen, twenty-six years old, from Hesse, who had lived in Richmond since November 1858, and was now a private in the Marion Rifles, reported: My idea at the beginning of this war was that it would come to two or three battles at the most and in three months everything would be over. On the 26th of May 1861 I marched with Comp. (Marion Rifles) 15th Va. Vol. with bands playing and flags flying, cheered by thousands, through Richmond to the steamboat landing where we embarked and rode to Williamsburg on the peninsula [...].155 Captain Lybrock had financed the company’s equipment and had miscalculated completely, so that he was hopelessly in debt. On January 20, 1862, Consul von Gröning wrote to Captain Lybrock: “[...] right after your departure there were various rumors about you that have fortunately proven to be wrong; by the way I didn’t believe them right from the beginning.” These rumors were related to Lybrock’s financial situation; Lybrock had his wife sell his house in Union Hill for $7,000 and paid his debts owed to v. Gröning, the lithographer Louis Hoyer, A. Scholl of “Sattler & Co.” and his Richmond bank.156 On October, 1862, he was forced to give a large amount of grey uniform material to the City Council of Richmond, which auctioned it off publicly.157 During his absence Lybrock had entrusted his business to his friend Robert Wendenburg, whose company – Robert Wendenburg & Co. – sold paints, oils, artists’ supplies, etc. and received a number of

153 Stewart Sifakis, Compendium of the Confederate Armies: Virginia (New York: Facts on File, 1992), 155f. 154 Richmonder Anzeiger, June 1, 1861. 155 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 156 D. von Gröning Letter Book (1861–1863), 107–109, Ac. 3579, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C. 157 Richmond at War: The Minutes of the City Council 1861–1865, ed. Louis Manarin (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1966), 224: entry of October 13, 1862.

184

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

orders from the Confederate government.158 Lybrock and Wendenburg both worked closely after 1855 with the paint wholesaler Sattler, who had connections overseas.159 The Germans under Lybrock’s command had been swept up by the enthusiasm in Richmond’s streets; when they marched off on May 24, 1861, they didn’t know what was really happening to them: “We soon found out that military service […] is no child’s play and we had to sweat for having bound ourselves to it for a year.”160

Fig. 6.14: AUGUST BLENNER (1834–1887) A confectioner from Marburg, August Blenner served as a private in Co. K of the 15th Virginia Infantry, Marion Rifles. In 1866, he became the new proprietor of the NEW MARKET HOTEL at the corner of 6th and Marshall Street and was also an active member of St. John’s German Lutheran Church in Richmond. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

Among the soldiers of the Marion Rifles was the sixteen-year-old Kalman Hecht [also: Coleman Hecht], the son of Solomon Hecht, a Jewish immigrant. The boy had run away from home “and enlisted in the service without his [father’s] knowledge or consent.”161 On October 9, 1861, the father’s petition was granted, and the boy was released from service as a minor. In the summer of 1863, Kalman Hecht helped to break the blockade and belonged to the group of smugglers and middlemen organizing the crossings of the Potomac.162 158 Letter from Daniel von Gröning to Lybrock on February 1, 1862: D. von Gröning Letter Book (1861–1863), 115, Ac. 3579, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C; NA, RG 109, M 346, roll 1090. 159 Virginia, Vol. 43, 199, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston: After the end of 1856 William Sattler lived in England and was represented by A. Scholl, a German, in Richmond. Up to the outbreak of the war Wm. Sattler & Co. was mainly supported by Lybrock’s fortune; in 1862 Lybrock owed $3,000 for goods from Germany. 160 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 161 Petition of Solomon Hecht from September 26, 1861, for the release of his son from military service: RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War 1861–1865 (File 5956-1861), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 162 William Flegenheimer, “Autobiography of William Flegenheimer: A short biography of his family and relatives written by himself,” (Richmond: November, 1905), 23f. In: Beth Ahabah Archives, Richmond. On the basis of his activities Hecht was denounced and arrested in 1864 by the Richmond Provost Marshal for disloyalty and was sent to Ft. Morgan, Alabama, as a conscript at the end of March.

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

185

In August, 1861, the Marion Rifles were on their way to Fort Monroe, Virginia. The twenty-six-year-old Henninghausen remembered: “[…] through the negligence of the officers we had to live off of green corn and half-ripened apples which we got from the field [...] all day without eating, without tobacco, [...] with hunger as our companion and the enemy on our heels […].”163 As food supplies dwindled, tobacco consumption increased; Daniel von Gröning noted: [...] the supply of Havanna and German cigars is cut off, and the number of smokers has increased incredibly since the beginning of the war, both in and out of the army, in fact every body [sic] smokes young and old, the exciting times have contributed much to this, the closing of the bar-rooms and drinking saloons also, for a Southron must have something to excite him, something to occupy him during his many idle hours.164 Henninghausen, himself a younger member of the company, listened to the stories of older soldiers, who had served in the military in Germany before emigrating: “Old German soldiers in our company would rather have had five years of German service than one year here – [...] Throughout the whole year I did not undress a single night since the nightquarters did not justify it.”165 In spite of the enormous physical stress most of the members of the company were conscious of their responsibilities. Julius C. Fischer, a pharmacist, was reluctant to request a ten-day extension of his home leave in March 1862, although his brother, who was running the Fischer pharmacy, was seriously ill with typhoid fever, and the medical care of an entire Richmond city district was endangered: “I feel, my obligations to my company and my country call me to duty in camp, yet I owe something to a sick and suffering community at home and only ask that I may be permitted to discharge my duty faithfully to both.”166 The petition was supported by Dr. Wilhelm Grebe, probably Richmond’s best known German doctor. Fischer was granted permission, although Captain Lybrock assumed that Fischer’s petition was only an attempt to resign completely from army service. The “Germanness” of the company was seen by the American comrades of the other companies mainly as the evening songs around the campfire: It was fortunate that our company was all German and included good singers. We had a guitar along on all marches, as well as music-books, and often nights in the tall forest we stood around a pine wood fire and let our German songs resound, while often the 163 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 164 Letter of Daniel von Gröning to the French Consul Alfred Paul, November 17, 1862: D. von Gröning Letter Book (1861–1863), 295, Ac. 3579, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C. 165 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 166 Letter from J. C. Fischer, Richmond, to Secretary of War Benjamin, Richmond, March 18, 1862: RG 109, Letters Received by the Adjutant and Inspector General’s Office (File F-146-1862), National Archives Washington, D.C.

186

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

entire Regiment listened to us. The Americans could tolerate us well for this reason, since generally it was always lively in our company.167 When they marched into Williamsburg in the spring of 1862, the natives were at first startled to hear the foreign language: “In Williamsburg we were soon conspicuous by our German speech (still little heard there) by good manners and by German songs [...].”168 The spring of 1862 marked the official end of service for the Marion Rifles: Approaching Richmond our year had come to an end and since we were foreigners they could not hold us longer; since the staff officers made difficulties we all tore away in one night and found our right and got our Honorable Discharge [...] From this time on I went about my business with constant complaints with the conscript officer.169 According to the memoirs of Private Hennighausen, only three members of the Marion Rifles were naturalized citizens; all the other soldiers, including Henninghausen himself, were well known to Consul DeVoss, whose nationality certificates they carried with them day and night. Albert Lybrock did not understand his men’s wish to leave the army. Letters have survived in which he asks the Secretary of War to turn down transfer or resignation petitions of his soldiers.170 It is not clear whether Lybrock only wanted to consolidate his position as captain or whether he was just being patriotic. As in the 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment, the Germans in the 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment took advantage of the Confederate military laws: the soldiers referred to the Conscription Act of April 16, 1862, under which non-domiciled foreigners could not be forced to serve in the army for longer than one year. Lybrock wrote: “I am satisfied that not more than fifteen of my company are citizens, and if the remainder be not liable to service, it may be deemed expedient to disband the company rather than to reorganize with so small a number.”171 After Companies F (Emmett Guard) and the Virginia Rifles refused to continue to serve in the spring of 1862, the regiment was restructured with a strength of eight companies, 167 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 168 Charles August Henninghausen MSS, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond: Visit to Senator James W. Custer in Williamsburg, Va. Written down on April 24, 1906. 169 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 170 For example, in the case of Lieutenant Julius C. Fischer (letter of February 8, 1862 to Secretary of War J. P. Benjamin). In the case of the petition for service disability submitted by Sergeant Beckmann, Lybrock wrote, “Sergeant Beckman is magnifying his disease” (Letter of July 18, 1861, to Secretary of War Walker) In: RG 109, Letters Received by the Adjutant and Inspector General’s Office, Files: 2330-1861, 153-L-1862, National Archives, Washington. 171 Captain Lybrock to Colonel August, Camp August, April 21, 1862: RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Adjutant and Inspector General’s Office (L-354-1862), National Archives, Washington, D.C.

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

187

and the two companies were dissolved.172 Colonel August’s attempts to have new officers elected as quickly as possible failed.173 Captain Lybrock resigned from service on August 3, 1862: “My intention is to remain in the service, although the Conscription law exempts me from it [...] I consider my services in the Engineer Corps of the C. S. Army to be more valuable than those which I can render to our cause as a Captain of an Infantry Company.”174 His petition to join the Confederate pioneer corps, however, was refused. A few members of Lybrock’s company were assigned at their own wish to other units. Among these was the twenty-seven-year-old beer brewer Edward J. Eucker from HesseKassel.175 This one time lieutenant of the Marion Rifles transferred to a cavalry battalion in the fall of 1862, after he had been stabbed and dangerously wounded by several soldiers in front of the Eucker Brewery at the end of June, 1862.176 His wounds forced him finally to present a substitute; from 1863 to 1864 he served again under Captain Haywood in a Home Guard. Eucker then became the personal courier of General George W. C. Lee, the oldest son of Robert E. Lee. Only in 1865 was he able to make a journey to Germany that had been postponed because of wounds in 1863, clarifying a property situation.177 Sixteen men of the Marion Rifles belonged to the German Home Guard in the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment in 1863. The time had come for the final conscription.

3.3 Service in the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment: the Final Ethnic German Conscription in Richmond Service in the 19th Virginia Militia differed from that in the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles, because the former was a forced community effort and did not represent voluntary choice. Lange, the restaurant owner, was called up for the Second Class Militia at the end of May, 1862, on the basis of his advanced age of fifty-three: “All businesses of any kind were called off; young and old were all enrolled for the defense of the fatherland and led to 172 15th Virginia Infantry, comp. Louis H. Manarin (Lynchburg: H. E. Howard, Inc., 1990), 125 p.; Sifakis, Compendium of the Confederate Armies: Virginia, 188f. 173 In his letter to the Secretary of War Randolph on April 28, 1862, Colonel August remarked that Lieutenant Henry Schnäbele “from ignorance of the English language [...] has confounded the surgeon’s certificate with a furlough and thinks he is authorized to remain away.” In: RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Adjutant and Inspector General’s Office, File 340-A-1862, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 174 Lybrock to Secretary of War Randolph on May 12, 1862: RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War (File: 227-L-1862), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 175 Edward J. Eucker, married and the father of two children, was the second of three Eucker brothers; Charles and Louis Eucker also served in the army. In November, 1861, the Euckers had purchased part of Buchanan’s Springs for the establishment of a brewery and had hired Friedrich Keck as brewmaster: Richmonder Anzeiger, Nov. 16,1861. Edward J. Eucker was joined by Henry Bowler in 1873, their Clay Street Brewery went out of business in 1877: Danny Morris and Jeff Johnson, Richmond Beers: A Directory of the Breweries and Bottlers of Richmond, Virginia (Hong Kong: Colorprint International Ltd., ²2000), 4, 5, 29–35. 176 Richmonder Anzeiger, June 21,1862. 177 There is considerable correspondence involving Eucker in: RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War (File: 14-E-1865), National Archives, Washington, D.C.

188

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

the meeting places. Even the old citizens of Richmond formed Home Guards, and I had to join this too. Our service was to patrol the city at night.”178 According to the vote of the Richmond City Council of May 19, 1863, all male citizens of Richmond now had to organize themselves into companies, whose strength was to be between fifty and a maximum of seventy-five members and whose exclusive assignment was to protect the city of Richmond from enemy attacks.179 By 1863, Carl A. Henninghausen, already a war veteran, suddenly found himself in Company H of the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment, after he had been arrested countless times by the military police, who assumed that the healthy young man was a deserter: Conditions in the South were getting worse with each day, especially finances. In the summer of ‘63 the Yankees began to endanger Richmond and all males from 15 to 55 had to take up weapons for civil defense, guard duty, etc. Since even aliens were not excluded from this, we formed a Germany company again [...] Our service was hard and almost harder in the city than in the camp where the bombshells often whistled about our ears again. These things aren’t dangerous if they don’t hit, but in the city our people often had to stand guard 5 to 6 weeks without being relieved, two hours on and four hours off with eating only half Jule.180 Since July 13, 1861, the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment had stood in the service of the city of Richmond and in the spring of 1862 became part of the First Class Militia of the state of Virginia. Patrick T. Moore, formerly a colonel of the 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment, commanded the militia forces in greater Richmond as Brigadier General after August, 1864. Documents indicate that the regiment consisted mainly of foreigners, “[...] who have rendered themselves liable to do military duty by voting in the Confederacy, but are at the same time permitted to remain in Richmond as shoemakers, blacksmiths, etc.”181 Indeed there were many Germans in the thirteen companies of the regiment; the only mounted unit, the Governor’s Mounted Guard (Company B) included First Lieutenant E. Holzinger, a restaurant owner182 and member of Congregation Beth Ahabah, among its officers. The ethnic German companies were mainly Company H, the German Home Guard, under Captain Charles Seibert,183 later Claus Baumann, and Company M under Captain Herrmann Schuricht, later Julius Kindervater.184 178 Johann Gottfried Lange, 204–209. 179 Richmond at War: The Minutes of the City Council 1861–1865, 331f.: entry of May 19, 1863. 180 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 181 A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations 1861–1865, ed. Wallace, 260f. 182 Charles Henninghausen had worked as a barkeeper in Holzinger’s restaurant before he volunteered for the Marion Rifles. 183 Charles Seibert, an architect, was Albert Lybrock’s business partner between 1871 and 1873: Information from architecture historian John E. Wells, Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, from September 12, 1996. Cf. The Virginia Architects, 1835–1955: A Biographical Dictionary, comp. John E. Wells and Robert E. Dalton (Richmond: New South Architectural Press, 1997), 404. 184 A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations, 260.

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

189

Schuricht advertised for his German militia in Hassel’s Richmonder Anzeiger: “Time is running out; the enemy is at the walls of the city, and the coming events demand cooperation among everyone to maintain order and protect property.”185 Fig. 6.15: HERRMANN SCHURICHT (1831–1899) Herrmann Schuricht of Pirna, in Saxony, came to Richmond in 1859. There he published Die Virginische Zeitung until 1861, when he tried to find employment at the Ordnance Department of the Wise Legion. In 1863, Schuricht became captain of Co. M, 19th Virginia Militia. Probably discouraged by the meager prospects, he bid a “friendly farewell” to his German friends in the Richmonder Anzeiger of July 23rd, 1864, and returned to Pirna, leaving his company to Julius Kindervater. Ten years later, in 1874, Schuricht returned to the States to work for several northern schools and book publishers. In 1886 he retired to his farm “Idlewild” near Cobham, Va., where he resided until his death. From History of the German Element in Virginia by Herrmann Schuricht. Published by Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., Baltimore, Md., 1977.

Herrmann Schuricht, born in Pirna in Saxony, had immigrated to Richmond in 1859 and had briefly published the Virginische Zeitung. Like the Melchers in Charleston, Schuricht stopped publishing the newspaper and volunteered for war service in 1861. After he failed to make a career in the Confederate Ordnance Department, he accepted the little respected position of a militia captain, knowing well that the men joined his company only under pressure of the law. It’s not surprising that he wrote the following in 1898: “It can be asserted that all the recently immigrated Germans, embracing the Confederate cause, did so with throbbing hearts, and in most cases only under the pressure of compulsory circumstances; but whether voluntarily or not, they have fulfilled their duty in the defense of the State with never faltering true German bravery.”186 Schuricht really had contacts only with German soldiers of the militia, who were forced to serve by law. However, his statements about the Virginia Germans influenced research for decades, spreading the notion that Virginia Germans were mostly on the side of the Union and that, as the war continued, they tried to flee to the North.187 On July 23, 1864, Captain Schuricht published a “friendly farewell” in the Richmonder Anzeiger and announced his return to Germany. Schuricht himself thus left Richmond at a time when every able-bodied man was of utmost importance for the endangered city.188 Julius Kindervater, a pharmacist, took over from Schuricht at the head of Company M.

185 186 187 188

Richmonder Anzeiger, May 31, 1862. Cf. the issue of June 23, 1864. Schuricht, II, 71. See: Wust, The Virginia Germans, 223. After his death in 1899 Herrmann Schuricht’s biography was inserted in front of the second part of his account, which appeared posthumously. The following statement is incorrect: “After the war, he returned to his native city...” After 1864 Schuricht was the principal of the School of Commerce in Pirna, Saxony.

190

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Stationed first at Chaffin’s Farm below Richmond, the 19th Militia Regiment took on more intensive patrols within the city and guarded the local prisons in 1864 and 1865: At the beginning of July ‘64 I was made Lieutenant by the company and through this had light duty, better consideration and pay if one was still willing to put any value in the paper. Prices were approximately as follows: 1 lb meat 7 dlls, a cigar 1–5 dlls, 1 lb Bacon 25 dlls, 1lb beef 14 dlls, 1 glass of beer 3 dlls, 1 gallon of whiskey 150–200 dlls, 1 box of matches 2 1/2 dlls, hair cut 6 dlls etc.189 At the time a second lieutenant was paid eighty Confederate dollars per month. In May, 1864, Johann Gottfried Lange ended his military service at the age of fifty-five; without any income or occupation; his restaurant shut down due to martial law, he waited out the conquest of Richmond.190 For Henninghausen, stationed between Fort Lee and Fort Gillmore, the most dangerous time was about to begin: It was a cold rainy day, the first of October [1864], and our men felt the want of tents & provisions very much, we officers were taking it as comfortably as possible in our tent. Capt. Bauman and Leut. Runge were playing cards while I was watching their game when the heavy thunder of canons […] was heard close by. [...] Wimen [sic] and Children came running over the field in our front seeking shelter behind the breast works. A young woman came direct to where I stood, dressed as she had left her work in her home, when the shells scared her out of it. Her features were white as a sheet, her hair hanging disorderly and wet about her head, with Eyes full of anguish and out of breath she was pressing a Baby against her breast while with the other hand she was pulling along a little Girl about four years old over the rough soft ground. We assisted her over the slippery breastworks and she went to the rear. [...] Shells and balls, by this time, were whistling disagreable close to us but we dit’nt [sic] get into fire. The night was closing around us and in our front we could see the buildings of four farms burning. The drizzling rain, the powdersmoke & fog made the atmosphere thick. [...] It was a most dismal place to camp but we had to make the best of it. So we went [...] officers foremost to set a good example, got wood wherever we could find it, brought it into the lake of mud where we buildt a fire [...] Some of the men on that night struck for home on french leave.191 Henninghausen didn’t even try to keep his men from deserting. He knew their fears. Seventeen-year-old Wilhelm Zimmermann had only been in Richmond since August 1860, when he volunteered for the militia. Zimmermann had no family in Richmond and was

189 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 190 Johann Gottfried Lange, 242. 191 Charles A. Henninghausen Papers, “One days Service of Conf. States Homeguard 1864,” Virginia Historical Society, Richmond.

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

191

happiest with the cameradery of the men. After the war he had trouble finding his way and settling into an occupation.192

Fig. 6.16: WILLIAM H. ZIMMERMANN (1845–1928) At the age of fifteen, young William Zimmermann emigrated from his hometown Marburg to Richmond, Va. In 1862, Zimmermann became a member of the 19th Virginia Militia, serving till 1865. In 1869, he opened a fur trade in the city and, one year later, married Louise Heinrich. In 1875, Zimmermann bought Sauer’s Hotel and from then on established himself in the restaurant and hotel business. Zimmermann was elected a member of City Council and served twice as President of St. John’s Church. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond

After the destruction of the cotton was ordered at the end of February,193 the feared evacuation of the Confederate capital began on April 2, 1865. The 19th Virginia Militia Regiment was ordered to assure law and order during the withdrawal of the Confederate soldiers and to destroy the existing stores of alcohol194; until the dawn of April 3 whiskey flowed through the sewers of the city: Finally, after the southern army had been half killed Lee was beaten and on the 3rd of April the Yankees marched in hardly 1/2 an hour after the southerners had left the city – But they left us a bad souvenir, the main business quarter of Richmond lies in ashes. The fire was frightful, all order was dissolved, nobody was extinguishing it, and a thousand were looting and breaking into the houses until the northern soldiers succeeded in bringing the people and especially the drunken Negroes to reason. The fire burned from 4 o’clock in the morning until late in the evening and when the arsenals 192 Zimmermann sought his luck in the North for four years before he opened his first hat business in Richmond at the end of 1869. In a toast on the occasion of his golden wedding anniversary in 1920 he was described as follows: “[...] As our proud rebel capital lay in ruins, you had lost everything. Everything? Oh, no! Your self-confidence and your strength were not broken, and, if you had been able at the time to lift the veil from the smoking ruins of Richmond and see into the future, you would have seen that you had been chosen to be a leading ‘carpenter’ (Zimmermann) for the difficult reconstruction of Richmond.” On November 17, 1870 Wilhelm H. Zimmermann married Louise Heinrich from Mühlhausen. In: Goldenen Hochzeit von Wilhelm H. Zimmermann und Louise Zimmermann (geb. Heinrich) Am 17. November 1920 – commemorative brochure, Virginia Historical Society, Accession no. 941955 (German and English). 193 Richmond at War: The Minutes of the City Council 1861–1865, 571; cf. day-to-day account in Nelson Lankford, Richmond Burning: The Last Days of the Confederate Capital (New York: Viking Penguin, 2002), 49–228; from an Irish and a French perspective: An Irishman in Dixie: 85–103; Exile in Richmond: The Confederate Journal of Henri Garidel, ed. Michael B. Chesson and Leslie Jean Roberts (Charlottesville/London: University Press of Virginia, 2001), 334–390. 194 Richmond at War: The Minutes of the City Council 1861–1865, 592: order of April 2, 1865.

192

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

began to burn, there exploded in the space of 3 hours no less than 100,000 bombshells [...] What a sight. [...] What an affliction and poverty among thousands.195 On April 4 President Lincoln visited the burned-out city. For the Germans of Richmond the war was over.

3.4 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of Richmond The average identification rate for the members of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles in the Census of 1860 is 22.2% and thus somewhat less than in the case of Charleston, but considerably greater than the results for New Orleans. The fact that the correspondence rate with the Virginia Rifles, founded in 1850, is about 5% less than with the Marion Rifles, organized in 1861, is due, on the one hand, to the fact that some members, like Lybrock and Schad, left their old company and enrolled in the Marion Rifles, while new immigrants streamed to the Virginia Rifles. On the other hand, the Marion Rifles had more prominent members in 1861, for example the two Euckers, the brewery owners, Lybrock and Lehmann, architects, Giese, a lithographer, and the hotel owners Marxhausen and Schad. On the basis of their positions they were included by the Census officials, whereas the new immigrants, still without a permanent residence, moved from one rented room to another. In addition, the population of Richmond fluctuated greatly even before Richmond became the capital of the Confederacy, and this was probably also a factor in the low matching rate. After 1860 Richmond’s population tripled from the 38,000 inhabitants at the beginning of the war .196 The prominent members of the Marion Rifles also account for the availability of a greater amount of information regarding age, origin, and occupation of this unit’s members. The economic importance of the men of both companies for industrialized Richmond, especially the plan for an armaments industry, was underlined by a listing rate of more than 20% in the City Directory. Whereas exclusively laborers and craftsmen, especially shoemakers, dominated the Virginia Rifles, the leading position with the Marion Rifles was that of the clerks. One occupation analysis of the entire 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment counts fourteen shoemakers in seventh place among dominating occupations; these fourteen men, all Germans, served in the Virginia Rifles.197 Shoemakers comprised one occupation group included in the exemption law of October 1862; they no longer had to serve. Although both companies, including the militia units, had a great deal of occupational diversity,198 only the Virginia Rifles had a large number of exempt soldiers: 13.4 % were exempted from military service to work in plants important to the war effort. Although there were no 195 Letter from Carl August Henninghausen to his mother and his brother, Wilhelm, from April 24, 1865: Charles August Henninghausen Papers, transl. by Cary Coleman (1973), Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 196 Michael B. Chesson, Richmond After the War, 30. 197 1st Virginia Infantry, 80. 198 A complete evaluation of the occupational analysis contains an imprecise factor: twenty-two members who, before the summer of 1862 had served either in the Marion Rifles or the Virginia Rifles, were now members of the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment and were thus counted twice in the statistics.

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

193

wealthy soldiers in the Virginia Rifles, seven men could afford a substitute. In the case of John Emmenhauser, sergeant of the Virginia Rifles, his wife Antonia wrote to Captain Miller on September 18, 1861: The [...] wife of John Emmenhauser, a Sergant in Co. K, Capt. Miller, 1st Reg Va Volunteers who has a large family and is entirely dependent on her husband for support, respectfully asks for a discharge for her husband from service, he having furnished a substitute in the person Xavier Honer, a non-resident of Virginia, a sound man and a good soldier.199 In 1860 Emmenhauser had three children and, according to the Census, $500 in movable property. It is not known how his wife collected the money for a substitute. This paradoxical example, however, is probably representative for the other six cases as well: On September 16, 1861, Elisabeth Hebermehl petitioned for an exemption for her husband, Gustav Hebermehl, who, in 1860, also had only $500 in movable property and a young daughter; the petitions of Philip Diacont’s wife, Catherine, and Joseph Gehring’s mother, Elisabeth Clinton, were just as successful.200 The state of Virginia later officially counted 15,000 substitutes. Both companies averaged 20% Protestants, determined by their geographical origin in Germany. With the exception of Kalman Hecht, in the Marion Rifles, there were no Jewish members of either company.201 Only a total of 3% of the men were slave-holders or had rented slaves; these belonged to the 31% of the elite group of slave-holders in the South. Renting slaves in Richmond in 1860 was common and its incidence is difficult to estimate, because the rental contracts could be signed or dissolved at any time. The information given in my compilation corresponds only with the information given on the day of the Census. Presumably the renting of slaves was much more extensive, even among the Germans, than can be proven here. It has been estimated that, in 1860, every fourth free citizen of Richmond owned or rented a slave.202 There was a considerable difference in age between the men in the Virginia Rifles and in the Marion Rifles: the Virginia Rifles, with an average age of twenty-six in this “young man’s war”203 almost corresponded with the national average of twenty-five years, while the Marion Rifles, with an average of thirty years, had the profile of a company composed of foreigners.204 In both companies the tendency was to elect older members as officers; the average age was between thirty-two and thirty-six. In the Marion Rifles there were fourteen men who were older than thirty-six in 1860; one could interpret a higher degree of patriotism here. 199 Antonia Emmenhauser to Captain Miller, 18.09.1861, in: CSR John Emmenhauser (NA, RG 109, M 324, roll 354). 200 CSR Hebermehl (NA, RG 109, M 324, roll 355); CSR Philip Diacont (NA, RG 109, M 324, roll 354), CSR Gehring (NA, RG 109, M 324, roll 355). 201 Gregg Kimball, “Strangers in Dixie” (OAH Paper, Atlanta, 1994, Manuscript page 19). 202 Goldin, Urban Slavery in the American South 1820–1860: A Quantitative history, 20. 203 Warner, Generals in Gray, xxiv. 204 Brooks/Jones, Lee’s Foreign Legion: The History of the 10th Louisiana Infantry, 79: they figured an average mustering age of thirty-two for foreigners and twenty-six for Americans.

194

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Both companies show identical concentrations in the analysis of origin: the three dominant states were Hesse, Hanover, and Prussia. This corresponds approximately with the hierarchy of the nationality certificates issued by Consul DeVoss, but leaves out Bavaria, which was in second place on DeVoss’ list.205 The high rate of arrest, with a total of 13.9%, can be due to the disorderly dissolution of the companies at the end of their one-year service periods, as described by Henninghausen. The legal grey zone imprisoned twenty-five soldiers as deserters in the prisons of Castle Godwin and Castle Thunder, but it can be assumed that, of these men, no-one admitted to being guilty of deserting. This wave of arrests was probably decisive for the twenty-two men from the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles who joined the militia in 1863 so as not to suffer the same fate or else not to be arrested again. Service in the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment became obligatory after 1863, but this did not automatically mean that two German companies could be established. It goes without saying that these companies were thrown together and thus did not have an individual profile. The very minimal identification rate in comparison of the muster rolls with the Census of 1860 and the Richmond City Directory can be explained by the presence of many new arrivals, present in the city in 1863, but it also shows the tendency of newly arrived Germans to join a German-speaking ethnic unit. Six Jewish compatriots are known to have served in Companies H and M; the actual number of Jews was presumably much higher. Newly immigrated Jews seldom joined a congregation during the first ten to twelve years after immigration, because they first had to settle down and make a living; they had no time for religious obligations; and these obligations were sometimes hindrances to occupational progress.206 Thus it is possible that more Jews served in the militia companies than could be found in the membership lists of Beth Ahabah. The very broad occupational diversification in the German militia companies, with forty-seven headings, was enriching for Richmond because the men were able to remain in their occupations while at the same time serving in the militia. Here too the shoemakers led the list. The extremely low gastronomy representation was due to the imposition of martial law and the interruption of beer deliveries from the North: In 1858–59, Richmond experienced an exceptional increase in the number of bars, saloons, and restaurants, but only a few of them remained in existence until the end of the war. A total of six veterans of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles died in the Robert E. Lee Soldiers’ Camp in Richmond. Five veterans of the Marion Rifles or their widows received a war pension from the state of Virginia between 1908 and 1930 due to the 1902 extension of the law.207 Jakob Schwartz was seventy-eight years old when his petition was granted in 1918.

205 Cf. the list of nationality certificates issued by Consul DeVoss in 1862 in the letter to Dr. Rösing from January 7, 1863: StA Hamburg, 132-5/9, B6. 206 Bobbie Malone, “New Orleans Uptown Jewish Immigrants,” 249. 207 After 1888 the state of Virginia paid war and dependent survivor pensions and extended eligibility by legal decisions in 1900 and 1902. The latter made it possible for widows whose husbands had died of illnesses acquired during the war to apply for a pension. The pensions granted to the Marion Rifles were all based on the act of 1902: “Index to Confederate Pension Applications,” Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond, Va.

195

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

Table VI.7 Overview of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles Co.K, 1st Va. Troop Strength

Co. K, 15th Va.

Co. H & M, 19th Va. Militia

97 (A)

83 (B)

214 (C)

Census 1860

19 (19.6%)

21 (25.3%)

20 (9.3%)

City Directory 1860

22 (22.7%)

22 (26.5%)

39 (18.2%)

St. John’s Church (Protestant)

18 (18.6%)

18 (21.7%)

33 (15.4%)

St. Mary’s Church (Catholic)

5 (5.2%)

3 (3.6%)

6 (2.8%)

--

1 (1.2%)

6 (2.8%)

2 (2.06%)

3 (3.6%)

1 (0.5%)

2e

5 + 2e

2e

Origin Information available

46 (47.4%)

69 (83.1%)

64 (29.9%)

Age Information 1860 available

89 (91.8%)

62 (74.7%)

62 (28.9%)

26.1 years

30 years

28.9 years

--

5 (6.02%)

2 (0.9%)

86 (88.7%)

70 (84.3%)

77 (35.9%)

Beth Ahabah Synagogue Slave-holders Number of Slaves

Average age War pension (CSA) Occupation Information

Source: Author’s compilation.

196

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Table VI.8 Analysis of the Origins of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles Origin

Virginia Rifles Marion Rifles

Total

Percentage

Born on the Atlantic

–

1

1

0.6%

Austria

1

1

2

1.1%

Baden (Grand Duchy)

3

3

6

3.3%

Bavaria (Kingdom)

7

1

8

4.4%

Brunswick

–

3

3

1.7%

Bremen

1

–

1

0.6%

Germany

5

3

8

4.4%

France

–

2

2

1.1%

Hamburg

–

2

2

1.1%

Hanover (Kingdom)

6

8

14

7.8%

Hesse (Margrave & Grand Duchy)

5

17

22

12.2%

Italy

1

–

1

0.6%

12

14

26

14.4%

Saxony

1

5

6

3.3%

Switzerland

1

–

1

0.6%

Thuringia

–

3

3

1.7%

Virginia

–

3

3

1.7%

Württemberg (Kingdom)

3

3

6

3.3%

Unknown

51

14

65

36.1%

Total

97

83

180

100%

Prussia (Kingdom)

Source: Author’s compilation.

197

3. Ethnic German Military Units in Richmond

Table VI.9 Overview of the War Data of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles 1st Virginia Infantry (97 men) Substitute

15th Virginia Infantry (83 men)

Total (180 men)

7 (7.2%)

1

8

4

1

5

9 (9.3%)

16 (19.3%)

25 (13.9%)

Prisoner of War

2

–

2

Deserted / withdrawn without permission

2

3

5

13 (13.4%)

6

19 (10.6%)

6 (6.2%)

3

9

Died in R.E.Lee Camp, Richmond

3

3

6

Wounded

3

–

3

War pension

–

5 (6,02%)

5

Court martial or reduced in rank

1

2

3

Served as substitute Imprisoned in Castle Godwin or Castle Thunder

Government Work Killed in the war

Source: Author’s compilation.

198

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Table VI.10 Analysis of the Occupations of the Ethnic German Units of Richmond Occupations (47) Known occupation Architect Baker Barber Basketmaker Bookbinder Bridge builder Butcher Cabinetmaker Capmaker Carpenter Cigar maker Clerk Cooper Dry Goods Dyer Farmer Furniture Maker Gardener Grocer Hatmaker Laborer / Mechanic Lithographer Merchant Milkman Miller Oven builder Painter Paper cutter Pharmacist / Druggist Plumber Printer Publisher Sadler / Wheelwright Sailor Saloon owner Shoemaker Smith Soapmaker Stonecutter Tailor Teacher / Translator Textiles salesman Tinsmith Tobacconist Upholsterer Watchmaker / Jeweller Weaver Occupation unknown

Source: Author’s compilation.

1st Virginia 86 = 88.7% – 6 1 1 3 – 7 – – 5 3 1 11 – – – 1 1 2 – 8 – 1 – – – 2 2 – 1 1 – 2 – 5 14 1 1 – 2 1 – – – 1 1 1 11

15th Virginia 70 = 84.3% 2 2 3 – 2 – 2 – 1 1 – 8 – – 2 – – 2 – – 3 1 1 – 1 1 3 – 1 1 – – – 3 4 5 1 1 4 5 1 2 – – 1 4 – 13

19th Virginia 77 = 35.9% 1 6 4 – 1 1 4 1 1 1 – 8 – 1 – 1 – – 2 1 4 1 – 1 1 1 3 – 2 1 – 1 2 – 1 9 2 – 1 2 4 1 1 1 1 4 – 137

Total 233 = 59.1% 3 14 8 1 6 1 13 1 2 7 3 17 11 1 2 1 1 3 4 1 15 2 2 1 2 2 8 2 3 3 1 1 4 3 10 28 4 2 5 9 6 3 1 1 3 9 1 161

4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans

199

4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans: an Attempt at a Socio-Military Analysis 4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans: an The 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment consisted of ten companies when it was mustered in December, 1861. Five of these were ethnic German companies, and, as the former Reichard’s Battalion, they formed the nucleus of the new regiment: “The desired German Battalion finally came to life as a part of the 20th.”208 Considering the size of the minority, the attempts of the New Orleans Germans to establish ethnic units failed miserably. However, the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment was the only regiment in the Confederacy that included a total of five German companies and, with the strength of a battalion, came close to being a regiment itself.

4.1 Colonel Reichard’s 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment: “One of the best Louisiana regiments in existence [...]” Indeed the articles in both German-language newspapers in the city usually referred first to the 20th Regiment209 and only then reported news from the individual companies – The many German soldiers who served in the various Louisiana regiments were so scattered that the newspapers could not follow their activities. For example, the Black Jägers (Co. B) under Captain Charles Rabenhorst and the Jäger Company (Co. I) under Captain Frederick Peter served in the 22nd Louisiana Infantry Regiment.210 Rabenhorst’s company, in spite of the ethnic-sounding name, had almost no German-born soldiers. For those German soldiers in the Confederacy the company served as a microcosm of their military life, but the men of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment defined themselves through their regiment. This regiment marched to the front with 879 soldiers on March 11, 1862.211 The first test was the Battle of Shiloh at the beginning of April, 1862; Colonel Reichard sent 507 men into battle; more than 200 of them were killed.212 Then came the Battles of Corinth, Monterey (April 29, 1862), Farmington (May 9, 1862), and Perryville (October 8, 1862).213 The very heavy losses of the regiment could no longer be replaced, so that the remaining troops were consolidated with Colonel Gibson’s 13th Louisiana Infantry Regiment in November, 1862, and placed once again under Reichard’s command, now with a strength of 1,075 men. With the exception of Captain Assenheimer’s Louisiana Volunteers, who were captured as an entire company in the early summer of 1862, all of the German companies stayed in the regiment as companies D, F, and G until the end of the war. 208 Robert T. Clark, “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil War,” 999. 209 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 5, 1862, April 8, 1862, April 15, 1862, April 16, 1862, April 22, 1862. Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, April 20, 1862. 210 Arthur W. Bergeron, Jr., “They bore themselves with distinguished Gallantry: The Twenty-Second Louisiana Infantry,” Louisiana History XIII, 3 (Summer 1972), 253–282 211 Bergeron, Guide to Louisiana Confederate Military Units, 1861–1865, 122–124. 212 Joseph H. Crute, Jr., Units of the Confederate States Army (Midlothian, Va.: Derwent Books, 1987), 149, 52. Clark spoke of ghastly losses: Robert T. Clark, “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil War,” 1004. 213 Stewart Sifakis, Compendium of the Confederate Armies: Louisiana (New York: Facts on File, 1995), 106f.

200

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

They saw action in the battles of Murfreesboro (December 31, 1862–January 2, 1863), Chickamauga (September 19–20, 1863), Chattanooga (November 23–25, 1863), Dalton, and heavy fighting near Atlanta at the end of July, 1864. The regiment, now only a fraction of itself, saw the end of the war near Mobile, Alabama.214 Source material about the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment is extremely scarce, because New Orleans had already been captured by the Union in April 1862. Rebel mail was not delivered in the city, and even home leave was useless, because members of the Reichard Regiment either had to swear allegiance to the Union when entering the occupied city or else could only visit relatives who had left all their belongings in New Orleans and had moved to Confederate territory. The few letters still existing from some officers come from the columns of the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung; the office of this newspaper was the clearing house until April, 1862, for everyone who wanted to bring or hear news about the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment: At the beginning of April 1862, during home leave, Lieutenant Warburg of the Florance Guards delivered twenty-four letters to the newspaper office from his comrades stationed in Tennessee.215 Not all the German companies were as lucky as the Florance Guards, who also had a hotel as a center of information about the unit. August Carl Lachenmeyer, originally from Pirmasens, the owner of the Orleans Hotel in the 5th Ward, was always well informed through his brother, First Lieutenant Edmund Lachenmeyer.216 The first letter published in a German-language newspaper came from Lieutenant Charles DePetz of the Reichard Rifles, which he wrote to his wife Emilie in New Orleans from a camp near Corinth on April 8, 1862: Here in Shiloh the flint bullets, shrapnel, and bombs were hailing down around us, but this didn’t bother us; we marched forward shouting hurrah and drove the Yankes back and captured the first camp. That cost men from both sides [...]; the entire regiment is now no stronger than 300 men at the most [...]; terrible wounds; it’s horrible to see. But, thank God, I’ve come out of this. You don’t need to make the caps, because we haven’t got any men left.217 DePetz was wounded so seriously on April 8, 1862, that he was discharged two weeks later as disabled. In 1914 his second wife, Adelaide Victorine DePetz, tried in vain to request a dependent’s pension from the state of Louisiana.218 214 At Murfreesboro alone the Regiment had 187 killed, wounded, and missing soldiers; of the 289 soldiers left who fought at Chickamauga, 40% were killed in battle. In December 1863, the consolidated 13th and 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment consisted of only 191 men: Crute, 149. 215 The names of the recipients were published on April 8, 1862, in the newspaper along with the notice that Lieutenant Warburg would be happy to take back letters with him to Tennessee. 216 August Carl Lachenmeyer gave this information to the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung too, because not everyone lived near the hotel and thus the hotel was not well suited as a letter depot. (cf. notice from April 8, 1862). According to the Census of 1860 August Carl Lachenmeyer, thirty-three years old, had a total fortune of $23,000; at this time forty-three guests lived in his hotel. (NA, RG 29, M 653, roll 418, 557). 217 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 15, 1862. 218 Charles DePetz married Adelaide Victorine Roth in New Orleans in September, 1869, and moved with her to Mississippi. They returned to New Orleans around the turn of the century, and DePetz died of asthma on May 4, 1903, at the age of seventy-three, in the Asylum of the Little Sisters of the

4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans

201

On April 16, 1862, the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung printed a long report about the Battle of Shiloh, written by Captain Kehrwald of the Steuben Guards. Kehrwald reported, in particular, his amazement at the luxury in which the enemy troops of the Union lived: The tents were very nice, much larger than ours; there was always enough to eat. I just happened to pass by an officers’ tent, where the table was set with a perfect breakfast, warm coffee, fried bacon, slices of sausage, mutton roast, smoked ham, and warm biscuits, of which I took my fill. This seemed to be proof to me that the fellows hadn’t expected us and that we surprised them completely.219 It was at Shiloh that the captain first saw the rubberized vests with which the enemy troops were equipped: “Close up the fellows cannot be stopped.”220 Kehrwald forgot to organize one for himself: “I’m annoyed now that I didn’t take one and send it to you; it would have been a rarity for you. There were quite a few things lying around in the tents that we could have used. But in battle everything is too heavy and even heavier in retreat.”221 Captain Kehrwald closed his report with words of recognition for a brave enemy: “The Yankees are good fighters, to be sure, when they’re far from the guns and have their miniérifles opposite our miserable muskets.”222 On November 25, 1863, Captain Kehrwald was seriously wounded at the battle of Missionary Ridge and was taken prisoner. The last published letter before the capitulation of the city of New Orleans to the Union appeared in the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung on April 20, 1862, and was written by one J. S. Miller: “Because we couldn’t win against such an overpowering opponent, we burned everything taken from the Yankees and got rid of all supplies possible. We were poorly supplied by our administration and, if we hadn’t had the supplies from the North, we wouldn’t have had anything to eat for three days.”223 Like Captain Kehrwald, Miller also saw the abundance in the enemy camps and regretted that those who had “pulled the chestnuts out of the fire”224 had had to leave behind all the desirable objects such as daggers, pistols, sabres, and rifles. Miller closed his letter full of bitterness: “The troops fighting against us came from Ohio and Illinois, almost all Germans and Irishmen; the northern farmers aren’t participating very much in this affair.”225

219 220 221 222 223

224 225

Poor in New Orleans. His wife’s petition was refused in April, 1915; Mrs. DePetz was seventy-two years old at the time: Adelaide DePetz (109-0-0), Louisiana Pension Applications, Act of 1898, Baton Rouge, La, Louisiana State Archives, Baton Rouge, La. Letter from Captain Kehrwald to Fritz Burger, the former captain of the Steuben Guards, written near Corinth on April 9, 1862: Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 16, 1862. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. J.S. Miller’s precise identity is unknown; it could be John Müller or else Julius Müller, both in the Steuben Guards. The writer reports that Jacob Müller (Miller) of the Reichard Rifles has been shot in the foot. The recipient of the letter, written near Corinth on April 14, 1862, was Peter Siebert: Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, April 20, 1862. Ibid. Ibid.

202

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Henry Brunnemann, a miner, one of the volunteers who joined the Steuben Guards in December, 1861, was taken to Camp Morton, Indiana, as a prisoner of war. From there he wrote to the Prussian Legation in Washington and stated that he was a Prussian citizen and had been forced into the military while surveying in Louisiana.226. His further fate is unknown, but this incident shows that the men were mainly interested in surviving, not necessarily in telling the truth. There were many similar cases: Julius Hirsch of the Florence Guards wrote to the Prussian Legation from Camp Chase, Ohio, in August, 1864: When I [...] left Prussia and arrived in New Orleans on December 20, 1860, I wasn’t able to find my way there and necessity forced me to enter military service for a year. After these twelve months I requested my discharge and was told that I had joined for 3 years. After these 3 years I was forced into further service until the end of the war. For this reason I transferred voluntarily to the U.S. side.227 During the winter of 1864 it became obvious to all that the South could no longer win the war; desertion at this point seemed pragmatic. Charles Bernd of the Florance Guards, who possibly knew Hirsch’s argumentation, presented similar social necessities: I, Charles Bernd, left Prussia in December, 1860, and landed in New Orleans in February, 1861, with the intention of giving my family, which I had left behind in Germany, a better life than I could offer them in Germany. Since then the war unfortunately broke out and I could no longer leave the country, I had no other choice than to join the army and thusI joined for one year on July 18, 1861. After this period [...] I was told that I had joined for 3 years, which I did not know, because I couldn’t understand English at all and I had thus been completely tricked.228 The unfortunately timed arrival in New Orleans described by Bernd, Hirsch, and others229 was probably true; the last German immigrant ship that reached the port of New Orleans before the blockade was the sailing ship Georg from Bremen, which landed on May 18, 1861, and left 320 German immigrants to their uncertain fate.230 226 Letter from Baron von Gerolt, Washington, D.C., about the Brunnemann affair to Secretary of State Seward on December 15, 1864: RG 59, General Records of the Department of State, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 58, T 4. 227 Letter from Julius Hirsch to the Prussian Legation in Washington, D.C., from August 9, 1864: RG 59, General Records of the Department of State, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 58, T 4. 228 Letter from Charles Bernd, Camp Chase, to the Prussian Legation in Washington, D.C., from August 10, 1864: RG 59, General Records of the Department of State, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 58, T 4. Charles Bernd, born in Luckau in 1832, is not listed in the muster rolls of December 21, 1861, as a member of the Florance Guards. Bernd deserted on July 22, 1864, to the 128th Indiana Infantry Regiment. 229 August Böhme’s letter from Camp Chase on August 9, 1864, to the Hanseatic Consulate in Washington: StA Hamburg, 132-5/9, C 3: Hanseatische Gesandschaft in Washington, D.C.: His name does not appear in any of the five muster rolls. Born in Hamburg, he stated that he had landed in New Orleans in December, 1860, and had joined the military for financial reasons; on July 22, 1864, he left the Confederate Army “voluntarily” and, to his surprise, was imprisoned in Camp Chase, Ohio. 230 Clark, “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil war,” 1013.

4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans

203

Bernd’s company comrade Fred Engstfeld was more fortunate. He had successfully deserted from the Florance Guards in the fall of 1863 at Chickamauga and had joined company C of the 32nd Indiana Infantry Regiment on October 2, 1863; the 32nd Indiana Infantry Regiment consisted entirely of Germans and was commanded by Prussian General August von Willich.231 Engstfeld served there until his honorable discharge in December 1865, and applied in July 1890, for a war pension for his service in the Union. His petition was turned down, because his heart disease did not make him 100% disabled.232 Henry Schott, thirty-five years old, originally a private of the Louisiana Volunteers, also switched sides after the battle of Murfreesboro and enlisted in Company C of the 32nd Indiana Infantry Regiment on August 22, 1863. Before his honorable discharge in December 1865, he lost his left eye “for the Union” and retained a lame right arm and right hand. From 1890 until his death in 1903 Schott received a war pension from the Union of, at the end, $12 per month.233 Among others, father and son Siebrandt served in the Louisiana Volunteers. After the Louisiana Volunteers were captured as prisoners of war, both of them decided in August and September 1862, to take the oath of loyalty to the Union, probably because the rest of the family lived in conquered New Orleans. August Siebrandt, Jr., sixteen years old, became a drummer-boy in Company B of the 1st Louisiana Infantry Regiment; his forty-one-yearold father became a private in Company G of the 2nd Louisiana Infantry Regiment. Both regiments belonged to the loyal regiments of General Butler, which fought on the Union side. Both were discharged honorably in 1865; August Siebrandt, Jr., received a war pension after 1879 on the basis of a bayonet wound that he had received near Labadieville in March 1863, after he had sworn that he had never served “in any other service.”234 His father died in December 1890, after he had submitted a petition but before he could complete a medical examination. In August 1897, August Siebrandt, Jr., then fifty-one years old, had put enough personal distance between himself and his turncoat military service to be able to send his drumsticks to the Confederate Memorial Hall Association in New Orleans.235 The Memorial Hall Association accepted the drumsticks but never the membership of August Siebrandt himself. 231 August Willich’s Gallant Dutchmen: Civil War Letters from the 32nd Indiana Infantry, ed. Joseph R. Reinhart (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2006); James Barnett, “Willich’s Thirty-second Indiana Volunteers,” Cincinnati Historical Society Bulletin 37, 1 (1979), 48–70 and William August Fritsch, “Oberst-Lieutenant Heinrich von Treba und das 32. (deutsche) Indiana Infanterie-Regiment,” Deutsch-Amerikanische Geschichtsblätter X (1910), 31–33; Don Heitmann, “History of the ThirtySecond Indiana Volunteer Infantry Regiment,” Indiana German Heritage Society Newsletter 16.2 (2000), 5–7; Steven Rowan and Maksymilian Szotalo, “The Baron in West County,” Gateway 26,1 (Summer 2005), 20–29. 232 Fred Engstfeld, 32nd Indiana, Co. C, Pension Record # 804 610. In: RG 15, Records of the Veterans Administration, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 233 Henry Schott, 32nd Indiana, Co. C, Pension Record # 805 022. In: RG 15, Records of the Veterans Administration, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 234 “Application for original pension of an Invalid,” March 12, 1879: August Siebrandt, 1st La Vol. , Co. B, Pension Record # 628 225. In: RG 15, Records of the Veterans Administration, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 235 Letter from August Siebrandt to the Memorial Hall Association, New Orleans, on August 27, 1897: 55-C LHA: Confederate Personnel: Siebrandt, August (1897), 1 piece, Tulane Manuscript Dept., New Orleans.

204

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Jakob Hirsch, formerly a private in the Florance Guards, tried in 1910 to become a member of the Memorial Hall Association at the advanced age of more than eighty. However Hirsch had been in a prisoner of war camp in Louisville from 1863 to 1865 and had only been freed because he swore loyalty to the Union.236 The generation of the “lost cause” saw no need to accept “traitors”.237

4.2 “I have been trying my best to perform my duty in the sacred cause of my adopted country”: Colonel Reichard between War and Peace As mentioned above in connection with the attempt to establish a German battalion, the only successful projects within the German community of New Orleans were those under the auspices of one or more consuls. It is not known what led August Reichard to take the initiative in establishing a German battalion after the endless quarrels in the community, to leave a prosperous wholesale business to a partner, and to exchange a carefree life for the dangers and privations of the battlefield. Even Deiler, the pedantic chronicler of the New Orleans German community, was satisfied with only a few sentences about Reichard. Leading the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment was not an “assignment”; in accepting the rank of colonel of the Confederate Army, Reichard put all of his eggs in one basket: he risked having the Prussian government withdraw the Prussian consulate; he invested his personal financial means to furnish the regiment and suffered considerable losses in doing so; and he had to reckon with the confiscation of his entire fortune if the South lost the war. New Orleans had become home for Reichard; he had married a Creole and invested his money in establishing Reichard & Co. And for all of this he now went to war. It seems that Reichard was indeed an outstanding officer who knew how to achieve the recognition and trust of his men. Gebhard Kehrwald, Captain of the Steuben Guards, spoke with admiration of Colonel Reichard in April 1862, who had already won the affection of his men: “Colonel Reichard was always with us and shared all of our stress up to the last moment [...].”238 Colonel Reichard and his regiment were highly praised for their courageous defense during the Battle of Shiloh. A special correspondent of the Daily Delta reported to his newspaper on April 1, 1862:

236 Hirsch himself was no longer able to write his own letters in 1910. On October 21, 1910, his son Eugene Hirsch petitioned for his father; shortly thereafter (undated) his grandson, J. Henry Ullman (of the textile trading house of J. R. Simon & Co. with branches in Hongkong, Yokohama, Lyons and New York): Jacob Hirsch, 55-C: Confederate Personal, Manuscripts Department, Tulane University, New Orleans, La. 237 This was also true for the Union. The veterans’ organization G. A. R. (Grand Army of the Republic) included only 41% of the surviving war veterans as members in 1890. The reason was a subtly exclusive membership procedure: Stuart McConnell, “Who Joined the Grand Army? Three Case Studies in the Construction of Union Veteranhood, 1866–1900,” Toward a Social History of the American Civil War, ed. Maris A. Vinovskis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 139– 170 (especially 141f.). 238 Letter from Captain Kehrwald to Fritz Burger, the former captain of the Steuben Guards, written near Corinth on April 9, 1862: Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 16, 1862.

4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans

205

Fig. 6.17: REMEMBRANCE OF CAMP LEWIS POLKA MARCH, COMPOSED AND DEDICATED TO COL. AUG. REICHARD (1861): John J. Kirschenheuter, a piano teacher and private in the Steuben Guards, 20th Louisuiana Vol. Infantry, composed this polka march in order to commemorate the distinguished comradeship and respect that Col. Reichard showed for his men. The notes were published by the German music house Philip P. Werlein & Halsey of New Orleans. Courtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans (Music M 20.C 61 K5 1861)

No-one doubts that one of the best Louisiana regiments is the twentieth, and it is commanded by excellent officers. Colonel Reichard, Lieutenant Colonel Boyd, and Major von Zinken cannot be surpassed by any other staff officers in the entire army. This regiment includes many craftsmen in its ranks and, while other regiments lack some things for which mechanical skill is necessary, the 20th Regiment can furnish itself comfortably in all ways. Colonel Reichard had hardly set up camp when the bakers went to work and built an outstanding large oven in which they bake the most delicious and healthiest bread. You can’t eat better bread in New Orleans than that baked for the 20th Regiment. General Ruggles has ordered that similar ovens and bakeries be established in all regiments. With this positive order the main cause of many illnesses will be eliminated with one stroke.239 On the basis of his services at Shiloh and his popularity with the troops, August Reichard had hoped for a promotion. In a letter to his close friend John Lawson Lewis, he wrote about the difficulties in achieving the rank of a Confederate brigadier general. Lewis, mayor of New Orleans from 1854 to 1856 and supreme commander of the militia army of Louisiana, had paradoxically asked Reichard in August, 1862, to find officers’ positions for his son John and his friend Charles Bowmann. Reichard could not help Lewis but remained a close friend.240 239 Excerpt from a telegraph report of April 1, 1862, from the area around Corinth, sent to the Daily Delta, printed in the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 5, 1862; Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, vol. II, 88, 100; Brigadier General Daniel Ruggles (1810–1897) led the 1st Division of the II. Corps (Major General B. Bragg) at Shiloh. The Gibson Brigade, to which Reichard’s regiment belonged, was part of the 1st Division; Civil War Battles, ed. Curt Johnson, Mark McLaughlin (New York: Fairfax Press, 1976), 49f. According to the archivarist Michael P. Musick, National Archives/Washington, D.C., in a letter of October 7, 1997, General Ruggles never issued the order mentioned above. 240 Colonel Augustus Reichard, 20th Louisiana Regiment, Chattanooga, Aug. 26, 1862, to Major General John H. Lewis (M 359, roll 23, vol. 144). This is the only personal war-time letter that Reichard could

206

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

On July 7, 1863, Reichard, then fifty-four years old, resigned as an officer, withdrew from the army, and sailed to England in August. Major von Zinken, later promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, remained with the regiment until 1865.241 He too did not succeed, in spite of considerable petitioning by others, in being promoted to the rank of general.242 On September 18, 1865, August Reichard submitted his request for an amnesty through the American embassy in Alexandria, Egypt. This was supported by a brief written note from Christian Roselius, who called him a “gentleman in whose statement reliance can be placed.”243 Reichard wrote to President Johnson: I have been a resident of New Orleans from 1845 to 1861 and a citizen of the United States since 1852. I have not participated in any act relative to secession of the State of Louisiana or any other state of the Union, nor have I taken any part whatever in Southern politics. After the ordinance of secession had been paged, however, I, under the same delusion as the great majority of the citizens of the South, believed myself in duty bound to stand by my adopted State through good or evil. In May 1861 on the formation of the New Orleans Rifle Regiment in New Orleans, I was elected Major of said Regiment. The same, however, soon broke up in consequence of several companies going off to join the army in Virginia and with the remaining four companies a battalion was formed which by order of the Governor of Louisiana was sent, under my command, to Camp Lewis, a camp of instruction near New Orleans. Later and in November 1861 a new regiment – called the Lovell regiment – was formed for State service, of which I was elected Colonel. In March 1862 General Beauregard, then at Corinth, made an appeal to New Orleans for reinforcements and it being set forth the defense of New Orleans was virtually at Corinth, my regiment, as many others, responded to the call of General Beauregard and was passed in the Confederate service as the 20th Regiment Louisiana Volunteers. As in course of time I had occasion to form a more compact estimate of the leading politicians in Richmond, I determined to quit the service of the Southern States, and after much delay obtained an honorable discharge from the army under date of 7th July 1863. I set out at once for Europe when I arrived on the 30th of August 1863, destitute of all means of subsistence. Through the intervention and assistence of my friends in England I was enabled to proceed to Alexandria in Egypt & then to form a commercial establishment for the purpose of preserve after his service: cf. Letter from August Reichard, Pass Christen, to Captain Josephe Adolphe Chalaron, New Orleans, a former lieutenant of the Washington Artillery, on October 19, 1875: Manuscript Division, Confederate Personal, 55-C, A. Reichard, Tulane University, New Orleans, La. In 1878–79 both men served on the board of directors of the Association of the Army of the Tennessee. 241 Kügler wrote that von Zinken had been missing since Chickamauga and had presumably been killed in 1863. This was not the case. Leon von Zinken died a natural death on August 26, 1871, in New Orleans: Sonntagsblatt der Deutschen Zeitung, New Orleans, Aug 27, 1879; Kügler, Die Deutschen in Amerika, 142. 242 Cf. recommendations for von Zinken’s promotion request from various commanders to President Davis on January 25, 1865, Columbus, Ga., based on his service during the defense of Macon and the mobilization of all the troops in and around Columbus: RG 109, Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War (File: 24-J-1865), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 243 Amnesty petition of August Reichard from September 18,1865: RG 93, “Amnesty Papers,” (M 1003, roll 29, 0288–0293), National Archives, Washington, D.C.

4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans

207

Cotton to which business I have since devoted all my time and energy. According to your Excellency’s proclamation the rank of Colonel which I occupied for a time in the Southern army is comprised in the amnesty, but legal proceedings had been instituted previously against my old firm Reichard & Co. in New Orleans, in liquidation since 1861 under the erroneous idea that I had still an interest in the assets of said firm which is not the case, said interests having been settled previous to my leaving New Orleans. In fact so far from belonging to that class of exempts who possess taxable property above $20.000, I can easily prove that nothing is left of my former means.244 Reichard could hardly express his loyalty to the South in a petition for amnesty to the President of the Union; first he had to establish a basis for his return. Financially secure after marrying for the second time, he returned to New Orleans in 1868. Only nine years later, in March, 1877, Reichard, who described himself as having been blinded politically in 1860, joined P. G. T. Beauregard as a founding member of the veterans’ organization, the Association of the Army of the Tennessee, Louisiana Division. The goal of the organization was, among other things, “to keep fresh the memories of our Comrades who gave up their lives for the ‘Lost Cause’, in battle, or in other fields of service.”245 Reichard devoted himself completely to the work of this organization; in 1878–79 he was the president pro tem, because Beauregard was frequently away,246 and in 1880–81 he was the official president. This meant satisfaction for the man whose military career had ended so unfortunately. On January 13, 1880, he announced with great pride: “Comrades, I have the honor to present to you the first annual report of the affairs of this Association, since the adoption of our new constitution [...] leaving this day on our roll 360 members of which 357 are active & 3 honorary.”247 With great enthusiasm he set about to recruit new members and never tired of doing so: “Whether I am near or afar off, the future welfare, continued properity & ultimate complete success of the Association of the Army of the Tennessee will always be among my foremost thoughts & sincere wishes.”248 Even his last letter from France, glorified by his age, showed Reichard full of patriotism for the South: Nothing could have made a more pleasing impression on my mind & heart than the receipt of your kind letter [...] informing me that the 23rd annual Reunion of our Association would take place on Friday the 6th April & inviting me to join our comrades 244 Ibid. 245 Charter, Articles of Organization and Rules and Regulations of the Association of the Army of the Tennessee, La. Division (New Orleans: McCrane & Leslie, 1892), 5: Another founding member was Andrew Kreutz, a Bavarian, then forty-three, a former 1st Sergeant of the Reichard Rifles and now the owner of a café. 246 Letter from P. G. T. Beauregard, Parish of Plaquemines, La. Magnolia, May 1st, 1878, to the La. Division of the Army of Tenn., New Orleans: 55-T LHA: Ass’n Army of Tenn., Membership 1877– 1879, Box 2, folder 1, Manuscript Dept., Tulane University, New Orleans, La. 247 Reichard, Presidential Report for 1879, dated Jan. 13, 1880, 55-T LHA: Association Army of Tennessee, Presidents’ Reports 1880-1889, Box 5, folder 1, 6 p.: ibid. 248 Reichard, Presidential Report for 1880, dated Jan 10, 1881, 55-T LHA: Association Army of Tennessee, Presidents’ Reports 1880–1889, Box 5, folder 1, 6 p.: ibid.

208

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

on that memorable day where so many of our gallant young Louisianans paid their tribute of blood to our holy cause.249 I see therein a proof that inspite of my long absence from my real home, I am not forgotten by my dear comrades & that the ties of companionship consecrated on the field of battle, have not been loosened by long separation which I beg to assure you, I appreciate most highly. – I need hardly tell you that there is no lack of desire to be among you at the coming Reunion, but that physical impossibility prevents me from carrying out this ardent wish. [...] Let us hope [...] that a kind providence will grant me the blessing of spending the last days of my life among my friends in New Orleans...250 This privilege was not to be. Colonel Reichard died in France on September 7, 1900.

4.3 Facts and Numbers: Evaluation of the Troop Compilations of the Ethnic German Companies of New Orleans Of the 376 soldiers of Companies A, B, C, D, and F only 9.8% could be found in the Census of 1860. The reason for this lies in the totally different spellings of names that makes a definite coordination impossible.251 Since New Orleans was the largest immigration port of the Confederacy, it could not be expected, with this demographic fluctuation, that every inhabitant would be registered at the time of the Census. Whoever, for whatever personal reasons, had to or wanted to disappear in burgeoning New Orleans could easily do this in the overcrowded working class sections of the city. In addition it seems that many members of the units really did arrive in New Orleans only in the last five months before the outbreak of the war and had thus arrived only after the Census of 1860. The existing letters of some of the members of the Florance Guards confirm this and at the same time explain the extremely low matching rate of only 7.5% of Company F. Since the company was named for Benjamin Florance of the Louisiana Manufacturing Company, the assumption that the members could have been clerks of the business is a possible interpretation. Indeed clerks formed the dominant group among the 16.3% of the occupations given. The contemporary sources state that the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment consisted mainly of laborers and craftsmen. In the ethnic German companies laborers (18.4%), clerks (11.7%), tailors (9.7%), and painters, carpenters, and grocers (5.8% each) were the dominant groups. None of the company members possessed slaves or was wealthy enough to present a substitute. Thus it can also be explained why only 14.4% of the members of the ethnic German companies were listed in the city directory. New Orleans was a city of trade laborers, and 249 He means the 38th anniversary of the Battle of Shiloh. 250 Letter from August Reichard to “My dear General & Comrades” of the veterans’ organization Army of the Tennessee, Château de la Gaudinière, Departmt. of Maine & Loire, France, 24 March 1900: Manuscript Division, Confederate Personal, 55-C, A. Reichard, Tulane University, New Orleans, La. 251 The Index Microfiche for the entire Census of the state of Louisiana, 1860, (available in the National Archives, Microfilm Reading Room, Washington, D.C.), issued by Accelerated Index Systems International, Provo, Utah, is totally incomplete and because of the difficult legibility of some of the original Census documents contains many errors in family names.

4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans

209

craftsmen were only indirectly a part of this and were not considered the preferable clientele for an entry in the city directory. City directories in the middle of the nineteenth century were always compiled for each city with an eye on economic capacities.252 The Reichard Rifles, almost always with the greatest number of results, were to a certain extent a group of Germans who had been there longer and were handpicked by Consul Reichard, whereas the Turner Guards seemed to be a catch-all basin of new immigrants or financially less well-situated men. With an average age of 29.6 years, these companies seemed to be typical “foreigner companies.” Information about origin could be found for only 17.6% of the company members; this includes the general naming of Germany. Although the men came from a total of twelve German states, the majority came from a) Prussia, b) Hanover, c) Bavaria, and d) Baden. The Prussians led in Companies A, B, and C. As far as the military data for the men researched here are concerned, it is apparent that, in adding together the parameters missing/killed, deserted, prisoner of war (POW), and died, one finds a total of 163 men (43.4%). The losses that the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment experienced are thus obvious even in these statistics. It has also been found that foreign-born and second-generation American servicemen were more likely to die or to be wounded than natives. Foreign-born soldiers may have been more susceptible to disease since they tended to be poorer than their native-born comrades.”253 The comparatively high desertion rates in Companies C, D, and F must be seen in perspective – the regiment was almost exclusively involved in battles with ethnic German Union regiments as opponents. The 32nd Indiana Infantry Regiment under August von Willich254 was among the Union enemy opponents in the Battles of Shiloh, Perryville, Murfreesboro, Chickamauga, and Atlanta. Whoever joined the Confederate Army in order to live from the monthly pay and maybe even to save something, noticed as early as the middle of 1862 that this was completely unpromising because of the devaluation of paper money. Besides, after April, 1862, the men, as rebels, could not return to New Orleans without swearing loyalty to the occupation Union power. After 1863 victory for the Union became more and more probable, so that one cannot blame the forty-two deserters of these companies who acted from personal pragmatism and switched sides. Four of the Unionist turncoats requested war pensions for their service to the Union; two actually received them. Two other members, as honorably discharged Confederate soldiers, received war pensions from the state of Louisiana. The right to a war or dependent’s pension was established in the new state constitution by the constitutional assembly in 1898; the president of this constitutional assembly was Ernest B. Kruttschnitt, the son of Reichard’s former business partner.255

252 253 254 255

Peter R. Knights, “City Directories as Aids to Ante-Bellum Urban Studies: A Research Note,” 4. Vinovskis, 20. Warner, Generals in Blue, 565ff. Arthur W. Bergeron, Jr., Civil War Records at the Louisiana State Archives, ed. Louisiana State Archives and Records Service (Baton Rouge: Le Comite des Archives de la Louisiane, n. d.), 4–5.

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VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Table VI.11 Overview of the Ethnic German Companies of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment Co. A

Co. B

Co. C

Co. D

Co. F

Total

Muster Roll of December 21, 1861

76 (100%)

77 (100%)

70 (100%)

73 (100%)

80 (100%)

376 (100%)

New Orleans City Directory 1860

12 (15.8%)

11 (14.3%)

14 (20%)

7 (9.6%)

10 (12.5%)

54 (14.4%)

Census 1860

8 (10.5%)

9 (11.7%)

8 (11.4%)

6 (8.2%)

6 (7.5%)

37 (9.8%)

16I (21%)

15 (19.5%)

15 (21.4%)

9 (12.3%)

11I (13.8%)

66 (17.6%)

Occupation Information

27 (35.5%)

25 (32.5%)

25 (35.7%)

13 (17.8%)

13 (16.3%)

103 (27.4%)

Age Information

14 (18.4%)

15 (19.5%)

13 (18.6%)

9 (12.3%)

9 (11.3%)

60 (15.6%)

Average

28.7 yrs.

29.3 yrs.

29.4 yrs.

31 yrs.

29.6 yrs.

29.6 yrs.

–

–

–

–

–

–

13 (17.1%)

10 (13%)

8 (11.4%)

5 (6.8%)

6 (7.5%)

42 (11.2%)

6 (7.9%)

3 (3.9%)

7 (10%)

10 (13.7%)

16 (20%)

42 (11.2%)

Prisoner of War (POW)

10 (13.2%)

8 (10.4%)

15 (21.4%)

6 (8.2%)

10 (12.5%)

49 (13%)

Exempt (cook, etc.)

10 (13.2%)

–

3 (4.3%)

5 (6.8%)

2 (2.9%)

20 (5.3%)

7 (9.2%)

4 (5.2%)

6 (8.6%)

6 (8.2%)

7 (8.8%)

30 (8%)

1

3

2

-

3

9 (2.4%)

pos: 2 neg: -

pos: 2 neg: 1

pos: neg: 1

pos: neg: -

pos: neg: 1

pos:2,22 neg:1,2 2

Origin I

Slave-holders Missing / Killed Deserted

Died Went over to the US Army War pension (CSA) ( US)

I

Geographically I could not place the origin information “Baen” [sic] in Co. A and “West Johann” [sic] in Co. F, taken from the Census of 1860, but this is included in the statistics.

Source: Author’s compilation.

211

4. Ethnic German Military Units from New Orleans

Table VI. 12 Analysis of the Occupations of the Ethnic German Companies of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment Occupations

Co. A

Co. B

Co. C

Co. D

Co. F

Total

Baker

–

2

1

–

–

3

Barber

1

–

1

–

–

2

Basketmaker

–

1

–

–

–

1

Bookbinder

–

–

1

–

–

1

Cabinetmaker

1

1

–

–

1

3

Café owner

–

–

1

1

–

2

Canteen distributor

–

–

––

1

–

1

Carpenter

–

2

2

1

1

6

Cigar maker

–

1

–

–

–

1

Clerk

3

2

2

1

4

12

Cooper

2

–

–

–

–

2

Drayman

1

2

1

–

–

4

Dry Goods

–

–

1

–

–

1

Foreman

–

–

–

1

–

1

Gentleman

–

–

–

1

–

1

Gilder

–

2

–

–

–

2

Grocer

1

1

2

–

2

6

Jeweller

–

–

1

–

–

1

Laborer

9

2

4

4

–

19

Mattress salesman

–

–

1

–

–

1

Mechanic

1

–

–

–

–

1

Merchant

–

–

1

–

–

1

Musician

1

2

–

–

–

3

Painter

1

2

1

–

2

6

Pharmacist

–

1

–

–

–

1

Shoemaker

3

2

–

1

1

7

Tailor

1

2

3

2

2

10

Teacher

2

–

–

–

–

2

Tobacconist

–

–

1

–

–

1

Upholsterer

–

–

1

–

–

1

27

25

25

13

13

103

Total

Source: Author’s compilation.

212

VI. The Military Participation of the Ethnic German Minority

Table VI. 13 Analysis of Origins of the Ethnic German Companies of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment Origin I

Co. A

Co. B

Co. C

Co. D

Co. F

Baden (Grand Duchy)

2

2

–

2

–

6

Baen [sic] I

1

–

–

–

–

1

Bavaria (Kingdom)

–

2

4

–

1

7

Bremen

–

–

–

1

–

1

Denmark

–

–

1

–

–

1

Germany

1

–

2

–

1

4

Hamburg

–

–

–

1

1

2

Hanover (Kingdom)

3

3

–

–

2

8

Hesse (Margrave & Grand Duchy)

–

1

–

–

–

1

Ireland

–

–

–

1

–

1

Louisiana

1

1

1

2

–

5

Oldenburg (Grand Duchy)

–

1

–

–

1

2

Palatinate

–

–

–

–

1

1

Prussia (Kingdom)

7

3

5

1

2

18

Saxony (Kingdom)

1

–

1

1

–

3

Switzerland

–

1

–

–

1

2

West Johann [sic] I

–

–

–

–

1

1

Württemberg (Kingdom)

–

1

1

–

–

2

16

15

15

9

11

66

Total I

Total

Geographically I could not place the origin information “Baen” [sic] in Co. A and “West Johann” [sic] in Co. F, taken from the Census of 1860, but this is included in the statistics.

Source: Author’s compilation.

VII. Anaconda & Martial Law: The Germans of the Confederacy in the Stranglehold of the Enemy VII. Anaconda & Martial Law: The Germans On April 19, 1861 President Lincoln announced the establishment of a blockade of all Southern ports from Virginia to Texas, the largest blockade in history at that time.1 Four blockade fleets of the United States Navy guarded more than 6,400 kilometers of the enemy’s coast. The immediate consequence was the development of a new war-time occupation: blockade-runners. Every possible boat was made seaworthy to run the blockade. Foreigners were among the prime movers in this enterprise; the blockade, for instance, affected the daily routine of Richmond’s German minority so strongly that Daniel von der Höhe’s drama in two acts, called “Die Blockade Runner,” was performed by the Unabhängiger Turnverein of Richmond in September 1864.2 From the beginning of the blockade the population of the Confederacy was divided into three groups. There were those who participated actively in running the blockade, either as adventurers and men of fortune or else as captains, sailors, and members of the Confederate Navy; supporting them were the passive participants, whose money made possible the building of ships and who invested in many blockade enterprises in the form of stocks. However the largest group consisted of those people throughout the Confederacy who waited for deliveries of essential goods, who were driven by hunger to pay exorbitant speculation prices, and who were satisfied with less and less. The longer the war lasted – and the blockade as well – the more the divisions among the groups disappeared. Aside from the trade losses suffered by all, this giant sea blockade hit the foreign population of the South much harder than it did the native population. For the latter it was at first only an economic problem, but for the foreigners, among them the Germans, there were personal negative consequences right from the beginning: a) postal connections to family in the old country were interrupted; b) the long-awaited immigrant ships with friends and acquaintances were cut off; c) food from the homeland, which had been ordered regularly and without difficulty by traders in the South before the war, no longer arrived.

1 Günter Schomaekers, Der Bürgerkrieg in Nordamerika (Wels/München: Verlag Welsermühl, 1977), 20. The coastal blockade was part of the Anaconda plan, by which the South was to be slowly strangled economically by the Union; the name refers to the giant snake of the same name from South America that strangles its enemies slowly with its eight-to-ten meter body. 2 Lonn, Foreigners in the Confederacy, 309; Richmonder Anzeiger, Sept. 19,1864.

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1. Blockade-Running: “What most people don’t seem to realize is that there is just as much money to be made out of the wreckage of a civilization as from the upbuilding of one.”3 1. Blockade-Running: “What A total of eighty-eight ships registered in New Orleans and Charleston for foreign and domestic trade by the summer of 1861 belonged to German owners or partners.4 However, only a small fraction of these were probably involved in the business of blockade-running because fifty-three of these ships were registered in the port of New Orleans, which fell into Union hands in April, 1862.5 While New Orleans, Pensacola, Mobile, Galveston, Brownsville, and Matamoros (Mexico) were located on the somewhat secluded Gulf coast, there were nine ports on the southeastern coast that could be reached at night by blockaderunners and that had railroad connections to the interior: Norfolk, Richmond, Morehead City, Wilmington, New Bern, Charleston, Savannah, Brunswick, and Fernandina. By the end of 1861, however, only Wilmington and Charleston were functioning.6 The latter is thus of particular significance for this study. Because of the often phenomenal profits, many men were ready to assume the enormous risks of running the blockade. Prize money and profit-sharing attracted many foreign sailors to the service of the Confederacy. If a blockade-running ship was captured by the Union, foreign sailors, according to international law, only had to fear a two to three week arrest, whereas Confederate citizens automatically became prisoners of war, and, in the worst cases, remained so until the end of the war. It soon became an open secret that Confederate captains liked to equip their ships with foreign sailors. The longer the blockade continued, the more boldly the successful pilots and captains could dictate their profits. The individual blockade enterprises competed for these profits: Thomas Lockwood, a legendary captain, received $2,000 in gold as early as 1862 for every successful trip made by the Trenholm blockade-runner Kate; he reached Charleston twenty times before the ship sank in November, 1862. By 1864 no less than sixty-five captains could 3 Margaret Mitchell, Gone with the Wind (London: Pan Books Ltd., 14th edition, 1980), 191: Remark made by Rhett Butler, a blockade-runner from Charleston and the novel’s hero. 4 Of these thirty-five ships came from Charleston and fifty-three from New Orleans. Of these Charleston ships twelve ships were registered for foreign trade, twenty-two for domestic trade, and one boat for coastal fishing. In New Orleans thirty-three ships were registered for foreign trade and twenty for domestic trade. There are no documents in existence for Richmond for the years between 1860 and 1865 (NA, RG 41). 5 RG 41: “Records of the Bureau of Marine Inspection and Navigation, Customhouse Copies of Vessel Documentation”: a) DOMESTIC TRADE: Charleston Customhouse, Certificates of Enrollment, vols. 307 A, 308 A, 309 A, 311 A, 428 A: 03/06/1853–12/08/1869; New Orleans Customhouse, Certificates of Enrollment, vols. 7771, 7990, 7917, 7919: 02/26/1859–11/09/1865; b) FOREIGN TRADE: Charleston Customhouse, Certificates of Registration, vols. 63 A, 400 A, 401 A, 402 A, 403 A, 4926: 02/14/1853–06/17/1876; New Orleans Custom-house, Certificates of Registration, vols. 7914, 7918, 7940, 7986, 7991: 01/02/1854–1862 & 05/04/1864–04/08/1869; c) DOMESTIC FISHING/ COASTAL TRADE: Charleston Customhouse, Licenses, vols. 2 A, 348 A, 350 A: 06/01/ 1853–07/27/1861 & 08/14/1865–12/30/1869; New Orleans Customhouse, Licenses, vols. 7775, 7677: 07/02/1862–12/10/1862 & 07/05/1865–06/30/1866, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 6 P. C. Coker III., Charleston’s Maritime Heritage 1670–1865 (Charleston, S.C.: Cokes Craft Press, 1987), 273f.

1. Blockade-Running

215

figure on $5,000 in gold per trip; the Bee Company paid its captains F. N. Bonneau and James Carlin c. $800 in gold, which was considerably less, but still a handsome amount of money.7

1.1 Adventurers, Captains, Privateers, and Patriots: German Diversity on the Ocean Of course there were men among the Germans who thought their great opportunity had arrived with the blockade. Henry Sulter, from Oldenburg, closed his restaurant in Savannah at the end of 1861, when he was thirty-one years old, resigned from the German Volunteers, and signed on first as a pilot and later as captain; he owned the Mary Baker and Lida, both blockade-runners. He was captured by the US Navy four times and was bankrupt by the end of the war.8 James Stump from Baltimore, who supported the South and had served in the Mexican War, was a similar adventurer. He tried to run an illegal shipping line between Richmond and New York and lost all of his ships.9 These men, oriented only toward profit, were probably exceptions among the Germans of the South; the situation was too serious. An approximate estimate has been made of about forty-five German captains who ran the blockade professionally for the Confederacy between 1861 and 1865.10 By far the best known German captains’ families in Charleston were the Habenicht brothers and the Tecklenburg brothers. Georg F. and August Habenicht, brothers from Osterholtz near Hanover, were trained seamen; the third brother, John F. L. Habenicht, with whom they lived on Elliott Street, ran a grocery store. At the ages of twenty-six and twenty-eight both had come a long way. August Habenicht was the sole owner of the schooners Mary and Acorn. As captain, Habenicht ran the blockade on the Acorn three times himself in 1861–62; he delivered sand to Castle Pinckney on the Mary but lost the 7 Coker, 273; Theodore D. Jervey, “Charleston during the War,” Annual Report of the American Historical Association I (1913), 175; Marcus W. Price, “Ships that tested the Blockade of the Carolina Ports, 1861–1865,” The American Neptune VIII, 3 (July 1948), 212–213. 8 The 1860 Census of Chatham County, Georgia, comp. The Genealogical Committee of The Georgia Historical Society, 1979), 362. 9 Cf.: “James Stump,” Confederate Veteran, vol. XIV, no. 7 (July 1906), 320 and “Henry Sulter,” Confederate Veteran, vol. XVIII, no. 5 (May 1910), 245 as well as Lonn, 303f.: Lonn calls James Stump erroneously “John Stump.” 10 Coker, 273; Lonn, 304f., 309; Marcus Price, “South Carolina History, Civil War, ships and boats which took part in the war,” #30-11-6E, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. The Westendorff family will not be considered here, because its members had lived in South Carolina for several generations by then. C. P. L. Westendorff had come to Charleston from Wittenburg, in the Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, around 1800. His descendant, the thirty-one-year-old C. W. Westendorff, originally a clerk at the Charleston Insurance & Trust Co. and the father of three children, ran the blockade as captain of the barque Helen in December, 1861, and, under the Confederate flag, reached the port of Liverpool in only twenty-four days. The Charleston press was beside itself with enthusiasm: “News by Telegraph,” Charleston Mercury, Dec. 18,1861 and “Our Ventures on the Ocean,” Charleston Mercury, Dec. 21, 1861; M 653,#1216, 221; “St. John’s Births and Deaths 1700’s and 1800’s,” I/7, Robert Scott Small Library, College of Charleston, Charleston, S.C.; Tony Horwitz, Confederates in the Attic: Dispatches from the Unfinished Civil War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1998), 57–62.

216

VII. Anaconda & Martial Law

ship on the way to Nassau on December 3, 1864. Habenicht owned half of the schooner Sarah; the ship returned home successfully nine times before it went up in flames on June 19, 1862. The Jasper, however, one-third of which belonged to August Habenicht, had only one successful voyage. All of the ships’ owners, Habenicht’s partners, were natives of Charleston. Habenicht sailed only between Charleston and Nassau. His brother, Georg F. Habenicht, was originally the sole owner of the Julia Anne, but later sold half of the ship to Messrs. Bee and Jervey of W. C. Bee & Co. He commanded the Anne Deas, the steamship Celt, and the schooner Petrel. As captain of the Petrel in the spring of 1864, on the way to Nassau, alerted by floating cotton bales, he found the pieces of the wreck of the blockade-runner Juno and rescued the two survivors.11 The younger of the two Habenichts ran the blockade on the Petrel four times before the ship was destroyed in December, 1864. It is not known what happened to the brothers after the war. They are not listed by the R. G. Dun agents either in 1870 or in 1880, so that one can assume that they returned to Germany with the money earned.12 The Tecklenburg family followed a different pattern. Peter and John Tecklenburg,13 both born in St. Margarethen in Holstein, were not only captains but had also invested in other ships. In this way they made a double profit. Peter Tecklenburg sailed as captain on the Flora and the Laura between Wilmington and Nassau; he sailed between Charleston and Nassau on the Victoria and the James R. Pringle. Except for the Victoria, whose owner was John Campsen, all the other ships belonged to natives. As captain, John Tecklenburg commanded the Experiment, before she was renamed Laura and given to his brother.14 John Tecklenburg was captured in December, 1864, and was held as a prisoner of war in Fort Warren, near Boston.15 As the war came to an end shortly thereafter, John Tecklenburg returned unharmed to Charleston. Both brothers 11 “Loss of the Confederate Steamer Juno,” Charleston Mercury, April 14, 1864. Cf.: letter of Cornelius L. Burckmyer to his wife, Summersville, S.C., April 8, 1864, in: The Burckmyer Letters, March 1863– June 1865, ed. Charlotte R. Holmes (Columbia: The State Company, 1926), 308f. 12 RG 109, “Papers Pertaining to Vessels of or Involved with the Confederate States of America (“Vessel File”),“ NA: M 909, # 20: Mary (M 12), 695–706; M 909,# 53: Jasper (J 53), 569–581; M 909, # 28: Sarah (S 26), 612–630; M 909, # 2: Acorn (A 51), 1017–1022, M 909, # 17: Julia Ann (J 55), 596–598 and Juliane (J 46), 170–177 and “South Carolina History, Civil War, ships and boats which took part in the war,” #30-11-6E, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, M 653, #1216, 197; The Mercantile Agency Reference Book: July 1870, vol. 31, comp. R. G. Dun & Co., “Charleston, S.C.,” unnumbered pages; The Mercantile Agency Reference Book: March 1880, vol. 48, comp. R. G. Dun & Co. (New York: 295 Broadway, 1880), “Charleston, S.C.,” unnumbered pages. 13 According to Thomas Begerow, there is no likely connection between the Tecklenburgs from St. Margarethen and the shipping companies of Franz Tecklenborg (Bremen) and J. C. Tecklenborg (Bremerhaven). Cf. Uwe Schnall, Auswanderung Bremen–USA, hg. Deutsches Schifffahrtsmuseum (Bremerhaven: Deutsches Schiffahrtsmuseum, 1976), 36. 14 RG 109, “Papers Pertaining to Vessels of or Involved with the Confederate States of America (“Vessel File”),“ NA: M 909, # 10: Experiment (E 42), 1055–1062; M 909,# 20: Laura (L 43), 40– 48, M 909, # 30: Victoria (V 12), 939–940. 15 In a letter from the Prussian envoy Baron von Gerolt to Secretary of State Seward on December 15, 1864, the former requested Tecklenburg’s release with the comment that the prisoner was willing “to enter into any obligations with the United States,”: RG 59, “Notes from the Legations of the German States and Germany in the United States to the Department of State: Jan. 2nd–Dec. 31st, 1864,” (M 58, T 4), National Archives, Washington, D.C.

1. Blockade-Running

217

traveled first class with their families to Bremen in October, 1867;16 they probably set up business connections there with their profits. Three years later Peter Tecklenburg no longer went to sea but established himself in a grocery business in Charleston in 1870, with a financial volume of under $2,000 and a moderate line of credit. In 1880 the manager was listed as Mrs. J. Tecklenburg, and the financial volume had increased to $5–10,000. Peter Tecklenburg died as a wealthy man on April 22, 1915 at the age of seventy-eight – his family donated the monumental entrance gate, unique in its dimensions for Charleston cemeteries, of the German Bethany Cemetery, and acquired a tremendous tomb for him right next to the entrance.17

Fig. 7.1: CAPT. PETER TECKLENBURG (1836–1915) When Peter Tecklenburg, born in St. Margarethen, Holstein, had this picture taken in 1902 for his South Carolina Inter-State and West Indian Exposition Pass, the legendary blockade-runner had long retired from his adventurous war-time business. Courtesy of Charleston County Public Library (SCR 907.4757)

The motives of the Habenicht and Tecklenburg brothers are clear: the blockade situation fit in with their occupational activities, was independent of patriotism and war enthusiasm, and, for a brief time, they were part of a needed and admired occupational group that, considering the risk, was well paid. Blockade-running itself was an expensive and very dangerous business for all participants. The ship crews of all blockade-runners with letters of marque from the Confederate government licensing them as privateers were in danger of being hanged as pirates if captured, under instructions issued by President Lincoln. Men sailing on a privateer ship knew the risk but continued to hope that they might return home with valuable captured 16 Passenger list of the Gauss, Captain Heinrich Wieting, from Charleston to Bremen on October 5, 1867. In: Thode Family Papers (1845–1935), South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina at Columbia. 17 The Mercantile Agency Reference Book: July 1870, vol. 31, comp. R. G. Dun & Co. (New York: 295 Broadway, 1870), “Charleston, S.C.,” unnumbered pages; The Mercantile Agency Reference Book: March 1880, vol. 48, comp. R. G. Dun & Co. (New York: 295 Broadway, 1880), “Charleston, S.C.,” unnumbered pages. For the gate and the tomb, visit “German Bethany Cemetery” at 10 Cunnigton St., North Charleston, SC 29405: “IN MEMORY OF CAPT. PETER TECKLENBURG (1836– 1915) THROUGH WHOSE GENEROSITY THIS STRUCTURE WAS ERECTED.”

218

VII. Anaconda & Martial Law

goods. In New Orleans and Charleston there were at least fifty-four privateer ships registered between 1861 and 1864, but probably fewer than half of them actually served as privateers.18 German investors have been identified for at least two privateering vessels. Among the thirty-six partners owning the Virginia, built in Philadelphia in 1856, were Henry Siegling, a piano dealer, and Nikolaus Fehrenbach, a grocer from Hanover. Henry Siegling was born in Charleston in 1828, the son of Johann Zacharias Siegling from Erfurt, who had founded Siegling’s Music House in Charleston in 1819 and was quite prosperous in 1860. Henry, who had spent most of his youth in Germany, served in the Marion Artillery and took over his father’s Music House after the war.19 Nikolaus Fehrenbach, on the other hand, was born in Hanover in 1809, belonged to the founding members of the German Hussars in 1859, and in 1860 owned a Temperance Restaurant on Meeting Street, five slaves, and more than $7,000 in property. He had become an American citizen on October 28, 1840.20 The Virginia, now under the name of Sallie, was furnished with letters of marque and sailed out at the end of September, 1861.21 At this time the Siegling family had long had a business branch in Cuba; Siegling & Vallotte thus provided quite a few family friends refuge in Havana. In October, 1861, James G. Gibes, from Columbia, South Carolina, founded a stock company of twenty-one partners in order to buy the schooner Priscilla C. Ferguson for a total of $15,000 and to reequip it as the Confederate privateer Beauregard. Partners here included Captain Peter Tecklenburg22 and H. Bulwinkle.23 The Beauregard, in which great hopes lay, sailed from Charleston on November 5, 1861, but was captured by the 18 Historical Times: Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War, 604. According to Lonn’s estimate about 400 foreigners served on Confederate cruisers and privateers, 297; to date the number of German soldiers serving in the Confederate Marine Corps, which had approximately 3,700 members, has not been investigated: Ralph W. Donnelly, The Confederate Marine Corps (Shippensburg, PA: White Mane Publishing Co., Inc., 1989), 1–5. 19 Henry’s older sister, Mary Regina, spent the war years with her husband in Dresden and only returned to Charleston in the mid-1870’s: SIEGLING FAMILY: 11 MSS (R), 6 Dec. 1824–18 Aug. 1970 and n. d., South Caroliniana Library, Manuscript Division, University of South Carolina, Columbia, S.C. 20 The “N. Fehrenbach” listed as a ship’s steward on Captain Robert W. Lockwood’s Margaret and Jennie was Nikolaus’ son, born in Charleston on May 27, 1833. The Margaret and Jennie, reequipped in 1862, (originally Douglas) ran the blockade twelve times: Maxwell Clayton Orvin, In South Carolina Waters 1861–1865 (Charleston: Nelson’s Southern Printing & Publishing Co., 1961), 52f.; “St. John’s Births and Deaths 1700’s and 1800’s,” I/7, Robert Scott Small Library, College of Charleston, Charleston, S.C. 21 Another part owner of the Sallie was J. H. Steinmeyer, a sawmill owner, born in Charleston in 1812, whose family had immigrated from Waldeck-Pyrmont to Charleston around 1800 and who is thus not considered here. I could not establish the nationality of W. W. Lehmann, a dry goods dealer: Orvin, In South Carolina Waters 1861–1865, 52f., 78; “St. John’s Births and Deaths 1700’s and 1800’s,” I/7, Robert Scott Small Library, College of Charleston, Charleston, S.C. 22 RG 41: “Records of the Bureau of Marine Inspection and Navigation, Customhouse Copies of Vessel Documentation” – DOMESTIC TRADE: Charleston Customhouse, Certificates of Enrollment, vol. 308 A: 01/01/1857–07/13/1860, No. 1. 23 This was probably Hermann Bulwinkle, twenty-six years old, who had been taken on as a co-partner by John Campsen in January, 1860: South Carolina Vol. 6, 225, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston.

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219

Union within one week, and its crew were taken as prisoners of war, but fortunately not hanged.24 Small investors were attracted to investing in privateers, because the investment was generally considerably under $1,000, but the possible profit was linked to the demand for the captured goods and could thus produce spectacular profits. However, the success of a journey was completely unpredictable. Patriotic feelings also played a role in ship-sponsoring activities as the following incident attests. Inspired by the activities of the ladies of New Orleans to finance a cannon boat through donations, a similar project was started in Charleston in the spring of 1862 with the significant support of the Charleston Courier. One Miss Gelzer donated $5 and thus began South Carolina’s legendary Ladies’ Gunboat Fund; a wave of donations poured in from women throughout the state. The result was the financing of the gunboat Palmetto State. In the list of donors, which is extant only for 1862 and discreetly names no sums, there are eleven German women from Walhalla: The ladies came from the Melchers, Ostendorff, Bahntge, Wendelken, Ahrens, Mehrtens, Michaelis, Riecke, and Schroeder families. The chairman of the commission that had been appointed by the state of South Carolina to have gunboats and armored ships built was J. K. Sass, whose ancestor Jacob Sass had come to Charleston from Gutenberg, in Hesse, at the end of the eighteenth century.25 In Walhalla the German ladies were removed from the critical eye of the Charleston society, not only because of distance, and were thus under no public pressure to contribute patriotic donations. They did so in spite of this, because they all had at least one male family member in the ranks of the Confederate Army.

1.2 “To export produce from the State to neutral ports... ” – The Importing & Exporting Company of South Carolina and its German Investors Probably the most famous blockade-running company of the Confederacy was the company belonging to John Fraser and George Alfred Trenholm that had been established in Charleston before the war. Even before the war George Alfred Trenholm had divided his empire into three trading businesses: John Fraser & Co. in Charleston, S.C.; Fraser, Trenholm & Co. in Liverpool/England and Trenholm Brothers in New York. This trading house exported seven-eighths of the entire cotton trade that left the South during the war at a profit of $20 million.26 Whereas other blockade enterprises put the import of luxury goods in first place, Trenholm gave priority to urgently needed weapons, ammunition, and medication deliveries, although he did not refuse the profitable luxury 24 Orvin, 79 and William Morrison Robinson, Jr., The Confederate Privateers (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1990), 127f.: Robinson misspelled Tecklenburg as “Tetzenburg” and Bulwinkle as “Burwinkle.” Historical Times: Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War, 243. 25 Orvin, 95, 185; “St. John’s Births and Deaths 1700’s and 1800’s,” I/7, Robert Scott Small Library, College of Charleston, Charleston, S.C. 26 Rosen, Confederate Charleston, 78–82; Ethel S. Nepveux, George Alfred Trenholm and the Company that went to War 1861–1865 (Charleston: published by the author, 1994), 55f. The fact that Margaret Mitchell’s fictional hero Rhett Butler was modeled after the company boss G. A. Trenholm has caused a flood of non-scholarly publications, especially: E. Lee Spence, Treasures of the Confederate Coast: The “Real Rhett Butler” & Other Revelations (Miami/Charleston: Narwhal Press, 1995), 517 p.

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goods per se.27 Estimates indicate that during the entire war period fifty to sixty ships sailed for Trenholm. When, after early difficulties the financial success of Fraser, Trenholm & Co. became apparent, similar blockade-running enterprises sprang up all over the state.28 The Importing and Exporting Company (I & E Co.), established by William C. Bee, was the first of a total of five trading companies that were incorporated in South Carolina in 1862–63 for the purpose of running the blockade.29 The other companies, besides Bee’s I. & E. Co., were J. A. Enslow (a partner of Mordecai & Co.), the Steamship Charleston Company, the Palmetto Exporting and Importing Company (whose stock value rose by 800% in 1864), the Chicora Importing and Exporting Company, and the Atlantic Steam Packet Company of the Confederate States. President of the I & E Co. was William Cattell Bee; the four directors were Theodore D. Jervey, William P. Ravenel, C. T. Mitchell, and Benjamin Mordecai. President W. C. Bee was the cousin of the subsequent CSA Brigadier General Barnard E. Bee and until 1852 a partner in the rice business of James H. Ladson & Co.; with the help of his partner, Theodore D. Jervey, Bee went into business for himself under the name of William C. Bee & Co. Bee’s sons did not participate in blockade-running; they were killed in the war in 1863 and 1864.30 On May 27, 1863, the Charleston Mercury announced that company shares had been sold for a value of $1,000,000. The stockholders’ list of Bee & Co. was a who’s who of Charleston society, especially because at the beginning of 1863 only a minority of Charleston’s inhabitants could afford the minimum amount of $1,000 to participate in risky speculations. Among the 245 stockholders of the I. & E. Co. were its competitors, John Fraser & Co. with twenty-five and J. A. Enslow with two shares. Henry Adderley & Co., an agent for Fraser & Co. in Nassau, bought seventy-three shares. The Jervey and Bee families as well as Captain Carlin invested rather carefully in their own company with a total of fifty-two shares.31 Of the 245 Bee shareholders the twenty-six German businesses amounted to 27 Austria was an important weapons trading partner for the Confederacy. The country had offered its services to the Union as well, but was turned down. Caleb Huse (1831–1905), the Confederate head agent for the purchase of weapons, bought 100,000 rifles and six artillery guns in Austria with Trenholm’s money; it was all sent via Hamburg to Bermuda: Caleb Huse, The supplies for the Confederate Army: How they were obtained in Europe and how paid for (Boston: T. R. Martin & Son, 1904), 26f., 33; also cf.: Lawrence Sondhaus and Helmut Pemsel, “Die österreichische Kriegsmarine und der Amerikanische Sezessionskrieg,” Marine – Gestern, Heute 14,3 (1987), 81–84. 28 Stephen R. Wise, Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988), 285–328. 29 Lynda Worley Skelton, “The Importing and Exporting Company of South Carolina,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 75 (1974), 24–32: “An Act to incorporate the Importing and Exporting Company of South Carolina,” No. 4651, Dec. 18th, 1862, in: Statutes at Large of South Carolina, XIII (1861–1866), (Columbia: Republican Printing Co. State Printers, 1875), 141f. ; Coker, 278, 281f. 30 BEE-CHISHOLM FAMILY, Correspondence 1865, #23-302A-4/Genealogy #23-302B-1, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 31 William C. Bee & Company, #23/301/11 (Accounts and business papers 1865), South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. This is probably the only extant shareholders’ list of a Southern blackade company; it was most likely reconstructed after the war by Theodore Jervey.

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more than 10% and were thus overrepresented in relation to their population percentage in Charleston.32 They had purchased shares valued at $79,000: More than 42% of the participating German businesses were groceries; over 19% dealt in dry goods or sold spirits. The German businessmen were of course conscious of the risks of running the blockade. They trusted William Bee, because his company, as opposed to Fraser, Trenholm & Co.,33 had Germans at the decisive contact points. Among the first captains who sailed for Bee was Georg F. Habenicht, the commander and 50% owner of the Julia Anne,34 whom we have already met. After the Edwin and the Cecile had sunk, Bee’s bookkeeper C. G. Mueller35 accompanied Theodore D. Jervey to Cuba and Europe to buy three new ships for Bee in April–May, 1863. Jervey bought the Ella and Annie, which had originally sailed between Havana and New Orleans; Mueller bought the Alice and Fannie, which had previously sailed between Lübeck and St. Petersburg as the Orion and Sirius.36

32 There were three companies with non-German partners: Klinck, Wickenberg & Co. consisted of John Klinck, Sen. (1797–1888), John Klinck, Jr. (1831–1864), Germans, and Fabian Reinhold Wickenberg (1813–1875), a Swede, cf. a picture of the stock certificate in Charles Wickenberg, Jr., Kith and Kin: Wickenberg and Klinck, 92; half of the E. H. Rodgers & Co. (after 1866 Pelzer, Rodgers & Co.) belonged to Francis J. Pelzer, born in Charleston in 1826, the son of Anthony (Anton) A. Pelzer, who had immigrated from Aachen. Francis J. Pelzer was educated in German circles and served in the German Hussars. Hermann Leiding was born Hanover in 1828 and was in business with his American partner E. L. Kerrison under the name of Kerrison & Leiding: “St. John’s Births and Deaths 1700’s and 1800’s,” I/7, Robert Scott Small Library, College of Charleston, Charleston, S.C. 33 Fraser, Trenholm & Co. employed Melchior G. Klingender, “a gentleman from England,” who bought a number of ships in his own name for the company and had himself listed as the “registered owner”; Edward J. Lomnitz had a similar function, as did Otto Henry Kaselack, listed as the owner of the Gem and Scotia II. The nationality of these men is still unclear: Wise, 290, 301, 310, 320. The daughter of the Trenholm purser, Felix Senac, Ruby, married Henry Hotze, a propagandist from Switzerland, near the end of the war. He had his London office in the Fraser, Trenholm & Co. offices and was kept in money with their ships: Nepveux, 27, 65. 34 Julia Anne (J 46), 170–177 and (J 55), 596–598 in: RG 109, “Papers Pertaining to Vessels of or Involved with the Confederate States of America (“Vessel File”),” NA: M 909, # 17. 35 C. G. Mueller, a bookkeeper, owned two shares of the Bee Company, lived before June, 1860, as did August Conrad, in the Carolina House Hotel belonging to Mrs. R. C. Finney, 54 Broad Street, then moved to D. Mixer’s Charleston Hotel, at Meeting and Hayne Streets, and, in 1863, went as an agent of the company to Nassau: Directory of the City of Charleston 1860, 65 and 103. Mueller is registered as C. A. Miller. 36 Bee had bought the Cecile from Fraser. After five voyages, she ran onto a reef and sank on June 17, 1862. The Edwin sank in the middle of April, 1862. The Alice (built in 1857) was purchased for $244,403.69 in Confederate money and ran the blockade twenty-four times; the Fannie (built in 1859) cost $245,471.85 and sailed successfully twenty times. The Ella and Annie (formerly William G. Hewes, built in 1860) was captured on November 9, 1863. The other three ships, Ella (built in 1864; four voyages), Caroline (built in 1864; six voyages), and Emily (built in 1864; no voyages) were built especially for the Bee Company by Wm. Denny & Brothers in Dumbarton in Scotland. Information about the individual Bee captains: Skelton, 26, 28f.; Stephen R. Wise, “Lifeline of the Confederacy” (Ph. D., University of South Carolina, 1983), 529, 543, 556f., 560f., 641, and Wise, Lifeline of the Confederacy, 327; William C. Bee & Co. Papers, 1864-5 #23/301/6, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston.

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Table VII.1 German Shareholders of the I & E Company in 1863 Member of Company

Name & Approx. Arrival in Charleston, South Carolina

Kind of Business

Shares at $1,000

Bischoff, Henry (1847)

Bischoff & Co.

Grocery

3

Bullwinkel, H. (1843)

–

Grocery

1

Clacius, Clemens (1850’s) Clacius, Felix A. (1850’s)

Clacius & Witte[Armin F. Witte Spirits (1850’s)]

1

Claussen, F. W. (1840’s)

–

5

Steam Mill for Flour

Claussen, J. C. H. (1846)

–

Steam Bakery

Kerrison, E. L. ( ? )

Kerrison & Leiding

Dry Goods

5

Klinck,Wickenberg & Co.

Grocery

3

18

Leiding, Hermann (1840’s) Klinck Sr., John (1821) Klinck, Jr. John Wickenberg, F. R. (1836) Koester, Louis F. ( ? )

–

Grocery

3

Koldeway, Fritz (1851)

–

Jeweler & Watchmaker

1

Koldeway ( ? )

Koldeway & Campsen

Grain dealers

1

Campsen, John (1852) Kuhtmann, H. W. (1840’s)

G. C. Baurmeister(Consul)

Retired Merchant

Lengnick, Albert (1849)

–

Fancy goods

10 1

Marscher, Wm. (1856)

–

Grocery

1

Meldau, Geo. F. (1850)

–

Grocery

2

Mueller, C. G. (1850’s)

W. C. Bee & Co.

Foreign Trade

2

Panknin, Charles F.

C. H. Panknin

Pharmacist

2

Reils, Jacob ( ? )

–

Grocery

2

Rodgers, E. H.

Rodgers & Co.[Francis J. Pelzer] Factors

2

Schroeder, A. (1850’s) Schroeder, Fred. E. (1850’s)

Schroeder Bros.

1

Importers of Havana Cigars

Tiedemann, Otto (1845)

–

Grocery

2

Ufferhardt, Wilh. (1852) Campsen, Henry (1852)

Ufferhardt & Campsen

Dry Goods

2

von Hollen, H. W. (1854)

–

Grocery

1

von Hollen, John (1854)

–

Grocery

6

Wehmann, Fritz (1853)

–

Grocery

1

Wrede, John H. ( ? )

–

Clothier

1

Wuhrmann, Joh. H. (1840’s)

Wuhrmann, Lilienthal & Klatte

Wines and Spirits

2

26 Companies

Source: Author’s compilation.

79

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In 1862 August Conrad took over Mueller’s position as bookkeeper. After his arrival in Charleston in 1859 at the age of seventeen, August Conrad worked first for the Consul of Hanover, G. C. Baurmeister, then served as a private in Captain Chichester’s Charleston Zouaves Cadets until April, 1862, and finally joined Bee & Co. in the summer of 1862. Conrad’s tasks included issuing share notes, “which were to be signed by the president and treasurer and which had to be reissued every time there was a change of ownership.”37 Conrad was thus well informed about every shareholder and was tireless in advertising the newly founded stock company. In the fall of 1863 he became the procurator and deputy head of the company in Wilmington, North Carolina. When fifty-four-year-old Theodore D. Jervey volunteered as a private in Captain F. T. Miles’ company of the Charleston Battalion in the winter of 1863 and only returned at the end of April 1865,38 Conrad took over the former’s position as treasurer and secretary of the company.39 August Conrad’s right hand and inspector of cargo brought into Wilmington by ship was a certain Mr. Kittel40; thirty slaves had been hired to unload the cargo under the direction of Foreman Downey. Mueller, the former bookkeeper, headed up the intermediary office of the company in Nassau,41 and paid off the captains arriving there. Nassau (Bahamas) and St. Georges (Bermudas) were the preferred intermediary locations, where cargo coming from Europe was transferred to smaller ships and smuggled into the blockaded ports. German shareholders could thus acquire information about the liquid assets of the company at any time from their compatriots Conrad and Mueller. William C. Bee and August Conrad trusted and respected each other highly and, even after Conrad returned to Hanover in 1865, they corresponded for decades.42 In 1863 Conrad was able to win over as a shareholder H. W. Kuhtmann, the retired former business partner of Conrad’s original boss; Kuhtmann bought ten shares.43 Conrad 37 In 1865 Conrad returned to Hanover and published his memoirs: Conrad, Schatten und Lichtblicke aus dem Amerikanischen Leben während des Secessions-Krieges, 72f. For Chichester’s Zouaves, see: W. Chris Phelps, Charlestonians in War: The Charleston Battalion (Gretna: Pelican Publishing Co., 2004), 21, 79ff. 38 A. S. Salley, Jr. “The Jervey Family of South Carolina,” South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 7 (1906), 43/44. 39 Conrad, 76. 40 This Mr. Kittel, mentioned by Conrad, was not a German living in Charleston. He probably belonged to the German minority of approximately four to five-hundred persons in Wilmington, N.C., but was not a member of the German Volunteers (Company A, 18th North Carolina Infantry Regiment) under Captain Christian Cornehlsen, mustered on April 15, 1861, cf.: North Carolina Troops 1861–1865: A Roster, vol. VI, comp. Weymouth T. Jordan Jr. and Louis H. Manarin (Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Archives and History, 1977), 308–322. 41 Historical Times: Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War, 67; Theodore D. Jervey, “Charleston during the War,” 167–176; William C. Bee & Co. Papers, 1863, #23/301/2, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 42 Conrad, 71. 43 H. W. Kuhtmann withdrew from the business in January, 1855, and transferred the direction of the trading house to his twenty-six-year-old partner G. C. Baurmeister. In 1860 Kuhtmann resided in Pickens County and had property managed for him in Charleston: South Carolina Vol. 6, p. 229, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston, and: 1860 South Carolina Census Index, vol. I, comp. Bryan Lee Dilts (Salt Lake City: Index Publishing, 1985), 560.

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was able to sell two shares to the Italian merchant A. Canale,44 who traded in foreign fruit and had served as a private in Theodor Cordes’ German Hussars until 1862. Conrad knew Canale because both of them lived in the Carolina Hotel. Conrad was also able to sell one share for $1,000 to the Clacius & Witte company; in this case too Conrad had met Clemens and Felix Clacius in the Carolina Hotel in 1860. In addition the twenty-year-old Felix Clacius and his twenty-four-year-old partner Armin F. Witte had served with Conrad in Chicester’s Charleston Zouave Cadets in 1861–62.45 In 1864 August Conrad took over from his brother the Consulate of Hanover in Charleston,46 which he directed temporarily until the end of the war and which brought him into contact with almost all of the Germans living in Charleston. Investing funds in blockade-running was a two-sided affair for the participants: the ships chartered by Bee delivered urgently needed weapons and ammunition for the Confederate Army. In return cotton, which had collected in great quantities in the port of Charleston and was to bring profit in Europe, was exported. Until the end of the war this aspect of blockade-running was publicly considered highly patriotic. The importation of all luxury articles and natural goods, for which there was a need especially among the civilian population of the South, was a different story. These items were not essential for the war, but they were much more lucrative for the investors, because they could be sold for the highest prices. A ton of salt could be purchased in Nassau for $6.50 and sold in the South for 1,700 Confederate dollars. The purchase price in Nassau of a ton of coffee was $249; in the starving South it could be sold for $5,500 or twenty-two times the purchase price.47 The stockholders could be very satisfied; one rich dividend followed the next in short intervals, and after several successful voyages, some of which made a profit of up to $ 200,000, the full amount of the stocks, which were a popular object of speculation and which reached a dizzy peak, could be repaid.48 With this enormous profit opportunity, some German Bee investors were also active on their own: “The sins of the people of Charleston may cause that city to fall; it is full of 44 A. Canale, born in Genoa in 1815, immigrated to Charleston in 1838 at the age of twenty-three, accumulated an impressive fortune of $60,000 and three slaves by the outbreak of war, and in 1861 volunteered at the age of forty-six for the German Hussars (twelve months). In 1883 Canale and his business were the oldest fruit traders in Charleston; he had ten employees, and his yearly turnover amounted to more than $100,000: Charleston: Her Trade, Commerce & Industries, 1883–1884, comp. John E. Land (Charleston: John E. Land, 1884), 76 and South Carolina Vol. 6, 196/97, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. 45 “Roll of the Charleston Zouave Cadets at Castle Pinckney”, 09/20/1861, in: Anthony W. Riecke, Scrapbook vol. III, 213, #34-390, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, and: “Compiled Service Records: Capt. C. E. Chichester’s Co., 1st Regt. Rifles, Branch’s Rifle Regiment, S. C. Militia,” RG 109, M 267, roll 153, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 46 An inquiry to the Lower Saxony State Archives in Aurich on April 23, 1996, led to the information that there are absolutely no documents still in existence about the Hannover Consulate in Charleston after 1840 and that the Consuls are not known by name. 47 Historical Times: Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War, 67; Coker, 281. Also cf.: William Diamond, “Imports of the Confederate Government from Europe and Mexico,” Journal of Southern History 6 (1940), 470–503; Mary Elizabeth Massey, Ersatz in the Confederacy (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1952), 13. 48 Conrad, 76.

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rottenness, every one being engaged in speculations.”49 For example, John Campsen was the sole owner of the blockade-runner Victoria, on which his friend, Peter Tecklenburg, served as captain.50 There are no documents to show the success of the Victoria’s voyages. It is known, however, that John Campsen owned a plantation outside of Charleston in November, 1865; the value of his company was estimated at “$25,000–30,000 but [...] it is more likely to be double that amount. They are a good & reliable firm & lost by the war.”51 Campsen was not the only German Bee shareholder with his own ship. Since the fall of 1853 H. W. Kuhtmann owned two-thirds of the barque Dudley. J. C. H. Claussen’s connections with Fernandina, Florida, indicate that he, too, probably owned ships’ shares privately.52 Henry Bischoff and C. L. Burckmyer each owned 5/181 shares, along with seventeen other persons, of the steamship Columbia, built in 1857. It was captured off the coast of Florida on August 3, 1862, and absorbed into the US Navy.53 The wife of the Charleston merchant Cornelius L. Burckmyer lived in Tours, France after March, 1863, and received money from Trenholm’s ships. Her husband received permission on December 30, 1864, to go to Europe and buy a blockade-runner there. Burckmyer had invested in several ships belonging to various companies.54 Canale, the Italian integrated in the German community, is known to have owned the schooner Charleston, registered for foreign trade, after April 1854; in 1859 he visited his homeland, possibly on his own ship.55 For August Conrad, who had neither family nor property in Charleston and did not have to demonstrate loyalty to principles, the situation in 1863 was very simple: “I have 49 Josiah Gorgas (1818–1883), chief of the Confederate Ordnance Bureau, stationed at the time in Charleston, in July, 1863: Fraser, Charleston! Charleston! The History of a Southern City, 262. 50 Cf.: Victoria (V 12), in: RG 109, “Papers Pertaining to Vessels of or Involved with the Confederate States of America (‘Vessel File’),” NA: M 909, # 30, 0939, RG 109, “Letters Sent by the Confederate Secretary of War,” 03-19-1862 (NA: M 522), 178. 51 South Carolina Vol. 7, 460, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston: Koldeway’s role in the company is unclear, because the co-partner Ernest Waltjen ran the business during Campsen’s absence. It is certain that the partnership of Koldeway & Campsen was only a short-term, war-inspired trade connection. 52 NA: RG 41, “Records of the Bureau of Marine Inspection and Navigation, Customhouse Copies of Vessel Documentation” – FOREIGN TRADE: Charleston Customhouse, Certificates of Registration, vols. 63 A: 02/14/1853–07/24/1854: No. 16 (Dudley) and No. 19 (Charleston). On October 29, 1861, Charleston’s postmaster reported the loss of $58 in a letter to the Postal Department in Richmond. The letter had been sent by G. Starke from Fernandina, Florida, to J. C. H. Claussen: NA, RG 109, “Post Office: Letters Sent, Inspection Office, June 1861–Feb. 1862, Chapter XI, vol. 44, 217. 53 RG 41: “Records of the Bureau of Marine Inspection and Navigation, Customhouse Copies of Vessel Documentation” – DOMESTIC TRADE: Charleston Customhouse, Certificates of Enrollment,vol. 308 A: 01/01/1857–07/13/1860, No. 2: Columbia (Captain: Michael Berry); Wise, Lifeline, 294. 54 The Burckmyer Letters, March 1863–June 1865, 130ff., 308f. and letter from the War Department to Burckmyer in: RG 109, “Letters Sent by the Confederate Secretary of War,” 12/30/1864, 423 (NA: M 522). 55 Canale was in Genoa from January to the middle of May, 1859: South Carolina Vol. 7, 169, 335, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston.

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already mentioned that, as a good German, I was less enthusiastic about the interests of the South and put my own interests before those of the Confederate States.”56 Thus he speculated with cotton and jewels in 1863 and 1864, made a profit ten times over, and received “a nice little sum.57 After 1863 the documents of the I. & E. Co. were moved into the interior of the state for safety. A number of letters of credit and other documents went up in flames during the burning of Columbia, South Carolina.58 Immediately after the end of the war the victorious North began punishing those Southerners who had made money by running the blockade. In March, 1865, August Conrad brought Bee the last documents that he could rescue and met him secretly in Spartanburg, Pickens County. Conrad reported of this last meeting: [...] my presence in the South was therefore unnecessary, and Mr. Bee approved completely of my plan to travel to England as quickly as possible and to insist on the payment of letters of credit on the part of the debtors; in addition to put further business matters in order, because correspondence would not be possible for a long time [...] For the journey and my proposed stay in Europe he gave me a considerable sum, which I very happily received in the form of letters of credit in our Liverpool house.59 While Conrad sailed to Europe in April, 1865, Bee was tortured by terrible forebodings and fear of punishment as a blockade runner.60 The Union was able to confiscate enough material to try the directors of the company in 1866. Theodore Jervey was arrested in January, 1866, and imprisoned for half a year. With the payment of $100,000 in bail he was released in June, 1866; he had refused to provide the US dollar accounts of the company. The trial was discontinued without results in 1868. In 1874 and 1876 Jervey paid out the final, hard-won dividends.61 What happened to the Germans who had invested in Bee? Of the thirty-one German businessmen listed individually by name, twenty-six of them could prove their approximate arrival in Charleston: two of them had been born in Charleston and ran their fathers’ businesses; one immigrated in the 1820’s; nine persons came in the 1840’s; and fourteen persons in the 1850’s.62 As the taxed fortunes of 1859 show, all of them were established

56 57 58 59 60

Conrad, 82. Ibid., 75f., 82, 94. Ibid., 119. Ibid., 140f. Letter from W. C. Bee to his seventeen-year-old daughter Valeria North Bee [“Vallie”] on April 18, 1865, Aiken, S.C., in: BEE-CHISHOLM FAMILY, Correspondence 1865, #23-302A-4, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 61 Skelton, 31 and Salley, 43. 62 E. L. Kerrison, E. H. Rodgers (Americans) and Fabian Wickenberg (a Swede) are, as non-Germans, not considered here. The years given indicate either the acquisition of American citizenship or else the Notice of Intention or the earliest date on which the person could be proven to have been in Charleston: 1860 Manuscript Census, M 653, roll 1216; “Record of Admission to Citizenship: Aliens admitted as Citizens, District of S.C., 1st vol. 1790–1860” and “Records of Admissions to Citizenship (and Notices) 1866–1886,” RG 21, M 1183 (NA); South Carolina Naturalizations 1783–1850, comp. Brent H. Holcomb (Baltimore: Genealogical Publications Co., Inc. 1985), 18, 27, 37, 140, 145; “Campsen/Ufferhardt research file,” Beverly S. Shuler, Charleston (private sources);

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in the Charleston business world at the outbreak of war; they had acquired property; and some had founded families. The Germans listed here were certainly interested in financial profits and had not bought the shares solely for patriotic reasons, even if J. C. H. Claussen recommended the products of his steam bakery only to those customers who stood up with a pure heart for “Southern Rights and Southern Interests,”63 and if John Campsen announced his leanings in November, 1860, by putting up a dark-blue Palmetto flag with the motto “Now or Never” over the business entrance of his grain store.64 For these men there was never a question that they would have a future in the South after the war. Charleston had become their home; they had invested every cent in their new existence and refused to let a war destroy their achievements. To the contrary, they wanted to increase their property and, at the same time, do something good for the Confederacy. The real profits earned in blockade-running by the individual German companies cannot be determined methodologically and are not available in sources. All vouchers that survived the war undamaged and documented business dealings between a private person and the Confederate government were collected by the War Department after July, 1865, to be used in possible compensation for damage suits of former Confederate persons as proof of their loyalty or disloyalty toward the Union. Many businessmen destroyed documents in their own interest at the end of the war; others were lost in many fires. Almost 700,000 are still in existence today and have been transferred for posterity onto 1158 microfilms, stored in the National Archives.65 The constantly changing, inflationary value of Confederate money, the secret currency deals in “yankee greenbacks,” and the deposits of gold in European accounts make it impossible to put a reliable value on fortunes. Conrad described the situation as follows: Confederate paper money, which served as the only means of payment, devalued more and more, and, since personally I doubted more and more the success of the southern weapons and an increase in value of the Confederate money and state bonds, I transferred my receipts, even at great sacrifice, into good letters of credit, which I sent to friendly companies in Europe, so that I would have at least something certain [...] I had my overseas friends credit me and pay interest on the results [of the speculation]. At the same time I carried on a small speculation with Confederate bonds, which, considering the individual exchange rates, were valued much higher in England [...] The money I invested on the advice of my optimistic brother in southern objects of value, such as cotton, tobacco, bank and railroad stocks, etc., resulted in complete loss; these were later destroyed by fire or stolen, but, because of the ruin of the individual institutions would have been without any value anyhow.66

63 64 65 66

Charleston: Her Trade, Commerce & Industries, 1883–1884, 101f., 134f., “Melcher & Renken (Bakers),” Charleston, MS vol. bd., n.d., South Caroliniana Library, Manuscript Division, University of South Carolina, Columbia, S.C.; “Mr. J. C. H. Claussen Dead,” News & Courier, 09/17/1910, 10. Advertising for the South Carolina Steam Bakery, Daily Courier, Charleston, S.C., Nov. 20, 1860. “More Flags,” Charleston Mercury, Nov. 16, 1860. National Archives: M 346, RG 109, “Confederate Papers Relating to Citizens or Business Firms.” Conrad, 94.

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In individual cases it can be shown that money was transferred to Europe to preserve its value: Wilhelm Ufferhardt, for example, traveled to Europe at the end of 1861, taking along most of the company fortune of Ufferhardt & Campsen, while Henry C. Campsen first went into active war service and then joined Bee. Ufferhardt returned to Charleston with his pockets full at the end of November, 1865; Dun’s agent estimated their joint company worth at $30,000 in 1868. Ufferhardt himself bought a plantation outside of Charleston for $8,000.67 John Campsen, who had left behind his sickly wife and both children in Europe in 1861 to go to war for the South, requested – as a war invalid due to serious wounds – permission of the Confederate War Department in March, 1864, to go to Europe: I have now received information that my wife is in worse health than ever and besides, have not been able to provide for the wants of my family in Europe in such a manner as has now become necessary [...] I will only add, that being well connected, I possibly might be of service to the Department of State, and respectfully offer my services, in any manner, in which they might be deemed acceptable. I intend to pass out with one of the steamers for Nassau.68 The petition was granted, presumably in part due to the accompanying recommendation of the Charleston Mayor Charles Macbeth. It is very unlikely that Campsen did not take out any money with him when he sailed. As difficult as it is to obtain precise figures for blockade dealings, it is, however, possible, with the help of prewar tax lists of the city of Charleston, the Census information of 1860, and the reports of the Dun agency for 1870 and 1880, to follow the economic developments of the twenty-six companies between 1860 and 1880. There are fortune figures for 1859–60 for twenty-two of the twenty-six German companies that had invested in the I. & E. Co. According to these figures they possessed private and business fortunes amounting to $481,510 as well as eighty-nine slaves and were thus quite wealthy before the outbreak of war.69 Much of this was invested in property and bound the men locally to Charleston or the state of South Carolina.

67 In 1868 Ufferhardt had only paid off the first $5,000 of the purchase price. Campsen owned a house in the city: “Business in Charleston, n. d.”, #30-13-3, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston; South Carolina Vol. 6, 113, 169, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. 68 Petition of John Campsen to the Confederate Secretary of War, March 28,1864, in: “Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War,” 296-C-1864, RG 109 (NA: M 437, #123). 69 Persons with property valued at $2,000 in 1850 belonged to the richest thirteen percent of the population of the entire United States and, in 1870 because of inflation, etc., to the richest twenty percent of the country: Schweninger, “Prosperous Blacks in the South, 1790–1880,” 34. In the Confederate States in 1860 only thirty-one percent of all whites (385,000 slaveholders) possessed slaves. Of these almost fifty percent had fewer than five slaves each. Of the twenty-six companies six companies had more than five slaves; two had exactly five slaves; thus eight of the German companies (30,8 percent) belonged to the thirty-eight percent of slaveholders in the entire South who possessed between five and twenty slaves: Charles Joyner, Down by the Riverside: A South Carolina Slave Community (Urbana, Ill., 1984), 34; Parish, Slavery: History and Historians, 26–28; Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South, 29–31.

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The profit in shares (not counting the sale of shares) earned by blockade-running increased their prewar total fortunes by 147.6% to $711,000. Sixteen companies, c. 60%, were run by war veterans, and four companies (15%) had one or more partners or brothers in the army. Over 75% of the businessmen had thus served in the military for the South. R. G. Dun & Co. listed eighteen of the twenty-six companies in its quarterly report of July, 1870. Ufferhardt / Campsen had already dissolved their partnership in 1870 and were thus listed separately; in 1880 sixteen of the twenty-six companies were listed in the quarterly report by R. G. Dun & Co. At this point Kerrison & Leiding as well as Clasius & Witte had dissolved their companies and had become independent. In 1870 the financial volume estimated by R. G. Dun & Co. for the eighteen companies listed amounted to a total average of $683,000. By 1880 this total average had increased for only sixteen companies by almost four times to $2,567,500. Almost half of the companies listed in 1870 had a financial volume of $25–50,000; by 1880 half of the companies listed had a financial volume of $50–100,000 – it had thus doubled within a decade. The credit worth judged by R. G. Dun & Co. was as follows: Credit Rating / Credit Framework

Category according to R.G.Dun & Co.

Number of Companies in 1870

Number of Companies in 1880

A1

Unlimited

–

1

1 and 1.5

High

2

8

2 and 2.5

Good

13

5

3 and 3.5

Fair

Total

4

4

19

18

Source: Author’s compilation.

The “high” credit rating given to only two companies in 1870 was granted to eight companies ten years later, and one even received “unlimited” credit. This historical and economic analysis serves as an indicator on three levels: a) It shows that the German investors were mainly men who had belonged to the economic elite of Charleston even before the war and had established themselves professionally. These men had much to lose from the war and had every reason to protect their life’s work with careful investments. b) An investment in the I. & E. Co. proved to be oriented toward the future and good for professional reasons for most of the companies. Only five years after the end of the war nine companies had a greater financial volume than they had had in 1859–60; four had stagnated; and five had collapsed.70 By 1880 all of the companies that had stagnated in

70 Property was confiscated in 1864 from the Claussen company and from Klinck, Wickenberg & Co.; thus there could be no upswing in 1870: “Records of the Confederate States, the Judiciary, District Courts: South Carolina, RG 109: Material relating to the sequestration of alien-enemy property in South Carolina, minute book (Sept. 9th, 1861–Dec. 16th, 1864),” Ch. X, vol. 210, 407, 471, National Archives (Southeast Region), East Point, Ga.

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Table VII.2 German Stockholders of the Importing and Exporting Company of South Carolina

1. Blockade-Running

Table VII.2 German Stockholders of the Importing and Exporting Company of South Carolina (continued)

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Table VII.2 German Stockholders of the Importing and Exporting Company of South Carolina (continued)

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Names printed boldly in the table refer to eight German businessmen who became involved in local politics in Charleston after 1865 and used their economic power to finance the postwar immigration programs for German compatriots. I: The persons marked with (x) served in the Confederate Army themselves. (P) indicates one or several business partners who had served or were still serving. (B) shows who had a brother in the army. II: Number of slaves in 1859: Each slave was taxed at the rate of $3 per year. The names that did not appear in the tax lists were supplied with information from the Eighth Census of the United States 1860 (Population Schedules, Manuscript Census), M 653, roll 1216. III: The I. & E. Co. paid a total dividend of $9,000 plus 120 pounds sterling on every share of $1,000. The two final dividends were paid by Theodore D. Jervey in 1874 and 1876. For clarity I have figured only $9,000 per share for my list.71 Sources: List of the Taxpayers for the City of Charleston for 1859. Comp. Walker, Evans and Co. Charleston: Walker, Evans and Co., 1859. 31, 49, 56, 66 f., 183, 188 f., 200 f., 217, 223, 263, 268, 298, 309, 340, 347, 350, 358, 366, 377. The Mercantile Agency Reference Book: July 1870. Vol. 31. Comp. R. G. Dun & Co. New York: 295 Broadway, 1870. “Charleston, S.C.,” unnumbered pages. The Mercantile Agency Reference Book: March 1880. Vol. 48. Comp. R. G. Dun & Co. New York: 295 Broadway, 1880. “Charleston, S.C.,” unnumbered pages.

71 Coker, 281 and Skelton, 31. In a letter of August 3, 1863, C. L. Burckmyer states that the exchange rate of the English pound to the Confederate dollar is approximately 1:5, so that 120 pounds sterling were worth about $600 in Confederate money: The Burckmyer Letters, 130f. I have not taken this sum into consideration, because it is not clear when the money was actually paid out in British currency and thus the real monetary value cannot be calculated.

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1870 showed a clear upswing. Of the nine companies that had shown profits in 1870, four had more than doubled in volume by 1880, one stagnated, and one showed losses, while the other three were not listed by Dun.72 c) It also becomes clear that the investors were not war profiteers who fled the country in April, 1865, at the latest, but rather men who, after serving in the war and in spite of difficult conditions, chose to remain in the new country. Eight of them (cf. names printed boldly in the following table) became involved in local politics in Charleston and the German minority there after 1865 and used their economic power to finance the postwar immigration programs for German compatriots.

2. The Janus Head of the Blockade: German Charity Organizations, Soldier Social Care, Free Markets, and Bread Riots 2. The Janus Head of the Blockade: German Charity The effects of the blockade were suffered by the German minority, along with their native neighbors, in all parts of the Confederacy. Besides the profit-oriented German blockaderunners and investors, there were also German speculators and war profiteers. On the other side there were just as many idealistically patriotic Germans, who donated uncounted contributions to the needy, many German charity committees, and honorable German businessmen who invested from conviction in the Confederacy. The largest group, however, were surely the penniless and starving Germans for whom in one stroke the war had erased their new existence. From a Confederate viewpoint the German minority was reduced mainly into two groups: during emergencies and food crises, on the one hand, the Germans were stylized by the anti-Semitic verbal prejudices of the native press into “German Jews,”73 an “army of Jewish extortioners,”74 and “speculating shirkers”75; and, on 72 John Campsen had died in 1871, Albert Lengnick had been a successful private banker since 1879, and Marscher’s whereabouts were unknown: Charleston: Her Trade, Commerce & Industries, 1883– 1884, 101f.; South Carolina Vol. 7, 460, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. 73 The concept of German Jews refers to Ashkenazi Jews in a geographic sense, and further to Jews who had immigrated from German-language or German states to America during the entire nineteenth century; it does not necessarily refer to Jews who themselves were born in Germany: Barkai, Branching Out: German-Jewish Immigration to the United States 1820–1914, 1–5, for the Civil War: 109–124. 74 Richard M. McMurry, “Rebels, Extortioners and Counterfeiters: A Note on Confederate Judaeophobia,” Atlanta Historical Journal 22 (1978), 45–52; Lewis E. Atherton, “Itinerant Merchandising in the Ante-Bellum South,” Business Historical Society Bulletin 19, 2 (1945), 35–59, and: ibid., The Southern Country Store, 1800–1860 (Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1949); Michael Hochgeschwender, “Enemy Images in the American Civil War: A Case Study on their Function in a Modern Society,” Transcultural Wars: From the Middle Ages to the 21st. Century, ed. Hans-Henning Kortüm [et al.] (Berlin: Akademie, 2006), 195–210; Louis Schmier, “An Act Unbecoming: AntiSemitic Uprising in Thomas County, Georgia,” Civil War Times Illustrated 23 (October 1984), 21– 25; and ibid., “Notes and Documents on the 1862 Expulsion of Jews from Thomasville, Georgia,” American Jewish Archives 32 (April 1980): 9–22. 75 There was a report in the Richmonder Anzeiger as early as July 28, 1861, that “various Israelites” had bought substitutes for $2–300. The accusation that Jews did not serve but had gotten rich from speculation was first countered by the research of Simon Wolf in 1895: The American Jew as patriot, soldier, and citizen, ed. Louis E. Levy (Boston: Gregg Press, reprint, 1972), 98–424. Cf. Herbert Tobias

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the other hand, the Germans belonged to the “degenerate proletarian mob” that, driven by hunger and desperation, began the bread riots in various cities of the country in 1863. The “generous, patriotic German” remained mostly unmentioned in the propagandistic black-and-white images of the war press. There was no opportunity for a subtle and differentiated picture of the German minority during the blockade. The reality, however, was very different.

2.1 The Free Market of New Orleans as a Social and Patriotic German Field of Activity Because of its population of almost 170,000, large for a Southern city, New Orleans was the first city of the Confederacy for which food procurement became a problem. The city fathers had managed to overlook the poverty, need, and hunger of the inhabitants during the antebellum period,76 but the war aggravated the situation, because many companies specialized in armament production rather than food production – Larger German New Orleans companies included the saber factory of A. Himmel, the “Crescent WollManufaktur” of F. Gueble and H. Oertling, Philip Hoelzel’s “Louisiana Flour und KornMühle,” Bastian’s “Southern Schnallen-Manufaktur,” and Kloppenburg’s rope factory.77 During the war an average of three percent of the New Orleans inhabitants were homeless, many of them single, unskilled, or foreign-born. On August 16, 1861, less than seven months after Louisiana’s secession from the Union and the official beginning of the blockade, the Free Market of New Orleans was opened, “where the families of those who had taken up arms of defense against Northern aggression might receive supplies.”78 On the opening day of the market 762 families were fed. The distribution of food was organized at first through coupons that were given by the individual district managers to families on the basis of need; in December, 1861, this procedure had to be stopped, because too many needy people were already dependent on the Free Market. According to the report issued by the executive committee at the end of December, 1861, on only 137 days food valued at more than $22,000 had been handed out. The highest number of dependent families in the period of the report received aid on November 1, 1861, when Ezekiel, The Jews of Richmond during the Civil War (Richmond: Press of Herbert T. Ezekiel, 1915), 8 p.; Bertram Wallace Korn, American Jewry and the Civil War (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1951), 331 p.; Harry Simonhoff, Jewish Participants in the Civil War (New York: Arco Publishing Co., 1963), 336 p.; Mel Young, Where they lie: The Story of the Jewish Soldiers of the North and South whose deaths – [killed, mortally wounded or died of disease or other causes] – occurred during the Civil War, 1861–1865 (Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America, 1991), 297 p.; Robert N. Rosen, The Jewish Confederates (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2000), 87–304: Rosen’s entire research collection on Jews is now available for historians at the College of Charleston. 76 Gilles Vandal, “The Nineteenth-Century Municipal Responses to the Problem of Poverty,” 39f. 77 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, June 6, 1861, July 20, 1861, March 30, 1862, April 15, 1862. 78 Report of the Committee of the Free Market of New Orleans established for the Benefit of the Families of our Absent Volunteers, together with the List of Contributions, Number of Markets, and Families Supplied, from 16th August to 31st December, 1861, inclusive (New Orleans: Bulletin Book and Job Office, 1862), iii.

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1,893 families were given food from the Free Market.79 If one assumes an average family size of a mother with three children, this means 7,552 persons, c. 5% of the white population of New Orleans. The executive committee consisted of thirty persons under the leadership of Thomas Murray, the owner of Hunts’ Mills in Florida in 1861 and proprietor of Murray & Co., which supplied Pensacola Lumber. His business partners were Joseph C. Pooley, Wm. L. Criglar, and G.F. C. Batchelder;80 E. F. Schmidt, a pharmacist, represented the German minority.81 In New Orleans of the antebellum period there were no independent charity organizations of German women on whose organizational talents for feeding military dependents the New Orleans Germans could have depended at the beginning of the war. However, almost every one of the approximately fifty German clubs or societies in existence in the 1850’s in New Orleans82 had a “sick person’s committee” and a fund for “widows and orphans.” In times of peace needy Germans could be adequately cared for from the resources of these charitable institutions. However, the care and support of a family depended on the membership of the father in an association; this meant that each society could only care for a small number of persons, and, due to the fifty organizations, some of which competed with others, there was too much division to allow for an all-encompassing relief program for the German minority. The means of the “Deutsche Gesellschaft” and the “Asyl für mittellose genesende Deutsche” were far from adequate given the immense need. As early as April, 1861, the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung found it necessary to call on the German ladies of the city to organize charitable events, whose proceeds could help the families of the soldiers.83 The organization of a German festival was immediately set in motion: “It is even more necessary that we Germans show how closely the affairs of the South are tied up with our situation and that we will not lag behind other nations in bringing a sacrifice and that we will defend our home and our rights, which the fanatical North tries to attack and destroy, with our goods and blood in order to maintain our institutions. This festival offers Germans an opportunity to eradicate a certain suspicion that has awakened against us and that could easily spoil things for us.”84 The German Festival, held on May 3, 1861, raised almost $7,500 for the benefit of the Free Market. The German theater, led by Hausmann, also put on regular concerts and

79 Massey, Ersatz in the Confederacy, 164. 80 Gardner’s New Orleans Directory for 1861, comp. Charles Gardner (New Orleans: Gardner, 1861). 81 Clark describes the Free Market, referring to the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung of Oct. 4, 1861 and Oct. 9, 1861, as “largely under German supervision” – this is definitely a subjective estimation of the newspaper publisher. The role of Schmidt is also not clear, because in 1860 there were two men with this name in New Orleans – a pharmacist and a bookseller, of whom one was a Swede and owned two slaves: Clark, Jr., “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil War,” 1000. 82 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, Dec. 6, 1859: for 1859 20,000 Germans were registered in almost fifty German societies, associations, and clubs; the majority belonged to the “laboring class.” The purpose of these groups was “almost exclusively charitable.” The drayman’s club (“Louisiana DraymannsVerein”), for example, had 250–280 members. 83 “An unsere Frauen und Jungfrauen,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 28, 1861. 84 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 28, 1861.

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events for the benefit of the same,85 so that the German minority supported the Free Market more than proportionately, but also frequented it in great numbers.86 At the suggestion of Major Hellwig from the German Battalion a “Fonds zur Unterstützung der Familien der abwesenden deutschen Soldaten” [Fund to support the Families of Absent German Soldiers] was founded on May 31, 1861; Consul Freudenthal became president; his assistants were F. W. Schönfeld, J. M. Wagner, and Edward Strohmeyer. In each of the eleven city districts five men were to collect a weekly sum of at least ten cents per family.87 According to the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung Freudenthal was able to send $300 to the New Orleans Free Market on September 26, 1861: May we point out with pride that patriotism is a virtue that Germans are born with, and, although it is sometimes sleeping, it always tries to come to the fore. The practical patriotism of the German shows itself not only in the fact that our young people who are able to fight are devoting themselves to serving the fatherland against the armies threatening to conquer us, but also in the readiness to accept other material sacrifices on the part of those who are prevented from carrying weapons in the field.88 In February, 1862, the committee, which at the time was supporting financially forty-four wives of active German soldiers, received a donation of $250.89 The money came from the disbanding of the Thalia Club and was presented by the liquidators H. H. Riemann, Conrad Streeder, and Carl Schäfer to Consul Freudenthal.90 In spite of these attempts by the German community to lessen the economic need of their compatriots through aid within the community, a great number of German citizens in New Orleans were fed by the Free Market. The subjective estimate of the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung on June 15, 1861, that of the approximately 14,000 soldiers sent by Louisiana to the Confederacy no fewer than 4,000 were Germans, seems realistic, but is possibly even underestimated.91 A number of needy wives of active soldiers collected cash support in front of the aid office of T. D. Sully at 90 Gravier Street on July 1, 1861. In order to prevent the feared 85 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, April 28, 1861; New Orleans Crescent, July 19, 1861; Donation of $242.50 from Madame Ruhl’s concert on November 19, 1861: Report of the Committee of the Free Market of New Orleans (New Orleans: Bulletin Book and Job Office, 1862), 61. 86 Clark, “The New Orleans German Colony in the Civil War,” 1000. 87 The “Collectors of the Committee to Support Needy Families of our Active Soldiers” were W. von Königslöw (1st District), B. Bahndorf (2nd District), J. F. Mayer (3rd District), John Kimmk (4th District), Christian Schopp (Jefferson City): “An die Deutschen in N. Orleans,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 15, 1861. 88 “Patriotismus,” Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 1, 1861. 89 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, February 15, 1862. 90 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, April 20, 1862. 91 An examination of all nominal rolls with information about place of birth in the Manuscript Division of Tulane University resulted in the following numbers: 1st La Inf., Co. D: 18% German soldiers; 5th La Inf., Co. G: 28% German soldiers; 6th La Inf., Co. G: 53% German soldiers; 8th La Inf., Co. B: 23% German soldiers; 14th La Inf. Co. C, D, F, K: 19%, 14%, 9%, 39% German soldiers: 55-V, Record Rolls, Louisiana Volunteers, Army of Northern Virginia, Manuscript Division, Tulane University, New Orleans. The 10th Louisiana Infantry Regiment included a total of 9% Germans; the German share in Companies F and G was 30% and 14%: Brooks, Jones, Lee’s Foreign Legion: A History of the 10th Louisiana Infantry, 81.

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disadvantaging of German women during the money distribution by Mr. Sully, Karl Potthoff was sent to oversee the action. He found no irregularities: There were young women with and without children and others expecting to give birth very soon, all waiting fearfully for the moment when they would received the dollars they wanted so much. [...] It was a particularly pleasing fact during this distribution that all of our compatriots without exception were able to sign their names, whereas among the other countries at the most ten out of one-hundred were in a position to hold the pen and write their names.92 One month later, on August 1, 1861, the situation on Gravier Street escalated into a hunger riot. The wives of the German soldiers from Captain Roemer’s German Guard were among the approximately 300 desperate women who took part in the melee. Roemer had been court-martialed in July because for several days he had ordered sixty food rations for his company’s twenty-two men so that they could thus provide sustenance for their families. This first complete collapse of aid distribution finally led to the “official” founding of the Free Market on August 16, 1861. On October 3, 1861, the Deutsche Gesellschaft through its president, Wilhelm DelaRue,93 was able to donate the remarkable sum of $1,000 to the Free Market; the True Delta commented on the donation as follows: “Such acts as these are calculated to cover a multitude of sins.”94 Among all the donations of money for which the Free Market wrote receipts, only three amounted to $1,000 or more: besides the “Deutsche Gesellschaft” the City Council contributed $2.500 in partial payments, and the Confederate Regiment gave $1,707.07.95 The rage that arose that same afternoon among Germans in response to the True Delta’s comment could only be calmed with great effort and only after this insult was corrected in the press.96 After two further donations by Swiss organizations to the Free Market totaling $120 and the gift of $100 from the Deutsche Brüderschaft under President Dirmeyer, the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung wrote as follows: At this point we appeal to our German brothers. There are so many organizations with treasuries that would allow a small gesture of support for the wives and children of our good men in the field. Forget all objections whether the constitution allows this or not; if the heart allows it, the mouth cannot say no.97

92 “Unterstützung der Familien unserer abwesenden Soldaten,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, July 2, 1861. 93 Wilhelm DelaRue, born in Erlangen, Bavaria, in 1800, immigrated to the USA in 1822, served as an officer in the Mexican War, and finally settled down as a merchant in New Orleans. In 1861 DelaRue & Sloan was disbanded, because DelaRue, who was hard of hearing, retired; his condition worsened, and he became deaf. From 1851 to 1861 he was the secretary of the “Deutsche Gesellschaft” and was president from 1861 to 1873: Louis Voss, History of the German Society of New Orleans, 90. 94 “Generous Contribution,” True Delta, New Orleans, Oct. 4, 1861; Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, Oct. 4,1861. 95 Report of the Committee of the Free Market of New Orleans (New Orleans: Bulletin Book and Job Office, 1862), 63. 96 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 6, 1861. 97 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Oct. 9, 1861.

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Within the four months covered by the executive committee report there were 1,120 donations by companies, plantation owners, and private citizens to the Free Market. Many German donors, especially Charles Kock, Consul for Hamburg, could be frequently found on the lists.98 Considering the lack of money in the South, these contributions take on an even greater significance, since they allowed the purchase of scarce articles that could not be produced locally. J. F. Behnke, in 1847 the first secretary of the Deutsche Gesellschaft, gave $10, Charles T. Buddecke & Co.99 contributed $50, Reichard & Co. a total of $30, Sturzenegger & Co. $50. In addition the contributions listed from German-Jewish organizations totaled almost $1,100.100

Fig. 7.2: FRANK RODER (1831–after 1895) Roder came to New Orleans as an infant in 1832. Perfecting his education in Europe for four years, he returned to New Orleans in the 1850’s to open up a wholesale business “Frank Roder & Co.”, specializing in rice. When the Civil War broke out, Roder was elected captain of the Magnolia Guard, Co. B, whose members were largely recruited from the Odd Fellows Logde. In 1867, Roder became president of the New Orleans Manufacturing and Building Co., later he served as president of the Germania Savings Bank and the Metropolitan Bank, as well as director of the Teutonia Insurance Company. In 1891 he retired from commercial life. From: Progressive New Orleans: Young Men’s Business League (1895)

On the evening of February 8, 1862, the Magnolia Guard, Co. B, under Captain Frank Roder,101 organized a large military ball in the Odd Fellows’ Hall. Although the company consisted mainly of laborers,102 Engsminger, Ohmstedt, and Staiger, prosperous business98 Cf.: Kock’s contributions on 08/02/1861, 10/18/1861, 10/23/1861, 11/08/1861, 11/26/1861 and 12/31/1861; the goods came on the Music, the Laurel Hill and the Mary T.: Report of the Committee of the Free Market of New Orleans (New Orleans: Bulletin Book and Job Office, 1862). 99 Charles T. Buddecke & Co. (up to the beginning of 1861 his business partner was Emile Maier) were agents of Hazard Powder Co. & Carpenter’s White Lead, Shot, Percussion Caps and Safety Fuse, on 21 Common Street: Gardner’s New Orleans Directory for 1861, 83. 100 Report of the Committee of the Free Market of New Orleans, 57–63. 101 Frank Roder came to New Orleans with his parents in 1832 at the age of one year, and in the 1850’s opened a rice and spirits shop, Frank Roder & Co. with his partner, Georg Jürgens; his social climb began with his election as president of the New Orleans Manufacturing and Building Co. in June, 1867: Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, June 4, 1867; Progressive New Orleans: Young Men’s Business League, comp. Wm. E. Myers (New Orleans, 1895), 30, and New Orleans and her relations in the New South, comp. Andrew Morrison (New Orleans: L. Graham & Son, 1888), 83. 102 In April, 1861, the “members of a German Odd Fellows’ lodge” had announced that they wanted to organize themselves militarily (Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, April 28, 1861) – the Magnolia Guard developed from this group. Members of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, whose ideology was related to Freemasonry, belonged mainly to the laboring class; this group supported an occupational

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men, were also members: A. Engsminger, who had lived in New Orleans since 1848, was the owner of the Crescent Trunk Factory, the first luggage factory in the South, established in 1852. By 1888, Engsminger exported to Mississippi, Texas, and Arkansas; Staiger was a wealthy flour merchant, who donated a ton of flour to the Free Market on September 16, 1861; John Ohmstedt was the owner of the spirits company, Ohmstedt & Schultze, which was taken over by Lochte & Cordes in 1872.103 The proceeds of Roder’s event went to the Free Market.104 In April, 1862, Dr. Schuppert, a doctor, began caring without charge for those men who had been wounded and who wished to recover in private homes.105 After New Orleans was captured by the Union, the reopening of the port on May 12, 1862, did not solve the distribution problems of the population. The city was now, as a Union haven, an island within the Confederacy and, as such, was overrun by refugees from Texas friendly to the Union, who came through the Mexican port of Matamoros.106 These people were “destitute and forlorn, hungry and naked, sick and emaciated” – among them Germans who had deserted from and were being hunted by the Confederacy.107 Their numbers increased especially after the massacre at the Nueces.108 With the proceeds of the forced taxation from General Order No. 55, which also affected Germans, General Butler financed the daily feeding of more than 9,700 needy families or 32,450 individuals, at a monthly cost of more than $70,000. According to Butler’s information, there were only 3,000 natives among the 32,450 persons receiving aid. A Relief Committee established by Butler fed an additional 10,490 families, of whom again only one-tenth were natives – many of the starving were Germans.109 Suicides were very common.110

103 104 105 106 107 108

109 110

sickness insurance scheme, in order to assure every member a minimal existence in case of illness: Jürgen Holttorf, Die Logen der Freimaurer (Hamburg: Nikol Verlagsgesellschaft mbH, 1991), 158/59. Undated nominal roll for the Magnolia Guards, Continental Regiment, Book #148, Jackson Barracks, New Orleans; New Orleans and her relations, 107; Pen Illustrations of New Orleans, 167. Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, Feb. 8, 1862. Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 15, 1862. Robert W. Delaney, “Matamoros, Port for Texas During the Civil War,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly LVIII (1955), 473–487. James Marten, “A Wearying Existence: Texas Refugees in New Orleans, 1862–1865,” Louisiana History XXVIII, 4 (Fall 1987), 347f. Rodman L. Underwood, Death on the Nueces: German Texans Treue der Union (Austin, TX: Eakin Press, 2000), 111–120; Robert W. Shook, “The Battle of the Nueces, August 10, 1862,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly LXVI (1962), 31–42; Robert H. Williams, John W. Samsom, The Massacre on the Nueces River, the Story of a Civil War Tragedy, as related by R. H. Williams and John W. Samsom, both of whom participated in the battle (Grand Prairie: Frontier Times Pub. House, 1954), 36 p.; James Marten, Texas Divided: Loyalty and Dissent in the Lone Star State (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1990), 115f; J. J. Bowden, The Exodus of Federal Forces from Texas 1861 (Austin: Eakin Press, 1986), 149 p.; T. R. Fehrenbach, Lone Star: A History of Texas and the Texans (New York: Collier Books, 1980), 363–364. Butler to Stanton, October 1862: OR, Series III, vol. 2, 724–725. Diary entry of July 26, 1862, in: MSS 262, Charles H. Blake Civil War Diary, April 4th, 1861– September 20th, 1862, Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans. For July 25, 1862, Blake speaks of three bodies that were pulled out of the Mississippi, and for July 26, 1862, three more bodies, among them a 40-year-old German.

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Many charitable organizations111 were founded in neighboring Mobile in the spring of 1863 to assist the refugees who fled there. Thomas Murray of the New Orleans Free Market was a member of almost every one of these organizations: “Mobile Supply Association,” “Citizens’ Relief Association,” “Louisiana Relief Committee,” Committee on Subsistence and Transportation,” “Committee on Accommodation,” “Committee on Relief”. It can be assumed that a considerable number of Germans were added to the 1,276 Germans who had been living in Mobile in 1860, because, as early as November 15, 1862, the first German-language newspaper was founded, printed by Hassel in Richmond. It continued publication until the end of the war.112 A Free Market existed there, too. To ameliorate the conditions in Mobile, even John Frazer & Co. and William Fogo from faroff Charleston donated $1,000 each.113 The Richmond Anzeiger wrote about German participation: “From the first moment of the battle until today the Germans of the city of Mobile have not lagged behind the natives in any way and have suffered enough sacrifices – even if on occasion the opposite is said about us.”114 Nonetheless, the violent Mobile Bread Riot of September 4, 1863, could not be prevented.115 Hundreds of women broke into the shops of the “German Jews” on Dauphin Street: “Available sources indicate that Jews owned most of the stores broken into, inferring a prejudice against them, and that most of the onlookers sympathized with the plight of these women.”116 Mobile was to remain the only Confederate city to experience a bread riot in spite of the existence of a Free Market. In no other city of the South was German participation in Confederate food distribution across ethnic boundaries as extensive and numerous as in New Orleans, where it also corresponded with the actual need of the German population. In Richmond, on the other hand, daily wartime life within the German community developed in a totally different way due to martial law.

2.2 Saints and Sinners: The German Minority under Martial Law in Civil War Richmond As opposed to New Orleans and Charleston the capital of the Confederacy did not have a Free Market; Richmond’s Germans felt certain that the Confederate government would not starve and that Richmond would be well cared for until the end of the war: What they had not anticipated, however, was the unbearable burden of martial law, which began on March 1, 1862. Under martial law, the office of the Consul of Bremen in Richmond required the highest degree of diplomatic tact from the very beginning. As the only consul for the 111 Bergeron Jr., Confederate Mobile, 92–103 and Alan Smith Thompson, “Mobile, Ala., 1850–1861: Economic, Political, Physical, and Population Characteristics,” 32f. 112 The Mobile Deutsche Zeitung was edited by S. Ellmann and printed by Burghardt Hassel in Richmond. Arndt maintains that the first German newspaper in Alabama was the Alabama StaatsZeitung of A. L. Ahrens and Frank Draxler, which appeared in Mobile from 1869 to 1875: The German Language Press of the Americas, vol. I, 17. 113 Mobile Daily Tribune, June 2, 1863. 114 “Mobile und die Deutschen,” Richmonder Anzeiger, Nov.15, 1862. 115 “The Situation,” The New York Herald, Sept. 30, 1863, and New Orleans Times, Sept. 21,1863. 116 Arthur W. Bergeron Jr., Confederate Mobile, 102.

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Germans in the capital117 Edward Wilhelm DeVoss not only represented the interests of compatriots from thirty German states, but he also led a minority population that was looked upon as early as April, 1861, with considerable and understandable mistrust for several reasons: a) After the secession of Virginia from the Union a departure of many Germans from Richmond began that continued until the end of 1864; this publicly visible exodus was noted even by non-Germans. b) Because of thoughtless remarks the Germans were a popular target for accusations of high treason. c) Beginning with John Herbig’s activity on behalf of seriously wounded Germans among the Yankee prisoners-of-war in August, 1861, the Germans of Richmond showed a noticeable sympathy with the many “German Yankees” held in Richmond’s war prisons. Because Richmond was only 107 miles from the federal capital of Washington, D. C., the North as a refuge was an option for many Germans from Richmond. For most of those who left, departure meant only waiting out the hostilities; most of the Germans who had survived the war in the North or even Europe returned to Richmond in 1865–1866: in 1870 1,650 Germans were living in the city again. The Richmonder Anzeiger wrote as early as May, 1861, that the “confusion in America could move some people to go [to Nicaragua].”118 Hassel warned of the tropical climate, but announced the departure of several ships from New Orleans to the colony led by Adlersberger in Nicaragua. On May 2, 1861, forty-seven German colonists left on the Brazil. And indeed, Lange reported that “Richmond was no longer the otherwise so quiet Richmond; everyone was enthusiastic about the holy cause and freedom [...] Many friends who lived here in Richmond and were not citizens sold their belongings and left the city, but many stayed here, because the wages of all workers were sought and well paid. It was an uneasy time.”119 By 1863, so many Germans who had moved and fled from Richmond were living in nearby Alexandria, which was occupied by the Union quite early, that it was worthwhile to publish the Alexandria Beobachter, a German weekly paper, after June, 1863.120 After June, 1861, countless wounded soldiers streamed into Richmond. While John Herbig, a fruit and vegetable merchant, cared for fifty German Yankees in the Richmond Poorhouse,121 Consul DeVoss took in a Confederate German and cared for him.122 The

117 In Richmond at the outbreak of the war six countries were represented by five consuls or viceconsuls; of these five consular representatives three had been born in Bremen and were good friends: Edward Wilhelm DeVoss (Austria & Bremen); E. O. Nölting (Belgium), and Daniel v. Gröning (Sicily). Cf.: First Annual Directory for the City of Richmond 1859, comp. W. Eugene Ferslew (Richmond: Geo. M. West, 1859), 252. 118 Richmonder Anzeiger, May 31,1861: Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, November 4, 1860 and May 5, 1861. 119 John Gottfried Lange, 205. 120 Arndt, 638. 121 Richmonder Anzeiger, Aug. 12, 1861; Richmonder Anzeiger, March 19, 1862.

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first high treason trials against Germans were reported in August, 1861,123 by which time Richmond was already inhabited by countless wounded men and Yankee prisoners of war.124 Among the latter were surprisingly many Germans, whose presence as imprisoned Union soldiers made life difficult for the Germans of Richmond.125 The smuggling of food from German Confederates to German Yankees probably increased in 1863 and 1864126; at that time the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment was responsible for guarding the Libby Jail, the South’s most highly frequented war prison,127and its companies H and M consisted exclusively of Germans. In many cases, fraternization was widespread, and Richmond was no exception.128 Already prior to martial law the Germans were criticized for their departure, apparently opportunistically motivated and less than patriotic, by Hassel’s Richmonder Anzeiger.129 The best known case until then was Erhard Richter’s flight to the North. The German brewery owner had left Richmond on June 23, 1861; after his departure his wife ran a restaurant. Richter and his sons, seventeen and eighteen years old, joined the 5th N. Y. Artillery Regiment – both young Richters were killed. After his reparation claim was denied, Erhard Richter was said to have become insane.130 The Germans of Richmond, who had experienced a flood of new restaurants and pubs after 1858, lived through a serious depression at the beginning of 1861 and had to admit in July, 1861, that the last lager beer supplies had been exhausted.131 Until the end of the war there were attempts to home-brew beer, since the blockade made imports im122 Carl Köppel, from Darmstadt, a member of the 5th Alabama Infantry Regiment, died in the house of the consul on August 18, 1861: Richmonder Anzeiger, August 12, 1861 (Herbig) and August 19, 1861 (DeVoss). 123 Mrs. Erhard Richter was arrested on suspicion of espionage in June, 1861, but was set free shortly thereafter. Mrs. Grohnwald and Mrs. Florence Miller, whose husbands were already in the field, appeared as defense witnesses in the case of E. Kirchschlägel: Richmonder Anzeiger, June 23, 1861, and August 4,1861. The Richmond Daily Examiner of July 27,1861 discussed the case in detail and wrote on July 30, 1861: “If this case is properly worked, we predict that several parties on whom the eyes of the community have long looked with suspicion will be exhibited in their true colors.” Kirchschlägel had to pay $300 as penalty – in spite of being declared innocent. 124 The Richmonder Anzeiger of August 11, 1861, commented on several local English-language papers that had written that among the prisoners-of-war there were so few Yankees because out of fear they had deserted before the battle, but the courageous “Hessians” would land in Confederate prisons by the thousands: cf.: Richmond Dispatch, March 19, 1861, and September 11, 1861. 125 Virginische Zeitung: Wochen- und Sonntagsblatt des Täglichen Anzeigers, June 9, 1861. 126 On August 8,1864, the Richmonder Anzeiger reported that among the Yankee prisoners-of-war “the Germans are once again well represented,” “which we have to regret painfully.” 127 Gary Thomas and Richard Andrew, “Houses of Misery and Hope,” Civil War 59 (December, 1996), 16. 128 A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations 1861–1865, 260. See also: Bernhard Domschke, Twenty months in captivity: Memoirs of a Union officer in Confederate Prisons, ed. Frederic Trautman (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1987), 79f; Louis F. Kakuske, A Civil War Drama: The Adventures of a Union Soldier in Southern Imprisonment, ed. Herbert P. Kakuse (New York: Carlton Press, 1970), 82 p.; Frederick Emil Schmitt, “Prisoner of War: Experiences in Southern Prisons,” ed. John P. Hunter Wisconsin Magazine of History 42 (Winter 1958/59), 83–93. 129 Richmonder Anzeiger, September 14, 1861. 130 Kaufmann, 542. 131 “Städtisches,” Richmonder Anzeiger, Jan. 1, 1859; Richmonder Anzeiger, June 23, 186.

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possible.132 Many restaurants had to close, including shoemaker Lange’s Harmonia Beer Saloon, which had opened in 1856. After 1861 Lange could no longer order lager beer from Friedrich Lauer in Baltimore. The hardships of war on the home front were becoming more apparent. In the fall of 1861 the exodus of German citizens to the North continued; after April approval from the mayor was necessary in order to apply for a passport.133 Around November, 1861, John G. Lange wrote: “Anybody who could, especially foreigners who through bribery managed to get a passport, sold all their belongings and went over the border in spite of the cold winter weather. There were others who charged large sums of money by supplying coaches and carriages. All kinds of tricks were used to get out.”134 The first war winter of 1861–62 was contradictory: on the one hand Hassel never tired of mentioning that German festivities took place on an almost weekly basis,135 whereas on the other hand the gas was turned off,136 and German organizations disbanded because of the absence of their members: the theater-lovers’ club, which had been founded in 1857, disbanded; Captain Miller had been its chairman and resigned. The Gesangsverein Virginia, founded in 1852, stopped meeting in May, 1861, the men were at the front.137 On March 1, 1862, Richmond was placed under martial law; one week later the “Monticello Hall” restaurant was stormed by six detectives of the military police and the books of the “Unabhängiger Turnverein Richmonds” confiscated:138 “Several local citizens and noncitizens have been arrested by the Provost Marshal in the past few days on the basis of suspicion of disloyalty and are waiting for their hearings before the court-martial.”139 Burghardt Hassel advised his compatriots: “In times like these everyone should avoid anything that could indicate the slightest suspicion of disloyalty to our adopted neighbors. By strewing and spreading false rumors even the most innocent person can come under suspicion of disloyalty.”140 Until August, 1862, Confederate lawbreakers were held in Castle

132 Richmonder Anzeiger, July 14, 1861: plans of Bitzer & Hauser to build their own brewery; Richmonder Anzeiger, Aug. 8, 1861: the Trudewind Brewery in Norfolk; Richmonder Anzeiger, Nov. 16, 1861: the Euker brothers’ plans near Buchanan Springs; Richmonder Anzeiger, Jan. 18, 1862: Euker and Hattorf’s breweries; Richmonder Anzeiger, Feb. 8, 1862: the planned export of beer from Richmond breweries to New Orleans; Richmonder Anzeiger, June 28, 1862: attack on Edward Euker. Cf. Richmond Beers: A Directory of the Breweries and Bottlers of Richmond, Virginia, 3–19. 133 Richmonder Anzeiger, May 1, 1861. The case of Wilhelm Pollo: “Tit for Tat,” Richmond Dispatch, September 11, 1861. 134 Lange, 214. 135 Richmonder Anzeiger, Jan. 25, 1862 and Feb. 1, 1862. 136 “Egyptian darkness over our good city because gas too begins to become a luxury”: Richmonder Anzeiger, Jan. 25, 1861. 137 Richmonder Anzeiger, Jan. 18, 1862;: Richmonder Anzeiger, May 1, 1861. 138 Richmond Dispatch, March 7, 1862, and Richmonder Anzeiger, March 8, 1862. The “Unabhängiger Turnverein” had split off from the “Social-Demokratischer Turnverein” on June 11, 1858, with the intention of concentrating exclusively on physical gymnastics. The first board included: F. Holle, G. Densel, H. Kindervater, H. Meyer, E. Kempe, A. Ritz, H. Schott, and A. Goll: Richmonder Anzeiger, June 19,1858. 139 Richmonder Anzeiger, March 8,1862. 140 Ibid.

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Godwin, among these was Charles Wolfhardt, a German originally from Charleston;141 about 250 prisoners were in the first group that was transferred finally to Castle Thunder, a tobacco warehouse on Cary Street. The latter remained, together with Castle Lightning, the prison for foreigners and Confederate citizens until the end of the war – Castle Thunder was commanded by Captain G. W. Alexander and from the beginning was said to keep the prisoners under inhuman conditions.142 In June, 1862, several Germans of Richmond found themselves under suspicion of flour speculation. Hassel demanded that they give their flour supplies, purchased for speculation, to German fathers,143 and he offered flour for $2 less than the normal market price for everyone who would pick it up by the following Wednesday.144 In the summer of 1862 the German community of Richmond was definitely collapsing: “In the past days a number of Germans who have been here for shorter or longer periods have left for the old country, and, because they couldn’t avoid this, they had to make their way through Yankeedoodle country. We hope that they will be given freedom of passage and will not be bothered by the Yankees.”145 And, indeed, 1862 turned out to be a watershed year for the German community of Richmond: with the deaths of Steinlein, Emmenhäuser, and Schad, restaurant owners, and the departure of John Marxhausen, four pillars of the Richmond Germany society were lost within only a few months. The death of August Schad, a forty-seven-year-old first lieutenant and veteran of the “Marion Rifles,” as a result of “field illness” on December 26, 1862, was described by Hassel as the loss of the “symbol of Richmond’s German culture.” His restaurant, the “Wilhelm Tell Haus,” was “pompously” reopened under the name of “Schad’s Hotel” by returning John Marxhausen on April 16, 1866. Schad’s was still being talked about even by foreign visitors to Richmond as late as September 1863.146 Simon Steinlein, owner of the restaurant, “Monticello Hall,” died on February 1, 1862; John Emmenhäuser, manager of the “United States Hotel” and a former sergeant of the “Virginia Rifles,” died of nerve fever on August 9, 1862, at the age of 33; John Marxhausen, a war invalid of the “Marion Rifles,” and owner of the “New Market Hotel,” auctioned off his entire property on September 9, 1862, and left the city. Everything that was important for the Germans had taken place in their restaurants, even if the natives could not appreciate this. Whoever now served alcohol secretly found himself in prison, as for example, Daniel Bitter, manager of “Monticello Hall,” Thomas Bergen, Heinrich Frischkorn, Philip Helfrich, and John Denzler.147 An increasing lack of orientation and of ethnic leaders became noticeable.

141 Richmonder Anzeiger, March 26, 1862. In May, 1862, a number of disloyal Germans were freed from Castle Godwin after taking an oath “for the Confederacy”: Richmonder Anzeiger, May 3, 1862. 142 Kenneth Radley, Rebel Watchdog: The Confederate States Army Provost Guard (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, 1989), 72–73. 143 Richmonder Anzeiger, June 7, 1862. 144 Richmonder Anzeiger, June 21, 1862. 145 Richmonder Anzeiger, August 16, 1862. 146 Richmonder Anzeiger, December 27,1862, April 14, 1866, and April 21, 1866., cf. Exile in Richmond, diary entry for Sept. 8th, 1863, 56. 147 Richmond Dispatch, April 3, 1862.

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In addition, the alcoholism of Pastor Hoyer, the minister of the Evangelical St. John‘s Church, became public in 1862. Worried parents, like Lange, the shoemaker, took their children out of Sunday School to protect them from the effects of Hoyer’s alcohol excess. In February, 1863, Hoyer’s condition was such that every Sunday sermon, if it took place at all, ended incomprehensibly. The church council wrote to Pastor Hoyer, asking him to: “avoid public restaurants and places of entertainment as much as possible in the future, in order to prevent forever unpleasantness resulting from visiting these places.”148 On March 2, 1862, Valentin Hechler, a well-known restaurant owner, was arrested for high treason; on March 7, 1862, Hermann L. Wiegand, a Turner, was arrested on the same charge. In July, 1862, Carl Kenne, the speaker of the “Social Demokratischer Turnverein,” who had fled to the North, was imprisoned as a Yankee in Libby Jail.149 Richmond, which had about 38,000 citizens in 1860, grew to about 128,000 inhabitants by 1864.150 Every day new people arrived in the Confederate capital. The shoemaker John G. Lange remembered this well: “More and more such scoundrels from different states poured into the city. […] So the city became overcrowded; market prices rose quickly which, of course, also concerned me.”151 The capital sank into poverty, vice, and prostitution. “The entire South seems to have sent its dregs of industry profiteers and pirates of all kinds to Richmond.”152 Taxes rose considerably, but many German companies also profited from the war economy. Besides Philip Rahm’s iron foundry and Ludwig & Hoyer’s printing firm, Richmond had many smaller German companies that produced war goods: the shoe factory of Thomas Westermann, the steel, iron, and brass goods production of Gerhard & Morgenstern, Koch’s military cap production, the button workshop of Wildt & Linnemann, and F. Polster’s drum factory.153 A wave of arrests beyond imagination broke over the Germans of Richmond; in large part this was due to the coinciding discharge of the twelve-months’ volunteers of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles on May 16, 1862, with the issuance of the first Confederate conscription law of April 16, 1862, which obligated all men between eighteen and thirty-five years of age to military service. By mid-April, 1862, Richmond prison was reported to contain, among others, 232 disloyal citizens, and 25 local deserters. The conscription law was expanded on September 27, 1862, to include all men through the age of forty-five. The storming of the Consul for Bremen’s office began.154 The majority of

148 Entry in the minutes book of the St. Johannis-Gemeinde, Richmond, on February 15, 1863, signed by Church Council President R. Seeling. The dismissal of the alcoholic pastor succeeded only in September, 1865. On December 1, 1865, the congregation received a new leader in the person of Pastor Schwarz: St. John Minute Book (vol. 1), 1843–1876, MSS 3Sa238a1, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 149 Richmonder Anzeiger, July 12, 1862. 150 Virginius Dabney, Richmond: The Story of a City (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, ²1990), 182. 151 Lange, 209. 152 Richmonder Anzeiger, Dec. 6, 1862. 153 Richmonder Anzeiger, Jan. 22, 1861; June 5, 1861; Aug. 7, 1861; Sept. 21, 1861; Oct. 5, 1861. 154 Dr. Wilhelm Grebe, a German doctor, was exempt from military service, because one doctor had to be present for every 2,000 Richmond citizens: Richmonder Anzeiger, April 12,1862.

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the 1,378 certificates of German citizenship issued by DeVoss in 1862155 were for the following six states: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Prussia: Bavaria: Hesse: Hanover: Baden: Württemberg:

446 204 197 109 106 105 1,167

As early as March 25, 1862, the Richmond Dispatch wrote under the title “Foreigners in the South” that 2,000–3,000 foreigners were trying to get papers in consular offices: “Some of them do not even pretent [sic] to have any sympathy with the South in the present struggle.” In 1862 and 1863 a total of no fewer than seventy-five German men were arrested, of whom forty-nine were members of the 19th Virginia Militia Regiment after the fall of 1863 and twenty-five were soldiers or veterans of the 1st or 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment. Ten men had served in the Confederate Army as well as in the state militia.156 The military police pulled the men out of their beds at night or captured them on the way to work; only consulate papers offered protection from the attacks. These seventy-five men comprised almost 20% of all 385 Germans arrested in Richmond between 1862 and 1864.157 They were all set free on intervention by Consul DeVoss. In July, 1863, the situation in Richmond worsened158 and the Richmond Enquirer wrote: “Foreigners of every age and sex crowded the office of the provost-marshal in Richmond, anxious to get passports to go North, by way of the blockade. The Jew, whose 155 Compilation by Consul DeVoss, Richmond, to Rösing on January 7,1863; StA Hamburg, 132-5/9, B6: Hanseatische Gesandtschaft Washington: Schriftwechsel mit dem bremischen Konsulat in Richmond, insbesondere während des Sezessionskrieges. This is the only extant list from the administration of Consul DeVoss. 156 There were sixty-two arrests in 1862 and only thirteen arrests in 1863: 23% of all Germans belonging to Companies H and M, 19th Virginia Militia Regiment, 19,3% of all soldiers of Company K, 15th Virginia Infantry Regiment, and 9,3% of all members of Company K, 1st Virginia Infantry Regiment were in prison in 1863. 157 Cf.: RG 109, Chapter IX, vol. 244, “Secretary of War, Register of Arrests, Provost Marshal Generals Office Richmond, VA, 1862–1864,” National Archives, Washington, D.C.: Altogether there were 1,168 male prisoners with foreign citizenship in Richmond during the period given. The main nations of origin were England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, and Italy. Information about the age, color of eyes and hair, size, and nationality are complete; information about the reasons for arrest or the duration of the imprisonment is missing completely; occupations are also not mentioned. Next to the information “Germany” the individual states were sometimes mentioned: Hesse, Bavaria, Prussia, Bremen, etc. They ranged in age from seventeen to forty-nine years; according to Confederate law thus liable for the draft. Among the 1,168 imprisoned foreigners (1862–1864) the 385 Germans comprised almost 33% of the total number. Of these three Germans came from Georgia, two from South Carolina (Charleston/Columbia). The emphasis on Jewish family names is surprising. 158 An extant report from March 15, 1863, confirmed the capture of forty-four refugees from Richmond by the Union Army – among them were eight Germans (18,2%): Report by Lt. Shields to Captain J. Mundell, Jr., Alexandria, Va., 15.03.1863: RG 109, Case 4148, “Union Provost Marshal’s File Relating to Two or More Civilians,” (M 416,# 15), National Archives, Washington, D.C.

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ample pockets were stuffed with confederate money; the Germans, with hands on pockets tightly pressed.”159 This wartime anti-Semitism in Richmond newspapers reached its depths in a remark of the Southern Punch, which suggested renaming the Confederate capital in “Jew-rue-sell’em.”160 Fear and distrust ruled in Richmond in the late summer of 1863: “These were sad times in Richmond. People in the street were stopped by the secret police and had to show their passports. If they didn’t have one they were arrested without further ado and put into the army. The pressure and the burden of the war were felt more from day to day.”161 In 1864 not a day went by in which the Richmonder Anzeiger did not carry auction, dissolution, and farewell announcements from German citizens wanting to leave Richmond.162 Between July 1 and July 23, 1864, 112 passports were issued163; of these 23 passports (almost 21%) went to a total of 48 declared Germans; 11 more passports went to 32 persons who were either married to Germans or had listed a reason for departure not related to nationality.164 Among the nineteen officers and twenty-four policemen who worked in the passport department of the Provost Marshal in 1864, there were only two foreigners, but no Germans who could have represented the interests of their compatriots.165 Germans were blamed for everything in Richmond that did not function, because they were thought to be the instigators of a coup expected momentarily: “The Richmond Examiner of the 8th says that for several days past the government has been in possession of facts that hinted, beyond a doubt, to the existence of a secret organization of disloyal men, having for its object the forcible release of the prisoners held at Libby and on Belle Isle, the assassination of President Davis, and the destruction of the government buildings and workshops. A German, named Heinz, was arrested as the ringleader of the plot.”166 It was the “secret police” that broke into the home of Mr. Schwarz in the Rocketts section of town and a day later at Mrs. Schwägerly’s home ostensibly looking for forged 159 Richmond Enquirer, July 15, 1863. 160 Southern Punch, October 10, 1863. This issue is in the archives of the Valentine Museum, Richmond. Mary Tyler-McGraw, At the Falls: Richmond, Virginia, and Its People, 156f. 161 Lange, 235; Radley, Rebel Watchdog, 184f. 162 Examples from the Richmonder Anzeiger: July 23, 1864: Herrmann Schuricht; July 25. 1864: Wilhelm Hauser and his wife; Aug. 9 and 17, 1864: the wife of Pastor Schmogrow; Aug. 20 and 30, 1864: Müller and Vanderleb; Sept. 3 and 24, 1864: Friedrich Keck from the “Washington Biergarten”; Nov. 18, 1864: Ernst, Böhm, Mrs. Schmidt; Dec. 6, 1864: Dalton from the “Richmond Theater”; March 1, 1865: Wallner, Feitig and Schermer. 163 After July 1, 1864, the North required the “Oath of Allegiance” for issuing a passport. Protest letter from Dr. Rösing to C. A. Daws, U.S. Assistant Secretary of War, October 10, 1864: StA Hamburg: 132-5/9: Hanseatische Gesandtschaft Washington, B6: Schriftwechsel mit dem bremischen Konsulat in Richmond, insbesondere während des Sezessionskrieges. 164 Among these was Herrmann Schuricht, thirty-three years old, Louis Nusbaum, a forty-year-old veteran of the militia with his wife, and B. Momenthey, a twenty-four-year-old unfit militia veteran : RG 109, “List of passports to cross the Lines issued by Major I. H. Carrington from July 1st to July 23rd, 1864, inclusive,” in: “Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War,” encl. 429-C1864, (M 437), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 165 “List of Officers and Employees in the Office of Provost Marshal at Richmond,” April 15, 1864, in: CONFEDERATE STATES ARMY COLLECTION: Provost Marshal’s Office List 1864, E-84, #247, Louisiana State University, Hill Memorial Library, Baton Rouge. 166 “The Situation,” The New York Herald, February 10,1864.

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passports. It is surprising that the Germans let these “secret police” in without resistance: the stolen goods, a total of $450 in gold, $300 in silver, $500 in “greenbacks,” $500 in city bank notes, $500 in Confederate bank notes, and three golden watches, shows clearly how the Germans tried to insure themselves against a slowly collapsing economy.167 Between September, 1864, and March, 1865, between 800 and 1000 persons applied daily to leave the city. The majority were women who, with their children, wanted to visit their husbands and fathers who had fled to the North. According to the Richmonder Anzeiger of July 9, 1864, the trip across the Potomac cost about $500–600.168 The number of Germans among the applicants can only be estimated: In December, 1864, Major Isaac H. Carrington issued eighty-two passports; ten of these passports went to a total of eighteen persons who were listed as German in his report; among these were Major Heros v. Borcke (December 20, 1865) and the wife of E. Goodman, the brewery owner (December 9, 1865).169 In the Richmond Examiner of September 7, 1864, the Germans were called the “most efficient ally of Lincoln,”170 and, thus, the winter of 1864–65 brought a new dimension to German – Confederate relations in Richmond: commercial cross-border smuggling, including spying.171 After several Germans had been captured, some more than once, as they tried to cross the border in the summers of 1863 and 1864,172 professional smuggling rings were organized

167 Richmonder Anzeiger, June 30, 1864, July 1, 1864, and “Bogus Detectives,” Richmond Dispatch, June 29, 1864. 168 Every week 6,000–7,000 persons changed sides: RG 109, Chapter IX, vol. 130, “Secretary of War, Statistical Reports of Passports, Passport Office, Richmond, Va: September 9th, 1864 to March 25, 1865: Daily and Weekly reports,” National Archives, Washington. 169 “Passports granted to cross the lines from December 1st to 31st, 1864, inclusive. Respectfully submitted by Major I. H. Carrington,” in: RG 109, “Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War,” encl. 2-C-1865, (M 437, # 147), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 170 “The Dutch High and Low,” Richmond Examiner, September 7, 1864. Cf. Eric W. Bright, “‘Nothing to fear from the Influence of Foreigners’: The Patriotism [sic] of Richmond’s German-Americans During the Civil War,” M. A. Thesis, Virginia Tech University, 1999. 171 In 1863 Prof. Maximilian Schele de Vere from Bremen and the University of Richmond, gave Louis R. Neuland from Prussia maps that were to guide him from Richmond to Cumberland, Md.; Neuland was captured and brought to Wheeling: RG 233, “Records of the House of Representatives,” HR 58-A-D 33, Box #220, from April 1,1904. Dr. Roger Lugo (alias L. G. Contri), a legendary Austrian who traveled with a German passport, was mentioned for the first time in the Richmonder Anzeiger on August 31, 1864; he had left for Wilmington. About the Lugo affair: Meriwether Stuart, “Dr. Lugo: An Austro-Venetian Adventurer in Union Espionage,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 90, 3 (July 1982), 341–358. 172 Edward Herzog, a twenty-six-year-old Bavarian and private of the “Virginia Rifles,” was captured with six other Germans on the border with the North in the middle of July, 1863. Provost Marshal Carrington freed him after he took the Confederate Oath of Allegiance: RG 109, Castle Thunder Papers, “Commissioner Carrington Reports of Examinations, July 1863–December 1864.” Mr. Lee A. Wallace kindly sent me this information in a letter on April 13, 1997. A. Hopp and Friedrich Langguth (with two sons, both serving in the militia), both militia members, were captured on August 10, 1864, while trying to cross the border without passports, and were brought to Castle Godwin: Richmonder Anzeiger, August 10, 1864. Heinrich Barnickel, a veteran of the “Virginia Rifles,” Friedrich Schultz, Wilhelm Heinrich, Carl Kaufelt, Heinrich Koch – all naturalized – and Heinrich Frischkorn and Carl Gundlach, both non-citizens, were captured on August 31, 1864; the Langguths

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by Germans: F. W. E. Lohmann was well known at that time in the Richmond circles loyal to the Union173 and as an agent cooperated regularly with Elizabeth Van Lew174 and Samuel Ruth.175 F. W. E. Lohmann and the Bavarian merchant Christian Burging had already smuggled more than twenty-eight families loyal to the Union through Confederate lines to Tappahannock in Essex County, had broken through the blockade several times, and had thus lost four horses and a covered wagon by May, 1863.176 Joseph Zimmermann, already sentenced as a result of the Bread Riot, was captured on January 27, 1865, and imprisoned in Castle Godwin. Others were drafted forcibly and sent to far distant training camps. Among these was Coleman Hecht, a nineteen-year-old Jew and private of the Marion Rifles. Imprisoned for “disloyalty” in Castle Thunder in 1864, he was sent as a conscript to Fort Morgan in Cahaba, Alabama, in March, 1864.177 In March, 1865, food support was withdrawn from those families whose “breadwinners, in order to flee from their obligation to serve, have flown to the North and left their families behind in mostly needy circumstances.”178 This regulation, which would have affected many German families,179 remained without consequences: about one week after the announcement in the newspaper the evacuation of the city began; on April 3, 1865 U.S. General Weitzel180 accepted its capitulation. By the time the German community of Richmond invited all the sports clubs of the Southern neighboring cities to a large “Turner-Fest” on May 19, 1866,181 the economic

173 174 175 176

177

178 179

180

181

for the second time: Richmonder Anzeiger, August 31,1864; Wust also names Georg Zander and Julius Wohlgemuth, members of the German Home Guard: Wust, The Virginia Germans, 223. Edwin C. Fishel, The Secret War for the Union: The untold Story of Military Intelligence in the Civil War (Boston/New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1996), 147f., 552–555. A Yankee Spy in Richmond: The Civil War Diary of “Crazy Beth” Van Lew, ed. David D. Ryan (Mechanicsburg: Stackpole Books, 1996), 68–74. Meriwether Stuart, “Samuel Ruth and General R. E. Lee: Disloyalty and the Line of Supply to Fredericksburg, 1862–1863,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 71, 1 (Jan. 1963), 35–109. Meriwether Stuart, “Colonel Ulric Dahlgren and Richmond’s Union Underground, April 1864,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 72, 2 (April 1964), 170; Duane Schultz, The Dahlgren Affair: Terror and Conspiracy in the Civil War (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999). RG 109, Chapter IX, vol. 229, “Reports on Prisoners brought before Commissioners Vowles and Sands, Richmond, Va., 1864,” National Archives. Cf. “Destined to Live: One Prisoner’s Brushes with Disaster,” Civil War 59 (Dec. 1996), 25 and 29 and William O. Bryant, Cahaba Prison and the Sultana Disaster (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1990). Richmonder Anzeiger, March 26, 1865. Announcements about disbanding households, selling houses, renting out shops, auctioning furniture, and openly expressed “farewell” advertisements were printed by the Richmonder Anzeiger throughout 1864: the exodus of German citizens cannot be precisely calculated from this, nor are the reasons or individual decisions stated, but the fact remains that many Germans left the city before the beginning of 1865. Godfrey Weitzel, the son of German immigrants, was born in Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1835. He attended West Point Military Academy, graduated in 1855, and taught engineering there from 1859 to 1861. Weitzel married the daughter of Colonel August Moor (1814–1883), who had immigrated from Leipzig to Cincinnati and was Commander of the 28th Ohio Infantry. Weitzel moved in German circles in Cincinnati until his death in 1884: Warner, General in Blue, 548f. and Brevet Brigadier Generals in Blue, comp. Roger D. Hunt/Jack R. Brown (Gaithersburg, Md.: Olde Soldier Books, Inc., 1990), 424. Richmonder Anzeiger, May 19, 1866: The festival took place in the newly opened Garten-Wirthschaft zum Elba-Park of Christian A. Schäfer, who in 1861 had run the Wilhelm Tell Haus (164 Broad).

2. The Janus Head of the Blockade

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situation of the Germans had already stabilized. The compatriots who had gone back to Germany during the war were slowly returning.182 Consul DeVoss did not return to Richmond after the end of the war; the business of his tobacco trading house had collapsed completely in 1865.183 The three German-born consuls still present in Richmond at the end of the war, Hanewinkel, Nölting, and von Gröning, capitalized on the desire of the returning Germans to rebuild: on May 25, 1866, they founded, after the New Orleans model, the long over-due Deutsche EinwanderungsGesellschaft des Staates Virginia.184

2.3 “We may learn something from our German citizens”185: German Mobility and Autonomy in Charleston In 1860, there was admiration for the slow but sure economic climb of the poor German immigrants, who gained prosperity and respect by hard work, thrift, and pragmatism and could set an example for Americans: “They thrive on the same income that a Yankee would starve on.”186 Therefore, in March, 1862, as there was some talk about resettling women, children, and slaves outside of Charleston,187 several influential citizens of Charleston decided to follow the example of their New Orleans business friends and organize a Free Market for Charleston with “hard work, thrift, and pragmatism”: “to supply the families of volunteers and soldiers, and privateersmen and sailors, in the service of the State of South Carolina, or of the Confederate States of America, with provisions and necessaries, free of charge, during the continuance of the existing war.”188 This was the very first aid program of the city that involved various social groups, including the Ladies’ Relief Association, the Ladies’ Christian Auxiliary Association, the Ladies’ Clothing Association, the Ladies’ Gunboat Fund, the Ladies Volunteer Aid Society, and the Soldiers’ Relief Association.189 The goals were high: free food for the entire duration 182 Richmonder Anzeiger, July 14, 1866. The return of Messrs. Haase, Weimar, Brill, and Frischkorn was especially mentioned. 183 In September, 1867, however, DeVoss and Hanewinkel were given a credit rating of $250,000– 500,000: “We are informed by the National Exchange Bank that this firm has over £50.000 in Europe.” Edward Wilhelm DeVoss resigned officially from the partnership in January, 1870; the company continued as “F. W. Hanewinckel & Co.” and included H. Böhmer and Adolph Osterloh as new partners. Most of its exports went to Austria and Germany. After Hanewinkel’s unexpected death in January, 1877, “Osterloh & Co.” took over: Entries from October 12, 1867, January 8, 1870, July 7, 1871, January, 1877, and June 2, 1882: Virginia, Vol. 43, 62 and Vol. 44, 99, R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library Historical Collections, Harvard Business School, Boston. 184 Richmonder Anzeiger, March 31, 1866, and “Constitution der Deutschen Einwanderungs-Gesellschaft des Staates Virginia,” Richmonder Anzeiger, June 30, 1866: E. O. Nölting, President; Daniel v. Gröning, 1st Vice-President; F. W. Hanewinkel, 2nd Vice-President; Robert Wendenburg, corres. secretary; Henry Böhmer, notes secretary; O. Cranz, treasurer; directors: A. Lybrock, O. Heinrich, J. C. Fischer, Samuel Rosenbaum, A. Bodecker, O. A. Strecker, Wm. Wildt. 185 “Slow and Sure,” Daily Courier, Charleston, Nov. 20, 1860. 186 Ibid. 187 Journal of the South Carolina Executive Councils of 1861 and 1862, ed. Charles E. Cauthen (Columbia: South Carolina Archives Department, 1956), 97–111. 188 “Free Market of Charleston,” Charleston Daily Courier, March 10, 1862. 189 “An Act to Afford Aid to the Families of Soldiers,” No. 4569, Dec. 21st, 1861, in: Statutes at Large of South Carolina, XIII (1861–1866), 13f. Cf.: Walter J. Fraser, Charleston! Charleston!, 258; for

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of the war for the families of those serving in the state militia or in the Confederate forces, either the army or the navy. The executive committee assigned to organize and run the market consisted of eleven persons, and the general committee of forty members. In the executive committee, whose most prominent members were Pastor A. Toomer Porter190 and Benjamin Mordecai,191 there was not a single German; among the members of the general committee were, besides William C. Bee, Henry W. Schroder,192 a lawyer, the wealthy merchant E. H. Rodgers,193 and the president of the Charleston Gas Light Company, John Schnierle,194 as indirect representatives of the Germans.195 In May, 1862, the Free Market fed 425 families and in

190

191

192 193

194

195

membership lists and chronological donations, cf.: South Carolina Women in the Confederacy, ed. United Daughters of the Confederacy, South Carolina Division (Columbia: The State Company, 1903–1907), 413 p. Anthony Toomer Porter (1828–1902) served from 1858 to 1896 as the fourth chaplain of the oldest Charleston volunteer militia, the Washington Light Artillery, founded the Porter Academy in 1867, and headed this until his death. On September 30, 1861, Pastor Porter was robbed by Hornist Geiger, German Artillery, in Bacon Race, who was court-martialed and received a dishonorable discharge from the Confederate Army on October 9, 1861. Cf.: Porter’s autobiography: A. Toomer Porter, Led On! Step by step: Scenes from clerical, military, educational, and plantation life in the South 1828– 1898, an autobiography (New York: Arno Press, 1967), 121–138. The theft is described in: Lt. James S. Simons Jr. Journal 1861–1863, #34/479, 3f., South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. Benjamin Mordecai, a merchant, Charleston’s well-known Jewish citizen, was the real Free Market organizer. He invested his entire fortune in the Confederacy and died in poverty in New York after the war: Rosen, Confederate Charleston, 88; Rosen, The Jewish Confederates, 38–41; Barnett A. Elzas, The Jews of South Carolina (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1905), 221–222. List of the Tax Payers of the City of Charleston for 1859, 309; Charleston Courier, March 15, 1865: Letter from H. W. Schroder from Columbia to Dr. A. G. Mackey, Charleston, March 6, 1865. Ebenezer Henderson Rodgers, head of the cotton trading company E. H. Rodgers & Co., was a business partner and brother-in-law of Franz Joseph Pelzer, the son of Anton Aloys Pelzer, a teacher from Aachen; Pelzer was born in Charleston in 1826. F. J. Pelzer joined E. H. Rodgers & Co. in 1847 and ran the company after Rodgers’ death in 1867 as Pelzer, Rodgers & Co. From 1859 to 1864 E. H. Rodgers belonged to the City Council of Charleston; in 1859 Rodgers owned nine slaves and, through Pelzer, was closely connected to the German community of Charleston: “Francis Joseph Pelzer,” National Cyclopedia of American Biography XVII (New York: James T. White & Co., 1927), 86; List of the Tax Payers of the City of Charleston for 1859, 298. John Schnierle, the son of Johann Schnierle, a German carpenter, was born in Charleston, owned twenty slaves in 1859, held the rank of a militia general, and was very popular in the German community. John Schnierle belonged to the City Council of Charleston from 1838 to 1841 and took over the office of mayor on April 2, 1842, after the death in office of Mayor Jacob F. Mintzing, who died on March 15, 1842. After Mintzing Schnierle was the second German mayor of the city and was in office until 1845; in 1850–1851 he served a second term as mayor; in both cases he was succeeded by T. Leger Hutchinson: Johann A. Wagener, “Die Deutschen von Süd-Carolina,” 154, 184/85; List of the Tax Payers of the City of Charleston for 1859, 308; City of Charleston Yearbook 1881 (Charleston: The News and Courier Presses, 1881), 372–374. Elias Horlbeck, a doctor, also a member of the general committee, cannot be called a real representative of the German minority. He was a descendant of Johann Adam Horlbeck, who had immigrated from Saxony in 1764 and whose sons Henry and John purchased Boone Hall, a cotton plantation eight miles from Charleston, around 1812. Johann Adam Horlbeck served in the German Fusiliers during the Revolutionary War; his son Henry was the commander of this unit from 1814 to 1816. Henry and John Jr. served alternately as president of the German Friendly Society in 1800, 1804, 1814–1817, and 1824–1827. The Horlbecks were architects and became famous with their brick workshop on the plantation; in 1801 they built the house for the German Friendly Society on

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December, 1862, more than 600 families for $8,000; at the beginning of 1863 it was feeding about 2,000 persons a day.196 Because of exorbitant food prices, more and more people who had not used the Free Market before were becoming needy; however, there were no violent bread riots as there were in Richmond and Mobile. The state of South Carolina passed a law in February 1863 to punish extortionists; however, blockade-runners were protected from possible fines and prison sentences as “importers of foreign products.”197 The bombardment of Charleston began on July 4, 1863; Folley Island, James Island, Morris Island, Battery Wagner, and Fort Sumter were in the center of battle until the end of August 1863. Food distribution in the city became increasingly chaotic. The plan to resettle at least 15,000 civilians to towns outside of Charleston with the establishment there of a Free Market was rejected.198 On August 29, 1863, President Lincoln ordered the heavy bombing of the city; on Christmas Day 1863, on which the German Turner hall between Church and Meeting Streets burned down completely, 100 shells fell onto a city that was almost empty. For that reason only two people were killed; one of them was a member of the German Fire Engine Company. Estimates indicate that by January 1, 1865 about 12,300 shells had fallen on Charleston.199 William C. Bee recognized the dangerous situation caused by extortionists and tried to minimize the hunger among the Charleston inhabitants by organizing – in spite of the bombing – the so-called Bee sales in a rented department store after the fall of 1863. August Conrad commented: This procedure had the advantage for the public that everyone could buy the necessary articles in any amount for a fixed price and did not have to offer the most and thus pay extravagant prices and were not cheated by the salespeople, who could no longer ask for and receive any price. Our organization thus brought this sacrifice for the public and shared, so-to-speak, the profits with the public. Other importers continued to sell their

196 197 198

199

Archdale Street, and built St. John’s Lutheran Church in 1818. Boone Hall remained in the family until 1935; in 1859 18 Horlbecks were taxed in Charleston; together they owned property valued at $212,800 and 74 slaves. Dr. Elias Horlbeck owned twenty slaves: List of the Tax Payers of the City of Charleston for 1859, 162–163; Elise Pinckney, “Boone Hall Plantation: Newly a Showplace,” undated newspaper article, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston; “German Friendly Society,” Deutsche Zeitung, anniversary edition, Nov. 22, 1913. Charleston Daily Courier, May 20, 1862 and Dec. 23, 1862; Fraser, 261. “An Act to prohibit extortion and punish extortioners,” No. 4634, Feb. 6th, 1863, in: Statutes at Large of South Carolina, XIII (1861–1866), 124–125. Letter from Joseph Murray, Secretary of Free Market Board, to E. Montague Grimké, Secretary of the Commission for the Removal of Noncombatants from the City, Charleston, of August 18, 1863: “Minutes of the City of Charleston 1862–1863,” II/2/5/3B, South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia. E. Milby Burton, The Siege of Charleston 1861–1865 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1970), 257f.; Charleston Mercury, Jan. 4, 1864; Annual Report of the Chief of the Fire Department of the City of Charleston, S. C. ending May 21st, 1861 (Charleston: Harper & Calvo, Printers, 1861), 37 p. and “Charleston Fire Department (1862–64),” #33-13-2, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston; Altman, “‘We are prepared for that too’: Charleston during the Civil War,” 191–199.

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goods at auction and to demand higher profits. But our enterprise was much more successful and had more luck than the others.200 The Bee sales had to be called off in the summer of 1864; the blockade had been intensified, and the investors’ risks had increased considerably: In 1861 every 9th ship was captured, but by the fall of 1862 it was every 7th ship. By the end of the war the Gulf Blockading Squadron and the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron had captured more than 1500 blockade-runners, whose cargo had a total value of $30 million. Charleston itself looked like a destroyed desert. The reason that the Germans had so little involvement in the organization of the Free Market in Charleston was that, as opposed to Richmond or New Orleans, most of the Germans in Charleston belonged to the fortunate minority that had means enough in 1863 and 1864 not to need aid from the city’s food distribution. In addition, due to their untiring business sense, the Charleston Germans possessed more mobility during the antebellum period than did their compatriots in Richmond or New Orleans. In June, 1861, the Blue Ridge Railroad connected the German settlement of Walhalla in Pickens County directly with Charleston201; business dealings and railroad connections had created close ties with Germans in Columbia, Anderson, and several places in North Carolina.202 Charleston Germans could also take refuge there at any time; for example, in November, 1862, nine-tenths of Pastor Bachman’s congregation had left the city. Bachman himself had only reluctantly gone to Cheraw, and there the seventyfive-year-old was beaten and abused by Sherman’s soldiers. Johann A. Wagener had fled to Walhalla; Franz Melchers had taken his family there too. The Ufferhardt, Campsen, and Siegling families went to Germany. 200 Based on his friendship with Benjamin Mordecai, Bee was called a “Jewish extortionist” in covert newspaper attacks. Both men were involved in business dealings with the Importing & Exporting Company and the Free Market: “The Jews and the War,” Charleston Mercury, Jan. 9, 1863 and Jan. 10, 1863; Conrad, 75; “Beleaguered Charleston: Letters from the City, 1860–1864,” ed. Martin Abbott and Elmer L. Puryear, South Carolina Historical Magazine LXI (1960), 61–74, 164–175, 210–218. 201 Twenty-three members of the German Colonization Society had tried since December, 1852, to make Walhalla the final station of the Blue Ridge Railroad and had invested more than $25,000 in the project over the years. On June 14, 1861, the first train arrived at Walhalla Station: George B. Shealy, “The Blue Ridge Railroad,” Walhalla: A German Settlement in Upstate South Carolina , 89– 101. 202 Conrad, 96–128: Conrad reports in detail about German refugees, his Columbia circle of friends, the appearance of the city during the war, and the destruction by Sherman. Also cf.: Sophie Sosnowski, “Scenes & Incidents during the Burning of Columbia – South Carolina – Feb. 17th, 1865,” MSS Sosnowski Papers, “Aunt Kallie’s Book”, 72–86: South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. Sophie Sosnowski (1809–1899), née Wentz, who was born in Pforzheim, ran a girls’ finishing school in Columbia. Captain William K. Bachman had his lawyer’s office, Bachman & Waties, in Columbia: The Columbia Directory of 1860, comp. Julian A. Selby (Columbia: Steam Power Press of R. W. Gibbes, 1860), 46 and 48; the Hurkamps were among the Germans who moved to Anderson: Oskar Aichel Papers (1861–1863), Collections Library, Duke University, Durham, NC.; cf. war memoirs by Mary Elise Stegner Bonitz (1845–1921), born in Coburg, who married Johann Heinrich Wilhelm Bonitz in Goldsboro on June 10, 1862; her brother-in-law Julius published the Nord Carolina Staats-Zeitung and the Südliche Post in Goldsboro in 1869–70: John Henry William Bonitz Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Manuscript Department, Library of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

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Since the beginning of the war the German minority had also created some autonomy for itself in the distribution of necessary items. Both of the German ladies’ societies of Charleston proved to be the leaders in the attempts to secure the distribution of goods to German soldiers and their families. This was also due to the fact that the majority of the ladies belonging to the societies were the wives of the German officers:203 The readiness among the German women of Charleston to make sacrifices for the war effort, which, lasted until the end of the war,204 was well-known far beyond the borders of the city and was praised by other German communities as exemplary and worth imitating.205 Hassel’s Richmonder Anzeiger wrote: “The German ladies have done much to collect especially the little things. [...] The German ladies of Richmond should take the patriotism of their Charleston sisters as an example, since, in spite of repeated pleas, we have not succeeded in attracting the slightest interest in our poor German soldiers.”206 Johann A. Wagener said later of the two women’s organizations that during the war they had competed against each other as to “who could be more useful for the German community.”207 Only the poorhouse remained for the poorest of the poor, those who were not fed by the Free Market, because they did not have a family member in the field or else because that family member had already been killed. The documents of the Charleston Poorhouse,208 extant except for a period of a year and a half, contain much information about the nationalities that were cared for during the war years, separated into “in-door relief” and “out-door relief”, but caring exclusively for needy whites. The extant documents indicate that at least 8,085 persons were cared for between September, 1859, and November, 1866; i.e., an average of 1,348 persons per calendar year. For the period without existing documents from September 1, 1863, to August 31, 1864, and from February 19, 1865, to December 27, 1865, one can assume that 1,800 further persons were cared for, all in all a total of approximately 9,900 people. The same person could be cared for over the course of years, although that person would be counted anew every year. However, this statistical imprecision does not change the amount of food made available or the total cost of this care. 203 These were the Charlestoner Damen Gesellschaft [1856] and the Deutscher Frauen Verein [1841]: The first organization included Josephine Cordes, wife of Captain Theodore Cordes, and Catharine Otten, the widow of Captain Cord Otten, who died in 1859; members of the second society included Marie Melchers, wife of First Lieutenant Franz Melchers, Agnes Issertel, wife of Navy Lieutenant Rudolf Issertel, as well as Mesdames Campsen, Ufferhardt, Bischoff, and Bullwinkel: Deutsche Zeitung Charleston, Dec. 7 and 21, 1858. 204 First Lieutenant Simons reports in his diary of a number of packages sent by mail or by courier, which were sent by the German ladies to the various field camps of the soldiers: 12/29/1861 (9); 11/07/1862 (52); 12/18/1862 (57); 12/31/1862 (59); 01/07/1863 (60); 01/28/1863 (65); 02/05/1863 (68); 02/24/1863 (82), 03/04/1863 (88), in: Lt. James S. Simons Jr. Journal 1861–1863, #34/479, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 205 “An unsere Frauen und Jungfrauen,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, April 28, 1861; “Aufruf an deutsche Frauen!” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, ibid. 206 Richmonder Anzeiger, Sept. 21, 1861. Also compare the call to “knit socks and gloves for our German compatriots in the field” from Sept. 14, 1861. 207 Johann A. Wagener, “Die Deutschen von Süd-Carolina: Die Stadt am Meere,” 214. 208 “Record Book of the Poor House, commencing 1858,” 137–450, in: Division of Archives and Records, City of Charleston, 701 East Bay Street.

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In 1860, according to the official Census, Charleston had 23,376 white inhabitants; in 1870 it had 22,749. Although this information says nothing about the extreme fluctuation in the population during the war years, at least 6% of the white population of Charleston depended on care from the poorhouse every year during the war. The low numbers for 1864–65 take into consideration the mass flight of the civilian population into the interior of the country. Interestingly enough the in-door and out-door numbers for the Germans cared for by the poorhouse are the same. In both cases the German share between 1859 and 1866 amounted to only 4.2% of all the cared-for persons, although within the German community German poorhouse inhabitants made up 5.9% and 11.6% when it came to Germans eating at the soup kitchen. These numbers fit in with the general white Charleston situation and do not reflect the typical immigrant condition: the numbers of those living all over the city but being fed in the soup kitchen of the poorhouse were generally twice as high as those who actually lived in the poorhouse. In 1872 Johann A. Wagner described why Charleston’s Germans only rarely needed help from poverty aid during the war: “a community of compatriots, more closely knit, friendlier, and more harmonious, as Charleston had at the time, cannot be found too easily in America.”209 This unified community was the basis for the economic power of the Germans and let them keep their far-reaching autonomy. Those German businessmen who stayed in Charleston tried hard, in spite of inflation and blockade, to keep their wide selection of goods within an affordable price range. J. H. Bredenberg, a grocer, whose son Luder210 served as a sergeant on Cordes’ cavalry, made headlines in April, 1862: Mr. J.H. BREDENBERG seems determined to keep his grocery, at the corner of King and Broad streets, supplied with the usual luxuries, even though he has to pay blockade prices. Only yesterday, Mr. BREDENBERG was the purchaser of nine barrels of English sugar cured hams, at the moderate price of 71 cents a pound! and a lot of cheese at the no less moderate price of 80 cents a pound! The consumer who wishes to indulge in these luxuries must necessarily pay an advance on the above prices. Do the people of the South raise hogs; and, if so, can they cure them, though salt be $20 a sack? Do the people of the South raise cattle, or know the uses of cream? Truly, in this land of milk and honey, we deserve to pay these prices.211 Salt had already become a chronically scarce item; Bredenberg realized this and cooperated with E. H. Marjenhoff, Sr., a spirits tradesman; his son too served as a corporal in Cordes’ cavalry. Nine months after the above article appeared, Bredenberg and Marjenhoff produced excellent salt at a low price:

209 Johann A. Wagener, “Die Deutschen von Süd-Carolina: Die Stadt am Meere”, 214. 210 Luder Bredenberg, twenty-nine years old, presented a Julius Minsing as a substitute on May 13, 1862, and resigned from military service in Cordes’ German Hussars. 211 “Blockade Prices,” Charleston Mercury, April 3, 1862.

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Table VII.3 National Origins of the Inhabitants of the Charleston Poorhouse during the period from September 1859 to November 1866 Origin

9/1/59– 8/31/60

9/1/60 8/31/61

9/1/61 – 8/31/62

9/1/62 – 8/31/63

9/1/64 – 2/18/65

12/28/65 – 11/14/66

Total: 1860–1866

Charleston

–

–

–

–

10

58

68

Confederate States

–

227

281

288

–

–

796

Cuba

2

–

–

–

–

–

2

England

20

24

25

26

–

9

104

France

14

13

15

16

–

3

61

German States

20

19

22

22

4

7

94

170

258

294

297

–

37

1,056

Italy

–

–

–

2

–

1

3

Portugal

2

3

4

5

–

–

14

Prussia

–

7

7

7

–

–

21

Scotland

7

10

12

12

–

–

41

South Carolina

–

–

–

–

22

88

110

St. Domingo

1

2

2

2

–

–

7

Sweden

–

–

–

–

–

2

2

Switzerland

4

4

4

–

–

–

12

United States

182

36

42

43

32

6

341

Total

422

603

708

720

68

211

2,732

Ireland

There are no documents in existence for the period of September 1, 1863 to August 31, 1864; the total numbers given are thus less than the actual numbers involved. The nationality descriptions differed from one bookkeeper to another; e.g. Charleston and South Carolina were sometimes listed in the categories of the United States or the Confederate States. Source: “Record Book of the Poor House, commencing 1858,” 137–450, in: Division of Archives and Records, City of Charleston, 701 East Bay Street.

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VII. 4 National Origins of the Persons fed by the Charleston Poorhouse within the Charleston City Limits during the period from September 1859 to November 1866 Origin Confederate States

9/1/59– 9/1/608/31/6 8/31/60 1

9/1/61 – 8/31/62

9/1/62 – 8/31/63

9/1/64 – 2/18/65

12/28/65 – Total:1860– 11/14/66 1866

–

634

703

600

–

–

1,937

17

18

23

13

–

8

79

3

–

–

–

2

6

11

26

30

37

45

63

18

219

Ireland

233

225

277

270

216

233

1,454

Poland

6

–

–

–

–

–

6

Prussia

–

3

3

1

–

–

7

Scotland

4

4

6

2

–

1

17

I

12

England France German States

Spain

4

1

4

2

–

1

St. Domingo

3

2

2

2

–

2

11

Switzerland

–

–

–

–

–

2

2

596

53

72

29

102

718

1,570

II

28

1,017

5,353

United States Unknown Total

–

–

–

–

–

892

970

1,127

964

383

28

I

“Spanish Bermuda” (This name is confusing, because the island group of the Bermudas that was discovered by the Spaniard Juan Bermudes in 1502 has been British-ruled since 1609); II one person came from Nova Scotia and one from the West Indies. There are no documents in existence for the period of September 1, 1863 to August 31, 1864; the total numbers given are thus less than the actual numbers involved. Source: “Record Book of the Poor House, commencing 1858,” 137–450, in: Division of Archives and Records, City of Charleston, 701 East Bay Street.

2. The Janus Head of the Blockade

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Among the many salt works which have sprung up on our wharves and sea coast, perhaps there are none so complete and well arranged as the Beauregard Works, owned by Messrs. BREDENBERG and MARJENHOFF. These works are located in Cannonsboro,’ a few yards west of the bridge leading to the Savannah Railroad, and, under the personal supervision of the proprietors, turn out an average of fifteen bushels daily. The salt is of most superior quality, of snowy whiteness and distinct crystals, and is sold at the lowest marked price.212

Fig. 7.3: OTTO TIEDEMANN (1821–1916) He emigrated to Charleston in 1838, securing himself a position as grocery clerk. In 1840 Tiedemann became a partner of his fellow-Germans John A. Cook and Jacob Cook until 1845, when he started his own business. By 1860, he owned 8 slaves. During the Civil War, Otto Tiedemann volunteered as a private in Capt. Wagener’s Co. A, German Artillery, but paid a substitute after one year to return to Charleston and produce salt – at the time very scarce and highly in demanded. In 1871, Tiedemann established the firm Tiedemann, Calder & Co. with his sons John and Otto as partners. John Tiedemann had 11 children of four marriages. The Charleston Library Society, Charleston, S.C.

Friedrich Wilhelm Claussen, the brother of the baker J.H.C. Claussen,213 who also served in Cordes’ cavalry, had concentrated completely on producing cornmeal in September, 1861, and had made generous donations to Confederate hospitals214; in November, 1863, he also produced his own salt near Christ Church.215 The thirty-one-year-old private Otto Tiedemann, German Artillery Co. A, presented a substitute in 1862, moved to the coast, and “...made salt [...] for the army and the community.”216 In November, 1865, 212 “Beauregard Salt Works,” Charleston Mercury, Jan. 20, 1863; Mark Kurlansky, Salz: Der Stoff, der die Welt veränderte (München: Claassen Verlag, 2002), 319–340. 213 The thirty-four-year-old baker, Johann Heinrich Christian Claussen, presented John Wambach as a substitute on May 13, 1862, and resigned from active service in Cordes’ German Hussars. 214 Daily Courier, Charleston, Sept. 6, 1861: F. W. Claussen donated ten sacks of cornmeal to the South Carolina Hospital Aid Society in Charlottesville, Va. The cornmeal was transported to Virginia by Wm. C. Bee & Co. 215 Daily Courier, Charleston, Nov. 19, 1863: Claussen’s Mill advertised 1000 bushels of salt (the value at the time was c. $14,000). Also cf.: letter from F. W. Claussen, Charleston, to Adjutant General Buist, Mount Pleasant, on January 12, 1864, in: RG 109, “Confederate Papers Relating to Citizens or Business Firms,” M 346, roll 171, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 216 The only existing proof of Tiedemann’s sale to the Confederate Army is a receipt signed by Quartermaster Major Motte A. Pringle for five bushels of salt at a price of $70, dated January 2, 1864: RG 109, “Confederate Papers Relating to Citizens or Business Firms,” M 346, National Archives,

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Tiedemann reappeared in the Charleston business world, with $30,000 in his pockets. By 1884, Otto Tiedeman & Sons had a yearly turnover of $600,000 and had branches all over the South. In April, 1865, the Germans who had fled from the city began to return to Charleston; those who had thought they would be safer in Columbia had had particularly bad luck. It was not the “cradle of secession” but rather the innocent town of Columbia that was burned down in revenge by Sherman on February 17, 1865. Many people lost everything and were then robbed by deserters from their own ranks: We learn that two Germans, who left Charleston one day last week with a team of mules and wagon for Columbia, were met about twenty five miles from the city by a party of rebel bushwackers, and forced to return to this city. The Germans had started for the purpose of bringing their families from Columbia to Charleston. The rebels took possession of the team and waggon [sic] with the contents, depriving their unfortunate victims of everything but a change of clothing. The Germans returned to the city yesterday morning.217 The Germans threw themselves into rebuilding Charleston with the same hard work, patience, and pragmatism that had allowed them to survive the war mainly on their own resources. Fifteen years after the end of the war the small German community contributed “more than one-quarter of the city taxes” in Charleston, although it comprised only 4 % of the entire population in 1880.218

Washington, D.C.; “Otto Tiedeman,” Deutsche Zeitung, Anniversary Edition, Nov. 22, 1913; Charleston: Her Trade, Commerce & Industries, 1883–1884, 104–105. 217 “Bushwacker,” Charleston Courier, April 4, 1865 and “More Depredations by Bushwackers,” Charleston Courier, April 21, 1865. 218 Letter from Franz Melchers, Charleston, to Messrs. Stallo, Rümelin, Brühl, Moor, and Rattermann, May 7, 1880: printed in Der Deutsche Pionier 12,3 (June, 1880), 104–106; in 1880 the population of Charleston amounted to 49,984 persons.

VIII. The First Phase of Reconstruction, 1865–1870: a New Beginning for the Ethnic German Minority During the early years of Reconstruction local politics and the recruitment of immigrants were by far the two most important areas of interest for the ethnic German minority in Southern cities. In both areas the Germans were spurred to action in response to acts of the majority society. That the ethnic German minority of the postwar South reacted along these lines has already been sufficiently established by research. On the other hand, the individual leaders and their personal backgrounds have not been researched to date: who among the ethnic German minority determined the profile for immigrant recruitment? Who even suggested recruiting immigrants from the homeland? Who represented Republican, Conservative, or Democratic views in local politics? The occupation policy of the Union in the conquered cities of the South, especially in the first years of Reconstruction, looked for native support. Because of the well-known Union loyalty of the Northern Germans, their Southern compatriots became the target of this approach. The expected storming of the Republican Party by Southern Germans after 1865 was considerably less than had been hoped. Republican emancipation policy was to blame for this shortfall: Not many Germans in Charleston, Richmond, or New Orleans could accept the fact that former slaves were now equal and, in connection with voting rights, were to be given priority. The ethnic German minority of the three cities was united in opposing “Negro rule” and adopted a position that was decidedly hostile to blacks, even racist, but which reflected the trend of the times. Feeling threatened, they moved closer to the socalled Conservative Party. This party was founded in 1867 and consisted mainly of old Whigs and Democrats friendly to the Union. The Conservatives agitated vehemently against the Republicans. Other Germans joined the familiar Democratic Party, which defended the secession of the Confederacy and propagated the “lost cause” mythology.

1. Ethnic German Inhabitants of a Unionist Island in the Confederate Sea: New Orleans between the Recruitment of Soldiers and Emancipation Politics (1862–1865) 1. Ethnic German Inhabitants of a Unionist Island in the Confederate Sea: New Between 1860 and the end of 1865 the city of New Orleans was governed by ten mayors1, all but one appointed to office by the military administration, and the state of Louisiana by five governors; nowhere else in the South was there so much political change and course 1 Mrs. E. D. Friedrichs “Mayor’s Office: Administrations of the Mayors of New Orleans, 1803– 1936,” comp. Work Projects Administration (New Orleans: City Hall Archives, 1940), II.

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correction during the war. This was partially due to the early capture of the city: Louisiana was to be a proving ground for the Reconstruction policies of the Union; the military as well as the political treatment of the conquered region was intended to set standards for the expected occupation policy for the entire South. It was particularly fortunate for the Union that this initial occupation took place in a region in which it had always had many supporters. The largest ethnic minority among these supporters was the German group. Lincoln’s government wanted to use their legendary loyalty to the Union: 1. Their military activation was necessary to defend the conquered region. 2. A politically sympathetic framework was to be formed in which the ethnic German minority could be encouraged to work for a government loyal to the Union. The former could happen only from the outside: neither German consuls nor businessmen leaning toward the South, but rather external powers were necessary to encourage German men still in the city to join the Union Army. It took only three weeks before the first call appeared in the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung: “Some well-built men are necessary to fill up the various regiments of the United States Army in this Department. Payment: $13 per month along with clothing, rations, and a bonus of 100 dollars after the end of the war. Union People! Forward, get in line, march!”2 The call was signed by Louis A. Salomon, recruitment officer.3 Apparently Louis A. Salomon was not the “unknown” of the four Salomon brothers who had fled from Prussia in 1849. However, the New Orleans Germans may have associated him with the famous “48er” Jewish brothers: Friedrich S. Salomon (1826–1895) ended the war as Brigadier General, Edward Salomon (1828–1908) was Governor of Wisconsin during the war, and Carl Eberhard Salomon (1822–1881) fought at Wilson’s Creek and Pea Ridge as a colonel of the 3rd Missouri Infantry Regiment. Of course, General Butler knew about the large ethnic German minority in New Orleans; he depended on their feelings of loyalty toward the Union and wisely employed German recruitment officers from the North to use their mother tongue in order to win over their compatriots for the Union cause. On the day that Salomon printed his call in the German press, the offices of the Daily Delta and the New Orleans Bee were closed on order of General Butler. They had opposed Butler’s censorship and made themselves, in his eyes, guilty of high treason; the Estafette du Sud, the Commercial Bulletin, and the Picayune were all closed by the end of July, 1862.4 Only the two German-language newspapers were not at all affected by Butler; he needed them as propaganda vehicles for an ethnic minority whose sympathies for the Union were essential in the occupied city, which rejected Butler and his “carpetbagger Yankees.”5 2 “Auf Befehl vom Hauptquartier des Generals Butler, Ver. Staaten Armee!” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, May 13, 1862. 3 Zucker, The Forty-Eighters, 334f.; Kaufmann, 545. 4 Winters, 131f.; Roger W. Shugg, Origins of Class Struggle in Louisiana: A Social History of White Farmers and Laborers during Slavery and After, 1840–1875 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1939), 340f. 5 Two months in the Confederate States including a visit to New Orleans under the domination of General Butler, 31f.

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As far as is known, the recruitment officers targeting the Germans were either men whose military careers in the Union had failed or else old soldier “48ers”; none of them had lived in New Orleans before the beginning of the war. Because only very few Germans in New Orleans were prepared to risk their lives for, as Salomon’s call promised, “a bonus of 100 dollars after the end of the war,” there were more offers during the following three months. The terrible economic situation of the port city, the famine, and the uncertain situation of the families were used as motivation. The German recruitment officers of the “Weitzel Rifles,” Louis Schmidt and A.P.W. Fehrt, offered “$100 bonus or 160 acres of land” and paid “38 dollars in advance”; they also guaranteed that the families of the men would be “given provisions” after mustering.6 Captain Schmidt’s “Weitzel Rifles” was mustered as the ethnic German Company D of the 2nd US-Louisiana Infantry Regiment on October 2, 1862.7 The same offer was made by a certain F. Manthey for the “Louisiana Volunteers.”8 Yet another recruitment officer, Louis P. Ellinghausen, announced: “It is my wish to form the company, if possible, from Germans, and therefore I turn to my German friends. The best clothing and weapons will be offered. Report as soon as possible [...]”9 Ellinghausen paid every “accepted recruit” two dollars as a little gift after mustering. Charles W. Knapp, who was looking for “20 German men capable of serving in the military” for the “National Guard Volunteers of Louisiana,” promised the payment in advance of a monthly wage of $13 as well as the advance payment of $25 of the total of $100 bonus.10 Indeed most of the Germans had probably not seen that much money at one time during the past two years: The parents of seventeen-year-old Theodor Bühler from Offenburg had immigrated in 1854 and had moved into their first house on April 15, 1862. Of their eight children they had buried four, so that it is not surprising that their oldest son gave up his $12-a-month job as a hotel boy and joined the Union Army in June, 1863. The support of the Bühler family was assured.11 Only in very infrequent cases could economic need and Union loyalty be separated – even among officers, as Colonel Weiss’ letter indicates: “[...] animated by my patriotic sentiments I offered my services to General Butler at New Orleans which were accepted and defrayed the expenses to go there.”12 6 “Weitzel Rifles!” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, August 28, 1862. 7 Information from Archivist Michael P. Musick, National Archives, Washington, D.C, October 7, 1997. 8 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, August 28, 1862. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Diary of Franz Bühler (1826–1916): entries from 1862 to 1866, 4–5: Bühler had learned to be a gardener in Donaueschingen and Freiburg and worked in Switzerland after 1843. He and his brother Joseph participated in the Baden uprising under Hecker. With three small children the Bühler family immigrated via LeHavre to New Orleans in December, 1853, and settled in Carrollton. Theodor Bühler settled in Victoria, Texas, in 1870 and had four children. Franz Bühler worked as a gardener at Newcomb College (today: Tulane University) until he was eighty-six years old. He died on January 21, 1916: Francis Buhler Diary, Manuscripts Department, Tulane University, New Orleans. Also cf.: “Newcomb’s Gardener,” Times-Democrat, New Orleans, August 12, 1912. 12 Letter from Franz Weiss, Lansingburgh, September 23, 1892, to Green B. Raum, Commissioner of Pensions, Washington, D.C.; RG 15, Records of the Veterans Administration, Pension File (WC 801.872), Francis Weiss, 20th NY Inf., National Archives, Washington, D.C.

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After the arrival of former colonel Franz Weiss in the summer of 1862, the recruitment activities of the Union in New Orleans took on a new quality. The 1st US Louisiana Infantry Regiment was already completely recruited; the completion of the second regiment was the next goal. The old “48er” Weiss was more than welcome to General Butler.

Fig. 8.1: FRANCIS WEISS (1821–1915) Born at Vienna, Weiss was a “Forty-Eighter” and supporter of Kossuth before he came to the United States in the late 1850’s. In April 1862, Weiss was promoted to Colonel of the 20th New York Infantry Regiment, after Colonel Max von Weber had been appointed brigadier general. Disliked by his men, Weiss resigned his command in July 1862, and immediately moved to New Orleans in order to recruit German companies for General Butler’s occupational army. U. S. Army Military History Institute, Carlisle Barracks

He installed Weiss as acting major of the 2nd US Louisiana Infantry Regiment. Full of energy, Franz Weiss, a follower of Kossuth, veteran of the Crimean War of 1853–54, and formerly a colonel in the 20th New York “Turner” Regiment,13 placed the following call in the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung: To the Germans in New Orleans! Having arrived a few days ago I have the privilege of offering you the best wishes from the Germans of the North and to ask you urgently to remember your oath to your adopted fatherland and to join them, wherever you are, around the holy banner of the United States to fight the joint enemy. The Germans of the North were conscious of their responsibility at the beginning of this war and today stand by the thousands in the ranks of the Union fighters. Should the Germans of the South fail to do the same? You Germans have only one future [...] together with the North you are everything; alone, as you are now, nothing; [...] your job is [...] to join together in regiments under the command of Commander-in-Chief General Butler, who himself is a warm friend of the Germans. [...] The recruitment offices are [...] under my inspection and leadership from now on; go there and have yourselves sworn in.14 13 Letter from Franz Weiss, Lansingburgh, September 23, 1892, to Green B. Raum, Commissioner of Pensions, Washington, D.C.; RG 15, Records of the Veterans Administration, Pension File (WC 801.872), Francis Weiss, 20th NY Inf., National Archives, Washington, D.C.; William H. Russel, My Diary North and South, ed. Eugene H. Berwanger (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 246f. 14 “An die Deutschen in New Orleans,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, September 17, 1862.

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That same evening Colonel Weiss held a mass meeting in the Jefferson City town hall; the choice of this meeting place demonstrated good knowledge of the settlement structure of the Germans in New Orleans. Franz Weiss, forty-one years old, from Vienna, had taken his leave as Colonel of the 20th New York Infantry Regiment15 and had gone directly to New Orleans at the end of August, 1862, in order to recruit the 2nd US Louisiana Infantry Regiment.16 Weiss had an excellent relationship to General Butler, whom he had met near Fort Monroe, Virginia, in June, 1861.17 For health reasons, Weiss returned to New York. His mission, however, was successful; the 2nd US Louisiana Infantry Regiment was put into service on September 29, 1862, but without Colonel Weiss as commanding officer, who died at the age of ninetyfour on April 26, 1915, in Troy, NY. Gustav von Panzer, also a former “48er,” was the last in the series of German recruiters from the North; together with Henry Heinsohn he recruited a new “Blücher Guard.”18 The hoped-for military career was not successful here either; due to his poor health Gustav von Panzer, at the age of forty, was mustered only as a private, not as a captain of the “Blücher Guard,” Company F, 5th US Louisiana Infantry Regiment, on July 31, 1863. The company served for only sixty days.19 Almost none of these German recruitment officers could point to a longer career in New Orleans: Louis A. Salomon was mustered as captain of Company E, 1st US Louisiana Infantry Regiment on July 30, 1862 and discharged dishonorably on May 3, 1863: “He has no control over the men, allowing them to pillage and plunder indiscriminately. For repeated disobedience of orders, I placed him under arrest [...] Capt. Salomon has not the first qualifications of an Officer [...] it would be a benefit to the service to have him dismissed.”20 Captain Schmidt, “Weitzel Rifles,” also resigned in the summer of 1863 after the company suffered the deaths of three soldiers and nineteen wounded soldiers near Port Hudson.21 The number of Germans among the approximately 5,000 white Union volunteers from Louisiana can only be estimated; nonetheless a share of about 25 to 28 percent seems realistic. The 1st as well as the 2nd US Louisiana Infantry Regiments were stationed in New Orleans until January, 1863.22 15 Kaufmann, 563; Judith Yandoh, ”Mutiny at the Front,“ Civil War Times XXXIV, 2 (June, 1995), 34. 16 RG 94, “CSR” Francis Weiss, 20th NY Inf. and “Letters Received, Volunteer Service Division,” File 2234 (V.S.) 1883, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 17 Letter from Franz Weiss, Lansingburgh, September 23,1892, to Green B. Raum, Commissioner of Pensions, Washington, D.C.; RG 15, Records of the Veterans Administration, Pension File (WC 801.872), Francis Weiss, 20th NY Inf., National Archives, Washington, D.C. 18 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, October 1,1862. 19 Request from Gustav Freiherr von Panzer, New Orleans, September 9,1863, to General N. P. Banks: RG 109, Union Provost Marshal’s File of Papers Relating to Individual Civilians (M 345, roll 275), National Archives, Washington, D.C. 20 Request of Colonel R. E. Holcomb, Moundville, La., April 30,1863, to Lieutenant Colonel Richard B. Irwin (“A. A. Gen. 19th Army Corps”). In: RG 94, “CSR” Louis A. Salomon, 1st La. Inf., National Archives, Washington, D.C. 21 Information from Archivist Michael P. Musick, National Archives, Washington, D.C, October 7, 1997; “Record of Events: Co. D, 2nd La. Inf. (U. S.),” RG 94, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 22 A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, comp. Frederick H. Dyer (New York/London: Thomas Yoseloff, 1959), Vol. III, 1213f.

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The military administration in New Orleans and the government in Washington had only a temporary interest in the German recruitment officers. The occupied part of Louisiana was to be given a government loyal to Washington as fast as possible. Of course German Union soldiers were important for the military occupation but insignificant for the actual political development within the occupied region. Local politicians were needed.

Fig. 8.2: DR. MAXIMILIAN FERDINAND BONZANO (1821–1894) Bonzano of Ehingen, Württemberg came to the U. S. in 1835, first moved to Texas and by the late 1840’s was a visiting physician at New Orleans’ Charity Hospital. One of the most well-known Unionists in New Orleans’s German community, Bonzano was morally opposed to slavery as well as to secession and refused to serve in the Confederate Army. He fled to New York and returned to New Orleans in 1862 as superintendent of the mint. At the 1864 constitutional convention, he chaired the committee on emancipation and personally wrote the ordinance that freed Louisiana’s slaves. From: B iographical and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, vol. I (1892)

For this reason, under Military Governor Shepley, the “Union Association” came into being during the summer of 1862; formerly persecuted old Unionists returned to New Orleans or came out of their previously shadowy existence. Among them were Dr. Benjamin Maas, Christian Roselius, Michael Hahn, and Max Bonzano, all Germans. Dr. Max F. Bonzano, born in Ehingen, in Württemberg, on March 22, 1821, had returned from New York at the beginning of June, 1862, and acted as chairman of the “Union Association” meeting in Lyceum Hall on June 4, 1862.23 By October, 1862, German “Union Clubs” had been formed in all four districts of the city of New Orleans and had joined together under one roof. The presidents were: J. B. Schröder, a fifty-twoyear-old merchant from Oldenburg (1st District); F. A. Schmidt (2nd District); Philip Schulz, former president of the “Louisiana Gewerbe-Verein” (3rd District); H. Wedemeyer, a fortyyear-old grocer from Bremen (4th District). Thirty-two-year-old Michael Hahn, from Klingenmünster in Bavaria, had become their spokesman.24 Hahn had pleaded passionately on Lafayette Square on May 8, 1860, in favor of remaining in the Union and had won over the masses; since then he was known, especially among the Germans, as a Unionist.25 He, and not Dr. Maas, Roselius, or Bonzano, became the symbol of German Union loyalty in New Orleans: Hahn, who had grown up as an orphan, had never owned slaves, had never served the Confederacy, had refused to take the Confederate oath of office as a 23 Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, I, 303–306. 24 Daily Delta, October 31, 1862. 25 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, May 9, 1860; for Hahn’s plea: “Die Freunde vereinigten südlichen Handlung,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, December 22,1860.

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lawyer and notary, and, in spite of all hostility, had stayed in New Orleans.26 In a special election in December, 1862, two representatives of Louisiana were elected to the Federal Congress: Benjamin F. Flanders, who in the fall of 1863 would take over the administrative direction of the confiscation of Colonel Reichard’s property, and Michael Hahn. On February 17, 1863, Hahn defended himself in Congress against all the accusations that questioned his election: Hahn took his seat in the 37th Congress of the United States on February 3, 1863, and remained in Washington until April, 1863.27 During this short time he developed a friendship with Abraham Lincoln marked by deep respect.

Fig. 8.3: MICHAEL HAHN (1830–1886) Born at Klingenmünster, Palatinate, young Hahn accompanied his widowed mother and four siblings to New York, and soon afterwards to New Orleans (ca. 1840). In 1851, he completed his studies at Tulane University and began working in Christian Roselius’ law office. A close friend of Max Bonzano, he was a strong anti-secessionist and became a Republican in 1862, when New Orleans was occupied by the Union. In 1864, Hahn was elected Governor of Louisiana by the Free State Party. He undertook several newspaper ventures, and in 1872 founded the town of Hahnville, La. Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans (1974.25.17. 156)

When Hahn returned to New Orleans in the spring of 1863, a “Free State Committee” was founded under Thomas J. Durant, whose actions with regard to slavery can be considered contradictory.28 Although Durant was considered one of the most outspoken opponents of slavery, he bought a slave and her three children as personal house servants in 1851 and freed them only in March, 1863. Lincoln hoped that, given this start, a government loyal to the Union could develop in the “free state” of Louisiana. About 70% of the committee members came either from the North or from overseas.29 Hahn represented the moderate wing of the “Free State Party” from the very beginning, whereas Flanders and Durant led the radical wing, and Roselius and Rozier headed the conservative block. Hahn’s moderate political line considered the first priority to be the reconstruction of the Union and only then the elimination of slavery. Unlike Durant and Flanders, he did 26 Amos E. Simpson, Vaughan Baker, “Michael Hahn: Steady Patriot,” Louisiana History XIII, 3 (Summer, 1972), 229–252. 27 “Speech of Hon. M. Hahn of Louisiana on the Louisiana Election, delivered in the House of Representatives, February 17, 1863.” Pamphlet in: William Stanley Hoole Special Collections Library, University of Alabama at Tuscaloosa. 28 Ted Tunnell, Crucible of Reconstruction: War, Radicalism, and Race in Louisiana 1862–1877, 28. 29 Tunnell, 27.

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not pursue the goal of giving the freed slaves the right to vote immediately. Hahn was never a radical Unionist; he had grown up in New Orleans and was certainly influenced by the Southern mentality. He foresaw a gradual extension of voting rights that, he thought, should be available first only to “an educated class of freedmen.”30 This opinion, seen today as racist and prejudiced, assured Hahn a great following among the ethnic German as well as among the native voters, because this limitation assured a minimum of division between the races. A related problem was the fact that countless non-naturalized Germans of the South were not allowed to vote, whereas the native-born freed slaves were to receive this right immediately: “The Germans in [...] Louisiana were in general against slavery, but were by no means pro-Negro. [...] A Louisiana Negro could vote; a Louisiana German who had done his duty to his adopted state could not.”31 The population of Louisiana, including the ethnic German minority, were not yet prepared for the emancipation of the slaves. When, at the end of 1863, it became apparent that the Union, in spite of some military success, would not be able to capture and occupy the interior of Louisiana, Lincoln issued the Ten Percent Plan on December 8, 1863. This plan allowed for the formation of a government loyal to the Union with the participation of only ten percent of the enfranchised voters.32 Michael Hahn had meanwhile purchased the Daily True Delta and used the paper as a Republican propaganda instrument.33 Abraham Lincoln urgently needed a political success in Louisiana for his own election campaign of 1864. The state had been taken by the Union eighteen months earlier and still had no loyal government. Lincoln instructed General Banks, Butler’s successor after December, 1862, to push through elections34; these took place on February 22, 1864. The Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, edited by Hahn’s political friend Sebastian Seiler, wrote: “We are completely convinced that Michael Hahn will be elected the first governor of the free state of Louisiana next Monday. [...] Let us not only elect him, but let us elect him with such a strong majority that the position of Louisiana cannot be questioned.”35 With the support of General Banks, Michael Hahn was indeed elected by an overwhelming majority as the first Republican postwar governor of Louisiana. According to the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, Hahn received a total of 5,011 votes, J. Q. A. Fellows 1,259 30 Simpson/Baker, 241; Michael Hahn, “What is Unconditional Unionism?” (New Orleans: Era Office, 1863), 12 Pamphlet in: William Stanley Hoole Special Collections Library, University of Alabama at Tuscaloosa. 31 Robert T. Clark, Jr., “Reconstruction and the New Orleans German Colony”, 507. 32 Tunnell, 30. For the specific military situation in Louisiana, see: Jörg Nagler, “Die Phase der militärischen Besatzung der Südstaaten nach dem Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg,” Militärische Besatzung: Funktion und Gestalt militärischer Fremdherrschaft, ed. Günter Kronebitter, Markus Pöhlmann and Dierk Walther (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2006), 81–92; ibid., “Militär und Gesellschaft in den USA 1860–1890,” Das Militär und der Aufbruch in die Moderne 1860–1890: Armeen, Marinen und der Wandel von Politik, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft in Europa, den USA sowie Japan, ed. Michael Epkenhans and Gerhard P. Groß (München: Oldenbourg, 2003), 167–184. 33 Historic Sketches of the “Daily Delta” and “The Era” and “The New Orleans Daily Independent” from Oct. 12, 1846 to Jan. 19, 1865, ed. Charles F. Youngman (New Orleans: City Archives, 1939), 40 p. 34 The Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung introduced all of the candidates, but favored Hahn: February 20, 1864. 35 Ibid.

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Fig. 8.4: HAHN’S INAUGURATION, MARCH 4th, 1864 Michael Hahn’s inauguration as Louisiana’s first Governor after the Civil War on March 4th, 1864, turned out to be a festivity beyond imagination. No less than 37 delegations marched him to Lafayette Square. Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans (1953.35)

and Benjamin F. Flanders 1,278 votes; the Daily True Delta published different numbers: Of 10,725 votes 6,158 went to Hahn, 2,720 to Fellows and 1,847 to Flanders. In the Confederate part of Louisiana Governor Henry W. Allen held office in 1864–65 with his capitol in Shreveport.36 Without the pressure from Lincoln, however, this election would never have taken place; the low election participation, due to the Ten Percent Plan, put Hahn’s election in a clearly different light. He was not a candidate supported by a voter majority leaning toward the Union; indeed, the citizens allowed to vote were hand-picked by General Banks. On the other hand, Hahn was the ideal candidate at the right moment, just in time for the upcoming presidential election. Although, out of principle, Hahn did not involve himself in Banks’ official military area, he remodeled the military occupation regime in Louisiana into a “loyal government.” His festive inauguration on March 4, 1864, began with a 100-gun salute and was without precedent in the history of Louisiana.37 Thirty-seven groups participated in a torchlight 36 Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, February 23,1864; Daily True Delta, February 23, 1864. 37 “Inaugural Address of Michael Hahn, Governor of the State of Louisiana, delivered at New Orleans, March 4, 1864.” Pamphlet in: William Stanley Hoole Special Collections Library, University of Alabama at Tuscaloosa. Cf. festival program: “Inauguration Ceremonies”: Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans.

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parade; the church bells rang at sunrise, at 12 noon, and at sundown for thirty minutes at a time. Under Hahn Louisiana received a new constitution on April 6, 1864; slavery was abolished.38 Suffrage for blacks, which even Hahn had hesitated to give, but which was requested by Lincoln at least for those who had fought in the Union Army, was finally given in Article XV “to such persons, citizens of the United States, as by military service, by taxation to support the government, or by intellectual fitness may be deemed entitled thereto.” Hahn had struggled with himself over the question of suffrage and had finally adapted Lincoln’s advice39 to the specific social situation in Louisiana – without becoming a puppet of Washington. The free state constitution of 1864 was signed by seventy-eight persons, among them sixteen men who had been born in Germany (over 20%).40 The constitution did not provide radical emancipation with full suffrage for blacks. However, it guaranteed a minimum of equal rights that was not undermined for the following thirty-four years. Even if the constitutional changes of 1898 destroyed almost all of the emancipation achievements, nonetheless the Unionist part of Louisiana had survived its first test by fire in 1864 with the support of the ethnic German minority. Hahn’s popularity per se did not guarantee a carefree existence for the Germans in New Orleans: in 1865, for example, they established “imprisonment protection societies” in all districts against arbitrary attacks by the military police. Hahn, Bonzano, and Maas remained politically active in Louisiana until the end of their lives, but lived in complete isolation from those Germans who had remained loyal to the Confederacy. They were thus never representatives of the entire ethnic German minority. The German consuls and those German business people who had supported the Confederacy significantly did not, if they were in the city at all, appear politically before 1870 and played no role in government in this first Reconstruction period.41 They retreated to their old domain of the Deutsche Gesellschaft, built up new business contacts, and dedicated themselves to recruiting immigrants.

38 Official Journal of the Proceedings of the Convention for the Revision and Amendment of the Constitution of the State of Louisiana (New Orleans: W. R. Fish, 1864), Article I. 39 Lincoln wrote to Hahn: “I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some of the colored people may not be let in – as, for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those, who have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone.” Printed in Simpson/Baker, 243. 40 Ibid., 220–228. 41 The following ethnic German Unionists held office in the New Orleans City Council under three mayors between May, 1866, and April, 1870: P. Kaiser, Geo. Kraus, Dr. E. Goldman, John F. Kranz, and John P. Becker. An exception was H. F. Stürcken, born in Hanover in 1822, who was a well-known man within the ethnic German minority of the antebellum period and who once served as a colonel in the antebellum militia. As a moderate Unionist he resigned from the army in 1861, became president of the “Louisiana Draymanns-Verein” in 1861, and was a member of the board of the Deutsche Gesellschaft after 1853: Mrs. E. D. Friedrichs, “Administrations of the Mayors of New Orleans,” 149–157.

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Table VIII.1 German Societies founded in New Orleans between 1862 and 1865 German Union Club of the 1st District (1862) J. B. Schröder, President; Wm. Kalderlah, 1st Vice-President; C. Touche, 2nd Vice-President; P. J. Krämer, Secretary pro tem; Committee: O. Diebemann, G. H. Papst. (Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, October 12, 1862) German Union Club of the 2nd District (1862) F. A. Schmidt, President (Daily Delta, October 31, 1862) German Union Club of the 3rd District (1862) Philip Schulz, President (Daily Delta, October 31, 1862) German Union Club of the 4th District (1862) H. Wedemeyer, President; F. Uemann, 1st Vice-President; J. Kemmik, 2nd Vice-President; H. Thode, Secretary; Committee: Chr. Lindauer, J. Bartsch (Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, October 12, 1862) Society for the Imprisonment Protection of German-American Citizens in the 1st District ( 1865) H. Clarens, John Stumpf, Wm. Kalderlah, Michael Haupt, Jac. Nicola, Heinrich Glassen, Wm. Keller, Sebastian Seiler, Wm. Ehrenberg, Dr. Max Funk (Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, February 23, 1865) Society for the Imprisonment Protection of German-American Citizens in the 2nd District (1865) S. Schmidt, Dr. Kattmann, Ernst Wenck, L. Kerth, Joseph Fischer, Charles Baumbach, J. Touche, J. A. Schmitt, E. H. Boelitz, X. Maurer (Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, February 23, 1865) Society for the Imprisonment Protection of German-American Citizens in the 3rd District (1865) H. Maas, F. A. Singer, H. Brown, Jac. Klees, Geo. Weisheimer, Phil. Schulz, R. Hecht, S. Cohn, Dr. Günther, H. Koch (Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, February 23, 1865) Society for the Imprisonment Protection of German-American Citizens in the 4th District (1865) Geo. Schantz, J. B. Schroeder, Con. Geiss, F. W. Schmitt, Christian Lindauer, H. Bensel, L. Lambert, Martin Glaser, Louis Kopp, Simon Siebolt (Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, February 23, 1865) German-American Union Association of the 1st and 4th Districts H. Wedemeyer, Cornel Buhler, Marshals (Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, April 20, 1864) Source: Author’s compilation.

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Fig. 8.5: UNION AND CONFEDERATE LOUISIANA: SEVENTEEN UNION PARISHES VOTED IN THE FREE STATE ELECTION OF FEBRUARY 1864. Reprinted by permission of Louisiana State University Press from Crucible of Reconstruction: War, Radicalism, and Race in Louisiana, by Ted Tunnell © 1984 by Louisiana State University Press.

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2. “ We reject [...] to be placed on equal political and social footing with the negroes”: the Political Self-Assertion of the Ethnic German Minority of Richmond (1865–1870) 2. “ [...] we reject [...] to be placed on equal political and social footing with the negroes” During the entire war period not a single member of the ethnic German community was important in local politics in Richmond; one searches in vain for German names in the lists of city councillors.42 This changed after the evacuation of Richmond: on April 2, 1865 the City Council hastily appointed a twenty-five-person committee to organize the evacuation and, in particular, to guarantee the destruction of alcohol. August Bodeker, the pharmacist, was appointed for Jefferson District.43 The official end of slavery coincided with the entrance of Union troops into Richmond; “the Negro” soon became a symbol of chaos, crime, licentiousness, violence, and Yankee terror for the Germans of Richmond. As early as April 25, 1865, the military police appeared at the door of Lange, the restaurant owner, and arrested him. Lange’s nine-year-old son Jacob was accused by Robinson, a black man, of throwing a stone that caused injury. After Lange had paid $200 in bail, he was allowed to return home.44 After this, however, Lange was on the list of suspicious persons; in his restaurant that reopened in April, 1865, there were pictures of Washington, Wilhelm Tell, Martin Luther, and Jefferson Davis. A secret policeman appearing incognito commented that it was not right to show a picture of the former Confederate President and that everyone on the other side of the Potomac would have liked to see him hang. Lange’s fast thinking saved him from prison; he answered, “I [...] hung him first.”45 Even if the Germans in Richmond had seldom owned slaves, it nonetheless took a long time before they accepted the legally equal status of these “freedmen.”46 Because of this feeling among the German citizens of Richmond Hassel’s Richmonder Anzeiger urged: “In regard to this question that is important for all citizens, it is time for the German naturalized citizens to request and receive representation in the City Council not as a separate party but as a respectable group of local citizens. Should the German population of our city, which makes up one-eighth of the local white population, remain without representation for four more years on the City Council and be satisfied to know that a few of their compatriots are employed as city night watchmen?”47 In 1866 August Bodeker joined the city government of Richmond as the first ethnic German Councillor.48 In 1866–67 George A. Peple, who had taught at the Confederate Navy School and who had briefly edited the Richmonder Anzeiger, became the spokesman for the Germans leaning toward the Democrats. The smaller group of Republicans among the Germans gathered around Hermann L. Wiegand, a merchant from Saxony and formerly 42 Directory of Officials 1861–1865: Richmond, Virginia & Confederate, comp. Louis H. Manarin, Robert W. Waitt, Jr. (Richmond: Richmond Civil War Centennial Commission, 1961), “Richmond.” 43 Richmond at War: The Minutes of the City Council 1861–1865, 592f. 44 Lange, 208f. 45 Lange, 216. 46 “Fight between a Dutchman and a Negro,” Daily Richmond Examiner, December 17, 1865. 47 “Der [sic] neue Stadtcharter,” Richmonder Anzeiger, March 10, 1866. 48 Richmonder Anzeiger, April 14, 1866.

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a “Turner.”49 In July, 1867 a “German National Republican Club” was founded, followed in November as a reaction by a “German Conservative Club”, chaired by Alois Rick, a baker. In spite of all of the differences among the parties, the ethnic German minority, under Peple’s chairmanship, held a mass meeting in Dueringer’s Park on June 5, 1868, and passed a joint resolution against military occupation and the preferential treatment of the black population: “We are proud to be of German descent and we reject with indignation as an insult to be placed on equal political and social footing with the negroes just extracted from the mire of slavery. We consider it as sacrificing the nation, to force the white population of the South under the rule of a half-civilized and inferior race.”50 In spite of the German community’s efforts, the election for delegates to the Constitutional Convention of October, 1868, was won by the radical Republicans. The ethnic German minority was shocked.51 The constitution written by the convention in 1867–68 was apparently seen as a blow to the white population. Because of strong protest a referendum was held on July 6, 1869, on Sections 1 and 3 of Article III, the exclusion of “former rebels” from suffrage and the required “Iron Oath” to the Union.52 The great majority of Germans voted against these sections and were able to elect two Democratic candidates, William Lovenstein and August Bodeker,53 to the Virginia State Legislature. William Lovenstein was a “second-generation German,” born in Richmond on October 8, 1840, the son of Sal Lovenstein, a Jew. During the war he served in the “Richmond Light Infantry Blues” and married Dora Wasserman in 1863. They had six daughters and one son. Lovenstein, who later became President of the Senate of Virginia, held the highest political office ever attained by a Jew in Virginia in the nineteenth century.54 In the same year, 1869, the Democrats succeeded in electing Gilbert C. Walker as Governor of Virginia. On March 10, 1870 there was a mass meeting of German citizens in Monticello Hall to nominate the new City Council members. Ten candidates were nominated by the Independent German Club, which leaned toward the Democrats: Wm. Pfeiffer and Robert Wendenburg (Madison Ward); M. L. Strauss and Franz Dusch (Monroe Ward); Edward J. Euker and M. Altmeyer (Clay Ward); Chr. Zimmer and Sol Wise (Jefferson Ward), and Henry Bodeker and Henry Metzger (Marshall Ward).55 Hassel printed a flyer for the election of 1870 entitled “Call to the German Adopted Citizens of the City of Richmond”: “Even if the emancipation of the slaves caught the sympathy of the immigrants, especially the Germans, who thus leaned more toward the Chesson, Richmond After the War, 107, 229 n50. Copy of the resolution in: Schuricht, II, 137. Richmond Dispatch, November 19, 1867. J. N. Brenaman, A History of Virginia Conventions (Richmond: J. L. Hill Printing Co., 1902), 109. Schuricht, II, 137f. Also cf.: Joseph P. O’Grady, “Immigrants and the Politics of Reconstruction in Richmond, Virginia,” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia 83, 2 (June, 1972), 87–101. 54 “Congregation Beth Ahabah,” 87; Rosen, The Jewish Confederates, 169. 55 The nominating list for Governor Gilbert C. Walker, Richmond, March 11, 1870, signed by: G. Hoffbauer, Wm. Lovenstein, G. A. Peple, Geo. Klein, and Isaac Hutzler: Sec. of Commonwealth, Executive Papers, Applications for position, Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond. 49 50 51 52 53

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Republican Party, the majority are nonetheless against the immediate equalization of such naturally opposite races as the Caucasian and the African.”56

Fig. 8.6: AUFRUF AN DIE DEUTSCHEN ADOPTIV-BÜRGER DER STADT RICHMOND (1870) Hassel printed this pamphlet to help the newly established Conservative Party to establish itself among Richmond’s German voters. In the 1870 elections, six Germans were elected to the City Council – among them Henry Bodeker and Daniel von Gröning. Valentine Museum, Richmond, Virginia

Hassel mentioned the “disgusting conditions” in Louisiana and South Carolina, and his appeal was successful. Only five years after the end of the war the ethnic German minority had achieved considerable political influence within the Conservative Party and constituted one-quarter of all City Council members in Richmond in 1870: Henry Bodeker (Marshall Ward), Daniel von Gröning (on the Republican ticket for Jefferson Ward), Louis Wagner (Madison Ward), F. Laube (Republican ticket for Monroe Ward), E. Lohmann (Monroe Ward), and Edward J. Euker (Clay Ward). P. Bergheimer, a shoemaker from Darmstadt, also held the office of Justice of the Peace in Jefferson Ward; Dr. T. Boldemann, a doctor, was elected as Commissioner of the Revenue.57 56 “Aufruf an die deutschen Adoptiv-Bürger der Stadt Richmond,” printed: Office of the Täglicher Anzeiger, c. 1870, in: Valentine Museum, Richmond, Va. 57 Richmond City Directory 1870, comp. Dean Dudley & Co. (Richmond: West & Johnston, 1870), 205f.

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During the war three of these eight men had been freed from service for occupational reasons; three had served in the military; and four had owned slaves.58 The Richmond Patriot, published by William Lovenstein and Isaac Hutzler59 after 1869, commented correctly about the “parties in Virginia”: We here have joined together to form one large Conservative Party [...] This name also means that the position and initiative for all social and political measures should remain in the hands of those citizens of this state, [...] who have really been here for years, who have property, and who are hard-working, […] These radical [northern] shouters and law twisters maintain that the Conservatives of Virginia are only the old ex-rebels in new costumes. It is true that most of them are indeed ex-rebels, because there aren’t very many other people in Virginia […] But these ex-rebels are indeed not rebels [...]; they need no new costumes, no masks, but they need a new name. [...] And this new name is the Conservative Party.60 The real “ex-rebels” among the Germans of Richmond had dedicated themselves, as had those in New Orleans, to the recruitment of immigrants.

3. Charleston redeemed: Charleston’s Ethnic German Minority and its Mayor Johann A. Wagener (1865–1873) 3. Charleston redeemed: Charleston’s Ethnic German Minority and its Mayor Johann Although the ethnic German minority of Charleston was represented by at least one of its members in the City Council of Charleston between 1834 and 1845 and again in 1850– 51 and had earlier provided two mayors, there was very little political participation by the Germans in the final ten years before the outbreak of war. The Germans were represented for the first time again only in the election of the City Council on November 2, 1865: Jacob Small and Henry Gerdts became Councillors for the 4th District under Mayor P. C. Gaillard.61 Jacob Small, born in Stein-Bockenheim in Hesse on February 5, 1820, a pastry baker, had owned eighteen slaves in 1859; Henry Gerdts, a grocer and militia captain of the antebellum period, had owned four slaves. A letter has survived from that period from Kate Kruse, twelve years old, to her grandfather in Germany: “I would like to be with you in Germany. Papa has told me how nice it is there. I expect to be with you pretty soon, because […] I do not like the Yankees at all […] they treat us so badly and keep such strict rules over us.”62 58 Laube was the president of the Catholic “St. Benedictus Society” in 1872: Rudolph H. Bunzl, “Immigrants in Richmond After the Civil War: 1865–1880,” 109. 59 Hutzler, from Bavaria, was defeated in the 1870 election for Commissioner of the Revenue by Julius Fischer, a pharmacist, who won by twenty-five votes: Schuricht, II, 138. The Richmond Patriot was absorbed in 1870 by the Virginia Staats-Gazette (until 1904): Wust, The Virginia Germans, 226. 60 “Die Parteien in Virginien,” Richmond Patriot, August 13, 1869. 61 Since 1861 the City Council had been composed of eighteen Councillors representing eight city districts: City of Charleston Yearbook 1881 (Charleston: News and Courier Book Presses, 1881), 372f. 62 Letter from Kate Kruse, Charleston, to her grandfather in Germany, December 18, 1865. Kate Kruse (1853–1922) was the daughter of Jacob Kruse and Christina Dürkop. Her parents were born in Schleswig-Holstein. Kate Kruse later married Prof. Otto Müller (“City Schools of Charleston”). In:

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Little Kate expressed in fact what most of the Germans in Charleston felt. Johann Zacharias Siegling, born in Erfurt in 1791, wrote to his siblings in Thuringia only two months later: I offer no excuse for my silence [...] But since in the present situation, under the pressure of the terrible Yankeedom, I could report nothing agreeable [...] What we have to suffer here, the conservative newspapers will have informed you off [sic]. Rudolph is following his law practice [...] they are pretty busy with small cases, with Freedmen’s Bureau, but get very little pay from their clients, as there is not much money circulating among the whites in the South, and as the oppressed are so oppressed, that they cannot expect it from them, but keep themselves in trim for the future. He intends to use the first $10.000 which he saves for a trip to Germany. [...] Last October he was proposed as a candidate for the Legislature, the majority of votes made him the 4th highest from among 30 candidates. 6 were nominated [...] the Confederacy dug its grave. The same is in the store for Yankee doom [sic], regarding the great Negroquestion [sic] ... The Negro! The Negro! is the continued topic in Congress – none think of the white people, unless it is to oppress them still more. [...] If the 4 million negroes obtain the right of voting, there will be a greater massacre yet and that at every election. The South is much blamed on account of the cruel treatment of its slaves by the slaveowners in the South. A few cases are trumpeted about, but the good treatment which they received from the latter is not commented on. Statistical proofs do not deceive, when you consider that at the founding of this government, the number of negroes was 250,000 and which has grown without any export from Africa up to the present to 4 million, has ever a country enjoyed such growth! The universal good treatment must surely have contributed much towards it. The world and the Yankee will find it out yet. [...] Now I ask you, dear ones, how it is possible to realize in present times, except one puts the lat [sic] on the ear, takes the Wanderstock in hand (my old gold cane) and bids good-bye to South Carolina, or else dear Heaven takes one’s soul to himself [...]63 Rudolph Siegling, a young lawyer and much respected war veteran, had many German clients who were fighting against the “Yankee rule.”64 After the elections of 1867 were prohibited by the military government, Mayor Gaillard remained in office until February 20, 1868; the City Council was dissolved by General Canby in May, 1868, and reappointed COMPOSITIONS AND EXERCISES BY KATE KRUSE, Charleston, So. Ca. (1865), #34-235, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston. 63 J. Z. Siegling (February 13, 1791–October 31, 1867) was the oldest of the sixteen children of Johann Blasius Siegling, a professor in Erfurt. This twelve-page letter, written on February 20, 1866, was the last one before he died of a stroke in Mt. Pleasant. In 1859 Siegling owned nine slaves, who worked mostly as piano carriers. Between January 1, 1860, and December 31, 1865, Siegling rented out a total of 526 pianos, on a monthly or quarterly payment basis. In: SIEGLING FAMILY: 4 MSS (R), 3 Oct. 1852–15 Nov. 1934, written originally in German and translated by his grandson Harry Leclerq, South Caroliniana Library, Manuscript Division, University of South Carolina, Columbia, S.C. For information about the pianos: “Siegling Music House, Pianos on hire and sold 1832–1908, including customer addresses,” South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, S.C. 64 Cf. the case of Miss Habenicht, who had been hit by a brick: Südlicher Correspondent, Charleston, August 24, 1869. Arrest of J. F. Hartmann: “Das neue Regiment,” Charlestoner Zeitung, November 6, 1867.

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with candidates of his choice. Thus Charleston experienced the first City Council election after the war only at the end of 1868; Gilbert Pillsbury, a Republican, won the election with a majority of twenty-three votes. Between 1865 and 1871 Charleston was a center of corruption, and the city debt amounted to millions of dollars. The only German council member under Pillsbury was Charles Voigt, whose thoughtful suggestions were not accepted because of radical sabotage.65 On the other hand, the prosperous ethnic German minority of Charleston had an estimated fortune of five million dollars in the spring of 1868.66 Another million was added to this by 1870. The entire wholesale and retail trade of Charleston was in German hands; one could read constantly about business expansion, new buildings, and openings.67 As opposed to the total estimated ethnic German fortune of six million dollars in 1870, the city of Charleston had bank capital of only 1.9 million dollars.68 Among those who succeeded in achieving national importance for their companies between 1865 and 1900 were Henry Bischoff & Co., Wagener, Heath & Monses, Tiedemann, Calder & Co., and Pelzer, Rogers & Co. Albert Lengnick, a private banker, and Consul Charles Witte amassed impressive wealth. In Charleston itself the wholesale trade of Wm. Ufferhardt,69 the mills of the Claussen brothers,70 and those of John Campsen were among the leading businesses. In 1882 the Claussens also founded the Palmetto Brewery, called the Germania Brewing Co. after the turn of the century – and by December 1901 Charleston was able to boast the South Carolina Interstate and West Indian Exposition, almost exclusively financed by Friedrich Wilhelm Wagener.71 With the exception of F. W. 65 Robert N. Rosen, A Short History of Charleston (Charleston: Peninsula Press, ²1992), 126f. Deutsche Zeitung, November 22, 1913; R. H. Woody, “Some Aspects of the Economic Condition of South Carolina after the Civil War,” The North Carolina Historical Review VII, 3 (1930), 346–364. 66 “Wohlhabenheit der Deutschen,” Charlestoner Zeitung, April 22, 1868. 67 Südlicher Correspondent, August 26, 1869; “Der Deutsche Handel Charlestons,” Südlicher Correspondent, Charleston, July 22, 1869; “Deutsche Tatkraft,” Charlestoner Zeitung, December 11, 1867. 68 Woody, “Some Aspects,” 362f. 69 Wilhelm Ufferhardt, born in Delmenhorst on February 4, 1828, died in Heidelberg on October 2, 1887; he kept the minutes of St. Matthew’s Lutheran Church for twenty-eight years and was a member of the Charleston City Council from 1879–1883: City of Charleston Yearbook 1887 (Charleston: Lucas, Richardson & Co., 1887), 287f. 70 The Claussen brothers, F. W. and J. H. C., owned at least eleven slaves in 1859 and probably many more during the war; Bernard E. Powers, Jr. “Community Evolution and Race Relations in Reconstruction Charleston, South Carolina,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 95, 1 ( Jan., 1994), 27–46, esp. 36f. 71 Besides in the R. G. Dun Collection and my personal manuscript collection, company history and information about sales can be found in the following publications: An Historical and Descriptive Review of the City of Charleston and her Manufacturing and Mercantile, 184 p.; Charleston: Her Trade, Commerce & Industries, 1883–1884, 191 p.; Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, November 22, 1913; Don H. Doyle, New Men, New Cities,, 127–128, 182–184. For the South Carolina Interstate and West Indian Exposition and Wagener’s involvement, cf.: Anthony Chibarro, The Charleston Exposition (Charleston: Arcadia Publishing, 2001), 128 p.; Judy Lorraine Larson, “Three Southern World’s Fairs: Cotton States and International Exposition, Atlanta, 1895, Tennessee Centennial, Nashville, 1897, South Carolina Inter-State and West Indian Exposition, Charleston, 1901–1902: Creating Regional Self-Portraits,” (Ph. D. diss., Emory University, 1999), and South Carolina Inter-State and West Indian Exposition Pass Book Photographs (Charleston, 1902), Public Library, Charleston, S.C.

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Wagener all of these men had invested in William C. Bee’s Importing and Exporting Company of South Carolina during the war and had made profits from running the blockade. Their attention to business now served them well: Their economic power allowed the ethnic German minority of Charleston to involve themselves in the scandalous local politics and to promote the support of immigration to South Carolina. As early as 1868, before the Germans of Charleston became politically influential, Dietrich Biemann, the owner of Biemann’s Hotel in Walhalla, represented the district of Oconee in the 48th and 49th Senates of the state of South Carolina.72

Fig. 8.7: DIETRICH BIEMANN (1816–1891) Born in Brunswick, he joined the merchant marine and sailed to the U.S. where he decided to settle, arriving in Charleston circa 1840. Biemann was one of the organizers (1849), secretary (1860–1869), and secretary-treasurer (1869–1874) of the German Colonization Society, which purchased several thousand acres in Pickens District. Moving to Pickens in 1850, he was one of the founders of the town of Walhalla and became a successful merchant and hotel owner there. A Democrat, he represented Oconee County in the South Carolina Senate in 1868/70, 1870/72, 1884/85 and 1886/87. From: Der Deutsche Pionier (1870)

For the Charleston mayoral election of 1871 the Germans nominated Johann A. Wagener, their spokesman for decades, as the independent candidate of the Conservative Party. Wagener, who had been appointed as Brigadier General of the 4th Militia Brigade of South Carolina by Governor Orr in 1866, was fifty-five years old at the time. He had lived through the end of the war on his farm in Walhalla and had experienced what “Yankee rule” meant: “a body of Negro troops came upon my farm and commenced to destroy all my tools and implements, besides appropriating to themselves the live stock and provisions, leaving me nothing for the support of my family, hardly a meal for my children, and depriving me besides of every hope for the future. But I did not blame them so much, for they were Negroes.”73 The native population of Charleston knew about his almost four decades of absolute loyalty to the South, remembered the “hero of Port Royal,” and approved of his business 72 Biographical Directory of the Senate of the State of South Carolina 1776–1964, comp. Emily Bellinger Reynolds, Joan Reynolds Faunt (Columbia, SC: South Carolina Archives Department, 1964), 62ff. 73 Heinrich A. Rattermann, General Johann Andreas Wagener: Eine biographische Skizze (Cincinnati: Mecklenborg & Rosenthal, 1877), 22.

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and social efforts for the good of Charleston; the Northern carpetbaggers and Southern scalawags saw in Wagener first and foremost a German, who presumably, as his compatriots in the rest of the country, sympathized with the Union and besides had never owned slaves. He thus was an ideal candidate.

Fig. 8.8: JOHN A. WAGENER (1816–1876) Dressed in his uniform as Brigadier General of the Fourth Brigade of South Carolina Militia, this picture was probably the last one taken of John A. Wagener before his death in 1876. Courtesy of Johann Feldmann, Sievern

What the carpetbaggers among the Republicans, especially those new to town, did not know was that Wagener saw slavery as the only reasonable institution for the coexistence of both races and was hardly a friend of emancipation. In 1840 he had written: “the Negro must be ruled by force,” if necessary “with the help of the whip.”74 A decided “Negro enmity” could still be felt 30 years later in Wagener’s new newspapers, the Charlestoner Zeitung75 and the Südlicher Correspondent.76 74 A 21-page letter from J. A. Wagener from Charleston to his Sieven schoolteacher, Johann Heinrich Böckmann, (1784–1874) on November 8, 1840. Wagener was at the time twenty-four years old and had been in South Carolina for seven years. Printed in: Artur Burmeister, John-Wagener-Haus, 27– 42. Silverman’s and Gorman’s description of Wagener as “unsympathetic to slavery”, showing a “lack of support for slavery” must be interpreted accordingly: Jason H. Silverman and Robert M. Gorman. “The Confederacy’s Fighting Poet: General John Wagener,” 45. 75 Cf. Wagener’s thoughts about the new year 1867–68 in: Charlestoner Zeitung, January 1, 1868: “In this respect the German should never forget that he stands at the top of the white race and must remain loyal to his blood. This is our advice. And our wish.” 76 Wagener described the parade of “freedmen” on July 4, 1869, as a “disgusting, shocking comedy”: “The disgusting orgies of the Roman plebeians during the infamous Bacchus festivities, the animallike debaucheries of the proletarians during the period when all of Europe was covered by the smoke of religious fanaticism, the rawest excesses of the Parisian fishwives during the French Revolution can hardly have made such a shameful impression on the civilized world as did the July 4th farce that was presented here on Monday,” in: “Die Feier des Unabhängigkeitsfestes am 4. Juli in Charleston,” Südlicher Correspondent, July 8th, 1869, 2.

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In 1869 he had already addressed the ignorance among his Northern compatriots who thought they knew better: “Ask your Turner brothers in Charleston77 how things are going in Charleston, how well they are surviving under the radical rule that is so highly praised and in whose service you chatterers stand. First get to know the country and then chatter and praise!”78

Fig. 8.9: JOHN A. AND ELISE WAGENER This picture of John A. and Elise Wagener was presumably taken in early 1871 when Wagener ran for mayor of Charleston, won by 777 votes and served as Charleston’s third German-born mayor until 1873. Elise, who married Wagener in Charleston in June, 1837, survived her husband by 21 years and died in 1897 at age seventy-five. Originally owned by Georg Jungclaus of Sievern, this picture is now on display at the John-Wagener-Haus Sievern. Courtesy of John-Wagener-Haus, Sievern.

On election day, August 1, 1871, the Charleston Courier wrote: “The time has come when we will have opportunity to redeem our city, restore her prosperity, revive her trade and rebuild her desolate places.” Wagener stood for this program. Of sixteen election districts ten gave a majority to Wagener, who won by a majority of 777 votes. The local press was jubilant: “This triumph cannot be over estimated [sic]. It is the victory of law, order, and peace.”79 The New York Herald described Wagener as the “old rebel element,”80 also not an incorrect estimate. The news of Wagener’s victory over a “Yankee candidate” spread through the South as if by fire. It was ironically Charleston, the cradle of the Secession, that was the first important 77 The “Charleston Independent Turners’ Association” was incorporated on December 14, 1866, by C. F. Vogler, E. Stehle, W. Hoffmeyer, W. Teffee, Theodore Koertner, A. Joff, and E. Plock: Statutes at Large of South Carolina (1861–1866), XIII, 364f. 78 Südlicher Correspondent, July 20, 1869. In his report from Charleston on July 24, 1865, Carl Schurz confirmed a hostility toward the blacks reaching through all classes, rich and poor: Carl Schurz, Report on the Condition of the South, Reprint of 1866 edition (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 50f. 79 Daily Courier, August 4, 1871. As in 1868, here too only about 10,000 citizens of a total of almost 50,000 inhabitants voted. 80 Quoted in the Daily Courier of August 7, 1871; William B. Hesseltine, Confederate Leaders in the New South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1950), 16f.

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city of the South to rescue itself from the grip of the scalawags and carpetbaggers only three years after the official end of its military occupation:81 “General John A. Wagener, the Mayor elect, is the first successor of Mintzing and Schnierle, under whose administration the interests of all of the citizens of Charleston were prudently cared for. Surrounded as he is by so admirable a board of Aldermen, the light breaks over the hill tops, and the future is bright with promise and hope.”82 Wagener’s two-year term of office was exemplary: He reduced the debt of the city by almost one million dollars, had buildings repaired, restructured the police, and appointed a number of trusted Germans to the police force; he improved public health conditions and put an end to every kind of bribery and corruption.83 The latter twice cost him re-election; manipulation was rampant particularly in the 1875 open election.84 Wagener’s honesty and correctness were not welcome either to the Republicans or to the nepotism of the old upper class of Charleston. Both sides showed this in their own way: the natives remained away from the election, and the Republicans brought in freedmen from the area around Charleston who were eligible to vote. Between 1873 and 1877 there were no German citizens in the Charleston City Council. An obituary to Wagener in 1876 stated: “[...] it may be said, to his honor, that he went into office in possession of the full confidence of his fellow-citizens, and left it without the faintest breath of scandal. No one ever charged Gen. Wagener with having come out from the Mayoralty a richer man than he went in.”85 The phenomenal economic and then political rise of the ethnic German minority was startling for the people of Charleston.86 In addition the Germans now bought the plantations that the natives had lost through forced auctions: The Rice Hope Plantation, about thirty-seven miles from Charleston, bought by Henry Bischoff, the brother-in-law of Melchers, for $20,000 in 1875, became the symbol of “German plantations”.87 In 1875 the Germans paid one-third of the entire city taxes of Charleston. In 1891 John F. Ficken, born in Charleston in 1843 of German parents, was elected to the office of Mayor. Wagener tried to increase the recruitment of immigrants, but here too he met resistance, this time from the radical position.

81 The Daily Courier printed overwhelmingly positive press reports from the South on August 7, 1871: Savannah Republican, Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, The Selma Times, The Augusta Constitutionalist, The Columbia Phoenix, Savannah Advertizer, Wilmington Journal, Washington Patriot; there was much disappointment in Republican circles: Washington Chronicle, Orangeburg News, New York World. 82 Daily Courier, Charleston, August 4, 1871. 83 Mayor’s Annual Report with the Annual Reports of the Public Depts. and Institutions of the City of Charleston, January 1st, 1872 (Charleston: Walker, Evans & Cogswell, Printers, 1872), 144 See also: Bernard Powers, “Community Evolution and Race Relations in Reconstruction Charleston, South Carolina,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 101.3 (July 2000): 214–233. 84 Gertha Reinert, “Aus dem Leben des Auswanderers Johann Andreas Wagener aus Sievern 1816– 1876,” 143ff. 85 News & Courier, Charleston, August 28, 1876. 86 Rowland T. Berthoff, “Southern Attitudes toward Immigration, 1865–1914,” Journal of Southern History 17, 3 (Aug., 1951), 343f. 87 “Reisplantage eines Deutschen in Süd-Carolina,” Der Deutsche Pionier 10, 3 (Juni 1878), 101–105.

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Several Confederate states actively began to recruit European immigrants immediately after the end of the war, although “southern people desired no immigration either from the North or from foreign countries”88 until the early 1880s. Newcomers, it was hoped, would make up for massive departure of the former slaves from the plantations and would create a competitive substitute workforce. The South’s interest in mainly European immigrants caused by the military defeat and the emancipation of the slaves was greatly welcomed by the ethnic German minorities of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans. In all three cities they hoped for an increase in members and a corresponding rise of the economy; at the same time they wanted to strengthen their own position within the majority society. For this reason it was necessary to speak to the “element that is honorable and willing to work” among the Germans willing to emigrate and not to ruin their own reputation in their adopted country, gained through hard work, by an indiscriminate search for foreigners.89 The selection of immigration agents was thus not only a question of confidence in their diplomatic skills but also a question of the hoped-for effect toward the outside world. After all, the immigrants were not only to be tempted but also to be passed on to employers. They had to find a home in the economically ruined South; good contacts with the now impoverished planter class were thus especially important. Only the cooperation of the “old guard” could promise success; this could hardly happen by using well-known Unionists, scalawags, or turncoats for recruitment. Against this background it is understandable why the Confederate spokesmen of the ethnic German minorities of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans were prominently involved in the recruitment of immigrants. Their relative closeness to the native upper class, their loyalty to the old system, which had been proven in the war, and the often shared loss of former slaves predestined them for this task. Who, if not they, could hope for trust and acceptance among the old native social circles? At the same time many of them had to wait for their political amnesty and had at first no possibility to participate officially in local postwar politics. The recruitment of immigrants thus served primarily as an activity during a politically inactive period.

4. The Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans and the Recruitment of Immigrants (1865–1870): Germans as Slave Substitutes on Louisiana Plantations 4. The Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans and the Recruitment of Immigrants (1865 Between 1861 and the beginning of 1873 the “Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans” was headed by President Wilhelm DeLaRue, a commission merchant from Erlangen, who had immigrated to America in 1823 and settled in New Orleans in 1833. He served as a Union officer in the Mexican War and worked after that as a commission merchant. In 88 Bert James Loewenberg, “Efforts of the South to Encourage Immigration, 1865–1900,” The South Atlantic Quarterly XXXIII, 4 (October, 1934), 363–385; Walter L. Fleming, “Immigration to the Southern States,” Political Science Quarterly XX (1905), 276–297; Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1986), 17–41. 89 Berthoff, “Southern Attitudes toward Immigration, 1865–1914,” 328–360, esp. 328f.

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1860 DeLaRue resigned from the business because of partial deafness. His partner, Joseph Sloan, died in 1866, while DeLaRue himself died in 1873 at the age of seventy-two.90 The Gesellschaft survived the war years undamaged, even though its only task at the time was to provide jobs. After the middle of 1865 immigrants began coming to New Orleans again; about 10,000 Germans had arrived by the end of 1870.91 Colonel Leon von Zinken, just returned from the battlefield, took on the office of 1st vicepresident in 1866–67. The other officers and members of the board up to 1870 read like a “who’s who” of those who had established German companies for the Confederate Army in 1860–61: Louis Schwarz, E. S. Würzburger, F. Oberhäuser, August Lachenmeyer, the brother of Lieutenant Edmund Lachenmeyer, and H. F. Stürcken. The latter was in the City Council of New Orleans until 1870 and had good connections to Michael Hahn. The treasurer was Wm. B. Schmidt of Schmidt & Ziegler, a spirits and coffee wholesale house, which had been there since 1845 and had contributed to the Free Market in 1861.92 Since the members of the Deutsche Gesellschaft had already belonged to the social elite of New Orleans in the antebellum period, they now hoped that they could use their connections to the formerly wealthy planters and plantation owners and could encourage them to divide and sell to immigrants the now unused land that could not be planted for lack of slaves. However, members of the old social elite of Louisiana were primarily interested in obtaining a substitute for their former workers who had now been emancipated and not in selling their property cheaply.93 In August, 1865, President DeLaRue received a preliminary request for German workers. The writer was Dr. Joseph Copes, a partner of Copes & Diboll, a cotton commission trading house. DeLaRue answered: In answer to your inquiry in regard to German laborers for agricultural purposes, I beg to state that judging from the present scarcity of white laborers, it will prove a very difficult task. Your friends will have to wait until next fall or winter when immigration, suspended for the past 4 years, may be expected to set in again. [...] I think it advisable for your friends to state the prospect for white laborers with or without families, conditions, probable wages, etc. I would forward the same to the Hamburg and Bremen Emigration Bureau to attract the attention of emigrants. So far the tide of immigration has flown to the West, our tabular statistics show that from 230,337 German immigrants landed in this city since 1848, only 41,644 remained seeking employment, but the abolishment of slavery & the consequent disorganization of the system of labor

90 Voss, 90. 91 Deiler, Geschichte der Deutschen Gesellschaft, 92f. 92 Cf. officers and directors list of the Deutsche Gesellschaft in Deiler, Geschichte der Deutschen Gesellschaft, Appendix. About Schmidt & Ziegler: Pen Illustrations of New Orleans, 1881–1882, 124. Wm. B. Schmidt, born in 1822, and Franz M. Ziegler (1811–1901), both from Württemberg, immigrated to New York in 1838 and opened their business, Schmidt & Ziegler, in New Orleans in1845. The business partners, who were related by marriage, served together in the Orleans Guards and had developed their company into the 12th largest spirits business in the USA by 1880 (RG 29, M 653, roll 418, 637 and M 653, roll 419, 35). 93 Deiler, Geschichte der Deutschen Gesellschaft, 92f.

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in general, must produce great changes in favor of white labor and may give to the South a full share of the foreign immigration.94 Indeed the stream of German immigrants began only in the winter of 1865. The local New Orleans newspapers reported in January, 1866, the sending of German immigrants arriving in New York into the interior of the country.95 At the same time the following could be read: “the freedmen positively refuse to make any new contracts, or to go to work.”96 The Germans, awaited impatiently, were housed, even if this was not explicitly mentioned in the newspapers, in former slave quarters. Plantation owners paid the German workers $150 a year, provided medical care, and gave them free meals.97 In this respect nothing had changed on the plantations of Louisiana; former slaves were exchanged for German immigrants, and the latter received less pay than they would have received for one year’s service in the Union Army. To keep the Germans there, the promise was made that “no Negroes are to be employed on the plantation.”98 Conflicts were built into this situation; hearing that they were to be underpaid, the Germans left their ships immediately after their arrival in New Orleans and looked independently for work, before they could be picked up by the plantation owner who had asked for them and had paid for their journey.99 At the beginning of February, the Daily Picayune wrote: “We can only say [...] that all the farmers, mechanics, laborers, household servants, he [Mr. Wallach of the New York German Society] can send us will be welcome; and we will ever go to the trouble to drop the Creole patois and learn the Teutonic lingo in order to make the sturdy steady, industrious good folks of ‘faderland’ feel at home with us. Can we say more?”100 On March 17, 1866, Louisiana opened an immigration office in New Orleans.101 By this time the relationship between the Deutsche Gesellschaft and the planters was already overheated. The planters felt that it was the agents of the Deutsche Gesellschaft who were waiting for the unsuspecting Germans upon their arrival and influencing them to break their contracts that had been signed in New York and to accept better paid work. The 94 Letter from Wm. DeLaRue to Dr. Copes on August 4, 1865: Joseph S. Copes Collection, Correspondence August 1–20th, 1865: Manuscripts Dept., Tulane University, New Orleans. 95 Daily Picayune, January 7, 1866, and February 10, 1866. 96 “The Plantations,” Daily Picayune, January 7, 1866; Donald E. Reynolds. “The New Orleans Riot of 1866, Reconsidered,” Louisiana History V, 1 (Winter, 1964), 5–27. 97 The highest wages were paid on the sugarcane plantations of Louisiana, because the work there was the most strenuous – Virginia and South Carolina did not usually employ immigrants on the plantations. For a general study, see: John C. Rodrigue, Reconstruction in the Cane Fields: From Slavery to Free Labor in Louisiana’s Sugar Parishes, 1862–1880 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2001). 98 “Foreign Immigration,” Daily Picayune, January 3, 1866. 99 Daily Picayune, January 7, 1866. 100 “The New York German Society,” Daily Picayune, February 8, 1866. 101 “An Act to Organize a Bureau of Immigration, to Prescribe the Duties thereof, and to Provide for the Expenses of the Same”: Cf. the overview about the immigration laws in Schöberl, Amerikanische Einwandererwerbung, 94. The original leadership was in the hands of Dr. Thomas Cottman and Dr. P. G. A. Kaufman, who had a number of pamphlets printed for $15,000: E. Russ Williams, Jr., “Louisiana’s Public and Private Immigration Endeavors: 1866–1893,” Louisiana History 15 (1974), 153–173.

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Deutsche Gesellschaft insisted however that unsuspecting immigrants were being taken advantage of and deceived: “Both parties have sought assistance from the Chief of Police [...] The one side seeks police assistance to compel these emigrants to remain on board a vessel until their final destination is reached; the Society asks similar help so that the laborers may come and go from the ship without let or hindrance.”102 Leon von Zinken, a member of the board of directors of the Deutsche Gesellschaft in 1867–68, began publishing the New Orleans Journal in September, 1866. After the demise of the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung in 1865 the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung had the German language press monopoly in New Orleans. Thus in May 1866 Louis Schwarz, Leon von Zinken, Fred DelBondio, and three other investors joined together and advanced $25,000 in start-up capital, hired M. F. Sibilski and Georg Müller from the New Yorker Staats-Zeitung as editors, and went onto the market with the New Orleans Journal on September 1, 1866. The newspaper existed however for only half a year and ceased publication on March 18, 1867.103 On February 1, 1867, the New Orleans Journal commented on the statement that a German immigrant had a value of about $1,000, and thus the same amount as a good slave would have brought in 1860: To the contrary, this viewpoint is a horror for the German character, because it comes from the same origin as did the Negro slavery that has just been abolished. And the Americans of the southern states must now experience unrelentingly that the “beautiful days of Aranjuez” have come to an end forever and that it is just as impossible to make Germans into Negroes as it is to whitewash the Negroes. Either the Germans are accepted with absolute equality or else they will not want to live among the Southerners.104 At the end of the fiscal year 1866–67 a total of 2,594 Germans had arrived in New Orleans. James C. Kathman, fifty-four years old, from Württemberg, owner of a cafe and boarding house and the father of four children, was the director of the immigration office in 1867. Kathman was talented in languages, and it was he who had pushed through the 1853 ruling that for the ethnic German minority the New Orleans City Council should carry on its proceedings in German.105 Indeed there were Germans living in Louisiana who were not convinced of the working skills of the “freedmen” but were interested in workers from the homeland; thus, for example, the F. E. Stollwerck & Brothers company in Mobile inquired of the Golsan cotton mill in New Orleans: We learn that there is expected at, or has already arrived in New Orleans a German emigrant ship. If they have come can you arrange to have some 8 or 10 hand [sic] for a friend of ours. He has two Germans now at work at his lumber mill and is so well pleased that he would like to try 8 more. He is willing to give pro-each [sic] to able102 “An Unfortunate Trouble,” Daily True Delta, March 18, 1866. 103 Deiler, Geschichte der Deutschen Presse, 31. 104 “Ueber den Nutzen der Einwanderung in die Südlichen Staaten,” New Orleans Journal, February 1, 1867. 105 Nau, 30. Kathman advanced $8,000 of his own money and worked without pay as a translator: Williams, 156.

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bodied laborers, Has [sic] comfortable houses with garden patch for their comfort, and would lend each family a milch cow [sic], and would furnish lumber nails etc. to make their place more comfortable and would work them moderately. Should you be successful, we warrant the men will be pleased, as we fully endorse our friend. Let us hear from you as soon as convenient.106 In a second letter the Golsan company learned that the Germans were to receive a monthly wage of $20, but would have to clothe and feed themselves.107 That same year, 1868, James C. Kathman wrote about Louisiana: “There is no prejudice against caste, and no antipathy to foreigners or strangers.”108 Due to Kathman’s stubborn persistence the New Orleans Immigration Office was reorganized by law on March 8, 1869, after the pattern of the New York Immigration Commission. Six immigration commissioners, among them always the president of the Deutsche Gesellschaft, were elected for six years.109 Until 1870 penniless German immigrants continued to be seen as a substitute for slaves and were treated as such. On December 21, 1866, the journalist John Richard Dennett (1838–1874) stayed in the home of a “German Unionist, who considered himself a bad representative of the community.” After conversations with natives Dennett wrote in his notes about Baton Rouge, La., that one-fifth of all plantations of the district were being run as leased land, that the lessees all had debts at the end of the year or had earned only a minimal profit. Dennett’s reports appeared as a thirty-six-part series about the postwar South in the New York magazine, The Nation in 1866–67.110 The Germans loyal to the Confederacy, who had begun recruiting immigrants in 1865, were bitterly disappointed and tried to give the German minority a new lobby; no help could be expected from the state of Louisiana. Accusations were directed openly at the uncooperative planters and plantation owners. The founding of the little town of Hahnville, St. Charles Parish, by Michael Hahn in 1872 should be seen in this connection: Hahn hoped to give German immigrants a settlement possibility here without being dependent on agreements with the planters; in 1875 the town had 500 inhabitants. The communist colony Liberty Settlement, near Covington, La., founded by Ludwig Geissler in 1876, had a similar background .111 Against this background the new economic power of the ethnic German minority was established in the founding in 1866–67 of the Germania Insurance Company, the Teutonia 106 Letter from the F. E. Stollwerck & Bros. company, Mobile, to Mess. E. F. Golsan & Co., New Orleans, on December 18,1868. In: Golsan Brothers Papers, Hill Memorial Library, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge. 107 Letter from the F. E. Stollwerck & Bros. company, Mobile, to Mess. E. F. Golsan & Co., New Orleans, on December 30,1868. In: Ibid. 108 J. C. Kathman, Information for Immigrants into the State of Louisiana (New Orleans: Republican’s Office, 1868), 13. 109 Schöberl, Amerikanische Einwandererwerbung, 155f. The first six commissioners were: Dr. James O. Noyes, Cyrus Bussey, Dr. V. O. King, Governor Henry C. Warmoth, and the Germans William DeLaRue and Louis Schneider. In: Williams, 156. 110 John Richard Dennett, The South As It Is, 1865–1866, ed. Henry M. Christman (Baton Rouge/ London: Louisiana State University Press, 1995), 331f. 111 Williams, 157; “Hahnville, Louisiana,” Der Deutsche Pionier VII (1875/76), 404–405; Deiler, Geschichte der New Orleanser Deutschen Presse, 36.

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Insurance Company, the Germania National Bank, and the Germania Club. Their boards consisted of those men who had chosen the Confederacy in 1861 and had lost everything.112 Five years after the end of the war these men had dedicated themselves completely to reconstruction. With the money earned they founded the “Deutsch-protestantisches Waisenhaus” in May, 1866; they opened a new “Deutsches National-Theater”113 in October, 1866; they financed a great part of the R. E. Lee Monument in 1884 (today: Lee Circle),114 and the Jefferson Davis Memorial on Jefferson Davis Parkway in 1911. The decline of the cultural, political, and economic influence of the ethnic German minority of New Orleans could, however, no longer be halted after 1870.115 Between 1870 and 1900 immigration decreased dramatically and the number of German inhabitants in New Orleans fell from 15,493 to 8,733 persons.

5. The Deutsche Einwanderungs-Gesellschaft des Staates Virginia: a Center of Activity for German Confederate Veterans (1865–1870) 5. The Deutsche Einwanderungs-Gesellschaft des Staates Virginia: a Center As early as March, 1866, even before Louisiana and South Carolina, the state of Virginia recognized the necessity of recruiting immigrants from the North and Europe and enacted laws for this purpose.116

112 Cf. Jewell’s Crescent City Illustrated: The Commercial, Social, Political and General History of New Orleans, including Biographical Sketches of its Distinguished Citizens together with a map and a general strangers’ guide, ed. and comp. Edwin L. Jewell (New Orleans, 1873): “Germania Insurance Co.”: Fred DelBondio, A. Eimer Bader, H. F. Klump, F. M. Ziegler, etc.; “Teutonia Insurance Co.”: Louis Schneider, Frank Roder, A. Eimer Bader, W. B. Schmidt, E. F. DelBondio, Louis Schwarz, etc.; “Germania Club”: Wm. DeLaRue, Louis Schwarz, and Leon von Zinken (New Orleans Journal, February 4, 1867); “Germania National Bank”: President C. T. Buddecke, partners: Consul Eimer, the Zuberbier & Behan, Schmidt & Ziegler, and Fred DelBondio companies (New Orleans Times, March 4, 1866). 113 The wholesale grocers Zuberbier & Behan, founded in 1846, invested in both projects. In 1878 William J. Behan became a partner of the company and served as mayor of New Orleans from 1882 to 1884: New Orleans and her Relations in the new South, 88. 114 “Das Deutsche National-Theater in New Orleans,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, October 4, 1866: investors and, in part, managers were Louis and Christian Schneider, Hermann Zuberbier, Wm. Thiel; “Constitution des Deutschen protestantischen Waisenhaus Vereins,” Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, May 24, 1867: Fred DelBondio and Hermann Zuberbier were officers; Leon von Zinken and H. F. Stürcken were on the board. The Schmidt & Ziegler company, whose owners had both served as privates in Company F, New Orleans Guards, paid a large part of the $28,000 for the Davis Memorial on February 22, 1884: New Orleans Daily Picayune, January 8, 1891. Here too William J. Behan (Zuberbier & Behan) as president of the “Davis Monument Association” was the financier; Philip Werlein of “Werlein’s Music House” was a life member of the association: Confederate Veteran XIX, 5 (May, 1911), 197f. 115 Paul Konewka, “The diminishing Influence of German Culture in New Orleans since 1865,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly 24, 1 (Jan., 1941), 127–167. The recruitment of German immigrants for the state of Louisiana showed only a negative balance between 1870 and 1910 and included the poorest numbers of the entire USA: Schöberl, Amerikanische Einwandererwerbung, 217. 116 March 2, 1866: “An Act to Encourage Immigration and Protect Immigrant Labor”; March 3, 1866: “An Act to Promote and Encourage Immigration into the State of Virginia” in: Schöberl, Amerikanische Einwandererwerbung, 94f.

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On April 5, 1866, a meeting of German residents was held in the City Hall of Richmond to found a Deutsche Einwanderungs-Gesellschaft; no fewer than sixty-nine Germans supported this initiative.117 This alone demonstrated that the organizers wanted this society to be supported by the entire German community of the city, regardless of the persons who would later become officers. The yearly dues of the members were to be no less than $5; everyone who could “speak German” was welcome to join. The unity with which the ethnic German minority of Richmond went about founding this institution was exemplary: the clergymen of all of the German congregations joined, as did all of the consuls born in Germany, old “48ers,” radical Republicans, conservative Democrats, former slave-owners, Confederate veterans, Catholics, Protestants, Jews, wellknown businessmen, and small traders.118 Even Otto A. Strecker, formerly an agent of the planned German settlement of Virginia City near Norfolk in 1860, joined. The board was elected on May 25, 1866.119 Of the thirteen members ten had clearly supported the Confederacy during the war politically, militarily, or economically. It is not known whether Albert Lybrock, the first director of the society and a former captain of the Marion Rifles, was the person who recommended Gaspard Tochmann as the immigration agent of the society; this was possible on the basis of his contacts with former officers of foreign origin. Tochman was born in Poland, fought in the Polish Revolution of 1830, fled first to France and then to England, and arrived in the United States in 1837. In 1852 he settled as a lawyer in Alexandria, Virginia. At the outbreak of war he made an offer to Jefferson Davis to recruit a Polish brigade. Tochman received the necessary permission and the guarantee of a commission as brigadier general if he could muster more than one regiment. By June 20, 1861 Colonel Tochman had recruited 1,700 men in New Orleans, who later served in the 14th Louisiana Infantry Regiment and in the 3rd Louisiana Battalion; he never received the rank of brigadier general. Tochman spent the rest of the war trying – unsuccessfully – to validate his claims before the Confederate Congress.120 In the summer of 1864 Tochman, very bitter about the situation, settled in Richmond as a lawyer.121 Tochman was sixty-nine years old when he was appointed immigration agent in 1866. His assistant was Heinrich G. Müller, thirty-two years old, president of the “Virginia”

117 Richmonder Anzeiger, March 31, 1866. 118 Rabbi Michelbacher, Pastor Minnegerode, Pastor Hoyer, Pastor Gross, and Pastor Schwarz; Daniel von Gröning, F. W. Hanewinkel, and E. O. Nolting; Oswald J. and Benno Heinrich as well as Burghardt Hassel; H. L. Wiegand, C. F. Holle, J. L. C. Danner; August Bodeker, Henry Müller, Louis Wagner, F. Laube, Franz Dusch [et. al.]: ibid. 119 E. O. Nolting, President; D. von Gröning, 1st Vice-President; F. W. Hanewinkel, 2nd Vice-President; R. Wendenburg, corresp. secretary; H. Böhmer, minutes secretary; O. Cranz, treasurer; Directors: A. Lybrock, O. Heinrich, J. C. Fischer, Samuel Rosenbaum, A. Bodeker, O. A. Strecker, Wm. Wildt: Richmonder Anzeiger, June 30, 1866. 120 Report on the Committee on Claims, on memorial and accompanying papers of Major Gaspar Tochman (Richmond: Confederate Congress, House of Representatives, 1864), 39 p. 121 Letter from Frank Schaller to Sophie Sosnowski, Richmond, June 1, 1864: Sosnowski-Schaller Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia.

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chorus, who had been a bodyguard of President Davis during the war. In the summer of 1866 Professor A. G. Andahazy, a Hungarian who had moved to Richmond in 1864, opened a “Südliches Arbeits- und Nachweisungsbüro” on Franklin Street.122 Tochman and Müller had thousands of pamphlets printed123 and, in June, 1869, hired Frank Schaller,124 born in Eisenach, as general agent for immigration to Virginia. He rented an office at Theerhof 3 & 6 in Hamburg. Schaller had been known to the Germans of Richmond since 1864.125 Schaller and Tochman had known each other since June, 1861. Schaller had applied for a position as officer in Tochman’s regiment at the time but later became a colonel of the 22nd Mississippi Infantry Regiment. At first an enthusiastic patriot,126 Frank Schaller’s military career also did not develop as hoped; he was seriously wounded and had suffered from hostility toward “foreign officers.”127 After he was denied a position as literature professor at the University of South Carolina in December 1865 and his wife died in 1867, he took up Tochman’s offer and went to Germany. From there he wrote in July, 1869: The outlook is good if only our friends in New York and Richmond will follow my advice and do what they should. Then it is only a question of time that Virginia, through European immigration, will be one of the most powerful states of the Union in 50 years. It is much work but I am not afraid of this. Other southern states will fail; they aren’t going about it correctly. [...] The Germans are a slow and thinking people, but when they have seen Virginia, it won’t be long before we have a grandiose result.128

122 Richmonder Anzeiger, July 14, 1866. 123 The main pamphlets, translated into several languages, were: Gaspar Tochman, Virginia: A Brief Memoir for the Information of Europeans desirous of Emigrating to the New World (Richmond: Wm. A. R. Nye Book and Job Printer, 1868), 16 p.; G. Tochman, Emigration to the United States (New York: D. Batchelar & Co., 1869), 31 p. 124 Franz Emil [Frank] Schaller, born in Eisenach on July 26, 1835, the son of Friedrich Schaller, a goldsmith, immigrated to New York in 1856. Until 1861 Schaller taught languages and mathematics at various private military schools in the South; in the fall of 1861 he was promoted to colonel of the 22nd Mississippi Infantry Regiment, married Sophie Sosnowski July 22, 1863, and translated Marmoth’s Spirit of Military Institutions for the Confederate General Staff in an edition of 700 copies for $3,150 that summer: Sosnowski-Schaller Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia. See: Soldiering for Glory: The Civil War Letters of Colonel Frank Schaller, Twenty-Second Mississippi Infantry, ed. Mary W. Schaller and Martin N. Schaller (Columbia: The University of South Carolina Press, 2007). 125 “Wer ist Colonel Schaller?” Richmonder Anzeiger, October 2, 1864. 126 Letter from Schaller to Sophie Sosnowski, Hillsborough, N.C., May 14, 1861: Sosnowski-Schaller Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 127 Cf. letter from Schaller to Sophie Sosnowski on August 9, 1861, from Camp Pulaski: SosnowskiSchaller Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia; Bell I. Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb: The Common Soldier of the Confederacy (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, Reprint of the 1943 edition, 1995), 236f. 128 Frank Schaller to his mother-in-law in Columbia, S.C., in July 1869: Sosnowski-Schaller Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia.

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The prospects were good. The Richmond Patriot wrote: Now that the new situation has stabilized itself in Virginia and this beautiful state has entered a new phase of development, a considerable portion of the German immigration stream will come to Virginia. [...] Bismarck asked whether the political condition of Virginia is good for German immigration. Sloanaker replied that hatred of parties was disappearing more and more in Virginia; the majority of the people there accepted the results of the Civil War and kept up with the [...] great political and social changes. As for the Negro, about whom Bismarck also asked, Sloanaker said that [the Negro] in general received a good recommendation in Virginia. [...] Sloanaker represents the “amerikanisch-norddeutsche Einwanderungs-Gesellschaft,” founded in Virginia. What a silly name! [...] The project of this society is connected with plans to establish a steamer route between Norfolk and a German port.129 Nonetheless, the results that Tochman and Schaller could show by 1870 were unexpectedly so minimal that Tochman was urged to resign.130 Until 1870 only a few hundred had come to the state.131 Luckless Schaller seems to have left Hamburg in 1871, although he had made a good impression in Germany and was popular with the various agencies. Tochman died near Spotsylvania on December 20, 1880; Schaller died in St. Louis on January 16, 1881. In spite of coordinated attempts of veterans who had served the Confederacy well and the prospect of a good economic future in Richmond, the project had no success. In August, 1870, Charles Seibert, an architect and former militia captain, founded the “Deutscher patriotischer Unterstützungsverein” to care for wounded German soldiers from the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71. Under the chairmanship of Edward J. Euker, a brewer, the society collected the sum of $327 from the Germans of Richmond and had Consul Hanewinkel transfer the money to Dr. Rösing in New York. After the German victory the “Sons of the City of Marburg,” in March, 1873, collected another $350 for a “victory tower” in their home of Marburg.132 But immigration to Virginia could not be encouraged even with these generous gifts. The conquered South, seen as overrun by “freed Negroes,” was simply not attractive as a future home.133

129 “Bismarck und die deutsche Einwanderung nach Virginien,” Richmond Patriot, July 23,1869. July 12,1865: Entry about Virginia’s greatest hope of gaining German immigrants as laborers. In: Dennett, 1–22. 130 Schuricht, II, 127 and Wust, The Virginia Germans, 227. 131 Entries of July 8, 1865, July 12, 1865, August 29, 1865: Dennett, 1–22, 87. 132 Schuricht, II, 156f. 133 The state of Virginia tried again in 1873 with the passing of a new “Act for the Encouragement of Immigration.” There was indeed a rise in immigrant numbers between 1880 and 1900: Schöberl, Amerikanische Einwandererwerbung, 217. Reports on the South during the war may have simply been discouraging: Wolfgang Hochbruck, “‘From Our Fighting Editor’: Unionssoldaten als Zeitungskorrespondenten während des Amerikanischen Bürgerkriegs,” Kriegskorrespondenten: Deutungsinstanzen in der Mediengesellschaft, ed. Horst Tonn and Barabara Korte (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2007), 77–92.

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6. Hated by the Republicans, loved by the Germans: J. A. Wagener, Franz Melchers, and the German Immigration, Land and Trading Company of Charleston (1865–1870) 6. Hated by the Republicans, loved by the Germans: J. A. Wagener Whereas the ethnic German minorities of Louisiana and Virginia first waited until their home states created a legal framework for immigration recruitment, in South Carolina the Germans took the initiative themselves: Johann A. Wagener, with the financial support of mill-owners John Campsen and J.C.H.Claussen, whose mills together brought a yearly profit of $150,000, founded the German Immigration, Land and Trading Company of Charleston on December 21, 1865. The starting capital of the society was $ 50,000; an expansion to two million dollars was planned through the sale of shares.134 Only on December 20, 1866, after the arrival of the first 125 German immigrants135 and probably also under pressure from the ethnic German minority was South Carolina in a position to pass laws for the immigration of Europeans.136 The acting governor at the time was Wagener’s good friend James L. Orr. The Walhalla Rifles had fought in Orr’s regiment during the war, and Orr thought it only right to appoint his friend to be a militia general in 1866 and immigration commissioner in 1867 with a budget of $10,000 for his work. Franz Melchers was named as immigration agent with an office in Oldenburg; now a widower, he returned to the homeland in 1867. By this time 248 German immigrants had already arrived in South Carolina; for their work they received a monthly wage of nine to fifteen dollars.137 In 1840 Wagener himself had thought about preparing a guidebook for immigrants; against this background the Deutsche Ansiedlungsgesellschaft was established in 1849 under Wagener’s leadership; the town of Walhalla was founded with their efforts in 1850.138 With Walhalla the ethnic German minority of Charleston thus had a specific place after the war that could take in German immigrants, as reported by Pastor Fleming,139 while the antebellum settlement projects of the New Orleans and Richmond Germans no longer existed after 1865. In 1861 Walhalla had a direct railroad connection to Charleston, a functioning infrastructure, and about 1,000 inhabitants. Before the war there had been German slave-

134 Statutes at Large, 364f.; “Products of Industry, Charleston District, Parishes of St. Philip & St. Michael’s, 1870” (Microfilm, Federal Census – S. C. Industry – Manufactures 1850, 1860 & 1870), South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, S.C. 135 The steamer Quaker City brought 125 German immigrants from New York to Charleston: Richmonder Anzeiger, February 24, 1866. 136 Statutes at Large, 380f. 137 Arrival of the Gauss, Captain Wieting, in Charleston on November 29, 1867: Charleston Courier, November 29, 1867; R. H. Woody, “The Labor and Immigration Problem of South Carolina during Reconstruction,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review XVIII, 2 (1931), 195–212. 138 Letter from J. A. Wagener to his teacher in Sieven, Johann Heinrich Böckmann (1784–1874), from Charleston on November 8, 1840: Artur Burmeister, John-Wagener-Haus, 34; German Colony Protocol: Minutes (Oct. 6, 1848–March 29, 1882), transl. B. E. Schaeffer (Walhalla: Oconee County Library, 1960), 212 p. 139 The Juhl Letters to the Charleston Courier: A View of the South, 1865–1871, ed. John Hammond Moore (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1974), 258–263.

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owners in Walhalla; one of them was Henning Peter Thode,140 a farmer and father of four children, who had immigrated from Misselwarden in 1848; between 1855 and 1860 he bought four slaves and had a total fortune of $8,350 in 1860. In 1861 he joined the 12th South Carolina Infantry Regiment as a lieutenant. Forty-seven-year-old Thode contracted typhoid fever; he was sent home and died “on his doorstep” on June 18, 1862. Dorothea Thode, his widow, wrote the news of her husband’s death to her brother E. H. Stelling in Charleston, who answered on July 1, 1862: Rely on God; He will not leave you, because your husband died for his country […] He was right in defending the South. [...] He sacrificed his [life] for the country [...] We must all die and do the best for our fatherland [...] because the blacks are our property, and the country cannot exist if the blacks are free.141 This is the only written document by a German from the Confederacy that names the defense of slavery or slaves as personal property. Stelling sent a separate letter for his thirteen-year-old nephew Eide H. Thode: “You must stand by your mother in this sad fate […] and watch out that the blacks obey her.”142 The new arrivals might have found it hard to adjust to the culture of the “southern patriotic”143 inhabitants of Walhalla. In 1868 Wagener explained the racial differences once again: “With his clear skin color and his blue eyes it is impossible for him [the German] to leave the Anglosaxon race that developed the South and to join the Negro and allow the latter to rule his blood. No, it is impossible!”144 Full of energy, John A. Wagener issued an informational brochure in four languages at the beginning of 1868; 14,000 copies were printed. Approved by a commission, the brochure was sent to Europe – 5,000 copies each appeared in English and German, 2,000 in Swedish, and 2,000 in Danish.145 Besides ten non-Germans the following old war comrades of Wagener belonged to the commission: Captain Jacob Small, Captain Alexander Melchers, Captain Theo Cordes, Captain Henry Gerdts, and Captain Dietrich Werner. Other Germans were Pastor Müller, Dr. H. Baer, John Klinck, and Henry Sparnick. On the other hand, Wagener’s work was heavily criticized by the Allgemeine Auswanderungs-Zeitung in Germany; Melchers was beside himself.146 While Melchers in Europe was trying to eliminate the old German prejudices about the South, the radical scalawag Governor Franklin J. Moses came to power in South Carolina in the middle of 1868. He had Wagener’s office closed without notice, although several hundred immigrants had been recruited in 1868-69 in spite of stubborn prejudices. F. W. Brüggemann reported about this from neighboring Newberry in 1869: 140 Charles Sloan Reid, Marguerite Brennecke, Persons, Places and Happenings in Old Walhalla (Walhalla: Walhalla Historical Society, 1960), 151f. 141 Letter from E. H. Stelling, Charleston, July 1, 1862, to his sister in Walhalla: THODE FAMILY PAPERS, South Caroliniana Library, Manuscript Division, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 142 Ibid. 143 Wagener, “Die Deutschen von Süd-Carolina,” 297. 144 “Die Deutsche Einwanderung,” Charlestoner Zeitung, January 8,1868. 145 South Carolina: A Home for the Industrious Immigrant (Charleston: Joseph Walker’s, 1867), 28. 146 Schöberl, Amerikanische Einwandererwerbung, 182–184.

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If the larger plantation owner in the southern states could be moved to divide his large areas of unused land and to sell these portions to immigrants, this would encourage immigration in the course of time, but it would take years before the goal could be reached. Everyone who has to do with the immigration business to the South must know that every European arriving in America and especially the ordinary laborer has such a prejudice, taken in with his mother’s milk, so-to-speak, that he will only go there if he feels morally forced to do so, that is, if he cannot find work in the North, has no money to go to the West, but receives the money to travel to the South. [...] Our local immigration society has, in its first fiscal year, brought 274 inhabitants here, of whom about 70 % have adjusted completely to the local conditions and feel at home; about 15% have gone to the North or the Northwest, and the rest of them belong to the large group of “loafers”, who do not want to work, move from one place to the next, and try as hard as possible to give the name “German” as bad a reputation as possible.147 Wagener’s “free white labor” immigration recruitment was no longer welcome after 1869; Moses demanded instead the importation of Northern laborers and the employment of “freedmen.”148 Thus immigration recruitment in South Carolina showed no progress by 1870149; the year itself however brought a record harvest of cotton, which was topped again in 1879.150 Before his death Wagener was able to convince the German businessmen of Charleston to buy a wharf with a steamer in 1876. The latter was meant to travel regularly as a shuttle between Baltimore and Charleston.151 Melchers too, who up to 1874 had arranged for about 800 German immigrants to South Carolina,152 and worked on immigrant recruitment even after Wagener’s death, declared in resignation in 1880 that the German community of Charleston had not increased in size and the aging among the population there was far advanced.153 The founding of the industrial town of Pelzer in 1881 came too late to change anything in this course of events: Franz J. Pelzer (1826–1916), the son of Anton Alois Pelzer from Aachen, was one of the founders and the name-giver of the town. Four cotton spinning mills were built before 1895; 1,500 people were employed. But even two further immigration phases following between 1900 and 1908 (c. 1000 immigrants) as well as between 1920 and 1924, could not revive German immigration to South Carolina.154 147 “Süd Carolina,” Richmond Patriot, September 24, 1869. 148 Woody, “Labor and Immigration,” 204 and Rosen, A short History of Charleston, 126f. 149 Wagener wrote: “Hardly any Germans are arriving in Walhalla; the German immigration to the South is hardly noticeable.” In: Wagener, “Die Deutschen von Süd-Carolina,” 344. 150 David D. Wallace, The History of South Carolina (New York: The American Historical Society, Inc., 1934), III, 283f. 151 “Miscellaneous”, Deutscher Pionier 8 (1876/77), 515. 152 Woody, “Labor and Immigration,” 209: Melchers was in touch with more than twenty agents in all parts of the German Empire. 153 Franz Melchers, “Neue deutsche Einwanderung in Süd Carolina,” Der Deutsche Pionier 9, 11 (Feb., 1878), 449–450; letter from him to Herrn Stallo [et. al.] on May 7, 1880, in: Der Deutsche Pionier 12, 3 (June, 1880), 104–106; Schöberl, Amerikanische Einwandererwerbung, 217. 154 Memoirs of Pelzer 1881–1950, comp. Bill Cobb, Gene Welborn (Bountiful, UT: Family History Publishers, 1995), 1–6; Marcia G. Synnott, “Replacing ‘Sambo’: Could white Immigrants solve the Labor Problem in the Carolinas?” Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association (1982), 77–89.

Conclusions Conclusions bla My study has demonstrated the deficiency of earlier theories that maintained that the ethnic German minority of the South was all but insignificant politically, militarily, and economically before, during, and after the American Civil War. Empirical evidence from the ethnic German communities of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans is the basis for a new assessment of the German role in the Confederacy.1 During the antebellum decade between 1850 and 1860 German immigration to the eleven states that would later comprise the Confederacy increased by 80 %. What had only a marginal effect on the entire country had lasting repercussions on the South.2 If, in the 1850’s, a German decided to immigrate to the South, which was climatically uncomfortable and even dangerous for northern Europeans, he knew that he would encounter a social system based on the institution of slavery and on the subtle laws of racial division. It was understandable that many immigration guides published in Germany emphatically advised against the South because of this. For this reason we can assume that the ethnic German minority of the South felt, if not a certain sympathy, certainly at least less of a rejection of slavery than was felt by their German compatriots in the North. The 32,000 mostly male German immigrants who came to the South after 1850, settled in the Southern cities; i.e. they purposely chose the urban South for occupational and economic reasons. Here they could compete profitably with the cheaper slave labor and could enter occupational areas that remained under-supplied. Between 1850 and 1860 the ethnic German community of Richmond grew by 114% and that of New Orleans by 71%, whereas the ethnic German minority of Charleston was almost stagnant with an increase of only 7%. Because there was so little fluctuation in the personal structure of the ethnic German community of Charleston, an immigrant community could arise here that was extraordinarily homogeneous in a number of aspects. More than 73% of the Germans in Charleston came from the northwestern German states of Hanover, Oldenburg, and Holstein and were Protestants; in many cases the immigrants were related to each other or had at least known each other in the homeland. This kind of selective immigration was supported by the direct shipping route that had existed between Bremerhaven and Charleston since 1832 as well as by Captain Heinrich 1 See also my most recent essay on German Confederates in the urban South: Andrea Mehrländer, “‘With More Freedom and Independence Than the Yankees’: The Germans of Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans during the American Civil War,” Civil War Citizens: Race, Ethnicity, And Identity in America’s Bloodiest Conflict, ed. Susannah J. Ural (New York / London: New York University Press, 2010), 57 – 97. 2 Dennis C. Rousey, “Aliens in the WASP Nest: Ethnocultural Diversity in the Antebellum Urban South,” Journal of American History 79,1 (June, 1992), 152–164.

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Wieting from Bremen, who transported more than three-quarters of all Charleston Germans across the Atlantic on his ships between 1839 and 1860.3 Occupationally the Charleston Germans were small traders and retail businessmen. On the eve of the Civil War no fewer than 81% of all of the groceries in the city were in German hands. No similar development could be found either in Richmond or in New Orleans. Richmond’s ethnic German minority came mainly from Hesse and Saxony and were mostly craftsmen, whereas New Orleans, as the largest immigration port of the South, was inhabited by immigrants from all of the German states and had more German laborers, skilled and unskilled, than any other Southern city. Here too the subnational divisions among the ethnic German community were most noticeable. New Orleans was first and foremost a “transient city” for the journey onward into the interior of the country. The ethnic German community of the Crescent City was, with the exception of the Deutsche Gesellschaft, founded in 1847, unable to create natural and traditional structures. Nonetheless, if one attempts to summarize antebellum German life in Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans, one finds that at the end of 1860 the ethnic German minorities of all three cities had many similar characteristics: Each city had one or two daily German-language newspapers, had a number of German societies, including the athletic and shooting associations, and supported at least one German theater. In addition, there was at least one Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish congregation in each city and a colonization project furthered more or less actively by the Germans. In respect to the support or rejection of slavery among the Germans during the antebellum period, the following numbers can be presented: studies for 1850 have shown that in Charleston more than 18% of all the Germans owned a total of 583 slaves. Thus almost 3% of the slaves living in Charleston were owned by Germans. In Richmond almost 7% of the Germans owned a total of 81 slaves and were thus owners of less than 1% of all of the slaves in Richmond. By the outbreak of the Civil War the numbers decreased in Charleston, as was the general trend: in 1860 only 9% of the Germans owned a total of 325 slaves. In Richmond, however, also following the trend, the Germans invested increasingly in slaves and used the system of slave hiring. For New Orleans there is no information in this respect either for 1850 or for 1860; however, the number of slaves living in New Orleans was reduced by 21% by 1860, so that, on the eve of the war, there were almost 7,000 more Germans than slaves living in New Orleans, an unusual situation in the antebellum South. It should be mentioned that some Germans owned slaves here, but presumably fewer than in Richmond. Two findings are significant here: among the ethnic German communities of Charleston and Richmond only a minority belonged to the slave-owning class of the South, but this group consisted of German-born immigrants, Germans who had generally been 3 For a detailed study of 19th century German emigration into Charleston, see my forthcoming book: Andrea Mehrländer, Mit Kurs auf Charleston, S.C.: Kapitän Heinrich Wieting und die deutsche Auswanderung nach South Carolina im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Deutsches Schifffahrtsmuseum Bremerhaven, Deutsche maritime Studien / German Maritime Studies, vols. 13/14 (Bremen: H. M. Hauschild GmbH, 2011).

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penniless at the time of their immigration, and had in the course of time earned enough wealth to be able to buy slaves; this was not inherited wealth. In addition, in 1860 only 31% of the entire free white population of the South owned slaves; the ethnic German communities thus cannot be considered representative for the South in respect to the actual number of slave-owners, but representative in respect to only a small fraction of slaveowners among their fellow citizens. Those who, originally as newcomers, now belonged to this small percentage, had obviously been financially successful; this success manifested itself in the prestigious ownership of slaves and gave the German immigrants the feeling of “belonging” socially: “For the German [...] immigrants in the Old South, acceptance of, and participation in, the slavocracy were certainly requisite ingredients in their successful assimilation into southern society. [...] To squander that advantage [of being white] by confronting the socio-racial realities of the Old South would have doomed them to certain failure.”4 Even those who did not own slaves, such as Wagener in Charleston, Leon von Zinken in New Orleans, or Burghardt Hassel in Richmond, did not reject the institution per se. For the ethnic German minority of the South slavery was a guarantee of social peace in the coexistence of the two races, and this peace was to be kept by all means. The political position of the ethnic German minority of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans in regard to the institution of slavery and to secession could be seen most clearly before the war and, in retrospect, during the early reconstruction phase, but hardly at all during the actual war, due to the military service of their “ethnic spokesmen” and their absence from home. In this respect the phase of nativism in the middle of the 1850’s was a “rehearsal for war” for all three ethnic German minorities and was much more important as a conflict indicator than has been thought to date. Charleston’s German minority came out of this conflict almost untouched, because the American Party had difficulty establishing itself in South Carolina, and because the Germans propagated their loyalty to the state early on through Charleston’s Deutsche Zeitung. The Germans of Charleston approved and supported the institution of slavery and swore absolute loyalty to their adopted home; in the case of secession this clearly meant a decision in favor of leaving the Union. Johann A. Wagener and Franz Melchers were described by Wilhelm Kaufmann as continual “opponents of slavery” who tried to find a “peaceful solution” in the conflict with the North.5 However, they, together with other German compatriots, called for a convention “[...] for the purpose of dissolving connection with the Federal Union.”6 Wagener’s name appeared in the paper at the beginning of December, 1860, as the “immediate secession” candidate for the election to the Secession Convention of December 6.7 Thus the ethnic

4 Silverman, “Ashley Wilkes Revisited,” 135. For a general study, cf. also: David Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2001). 5 Kaufmann, 141. 6 Daily Courier, Charleston, November 13, 1860. 7 Daily Courier, Charleston, December 6, 1860, and results of the election for St. Philip’s and St. Michael’s in: Daily Courier, Charleston, December 8, 1860: Wagener received only 1,259 votes and was not elected, whereas Christopher G. Memminger was elected with 2,033 votes.

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German community of Charleston can be judged as a leader in pronouncing itself decidedly pro-secessionist and supportive of slavery, followed by the Savannah Germans.8 Things were different in Richmond; here the German minority had suffered strongly from the radical agitation of newly-arrived “48ers” during nativism and had been the target of nativist attacks more frequently than any of the other German communities in the South. Hassel’s Richmonder Anzeiger only conditionally approved of slavery during the 1850’s – this changed at the beginning of the war – and constantly expressed the hope that secession could still be avoided. Even at that time the ethnic German minority was viewed with great distrust; during the war this developed increasingly into thinly-veiled hostility against the Germans. The Germans of Richmond were, geographically speaking, closest to the North and suffered during the entire war from the openly demonstrated abolitionism and loyalty to the Union of their northern compatriots. In comparison with Charleston and New Orleans a larger number of Germans were interned in Richmond for high treason or disloyalty during the war. Nativism was treated in a pragmatic fashion by the Germans of New Orleans, and they reacted similarly to the short period of the war in that city. Their personal fate and success in business were of first priority; opportunistic considerations determined the political actions of the German minority and caused the two daily German-language newspapers to fight vigorously against each other instead of representing the German viewpoint to the outside world. The Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung was the only German-language newspaper of the South that, in October, 1861, accused the “German radicals of the North and West” as being the “cause of the current Civil War” and officially attacked the northern “48ers” and their abolitionist agitation.9 Christian Roselius called himself, for example, a convinced Unionist and rejected secession vehemently, but he still owned nine slaves in 1860. Similar biographies were quite typical for New Orleans and were not considered contradictory. Whereas in the North the group of “48ers” had become the ethnic spokesmen of the Germans by 1860, this development did not take place in the South. There were comparatively few “48ers” in the South and those who remained in the South permanently were not interested in political agitation but, as educated persons, dedicated themselves to their scholarly work. The missing presence of the “48ers” did not mean, however, that the Germans of the South had no spokesmen. The ethnic German communities of Richmond and Charleston did indeed have elite leadership personalities who served as ethnic spokesmen: they supported the material interests of the Germans, furthered the German reputation within the majority society, defended the German way of life, and guarded the public representation of the relationship of their ethnic group to the South and to the homeland. 8 Daily Morning News, Savannah, September 16, 1862; Republican, Savannah, September 17, 1862, September 20, 1862. 9 Quoted in the Louisiana-Staatszeitung, New Orleans, October 16, 1861. About the “presumable” Northern agitation cf.: Jörg Nagler, “‘Ubi libertas, ibi patria’: Deutsche Dokumentation im Exil – die Tätigkeit der Achtundvierziger in den Vereinigten Staaten,” Friedrich Hecker: Ein Leben für Freiheit und Demokratie in Deutschland und den USA, ed. Alfred G. Frei (Konstanz: Stadler, 1993), 61–71, 207–208.

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In Charleston the group of ethnic German spokesmen came from the officers’ ranks of the voluntary militia. They included Johann A. Wagener, the Melchers, and Rudolph Siegling. Ethnic militias, during the antebellum period, were a means of self-definition in the martially oriented culture of the South and, on the basis of their society-like structures, took on buffering functions similar to those of the “Little Germanies” sprouting up all over the North. Because ethnic militias did not belong to the regular militia but rather to the voluntary militia of a state and were founded on the private initiative of individual persons, their founding alone was a statement of ethnic desire to participate in the military and political culture of the adopted country. In 1860 Charleston’s German minority had not only the oldest German militia unit in the United States, but could also support six active militia companies, of which five were formed between 1842 and 1859, including the only ethnic German cavalry militia of the South. Richmond’s German minority had only one antebellum militia, and its officers satisfied only individual aspects of the definition of ethnic spokesmen, although they certainly belonged to the German leadership elite within the city; they included Albert Lybrock, August Bodecker, and August Schad. Each of these men owned slaves and supported the Confederacy with private financial means. During the antebellum period New Orleans had a network of ethnic German militias, which could hardly be distinguished from each other. They were founded and dissolved again on an almost daily basis, so that there was neither a solid basis for a militia that could have been of service during the war, nor was there any personnel continuity among the officers’ ranks. The assertion that the Germans did not participate militarily on the side of the Confederacy and, wherever possible, fled from service or else were forced into military service can be refuted with reference to the soldiers of ethnic German companies. The twelve ethnic German companies of the cities of Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans discussed in this study were comprised originally of Germans who had volunteered in 1861. An ethnic company gave the men the possibility of serving together with neighbors and friends, of speaking their native language, and of being commanded by compatriots. These advantages should not be underestimated, because the desertion rates of foreigners serving in American units was indeed very high. Whereas Charleston as well as Richmond demonstrated clear continuity in respect to their ethnic German officers, this was not the case in New Orleans. The fact that the Germans of New Orleans had such great difficulties in finding appropriate leaders for the establishment of ethnic German companies was based on the lack of a traditional foundation of trust. Indeed, Ludwig von Reizenstein, a “48er,” wrote in the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung on July 14, 1861, that the formation of a German battalion would be successful only if a politically important individual were elected major. After the first deplorable formation attempts of Hellwig and Buddecke that individual was found in the person of the Prussian consul. In New Orleans 376 ethnic German soldiers are known to have fought in the five German companies of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment; this was about 2% of all of the Germans in New Orleans. If one includes the companies that consisted partially of ethnic German soldiers, one arrives at the number of about 4,000 ethnic German soldiers given by the Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung on June 15, 1861. This number means that about

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16.3% of all of the Germans of Louisiana fought for the Confederacy. This was a higher percentage than that of the natives; the state of Louisiana contributed about 52,000 soldiers to the Confederacy (excluding the Germans); this was only 14.5% of the white population of Louisiana.10 In Richmond 24.6% of all Germans in the city were in ethnic German units. Because of the separation of West Virginia it is difficult to estimate the size of the contingent of ethnic German soldiers that Virginia contributed to the Confederacy; one can assume approximately 10%. Both ethnic German companies of Richmond resigned from the service after one year, taking advantage of the law in force at that time. For the men this meant a welcome departure from a strenuous period of service made more difficult by lack of supplies, but it did not necessarily mean the end of their loyalty. Nonetheless, when they returned to Richmond they were greeted with hostility and in some cases were even arrested as deserters. Due to their specific occupations many of the men could have been exempted from military service in 1862 anyhow. Because most of them went back to their civilian occupations and carried out militia service on the side after 1863, they were doubly useful to the Confederacy, even if militia service at this time was considered by public opinion to be “shirking.” Charleston’s numbers for German military service were the highest of all; 395 men – 20.3% of all of the Germans of Charleston – are known to have served in ethnic German army units, excluding the militia. If one assumes that South Carolina as a state contributed about 500 ethnic German soldiers, this meant that almost 17% of all of the Germans fought for the Confederacy, as opposed to 14.6% native soldiers. South Carolina contributed about 44,000 volunteers. After the end of the war the state claimed a contingent of 71,000 soldiers (23,6% of the white population) for the Confederacy; this included all “over and under age” recruits.11 Whether this higher percentage of German participation in the states discussed shows a greater readiness to serve in the Confederate Army, or whether this is a statistical reflection of the presumably higher number of men among the German immigrants than among the population as a whole – this is as yet unclear.12 In both 1850 and 1860 the number of men for every 100 women in immigrant groups was higher in the South than in the North. In 1860, for instance, the South had 135.5 foreign men per 100 foreign women – a similar proportion was also true for the Germans. For this reason alone it seems rather natural that military participation of the Germans shows somewhat higher percentages. The fact remains that 61% of the Confederacy’s able-bodied men served in the military, as opposed to only 35% within the Union. Wagener’s estimate of 18,000 Germans who fought for the Confederacy is higher than my estimate. I calculate that about 16% of the Germans in the North as well as in the South, in reference to their total numbers, served in this war. According to Wagener’s numbers it was one-quarter of all of the Germans in the South. 10 Tunnell, 9. 11 R. H. Woody, “Some Aspects of the Economic Condition of South Carolina after the Civil War.” The North Carolina Historical Review VII, 3 (1930), 353. 12 Steven Ruggles at the University of Minnesota has been compiling census data that, among other things, compare ethnic minorities and the majority society with respect to information about military service age. This project was kindly described to me by Prof. Dr. Kamphoefner; see Rousey, 164; for military service: Deutsche im Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg, 42.

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As for the home front experiences of the ethnic German minority, it can clearly be said that, without exception, they shared the fate of the natives: German sacrifices of life were just as terrible as those of the natives; the Germans lost their entire property just as the natives did during the burning of Richmond and Charleston; they suffered from martial law and the lack of food as well; they speculated as did others; and they also ran the blockade. The Germans of the South were just as appalled as the natives by the war brutalities attributed to the “Dutch Yankees” and were just as ashamed of the barbarity of their compatriots.13 In New Orleans, more than elsewhere, German men joined the Confederate Army to keep themselves and their families alive. None of the soldiers in my research owned slaves. The Germans of New Orleans were mostly laborers and craftsmen who were organized into more than fifty associations to help alleviate misery in times of peace. These structures did not function during the war. Many of the Germans were among the persons fed by the Free Market, but Germans were also among its most generous donors. After 1862 many of the German fathers still in New Orleans no longer had an economic choice of rejecting military service for the Union for ideological reasons. The miserable economic situation in New Orleans assured the Union of the urgently needed support for the election campaign of 1864 and for the recruitment of German Union regiments among penniless Germans. Without the ethnic German minority and its candidate for the office of governor the early reconstruction of Republican politics could not have become effective before the end of the war. The Germans of Charleston, Richmond, and New Orleans adjusted to the specific needs of their chosen adopted homeland between 1850 and 1870. In general the Germans were able to improve themselves economically during the war, because the underdeveloped industry of the South demanded the skills they had brought from Europe. Hassel wrote: When this country cut itself off from all sources of aid by seceding from the Union and when it stood there helplessly, it was Germans who helped first, a German who established the war laboratory, a German who supplied the powder for the percussion caps. Germans, who called forth a thousand-armed industry all at once; – Germans showed how leather is made; Germans made buttons, poured cannons and finished artistic instruments [...] Every [person] [...] must admit that the Confederacy, in spite of the well-known courage of its natives, in spite of the warmth and patriotism of so many, would not have gotten far without its citizens who speak foreign languages.14 Many German-run companies did business with the Confederate government; these contracts had of course a basically hybrid character: on the one hand, financial profit stood

13 The role that German officers played within the U. S. Colored Troops was also problematic to Germans in the South; for an analysis of 265 German-speaking officers in the Colored Troops see: Martin W. Öfele, German-Speaking Officers in the U. S. Colored Troops, 1863–1867 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004), 199ff.; On the Road to Total War: The American Civil War and the German Wars of Unification, 1861–1871, eds. Stig Förster & Jörg Nagler (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For a detailed description of the Civil War: James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988). 14 “Die Conföderation und die Deutschen,” Richmonder Anzeiger, February 5, 1865.

302

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in the foreground; on the other hand, personal patriotism could also be expressed in this way. When the end of the war also put an end to the social system of the South that was based on skin color, it became clear how difficult it was for the Germans to accept the new situation; even those Germans who had never owned slaves before 1865 and who theoretically were untouched by the institution of slavery did not necessarily approve of the legal equality of rights for the former slaves – to the contrary.15 The sufferings of the war caused the Germans, like their native neighbors, to take on the role of the “victim” and to join the ranks of the Democratic Party in order to fight against the “Negro rule.” With the fall of New Orleans the hour of the German Unionists had arrived. There was a complete break in the ethnic leadership group; here too the subnational German divisions served to the advantage of the Union and made the Germans a toy of reconstructionist political interests. The postwar immigrant recruitment efforts of the Germans of South Carolina and Virginia was led by Civil War veterans, true to their antebellum structures: in Charleston by Wagener, Melchers, and Claussen, and in Virginia by Frank Schaller, Gaspard Tochman, and Albert Lybrock. Only New Orleans was not able to find noted Civil War veterans for immigrant recruitment; Leon von Zinken dedicated himself to social responsibilities and the deposed Consul Reichard was out of the country. All three ethnic German communities were, in structure and profile, a microcosm of the example given them by the majority society of their adopted cities. This is true for the entire period under study here and, in particular, for the war experience of the ethnic German minority in a system that was basically xenophobic. The adaptation to the dominant culture by the ethnic German minority of the antebellum South, the adoption of “southern distinctiveness”16 in social and cultural aspects, and the unconditional acceptance of slavery,17 even if only as a controlling function, were basic and elementary preconditions for the Germans’ successful survival as an ethnic minority.

15 Schuricht, II, 70 and Wust, The Virginia Germans, 219. 16 Even in 1995 Tindall described people from the Southern states as “home-grown outsiders in the nation”: George B. Tindall, Natives & Newcomers: Ethnic Southerners & Southern Ethnics (Athens/ London: University of Georgia Press, 1995), 23. 17 The curiosity of twenty-six “Colored Germans” in the Census of 1870 can be mentioned here, a relic of the German antebellum period; Strickland, “How the Germans Became White Southerners,” 9ff.

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Appendix A: Ethnic German Companies of South Carolina bla A.1: Capt. Wagener's Co., German Artillery Co. A bla Name

Rank Age in Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Slaves Remarks 1860 Estate Property owned in $ in $ in (1859) (1859/60) 1859

Albers, H.

Pvt.

18

–

–

–

Albers, H. H. Albers, J. F. Altman, W. Altman, W. B. Badenhoff, H. Bahntge, Wm. F.

Sgt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

30 – – – 26 –

– – – – – –

– – – – – –

Baumgartel, J. C. Beckman, J. I. Beckman, W. Behrmann, H. Benedickt, Ed. Benedickt, F. Biel, Claus Bischoff, H. Bischoff, Nik.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. 2ndLt.

– – – 15 – 36 28 – 28

– – – – – – – – –

Baker – – – Clerk Clerk at John Monsees’ – – Clerk – Apprentice Apprentice – – Bookkeeper at F. C. Borner’s

Blancken, C. H. Bollmann, D.

Pvt. Pvt.

20 28

– –

Borries, F. Brandt, F. W.

Pvt. Pvt.

– –

Bremer, Hein.

Pvt.

Breuer, J. H. Brickwedel, N. Brinkmeyer, A. Bruggemann, A. F. Bullwinkel, H. Busch, J. H. Busching, H. Cappelmann, E. H. Carlsen, J. F.

Carsten, E. H. Damp, Charles Dehls, Chas.

Hatten, *7/29/1842 *4/22/1830 – – – Hanover –

– – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – –

– – – – Hanover Germany *4/24/1832 – Kassebruch, *4/12/1832

– – – – – – – – –

– –

Hanover *8/01/1832

– –

– –

Clerk Clerk at Bollmann Bros. Dairy Farm –

– –

– –

– –

–

–

–

–

–

–

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Sgt. Pvt. Pvt. Cpl.

– – 26 – – – 34 – –

– – – – – – – – –

– – Clerk Clerk – – Policeman – –

– – 400 – – – – – –

– – Hanover – – – Germany – –

– – – – – – – – –

Pvt. Pvt. Sgt.

– 46 –

– – –

– Baker –

– – –

– Germany –

– – –

Substitute, †7/3/1879 Bethany †2/26/1870 Bethany – – – – Substitute – – Substitute Substitute, D 03/65 Substitute, D 12/64 Principal †4/17/1914 Bethany – †10/04/1917 Bethany, Pension 1919 – Principal, †5/13/1898 Bethany GW: coachman Substitute, †8/25/1863 †7/31/1880; Pension 1919 – Substitute –-Substitute Principal – – – Substitute,†2/16/1864 on board the Housatonic – GW: hospital †6/10/1887; Pension 1919

344

Appendix A

Name

Rank Age in Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Slaves Remarks owned Property 1860 Estate in in $ in $ 1859 (1859/60) (1859)

Dorre, C. F. Dreyer, H. A. Erckmann, W.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – –

– – –

Fajen, H. Fihln, F. Fischer, F. Flickenschildt, J. C. Gehrs, John H. Gerard, F. G. Gerken, H. Gotjen, A. Gotjen, D. Gotjen, J. D. Gotjen, J. H. C. Gotjen, Jacob Haase, J. Habenicht, E. A.

Pvt. Pvt. Sadd. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Cpl. Sgt. Sgt. Cpl. Pvt. Pvt.

– – – – 30 – 28 – 20 – 21 20 – 21

– – – – – – – – – – – – – –

Habenicht, G. F. Hackemann, H.

Pvt. Pvt.

– –

– –

Hahn, H. Hannecke, Louis Harbers, H. Harbers, W. H. Heins, Henry Hencken, C. H.

Pvt. Sgt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

45 – – – 30 18

– – – – – –

Hinners, W. D. Hinrickson, Theo Holling, J. Holsten, Cord Honeck, H.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – 27 – –

– – – – –

– Saddler at Hackemann & Costens – – – Druggist Grocer Clerk at. J.C. Bullwinkel’s Clerk – Clerk – –

Johanns, E. Jungclaus, H. H. Klaren,Fred. W. Koper, Claus

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– 19 25 22

– – – –

– – Grocer Grocer

Kruger, Wm. Kruse, Friedr.

Pvt. Cpl.

– –

– –

– Mechanic

Kruse, J(acob) Leopold, Wm.

Pvt. Pvt.

34 –

Lesemann, J. D.

1stLt.

31

– Grocer Bookkeeper at Abrahams & Son – – – – – – Grocer – Grocer – – Grocer Blacksmith –

7000 Grocer – – –

–

– – –

– – –

– – –

transf. – Principal, in jail after 07/62

– – – – Germany Germany Hanover – Hanover – *1839 Hanover – Hanover, *2/9/1839

– – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– –

– –

– – – – POW 1865 – Principal – – †7/22/1863 †7/14/1869 Bethany – GW: coachman GW: coachman, substitute, †4/05/1902 Bethany Principal †3/31/1862

– – 500 – – –

Scotland – – – Hanover Hanover

– – – – – –

– Quartermaster Principal Ex: 12/62 – Substitute

– – – – –

– – Germany – –

– – – – –

– – 250 –

– – – –

– –

– Hanover Hanover Hanover, *1838 – Germany

– –

700 –

Holstein –

– –

–

–

– Principal – – GW: coachman, substitute GW: coachman Substitute – Substitute,†2/7/1915 Mt. Pleasant †8/13/1862 GW: blacksmith, D 02/65 – †2/20/1864, substitute †4/23/1884 Bethany

– – – – – – 400 – – – – 2500 – –

– –

–

345

A.1: Capt. Wagener's Co., German Artillery Co. A Name

Rank Age in Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Slaves Remarks owned Property 1860 Estate in in $ in $ 1859 (1859/60) (1859)

Lindstedt, G. H.

Pvt.

31

–

Grocer

Lohse, H. G. Luders, C. Marjenhoff, E. H.Jr

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– 32 19

– – –

– Clerk Bookkeeper

Mehrtens, John Mehrtens, R.

2ndLt. Pvt.

– 27

– –

Mehrtens, R. Meyer, Cordt Meyer, H.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– 16 –

– – –

Clerk Grocer at Mehrtens & Oppenheim – Carpenter –

Meyer, Henry D. Pvt. Meyer, John F. Pvt. Meyer, Martin Pvt. Meyer, N. Pvt. Meyer, W. Pvt. Meyerdierke, F. Cpl. Meyerhoff, H. Pvt. Meyers, John E. Pvt. Mollenhauer, H. Wm. Cpl.

24 21 31 – – – 25 16 33

– – – – – – – – –

Clerk Grocer Grocer Wheelwright – – Grocer – Grocer

– 500 800 – – – – – –

Momeyer, C.

Pvt.

22

–

–

Monsees, John Muller, J. H.

2ndLt. Pvt.

– 22

– –

Grocer Fruit dealer

600 400

Narger, Samuel Nohrden, C. Nurnberger, C. F. Oberkruger, F. W. Ojemann, John C.

Pvt. Capt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– 33 – – 36

– 7 100 – – –

– Grocer – – Grocer

– 6500 – – –

Orth, F. Ostendorff, Julius H. M. Ostermeyer, C. L. Patjens, J. H.

Pvt. Pvt.

– 14

– –

– –

– –

Pvt. Pvt.

– 21

– –

– Grocer

– –

Pieper, H. W.

Pvt.

–

–

–

Pieper, J. H. Plank, H. Plath, C. Ploger, F. H.

Sgt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – – 35

– – – –

– – – Grocer

1500

–

†1/22/1897 Bethany

– – –

Oldenburg, *8/17/1829 – Holstein South Carolina

– – –

– –

– Germany

– –

– – Principal [father born in Hanover] – Substitute

– – –

Pickens District Georgia –

– – –

Hanover Germany Hanover – – – Hanover Germany Irland

– – – – – – – – –

Markoldendorf, *4/11/1838 – Volkmarst/Ha., *3/23/1838 – Germany – – Quakenbrück, *1/7/1824 – Walhalla, SC

–

–

– – – 3 – – – – –

–

– Worpswede, *6/29/1839 –

– – –

– – – 800

– – – *9/12/1825

– – – –

– – GW: coachman, substitute – GW: coachman Substitute Substitute, D 63 †6/7/1862 †10/11/1864 GW: coachman – GW: printer at Keating & Ball, Columbia (06/62) Principal, †3/14/1881 Bethany –†3/21/1893 Bethany – † 1861 – – Principal, †8/22/1874 Bethany Substitute – Substitute †1/24/1903 Mt. Pleasant Principal, †6/24/1893, Pension 1919 – – – Principal, †11/18/1911 Bethany

346

Appendix A

Name

Rank Age in Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Slaves Remarks owned Property 1860 Estate in in $ in $ 1859 (1859/60) (1859)

Porter, G. W. Rebman, F. J. Reils, Jacob Rempp, C. Riecke, G.

Pvt. Pvt. Cpl. Pvt. Cpl.

– – 29 – –

– – – – –

Rohde, H. B. Schnaars, Fred.

Pvt. Pvt.

21 33

– –

Schnaars, Martin Schnackenberg, D. Schneider, W.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – –

– – –

Schnibbe, C. Schriever, H. Schroder, H. Schroder, J. C. L. Schuchert, L.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Cpl. Pvt.

– – – – 24

– – – – –

Schultz, H. Seedorf, J(ohn) Semken, J. Semken, Wm. Sommers, L. Steincke, F. Stelling, Aug. Thiele, Philip Tiedemann, Otto

Pvt Pvt. Pvt. Sgt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

37 28 – – – – – – 39

Tiencken, D. Tiencken, John

Pvt. Cpl.

– 19

– –

Till, W. Voege, A. Vollrath, J.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – –

– – –

Von Eitzen, H. Von Lehe, D. Von Lehe, J. C. Wagener, F. W.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Capt.

– – 37 28

– – 5000 –

Wagener, G. A. Wagener, Jul. J.

Pvt. Pvt.

– 15

– –

Weber, M. Welbe, J. Werner, D.

Pvt. Pvt. Capt.

– – 33

Wetherhahn, H. Wetherhahn, Levi

Pvt. Pvt.

– –

– – Grocer – Clerk at Geo. Huneken’s Grocer Grocer – – Cabinet Maker – – – – –

– – – Grocer – – – Clerk – – – – – Clerk – Carpenter 22500 Merchant – Clerk at O. Tiedemann’s – – – – – Farmer Grocer – Clerk

– – – – 5000 Grocer – –

– –

– – 1000 – –

– – Germany – –

– – – – –

– – Principal – –

1000 1500

Hanover Worpswede, *6/10/1827 – – –

– –

Principal †12/6/1863 Bethany

– – –

Transf. – Principal

Irland – – – Dorum, *7/13/1836 – – 800 Hanover – – 300 – – – – – – – – – 20000 Sellstedt, *2/7/1821 – – – Hanover

– – – – – – – – – – – – – 8

POW 02/64 – – †8/15/1863 †6/12/1881 Bethany, Principal †1875 Bethany GW: coachman – – Principal – – Substitute Principal

– –

– –

– – –

– – –

– – Hanover Sievern, *10/29/1832 – Charleston, *1845 – – Hanover, *1827 – Germany

– – – –

– – †6/10/1902, Pension 1919 Principal GW: saddler Principal †11/25/1921 Charleston – †8/10/1917 Charleston, Pension Substitute – †6/20/1884 Bethany, Disabled: 03/64 – E: 1850

– – – – – – – –

– – – – – 8776 1000 – – – – 400 – –

– – – – – – –

347

A.1: Capt. Wagener's Co., German Artillery Co. A Name

Rank Age in Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Slaves Remarks owned Property 1860 Estate in in $ in $ 1859 (1859/60) (1859)

Wetherhahn, S. Wieters, J. Witt, A. Wohlken, Henry

Pvt. Pvt. Cpl. 2ndLt.

21 – – 28

– – – –

Clerk Grocer – Grocer

Wohlken, J. Wrede, H. Wreden, H.

Pvt. Pvt. Sgt.

16 – 23

– – –

Wulbern, C.

2ndLt.

27

–

Laborer Clerk Barkeeper at J. H. Lange’s –

Wulbern, H.

Cpl.

33

–

–

–

Wulbern, J.

Pvt.

25

–

–

–

Zerbst, G. H.

Pvt.

32

4000 Grocer

2000

– 1000 – 1000

Hanover – – Hanover

– – – –

– –

– – –

– – –

E: 1855, substitute – – AWOL, D 12/63, CM – – †1875 Bethany

–

Appeln, *1/13/1833 Appeln, *7/16/1827 Appeln, *1/2/1835 Hanover

–

†1/21/1903 Bethany

–

†12/01/1910 Bethany

–

†1/29/1917 Bethany, Principal Principal

–

348

Appendix A

A. 2: Capt. Melchers’ Co., German Artillery Co. B Bla Name

Rank Age in Real Occupation Personal 1860 estate Property in $ in $ (1859) (1859/60)

Ahrens, H. Ahrens, N. Albers, H. J. Ballke, J. H.

Sgt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

30 – – 47

– – – –

Benjes, F. Pvt. Bense, John Pvt. Bircher, Henry Pvt. Borger, J. H. Pvt. Bornemann, F.W. Pvt. Bruning, H. Pvt. Brunjes, H. Pvt. Bullwinkel, G. H. Pvt. Bullwinkel, H. Sgt. Bullwinkel, J. Sgt. Bullwinkel, M. Pvt. Desebrook, Pvt. Henry Dreier, Albert Pvt. Ehricks, H. Pvt.

– 41 – – 32 – – 21 – 25 – 30

– – – – 5500 – – – – 300 – –

35 48

1900 Grocer 17500 Grist Mill

Feldhusen, H.

Pvt.

29

–

Store owner

Ficken, J. F.

Pvt.

17

–

Law student

Fink, H. Grabau, C. Harenburg, H. Harms, Henry Harten, E. L.v. Hartz, C. H. Heissenbuttel, C. M. Hencken, C. F.

Cpl. Pvt. 2ndLt. Capt. Pvt. Pvt. Sgt.

– – 33 33 – – 30

– – – – – – –

–-–-Grocer Grocer –-–-–--

–-–-500 –-–-–-300

–-–-Germany Sievern, *1817 –-Germany *1830

2ndLt. 36

–

Grocer

800

Sievern, *12/2/1824

Hinrichs, J. Ihlenfeldt, W. Joost, H. Junge, F. Jurs, W. L. Kahrs, H. Kalb, F. G. Kessler, Henry

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Cpl. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – – – – – – –

–-–-–-– Tailor –-–-Grocer

–-–-–-–-–-–-–-350

Germany –-Pickens District –-Aldenburg –-–-Bremen, *5/7/1830

– – – – – – 12 30

Place of Birth

Grocer –-Clerk –--

200 –-–-–--

Germany –-–-Hanover

–-–-–-–-Engraver –-–-–-Grocer Grocer –-Grocer

–-–-–-–-1200 –-–-–-–-–-–-300

Germany Germany Germany –-Hesse-Cassel –-–-Germany –-Germany –-Germany

1900 –--

Hanover Hambergen, *6/14/1812 Germany

1500

Charleston, *6/16/1843

Slaves owned

Remarks

–-–-GW: coachman D 10/64, †1871 Bethany D 10/64 S D 07/63, US Army –-GW: engraver –-–-GW: coachman –-–-–-S

2

3

–-†1/2/1895 Bethany D 05/63 St. Helena Parish GW: Charleston [father born in Uthlede] –-–-res. 05/62 –-D 09/64 D 08/63, RR, †1882 Bethany Det. shoe procurement, †12/17/1896 Bethany D 09/64 S, GW: arsenal

E: 1852 –-Vol.: 1864 GW: Keating & Ball, Columbia, †7/20/1870 Bethany

349

A. 2: Capt. Melchers’ Co., German Artillery Co. B Name

Rank Age in Real Occupation Personal Property 1860 estate in $ in $ (1859/60) (1859)

Kiencke, F. D. Klatte, C. Klatte, H.

Sgt. – Sgt. – 1stLt. 26

Klencke, C. H. Kornahrens, J.

Sgt. Pvt.

33 25

Kurth, C. H. W. Pvt.

40

Leichen, L. Pvt. Lengnick, Alfred Pvt.

– 26

Lohse, H. G. Lubs, C. F. Lubs, H. D. Luden, J. J. W.

Pvt. 1stSgt. Cpl. Cpl.

Lutjen, J. Lutjen, Luder Marjenhoff, J. Mehrtens, C. Melchers, A.

Cpl. Cpl. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Melchers, F. Meyer, C. D. Meyer, C. H.

Capt. 34 Pvt. – Pvt. 23

Meyer, J. W.

Pvt.

23

Meyer, S. B. Ohlandt, J. E. Pelzer, F. J.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– 28 34

Posten, M. Posten, N. Posten, W. Puckhaber, F. Rickels, E. H.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – – 33 21

Roeblitz, A. Scheper, H. Scheper, W.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

28 – –

– – –

–-–-Liquor Store

Place of Birth

–-–-2000

–-–-Bremen,*4/30/1834

– CD 4500 Soda Water Factory – Sailor

–-400

*9/17/1827

–-–-–--

– 33 27 19

– –-8000 Clerk at Albert Lengnick’s (brother) – –-– Grocer – Store owner – –--

Germany, *10/7/1820 –-Saxony

–-4000 1500 –--

30 – 37 – 29

– – 4000 7000 –

–-–-12000 –-–--

–-Grocer Merchant CD Baker (Melchers & Renken)

500 Publisher / Editor – –-– Clerk –

–-–--

Clerk at –-Brickwedel & Co. – –-–-– Grocer 500 15400 Merchant 14 000 E.H. Rodgers & Co. – –-–-– –-–-– –-–-– Baker 900 – Clerk at J. D. –-Osterholz’ – Grocer 900 – –-100 – –-–--

–-Hanover, *1827 Hanover Germany, *1/16/1841 *2/24/1830 –-Germany –-Cloppenburg, *4/5/1831

Slaves owned

–-–-E:1851,†12/11/1916 Bethany †2/29/1896 Bethany --†8/26/1898 Bethany

6

4

D 07/63, †7/20/1919 Bethany †2/18/1908 Bethany –-Resides: Aiken, S.C. –-GW: Charleston Hospital, POW 02/65, †5/25/1892 Bethany †9/3/1899 Bethany D 09/64 D 04/63, †02/5/1912 Bethany †4/21/1861 Bethany

Neuenkirchen, *7/13/1837

–-–-–-Hanover Hanover, *6/9/1839 Saxe-Weimar –-–--

D 05/63 –--

–-S, †Bethany

Cloppenburg, *1/9/1826 Germany Wedel, *1/21/1837

–-Germany Charleston, *4/9/1826

Remarks

12

transf. to Navy D 09/64 Special service, †3/31/1916 Charleston D 09/64 –-–-S †6/4/1912 Bethany

S –--

350 Name

Appendix A Place of Birth

Rank Age in Real Occupation Personal Property 1860 estate in $ in $ (1859/60) (1859)

Schlondorff, H. Pvt.

42

–

Schmidt, Alb. Pvt. Schnepel, H. Pvt. Schroder, H. Sgt. Schroder, Wm. Pvt. Seebeck, C. Cpl. Specketer, C. Pvt.

36 – – 19 18 28

3410 – – – – –

Grocer –-–-–-–-–--

2000 –-1000 –-–-–--

Hanover –-–-Germany Germany Germany

Spincken, H.

Pvt.

26

–

Clerk

–-

Hanover, *4/5/1834

Steffens, C.

Pvt.

–

–

–--

–--

Stelljes, J.

1stLt. 30

Clerk at John Tietjen’s Barkeeper

Strobel, J. G. Stunkel, H. Thieling, F. W. Tiencken, C. H. Wellbrock, D. Windheim, F.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – 37 42 – 14

– – 2500 – – –

–-–-Grocer Tailor –-–--

–-–-500 –-–-–--

Zehe, J. H. Zerbst, F. H.

Pvt. Pvt.

– 29

1800 Clerk – Clerk

–-

Dyer

–--

400 –--

–--

Hanover, *11/19/1830 –-–-Hanover Germany –-Bremen, *6/20/1846 –-Oldenburg

Slaves owned

Remarks

S, †1899 Mt. Pleasant, Pension 1919 D 11/63 –– –-D 08/63 –-D 09/64,†1904 Beth. GW: coachman, D 9/64, †4/26/1889 Bethany –-†1/14/1882 Bethany GW: Orderly –-–-S –-Discharged: 1863, †6/23/1887 Beth. S †Bethany

351

A. 3 Capt. Bachman’s Co., German Light Artillery

A. 3 Capt. Bachman’s Co., German Light Artillery Bla Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Property estate in $ in $ (1859/60) (1859)

Slaves Remarks owned in 1859

Name

Rank

Age in 1860

Adicks, William Adisekis, John W. Albrecht, Emil Altman, J. E. Artsdalen, Georg W. von Bachman, Samuel W. Bachman, William K.

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

Pvt.

21

–

–

–

Corp. Pvt. Corp.

18 – –

– – –

– – Blacksmith

– – 1700

– – –

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

GW

Capt.

30

–

Lawyer

–

Charleston, *11/23/1830

4°

Bartel, Michel

Corp.

28

–

Tinner

–

Germany

–

GW, †10/29/1901 in Columbia, S.C. GW Charleston Arsenal

Berbusse, Charles Bergheim, William Bergmann, Charles H.

Corp.

20

–

–

Prussia

–

Pvt.

–

–

Basketmaker –

1stSgt.

30

–

Painter

–

Bischoff, John Charles

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

Borneman, Pvt. Edward H. Bottger, Pvt. Diedrich Breden, Martin Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

D 07/63

29

–

Clerk

–

–

GW: coachman

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

–

–

–

–

–

21 –

– –

Clerk Clerk

– –

–

–

–

–

– – 32

– – 10000

– – Merchant

– – 1

Bremer, Henry Pvt. Brockman, Pvt. Conrad Brockman, Pvt. Henry Bullwinkel, Jacob Corp. Bullwinkel, Pvt. Martin Bultman, Saddl. Friedrich Bunting, E. M. Pvt. Camman, Claus Pvt. Campsen, Sgt. Henry

– Germany

–

–

– Hamburg*12/04/1830

Hanover

Hanover Hanover

Hanover

–

†6/29/1898, Bethany, Pension: 1919 †11/22/1892, Charleston, Pension: 1919

D 11/63

– –

†6/23/1883 Newberry Pension: 1919

352 Name

Appendix A Rank

Age in 1860

Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Property estate in $ in $ (1859/60) (1859)

Doscher, Henry Pvt.

29

–

Dreher, John Jacob Duhme, Cord Engelmann, George F. Fink, Will Fischer, Felix

Pvt.

–

Pvt. Pvt.

–

Tavern Keeper –

–

24 –

– –

– CD

– –

Pvt. Pvt.

– 17

– –

– Bookkeeper

– –

South Carolina

– –

Fitter, George N. Fleiner, Victor Fremder, Joseph Graver, Henry

Bugl. Pvt. Corp. Pvt.

21 – 21 21

– – – –

– – Clerk –

– – – –

Germany Mobile, Al. Germany Markelstedt, *1839

– – – –

Hackemann, William Hage, Arnold Hahn, Carl A. (Christian) Harten, Albert von Heissenbüttel, John Heitman, Theodore Hink, T. . (Henry?) Hinken, Albert Hoffman, Michel

Pvt.

23

–

–

–

*6/29/1837

–

Pvt. Pvt.

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

†1877 Bethany †10/18/1899, Bethany D 07/63 D 03/65

Sgt.

–

–

–

–

–

RR 07/63

Pvt.

29

–

Clerk

–

Oldenburg

–

Bugler

–

–

Painter

–

Hamburg

–

N: 1871

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

D 07/63

Pvt. Pvt.

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

Hollen, John H. Pvt. Hollings, Henry Corp. Jacobs, Louis Pvt.

38 22 18

– – –

Store owner Clerk Clerk

1200

Jager, Anton W. Pvt.

20

–

König, John H. Kuck, John H. Loften, Benjamin Lubben, Luer Meyer, Henry Meyer, H. M. Meyers, George Müller, Friedrich

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – –

– – –

Clerk at H.L. A. Balk’s – – –

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

– – – – 16

– – – – –

– – – – Clerk at E. J. C. Fischer’s

–

Hanover

Slaves Remarks owned in 1859 –

D 07/63, POW

– Germany

– –

Germany Hanover Germany, *11/18/1842

– – –

Germany, *5/9/1840

–

D 07/63 [father: French-born] D 03/65

W, D 09/63, D 10/64

E: 1855; †10/13/1913 Kingstree, SC †11/13/1920 Bethany

– – –

– – –

D 07/63 D 07/63

– – – – –

– – – – –

D 07/63 POW 1865

Germany, *10/15/1844

†10/22/1929 Bethany, Pension: 1919

353

A. 3 Capt. Bachman’s Co., German Light Artillery Name

Rank

Age in 1860

Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Property estate in $ in $ (1859/60) (1859)

Slaves Remarks owned in 1859

Munch, F. D. Pvt. Newton, John Sgt. Hiron von Nordell, Corp. Gustavus Nordmeyer, Sgt. Diedrich Olhoff, Hermann Pvt. F. Phillips, Isidore Pvt.

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Clerk

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Phillips, Michel A. Portwig, Frederick Rahders, John Rohde, George F. Ruben, John Sauls, John Schlimmermeyer, Diedrich Schlobaum, William Schmidt, Hermann Schröder, Nicholas H. Schuhmacher, Albert H. Schuhmacher, Ernst Schuhmacher, John. H. Schultz, Will Schwers, William Siegling, Rudolph Steffens, Claus

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

2ndMSgt.

30

–

Farmer

–

Germany

–

Pvt. Pvt.

– 18

– –

– Clerk

– –

Oldenburg

– –

Pvt. Pvt. Sgt.

28 – 24

– – –

Clerk – –

– – –

Bremen Germany

– – –

Pvt.

17

–

–

Germany

–

Corp.

–

–

Baker’s apprentice –

Pvt.

19

–

Clerk

–

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

Pvt. 2ndLt.

– 21

– –

– –

– –

1stLt.

21

–

Law student

–

Pvt.

23

–

Clerk at John Tietjen’s

–

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

15 – – –

– – – –

– – – –

– – – –

Steffens, John Stelling, Gerhard Stelz, Andrew Straus, John H. (A.?)

Prussia

– –

– Hanover

*1839

E: 1850; Orderly D 10/64, POW

–

D 10/64

–

D 07/63

– –

Charleston,*12/3/1839 (Father born in Erfurt) Almstorf, *5/25/1837

9°

*9/2/1845

– – – –

D 07/63 †6/4/1865 Bethany Charleston, †3/13/1894 GW : coachman, †6/17/1919 Claiborne Parish, La. Pension: 1919 †1/26/1919

354

Appendix A Real Occupation Personal Place of Birth Property estate in $ in $ (1859/60) (1859)

Slaves Remarks owned in 1859

Name

Rank

Age in 1860

Struck, Christian Struck, Hermann Twachtman, Hermann Ulmer, G. B. Unger, David W. Wegman, John Wertheim, Julius Wille, Henry

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

AWL 04/63

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

–

D 07/63

Pvt. Pvt.

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

†

Pvt. Pvt.

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

*8/1/1840

–

Pvt. 2ndMSgt.

– –

– –

– –

– –

Germany

– –

Pvt. Pvt.

– –

– –

– –

– –

Pvt. Pvt.

– 23

– –

– –

– –

Pvt.

–

–

–

–

Wille, Hermann Willman, Fred W. Witgen, Henry Zerbst, Charles G. Ziegler, Edward Ziegler, Gustav H. Zinck, Conrad

D 07/63, †4/18/1908 Bethany D 07/63, POW

– –

Germany

– –

W

–

Pickens District

355

A. 4 Capt. Cordes’ Company Of Cavalry S.C. Militia, “German Hussars”

A. 4 Capt. Cordes’ Company Of Cavalry S.C. Militia, “German Hussars” Attached to 1st Regiment S.C. Rifles, Founding Members (May 1859) Name Ahrens, C. D. Ahrens, H. W. Albers, H. H. Amme, C. Bensen, Henry Bergmann, A. Bischoff, Henry 2ndLt Bischoff, J. C. W. Bollmann, H. (Bros.) Corp. Bornemann, H.T. Borner, F. C. Serg. Brauer, W.A. Bredenberg, L. Serg. Brockmann, Jno. Buck, Henry Buck, Louis Corp. Bulwinkle, Hermann Buse, J. F. Campsen, John 1stLt Canale, A. Claussen, J.C.H. Cook, Jno. H. Jr. Cordes, Theodore Capt. Deitz, Louis Dierssen, Wilhelm Dothage, Joseph Dreyer, H. Dunnemann, Henry Eberhardt, C. H. Corp. Entelmann, F. Fehrenbach, N. Fink, Hermann Fincken, A. Freeze, F. A Fremder, Charles 2ndM.Sgt. Frier, Will Gerken, G. Haase, D. Hackemann, H. Harken, J.H. Huhlo, H. Hunter, R. Issertel, R. Jakob, Peter

Real Estate in $ (1859) 8000

Personal Property in $ (1859) 3000

8000 1250 14000

900 10000

4500

1200

7000 10500

Slaves owned in 1859

165.00 10.00 3

129.00 18.75

6

420.50

6

97.50

2600 600 500

600 1200 500 3000 900

39.00 11.00 27.50

1

12000

1 3 11 15° 7

1000

5

24500

6600

7400 2300

500 (& Stachmann) 600 2000

Taxes paid in 1859 in $

11.00 138.00 9.50 209.50 31.50 449.50 238.00 99.00 30.00

9.50

2

400

9.00 149.00 34.50 6.00

300 5900

2

106.50

356 Name Jockel, G. Kellers, E. H. MD Kiep, Jno. P. Kilrog, Thos. H. Kimme, D. H. Levy, Max Levy, Moses Lilienthal, C Lilienthal, D. Marjenhoff, E. H. Corp. Marschey, Wm. Martin, J. M. Meger, J. H. Mehrtens, Rudolph 1stLt. Melchers, F. Melchers, Theo. Meyer, F. Meyer, J. D. H. Meyerhoff, H. Munzenmaier, Chas. A. Neumann, H. Neumann, Philip Niemann, A. Oppenheim, H. Oppenheim, H. H. (Bros.) Oppenheim, Julius H. Osterholtz, J. D. O'Wens, Alexander Pattersen, B. Reuter, Jno. Sahlmann, L. Schmetzer, Geo. Louis Schroder, H. B. (Bros.) Stelling, E. H. Tannlunsen, A. Thees, Henry Theiling/Thieling, F. W. Tiencken, H. Tiencken, Jno. Volmer, Chas. 1stSerg. Wehmann, F. Winter, John Wittschen, Jno. F. Wohlken, Hanke Serg. Wulbern, J. D. Total: 89

Appendix A Real Estate in $ (1859) 2700 7000

Personal Property in $ (1859) 300 500

Slaves owned in 1859 1

4500

76.00 112.50

89.50 30.00

2000 (& Klatte) 700 10000

Taxes paid in 1859 in $

1

10.00 165.00

1500

22.50

3000

45.00

5000

14

85.00 24.00 92.00 512.50

3 3 1 1

62.00 86.00 3.00 138.00

8 5500 27700

500

2200 5000 8000

1000

3000

300 700 1500

4.50 67.50 4

500 $172,950.00

$62,400.00

36.50

9.50 98

$4,119.75

A. 5 Capt. Cordes’ Co., German Hussars

A. 5 Capt. Cordes’ Co., German Hussars Bla

357

358

Appendix A

A. 5 Capt. Cordes’ Co., German Hussars

359

360

Appendix A

Abbreviations and symbols used in Appendix A.1–A.5 bla † ° AWL AWOL Beth. /Bethany C Charl. CD CM CSR D Det. dis. drop. E En Ex. GW Hosp. M N N. N. P Pension POW Principal QM Re res. RR S/Substitute sick Special service transf. Vol. W

Deceased Slaves owned by parents (1859) Absent with leave Absent without leave Burried at Bethany Cemetery, Charleston, S.C. Conscript Charleston Listed in City Directory without profession Court Martial Compiled Service Records Deserted Detailed Discharged Dropped (from muster roll) Date of Emigration Enlisted Exempt from military service Government Work Hospital Missing in action Date of Naturalization Not listed Promoted Received Confederate pension from the states of Louisiana (1898 onwards) or South Carolina (1919 onwards) Prisoner of War Soldier furnishing a substitute (only in Wagener’s Co. Were substitutes and principals interchangable) Quartermaster Re-enlisted (after initial term of service was up) Resigned from service Reduced in rank served as substitute Sick Detailed for special services Transferred to different unit/company Volunteered for service Wounded

Primary sources (Appendix A.1–A.5): Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of South Carolina, RG 109, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 267, rolls 54 (German Hussars), 92 (Bachman’s Co.), 103 (German Artillery A), 106 (German Artillery B). Directory of the City of Charleston, to which is added a business directory, 1860. Comp. Eugene W. Ferslew. Savannah: John M. Cooper & Co., 1860. Draft Substitutes, 1862 (A–Z), Ledger Book by Evans & Cogswell, Charleston. Adjutant General’s Office. Handwritten. South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, S.C.

Abbreviations and symbols used in Appendix A.1–A.5

361

Eighth Census of the United States 1860: Free Schedules for the City of Aiken, Barnwell District, South Carolina, RG 29, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 653, roll 1213. Eighth Census of the United States 1860: Free Schedules for Beaufort District, St. Helena Parish, South Carolina, RG 29, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 653, roll 1214. Eighth Census of the United States 1860: Free and Slave Schedules for the City of Charleston, Charleston District, South Carolina, RG 29, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 653, rolls 1216, 1232. Eighth Census of the United States 1860: Free Schedules for the City of Columbia, Richland District, South Carolina, RG 29, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 653, roll 1227. Eighth Census of the United States 1860: Free and Slave Schedules for the City of Walhalla, Pickens District, South Carolina, RG 29, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 653, rolls 1225 & 1236. List of the Tax Payers of the City of Charleston, 1859. Charleston: Walker, Evans and Co., 1860. Louisiana Confederate Pension Applications, Act of 1898 and 1902, Baton Rouge, La., Louisiana State Archives, Baton Rouge, La. Momeier, George H. “German Hussars.” Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, November 22,1913. Simons, James. “Sketch of Bachman’s Battery.” Stories of the Confederacy. Ed. Ulysses Robert Brooks. Columbia, S. C.: The State Company, 1912. 276–283. South Carolina Confederate Pension Applications, Act of 1919, Columbia, S.C., South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, S.C. MSS Franz Melchers

Secondary sources (Appendix A.1–A.5): Bethany Cemetery Inscriptions, Charleston, South Carolina. Comp. Mildred Keller Hood. Charleston: South Carolina Genealogical Society, 1992. Confederate Military History: South Carolina. Vol. VI. Extended edition. Ed. Clement A. Evans. Wilmington, NC: Broadfoot Publishing Company, 1987. 1860 South Carolina Census Index. Comp. Bryan Lee Dilts. 2 vols. Salt Lake City: Index Publishing, 1985. Hagy, James Wm. This happy Land: The Jews of Colonial and Antebellum Charleston. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1993. Index to 1860 Federal Census of South Carolina. Comp. Jonnie P. Arnold. Greenville, S.C.: A Press, Inc., 1982.

362

Appendix B

Appendix B: Ethnic German Companies of Virginia B.1 1st Virginia Infantry, Co. K – “Virginia Rifles” Bla Name

Rank Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Alluisi, Julian

Pvt.

Arzberger, Charles Barnickel, Henry Barnickel, John W. Baumann, Claus°

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Beier, Friedrich Bergmeyer, Bernhard Bitzel, Adam Blenkner, Gottfried Blenkner, Julius Botzen, Louis Brau, John*

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Breisacher, Charles* Brunner, Richard Buchenau, Conrad

Pvt. Pvt. Cpl.

Buchenau, Henry Bumgarner, J. W. Burkhart, Henry Cock, George Cracelius, Charles Cree, William E.

Pvt. Pvt. Cpl. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Deboer, Dietrich Pvt. Deckmann, George F. Sgt. Degenhardt, Philip Pvt.

Coreglia/Lucca *8/30/1830

Slaves Age in Remarks owned in 1860 1860

Translator

30

Butcher Bookbinder Printer Shoemaker

19 24 22 26

Laborer Confectioner Candy Maker Cooper Shoemaker Laborer

23 25 18 21 24 25

Cassel/Hesse

Shoemaker Shoemaker Carpenter

23 27 30

Wesel/Westphalia

Butcher

37

Germany Hesse-Darmstadt Baden

Shoemaker Butcher Tailor Machinist

26 25 46 26

Hanover

Cooper

Germany

Carpenter

25 27 21

Baden

Baden

Aargau/Switzerland

Diacont, Adam Jr. Diacont, Philip

Pvt. Pvt.

Beer Saloon Wheelwright

18 24

Diacont, Wolfgang

Pvt.

Wheelwright

22

Dick, John T. Dilger, Joseph

Pvt. Pvt.

Machinist

18 23

Dubel, Henry*

Pvt.

File maker at Lau & Shuman

37

Stadt Oldendorf, *1823

Elsasser, Henry° 1stSgt. Emmenhauser, John* Sgt. Hesse *1829

Cooper U. S. Hotel

1e

28 31

†10/15/1889 Richmond

Godwin (07/62) †5/26/1867 Richmond, P 2nd Lt., Godwin (08/62) Godwin (08/62) Ettinger & Edmond

†8/9/1862 Richmond (Typhoid fever) Hosp. (10/61) S: Otto Perri (10/62) † 4/9/1902 R. E. Lee Camp Richmond; N: 1855. GW: butcher POW (04/65) RR, † 10/24/1898 GW: Ordnance Bureau W (07/61), †8/13/1897 at Simms & Plummer, Richmond Godwin (03/62) W (07/61), †Aug. 1897 in New Kent Co. S: Wm. Thiebes (09/62) at King & Lambeth †7/18/1861 Bull Run at King & Lambeth’s GW transf. 10th Va Cav., Co. E,†5/10/1864 Chester Station W (07/61), GW: at Th. Westermann’s, †3/4/1900 Soldier’s Home, Richmond S: Xavier Honner (09/62), †8/9/1862 Richmond

363

B.1 1st Virginia Infantry, Co. K – “Virginia Rifles” Name

Rank Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Fahrenbruch, August Pvt. Fleckenstein, Herman Pvt.

Germany

Gehring, Joseph Gelhausen, Leonhard Gerhardt, Frederick Gersdorfer, George*

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Bavaria

Glass, George

Pvt.

Germany

Slaves Age in Remarks owned in 1860 1860

Carpenter Shoemaker at W. Fleckenstein’s Carpenter Cooper Cigar Maker File Cutter at Lau & Shuman Cooper at Sing & Co. Gun Maker Barber

30 21

18 24 26 24

Württemberg

Haake, Gerhard J.*

Sgt.

Bremen

Cigar Maker

33

Hach, Friedrich* Hach, John*

Pvt. Pvt.

Germany

Plumber Baker

26 24

Hadermann, Henry Hagemeyer, Fried.*

Pvt. 2ndLt. Prussia *10/8/1821

Cooper Grocer

20 39

Hattke, Andreas° Hebermehl, Gustav* Hebring, Frederick Heinemann, Henry Helwig, Louis Herzog, Edward Hoch, Andreas Hoffman, John Ph.* Honner, Xavier

Pvt. Pvt. Sgt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Laborer Confectioner Merchant Cigar Maker

26 24 37 26 24 23 27 21 26

Hufner, Edward

Pvt.

Koch, George*

Pvt.

Krutop, Henry

Pvt.

Lauterbach, Fried.*

Pvt.

Lehmkuhl, Fried. Lindner, Carl F. *

Pvt. Pvt.

Bavaria *1837 Bavaria Würzburg/Bavaria Württemberg

Finisher

19

Trendelburg/Cassel

Shoemaker

31

Saxony

Bookbinder Weaver

23 23

Grocer Carpenter

Lucke, Bernhard Merkel, Tobias

Laborer Painter

Pvt. Pvt.

46 19

Jeweller Basket-maker Butcher Painter at Hitchcock & Osborne’s

Linkhauer, Henry° 3rdLt. Prussia Lohmann, F. W. E.* 1stLt. Prussia Prussia

S: unknown (09/61) Disabled (09/61) GW: Ordnance Bureau, †10/26/1883 Richmond

27

Grohnwald, Chas. E. Sgt. Gutbier, Friedrich Pvt.

Hesse-Darmstadt Prussia

S: Wm. Amey (10/61)

1e

32 35 17 22

†Feb. 1862 Richmond †7/18/1861 Blackburn’s Ford †12/13/1903 Richmond, *2/12/1827 GW: Tredegar Works GW: baker, †4/22/1900 Richmond E: 5/29/1841; Godwin (07/62), †5/9/1913 Richmond †12/4/1892 Richmond S: Robert Ferguson (09/61) †3/12/1893 GW Thunder (07/63) N: 1856 S. for Emmenhauser (08/62) GW, S. for Stadelhofer (09/61) GW: Ordnance Bureau at Tredegar’s transf. Jeff Davis Legion, Co. E, Miss. Cav. (03/62) N: 1868; †7/6/1904 Richmond Disabled (01/62) GW, †4/26/1895 Richmond, Thunder (09/62) D US Secret Service; †3/24/1877 Richmond

364

Appendix B

Name

Rank Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Meyer, Felix Miller, Florius° Nagelsman, Joseph* Niedermayer, Frank E. Nolte, David Nolte, Henry Nolte, Hermann Ocker, Joseph Oeters, Martin*

Pvt. Capt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt Pvt.

Paul, Hermann

Austria Prussia Prussia Bavaria Hanover Hanover Hanover

Slaves Age in Remarks owned in 1860 1860

Tailor Bar Room Machinist Cooper Cooper Cooper

34 39 26 24 22 18

Shoemaker Butcher

31 20

1stLt. Prussia

Shoemaker

27

Paul, William H.

Cpl.

Shoemaker

19

Perri, Otto

Pvt.

Peters, Louis

Pvt.

30

Pfaff, William Raymann, Louis

2ndLt. Pvt. Württemberg

Shoemaker at Th. Westermann’s Shoemaker Butcher

Reidt, Peter Richter, Robert

Pvt. Pvt.

Hanover

Prussia

Rick, John (Joseph)* Pvt. Rommel, John A. Pvt. Schmidt, Jacob Pvt. Staab, Philip Stadelhofer, Maximilian

Pvt. Pvt.

Stephan, Charles* Thiebes, Wilhelm

Sgt. Pvt.

Tolger, Gerhardt Viereck, John Wachter, Jacob Wagner, John Weidenhahn, August

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Cpl.

Werner, Adam Winter, John Witzleben, Theo. A.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Bavaria *1833 Bavaria

Prussia

Prussia

32 23

Baker Bartender at W. A. Schönborn’s Bookbinder Upolsterer

22 34

Shoemaker Hotel owner New Market Hotel Shoemaker

27 25

Cooper Cooper Butcher Baker Cabinet Maker

19 23 21 26 30

Gardener Baker Clerk

31 20 38

29 27

25

†12/2/1891 Richmond N: 1868, Godwin (06/62) AWOL (08/61), N: 1855 GW Thunder (10/62)

transf. Co. I (1862), †5/2/1895, Member of R. E. Lee Camp Richmond N: 1854, †4/1/1913 Richmond Hosp. (04/65),†7/1/1880 Richmond S. for Richard Brunner (10/61) Disabled (09/61), Thunder (06/63) Hosp. (04/62) transf. (08/61) to Cav., W (10/62) Disabled (11/1861)

S: Ed. McCarthy (10/61) †12/5/1861 Manassas (Typhoid fever) N: 1868 S: Edward Hufner (09/61)

†9/5/1910 Richmond S. for Philip Diacont (03/62) †11/29/1902 Richmond

GW POW (06/62), Richmond City Battalion (after 10/62)

transf. to this Co. On 10/1/1861, after 06/62 to Howard Dragoons, 1st Va Cav.

365

B.2 15th Virginia Infantry, Co. K – “Marion Rifles”

B.2 15th Virginia Infantry, Co. K – “Marion Rifles” bla Name

Rank Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Altschuh, Martin Beckman, Heinrich° Bell, Edward Blantz, George

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Blenner, August Bockelman, Henry Braun, August Braun, Charles B. Briel, Philip* Burschenck, Friedr. Dill, Fred Doell, William Drescher, Adolph

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Eckenbusch, Charles Pvt. Eggeling, William Pvt. Eucker, Charles* Cpl.

Prussia Barkeeper Weissenburg/France Dyer Hesse

36 36

Marburg, *2/12/1834 Hanover Hesse-Cassel Austria Virginia Hesse Braunschweig

Confectioner Sailor Baker Barber Butcher Gardener Dyer Stone cutter at Davies’ Clerk at Kent, Paine & Co.’s Diamond cutter

26 45

20

Hamburg Hanover

Faulhaber, August* Pvt.

Prussia *1821

Clerk AT L. Eucker & Bros’s Clerk at L. Eucker & Bro’s Barber

Fiedler, August F.

Pvt.

Prussia *1834

Miller

Fillman, Emil Fischer, Julius Ch. Frank, Adolph Giese, Fried.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Hamburg Prussia Hanover Stuttgart

Grimmel, Henry* Haase, Charles*

Eucker, Edward*

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860

Marburg

2ndLt. Hesse-Cassel

24

E: 1850; En: Camp Adams †9/27/1887 Richmond En: Williamsburg D, went North (12/62) [Father born in Marburg]

32 GW 22 39

1e

24 39

26

Pvt.

Clerk Apothecary Watchmaker Lithographer at Hoyer & Ludwig’s Marburg, *8/23/1838 Tinsmith

22

Pvt.

Württemberg

32

Furrier & Cap manufacturer Bookbinder Teacher

GW CM, GW, N: 1856

22 29 23 26

En: Camp Adams P Corp. †9/23/1907 Richmond Re: 1st Batt. Cavalry Home Guard En: Camp Adams, transf."Infirmary Co.",Godwin (03/62),†9/3/1870 †11/18/1912 R. E. Lee Camp Richmond P 2nd Lt. (10/61) Godwin (06/62) GW: Hoyer & Ludwig Lithographers †8/23/1898 in Saratoga Springs, NY †9/9/1907 Richmond

Halem, August von Pvt. Halem, Ernst von Pvt.

Hanover Hanover

Halem, Henry von Pvt. Hassenohr, George Cpl. Hecht, Coleman Pvt.

Hanover Baden Virginia

Clerk Stone cutter Hecht & Bros. (Textiles)

26 42 16

Pvt. Pvt.

Fulda, *3/7/1835

25

†1873 Richmond

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Prussia Germany Germany

Barkeeper at E. Holzinger’s Sailor Sailor Butcher

35 35 31

P Corp. (08/61)

Heitmüller, William Henninghausen, Charles* Hirsch, Friedrich Johnson, John Kempf, William

27 25

N: 1856 dis: under age; Thunder (1864), Beth Ahabah

366

Appendix B

Name

Rank Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860

Keppler, Jacob* Klein, George*

Pvt. Pvt.

Marburg Tailor Marburg, *10/4/1840 Stovefitter

32 20

Kolbe, John*

Pvt.

Marburg, *10/1/1843 Shoemaker

27

Krebs, Charles Pvt. Kroedel, Hermann Pvt. Krohne, Theodore Pvt.

Saxony Braunschweig

20 36

Lehman, Henry E.

Pvt.

Saxony

Leiss, Edward Lintz, William Lieberman, Lewis Lybrock, Albert* Marxhausen, John Meister, Otto* Merkel, Frank Miller, John

Pvt. Prussia Pvt. Richmond Pvt. Capt. St. Johann, *1/12/1827 Pvt. Hesse Pvt. Eisenach Pvt. Pvt.

Neutzel, William Noswitz, Ludwig

Pvt. Pvt.

Otto, Fred Paul, George F.

Shoemaker Upholsterer at Binford & Porter Architect & Asst. City Engineer Tailor Watchmaker Architect

32 35 18 4 + 1e

New Market Hotel Bookbinder

33

28

Hanover Breslau *1826

Finisher at Tredegar Iron Works Laborer Soapmaker

46 43

Pvt. Sgt.

Saxony-Weimar Saxony

Tailor Shoemaker

26 24

Pflugfelder, Chas.*

Sgt.

Württemberg *1828 Salesman at M. A. Myers’ (Textiles)

32

Rees, Fred Reidt, Henry Reinhardt, Louis

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Hesse-Cassel On the Atlantic

35 22

Roeth, Conrad

Pvt.

Runge, Karl Gustav* Pvt. Runkwitz, Otto Saeger, Fred A. Schad, August*

Pvt. Pvt. Braunschweig 1stLt. Hesse *1815

Schmitt, Friedrich Schnäbele, Heinrich* Schneider, Fried. H.* Schneider, Henry

Pvt. France 2ndLt. Baden Pvt.

Marble cutter Carpenter

Barber

Shoemaker Wilhelm Tell Haus (Saloon) Merchant Jeweller

25

1

29 45 33 42

Gießen, * 11/6/1832 Painter

28

Prussia

35

Pvt.

Schuerman, Henry Cpl.

Clerk

†11/17/1861 Williamsburg,Hospital GW (Father Prussian-born) En: Williamsburg D, †1/11/1886 Richmond Disabled (10/62) †1887 Richmond GW (09/61), Tredegar

Cabinet maker Saxony-Gotha *7/6/1835

Godwin (05/62) †10/28/1905 Richmond, Godwin (05/62) †1/17/1890 Richmond, Godwin (06/62),Pension (1930) 10/14/1861 Yorktown Godwin (06/62)

Godwin (07/62), †11/26/1899 Richmond R. E. Lee Camp Thunder (06/63) †4/20/1901 Richmond, Pension (1909) P 1st Sgt. (03/62), †12/3/1881 Richmond

QM, Pension 4/21/1909 Disabled (10/61), Thunder (12/62) †1/21/1911 Richmond, Pension (1908) Disabled (12/61) D, †12/26/1862 Richmond Disabled (07/61) Disabled (05/62) †5/16/1886 Richmond, Godwin (03/62) S: Charles Wagner (01/62) RR (04/62)

367

B.2 15th Virginia Infantry, Co. K – “Marion Rifles” Name

Rank Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Schwartz, Jacob°

Pvt.

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860

Hesse-Darmstadt

Painter

20

Schwartz, Valentin° Cpl. Hesse-Darmstadt Sevin, John 1stSgt. Saxony Siemens, Charles* Pvt. Lebork, *1839

Painter Tailor Tailor

31 41 21

Simon, Benedict Stecker, Philip Tannbald, Charles Teske, John Thiele, Robert Valck, Charles Wacker, Gustav E.

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Bavaria Hannover Germany Prussia Prussia Prussia Leipzig, *1832

Laborer Plumber Stone cutter Gardener

26 31 37 35

Clerk Watchmaker

28

Wagner, Charles

Pvt.

Walter, John Walter, John L. Werlemberger, Lewis

Pvt. Pvt. Pvt.

Baden

Shoemaker

37

Prussia

Clerk

23

Pension: 5/15/1918, Godwin (03/62) Godwin (06/62) Thunder (06/63) †5/7/1909 R.E. Lee Camp Richmond, Godwin (03/62) Godwin (05/62) Disabled (04/62)

E: 1858, †2/1/1871 Richmond (Suicide) Substitute for Henry Schneider(01/62)

368

Appendix B

B.3 19th Virginia Militia, Co. H & M bla Name

Co.

Adelsdorfer, Jos. Aichele, Georg** Albers, Edward**

H1 H H

Asmus, E. Baetjer, E. F.

H1 M

Baumann, Claus°

Capt. H Baden

Beck, M Becker, N. H Becker, W. H Behl, Wm. H Berndt, C. H Bernstein, C. M Bernstein, Nathan A. H1

Binda, L. Böhme, Ernst** Bolz, Samuel Jr.**

Place & Date of Birth Occupation

*1833

Clerk at Schaer, Köhler & Co. Shoemaker

27

Thunder (06/63) Godwin (03/62) †2/18/1884 Richmond, Godwin (03/62) Godwin (03/62)

26

until 4/26/1862: 1st VA, Godwin (08/62)

Butcher Thunder (08/62)

Hanover, *12/29/1828

M H H/H1 Könefeld/Hesse, *9/27/1835

Böttigheimer, Moses H

Baden, *4/27/1840

Briel, Ph.*

H

Virginia

Broedel, Hermann Brown, Ch. Brown, Cha. Buckenthal, C. Busshaus, F. Calbe, C. Crehen, E. Demler, H. Dietrich, J. Dinkel, J. Doell, Wm.

H1 M H M H H1 M M H 4th Sgt. H H

Dow, C. W. Drescher, A.

M H1

Ehmig, Georg Carl° H Emmenhaus, Chas. H

Upholsterer at Binford & Porter

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860

32

†12/31/1882 Richmond, Member of Beth Ahabah Thunder (12/62)

25

N: 1858; †1/28/1896 Richmond, Thunder (12/62) †8/14/1888 Richmond, Member of Beth Ahabah, Godwin (03/62) until 02/62: 15th VA Inf.

Dry Goods

20

Butcher

24

Thunder (10/62) Godwin (n. d.) Thunder (09/62) Lithographer

Stone cutter

Hamburg

Gelnhausen/Hesse *4/29/1833

Clerk at Kent, Paine & Co. Baker & Milkman Saddler at Gerhard Kahn’s

until 1862: GW, 15th VA Inf. 22

27

until 07/62: 15th VA Inf. Godwin (03/62) N:1868;†1/2/1907, Richmond, Godwin (03/62)

369

B.3 19th Virginia Militia, Co. H & M Name

Co.

Englert, Fred. Ericson, O. Euker, Dietrich

H1 M H1

Feldenheimer, A. Feldner, Conrad**

H H

Feldner, John Feldner, Finke, Wm.**

H M H

Fischer, F. C. Fischer, Emil Fisher, B.

H M H

Flegenheimer, Wm. H

Flemhardt, E. A. Frank, A.*

M H

Freitenstein, G. Frick, A. Friedländer, L. Fritz, J. Frommhagen, A. Fuchs, A. Funk, Ch. Gallmeyer, L. Ganter, J. C. Gardewein, Ch. Gessinghausen, J. Geyer,– Göpfhardt, L. Gottlieb, Bernh. A. Grimmel, Henry*

M H H1 M H H1 H1 M M H1 H1 H H H M

Grom, J. Grote, Guggenheimer, Henry Gundlach, H. Haase, Chr.*

M M M

Hahn, H. Hanna, Mich.** Hauser, J. Heineman, H.

H1 H1 H H1

Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860 Godwin (03/62)

Hesse

Music teacher Grocer (Euker & Balzer)

Hesse-Cassel *1/5/1830

Pyrmont, *12/26/1838

Leutershausen, *8/7/1832

30

Thunder (12/62)

30

†12/17/1905 Richmond, Godwin (03/62) Godwin (03/62) Godwin (03/62) †6/27/1905 Richmond, Thunder (07/63)

Engineer

22

Barber Clerk at J. C. Fischer’s Haxall, Crenshaw & Co. (Mill) Teacher

28

†1/27/1910 Richmond, E:1851;Member of Beth Ahabah

Watchmaker

23

until 07/61: 15th VA Inf., Godwin (06/62)

Godwin (03/62)

Prussia *1828 Butcher Marburg, *8/23/1838 Tinsmith

32 22

N: 1868 until 07/62: 15th VA, †8/23/1898 Saratoga Springs, NY

Clerk at Oscar Cranz’ Member of Beth Ahabah

M H1/M Württemberg

Bavaria *1833

Hatter & furrier

32

until 07/62: 15th VA,†9/9/1907 Richmond

27

†10/23/1876 Richmond

370

Appendix B

Name

Co.

Heinz, W. H. Heise, Chr. Heiss, Jac. Henninghausen, Ch.* Hentze, M. Herzog, Edward

H H/H1 H1 2nd Lt. Fulda/Hesse, H *3/7/1835 H H Bavaria, *1837

Heusler, R. Hirsch, Geo. Hirt, Constantin Holle, Friedr.

H H H1 3rd Cpl. H Holzbach, Chas. E.° H Holzhauer, H Heinrich** Hopp, A. H Huber, Otto H1 Hübner, P. H Huebner, A. Hurge, M. Israels, August Keil, Robert** Kellner, W. Kestner, N. Kindervater, Jul.

Klein, D. Klein, George*

Klein, H. Klevesahl, F. Knorr, Henry Kolbe, A. König, Gottfried Koppel, Hermann Kraus, P. Kretzmar, Anton°° Krieger, G. A Krug, Wendelin** Kuh, E. Langguth, Fried.

Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Barkeeper at E. Holzinger’s

25

until 07/62: 15th VA, †1873 Richmond

Jeweller

23

until 04/62: 1st VA,Thunder (07/63)

Bavaria

Baker

28

Saxony

Barber

33

(“Turner”)

*1832 Marburg/Hesse, *1/12/1828

Cutlery

32

†2/20/1904 Richmond †3/22/1892 Richmond

Blacksmith at Talbott & Bros.

H1 H1 H1 H Bremen H1 H 2nd Lt. M (Capt.?) M 2ndCpl. Marburg, M *10/4/1840

M 1stCpl. H H H 3rdCpl. M H

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860

†1867 Richmond Godwin (03/62) after 1866: Druggist at Georg Bock’s

Godwin (05/62)

Stove-fitter

20

Germany *1834

Grocer

26

Hanover

Shoemaker

30

Hamburg

Paperhanger

Hamburg, *2/21/1834

Clerk

H1 H1/M 1st Cpl. M H Meißenfahrt/Bavaria Shoemaker H H Saxony Clerk at Hamilton & Boucher

26

until 07/62: 15th VA, †10/28/1905 Richmond, Godwin (05/62) Godwin (03/62) N:1868

N:1868, Godwin (03/62) 12/10/1881 Richmond, Member of Beth Ahabah

41

†7/8/1874 Richmond

23

N:1868, Godwin (03/62)

371

B.3 19th Virginia Militia, Co. H & M Name

Co.

Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Liebermann, N. Loeffler, Wilh. Martin, Fred.

H M H1

Hanover

Martin, P. Mayer, H. Meier, Jo. Meiers, A. Meister, Otto*

H H H H H

Eisenach

Bookbinder

28

Merkel, Joseph

H1

Baden *1846

Laborer

14

Meier, Jo. Merkel, R. Miller, Carl Louis**

H H H1

Laborer at G. & A. Bargamin

N:1868

Shoemaker

Thunder (04/63)

Shoemaker Lauterbach/Hesse, *7/6/1840

H Miller, W.** Minnis, J. H1 Momonthy, B. M Morgenstern, Robert H1 Germany Morris, L. 5th Sgt. H Müller, Cha. H H Eilersbach/Bavaria, Müller, Georg** *5/23/1821 Nachman, L. H1 Nagelsmann, H Prussia, *1834 Joseph Nauk, J. D. M Prussia Northheim, C. H. H1 Nußbaum, L. H Opitz, G. A. H Saxony Saxony Paul, George F.* M 1stSgt. Peters, Louis

H

Propst, Henry Rabe, H. Rammstedt, L. Rapp, Ph. Reif, J. V. Reine, F. Reinhardt, John Rind, Leopold Robert, A. Rodenkirchen, H. Rosenstein, H. Rosmary, P.

H Bavaria *1836 H1 H H1 H H1 H1 H1 M M H1 4th Cpl. M 3rd Sgt. M

Ruhl, P.

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860

Prussia

until 07/62: 15th VA, †1887 Richmond N:1868, Godwin (05/62) Thunder (04/63)

Farmer

20

†1/10/1900 Richmond, Thunder (07/63)

Machinist

23

Godwin (03/62)

29

†2/8/1903 Richmond

Machinist

26

until 12/62: 1st VA, N: 1868, Godwin (06/62)

Coach maker

42 Tunder (05/63) Godwin (03/62)

Baker Shoemaker

35 24

Shoemaker at Th. Westermann’s Cabinet-maker

30

until 01/62: 15th VA, †4/20/1901 Richmond, Pension (1909) until 09/61: 1st VA, Thunder (06/63)

24 Godwin (05/62)

Thunder (05/63) Thunder (05/63)

Thunder (05/63) Godwin (03/62)

372

Appendix B

Name

Co.

Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860

Runge, K. G.*

H1st Lt. Saxony-Gotha, *7/6/1835

Barner

25

Ruppert, August**

H

Saxony, *1840

Baker

20

Schaaf, Bernhard Schaaf, Matthäus**

H H1

Hesse-Cassel Milkman Marburg, *8/7/1844

Scheiderer, Fred. Schmidt, A. Schmidt, Cha.

H1 H H

Schmidt, Chr. S. Schmus, A. Schneider, Fried. H.*

H1 H 4th Sgt. Gießen/Hesse, M *11/6/1832

Schneider, Jacob**

H

Schneider, John Schönborn, Chas. Schönfeldt, David

H H M

43 16

Butcher Carpenter at Kersey & Davis

Painter

Annweiler/Palatinate, *4/1/1840

Germany

H 3rd Sgt. H Schott, Henry M Schulte, F. H Schultz, Julius M Schulze, C. M Schuricht, HerrmannMCapt. Pirna/Saxony, *2/13/1831

Godwin (1862)

28

20

Clerk at S. M. Rosenbaum

24

Schönleber, Ch. Schotschky, Wm.

Schwartz, Valentin° 2nd Sgt. H Seibert, Charles** Capt. H1 Seibert, Friedrich** H1/1. Lt. M Senf, Ed. H1 Senf, Robert 2ndCpl. H Siemens, Chas.* H

Singer, T. Sorg, Peter°° Spiess, Ambros Spilling, John Jacob

H1 H H M

until 07/62: 15th VA,†11/21/1911 Richmond, Pension (1908) N: 1868, Godwin (03/62) N: 1868 †12/12/1919 Richmond

E: 15th VA, Godwin (03/62), †5/16/1886 Richmond †1/16/1901 Richmond, Thunder (10/62)

Thunder (10/62) Thunder (05/63)

Godwin (03/62) Ordnance Bureau, Wise Legion, †5/27/1899 Cobham, Va. until 07/62: 15th VA, Godwin (06/62) Thunder (09/62)

Publisher

29

Hesse-Darmstadt

Painter

32

Hesse

Architect

29

Hesse

Music teacher

28

Gera/Prussia, *2/6/1837 Lebork, *1839

Shoemaker

23

†12/30/1901 Richmond

Tailor

21

until 07/62: 15th VA, †5/7/1909 Richmond, Godwin (03/62)

Germany, *1827

Baker

33

†7/8/1903 Richmond Godwin (03/62) †4/13/1898 Richmond

Marburg, *10/23/1843

17

373

B.3 19th Virginia Militia, Co. H & M Name

Co.

Place & Date of Birth Occupation

Spott, Charles

M

Prussia

Staab, Philip°

H

Bavaria, *1832

Stahl, M. Staub, Ph. Stecker, Ph.

H1 H1 H

Hanover

Stein, L. Steinmann, J. L.

H1 H

Stephan, Charles*

Cpl.H1

Stern, Lorenz Stoll, M. Stump, Jos. Thiele, Robert

H M H1 H

Thilow, Chas. W.** Verspohl, Franz von Büren, R. von der Hoehl, Dan.

M M H H2.Lt.

Wagner, Louis Walter, L. Warnicke, F. Weckerly, J. Weimer, Chr. Weiner,– Welzenberg, Lorenz Wenton, H. Wenzel, Henry** Werne, R. Werner, John Winten, H. Witte, F.

H Hanover H M H1 H H H/H1 M M Hesse-Cassel H M Hesse-Cassel *1836 H1 H

Wittman, J. Wohlgemuth, Jul. Wolff, Gustav

M H1 H/H1 *7/20/1822

Wolff, Jac. Wolfram, J. W. Wollcher, F. Zander, Geo. Zimmermann, Wm. H.**

H H H1 H1 H

Slaves Age in Remarks owned 1860 in 1860

Jeweller at W. A. Spott’s Shoemaker

Plumber at Wm. A. Mountcastle

28

Godwin (05/62)

27

until 08/62: 1st VA; Thunder (03/62), N: 1867

32

Salesman at Lewis a. Myers Shoemaker

Godwin (03-08/62) until 07/62: 15th VA, Godwin (05/62) Godwin (03/62)

25

†9/5/1910 Richmond, until 08/62: 1st Va. Thunder (03/63) Godwin (03/62) until 10/62: 15th VA, Godwin (1862)

Prussia Piano teacher

Thunder (08/63)

Bavaria

Shareholder of Mummenthey’s (tobacconist) Apothecary

playwright

2e

25

Jeweller Barber

Orderly officer, N: 1868 24

N: 1868

38

†3/30/1905 Richmond, Member of Beth Ahabah

28

N: 1868

15

†12/3/1926 Richmond, Godwin (06/62)

Clerk at H. L. Dorr & Rade (Music Store)

Tailor Confectioner

Marburg, *9/21/1845 Hatter

374

Appendix B

Abbreviations and symbols used in appendix B.1–B.3 bla Printed boldly: * ° † AWL AWOL Beth Ahabah C CM CSR D Det. dis. drop. E e En Ex. Godwin GW Hosp. M N N. N. P Pension POW Re res. RR S Substitute for Thunder transf. Vol. W

Names of militia members of the 19th Virginia Militia, Co. H and M, who served originally in the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles and, after 1863, in the militia. Member of St. John’s German Evangelical Church, Richmond. Member of St. Mary’s Catholic Church, Richmond. Deceased Absent with leave Absent without leave Member of Beth Ahabah Synagogue, Richmond. Conscript Court Martial Compiled Service Records Deserted Detailed Discharged Dropped (from muster roll) Date of Emigration Employed (hired slave, not property) Enlisted Exempt from military service Interned at Castle Godwin, military prison (month/year), Richmond, Va. Government Work Hospital Missing in action Date of Naturalization Not listed Promoted Received Confederate pension from the states of Virginia (date) Prisoner of War Re-enlisted (after initial term of service was up) Resigned from service Reduced in rank Substitute furnished : name Served as substitute for (name) Interned at Castle Thunder, military prison (month/year), Richmond, Va. This prison was opened in August 1862 to serve as a relief location for overcrowded Castle Godwin. Transferred to different unit/company Volunteered for service Wounded

Primary sources (B.1–B.3): Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of Virginia, 1st Infantry (Williams Rifles), RG 109, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 324, rolls 352–361; 15th Infantry, rolls 558–569. Congregation Beth Ahabah, Richmond City, Records, 1841–1903 (130 p.), Acc. 25986, handwritten in German and Hebrew, Virginia State Library & Archives, Richmond. Eighth Census of the United States 1860: Free and Slave Schedules for the City of Richmond, Henrico County, Virginia, RG 29, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 653, rolls 1352, 1353 & 1392. Henrico County Personal Property Tax Lists 1860, Virginia State Library & Archives, Richmond.

Abbreviations and symbols used in appendix B.1–B.3

375

Hustings Court, City of Richmond, Intention to become a Citizen, vol. 30, January 1868–February 1868, Virginia State Library & Archives. Loehr, Charles T. War History of the Old First Virginia Infantry Regiment, Army of Northern Virginia. Richmond: Wm. Ellis Jones, 1884. Record of the Richmond City and Henrico County Virginia Troops, Confederate States Army, comp. E. H. Chamberlayne, Jr. Richmond: Wm. Ellis Jones, 1879: Chamberlayne’s work contains several mistakes and is incomplete. Register of Arrests, Confederate Secretary of War, Provost Marshal General’s Office, Richmond, Va. 1862– 1864; RG 109, Chapter IX, vol. 244, National Archives, Washington, D.C. Register of Oaths of Allegiance, taken at Richmond 1865, RG 109, Entry 415 (National Archives Microfilm Publication M 598, vol. 391: Selected Records of the War Department Relating to Confederate Prisoners of War, 1861–1865.) Richmonder Anzeiger, Richmond, 1855–1861. Richmonder Anzeiger, May 16, 1861 (Muster roll of “Virginia Rifles”). Richmonder Anzeiger, May 28, 1861 (Muster roll of “Marion Rifles”). Richmond City Personal Property Tax Lists 1859 & 1861, Virginia State Library & Archives, Richmond. Robert E. Lee Camp Confederate Soldiers’ Home, State Records, RG 52, Register 1884–1939, vol. 3, Virginia State Library and Archives. Schuricht, Herrmann. The German Element in Virginia. Baltimore, 1900. Vol. II, 72–79 (“Virginia Rifles”, “Marion Rifles”, Militia Co. H & M). Second Annual Directory for the City of Richmond, to which is added a business Directory for 1860, comp. W. Eugene Ferslew. Richmond: W. Wirt Turner, 1860. 1–240. St. Mary’s Catholic Church Birth Records 1848–1908, Misc. reel no. 352, Virginia State Library & Archives, Richmond. St. John’s Evangelical and Reformed Church, Richmond City, Register 1865–1907, Acc. 29635a, Virginia State Library & Archives, Richmond. Virginia Confederate Pension Applications, Act of 1902, Richmond City, Va. Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond: John Kolbe (reel 181, p. 656); George F. Paul (reel 182, p. 911); Louis Reinhardt (reel 183, p. 151); K. G. Runge (reel 183, p. 470), Jacob Schwartz (reel 183, p. 639). MSS Charles Henninghausen: Muster roll of Co. H, 19th Virginia Militia, June 14,1864 and Muster roll of “Marion Rifles” (undates); MSS 2 H 3932 b 14-17, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond.

Secondary sources (B.1–B.3): Christian, W. Ashbury. Richmond: Her Past and Present: Illustrated. Richmond: L. H. Jenkins, 1912. (“Marion Rifles,” p. 562) Ezekiel, Herbert T. and Gaston Lichtenstein. The History of the Jews of Richmond from 1769 to 1917. Richmond: H. T. Ezekiel, 1917. 1st Virginia Infantry. Ed. Lee A. Wallace Jr. Lynchburg: H. E. Howard, Inc., ³1985. 80–123, 128–131. 15th Virginia Infantry.Ed. Louis H. Manarin. Lynchburg: H. E. Howard, Inc., 1990. 87–123. Kolbe, J. Christian. “Payroll of Capt. Cletus Bauman’s Company (German Home Guard) of the 19th Regt. Virginia Militia.” Magazine of Virginia Genealogy 34, 1 (Winter 1996), 33–37. Lindsay, Joicey Haw. “Henrico County, Virginia, Naturalizations 1844–1858.” Magazine of Virginia Genealogy 22, 4 (Nov. 1984), 12–17. Richmond Volunteers: The Volunteer Companies of the City of Richmond and Henrico County, Virginia 1861–1865. Ed. Louis H. Manarin and Lee A. Wallace, Jr. Richmond: Westover Press, 1969. 191–192, 228–230. Virginia 1860 Federal Census Index Excluding Present day West Virginia. Ed. Ronald Vern Jackson [et al.], North Salt Lake, UT: Accelerated Indexing Systems International, 1984. MSS John Kolbe MSS Gustav E. Wacker MSS Lee A. Wallace, Jr.

376

Appendix C

Appendix C: Ethnic German Companies of Louisiana C.1 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Steuben Guards, Co. A (as of Dec. 21, 1861: 76 men) Name

Rank

Place of Birth

Occupation

Achilles, Rudolph Armbruster, Julius Bahntge, Henry Balzer, John Beck, George Becker, Valentine Behlmann, John Bracklin, Friedrich Braun, Martin Brunagel, Joseph Brunnemann, Henry Brunning, Bernhard Burkel, Joseph Decker, Joseph Diamond, Ray. Eggers, Charles Fischer, Ernst Freiter, Max Friehse, Henry Gebhard, Louis Gartner, Carl Geiger, Charles Genzack, Louis Hafner, Anton Hafner, John Hahn, Henry Hausner, John Heidelmann, Valentin Henck, William Hillebrand, Joseph Hollweg, Hermann Ihle, Otto Kehrwald, Gebhard Keiling, Joseph Kirsch, John Jr. Kirschenheuter, John J. Koehler, John Krause, Charles Kreutz, Nicholas Krupp, Joseph Landolt, Anton Leopold, Nathan Menger, Martin Mettler, Martin

A A, 2nd Corp. A A A A A A PEN A A A A A A A A A A A A A, 1st Corp. A, Musician A A A A A, 2nd Lt. A, 4. Sgt. A A A A A, Capt. A A A, 2nd Lt. A A A A A A, 2nd Sgt. A A, 1st Sgt.

Hindenburg

Teacher Grocer Laborer

Baden

Slaves owned in 1860

Age in Remarks 1860 34 24

dis: 4/18/1862 † 12/31/1862 32nd Ind. (07/63)

Cooper M (05/62) Saxony

21 POW (09/63) Laborer Laborer/Miner

Hanover

Shoemaker

D (07/63), POW M (05/62)

31

Musician Painter

Laborer Barber

Germany

Drayman

“Baen”

Clerk

31

Louisiana

Carpenter Piano teacher Shoemaker

18

Prussia

Laborer

27

Laborer

W (12/62) transf. M (05/62) POW (04/62) † Fall of 1862 POW (1864)

D (07/64) M (05/62) M (05/62) Cook W (1864) res: 8/10/1862 RR, M (08/63) D (08/63) C, POW (07/64) † 9/13/1862 M (09/62) POW (11/63) M (05/62) transf. dis: 4/15/1862 transf. dis: (12/61) Cook dis: 7/2/1862 POW: (12/64) POW (01/63) W

377

C.1 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Steuben Guards, Co. A Name

Rank

Place of Birth

Moesner, Louis

A

Mohr, Lorenz Müller, Christ. Müller, John Müller, Julius Nagel, John Platte, John Pribis, Friedrich Raisley, John Rodolph, John Rosenbaum, Louis Ruch, Phil. Schaefferkoetter, Henry Schoeff, George Scholz, Anton Schulz, Ernst Sellbach, Gustave Sommer, John Spratte, Jacob Steiert, August Steierwald, August Strassenburg, Geo. Thome, John Tolle, Ferdinand Verbene, William Vogelsang, August Walkling, Fritz Weber, Emil Werley, Michael Witthoff, Hermann Wirth, Henry Wolf, Isidore

A A A A A A Lüchow A, Musician A A A, 1st Lt. Hanover A A Prussia A, PEN,2nd Sgt. Baden A A Prussia A Prussia A A A A A A A A, 3rd Corp. A, 4th Corp. A Prussia A A A A Prussia A

Occupation

Slaves owned in 1860

Age in Remarks 1860

Laborer

Cook, POW (12/64) POW (12/62) POW (01/62)

46

Shoemaker

32

Tailor Cotton packer

24 27

Mechanic

33

Laborer Clerk Clerk Cooper

26 28

Cooper Cooper † 7/7/1862 drop. (09/62) M (05/62) res: 5/10/1862 Artisan, D (07/63) POW (04/62) dis: 12/1/1862 † 4/21/1862 dis: 7/3/1862 Cooper M (04/62) drop. (09/62) dis: 8/31/1862 transf. W (1864) † 10/1/1863 D (07/63) RR, Orderly drop. (06/62) D (06/62) W (04/62) Cooper † 4/6/1862 Cooper

378

Appendix C

C.2 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Louisiana Volunteers, Co. B (as of Dec. 21, 1861: 77 men) Name

Rank

Place of Birth Occupation

Albers, Daniel Assenheimer, Charles Beyer, Henry Bloemer, Henry Blomeke, Anton Blust, Leopold Bode, Fred Boecklinger, Caspar Bohlken, John Brach, John Buttenmiller, Joseph Dick, William Düssel, Julius Ehrlicher, John Eidner, E. Eisenhauer, A. Ellerson, William Engels, John Ernst, Xavier Faab, August Franke, Conrad Genrich, Henry Gersting, August Gori, Joseph Gouershet, Alfred Günther, Xavier Hellwig, Theodor Holl, Chas. Holbau, Frank Hollen, Friedrich Huebner, Louis Johlfs, Henry Kastanienbaum, Samuel Keppel, Stephan Klump, Frank Leonard, Richard Lissmann, Carl Lohmann, Henry Maier, William Meyer, Gottlieb Miller, William Moller, John Moosmeier, Charles Mühe, Fred Naegly, Julius Ohlrich, William L. T. Ortwein, Valentine Roeser, George

B B, Capt. B, 3rd Corp. B B B B B B B B B B, 2nd Lt. B B, 1st Sgt. B, Musician B, 4th Corp. B, 2nd Corp. B B B B, 1st Corp. B B B B B B B B B B B B B B B B B B B, 4th Sgt. B B B B B, 2nd Sgt. B B

Carpenter Württemberg Painter Drayman Oldenburg Grocer CD Musician Switzerland

Laborer

Slaves Age in 1860 Remarks owned in 1860 M (05/62) 26 38

39

C; POW 1864 M (09/63), POW dis: 7/3/1862 M (04/62) W (04/62), M P Corp. (02/62)

Berlin Bavaria

Painter Tailor

Baden

Baker Shoemaker

21 18

35

W (01/63) † (01/63) P Serg. (02/62) P Serg. (02/62) dis: 8/13/1862 D (10/62) RR, D (03/62)

Louisiana

Clerk

23 P 2nd Lt. (02/62)

Hanover

Carpenter

30

Carpenter Bavaria

Cigar maker

dis: 8/3/1862 sick

sick 21

POW (10/62) D (07/63) † (12/61) POW (12/61)

Confectioner Apothecary

D (06/62) P 1 Serg (02/62)

Shoemaker

Greifswald

30

POW (06/62) transf. RR

379

C.2 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Louisiana Volunteers, Co. B Name

Rank

Place of Birth Occupation

Rottolf, Jacob Ruhl, Peter Rummel, Wendelin Schantz, Peter Scheffel, E. W. Schmidt, Lorenz Schott, Edward

B B, 1st Lt. B B B B B

Schreiber, Julius Schwartz, Wm. Schweiß, Joseph Schulz, John Siebrandt, August

B, 3rd Sgt. B B B B

Hanover

Gilder

38

Siebrandt,August Jr.

B Musician

Hanover

Gilder

15

Spindler, William Steinbach, Henry Steuer, Chas. Stildorf, Frank Stumpfaus, Peter Theiss, Henry Voelkel, Christian Vogelskamp, Henry Weingarth, Daniel Weitham, August Wetzel, Peter Weyand, John Wiebelt, George Wirz, Christian Wolter, Louis Wunsdorf, Julius

B B B B B B B B B B B B B B B B

Westfalia

Basket-maker

Hesse

Slaves Age in 1860 Remarks owned in 1860

Clerk

40

Tailor Drayman

32

Musician

res: 3/21/1864

POW (09/63) 32nd Ind. (08/63), US-PEN M (05/62)

POW (04/62) 2nd LaVol.(08/62) 1st LaVol. (09/62), US-PEN † (01/63) drop. (10/62) † (04/62) M (04/62)

M (04/62)

Baden

Laborer

33

drop. (10/62) M (05/62)

W, POW(12/62)

380

Appendix C

C.3 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Reichard Rifles, Co. C (as of Dec. 21, 1861: 70 men) Name

Rank

Bachmann, John Balzer, Conrad Baude, William Beck, Joseph Belljahn, John Berthold, William Blell, Emil

C C C, 4th Corp. C C C C, 2nd Corp

Bobb, Anton Boedicker, Friedrich Dahm, Michael Dell, Philip Dennes, Philip DePetz, Charles Disher, John Dornhäuser, Joseph Drexell, Heinrich Eckert, Alois Eckert, John Engelhardt, Charles Faudri, George Fischer, John Franke, Henry Haas, Jacob Haase, Friedrich Hackh, August Hader, Jacob Hauselmann, Conrad Heintz, Charles Hoffmann, Christian Jung, Peter Klumpp, Hermann Kolbe, Emanuel Kreutz, Andrew Kuntz, Friedrich Kuntz, John Landgraf, Anton v. Mahne, William Meier, Charles Meyer, Thomas Miller, Jacob Mueller, Franz Müller, Gustave Müller, Heinrich Müller, Hermann Muth, Peter Petersen, Asmus

C C C C C C, 2nd Lt. C C C C C C C C, 1st Corp. C C C C C C C, 4th Sgt. C C C C C, 1st Sgt. C C, 3rd Corp. C, 3rd Sgt. C C C C C C C C, 2nd jun. Lt. C C

Place of Birth Occupation

Age in 1860 Remarks Slaves owned in 1860 W (04/62) D (06/62) † 4/6/1862

Prussia

Saxony

Laborer

29

Bavaria

Painter Dry Goods

30

Germany

Laborer Clerk

23

Prussia

Tobacconist

† 3/3/1863 transf. (01/62) RR, POW (10/62) W (04/62), POW † 4/6/1862 POW (1865) W (12/61) POW (05/63) res: 4/23/1862 32nd Ind. (08/63) W (04/62) W (04/62) res: 03/62 M (10/62)

D (07/63) Orderly W (04/62) Cook/Baker D (12/1862) POW (04/62) W, M (12/62)

Baker

Laborer

D (06/62) transf.

Bavaria

Bavaria

Café owner Clerk Drayman Carpenter Grocer

26

27

Jeweller

Prussia Oldenburg

CD Tailor Grocer Carpenter

27 33

M (06/62) POW (12/64) 11.Ky Cav(10/63) AWL POW (04/62)

W (04/62) W (04/62) W (04/62), POW dis: 7/3/1862 W (04/62), POW P Capt/res(11/64) POW (08/63) sick

381

C.3 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Reichard Rifles, Co. C Name

Rank

Place of Birth Occupation

Petersen, Heinrich Plettenberg, Johann Reisert, Gustave [Reitmeyer, F.] N. N. Riese, Adam Rott, Heinrich Ruh, Christian Schaedel, John Schaefer, Daniel Scheffer, Jacob Schilling, Philip Schmidt, David

C C C C, Capt. C C, Drummer C C, 2nd Sgt. C C C C

Danmark

Schmutz, Charles Schuette, Heinrich Schulz, John Schweitzer, Charles Siebrecht, Heinrich Steffens, Johann Straub, Joseph Strittmatter, Joseph Walder, Gustave Wallbaum, Heinrich Weise, Otto L. F. Werner, Heinrich

C C C C C C C C C C C, 1st Lt. C

Age in 1860 Remarks Slaves owned in 1860 † 4/6/1862 transf.

Barber Bavaria

Laborer

32

Germany

Tailor

37

Württemberg Mattress saleman

45

Tailor Louisiana

Upholsterer

Königsberg

Merchant Bookbinder

25

dis: 7/3/1862 POW (04/62) P Capt. (11/64) D (06/62) M (05/62) † 11/25/1863 D (03/62) dis: 7/16/1862 Orderly POW (04/62) drop. Orderly POW (04/62) POW (01/63) POW (05/62) W D (10/62) res: 4/22/1862 M (05/62)

382

Appendix C

C. 4 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Turner Guards, Co. D (as of Dec. 21, 1861: 73 men) Name

Rank

Place of Birth occupation

Ahrens, Charles Baer, Fred. Bahrs, Henry Benua, Joseph Bernhardt, Daniel Birg, Joseph Bischop, Jean Blanck, Joseph

D D D D D D D D

Ireland

Boggenbohl, Henry Brandner, Theodor Braun, Ernst Buhlert, Henry Buncken, Louis C. Conway, Robert Depenbrock, Rudolph Drummer, Henry Eichholz, Theodor Fischer, Joseph Franck, Henry Fried, John Glanz, Julius Goldschmidt, William Harff, Frank Hechtel, Jean Heilmann, Martin Heins, Otto Helmerich, Frank Hess, Alban Heuberger, Franz

D D D D D, Capt. D D, 2nd Corp. D D, 2nd Lt. D D D D, 1st Sgt. D D D D D D D D, Drum Major D, 4th Corp. D, 3rd Sgt. D D D D D, 3rd Corp. D D D D D, 2nd Sgt. D D D D

Hildebrand, Charles Hoffmann, Louis Ihle, Philip Kieser, Ernst Knabe, Henry Köhler, Adam Kranz, Albert Laatz, Fred. Lander, August Lanzac, George de Leimgruber, Egidius Leonhard, Ed. Liliencron, Ferdinand Lockville, Jean Lorenz, Joseph Luckermaier, William

Baden

Laborer

Tailor

Slaves Age in 1860 Remarks owned in 1860 18

40

canteen salesman

Clerk Factor

New Orleans

Café owner

19

22

transf. W dis: 7/3/1862 AWL (1862) D (05/62)

POW (04/62) M res: 11/25/1862 dis: 12/29/1861 D (05/62) M Shiloh P Capt., (12/63) dis: 7/26/1862 Orderly W Shiloh POW (1862) sick W, POW (04/62) transf. AWL W (04/62) AWL

W (04/62) † (04/62) POW (11/63) W (04/62) M Shiloh GW D (05/62)

Carpenter

D (04/62) Baden

Tailor

26

Prussia

Laborer

53

transf. dis: 12/29/1861 Hospital Stewart † 5/13/1864 dis: 06.05.1862 transf.

383

C. 4 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Turner Guards, Co. D Name

Rank

Mayse, Henry Mender, John Mileski, Albert Neeb, Amon Oelsner, Alex Pache, Joseph Preuler, Jacob Reien, Carl Scheibel, Frederick Schellenberg, A. v. Schmidt, Hermann Schneider, Th.

D D D D D D D D D D, 1st Lt. D D, 2nd jun. Lt.

Schwier, Jean Sell, John Spiering, Hermann Spitzmüller, Franz Stahl, Charles Steffens, Charles Stier, William Stubler, Charles Surmann, Joseph Traub, Philip Treder, Richard Vahrenkamp, Carl Wallerfeld, Levy Weismüller, Vincent Zeller, Frederick Zeller, Georg

D D D D, 1st Corp. D D, 4th Sgt. D D D D D D D D D D

Place of Birth occupation

Slaves Age in 1860 Remarks owned in 1860

transf.(03/62) Orderly POW, D (10/62)

Shoemaker

transf. AWL M (04/62) D (03/62) P Capt., (09/63)

Foreman

Saxony

Laborer

39

Hamburg

transf. transf. † 7/6/1862 D (05/62) transf. Cook, W † 4/6/1862 POW (1865) D (05/62) M (04/62) D (05/62)

Bremen Louisiana

"Gentleman" Clerk

46 16

sick D (05/63)

384

Appendix C

C. 5 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Florance, Co. (as of Dec. 21, 1861: 80 men) Name

Rank

Behrend, E. Behrens, John Bigler, Samuel

F F F

Place of Birth Occupation

F F F F, 1st Sgt. F F, 4th Sgt. F F, 2nd Sgt. F F F F, 2nd Sgt. F F F, 1st Corp. F F F F F F F F F, 1st Lt.

Lambring, Frank

F

AWL (07/63) †12/31/1862 32nd Ind. (07/63)

Painter

Blattner, John F Blell, George F Blohm, A. F Blohm, George F Brummerstadt, Hermann F, Capt. Burckhardt, W. F Buscher, Wm. F Carwitzel, Chr. F Coon, Samuel F Dahnstine, Moritz F Davidson, Henry F Debussiones, H. F. F Deppenbrock, F. H. F Duvel, Martin F Eckerle, Chr. F Engstfeld, Fred F Ernst, Carl Euler, Edward Firnhaber, H. Frauenfeldt, Henry Gass, E. Gottsleben, A. Graser, Jac. Gresner, Julius Grosch, George Haase, John Haeberle, Charles Harjes, John Harms, Chr. Hartmann, Wm. Heiliger, Edward Heinis, Stephen Hinck, George Hings, W. Hirsch, Jacob Hirsch, Julius Kirckwood, George Klostermann, Wm. Knoppe, Albert Lachenmeyer, Edmund

Age in 1860 Remarks Slaves owned in 1860

AWL (1862) transf. D (07/63) † (12/62) D (06/62)

Clerk

C, D (12/64) D (05/62) POW (11/63) W (04/62)

Carpenter 21 Prussia

Painter

27

Hanover

Clerk

27

CD

Hanover

Grocer

35

Germany Muskau

Cabinet-maker

26

Pirmasens

Clerk

D (07/63) 32nd Ind. (10/63) D (07/63) W (04/62) dis: 7/20/.1862 W (04/62) W (01/63) D (07/63), POW Orderly, POW sick POW (10/62) D (05/62) W (04/62), POW † 6/11/1864 D (05/64) M (04/62) US Army (04/62) D (1864), POW sick sick POW D (07/64), POW D (05/62) sick P Capt. (06/64) sick (11/62)

385

C. 5 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Florance, Co. Name

Rank

Lampe, H. Lange, Carl Locher, Laurent Metz, John Müller, George Olbry, A. Olbry, F. Oplateck, J. Pörtner, A. Printz, Jacob Rann, J. A. Riseld, N. A. Schaeffer, Karl Scharnitzky, L. Schauts, George Scherer, Jacob Schlesinger, Jacob Schmiedt, H. Schmitz, Gerhard Schneider, Carl Schröder, B. F. Schulte, Joseph Schutz, Bernhard Smith, J. J. Springer, H. Stolle, Ferdinand Strauss, Isaac Veit, Maurice Warburg, Edward Weber, John Weistanner, Theod. Wiechmann, J. Wilken, A. Woestensick, A. Zander, Robert

F F F F F F F F F F F F F F, Musician F F F F F F F F F F, 4th Sgt. F F F F F, 2nd Lt. F F, 3rd Sgt. F F, 3rd Sgt. F F

Place of Birth Occupation

Baden

Clerk Shoemaker

Age in 1860 Remarks Slaves owned in 1860

40

D (07/63) W (04/62) POW (04/62) D (05/62) Cook/Butcher drop. (07/62) drop. (07/62) sick

CD W (04/62)

W (04/62) sick (12/61) Bavaria

Tailor

31

M (05/62) D (07/63) W (04/62) W (1862) W (1862) M (04/62) † 6/6/1862 † 12/31/1862 transf.

Tailor Switzerland

dis: 2/22/1862 transf. Hamburg West Johann

22 Grocer

38

† 6/8/1862 † 9/21/1863 M (05/62) W (04/62) D (10/63), POW

386

Appendix C

Abbreviations and symbols used in appendix C.1–C.5 bla † AWL AWOL C CD CM CSR D Det. dis. drop. E En Ex. GW Hosp. M N N. N. P PEN POW QM Re res. RR S/Substitute S S. for sick Special service transf. US-PEN Vol. W

Deceased Absent with leave Absent without leave Conscript Listed in City Directory without profession Court Martial Compiled Service Records Deserted Detailed Discharged Dropped (from muster roll) Date of Emigration Enlisted Exempt from military service Government Work Hospital Missing in action Date of Naturalization Not listed Promoted Received Confederate pension from the state of Louisiana (1898 onwards) Prisoner of War Quartermaster Re-enlisted (after initial term of service was up) Resigned from service Reduced in rank served as substitute Furnished a substitute by the name of … served as substitute for (name) Sick Detailed for special services Transferred to different unit/company Received federal pension for military service in Union army Volunteered for service Wounded

Primary Sources (C.1–C.5): Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of Louisiana, 20th Infantry, RG 109, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 320, rolls 308–315. Eighth Census of the United States 1860: Free and Slave Schedules for the City of New Orleans, Orleans Parish, Louisiana, RG 29, National Archives Microfilm Publication M 653, rolls 415–422, 429. Gardner’s New Orleans Directory for 1861 Including Jefferson City, Gretna, Carrollton, Algiers, and McDonogh. Comp. Charles Gardner. New Orleans: Charles Gardner, 1861. Königl. Bayerisches Konsulat, New Orleans, Deutsches Haus Archiv (Item 77), Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans, La. Königl.-Preußisches Konsulat, New Orleans, Deutsches Haus Archiv (Item 75), Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans, La.

Abbreviations and symbols used in appendix C.1–C.5

387

Louisiana Confederate Pension Applications, Acts of 1898 and 1902, Baton Rouge, La., Louisiana State Archives, Baton Rouge, La.: Fred. Bracklein (16-1-23/24); Philip Butz (22-3- 6/7); Charles de Petz (109-0-0); J. J. Kirschenheuter (77-0- 0); George Schoeff (125-0-0). Musterroll Captain Gebhard Kehrwald, Co. A, Steuben Guards, 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Dec. 21st, 1861: Jackson Barracks, Booths’s Compilation, Book #75, New Orleans, Louisiana. According to the muster roll Captain Kehrwald’s company had been reduced to 9 officers and 23 soldiers by March 1864. Musterroll, Captain Charles Assenheimer, Co. B, 20th Louisiana Volunteer Infantry Regiment, December 21st, 1861; Jackson Barracks, Booth’s Compilation, Book # 75, New Orleans, Louisiana. Musterroll, Captain Reitmeyer [N. N.], Co. C, Reichard Rifles, 20th Louisiana Volunteer Infantry Regiment, December 21st, 1861; Jackson Barracks, Booth’s Compilation, Book # 75, New Orleans, Louisiana. Musterroll Captain L. C. Buncken, Co. D, Turner Guards, 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Dec. 21st, 1861: Jackson Barracks, Booth’s Compilation, Book #75, New Orleans, Louisiana. Musterroll Captain Hermann Brummerstadt, Co. F, Florance Guards, 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Dec. 21st, 1861: Jackson Barracks, Booth’s Compilation, Book #75, New Orleans, Louisiana. MSS Fred Engstfeld, RG 15, Pension Record, 32nd Indiana Inf., Co. C., National Archives, Washington. MSS Jacob Hirsch (55-C), Manuscripts Dept., Tulane University, New Orleans, La. MSS Edward Schott, RG 15, Pension Record, 32nd Indiana Inf., Co. C., National Archives, Washington. MSS August Siebrand Jr., RG 15, Pension Record, 1st Louisiana Vol. Inf., Co. B., National Archives, Washington. MSS August Siebrand Sen., RG 15, Pension Record, 2nd Louisiana Vol. Inf., Co. G., National Archives, Washington.

388

Appendix D

Appendix D: Comparative Population Statistics: Germans in the South (1850–1870) D.1 Germans, Foreigners, and Free Inhabitants in the Subsequent Confederacy in 1850 a

State

1 Louisiana

German Proportion of Proportion of b Inhabitants Germans in Germans in the Total the Total Number of Free Foreigners Population of (in %) the State (in %)

Total Proportion c Number of of Foreigners Foreigners in the Total Free Population (in %)

Total Free Population of the State (including free Blacks & Indians)

18,043

27.2

6.6

1

66,413

24.3

8

272,953

2 Texas

8,277

49.3

5.4

3

16,774

10.9

10

154,431

3 Virginia

5,562

24.8

0.6

2

22,394

2.4

1

949,133

4 South Carolina

2,235

25.8

0.8

4

8,662

3.1

7

283,523

5 Tennessee

1,210

21.1

0.2

7

5,740

0.8

2

763,258

6 Mississippi

1,151

23.2

0.4

8

4,958

1.7

6

296,648

7 Alabama

1,146

15.0

0.3

5

7,638

1.8

5

428,779

8 Georgia

985

16.7

0.2

6

5,907

1.1

4

524,503

9 Arkansas

540

33.2

0.9

11

1,628

1.0

9

162,797

10 North Carolina

365

14.5

0.1

10

2,524

0.4

3

580,491

11 Florida

332

12.0

0.7

9

2,757

5.7

11

48,135

39,846

27.4

0.89

145,395

3.3

Total

4,464,651

(a): Ranking order for the southern states favored by German immigrants (1–11). (b): The southern states ranked in order of the number of foreigners (1–11). (c): The southern states ranked in order of the size of the total free population (1–11). Sources: Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, DC: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95 (table XC), 116 ff. (table CXX). The information for the total numbers of foreigners does not agree with the information in the census. However, the numbers in the Compendium, issued in 1854 with greater accuracy, were used in the table above. The Seventh Census of the United States 1850. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, D.C.: Robert Armstrong, 1853. ix, 258, 309, 339, 366, 401, 422, 448, 474, 505, 547.

D.2 Germans, Slaves, Free Blacks, and White Inhabitants in the Subsequent Confederacy

389

D.2 Germans, Slaves, Free Blacks, and White Inhabitants in the Subsequent Confederacy in 1850 a

State

1 Louisiana

German Proportion Proportion Inhabitants of Germans of Germans in the Total in the Total Number of Number of Inhabitants Free Whites (in %) (in %)

b

Total Number of Slaves

Total Number of Free Blacks (in %)

c

Total Population of the State

d

18,043

3.48

7.06

7

244,809

17,462

3

517,762

8

2 Texas

8,277

3.89

5.37

9

58,161

397

11

212,592

9

3 Virginia

5,562

0.39

0.62

1

472,528

54,333

1

1,421,661

1

4 South Carolina

2,235

0.33

0.81

2

384,984

8,960

4

668,507

6

5 Tennessee

1,210

0.12

0.15

8

239,459

6,422

5

1,002,717

2

6 Mississippi

1,151

0.18

0.38

5

309,878

930

9

606,526

7

7 Alabama

1,146

0.14

0.26

4

342,844

2,265

7

771,623

5

8 Georgia

985

0.10

0.18

3

381,682

2,931

6

906,185

3

9 Arkansas

540

0.25

0.33

10

47,100

608

10

10 North Carolina

365

0.04

0.06

6

288,548

27,463

2

11 Florida

332

0.37

0.70

11

39,310

932

8

39,846

0.54

0.91

2,809,303

122,703

Total

209,897 10 869,039

4

87,445 11 7,273,954

(a): Ranking order for the southern states favored by German immigrants. (b): The southern states ranked in order of the number of slaves. (c): The southern states ranked in order of the number of free Blacks. (d): The southern states ranked in order of the total number of inhabitants. Sources: Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, DC: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95 (table XC), 116 ff. (table CXX). The Seventh Census of the United States 1850. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, D.C.: Robert Armstrong, 1853. ix, 258, 309, 339, 366, 401, 422, 448, 474, 505, 547.

390

Appendix D

D.3 Germans, Slaves, and Slave-Holders in the Subsequent Confederacy in 1850 c

German Inhabitants

54,333

1

5,562

274,563 (9.3%)

8,960

4

2,235

524,503 (7.3%)

521,572 (7.4%)

2,931

6

985

29,295

428,779 (6.8%)

426,514 (6.9%)

2,265

7

1,146

7

23,116

296,648 (7.8%)

295,718 (7.8%)

930

9

1,151

288,548

5

28,303

580,491 (4.9%)

553,028 (5.1%)

27,463

2

365

7 Louisiana

244,809

8

20,670

272,953 (7.6%)

255,491 (8.1%)

17,462

3

18,043

8 Tennessee

239,459

3

33,864

763,258 (4.4%)

756,836 (4.5%)

6,422

5

1,210

58,161

9

7,747

154,431 (5.0%)

154, 034 (5.0%)

397 11

8,277

10 Arkansas

47,100 10

5,999

162,797 (3.7%)

162,189 (3.7%)

608 10

540

11 Florida

39,310 11

3,520

48,135 (7.3%)

47,203 (7.5%)

932

332

271,629

4,464,651 (6.1%)

4,341,948 (6.3%)

a

State

Total Total Free Total White Population Population Number of Free (of these (of these Blacks slaveslaveholders holders in %) in %)

Total Number of Slaves

b

Number of SlaveHolders

1 Virginia

472,528

1

55,063

949,133 (5.8%)

894,800 (6.2%)

2 South Carolina

384,984

6

25,596

283,523 (9.0%)

3 Georgia

381,682

2

38,456

4 Alabama

342,844

4

5 Mississippi

309,878

6 North Carolina

9 Texas

Total

2,809,303

122,703

8

39,846

(a): The southern states ranked in order of the number of slaves. (b): The southern states ranked in order of the number of slave-holders (c): The southern states ranked in order of the number of free Blacks. Sources: Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, DC: Beverley Tucker, 1854. p. 95 (table XC), 116 ff. (table CXX). The Seventh Census of the United States 1850. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, D.C.: Robert Armstrong, 1853. ix, 258, 309, 339, 366, 401, 422, 448, 474, 505, 547.

391

D.4 Countries of Origin of the 3.3% Foreigners

D.4 Countries of Origin of the 3.3% Foreigners who had Settled in the Subsequent Confederacy in 1850 (according to the Census Compendium) Origin:

Ireland

German England StatesI

France

Italy

Mexico Scotland

West Other Total Indian Countries Number Islands

Settlement: Louisiana

24,266

18,043

3,550

11,552

915

405

1,196

1,337

5,149

66,413

1,403

8,277

1,002

647

41

4,459

261

22

662

16,774

11,643

5,562

2,998

321

65

4

947

72

782

22,394

Tennessee

2,640

2,235

706

245

59

12

327

20

521

5,740

South Carolina

4,051

1,210

921

274

59

4

651

177

290

8,662

Alabama

3,639

1,151

941

503

90

39

584

28

668

7,638

Georgia

3,202

1,146

679

177

33

8

367

95

361

5,907

Mississippi

1,928

985

593

440

121

13

317

25

370

4,958

Arkansas

514

540

196

77

15

68

71

7

140

1,628

North Carolina

567

365

394

43

4

2

1,012

37

100

2,524

Florida

878

332

300

67

40

6

182

599

353

2,757

54,731 39,846 (37.6%) (27.4%)

12,280 (8.4%)

14,346 (9.9%)

1,442 (1.0%)

5,020 (3.5%)

5,915 (4.1%)

2,419 (1.7%)

Texas Virginia

Total

I

9,396 145,395 (6.5%)

The concept of “German States” includes: Austria, Prussia, and the category of “Germany” often used in the ships’ registers.

Source: Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, DC: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 95 (table XC), 116 ff. (table CXX): The numbers listed in the Compendium differ from the official census by 2.3% (3,470 fewer foreigners), but are probably more accurate because they were figured later (1854). Poland was not listed as a country of origin in 1850. The squares that are heavily framed indicate the dominating nationality according to numbers in each state.

392

Appendix D

D.5 Overview of German Nationals in Eight Selected Cities of the South in 1850 Cities in the South (1850)

Total Proportion of Proportion of Proportion of Proportion Proportion of Proportion Population Germans in Foreigners in Free Whites in of Germans Free Blacks in of Slaves in the Total the Total the Total in the Total the Total the Total Population Free White Population Population Population Population Population (absolute & (absolute & in %) in %)

New Orleans, Louisiana

116,375

11,554 (9.9%)

48,601 (41.8%)

89,459 (76.9%)

12.9%

9,905 (8.5%)

17,011 (14.6%)

Charleston, South Carolina

42,985

1,817 (4.2%)

4,643 (10.8%)

20,012 (46.6%)

9.1%

3,441 (8.0%)

19,532 (45.4%)

Richmond, Virginia

27,570

760 (2.8%)

2,102 (7.6%)

15,274 (55.4%)

5.0%

2,369 (8.6%)

9,927 (36.0%)

Mobile, Alabama

20,515

552 (2.7%)

4,086 (19.9%)

12,997 (63.4%)

4.2%

715 (3.5%)

6,803 (33,2%)

Savannah, Georgia

15,312

393 (2.6%)

2,434 (15.9%)

8,395 (54.8%)

4.7%

686 (4.5%)

6,231 (40.7%)

Nashville, Tennessee

10,165

208 (2.0%)

948 (9.3%)

7,626 (75.0%)

2.7%

511 (5.0%)

2,028 (20.0%)

Memphis, Tennessee

8,841

350 (4.0%)

1,401 (15.8%)

6,355 (71.9%)

5.5%

126 (1.4%)

2,360 (26.7%)

Wilmington, North Carolina

7,264

73 (1.0%)

208 (2.9%)

3,581 (49.3%)

2.0%

652 (9.0%)

3,031 (41.7%)

249,027

15,707 (6.3%)

64,423 (25.9%)

163,699 (65.7%)

9.6%

18,405 (7.4%)

66,923 (26.9%)

Total

Source: Statistical View of the United States: Compendium of the Seventh Census. Comp. J. D. B. DeBow. Washington, DC: Beverley Tucker, 1854. 397–399 [table VIII].

393

D.6 Germans, Foreigners, and Free Inhabitants in the Confederacy

D.6 Germans, Foreigners, and Free Inhabitants in the Confederacy on the Eve of the Civil War in 1860 a

State

German Proportion of Inhabitants Germans in the Total Number of Foreigners (in %)

Total Free Total Proportion c Population of Number of of Foreigners the State Foreigners in the Total (including free Free Blacks & Population Indians) (in %)

Proportion of b Germans in the Total Free Population of the State (in %)

1 Louisiana

24,614

30.37

6.54

1

81,029

21.53

7

376,276

2 Texas

20,553

47.33

4.87

2

43,422

10.29

6

421,649

3 Virginia

10,512

29.98

0.95

3

35,058

3.17

1

1,105,453

4 Tennessee

3,869

18.22

0.46

4

21,226

2.54

2

834,082

5 South Carolina

2,947

29.51

0.97

7

9,986

3.31 10

301,302

6 Alabama

2,601

21.05

0.49

5

12,352

2.33

5

529,121

7 Georgia

2,472

21.18

0.41

6

11,671

1.96

4

595,089

8 Mississippi

2,008

23.46

0.56

8

8,558

2.41

8

354,674

9 Arkansas

1,143

30.55

0.35

9

3,741

1.15

9

324,335

10 North Carolina

765

23.18

0.11 11

3,299

0.49

3

661,563

11 Florida

478

14.44

0.60 10

3,309

4.21 11

78,679

71,962

30.8

Total

1.28

233,651

4.18

5,582,222

(a): Ranking order for the southern states favored by German immigrants (1–11). (b): The southern states ranked in order of the number of foreigners (1–11). (c): The southern states ranked in order of the size of the total free population (1–11). Source: Population of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. xxix, 623.

394

Appendix D

D.7 Germans, Slaves, Free Blacks, and White Inhabitants in the Confederacy on the Eve of the Civil War in 1860 a

State

German Proportion Proportion of b Inhabitants of Germans Germans in in the Total the Total Number of Number of Inhabitants Free Whites (in %) (in %)

Total Number of Slaves

Total Number of Free Blacks

1 Louisiana

24,614

3.47

6.87

6

331,726

2 Texas

20,553

3.40

4.87

9

182,566

3 Virginia

10,512

0.65

1.0

1

490,865

53,042

4 Tennessee

3,869

0.34

0.46

8

275,719

5 South Carolina

2,947

0.41

1.01

5

6 Alabama

2,601

0.26

0.49

7 Georgia

2,472

0.23

8 Mississippi

2,008

9 Arkansas

Total Population of the State

d

3

708,002

7

355 10

604,215

9

1

1,596,318

1

7,300

5

1,109,801

2

402,406

9,909

4

703,708

8

4

435,080

2,690

7

964,201

5

0.41

2

462,198

3,472

6

1,057,286

3

0.25

0.56

3

436,631

771

9

791,305

6

1,143

0.26

0.35 10

111,115

143 11

10 North Carolina

765

0.07

0.12

7

331,059

30,454

2

992,622

11 Florida

478

0.34

0.61 11

61,745

932

8

140,424 11

71,962

0.79

1.31

3,521,110

127,289

Total

18,221

c

435,450 10 4

9,103,332

(a): Ranking order for the southern states favored by German immigrants. (b): The southern states ranked in order of the number of slaves. (c): The southern states ranked in order of the number of free Blacks. (d): The southern states ranked in order of the total number of inhabitants. Sources: Berlin, Ira. Slaves without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974. 396–401. Negro Population in the United States 1790-1915. Ed. US Bureau of the Census. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1918. 44. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. 20, 76, 196, 272, 361, 453, 486, 489, 518, 522.

D.8 Provinces of Origin of the Germans who had Settled in the Confederacy

395

D.8 Provinces of Origin of the Germans who had Settled in the Confederacy in 1860 (according to the Official Census) Origin:

Austria

Bavaria

Baden

Hesse

Nassau

Prussia Württemberg

Germany Total (unspecified) Number

Settlement: Louisiana

399 3,621 4,685 (1.6%) (14.7%) (19.0%)

1,006 (4.1%)

155 2,739 (0.6%) (11.1%)

889 (3.6%)

11,120 (45.2%)

24,614

Texas

730 (3.6%)

472 (2.3%)

507 (2.5%)

975 (4.7%)

1,078 6,235 (5.2%) (30.3%)

399 (1.9%)

10,157 (49.4%)

20,553

Virginia

74 (0.75)

736 (7.0%)

528 (5.0%)

727 (6.9%)

27 (0.3%)

951 (9.0%)

564 (5.4%)

6,905 (65.7%)

10,512

Tennessee

75 (1.95)

222 (5.7%)

269 (7.0%)

131 (3.4%)

13 (0.3%)

354 (9.1%)

165 (4.3%)

2,640 (68.2%)

3,869

South Carolina

54 (1.8%)

79 (2.7%)

85 (2.9%)

55 (1.9%)

2 352 (0.1%) (11.9%)

39 (1.3%)

2,281 (77.4%)

2,947

Alabama

124 562 (4.8%) (21.6%)

204 (7.8%)

121 (4.7%)

7 392 (0.3%) (15.0%)

97 (3.7%)

1,094 (42.1%)

2,601

Georgia

28 274 (1.1%) (11.1%)

142 (5.7%)

156 (6.3%)

9 455 (0.4%) (18.4%)

102 (4.1%)

1,306 (52.8%)

2,472

Mississippi

41 439 (2.0%) (21.9%)

185 (9.2%)

68 (3.4%)

6 317 (0.3%) (15.8%)

41 (2.0%)

911 (45.4%)

2,008

Arkansas

34 (3.0%)

108 (9.4%)

59 (5.2%)

37 (3.2%)

5 154 (0.4%) (13.5%)

75 (6.6%)

671 (58.7%)

1,143

North Carolina

10 (1.3%)

122 16.0%)

26 (3.4%)

23 (3.0%)

69 (9.0%)

30 (3.9%)

485 (63.4%)

765

Florida

12 (2.5%)

39 (8.2%)

31 (6.5%)

24 (5.0%)

23 74 (4.8%) (15.5%)

6 (1.3%)

269 (56.3%)

478

Total

1,581 (2.2%)

6,674 (9.3%)

6,721 (9.3%)

3,323 (4.6%)

1,325 12,092 (1.8%) (16.8%)

2,407 (3.3%)

37,839 (52.6%)

71,962

-

Source: Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. 10, 20, 56, 76, 196, 272, 362, 453, 470, 490, 523. [Deviations from 100% caused by rounding off!]

396

Appendix D

D.9 Countries of Origin of the 4.2% Foreigners who had Settled in the Confederacy in 1860 (according to the Official Census) Origin:

Ireland German England France StatesI

Italy

Poland Scotland

West Indian Islands

Other Total CountriesII Number

Settlement: Louisiana

28,207

24,614

3,989 14,938

1,134

196

1,051

1,154

5,746

81,029

TexasIII

3,480

20,553

1,695

1,383

67

783

524

49

14,888

43,422

Virginia

16,501

10,512

4,104

570

259

40

1,386

76

1,610

35,058

Tennessee

12,498

3,869

2,001

439

373

97

577

29

1,343

21,226

South Carolina

4,906

2,947

757

219

59

142

502

93

361

9,986

Alabama

5,664

2,601

1,174

859

187

94

696

41

1,036

12,352

Georgia

6,586

2,472

1,122

283

47

103

431

78

549

11,671

Mississippi

3,893

2,008

844

571

114

87

385

22

634

8,558

Arkansas

1,312

1,143

375

235

17

4

131

10

514

3,741

North Carolina

889

765

729

44

27

1

637

26

181

3,299

Florida

827

478

320

141

75

25

189

919

335

3,309

17,110 19,682 2,359 1,572 (7.3%) (8.4%) (1.0%) (0.7%)

6,509 (2.8%)

2,497 (1.1%)

Total

84,763 71,962 (36.3%) (30.8%)

27,197 233,651 (11.6%)

I

“German States” include Austria, Bavaria, Baden, Hesse, Nassau, Prussia, Württemberg, and the category of “Germany” often used in the ships’ registers.

II

Among the 27,197 immigrants from “Other Countries” (= 11.6%) there are a total of 12, 817 Mexicans (= 5.5%).

III

Texas names 12,443 Mexicans as the second largest group of immigrants after the Germans. If one subtracts the Mexicans from the category of “Other Countries”, there are only 2,445 immigrants of other nationalities.

Source: Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. 620–623.

D.10 Overview of German Nationals in Ten Selected Cities of the South in 1860

397

D.10 Overview of German Nationals in Ten Selected Cities of the South in 1860 bla Proportion Proportion of Proportion of Germans of Foreigners Free Whites in the Total in the Total in the Total Population Population Population (absolute & (absolute & in %) in %)

Proportion Proportion of Proportion of Germans Free Blacks in of Slaves in the Total the Total in the Total Free White Population Population Population

Cities in the South (1860)

Total Population

New Orleans, Louisiana

168,675

19,752 (11.71%)

64,621 (38.31%)

144,601 (85.7%)

13.7%

10,689 (6.3%)

13,385 (8.0%)

Charleston, South Carolina

40,522

1,944 (4.79%)

6,311 (15.57%)

23,376 (57.7%)

8.3%

3,237 (8.0%)

13,909 (34.3%)

Richmond, Virginia

37,910

1,619 (4.27%)

4,956 (13.07%)

23,635 (62.3%)

6.9%

2,576 (6.8%)

11,699 (30.9%)

Mobile, Alabama

29,258

1,276 (4.36%)

7,061 (24.13%)

20,854 (71.3%)

6.2%

817 (2.8%)

7,587 (25.9%)

Memphis, Tennessee

22,623

1,412 (6.24%)

6,938 (30.66%)

18.741 (82.8%)

7.5%

198 (0.9%)

3,684 (16.3%)

Savannah, Georgia

22,292

771 (3,45%)

4,652 (20.86%)

13,875 (62.2%)

5.6%

705 (3.2%)

7,712 (34.6%)

Montgomery, Alabama

8,843

208 (2.35%)

578 (6.53%)

4,341 (49.0%)

4.8%

102 (1.2%)

4,400 (49.8%)

San Antonio, Texas

8,235

1,477 (17.9%)

5,283I (64.2%)

7,643 (92.8%)

19.3%

0

592 (7.2%)

Galveston, Texas

7,307

1,613 (22.1%)

2,725 I (37.3%)

6,127 (83.9%)

26.3%

2 (0.02%)

1,178 (16.1%)

Houston, Texas

4,845

816 (16.84%)

2,221I (45.8%)

3,768 (77.8%)

21.7%

8 (0.2%)

1,069 (22.0%)

350,510

30,888 (8.8%)

105,346 (30.1%)

266,961 (76.2%)

11.6%

18,334 (5.2%)

65,215 (18.6%)

Total

I

These numbers refer to the total numbers of foreigners in each of the counties surrounding the city itself, not to the number of foreigners within the actual city limits. The inaccuracies arising from this are probably minimal considering the tendency of European immigrants to settle in the urban rather than the rural South.

Sources: Berlin, Ira. Slaves without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974. 396–401. Corley, Florence Fleming. Confederate City. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1960. 14. Doyle, Don H. New Men, New Cities, New South: Atlanta, Nashville, Charleston, Mobile, 1860– 1910. Chapel Hill / London: University of North Carolina Press, 1990. 15. Lonn, Ella. Foreigners in the Confederacy. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1940. 1– 33.

398

Appendix D

Negro Population in the United States 1790–1915. Ed. US Bureau of the Census. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1918. 44. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. xxxii, 9, 19, 74, 195, 271, 359, 452, 453, 467, 486, 487, 489, 518, 519, 521. Rabinowitz, Howard N. “Continuity and Change: Southern Urban Development, 1860–1900.” The City in Southern History. Ed. Blaine A. Brownell, David R. Goldfield. Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1977. 93. Weaver, Herbert. “Foreigners in Ante-Bellum Mississippi.” Journal of Mississippi History 16 (1954), 151f. —. “Foreigners in Ante-Bellum Savannah.” Georgia Historical Quarterly 37,1 (1953), 1–17. Wooster, Ralph A. “Foreigners in the Principal Towns of Ante-Bellum Texas.” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 66 (1962/63), 209–210.

399

D.11 Selective Overview of the Proportion of Foreigners in 31 Cities of the South

D.11 Selective Overview of the Proportion of Foreigners in 31 Cities of the South with more than 3,000 Inhabitants (1860) I No.

Cities in the South (1860)

Total Population

Proportion of Proportion of Proportion of Proportion of Foreigners in the Free Whites in the Free Negroes in the Slaves in the Total Population Total Population Total Population Total Population (absolute & in %)

1 New Orleans, Louisiana

168,675

64,621 (38.31%)

144,601 (85.7%)

10,689 (6.3%)

13,385 (7,9%)

2 Charleston, South Carolina

40,522

6,311 (15.57%)

23,376 (57.7%)

3,237 (8.0%)

13,909 (34.3%)

3 Richmond, Virginia

37,910

4,956 (13.07%)

23,635 (62.3%)

2,576 (6.8%)

11,699 (30.9%)

4 Mobile, Alabama

29,258

7,061 (24.13%)

20,854 (71.3%)

817 (2.8%)

7,587 (25.9%)

5 Memphis, Tennessee

22,623

6,938 (30.66%)

18.741 (82.8%)

198 (0.9%)

3,684 (16.3%)

6 Savannah, Georgia

22,292

4,652 (20.86%)

13,875 (62.2%)

705 (3.2%)

7,712 (34.6%)

7 Petersburg, Virginia

18,266

744II (4.1%)

9,342 (51.1%)

3,244 (17.8%)

5,680 (31.1%)

8 Nashville, Tennessee

16,988

no information II

13,043 (99.4%)

719 (4.2%)

3,226 (19.0%)

9 Norfolk, Virginia

14,620

985III (6.7%)

10,290 (70.4%)

1,046 (7.2%)

3,284 (22.5%)

10 Wheeling, Virginia

14,073

5,511 II (39.2%)

13,986 (99.4%)

87 (0.6%)

0

11 Alexandria, Virginia

12,493

1,245 II (9.8%)

9,851 (77.9%)

1,415 (11.2%)

1,386 (11.0%)

12 Augusta, Georgia

12,493

1,771 II (14.17%)

8,444 (67.6%)

386 (3.1%)

3,663 (29.3%)

13 Atlanta, Georgia

9,554

605 II (6.3%)

7,615 (79.7%)

25 (6.0%)

1,914 (20.0%)

14 Wilmington, North Carolina

9,552

510 II (5.3%)

5,202 (54.5%)

573 (6.0%)

3.777 (39.5%)

15 Portsmouth, Virginia

9,496

986III (10.4%)

8.019 (84.4%)

543 (5.7%)

934 (9.8%)

16 Montgomery, Alabama

8,843

578 (6.53%)

4,341 (49.1%)

102 (1.2%)

4,400 (49.8%)

17 Macon, Georgia

8,247

732 II (8.9%)

5,369 (65.3%)

22 (0.3%)

2,829 (34.3%)

400

Appendix D

18 San Antonio, Texas

8,235

5,283 II (64.2%)

7,643 (92.8%)

0

592 (7.2%)

19 Columbia, South Carolina

8,052

653 II

no information

no information

no information

20 Galveston,

7,307

2,725 II (37.3%)

6,127 (83.9%)

2 (0.02%)

1,178 (16.1%)

21 Lynchburg, Virginia

6,853

657 II (9.6%)

3,802 (55.5%)

357 (5.2%)

2,694 (39.3%)

22 Natchez, Mississippi

6,612

1,240 II (18.8%)

4,272 (64.6%)

208 (3.1%)

2,132 (32.2%)

23 New Bern, North Carolina

5,432

92 II (1.7%)

2,360 (43.4%)

689 (12.7%)

2,383 (43.9%)

24 Knoxville, Tennessee

5,379

no information

no information

no information

no information

25 Houston, Texas

4,845

2,221 II (45.8%)

3,768 (77.8%)

8 (0.2%)

1,069 (22.01)

26 Vicksburg, Mississippi

4,591

1,041 II (22.7%)

3,158 (68.8%)

31 (1.7%)

1,402 (30.5%)

27 Tuscaloosa, Alabama

3,989

130 II (3.3%)

1,520 (38.1%)

69 (1.7%)

2.400 (60.2%)

28 Little Rock, Arkansas

3,727

809 II (21.7%)

2.874 (77.1%)

7 (0.2%)

846 (22.7%)

29 Huntsville, Alabama

3,634

145 II (4.0%)

1,980 (54.5%9

85 (2.3%)

1,569 (43.2%)

30 Austin, Texas

3,494

560 II (16.0%)

2,505 (71.7%)

12 (0.3%)

977 (28.0%)

31 Selma, Alabama

3,177

315 II (9.9%)

1,809 (56.9%)

53 (1.7%)

1,315 (41.4%)

531,391

124,077 (23.3%)

382,429 (72%)

27,905 (5.3%)

107,626 (20.3%)

Texas

Total:IV

I

This overview does not claim to be complete; it is only a list of cities that were relevant as areas of settlement for German immigrants.

II

These numbers refer to the total numbers of foreigners in each of the counties surrounding the city itself, not to the number of foreigners within the actual city limits. The inaccuracies arising from this are probably minimal considering the tendency of European immigrants to settle in the urban rather than the rural South. There were no separate statistics for the cities of Columbia, South Carolina, Knoxville, Tennessee, and Nashville, Tennessee in the Census of 1860.

III

The cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth are both within the county of Norfolk, Virginia. Thus the total number of foreigners (= 1,971) was divided in half.

IV

In the Census of 1860 there were no separate statistics for free whites, free Negroes, or slaves for the cities of Columbia, South Carolina, and Knoxville, Tennessee. The deviation from the total number

D.11 Selective Overview of the Proportion of Foreigners in 31 Cities of the South

401

is thus 2.5% (= 13,431 inhabitants). The statistics for Nashville, Tennessee, and Knoxville, Tennessee, are missing to figure the total number of foreigners. The actual number of foreigners would thus be somewhat higher than stated above. In order to clarify the size of the cities listed here, it is necessary to point out that in 1860 New Orleans was the largest city of the Confederacy but only the sixth largest city in the United States. Charleston, which was more than four times smaller than New Orleans but nevertheless the second largest city in the Confederacy, took 22nd place in comparison with the rest of the nation. 53.1% of all foreigners in the Confederacy lived in the cities listed above; their proportion was 32.4% of the free white population. Only 5.8% of the entire population of the South, 3.1% of all slaves, and about 7% of all whites lived in these cities. Sources: Berlin, Ira. Slaves without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974. 396–401. Corley, Florence Fleming. Confederate City. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press: 1960. 14. Doyle, Don H. New Men, New Cities, New South: Atlanta, Nashville, Charleston, Mobile, 1860– 1910. Chapel Hill / London: University of North Carolina Press, 1990. 15. Lonn, Ella. Foreigners in the Confederacy. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1940. 1–33. Negro Population in the United States 1790–1915. Ed. US Bureau of the Census. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1918. 44. Population of The United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the eighth Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1864. xxxii, 9, 19, 74, 195, 271, 359, 452, 453, 467, 486, 487, 489, 518, 519, 521. Rabinowitz, Howard N. “Continuity and Change: Southern Urban Development, 1860–1900.” The City in Southern History. Ed. Blaine A. Brownell, David R. Goldfield. Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1977. 93. Weaver, Herbert. “Foreigners in Ante-Bellum Mississippi.” Journal of Mississippi History 16 (1954), 151. —. “Foreigners in Ante-Bellum Savannah.” Georgia Historical Quarterly 37,1 (1953), 1–17. Wooster, Ralph A. “Foreigners in the Principal Towns of Ante-Bellum Texas.” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 66 (1962/63), 209–210.

402

Appendix D

D.12 Germans, Foreigners, and the Total Population in the Former Confederate States during Reconstruction in 1870 Total Foreign Share of Population of State Total Population (in %)

c

German Share of Total Population of State (in %)

818 579

7

3,1

8,5

726 915

8

2,7

4

3,9

442 014

11

1,4

19 316

3

1,5

1 258 520

1

0,4

29,9

13 754

5

1,1

1 225 163

2

0,3

3 045 6

27,2

11 191

6

1,4

827 922

6

0,4

7

2 795 1

25,1

11 127

7

0,9

1 184 100

3

0,2

South Carolina

8

2 764 12

34,2

8 074

9

1,1

705 606

9

0,4

Alabama

9

2 581 3

25,9

9 962

8

1,0

996 992

5

0,3

Arkansas

10

1 604 1

31,9

5 026

10

1,0

484 471

10

0,3

North Carolina 11

917 -

30,3

3 029

12

0,3

1 071 361

4

0,08

Florida

614 2

12,4

4 967

11

2,6

187 748

12

0,3

74 467 70

32,7

227 775

2,3

9 929 391

Total Number of Foreigners

b

41,2

62 411

2

7,6

19 366 21

31,3

61 827

1

3

6 291 1

36,8

17 091

Tennessee

4

4 651 14

24,1

Virginia

5

4 106 -

Mississippi

6

Georgia

State

a

German Inhabitants *

Texas

1

25 733 9

Louisiana

2

West Virginia

Total

12

German Share of Total Number of Foreigners (in %)

0,7

*The figures in bold indicate the number of persons listed as “Colored Germans.” a) Order of Southern States, including West Virginia, as favored by German immigrants (1 -12). b) Southern States ordered according to the number of foreigners (1-12). c) Southern States ordered according to the size of the total population 81-12). Source: Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of The United States: Compiled from the Original Returns of the ninth Census 1870. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872. 299, 336– 342.

403

D.13 Areas of Origin of Immigrants from German States

D.13 Areas of Origin of Immigrants from German States who lived in Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans in 1870 Origin

Richmond, VA 1870

Charleston, SC 1870

New Orleans, LA 1870

Total

Austria

29

39

253

Baden

134

26

2537

Bavaria

290

57

2917

Brunswick

13

3

23

39

Hamburg

11

8

194

213

Hanover

88

438

1039

1

1566

120

46

967

2

1144 11

Lübeck

1

–

19

20

Mecklenburg

1

2

10

13

Nassau

–

–

20

20

Oldenburg

1

44

90

135

Prussia

752

996

525377

7009

Saxony

86

18

246

350

1

–

3

4

Württemberg

96

38

843

1

978

1

“Germany”

27

150

1072

1

1250

1

Hesse

Weimar (Thuringia)

Total:

1 650

9

1

1 875 (incl. 10)

1

322

1

2697 3

15 502 (incl. 16)

3267

3

1

8

19 027 (incl. 26)

The number of “Colored Germans” is indicated separately in darker print. Source: Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of The United States: Compiled from the Original Returns of the ninth Census 1870. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872. 386–391: In 1870 exactly one-quarter of all Germans living in the South (25.5%) lived in the cities of Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans. Among the Germans the Prussians were the dominant “subnationality” with 36.9% in the three cities, followed by the Bavarians with 17.2%, and the immigrants from Baden with 14.2%. The 26 “colored Germans” made up 0.1% of the German population of these cities.

404

Appendix D

D.14 Areas of Origin of the Immigrants from German States, who had settled in the Area of the Former Confederacy in 1870

D.15 Country of Origin of the 2.3% Foreigners who had Settled in the Former Confederacy 405

D.15 Country of Origin of the 2.3% Foreigners who had Settled in the Former Confederacy in 1870

406

Appendix D

D.16 Overview of the Numbers of Foreigners in 13 Selected Southern Cities in 1870 Southern Cities (1870)

1. New Orleans, LA

Total Population

Numbers of Foreigners in Total Population

Number of Germans in Total PopulationI

Number of Blacks in Total PopulationII

Number of Whites in Total Population

191 418

48 475

15 493

50 456

140 923

2. Richmond, VA

51 038

3 778

1 650

23 110

27 928

3. Charleston, SC

48 956

4 892

1 875

26 207

22 749

4. Memphis, TN

40 226

6 780

1 787

15 464

24 755

5. Mobile, AL

32 034

4 239

876

13 919

18 115

6. Savannah, GA

28 235

3 671

792

13 068

15 166

4 153

3 485

III

390

18 890

167

IV

8 766

10 462

136

III

10 185

8 744

III

5 300

8 269

7. Wheeling, W VA 8. Norfolk, VA 9. Petersburg, VA

19 280 19 229 18 950

739 445

10. Alexandria, VA

13 570

807

234

11. Portsmouth, VA

10 492

476

168IV

3 617

6 874

12. Columbia, SC

9 298

576

188III

5 295

4 002

13. Lynchburg, VA

6 825

271

149

3 353

3 472

489 551

79 302 (16,2%)

27 000 (5,5%)

179 130 (36,6%)

310 349 (63,4%)

Total:

I

II

III

IV

If the so-called “Colored Germans” are listed, they are included in the total number of Germans. For reasons of comparison with the statistics of 1850 and 1860 Austrians are included in the numbers for Germans for 1870. In the Census of 1870 the “Colored” category also included some Indians and Chinese, who are not of interest for our statistics. For this reason the addition of white and colored inhabitants does not always equal the total population numbers and makes a difference of 72 persons in the “Total” column. These numbers refer to the total number of Germans in each “county” surrounding the city, not the number of Germans within the actual city limits. The inaccuracies arising from this are probably minimal considering the tendency of German immigrants to settle in the urban South rather than in rural areas: Wheeling/Ohio County (p. 376), Alexandria/Alexandria County (p. 374), Lynchburg/Campbell County (p. 279), Portsmouth and Norfolk, both in Norfolk County (p. 281), Petersburg/Dinwiddie County (p. 279), Columbia/Richland County (p. 370). The cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth are both in Norfolk County, VA. The total number of 335 Germans there was divided in half.

Source: Ninth Census: The Statistics of the Population of The United States: Compiled from the Original Returns of the ninth Census 1870. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872. 156, 258, 278– 281, 286, 370–376, 380, 386–391.

D.17 Overview of the Three Dominant Groups of Foreigners

407

D.17 Overview of the Three Dominant Groups of Foreigners in Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans from 1850 to 1870

List of Tables II.1 II.2 II.3 II.4 II.5 II.6

Germans in South Carolina, 1850–1870 Germans in Charleston, S.C., 1850–1870 Germans in Virginia, 1850–1870 Germans in Richmond, Va., 1850–1870 Germans in Louisiana, 1850–1870 Germans in New Orleans, La., 1850–1870

IV.1 Officers of the German Antebellum Militias in Charleston (1858–1860) and their Connections to Ethnic German Organizations (1853–1860) IV.2 German Militia Units in Charleston, South Carolina IV.3 Overview of the Antebellum Officers of the Virginia Rifles, Richmond IV.4 German Militia Units in Richmond, Virginia (1852–1865)

V.2 V.3 V.4

German Militia Units within the 1st Division, Louisiana Militia, Greater New Orleans (1806–1862) The German Consuls of New Orleans (1860–1865) Origins of the German Members of the Hansa Guards Battalion, Louisiana Militia Origins of the Non-Germans in the Hansa Guards Battalion, Louisiana Militia

VI.1 VI.2 VI.3 VI.4 VI.5 VI.6 VI.7 VI.8 VI.9 VI.10

Evaluation Overview of the Ethnic German Companies of South Carolina Overview of the German Hussars: May 1859 and April 1861 Analysis of the Origins of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Analysis of the Occupations of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Overview of the War Data of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Age Analysis of the Ethnic German Companies of Charleston Overview of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles Analysis of the Origins of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles Overview of the War Data of the Virginia Rifles and the Marion Rifles Analysis of the Occupations of the Ethnic German Units of Richmond

V.1

VI.11 Overview of the Ethnic German Companies of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment VI.12 Analysis of the Occupations of the Ethnic German Companies of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment VI.13 Analysis of Origins of the Ethnic German Companies of the 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment VII.1 German Shareholders of the I & E Company in 1863 VII.2 German Stockholders of the Importing and Exporting Company of South Carolina

410

List of Tables

VII.3 National Origins of the Inhabitants of the Charleston Poorhouse during the period from September 1859 to November 1866 VII.4 National Origins of the Persons fed by the Charleston Poorhouse within the Charleston City Limits during the period from September 1859 to November 1866 VIII.1 German Societies founded in New Orleans between 1862 and 1865 Appendix D: Comparative Population Statistics: Germans in the South (1850–1870) D.1 D.2 D.3 D.4 D.5 D.6 D.7 D.8 D.9 D.10 D.11 D.12 D.13 D.14 D.15 D.16 D.17

Germans, Foreigners, and Free Inhabitants in the Subsequent Confederacy in 1850 Germans, Slaves, Free Blacks, and White Inhabitants in the Subsequent Confederacy in 1850 Germans, Slaves, and Slave-Holders in the Subsequent Confederacy in 1850 Countries of Origin of the 3.3% Foreigners who had Settled in the Subsequent Confederacy in 1850 (according to the Census Compendium) Overview of German Nationals in Eight Selected Cities of the South in 1850 Germans, Foreigners, and Free Inhabitants in the Confederacy on the Eve of the Civil War in 1860 Germans, Slaves, Free Blacks, and White Inhabitants in the Confederacy on the Eve of the Civil War in 1860 Provinces of Origin of the Germans who had Settled in the Confederacy in 1860 (according to the Official Census) Countries of Origin of the 4.2% Foreigners who had Settled in the Confederacy in 1860 (according to the Official Census) Overview of German Nationals in Ten Selected Cities of the South in 1860 Selective Overview of the Proportion of Foreigners in 31 Cities of the South with more than 3,000 Inhabitants (1860) Germans, Foreigners, and the Total Population in the Former Confederate States during Reconstruction in 1870 Areas of Origin of Immigrants from German States who lived in Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans in 1870 Areas of Origin of the Immigrants from German States who had settled in the Area of the Former Confederacy in 1870 Country of Origin of the 2.3% Foreigners who had Settled in the Former Confederacy in 1870 Overview of the Numbers of Foreigners in 13 Selected Southern Cities in 1870 Overview of the Three Dominant Groups of Foreigners in Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans from 1850 to 1870

List of Illustrations Fig. 0.0: Fig. 0.1: Fig. 0.2: Fig. 1.1: Fig. 1.2: Fig. 1.3: Fig. 1.4: Fig. 1.5: Fig. 2.1: Fig. 2.2: Fig. 2.3: Fig. 3.1: Fig. 3.2: Fig. 4.1: Fig. 4.2: Fig. 4.3: Fig. 4.4: Fig. 4.5: Fig. 4.6: Fig. 4.7: Fig. 4.8: Fig. 4.9: Fig. 4.10: Fig. 4.11: Fig. 4.12: Fig. 5.1: Fig. 5.2: Fig. 6.1: Fig. 6.2:

Johann Heinrich Patjens (1839–1903), Cover Page Hoyer & Ludwig, Lithographers of the Confederacy One Dollar Bill in Confederate Money The Emigrants’ Farewell (1860) Germany in the 19th Century The Virginia Ordinance of Secession (1861) Burghardt Hassel (1828–1912) with his Wife Maria, Nèe Gerhardt (1837– 1919) Richmonder Anzeiger, May 2nd, 1863. Captain Heinrich Wieting (1815–1868) Portraits of the Firemasters and Officers of the Fire Department of the City of Charleston in 1841 Daniel von Gröning with his Son Albert (About 1850) Old and New Flag af the Gesangsverein Virginia, Richmond. Christian Roselius, Esq. (1803–1873) German Fusilier Company Palmetto Riflemen The Melchers Siblings (Taken Before 1892) Walhalla Riflemen (About 1860) German Riflemen Jacob Small (1820–1893) The Charleston Zeitung Military of Charleston, S.C. Hermann Klatte (1834–After 1913) Carl Rudolph Maximilian Pohle (1821-1899) August Bodeker (1819–1884) Henry Bodeker ( ? –1890) Carl Anton Kock, Consul for Hamburg (1813–1869) Colonel Augustus Reichard (1819–1900) Captain Justus Scheibert (1831–1903) Rev. John Bachman (1790–1875)

412

List of Illustrations

Fig. 6.3: William K. Bachman (1830–1902) Fig. 6.4: James Simons Jr. (1839–After 1913) Fig. 6.5: Three Generations of the house of Siegling Fig. 6.6: Rev. Charles Minnigerode (1814–1894) Fig. 6.7: John A. Wagener (1816–1876) Fig. 6.8: Bombardment of Fort Walker, S.C. Fig. 6.9: Julius J. Wagener (1845–1917) and Nikolaus Bischoff (1832–1917) Fig. 6.10: Friedrich Wilhelm Wagener (1832–1921) Fig. 6.11: Theodore D. Belitzer (1843–1864) Fig. 6.12: J. C. H. Claussen’s South Carolina Steam Bakery Fig. 6.13: J. C. H. Claussen (1823–1910) Fig. 6.14: August Blenner (1834–1887) Fig. 6.15: Herrmann Schuricht (1831–1899) Fig. 6.16: William H. Zimmermann (1845–1928) Fig. 6.17: Remembrance of Camp Lewis Polka March, Composed and Dedicated to Col. Aug. Reichard (1861) Fig. 7.1: Capt. Peter Tecklenburg (1836–1915) Fig. 7.2: Frank Roder (1831–After 1895) Fig. 7.3: Otto Tiedemann (1821–1916) Fig. 8.1: Francis Weiss (1821–1915) Fig. 8.2: Dr. Maximilian Ferdinand Bonzano (1821–1894) Fig. 8.3: Michael Hahn (1830–1886) Fig. 8.4: Hahn’s Inauguration, March 4th, 1864 Fig. 8.5: Union and Confederate Louisiana: Seventeen Union Parishes Voted in the Free State Election of February 1864. Fig. 8.6: Aufruf an die Deutschen Adoptiv-Bürger der Stadt Richmond (1870) Fig. 8.7: Dietrich Biemann (1816–1891) Fig. 8.8: John A. Wagener (1816–1876) Fig. 8.9: John A. and Elise Wagener

Index 1st Louisiana Infantry Regiment (USA) 203 1st Regiment of Artillery, S.C. 91, 155 1st Regiment of Rifles, S.C. 91, 155 1st Texas Cavalry (CSA) 147 1st Virginia State Reserves 97, 108 1st Virginia Volunteers 102 2nd Louisiana Infantry Regiment (USA) 203 2nd Virginia Cavalry (Radford’s Rangers) 103 3rd Louisiana Battalion (CSA) 289 3rd Missouri Infantry Regiment (USA) 262 5th Alabama Infantry Regiment (CSA) 243 13th Louisiana Infantry Regiment (CSA) 199 14th Louisiana Infantry Regiment (CSA) 289 17th Regiment Infantry, S.C. 155 19th Virginia Militia xiii, 181, 183, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 194, 243, 247, 368, 374, 375 20th Louisiana Infantry Regiment (CSA) vi, xiii, 113, 145, 199, 200, 204, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 299, 304, 376, 378, 380, 382, 384, 387, 409 20th New York Infantry Regiment (USA) 264, 265 22nd Louisiana Infantry Regiment (CSA) 199 22nd Mississippi Infantry Regiment (CSA) 290 28th Ohio Infantry Regiment (USA) 250 32nd Indiana Infantry Regiment (USA) 203, 209, 312 A A. Eimer Bader & Co., New Orleans, La. 126 Aachen, Germany 221, 252, 294 Aargau, Switzerland 362 Abolitionist activities 68, 73, 74 Achilles, Rudolph 376 Acorn, blockade-runner 215, 216, 307 Adelsdorfer, Jos. 368 Adicks, William 351 Adisekis, John W. 351 Adler, J. 121 Adlersberger, -- 242 Ahrens, A. L. 241 Ahrens, C. D. 357 Aichel, Oskar 254, 309 Aichele, Georg 368 Alabama 13, 17, 24, 143, 149, 178, 184, 200, 241, 250, 388–397, 399, 400, 402, 404, 405

Alabama Staats-Zeitung, Mobile, Ala. 241 Albers, H. 344 Albers, H. H. 344 Albers J. F. 343 Albrecht, Emil 351 Aldenburg, Germany 348 Alexander, G. W. 245 Alexandria Beobachter, Alexandria, Va. 242 Alexandria, Egypt 206 Alexandria, Va. 139, 182, 206, 242, 247, 289, 399, 406 Algiers, La. 50, 51, 314, 386 Alice, blockade-runner 74, 221 Allen, Henry W. 269 Allgemeine Auswanderungs-Zeitung 293 Allgemeiner Arbeiterbund 22 Allgemeiner Arbeiter-Verein, New Orleans, La. 68 Alluisi, Julian 362 Almstorf, Germany 353 Alsace-Lorraine 18 Altman, W. 343 Altman, W. B. 343 Altmeier, -- 97 Altmeyer, M. 274 Altschuh, Martin 365 Altschuh, S. 121 Aman, B. 119 American Legation, Berlin, Germany 66 American Party, Richmond, Va. 64, 67, 73, 75, 297 Amme, C. 355, 357 Amme, D. A. 92 Andahazy, Prof. A. G. 290 Anderson, Joseph R. 46 Anderson, S. C. 254 Anne Deas, blockade-runner 216 Annweiler, Germany 372 Appeln, Germany 347 Arensberg, Germany 162, 163 Arkansas vii, 13, 22, 143, 240, 325, 388–391, 393–396, 400, 402, 404, 405 Armbruster, Julius 376 Arnsberg, Germany 117 Arsten, Germany 357 Arzberger, Charles 362 Ashepoo River, S.C. 167 Ashley River, S.C. 154

414

Index

Askew Greys, 2nd Co. (New Orleans, La.) 119 Assenheimer, Charles 121, 199, 304, 378, 387 Association of the Army of the Tennessee 126, 206, 207, 313 Asyl für mittellose genesende Deutsche, New Orleans, La. 236, 304 Atlanta, Ga. 7, 29, 31, 49, 56, 58, 60, 181, 193, 200, 209, 234, 278, 324, 327, 329, 330, 332, 397, 399, 401 Atlantic Steam Packet Company of the Confederate States, S.C. 220 August, Col. Thomas P. 183, 186 Augusta, Ga. 27, 31, 282, 399 Augustin, Numa 117 Austin, Texas viii, 52, 144, 240, 322, 323, 339, 340, 400 Australia 22 Austria 137, 148, 196, 220, 242, 251, 364, 365, 391, 395, 396, 403–405 Autz, Heinrich 113, 119 Avegno Rifles [also Zouaves], New Orleans, La. 138 B Bachman & Waties, Columbia, S.C. 157, 254 Bachman, Capt. William K. vi, 81, 96, 155, 157, 162, 254, 351, 412 Bachman, Kate 164 Bachman, Rev. John vi, 1, 96, 156, 157, 161, 312, 314, 411 Bachmann, Jacob 156 Bacon Race, S.C. 162, 252 Bad Kreuznach, Germany 89 Baden, Germany 2, 3, 17, 19, 26, 69, 97, 107, 126, 133, 136, 196, 209, 212, 247, 263, 362, 365– 368, 371, 376–379, 382, 385, 395, 396, 403– 405 Baden, John 120 Badenhoff, H. 343 Bader, A. Eimer 288 Baer, Dr. H. 293 Baetjer, E. F. 368 Bahncke, Fritz 120 Bahndorf, B. 237 Bahntge, Wm. F. 343 Bähnke, F. 122, 123, 130 Bahrs, Henry 382 Baker Guards (New Orleans, La.) 119 Baker, Mary 215 Ballard Hotel, Richmond, Va. 105 Ballke, J. H. 348 Baltimore Wecker, Baltimore, Md. 62 Baltimore, Md. 3, 26, 34, 36, 62, 108, 111, 189, 215, 226, 244, 294, 315, 316, 338, 375

Banks, Nathaniel P. 268 Barnwell, Robert W., Senator of South Carolina 150 Bartel, Michel 351 Bartsch, J. 271 Bastian, -- 235 Batchelder, G. F. 236 Batjer, H. 121 Baton Rouge, La. vii, viii, 2, 8, 13, 31, 33, 49, 51, 67, 72, 77, 78, 113, 117, 119, 124, 135, 146– 148, 151, 201, 209, 234, 245, 248, 262, 281, 285, 287, 290, 361, 387 Battery Wagner, S.C. 253 Baude, William 380 Bauer, Helene 19, 63, 312 Baum, John A. 2, 94 Baumann, Claus 188 Baumann, G. 110, 120, 362, 368 Baumgartel, J. C. 343 Baumgarten, Julius 2 Baurmeister, G. C. ix, 222, 223, 231 Bavaria, Kingdom of 1, 2, 17, 18, 43, 47, 48, 52, 53, 64, 71, 80, 96, 97, 126, 132, 133, 194, 196, 209, 212, 238, 247, 266, 276, 363, 364, 367, 369–371, 373, 378, 380, 381, 385, 395, 396, 403–405 Beauregard Mounted Light Guards (New Orleans, La.) 118, 131 Beauregard Works, Cannonsboro, S. C. 259 Beauregard, Confederate privateer 218 Beauregard, Pierre Gustave Toutant de 146, 151, 206, 207 Beck, -- 77, 313, 326, 336, 368, 376, 380 Becker, Carl 120 Becker, John P. 270 Beckmann, Sergant 186 Beckmann, W. 343 Bee, Barnard E. 220 Bee, New Orleans, La. 50, 117, 124, 134, 215, 216, 220, 221, 223–226, 228, 252–254, 259, 262, 279 Bee, Valeria North 226 Bee, William Cattell 216, 220, 222, 226, 308 Behan, William J. 288 Behl, Wm. 368 Behlitzer, Caroline 169 Behlitzer, Isaac 169 Behlmann, John 376 Behnke, J. F. 239 Behre, -- 162 Behrend, E. 63, 384 Behrens, John 384 Behrmann, H. 343 Beier, Friedrich 362 Belitzer, Theodore 169, 170, 412

Index Bell, Edward 6, 7, 36, 38, 40, 43, 46, 47, 63, 73– 75, 79, 88, 290, 321, 341, 365 Belle Alliance, sugar-cane plantation of Charles Kock 125 Belle Isle Iron Works, Richmond, Va. 30 Belljahn, John 380 Benedickt, Ed. 343 Benedickt, F. 343 Benjamin, Judah P. 104, 109, 126, 186 Benjes, F. 348 Bennett, Thomas, Governor of South Carolina 163 Bense, John 348 Bensel, H. 271 Bensen, Henry 355, 357 Benua, Joseph 382 Berbusse, Charles 351 Bergen, Thomas 245 Bergheim, William 351 Bergheimer, P. 275 Bergmann, Ambros 357 Bergmeyer, Bernhard 362 Berlin, Germany v, ix, x, 3, 4, 5, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21, 29, 31, 35, 36, 38, 40, 42, 46, 47, 49, 66, 79, 146, 147, 234, 378, 394, 397, 401 Berlin-Charlottenburg, Germany 146 Bermuda 220, 258 Bernd, Charles 202 Berndt, C. 368 Beth Ahabah Synagogue, Richmond, Va. 43, 46, 97, 184, 188, 194, 195, 274, 303, 311, 323, 365, 368, 369, 370, 373, 374 Beth Elohim Congregation, Charleston, S.C. 169 Bethany Cemetery, Charleston, S.C. 37, 38, 145, 168, 169, 174, 175, 217, 343–354, 357–361 Beuter, Franz 68, 119, 123, 128, 130 Beuters Sensenmänner, company of the 119 Beverstedt, Germany 358 Beyer, Henry 378 Biel, Claus 343 Bielefeld, Germany 23, 134, 313 Biemann, Dietrich 94, 279, 412 Bigler, Samuel 384 Billeisen, J. 121, 133 Binda, L. 368 Bircher, Henry 348 Birg, Joseph 382 Bischoff, H. 85, 343 Bischoff, Henry 85, 88, 92, 94, 171, 225, 230, 278, 282, 357 Bischoff, J. C. W. 177, 357 Bischoff, Nikolaus 167, 343, 412 Bischoff & Co. 230 Bitter, Daniel 245 Bitzel, Adam 362 Bitzer & Hauser, Richmond, Va. 244

415 Black Hussars (New Orleans, La.) 114, 119 Black Jaegers (New Orleans, La.) 113, 119, 199 Blaese, H. 115, 116, 121, 123 Blake, Charles H. 240, 303 Blanck, Joseph 382 Blancken, C. H. 343 Blantz, George 365 Blätter für freies religiöses Leben, journal 23 Blattner, John 384 Blenker, Louis 147 Blenkner, Gottfried 362 Blenkner, Julius 362 Blenner, August 184, 365, 412 Block, H. 357 Blockade-Running activities xiii, 126, 213, 214, 215, 217, 220, 234, 256, 335, 341 Bloemer, Henry 378 Blomeke, Anton 378 Blücher Guard, New Orleans, La. (USA) 119, 265 Blue Ridge Railroad, S.C. 254 Blust, Leopold 378 Bockelman, Henry 365 Böckmann, Johann Heinrich 280, 292 Bode, Fred 378 Bodeker, Anna Whitehead 101, 102 Bodeker, August 98, 101, 102, 107, 108, 110, 273, 274, 289, 411 Bodeker, George H. 102, 103 Bodeker, Henry 102, 103, 274, 275, 411 Bodeker, William 102, 103 Boecklinger, Caspar 378 Boedicker, Friedrich 380 Boelitz, Ewald Hermann 68, 116, 127, 128, 271 Boepler, J. C. 114 Boggenbohl, Henry 382 Bohlken, John 378 Böhme, August 202 Böhmer, H. 251, 289 Bohner, Valentine 135 Bollmann, D. 343 Bollmann Bros., Charleston, S.C. 357 Bollmann, H. 357 Boldemann, Dr. T. 275 Bolz, Samuel Jr. 368 Bonitz, Johann Heinrich Wilhelm 254 Bonitz, Julius 254 Bonitz, Mary Elise Stegner 254 Bonneau, F. N. 215 Bonzano, Dr. Maximilian Ferdinand 68, 266, 267, 270, 412 Boone Hall, plantation of the Horlbeck family, S.C. 252, 253, 309 Boonesborough Gap, Md. 161 Borger, J. H. 348 Borneman, Edward H. 351

416 Bornemann, Friedrich W. 3, 348 Bornemann, H. T. 355, 357 Borner, F. C. 343, 355, 357 Borries, F. 343 Boschen, J. H. 97 Boston, Mass. viii, 21, 29, 34, 42, 102, 104–106, 134, 143, 184, 216, 218, 220, 223–225, 228, 234, 250, 251 Bottger, Diedrich 351 Böttigheimer, Moses 368 Botzen, Louis 362 Bowler, Henry 187 Bowmann, Charles 205 Boyd, Sam 140 Boyd, William 140 Brach, John 378 Bracklin, Friedrich 376 Brackwede, Germany 134 Bragg, Braxton 205 Brandenburg, Germany 18, 127, 137 Brandner, Theodor 382 Brandt, F. W. 343 Brau, John 362 Brauer, W.A. 355, 357 Braunschweig [Brunswick], Germany 8, 14, 136, 365, 366, 404, 405 Bread Riot of Mobile Ala. 241, 253 Bread Riot of Richmond, Va. xiii, 234, 235, 250, 253 Breden, Martin 351 Bredenberg, J. H. 256 Bredenberg, Luder 256, 357 Breisacher, Charles 362 Bremen, Germany viii, ix, 2, 3, 11, 36–39, 43, 45, 50, 70, 71, 73, 87, 95, 125, 126, 132, 133, 136, 178, 196, 202, 212, 216, 217, 241, 242, 246, 247, 249, 266, 284, 296, 348–350, 353, 363, 370, 383 Bremen-Vegesack, Germany 36 Bremer, Heinrich 343 Bremerhaven, Germany 16, 36, 40, 43, 216, 295, 296, 328, 332, 337 Breslau, Germany 147, 366 Breuer, J. H. 343 Brickwedel, N. 343, 349 Briel, Bernhard 47 Brinkmeyer, A. 343 Brockmann, Jno. 355 Broedel, Hermann 368 Bromme, Traugott 20 Brown, Gen. Joseph E. 42 Brown, H. 271 Brown, John 100, 104, 107 Brownsville, TX 214 Brüggemann, F. W. 293

Index Bruggemann, A. F. 343 Brügner, Bruno 146 Brühl, -- 260 Brummerstadt, Hermann 120, 140, 304, 384, 387 Brunagel, Joseph 376 Brüning, Theodore 69, 117, 122 Brunjes, H. 348 Brunnemann, Henry 202, 376 Brunner, Richard 362, 364 Brunning, Bernhard 376 Buchanan, James 65, 187, 244 Buchel, August Carl 147, 148, 339 Buck, Henry 357 Buck, H. Wm. 121 Buck, Louis 357 Buckenthal, C. 368 Buddecke & Co., New Orleans, La. 132 Buddecke, Charles T. xii, 121, 124, 131–135, 239, 288, 299 Buddecke, Theo. W. 131 Buhler, Cornel 271 Bühler, Franz 263 Bühler, Theodor 263 Buhlert, Henrty 382 Buist, Adjutant General 259 Bull Run, 2nd battle, Va. 131, 161, 182, 362 Bullwinkel, G. H. 348 Bullwinkel, Heinrich, Sr. 74, 255, 344 Bullwinkel, H. 222, 230, 343, 348 Bullwinkel, Jacob 351 Bullwinkel, J. 348 Bullwinkel, Martin 351 Bullwinkel, M. 348 Bultman, Friedrich 351 Bulwinkle, Hermann 218, 219, 355 Bumgarner, J. W. 362 Buncken, Louis C. 114, 122, 123, 304, 382, 387 Bunting, E. M. 351 Burckmyer, Cornelius L. 216, 225, 233, 316 Burger, H. R. 64 Burging, Christian 250 Burkel, Joseph 376 Burns, Douglas 154 Busch, J. H. 343 Buscher, Wm. 384 Busching, H. 343 Buse, Joh. Fri. 355, 357 Busenberg, Germany 117 Bussey, Cyrus 287 Busshaus, F. 368 Butler, Bejamin Franklin 53, 138, 139, 170, 203, 214, 219, 240, 262–265, 268, 317, 338 Buttenmiller, Joseph 378 Buxbaum, Henrick 97

Index C C. Honold & Co., New Orleans, La. 126 Cabell, Robert H. 32, 43, 326 Cahaba, Ala. 250, 322 Calbe, C. 368 Camman, Claus 351 Camp Fripp, S.C. 170 Camp Lay, S.C. 170 Camp Lewis, La. 135, 138, 139, 206, 412 Camp Morton, Indiana 202 Camp Pulaski, Amite, La. 290 Campbell, Effie Oswald 159 Campsen, H. 232 Campsen, John 89, 92, 94, 171, 216, 218, 225, 227, 228, 231, 234, 278, 292, 357 Canada 10, 322 Canale, A. 224, 225, 355, 357 Cannonsboro, S. C. 259 Cappelmann, E. H. 343 Carew, John E. 74 Carlin, James 215, 220 Carlsen, J. F. 343 Carolina Mutual Insurance Company, Charleston, S.C. 89, 93 Caroline Islands 4 Caroline, blockade-runner 4, 20, 56, 169, 221, 331 Carrington, Isaac H. 248, 249, 307 Carrollton, La. viii, 50–52, 68, 118, 263, 314, 330, 386 Carsten, E. H. 343 Carwitzel, Chr. 384 Castle Godwin, Va. 182, 194, 245, 249, 250, 374 Castle Pinckney, S.C. 158, 164, 215, 224 Castle Thunder 194, 197, 245, 249, 250, 307, 374 Catholic activities 23, 45, 51, 62, 64, 67, 103, 105, 195, 274, 276, 296, 311, 322, 334, 374, 375 Cecile, blockade-runner 221 Celt, blockade-runner 216 Central Committee of German Societies, New Orleans, La. 69 Central-Verein des Südens zur Beförderung der Republik in Deutschland 68 Chalaron, Josephe Adolphe 206 Chalmette Regiment (New Orleans, La.) 118 Chambliss, Confederate Congressman from Virginia 151 Charbonnet, L. A. 118, 135 Charity activities xiii, 234, 266 Charles Odier & Co., New Orleans, La. 126 Charles T. Buddecke & Co., New Orleans, La. 239 Charleston Battalion, S.C. 81, 155, 223, 334 Charleston County Pension Board 174 Charleston Courier, Charleston, S.C. 41, 75, 84, 219, 252, 260, 281, 292, 317, 319

417 Charleston Daily Telegraph, Charleston, S.C., 38, 319 Charleston Independent Turners’ Association, S.C. 281 Charleston Mercury, Charleston, S.C. 1, 3, 34, 75, 93, 95, 96, 149, 155, 156, 160, 165, 172, 215, 216, 220, 227, 253, 254, 256, 259, 319 Charleston Unabhängiger Turnverein, Charleston, S.C. 93 Charleston Zouave Cadets, Charleston, S.C. 83, 155, 158, 224 Charleston, S.C. 1, v–ix, xi–xiv, 1, 3, 5–11, 24, 29, 30–42, 45, 47, 53, 54, 56, 58, 60, 61, 69, 73–77, 79, 81–96, 101, 107, 113, 116, 143, 145, 146, 149, 150, 152, 154–181, 189, 192, 214–229, 233–235, 241, 245, 247, 251–261, 276–283, 292–302, 346, 348, 349, 351, 353, 360, 361, 392, 397, 399, 401, 403, 406, 407, 409, 410, 411 Charleston, schooner 225 Charlestoner Zeitung, Charleston, S.C. 11, 277, 278, 280, 293, 319 Charlottesville, Va. 7, 19, 44, 77, 191, 246, 259, 313, 321, 323, 328, 342 Chattanooga, TN 200, 205 Chemnitz, Germany 42 Cheraw, S. C. 254 Chestnut, Mary 146, 313 Chicago, IL 6, 13, 20, 23, 115, 153, 158, 322, 326, 327, 330, 341 Chichester, Charles E. 158 Chichester, Jane 158 Chickamauga, TN 200, 203, 206, 209 Chicora Importing and Exporting Company, S.C. 220 Chimborazo Hill Brewery, Richmond, Va. 62 Chimborazo Hill Hospital, Richmond, Va. 103 Christ Church, S. C. 259 Christen, Joseph C. 117, 122, 206 Christian & Lee Hospital, Richmond, Va. 103 Christian, R. L.. 65 Cincinnati, Ohio 17, 62, 70, 203, 250, 279, 315, 321 Citizenship xii, 148, 151, 152, 226, 305, 308, 329 Clapp, Confederate Congressman from Mississippi 151 Clarens, H. 271 Clark, John B., Senator of Missouri 150 Clark, W. H. 6, 51, 52, 68, 99, 116, 119, 150, 199, 202, 236, 237, 268, 323 Clasius [Clacius], Clemens 222, 224, 230 Clasius [Clacius], Felix A. 222, 224, 230 Clasius [Clacius] & Witte, Charleston, S.C., 222, 224, 229, 230 Claussen, Friedrich Wilhelm 230, 259

418 Claussen, J. C. H. 39, 171, 173, 225, 227, 230, 357, 358, 412 Clay, Clement Claiborne, Senator of Alabama 149 Clinton, Elisabeth 193 Cloppenburg, Germany 88, 349 Cobham, Va. 189, 372 Coburg, Germany 254 Cock, George 362 Coeler, F. W. 122 Cohen, Heinrich T. R. 70 Cohn, Joseph 51 Cohn, S. 271 Columbia, South Carolina viii, ix, 7, 17, 36, 75, 77, 78, 86, 88, 93, 96, 152, 155, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 164, 167, 168, 169, 171, 174–176, 216–220, 224, 226, 227, 235, 247, 251–254, 260, 277, 279, 282, 289, 290, 292, 293, 305, 308, 309, 312, 316–318, 320–323, 325, 330– 332, 336, 338, 341, 345, 348, 351, 360, 361, 397, 400, 401, 406 Columbia, steamship 225 Columbus, Ga. 68, 152, 206, 319 Commandeur, N. 118 Confederate Business File 10 Confederate Memorial Hall Association, New Orleans, La. 203 Congregation Gates of Prayer, New Orleans, La. 49, 69, 331 Conolly, Thomas 162, 312 Conrad, August 5, 83, 155, 158, 221, 223–226, 253 Contri, L. G. 249 Convent of the German Nuns, New Orleans, La. 64 Conway, Robert 382 Cook, Jacob 259 Cook, John A. 40, 177, 259 Cook, John Jr. 177 Coon, Samuel 384 Cooper River, Charleston, S.C. 38 Cooper, Amos 168 Cooper, S. 170 Coosawhatchie, S.C. 164 Copernicus, bark 37 Copes & Diboll, New Orleans, La. 284 Copes, Dr. Joseph 284 Cordes, Capt. Theodore 87, 92, 94, 95, 170, 171, 173, 255, 357, 358 Cordes, Josephine 160, 255 Coreglia, Lucca, Italy 362 Corinth, Mississippi 141, 199, 200, 201, 204, 205, 206 Cornehlsen, Christian 223 Cottman, Dr. Thomas 285 Covington, La. 287

Index Cracelius, Charles 362 Cranz, Oscar 63, 251, 289, 369 Cree, William E. 362 Crehen, E. 368 Crenshaw Mansion, Richmond, Va. 65 Crescent Trunk Factory, New Orleans, La. 240 Crescent Woll-Manufaktur, New Orleans, La. 235 Criglar, William L. 236 Cuba 22, 159, 218, 221, 257 Cumberland, Md. 249 Custer, James W. 186 D Dade, William M. 102 Dahm, Michael 380 Dahnstine, Moritz 384 Daily Courier, Charleston, S.C. 81, 84, 86, 95, 160, 162, 165, 172, 227, 251, 253, 259, 281, 282, 297, 319 Daily Crescent, New Orleans, La. 71, 129, 319 Daily Delta, New Orleans, La. 68, 124, 129, 134, 140, 204, 205, 262, 266, 268, 271, 313, 319, 327 Daily Dispatch, Richmond, Va. 319 Daily Examiner, Richmond, Va. 243, 319 Daily Penny Post, Richmond, Va. 64, 319 Daily Picayune, New Orleans, La. 51, 70, 114, 285, 288, 319 Daily States, New Orleans, La. 319 Daily True Delta, New Orleans, La. 268, 269, 286, 319 Dameron, Quartermaster 115 Damp, Charles 343 Danner, J. L. C. 289 Darmstadt, Germany 136, 164, 243, 275, 342 Davezac, Auguste 70 Davidson, Henry 384 Davis Rangers, 4th District (New Orleans, La.) 120 Davis, H. 114 Davis, Jefferson 3, 65, 109, 119, 128, 146, 150, 163, 164, 273, 288, 289 Day, Samuel Phillips 44, 153 Deboer, Dietrich 362 Debussiones, H. F. 384 Decker, Joseph 376 Deckmann, George F. 362 Degener, Eduard 24 Degenhardt, Philip 362 Dehls, Chas. 343 Deiler, John Hanno 6, 49, 50, 51, 53, 67, 68, 70, 113–115, 124, 127, 128, 134, 204, 284, 286, 287 Deitz, Louis 355, 357 DeKalb Riflemen, Savannah, Ga. 91, 303

Index DeLaRue, Wilhelm 283–285, 287, 288 DelBondio, Emil Ferdinand 131–133, 288 DelBondio, Frederick 133 Delitzsch, Saxony, Germany 100 Dell, Philip 380 Delmenhorst, Germany 278 Demler, H. 368 Democratic Club, Richmond, Va. 64 Democratischer Frei Männer Verein, Charleston, S.C. 74 Denmark 137, 212 Dennes, Philip 380 Dennett, John Richard 287, 291, 313 Densel, G. 244 Depenbrock, Rudolph 382 DePetz, Adelaide Victorine, neé Roth 201 DePetz, Charles 200, 201, 380 DePetz, Emilie 200 Deppenbrock, F. H. 384 Der Teutone, Charleston, S.C. 38, 90 Der wahre Republikaner, New Orleans, La. 68, 128 Derheimer, Jacob 122 DeSaussure, Wilmot 164 Desebrook, Henry 348 Deters, Thomas 134 Detot, Emile 117, 122 Deutsche Ansiedlungsgesellschaft, Charleston, S.C. 292 Deutsche Brüderschaft, New Orleans, La. 238 Deutsche Feuer-Spritzen Compagnie, Charleston, S.C. 93 Deutsche Gesellschaft von New Orleans, La. xiv, 53, 69, 71, 124, 283, 285, 287 Deutsche Ingraham Gesellschaft, Charleston, S.C. 74 Deutsche Krankenunterstützungs-Gesellschaft Richmond, Va. 98 Deutsche Legion, Co. A (New Orleans, La.) 120 Deutsche Schützengesellschaft (New Orleans, La.) 114 Deutsche Zeitung, Charleston, S.C. 73–75, 83, 84, 86, 94, 177, 278, 315, 319, 361 Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, La. 51, 127–131, 138, 139, 140, 147, 199–201, 204, 205, 235, 236, 238–240, 242, 255, 262–266, 319 Deutscher Brüderlicher Bund, Charleston, S.C. 93 Deutscher Freundschaftsbund, Charleston, S.C. 93 Deutscher Handwerker Verein im 4. Distrikt, New Orleans, La. 69 Deutscher Louisiana Draymanns-Verein, New Orleans, La. 68 Deutscher Pionier, journal 6, 294 Deutsches National-Theater, New Orleans, La. 288

419 Deutsches Protestantisches Waisenhaus, New Orleans, La. 288 DeVoss, Edward Wilhelm, Consul for Austria and Bremen in Richmond, Va. 186, 194, 242, 243, 247, 251, 308 Diacont, Adam Jr. 362 Diacont, Catherine 193 Diacont, Philip 193, 362, 364 Diacont, Wolfgang 362 Diamond, Ray. 224, 324, 365, 376 Die Glocke, New Orleans, La. 68 Diebemann, O. 271 Dielmann, Ph. W. 119 Dierssen, Wilhelm 355, 357 Dietz, Oswald 24 Dilger, Joseph 362 Dill, Fred 365 Dinkel, J. 368 Dippacher, Georg 114 Dirmeyer 238 Disher, John 380 Dittmer, A. 121 Dixie, unofficial national anthem of the Confederacy 2, 7, 97, 162, 181, 182, 191, 193, 312, 328, 329 Doell, William 365, 368 Doerflinger, Heinrich 63 Dollinger, F. 63 Domschke, Bernard 23, 243, 313 Donaueschingen, Germany 263 Dornhäuser, Joseph 380 Dorre, C. F. 344 Dorum, Germany 346 Doscher, Henry 352 Dothage, Joseph 355, 357 Douai, Carl A. 24, 26, 335 Douglas, Benjamin 10 Douglas, blockade-runner 154, 218 Dow, C. W. 368 Downey, Foreman 223 Draxler, Frank 241 Dreher, John Jacob 352 Dreier, Albert 348 Drescher, Adolph 365, 368 Dresden, Germany 27, 70, 218 Dresel, Julius 24 Dressel, Alex 119, 120 Dreux, Major 138 Drexell, Heinrich 380 Dreyer, H. 357 Dreyer, H. A. 344 Drifton, PA 27 Dubel, Henry 362 Dublin, Ireland 36 Duchy of Anhalt (Dessau), Germany 18, 136

420

Index

Duchy of Brunswick, Germany 18, 36, 126, 196, 214, 279, 403 Duchy of Hohenzollern 18 Duchy of Holstein, Germany 18, 20, 36, 95, 136, 178, 216, 217, 276, 295, 336, 344, 345 Duchy of Lauenburg, Germany 18 Duchy of Schaumburg-Lippe 18 Duchy of Schleswig 18, 20, 133, 136, 276, 336 Duchy of Waldeck 18, 136, 218 Ducker, C. G. 40 Dudley, barque 225, 275, 315 Duhme, Cord 352 Duhy, William 70 Dun, Robert Graham 10, 102, 104, 105, 106, 132, 134, 184, 216, 217, 218, 223, 224, 225, 228, 229, 233, 234, 251, 278, 303, 317, 331 Dunnemann, Henry 355, 357 DuPont Company, Delaware 132 Durant, Thomas J. 267 Durbec, F. E. 88 Dürkop, Christina 276 Durlach, Germany 62 Dusch, Franz 97, 274, 289 Düssel, Julius 51, 121, 378 Düsseldorf, Germany 75, 325 Dutch Guayana 137 Duvel, Martin 384 E E. F. Golsan & Co., New Orleans, La. 287 East Prussia 18, 137 Eberenz, Urban 135 Eberhardt, C. H. 358 Eberhardt, E. W. 358 Eckart, Charles 114 Eckenbusch, Charles 365 Eckerle, Chr. 384 Eckhardt, Adolph 115 Eder, Joseph 52, 53 Edwards, Daniel 118 Edwin, blockade-runner 114, 221, 250, 288, 311, 314, 325, 330 Eggeling, E. G. 3, 65 Eggers, Charles 376 Ehingen, Germany 266 Ehlers, J. B. 131 Ehmig, Georg Carl 368 Ehrenberg, Wm. 271 Ehricks, H. 348 Ehrlicher, John 378 Eichholz, Fred. Otto 114, 115, 116, 128 Eichholz, Theodor 116, 120, 123, 382 Eickhoff, Anton 24 Eidner, E. 378

Eilersbach, Germany 371 Eimer, J. H., Consul for Baden and Bavaria in New Orleans, La. 126, 304 Einbeck, Germany 36 Eisenach, Germany 290, 366, 371 Eisenhauer, A. 378 Eisenlohr, Gustav 24, 334 Eisenmenger, Lewis 43 Electorate of Hesse (Kassel) 18 Ella and Annie, blockade-runner 221 Ellerson, William 378 Ellinghausen, Louis P. 263 Ellmann, S. 241 Elsasser, Henry 362 Emancipation politics xiv, 261 Emmenhaus, Chas. 368 Emmenhauser, Antonia 193 Emmenhauser, John 181, 193 Emmett Guard (Richmond, Va.) 186 Emminger, Charles 63 Engelhardt, Charles 380 Engelmann, George F. 352 Engels, John 378 England 19, 41, 47, 132, 137, 162, 184, 206, 219, 221, 226, 227, 247, 257, 258, 289, 391, 396, 407 Englert, Fred. 369 Engsminger, A. 239 Engstfeld, Fred 203, 384, 387 Enslow, J. A. 220 Entelmann, Fred. 355, 358 Erckmann, C. G. 90 Erckmann, W. 344 Erfurt, Germany 41, 43, 159, 218, 277, 353 Ericson, O. 369 Erlangen, Germany 46, 238, 283, 316 Esman, Heinrich 97 Eucker, Dietrich [also Euker] 369 Eucker, Edward J.[also Euker] 110, 187, 244, 274, 275, 291 Eucker, Louis [also Euker] 107, 187 Euker & Balzer, Richmond, Va., 369 Europe 20, 22, 30, 34, 41, 43, 46, 47, 48, 115, 145, 146, 148, 149, 206, 220, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 239, 242, 251, 280, 288, 293, 301, 310, 314, 323, 324, 357 European Brigade, Louisiana 117, 121, 123, 134, 135, 138 Exchange Hotel, Richmond, Va. 42 Experiment, blockade-runner 216, 307 F F. E. Stollwerck & Brothers, Mobile, Ala. 286 F. W. Hanewinckel & Co., Richmond, Va. 251 Faab, August 378

Index Fabacher, F. Joseph 117, 122 Fabian, H. 122 Fabian, J. 123 Fahrenbruch, August 363 Fajen, H. 344 Fannie, blockade-runner 221 Farmington, Mississippi 199 Fassbender, Heinrich 120, 123 Faudri, George 380 Faulhaber, August 110, 365 Fayetteville, N. C. vii, 22, 164, 325 Fehrenbach, Nikolaus 38, 218, 240, 325, 355 Fehrenbach, Nikolaus Jr. 218 Fehrt, A. P. W. 263 Feldenheimer, A. 369 Feldhusen, H. 348 Feldner, Conrad 369 Feldner, John 369 Feldner, -- 369 Fernandina, Florida 214, 225 Ficken, John F. 282, 348 Fiedler, August F. 365 Fiesca, Karl 113, 114, 120 Fihln, F. 344 Fillman, Emil 365 Fincken, A. 358 Fink, Hermann, 358 Finke, Wm. 369 Finney, Mrs. R. C. 221 Fireproof Building, Charleston, S.C. 33 Firnhaber, H. 384 Fischer, E. J. C. 352 Fischer, Emil 369 Fischer, Ernst 376 Fischer, F. 344 Fischer, F. C. 369 Fischer, Felix 352 Fischer, John 380 Fischer, Joseph 271, 382 Fischer, Julius Charles 110, 185, 186, 251, 276, 289, 352, 365, 369 Fisher, B. 369 Fisher, G. 110 Fisher, Julia R. 157 Fitter, George N. 352 Flanders, Benjamin F. 267, 269 Fleckenstein, Herman 363 Fleiner, Victor 352 Fleisen, Chas. 121 Flemhardt, E. A. 369 Fleming, Pastor 283, 292, 323, 325, 397, 401 Flentge, Chas. 120 Flickenschildt, J. C. 344 Flora, blockade-runner 216

421 Florance Guards (New Orleans, La.) 121, 126, 140, 200, 202–204, 208, 304, 387 Florance, Benjamin 120, 121, 126, 140, 200, 202– 204, 208, 304, 384, 387 Florida 7, 13, 16, 46, 143, 172, 225, 236, 301, 316, 334, 339, 388–391, 393–396, 402, 404, 405 Fogo, William 135, 241 Folley Island, S.C. 253 Fonds zur Unterstützung der Familien der abwesenden deutschen Soldaten, New Orleans, La. 237 Forbes, James 138, 139 Foreigners in the Confederacy vii, 6, 124, 144, 145, 147, 148, 213, 331, 397, 401 Forstall, L. E. 138, 139 Förster, Georg 70, 301, 334 Forty-eighters, 48ers, German revoluntionaries of 1848 xi, 5, 14, 19–24, 62, 63, 68–70, 73, 105, 262, 263, 289, 298, 320, 321, 324, 333, 336, 338–341 Fox, Jacob 135 France 19, 117, 132, 137, 147, 196, 207, 208, 225, 257, 258, 289, 365, 366, 391, 396 Franck, Henry 382 Franco-German War 1870/71 4 Frank Roder & Co., New Orleans, La. 239 Frank, Adolph 365, 369 Frank, Eduard 97 Franke, Conrad 378 Franke, Henry 380 Frankfurt/Main, Germany 14, 136, 330 Frantz, Charles 122 Fraser, John 75, 85, 156, 219, 220, 221, 225, 251, 253, 325 Fraser, Trenholm & Co., Liverpool, England 219, 221 Frauenfeldt, Henry 384 Fredericksburg, Va. 3, 99, 161, 250, 339 Free Market of Charleston, S.C. 251–255, 284 Free Market of New Orleans, La. xiii, 125, 126, 234–240, 301 Free Market of Richmond, Va. 241 Free State Committee 267 Free State Party, La. 267 Freestone Point (Potomac River) 160 Freeze, F. A 355 Freiburg, Germany 263 Freitenstein, G. 369 Freiter, Max 376 Fremder, Charles 170, 176, 355, 358 Fremder, Joseph 352 Freret, William 67 Freudenthal, Friedrich Wilhelm, Consul for Brunswick and Nassau in New Orleans, La. 124, 126, 237

422

Index

Frey, Charles 122 Freyfogel, Jacob 97, 311 Frick, Gottfried 99 Fried, John 363, 365, 366, 370, 372, 382 Friedenbach, A. 119 Friedenbach, Adam 120 Friedländer, L. 369 Friehse, Henry 376 Frier, Will 355 Frischherz, Jacob 69 Frischkorn, Heinrich 245, 249, 251 Fritz, Peter 120 Frobel, B. W. 161 Frommhagen, A. 369 Ft. Gillmore, Va. 190 Ft. Johnson, S.C. 85 Ft. Monroe, Va. 169, 185, 265 Ft. Morgan, Ala. 184, 250 Ft. Moultrie, S.C. vii, 75, 164 Ft. Sumter, S.C. vii, 96, 131, 165, 253 Ft. Walker, S.C. 75, 165–167, 412 Ft. Warren, Mass. 216 Fuchs, A. 369 Fulda, Germany 365, 370 Fulton, Va. 43 Funk, Dr. Max 271 Fusilier Co. No. 1, 79, 81, 87, 93, 94, 113, 114, 120, 128, 155, 252, 309, 316, 332 Fusilier Co. No.2, 113, 120 G Gaillard, P. C. 276, 277 Gallmeyer, L. 369 Galveston,Texas 22, 72, 214, 397, 400 Ganahl, Dr. Charles 91 Ganter, J. C. 369 Gardewein, Ch. 369 Gartner, Carl 376 Gass, E. 384 Gauss, bark 37, 217, 292 Gayer, Hermann F. 70 Gehring, Joseph 193, 363 Gehrs, John H. 344 Geier, George 116, 119 Geiger, -- 252, 376 Geiss, Con. 271 Geissler, Ludwig 287 Gelhausen, Leonhard 363 Gelnhausen, Germany 26, 368 Gem, blockade-runner 221 Genrich, Henry 378 Genoa, Italy 357 Genzack, Louis 376 Georg, ship 202

Georg-August-University Göttingen, Germany 157 Georgia 7, 13, 27, 30, 31, 91, 93, 143, 149, 153, 154, 161, 167, 172, 178, 215, 234, 247, 292, 302, 345, 388–399, 401, 402, 404, 405 Gera, Germany 372 Gerard, F.G. 343 Gerdts, Henry 93, 276, 293 Gerhard & Morgenstern, Richmond, Va. 246 Gericke, A. 121, 122 Gericke, H. A. 121, 122 Gerken, G. 358 Gerken, H. 344 German Artillery, Charleston, Co. A 94, 175, 259, 343 German Artillery, Charleston, Co. B 94, 175, 348 German Battalion (New Orleans, La.) xii, 120, 124, 127, 130, 131, 133, 138, 139, 140, 199, 237 German Breckinridge Club, Richmond, Va. 66 German Colonization Society, Charleston, S.C. 89, 93, 254, 279 German Confederate Veterans xiv, 288 German Conservative Club, Richmond, Va. 274 German Consuls, activities of 126, 409 German Friendly Society, Chaleston, S.C. 85, 88, 93, 252, 253 German Fusilier Society, Charleston, S.C. 81, 93, 314 German Immigration, Land and Trading Company of Charleston, S.C. xiv, 292 German Infirmary Company, Richmond, Va. 110 German Ingraham Association, Charleston, S.C. 93 German militia units 114 German Mounted Guard, Richmond, Va. 96, 110 German National Republican Club, Richmond, Va. 274 German Southwest Africa 5 German Union Club of the 1st District, New Orleans, La. 271 German Yaegers (New Orleans, La.) 120 German-American Union Association of the 1st and 4th Districts, New Orleans, La. 271 Germania Club, New Orleans, La. 288 Germans of Color (as listed in the Census) 56, 60, 302, 402, 403, 406 Germantown, La. 49 Gersdorfer, George 363 Gerstäcker, Friedrich 48, 53, 54, 314 Gersting, August 378 Gesangsverein Virginia, Richmond, Va. 62, 63, 101, 244, 311, 411 Gessinghausen, J. 369 Gessow, G. 119 Geyer,– 314, 369 Geyer, Carl Andreas 42

423

Index Gibes, James G. 218 Gibson Brigade (CSA) 205 Giese, Fried. 192, 365 Gissel, Hanke 94 Gist, James D. 168 Gläber, Georg 122 Glanz, Julius 382 Glaser, Martin 19, 164, 271, 329, 342 Glass, George 363 Glassen, Heinrich 271 Glogau, Germany 146 Goepp, Charles 23, 62, 315 Goertz, C. E. 121, 132 Goldman, Dr. E. 270 Goldman, Ed. 123 Goldman, Theo. 123 Goldmann, Joseph 140 Goldsboro, N. C. 254 Goldschmidt, William 382 Goll, A. 244 Goodman, E. 249 Göpfhardt, L. 369 Gorgas, Josiah 225 Gorgas, P. 132 Gori, Joseph 378 Görts, C. E. 131 Gotjen, A. 344 Gotjen, D. 344 Gotjen, J. D. 344 Gotjen, J. H. C. 344 Gotjen, Jacob 344 Götting, Ch. 92, 94 Göttingen, Germany 5, 66, 157, 324 Gottsleben, A. 384 Gouershet, Alfred 378 Government Mechanic-Guards (New Orleans, La.) 120 Grabau, C. 348 Grabau, Theodor 114 Grall, Dr. 128 Grand Army of the Republic (G. A. R.) 204 Grand Duchy of Baden 18, 25 Grand Duchy of Hesse 18 Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin 215 Grand Duchy of Oldenburg 18, 172, 173 Graser, Jac. 384 Graver, Henry 352 Gravier, H. C. 172, 237, 238 Grebe, Dr. Wilhelm 185, 246 Greenwood Cemetery, New Orleans, La. 33 Greifswald, Germany 378 Greiner, -- 63 Gresner, Julius 384 Greys, German intellectuals emigrating in the 1830’s 14, 24

Grimké, E. Montague 253 Grimmel, Henry 365, 369 Grohnwald, Chas. E. 363 Grohnwald, Mrs. 243 Grom, J. 369 Grosch, George 384 Gross, Pastor 289 Guben, Germany 127 Gueble, F. 235 Guggenheimer, S. 97 Gulf Blockading Squadron 254 Gumpert, R. 121, 133 Gundlach, Carl 249 Guntersblum, Germany 147 Günther, Dr. 271 Gutbier, Friedrich 363 Gutenberg, Germany 219 H Haake, Gerhard J. 363 Haas, Jacob 380 Haase, -- 251 Haase, Charles 365, 369 Haase, D. 355 Haase, Friedrich 380 Haase, J. 344 Haase, John 384 Habenicht, August 215–217 Habenicht, E. A. 344 Habenicht, Georg F. 215–217, 221, 344 Habenicht, John F. L. 215 Habenicht, Miss 277 Häberle, J. 119 Hach, Friedrich 363 Hach, John 363 Hackemann, H. 344, 355 Hackemann, William 352 Hadermann, Henry 363 Haeberle, Charles 384 Hage, Arnold 352 Hagemeyer, F. W. 110, 182, 363 Hahn, Carl A. 352 Hahn, H. 344, 369 Hahn, Henry 376 Hahn, Michael vi, 68, 71, 266–270, 284, 287, 412 Hahnville, La. 267, 287 Hambergen, Germany 348 Hamburg, Germany 11, 15, 16, 22, 36, 37, 39, 40, 113, 125, 126, 133, 136, 156, 178, 194, 196, 202, 212, 220, 239, 240, 247, 248, 284, 290, 291, 310, 315, 326, 328, 329, 334, 341, 351, 352, 365, 368, 370, 383, 385, 403–405, 411 Hampton Legion Artillery 160 Hampton, Wade 160, 164

424 Hanewinkel, Friedrich Wilhelm ix, 251, 289, 291 Hanewinkel, H. 121, 132 Hanna, Mich. 168, 369 Hannecke, Louis 344 Hanover, Kingdom of, Germany 1, 2, 3, 5, 18, 36, 39, 40, 82, 87, 91, 101, 102, 126, 132, 133, 172, 177, 178, 194, 196, 209, 212, 215, 218, 221, 223, 224, 247, 270, 295, 343–353, 357–359, 362, 364–366, 368, 370, 371, 373, 376–379, 384, 403–405 Hansa Guards Battalion (New Orleans, La.) xii, 121, 124, 125, 131, 132, 134–137, 409 Hansen, Ed. 19, 122, 158, 326, 328 Harbers, H. 344 Harbers, W. H. 344 Harenburg, H. 348 Harff, Frank 382 Harjes, John 384 Harken, J. H. 355, 358 Harms, C. 94 Harms, Chr. 384 Harms, Henry 86, 89, 92, 94, 155, 348 Harpers Ferry, W. Va. ix, 100, 104 Harris, Dr. 71 Hartmann, Wm. 277, 384 Hartz, C. H. 348 Hartz, John 98, 99, 103, 104, 106, 108, 110 Harwich, England 37 Hassaurek, Friedrich 23 Hassel, Burghardt vi, 24, 26, 27, 44, 45, 100, 241, 244, 289, 297, 411 Hassel, Maria, neé Gerhardt 26 Hassenohr, George 365 Hassinger, Clara 133 Hassinger, Jacob 129 Hatten, Germany 343 Hattke, Andreas 363 Haupt, Michael 271 Hauschild, Geo. 36, 120, 133, 296, 332 Hauselmann, Conrad 380 Hausmann, -- 236 Hausner, John 123, 376 Havana/Cuba 159, 218, 221, 222 Haywood, Capt. (CSA) 187 Hazard Powder Co. 239 Heberle, Franziska 147, 303 Hebermehl, Elisabeth 193 Hebermehl, Gustav 193 Hebring, Frederick 363 Hechler, Valentin 47, 63, 64, 97, 110, 246 Hecht, Coleman 184, 193, 250, 365 Hecht, Kalman 184, 193 Hecht, R. 271 Hecht, Solomon 184 Hechtel, Jean 382

Index Hecker, Friedrich 21, 263, 298, 326, 333 Heerstedt, Germany 88, 357 Heffrich, George 99 Heidelberg, Germany 5, 21, 278, 314, 331 Heidelmann, Valentin 376 Heidingsfelder, E. 116 Heiliger, Edward 384 Heilmann, Martin 382 Heineman, H. 369 Heinemann, Henry 363 Heinis, Stephen 384 Heinrich, Benno 107, 289 Heinrich, Louise 191 Heinrich, Oswald J. 24, 27, 65, 105, 144, 251, 289 Heinrich, Wilhelm 249 Heins, Henry 265, 344 Heinz, -- 19, 248, 316, 370 Heinzen, Karl 23, 313, 341 Heise, Chr. 370 Heiss, Jac. 370 Heissenbüttel, C. M. 348 Heissenbüttel, Jon 352 Heitman, Theodore 352 Heitmüller, William 365 Helen, blockade-runner viii, 215 Helfer, F. 120 Helfrich, Philip 99, 101, 245 Hellwig, Louis xii, 120, 123, 124, 127–131, 237, 299 Hellwig, Theodor 378 Helmerich, Frank 382 Helmich & Co., New Orleans, La. 134 Henck, William 376 Hencken, C. H. 344 Hencken, John M. 86, 94 Hennigsen, Karl Friedrich 147 Henning, A. 121, 188, 190 Henning, Albert 131, 132 Henninghausen, Carl August 183–186, 188, 90, 192, 194, 365, 370, 375 Henninghausen, Wilhelm 183–186, 188, 190, 192 Henrico County, Virginia 34, 62, 97, 98, 102, 105, 305, 311, 330, 336, 374, 375 Henry Adderley & Co., Nassau 220 Hentze, M. 370 Herbig, John 109, 110, 242, 243 Herero Uprising 5 Herrenvolk democracy 23, 29, 35 Herrick, Capt. 140 Herzger, Wm. 121, 132, 133, 136, 137 Herzog, Edward 249, 308, 363, 370 Hess, Alban 143, 327, 382 Hesse 404, 405 Hesse-Darmstadt, Germany 126, 132, 362, 363, 367, 372

425

Index Hesse-Kassel, Germany 126, 187 Heuberger, Franz 382 Heusler, R. 370 Hierholzer, Joseph 64 Hildebrand, Charles 382 Hillebrand, Joseph 376 Hillsborough, N. C. 290 Hilton Head, Port Royal Sound, S.C. xii, 75, 164– 167, 279 Himmel, A. 235 Hinck, George 384 Hindenburg, Germany 376 Hings, W. 384 Hink, T. (Henry?) 352 Hinken, Albert 352 Hinners, W. D. 344 Hinrichs, J. 348 Hinrickson, Theo 344 Hirsch, Eugene 204 Hirsch, Friedrich 365 Hirsch, Geo. 370 Hirsch, Jacob 204, 304, 384, 387 Hirsch, Julius 202, 384 Hirschberg, Germany 146 Hirsh, Abraham 97 Hirt, Constantin 370 Hoch, Andreas 363 Hochgruber, H. 122 Hoelzel, Philip 235 Hoffbauer, G. 274 Hoffman, A. J. 90 Hoffman, John Ph. 363 Hoffman, Michel 352 Hoffmann, Christian 380 Hoffmann, Louis 380 Hoffmeyer, W. 281 Holbau, Frank 378 Holcomb, R. E. 36, 226, 265, 338 Holl, Chas. 378 Holle, C. F. 289 Holle, Friedr. 66, 244, 289, 370 Hollen, Friedrich 378 Hollen, J. H. 352 Hollenbach, G. 119 Holling, J. 344 Hollings, Henry 352 Hollweg, Hermann 376 Hollywood Cemetery, Richmond, Va. 33, 100, 105 Holmes, Emma E. 145 Holmes, John E. 10 Holßel, Germany 357 Holsten, Cord 344 Holzbach, Chas. E. 370 Holzhauer, Heinrich 370 Holzinger, E. 188, 365, 370

Honeck, H. 344 Honer, Xavier 193 Hongkong 204 Honold, Christian, Consul for Württemberg in New Orleans, La. 126 Hood, John Bell 146, 161, 321, 361 Hopp, A. 249, 370 Hoppe, H. 119 Horlbeck, Dr. Elias 252, 253 Horlbeck, Henry 252 Horlbeck, Johann Adam 252 Horlbeck, John 252 Hörner, Julius 120, 130 Hottentot Uprising (1894) 4 Hotze, Henry 149, 221, 322 Houston, Texas 397, 400 Hoya, near Nienburg, Germany 357 Hoyer & Ludwig Lithographers 2, 3, 365, 411 Hoyer, Louis of Hoyer & Ludwig 2, 183 Huber, J. S. 121 Hübner, P. 370 Hufner, Edward 363, 364 Huger, Benjamin 166 Huhlo, H. 355 Hullet, James 119 Humanist, journal 23 Hungary 137 Hunter, R. 6, 7, 243, 316, 328, 355 Huntsville, Alabama 400 Hurge, M. 370 Hurkamp Family 254 Huse, Caleb 220, 314 Husmann, L. 121, 132 Hutchinson, T. Leger 252 Huth, Jacob 120 Hutzler, Isaac 274, 276 I Ihlenfeldt, W. 348 Illereichen, Germany 97 Importing and Exporting Company, Charleston, S.C. xiii, 219, 220, 226, 228, 229, 231–233, 279, 338, 409 Ingraham, Duncan Nathaniel 74, 75, 322 Institute Hall, Charleston, S.C. 1, 156, 160 Ireland 79, 178, 212, 247, 257, 258, 328, 382, 391, 396, 405 Irish in the South vi, 31, 33, 35, 38–40, 45–48, 50– 52, 145, 150, 162, 181, 191, 331, 338, 405, 407 Irwin, Richard B. 265 Israels, August 370 Issertel, Agnes 255 Issertel, Richard 85, 88, 90, 92 Italy 178, 196, 247, 257, 391, 396

426

Index J

Jackson Home Guard (New Orleans, La.) 121 Jackson Hospital, Va. 103 Jacobs, Louis ix Jaeger Company H (New Orleans, La.) 114 Jäger, Anton W. 174 Jakob, Peter 358 James H. Ladson & Co., S.C. 220 James Island, S.C. 81, 253 James R. Pringle, blockade-runner 216 James River, Richmond, Va. 30, 32, 43, 326 Jamison, D. J. 308 Jaske, John 72 Jasper, blockade-runner 75, 216, 307 Jefferson Guards (Jefferson, La.) 115, 119 Jefferson Parish Mounted Guard, La. 71, 72 Jefferson Police Guards (Jefferson, La.) 119 Jennewein, John 72 Jervey, Theodore D. 220 Jessen, F. W. 37 Jews in the South vi, 7, 14, 17, 44, 49, 97, 150, 194, 234, 235, 241, 252, 254, 289, 320, 325, 327, 328, 337, 361, 375 Jockel, G. 356 Joff, A. 281 Johann Friedrich, bark 36, 37 Johanns, E. 344 Johanns, J. Friedrich 37, 167 Johlfs, Henry 378 John, Frank 135 John, Peter 135 Johns, Emil 26, 36, 113, 121, 315 Johnson, Andrew 306 Johnson, C. C. 65, 311 Johnston, Joseph E. 77, 151, 164, 168, 275, 315, 318 Joost, H. 348 Joseph, S. 123 Joshua Dixon & Co., New Orleans, La. 126 Juge, Paul Jr. 134, 135 Jungclaus, H. H. 281, 344 Juno, blockade-runner 216 Jupiter, ship 70, 71 Jürgens, Georg 239 Jurs, W. L. 348 Justus, F. R. 121, 133 K Kahrs, H. 348 Kaiser, P. 270 Kalb, Jacob H. 75 Kalb, Julia F. 95 Kalderlah, Wm. 271

Kanawha Canal, Richmond, Va. 43 Kappelmann, Friedrich P. 37, 52, 310, 315 Karlshafen, Hesse, Germany 88, 90, 165 Karlsruhe, Germany 26, 105 Karstendiek, O. H., 115 Kaselack, Otto Henry 221 Kassebruch, Germany 167, 343 Kastanienbaum, Samuel 378 Kate, blockade-runner 214 Kattmann, Dr. 271 Kattmann, John 127 Kaufelt, Carl 249 Kaufman, Dr. P. G. A. vii, 285 Keck, Friedrich 187, 248 Kehilath Kodesh Nefutzoth Yehudah (The Holy Congregationof the Dispersed of Judah), New Orleans, La. 140 Kehrwald, Gebhard 204, 304, 387 Keifner, Charles 135 Keil, Robert 6, 7, 14, 17, 24, 329, 370 Keiling, Joseph 376 Keller, Wm. vii, ix, 6, 7, 271, 321, 329, 361 Kellers, E. H. 356 Kellner, J. F. 119 Kemmik, J. 271 Kempe, E. 244 Kempf, William 365 Kenan, Confederate Congressman from Georgia 151 Kenne, Carl 246 Kenner, La. 119, 124, 147 Kenner-Akademie, private German boarding school for boys in Kenner, La. 147 Kentucky 22, 23, 29, 73, 143, 240, 330, 331, 341 Keppel, Stephan 378 Keppler, Jacob 63, 366 Kerrison & Leiding, Charleston, S.C. 221, 222, 229, 230 Kerrison, E. L. 221, 226, 230 Kersten, Wm. 120 Kerth, L. 271 Kestner, N. 370 Kiencke, F. D. 349 Kiep, Jno. P. 356, 358 Kieser, Ernst 382 Kilrog, Thos. H. 356 Kimme, D. H. 356 Kimmk, John 237 Kindervater, H. 244 Kindervater, Julius 188, 189 King, Dr. V. O. 287 Kinkel, Gottfried 21, 68, 314 Kinney, William 43 Kirchhatten, Oldenburg, Germany 40, 171, 173, 357

427

Index Kirchhoff, Friedrich Wilhelm, Consul for Lübeck in New Orleans, La. 124, 126 Kirchschlägel, E. 243 Kirckwood, George 384 Kirsch, John Jr. 376 Kirschenheuter, John J. 123, 205, 304, 376, 387 Kittel, Mr. 223 Klaren, Fred. W. 344 Klatte, C. 349 Klatte, Hermann 92, 94–96, 222, 349, 356, 411 Klatte, Julia F., née Kalb 95 Klees, Jac. 271 Klein, D. 370 Klein, George 274, 366, 370 Klein, H. 370 Klein, W. 115, 120 Kleinert, Albert 69 Klencke, C. H. 349 Klevesahl, F. 370 Klinck, Gustavus Wickenberg 95 Klinck, John Sr. 230 Klinck, John Jr. 230 Klinck, Theodore K. 95 Klinck, Wickenberg & Co., Charleston, S.C. 221, 229, 230 Klingender, Melchior G. 221 Klingenmünster, Bavaria, Germany 266, 267 Kloeber, John 97 Kloppenburg Rope and Cord Factory, New Orleans, La. 117 Kloppenburg, F. W. 123, 235 Kloppenburg, H. W. 117, 123, 235 Klostermann, Wm. 384 Klump, Frank 288, 378 Klumpp, Hermann 380 Knabe, Henry 382 Knapp, Charles W. 263 Knobloch, -- 155 Knop, Ch. 119 Knopp, Christian 69 Knoppe, Albert 384 Knorr, Henry 370 Know-nothing movement 61–65, 71, 73, 75, 115 Knoxville, Tennessee vii, 21, 158, 328, 340, 400 Koch, H. 271 Koch, Heinrich 249 Kock, Bernhard 125 Kock, Carl Anton [Charles], Consul for Hamburg in New Orleans, La. 72, 124–126, 133, 239, 305, 308, 310, 411 Koehler, John 376 Koenig, Charles 119 Koertner, Theodore 281 Koester, Louis F. 222, 230 Köhl, Peter 97

Köhler, Adam 368, 382 Kolbe, A. 370 Kolbe, Emanuel 380 Kolbe, John 366 Koldeway & Campsen, Charleston, S.C. 222, 225, 230 Koldeway, Fritz ix, 222, 225, 230, 231 Könefeld, Germany 368 König, Capt. 110 König, G. 63 König, Gottfried 381 König, Jon H. 352 Königsberg, Germany 381 Koper, Claus ix, 344 Kopp, Louis 271 Köppel, Carl 243 Koppel, Hermann 370 Kornahrens, J. 349 Kossuth, Louis 69, 72, 264 Kosta, Martin 74 Krämer, P. J. 271 Kracke, -- 358 Kranz, John F. 270 Kraus, Geo 270 Krause, B. 63 Kredell, P. 119 Kress, Martin 97 Kretzmar, Anton 370 Kreutz, Andrew 207 Kroedel, Hermann 366 Krohne, Theodore 366 Krone, Thomas 36 Krug, Wendelin 370 Kruger, Wm. 344 Krupp, Joseph 376 Kruse, Friedr. 344 Kruse, Jacob 276, 344 Kruse, Kate 276, 309 Krutop, Henry 363 Kruttschnitt, Ernest B. 126, 209 Kruttschnitt, John 124, 126 Kuck, John H. 352 Kuh, E. 370 Kuhtmann, H. W. 222, 223, 225, 230 Kundyman, Georg 65, 99 Kurth, Ernst 43 L Laatz, Fred. 382 Labadieville, La. 203 Labuzan, C. A. 138 Lachenmeyer, August Carl 200 Lachenmeyer, Edmund 200, 284 Lafayette Artillery (Lafayette, La.) 119

428 Lafayette Co. No. 2 (Lafayette, La.) 119 Lafayette Guards (Lafayette, La.) 119 Lafayette, La. 119 Lambert, L. 70, 271 Lambring, Frank 384 Lampe, H. 385 Lander, August 382 Landolt, Anton 376 Laner, F. 120 Lang, Ferdinand 5, 14, 15, 20, 22, 23, 24, 119, 328, 329, 331, 333, 335, 339, 340 Lange, A. 120 Lange, Johann [John] Gottfried 43, 97, 98, 310 Langenbecker, Dr. 51 Langguth, Friedrich 249, 370 Lansingburgh 263, 264, 265 Lanzac, D. 121, 132 Latin America 22 Laubach, Nikolaus 122 Laube, F. 275, 276, 289 Lauer, Friedrich 108, 244 Laura, blockade-runner 101, 216, 307, 311 Lauterbach, Germany 3, 363, 371 Lebork, Poland 367, 372 Lee, Fitzhugh 162, 163 Lee, Joseph K. 102 Lee, Robert Edward, General 250, 339 Lee, Stephen D. 160 Legendre, H. 133 LeGrand, Julia 72, 314 Lehmann, W.W. 218 Lehmkuhl, Fried. 17, 63, 329, 363 Leichen, L. 349 Leiding, Hermann 221, 222, 230 Leimgruber, Egidius 382 Leipzig, Germany 3, 4, 36, 39, 77, 158, 161, 250, 314, 321, 324, 333, 334, 367 Leisinger, E. 116 Leisnig, Dr. 51 Leiss, Edward 366 Lenes, J 119 Lengnick, Albert 92, 94, 222, 231, 234, 278, 349 Lengnick, Alfred 349 Lentz, Georg 108, 110 Leopold, -- 122 Leopold, Nathan 376 Leopold, Heinrich 72 Leopold, Wm. 344 Lesemann, John D. 92, 94, 344 Letcher, John, Gov. of Virginia 181 Leutershausen, Bavaria 1, 25, 369 Leutze, Emanuel 75, 325, 330 Levy, B. 122 Levy, Max 356, 358 Levy, Moses 356

Index Levy, Samuel 117, 122 Lewis Guards (New Orleans, La.) 121 Lewis, John Lawson 114, 205 Libby Prison, Richmond, Va. 243, 246, 248 Liberal movement 6, 21, 51, 323 Liberty Settlement, La. 287 Lichtenfeld, Conrad 89, 92, 94 Lida, blockade-runner 215 Lieber, Franz 24, 322, 325, 329 Lieberman, Lewis 366 Liebermann, N. 371 Liliencron, Ferdinand 382 Lilienthal & Klatte, Charleston, S.C. 93, 95, 96, 222 Lilienthal, C. 356, 358 Lilienthal, D. 356 Lilienthal, John C. 37 Lincoln, Abraham 147, 192, 213, 217, 249, 253, 262, 267–270 Lindauer, Christian 271 Lindner, Carl F. 21, 316, 363 Lindstedt, George H. 92, 94, 345 Linkhauer, Henry 110, 363 Linnemann, A. H. 110 Lintz, William 366 Lippe-Detmold, Germany 136 List, Paul 51, 99, 103, 131, 233, 235, 248, 252, 253, 303, 311, 313, 314, 318, 361, 409, 411 Little Rock, Arkansas 400 Little Saxony, German area of settlement, east of the French Quarter, New Orleans, La. 50, 51, 68 Liverpool, England 37, 139, 215, 219, 226 Locher, Laurent 385 Lochte & Cordes, New Orleans, La. 240 Lockville, Jean 382 Lockwood, Robert W. 218 Lockwood, Thomas 214 Loeffler, Wilh. 371 Loehr, Charles T 100 Loften, Benjamin 352 Lohmann, E. 275, 363 Lohmann, F. W. E. 110, 250 Lohmann, Henry 378 Lohse, H. G. 345, 349 Lomnitz, Edward J. 221 London, England 7, 8, 19, 29, 35, 36, 43, 44, 46, 49, 53, 56, 58, 60, 77, 78, 113, 124, 135, 145– 148, 151, 171, 191, 214, 221, 235, 245, 265, 287, 290, 295, 302, 397, 401 Longér, Hedda 125 Longstreet, James 146 Lord, Samuel Jr. 81, 88, 92, 94, 155 Louise, Queen of Prussia 3 Louisiana vi, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, 2, 6, 7, 8, 11, 13, 16, 17, 26, 32, 33, 47–53, 59, 61, 67–72, 77, 78, 113–125, 127, 128, 129, 131–141, 143, 144,

Index 146–148, 151, 154, 166, 167, 173, 193, 199– 203, 205–209, 212, 234–238, 240, 241, 245, 248, 261–270, 272, 275, 281, 283–288, 290, 292, 298, 300, 303–306, 312–314, 317–325, 327–333, 335–341, 360, 361, 376, 378, 381, 383, 386–397, 399, 402, 404, 405, 409, 412 Louisiana Courier, New Orleans, La. 71, 115, 116, 319 Louisiana Dragoneers (New Orleans, La.) 113 Louisiana Flour und Korn-Mühle, New Orleans, La. 235 Louisiana Gewerbe Verein, New Orleans, La. 68 Louisiana Ingenieur Corps (New Orleans, La.) 121 Louisiana Legion 114–117, 123, 128, 131, 138, 331 Louisiana Native American Association 71 Louisiana Staats-Zeitung, New Orleans, La. 11, 51, 68, 70, 72, 117, 118, 124, 127, 128, 129, 131, 135, 138, 140, 166, 167, 199, 201, 237, 238, 240, 286, 319 Louisiana Zuschauer, Jefferson City, La. 68 Louisville Platform 23 Louisville, KY 23, 54, 204 Lovell, Mansfield 120, 121, 122, 123, 140, 141, 206 Lovenstein, Sal 274 Lovenstein, William 274, 276 Lubben, Luer 352 Lübeck, Germany 125, 126, 133, 136, 221, 403– 405 Lüchow, Germany 377 Luckau, Brandenburg, Germany 202 Lucke, Bernhard 363 Luckermaier, William 382 Luden, J. J. W. 349 Luders, C. 345 Ludwig, Charles of Hoyer & Ludwig 2, 3 Lugenbühl, Georg 116 Lugo, Dr. Roger 249, 339 Luther, Martin 273 Lutheran activities 36, 37, 45, 74, 90, 93, 101, 156, 184, 253, 309, 321 Lybrock [Leibrock], Albert 3, 24, 45, 65, 100, 105, 106, 107, 108, 110, 183, 184, 186, 187, 188, 192, 251, 289, 299, 302, 366 Lynchburg, Va. 31, 78, 109, 111, 187, 320, 375, 400, 406 Lyneman, Anthony H. 109 Lyons, James 66 M Maas, Dr. Benjamin 24, 51, 68, 266, 270 Maas, H. 271 Macbeth, Charles 228 Macon, Georgia 206, 399

429 Mader, Francis A. 122 Magdeburg, Germany 68, 146 Magnolia Cemetery, Charleston, S.C. 33 Magnolia Farms, near Charleston, S.C. 83 Magnolia Guards (New Orleans, La.) 122, 240 Magrath, Andrew Gordon 150 Mahne, William 380 Maier, Emile 239 Mainz, Germany 53, 133, 147, 313 Manassas Junction, Va. 182 Mann Rifles (New Orleans, La.) 140 Mann, Ambrose D. 149 Manthey, F. 263 Marburg, Germany 42, 184, 191, 291, 365, 366, 369, 370, 372, 373 Margaret and Jennie, blockade-runner 218 Marion Artillery, S. C. 159, 218 Marion Rifles, Co. K of the 15th Virginia Infanry Regiment xiii, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 245, 246, 250, 289, 365, 374, 375, 409 Marjenhoff, E. H. Jr. 345, 356, 358 Marjenhoff, E. H. Sr. 256, 259 Marjenhoff, John 349 Markelstedt, Germany 352 Markoldendorf, Germany 345 Marscher, Wm. 222, 231, 234 Marschey, Wm. 356 Marshall, Charleston baker viii, 172, 184, 274, 275 Martial Law xiii, 213, 241 Martin, -- 351 Martin, Fred. 371 Martin, P. 371 Marxhausen, John 106, 192, 245, 366 Mary, blockade-runner 215 Maryland 7, 42, 54, 143, 161, 323, 334, 342 Matamoros, Mexico 214, 240, 324 Mathis, C. L. 115, 116, 119 Mattern, Jacob 97 Mau, Carl 97 Maurer, X. 271 May, Charles 119 Mayer, Henry 135 Mayer, J. F. 237 Mayer, M. 121 Mayer, Moses 119 Mayo, Friedrich August 42 Mayo, Robert A. 43 Mayr, Christian 41 Mayse, Henry 383 McCall, Evan Jones 72 Mechanicsville, Va. 161 Mecklenburg, Germany x, 18, 36, 126, 132, 133, 137, 140, 403–405

430 Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Germany 137 Meeting Street, Charleston, S.C. 38, 218, 253 Meger, J. H. 356 Mehrtens, C. 349 Mehrtens, John 345 Mehrtens, Mrs. 219 Mehrtens, R. 94, 345 Mehrtens, Rudolph 92, 356, 358 Mehrtens & Oppenheim, Charleston, S.C. 358 Meiers, A. 371 Meissen Emigration Society 42 Meißenfahrt, Germany 370 Meister, Henry 119, 121 Meitzler, Johann [John] 84, 89, 92, 94 Melchers & Co., Charleston, S.C. 85 Melchers, Agnes 85, 88, 90 Melchers, Alexander 84, 85, 88, 92, 155, 293 Melchers, Franz A. 85, 92 Melchers, Jenny 85, 88 Melchers, Marie 255 Melchers, Theodore A. W. 85, 92, Meldau, Geo. F. 222, 231 Meldorf, Germany 95 Melville, Geo. 121 Memminger, Christopher G. 2, 33, 81, 155, 162, 163, 297, 309, 317, 328, 332 Memphis, Tennessee 29, 30, 31, 33, 392, 397, 399, 406 Mender, John 383 Menger, Martin 376 Mennonites 154 Menzing, J. H. 94 Mergentheim, Germany 2, 162 Merkel, Frank 366 Merkel, Joseph 371 Merkel, R. 371 Merkel, Tobias 363 Messerschmidt, Richard 54 Mettler, Martin 376 Metz, John 385 Metzger, Henry 274 Mexican War 114, 215, 238, 283 Mexico 22, 140, 214, 224, 324, 391 Meyer, C. D. 349 Meyer, C. H. 349 Meyer, Cordt 345 Meyer, E. 121 Meyer, Eberhardt 131, 132 Meyer, F. 356 Meyer, Felix 364 Meyer, Gottlieb 378 Meyer, H. 244, 345 Meyer, H. M. 352 Meyer, Henry 352 Meyer, Henry D. 345

Index Meyer, J. D. H. 356, 358 Meyer, J. W. 349 Meyer, John F. 345 Meyer, Martin 345 Meyer, N. 345, Meyer, S. B. 349 Meyer, Thomas 380 Meyer, W. 345 Meyer, Weis & Co., New Orleans, La. 126 Meyerdierke, F. 345 Meyerhoff, B. 92, 94 Meyers, George 352 Meyers, John E. 345 Michelbacher, Rabbi 97, 289, 323 Middleburg, Va. 146 Mielke, M. viii, 63 Migration patterns 14, 19, 61, 323, 326, 327 Miles, F. T. 223 Mileski, Albert 383 Miller, Andrew 63

Miller, Florence (also Florius Müller) 105, 110, 243 Miller, Henry 119 Miller, John 110 Miller, Martin 135 Milwaukee, WI 20, 72 Minnigerode, Charles Jr. 163 Minnigerode, Pastor Karl [Charles] 3, 162 Minnis, J. 371 Mintzing, Jacob F. 41, 252, 282 Missionary Ridge, TN 201 Mississippi 13, 17, 30, 32, 50, 68, 116, 118, 132, 141, 143, 147, 200, 240, 290, 292, 388–391, 393–396, 398, 400–402, 404, 405 Missouri 21, 50, 143, 147, 150, 312, 327 Mitchell, C. T. 220 Mobile Deutsche Zeitung, Mobile, Ala. 241 Mobile, Ala. 17, 24, 29–31, 34, 40, 50, 56, 58, 60, 147, 200, 214, 241, 253, 286, 287, 321, 324, 339, 352, 392, 397, 399, 401, 406 Moesner, Louis 377 Mohr, Charles T. 24, 26 Mollenhauer, H. Wm. 345 Moller, John 378 Momeier, George H. 87, 177, 315, 361 Momenthey, B. 248 Momeyer, C. 345 Monroe, James 27, 43, 45, 65, 105, 274, 275 Monsees, John 343, 345 Monterey, battle of 199 Montgomery, Ala. 1, 31, 43, 125, 308, 397, 399 Monticello Hall, beer saloon, Richmond, Va. 62, 66, 244, 245, 274 Moor, -- 260 Moor, August 250

Index Moore Hospital, Richmond, Va. 103 Moore, Patrick T. 181, 188 Moosmeier, Charles 378 Mordecai & Co., Charleston, S.C. 220 Mordecai, Benjamin 220, 252, 254 Mordecai, Samuel 44 Morehead City, N. C. 214 Morel, Colonel 117 Morgenstern, Robert 144, 335, 371 Moritz, L. 121 Morris Island, S.C. 253 Moses, Franklin J. 293 Moundville, La. 265 Mount Pleasant, S.C. 259 Mounted Troops, S.C. 155 Mueller, C. G. 221, 231 Mühe, Fred 378 Mühlenberg, Heinrich Melchior 36 Mühlhausen, Thuringia, Germany 191 Müller, Chas. 371 Müller, Christ. 377 Müller, J. N. 122 Müller, F. H. 122 Müller, Florius [also: Florence Miller] 105 Müller, Friedrich 352 Müller, Georg 286, 371 Müller, George 385 Müller, Gustave 380 Müller, Heinrich 381 Müller, Heinrich Georg 3, 289, 290 Müller, Henry 122, 289 Müller, Hermann 4, 312, 380 Müller, Jacob 201 Müller, John 201, 377 Müller, J. H. 345 Müller, John L. 121 Müller, Julius 201, 377 Müller, Pastor Ludwig 37, 74, 160, 293 Müller, Prof. Otto 276 Müller, W. C. 123 Munch, F. D. 353 Mundell, J. Jr. 247 Munford, George W. 105 Munzenmaier, Chas. A. 356, 358 Murfreesboro, TN 200, 203, 209 Murray & Co., New Orleans, La. 236 Murray, Joseph 253 Murray, Thomas 236, 241 Muth, Peter 380 N Nachman, L. 371 Naegly, Julius 378 Nagel, John 377

431 Nagelsman, Joseph 364 Narger, Samuel 345 Nassau, Bahamas 216, 220, 221, 223, 224, 228 Nassau, Duchy of, Germany 18, 126, 136, 395, 396, 403, 404, 405 Nashville, Tennessee 29, 31, 56, 58, 60, 278, 318, 324, 330, 392, 397, 399–401 Natchez, Mississippi 400 Nathan, Kruttschnitt & Co., New Orleans, La. 126 National Guard (Baton Rouge, La.) 113, 119, 121, 122, 263, 304 National Guard Volunteers of Louisiana, New Orleans, La. (USA) 263 Nativism xi, 7, 61–75, 148, 297, 298, 323, 329, 331, 342 Nauk, J. D. 371 Neeb, Amon 383 Neisse, Germany 146 Neuenkirchen, Germany 349 Neuland, Louis R. 249 Neumann, Philip 358 Neutzel, William 366 New Basin Canal, New Orleans, La. 47 New Basin Guards Co. H (New Orleans, La.) 122 New Bern, N.C. 214, 400 New Braunfels, TX 24 New Market Hotel, Richmond, Va. 245, 364, 366 New Orleans Bäcker-Verein, New Orleans, La. 69 New Orleans Immigration Office 287 New Orleans Journal New Orleans, La. 11, 70, 286, 288, 319 New Orleans Manufacturing and Building Co., New Orleans, La. 239 New Orleans Times Democrat, New Orleans, La. 133, 319 New Orleans Times, New Orleans, La. 2, 133, 241, 288, 319 New Orleans Times-Picayune, New Orleans, La. 319 New Orleans Tirailleure (Kenner, La.) 119, 147 New Orleans, La. 1, v, vi, viii, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, 1, 2, 6–11, 16, 17, 22, 24, 26, 29–35, 47–54, 60, 61, 66–73, 75–77, 87, 93, 97, 100, 113–135, 138– 141, 143, 145, 147, 166, 167, 170, 173, 192, 194, 199–210, 214, 218, 219, 221, 235–242, 244, 251, 254, 255, 261–271, 276, 283–289, 292, 295–299, 301, 302, 382, 386, 387, 392, 397, 399, 401, 403, 406, 407, 409, 410 New York v, vii, 5, 7, 10, 13, 14, 16, 17, 20, 22, 23, 24, 26–30, 32–35, 37, 44, 48, 49, 62, 70, 71, 83, 100, 104, 105, 113, 132, 140, 143, 146, 150, 152, 153, 156, 158, 162, 165, 167, 171, 183, 191, 199, 204, 205, 215–217, 219, 233, 235,

432

Index

240, 241, 243, 248, 250, 252, 264, 265, 266, 267, 281, 282–287, 290–292, 294, 295, 301, 394, 397, 401 New York German Society 285 New York Herald, New York, NY 34, 241, 248, 281, 319 New York Illustrated News, New York, NY 319 New York Immigration Commission 287 Newark, New Jersey 23, 340 Newberry, S.C. 293, 351 Newcomb College, New Orleans, La. 263 News & Courier, Charleston, S.C. 75, 170, 227, 282, 319 Nicaragua 242 Nicola, Jac. 1, 271 Niebuhr, John P. 94 Niederländer, J. 120 Niedermayer, Frank E. 364 Niemann, Adolph 356, 358 Nohrden, Carsten 86, 90, 92, 94, 165, 176, 345 Nolte, David 364 Nolte, Henry 364 Nolte, Hermann 364 Nolte, Vincent 113, 123, 315 Nölting, A. W. 43, 251 Nölting, E. O. , Consul for Belgium in Richmond, Va. 242, 251, 289 Nolting, H. 119 Nordell, Gustavus 353 Nordmeyer, Diedrich 353 Norfolk, Va. 29, 30, 34, 46, 97, 214, 244, 289, 291, 323, 399, 400, 406 North Carolina 8, 13, 17, 29, 43, 54, 56, 58, 60, 143, 151, 154, 158, 163, 164, 168, 183, 223, 254, 278, 300, 388–397, 399–402, 404, 405 Northheim, C. H. 371 Norway 133, 137 Noswitz, Ludwig 366 Noyes, Dr. James O. 287 Nueces Massacre, TX 24, 240, 337, 340, 341 Nurnberger, C. F. 345 Nusbaum, Louis 248 O Oberhäuser, F. 284 Oberkruger, F. W. 345 Oceda, Georgetown District, S.C. 168 Ocker, Joseph 364 Oconee District, S.C. 93, 279, 292, 314 Öderan, Germany 42 Oelsner, Alex 383 Oertling, H. 235 Oertling, Wm. 121, 133 Oeters, Martin 364

Offenburg, Germany 263 Ohio River, Virginia 43 Ohlandt, D. W. 37 Ohlandt, J. E. 349 Ohlrich, William L. T. 378 Ohmstedt & Schultze, New Orleans, La. 240 Ohmstedt, John 239 Ojemann, John C. 345 Oldenburg, Germany 36, 126, 136, 171, 173, 178, 212, 215, 266, 292, 295, 345, 350, 352, 353, 357, 378, 380, 403–405 Oldham, Senator of Texas 150 Olhoff, Hermann F. 353 Olmsted, Frederick Law 44, 315 Opelousas, La. 68, 319 Opitz, G. A. 371 Oplateck, J. 385 Oppenheim, H. 356 Oppenheim, H. H. 356 Oppenheim, Julius 356 Orion, blockade-runner 221 Orleans Blues A (New Orleans, La.) 140 Orleans Blues B (New Orleans, La.) 140 Orleans Fusiliers (New Orleans, La.) 113, 120 Orleans Guides (New Orleans, La.) 117, 122 Orleans Hotel, New Orleans, La. 200 Orleans Rifle Regiment (New Orleans, La.) 122, 138, 139, 206 Orth, F. 345 Ortwein, Valentine 378 Ostendorff, Julius H. M. 74, 81, 155, 219, 332, 345 Osterholtz, Germany 215, 356 Osterloh & Co., Richmond, Va. 251 Osterloh, Adolph 251 Ostermeyer, C. L. 345 Osterode, Germany 127 Otten, Catherine 255 Otten, Cord 84, 92, 94, 255 Otten, Dietrich 358 Otterndorf, Germany 40, 42, 76, 87, 304 Otto, Fred 114, 115 O'Wens, Alexander, 356 P Pache, Joseph 383 Palatinate, Germany 18, 69, 137, 212, 267, 372 Palmetto Guard 91, 94 Palmetto Jäger 94 Palmetto State,gunboat 160, 219 Panknin, Charles F. 231 Panknin, C. H. 222, 231 Papst, G. H. 271 Paris, France 36, 53, 313 Passbaum, L. 123

433

Index Patjens, Johann Heinrich 345, 411 Patriot, Opelousas, La. 24, 68, 267, 282, 319, 322, 338 Pattersen, B. 356 Pattini, Batiste 358 Paul, Alfred, French Consul in Richmond, Va. 185 Paul, George F. 366, 371, 375 Paul, H. 110 Paul, Hermann 364 Paul, Lorenz 97 Paul, William H. 364 Pea Ridge, Arkansas 262 Peick, W. 40 Pelican Guards Co. A (New Orleans, La.) 122 Pelzer, Anton Aloys 252 Pelzer, Franz Joseph 231, 252 Pelzer, S. C. 221, 222, 252, 278, 294, 332, 349 Pember, Phoebe 102 Pendleton, W. N. 164 Penn, William 156 Pennsylvania 7, 19, 27, 30, 329, 341 Pensacola, Florida 214, 236 Peple, George A. 273, 274 Perri, Otto 362, 364 Perryville, KY 199, 209 Peters, F. 120 Petersburg, Virginia 95, 399, 406 Petre, M. 123 Petrel, blockade-runner 216 Pfaefflin, G. F. R. 122 Pfaff, William 110, 364 Pfeiffer, -- 129 Pfeiffer, Wm. 274 Pflugfelder, Chas 366 Philadelphia, Pa. 19, 23, 29, 34, 36, 49, 63, 124, 163, 218, 235, 252, 264, 274, 316, 321, 325, 327, 328, 330, 334, 341 Phillips, Isidore 353 Phillips, Michel A. 353 Pickens District, S.C. 223, 226, 254, 358 Pickens, Francis Wilkinson, Gov. of S.C. 165, 223, 226, 254, 279, 305, 345, 348, 354, 361 Pickett Guard (New Orleans, La.) 122 Pieper, H. W. 345 Pieper, J. H. 345 Pierce, Franklin 22 Pierre, Geo. 123 Pillsbury, Gilbert 278 Pirmasens, Germany 200, 384 Pirna, Saxony, Germany 189, 372 Plank, H. 345 Plath, C. 345 Platte, John 377 Pleasant Hill, La. 147 Plettenberg, Johann 381

Plock, E. 281 Ploger, F. H. 345 Pocotaligo, S. C. 164 Poesche, Theodor 22, 23, 62, 315 Pohle, Carl Gottlieb, General 100 Pohle, Carl Rudolph Maximilian ix, 99, 100, 182, 308 Pohle, Carl Rudolph Maximilian, Drum Major 411 Pohle, Margarethe, neé Strupler 100 Poland ix, 137, 258, 289, 391, 396 Polster, F. 246 Polytechnic Institute, Karlsruhe, Germany 7, 26 Pomerania, Germany 18, 137, 146 Pooley, Joseph C. 236 Poorhouse of Charleston, S. C. 255, 257, 258, 410 Poorhouse of Richmond, Va. 242 Port Hudson, La. 265 Porter, Anthony Toomer 252 Pörtner, A. 385 Portsmouth, Va. 43, 399, 400, 406 Portugal 257 Portwig, Frederick ix, 353 Posen, city of 18, 137 Posten, M 349 Posten, N. 349 Posten, W. 349 Potthoff, Karl 128, 238 Pragst, Ernest 122 Pratt, Tamborine Major 107 Prehn & Co., New Orleans, La. 126, 140 Prehn, Wilhelm, Consul for Mecklenburg in New Orleans, La. 125, 126, 140 Preuler, Jacob 383 Pribis, Friedrich 377 Printz, Jacob 385 Priscilla C. Ferguson, blockade-runner 218 Propst, Henry 371 Protection Guards (New Orleans, La.) 122 Protestant activities 23, 51, 195, 296 Prussia, Kingdom of, Germany 1, 17, 18, 36, 48, 80, 100, 106, 126, 127, 132, 133, 137, 139, 148, 159, 178, 194, 196, 202, 209, 212, 247, 249, 257, 258, 262, 351, 353, 358, 363–367, 369, 371–373, 376, 377, 380, 382, 384, 391, 395, 396, 403–405 Prussian Legation, Washington, D.C. 202 Puckhaber, F. 349 Pugh, Thomas 135 Pyrmont, Germany 369 Q Quakenbrück, Germany 345 Quaker City, steamship 292 Quakers 154 Quintell, William 140

434

Index R

R. G. Dun Collection 10, 278 Rabe, H. 371 Rabenhorst, Charles 119, 199 Radicals 22, 23, 70, 324 Rahders, John 353 Rahm, Philip 47, 64, 65, 246 Raisley, John 377 Rammstedt, L. 371 Rapp, Ph. 371 Rattermann, Heinrich 88 Rauch, Christian Daniel 3 Raum, Green B. 263, 264, 265 Ravenel, William P. 220 Raymann, Louis 364 Rebman, F. J. 346 Recession of 1837 30 Recession of 1857 34 Reconstruction vi, xiv, 6, 7, 9, 72, 77, 168, 261, 262, 267, 268, 270, 272, 274, 278, 282, 285, 288, 292,297, 301, 302, 402, 410 Rede, Louis 132 Reder, L. 121 Rees, Fred 366 Reichard & Baquie, New Orleans, La. 126 Reichard & Co., New Orleans, La. 126, 139, 204, 207, 239 Reichard & Quentell, New Orleans, La. 126 Reichard Rifles (New Orleans, La.) 122, 139, 140, 200, 201, 207, 209, 304, 380, 387 Reichard, Augustus Albert Maurice, Consul for Hanover, Prussia and Hesse-Darmstadt in New Orleans, La., and Colonel of the 20th Louisiana infantry Regiment xii, xiii, 117, 120–124, 126, 138–141, 199–201, 204–209, 239, 267, 302, 304, 380, 387, 411, 412 Reidt, Peter 364 Reidt, Henry 366 Reien, Carl 383 Reif, J. V. 371 Reil, J. A. 120 Reils, Jacob 222, 231, 346 Reine, F. 371 Reinhardt, John 366 Reinhardt, Louis 366, 375 Reisert, Gustave 381 Reitmeyer, F. 120, 122, 130, 139, 304, 381, 387 Rempp, C. 346 Republican Party vi, 21, 148, 261, 275, 326 Republican, Savannah vi, 21, 66, 148, 220, 261, 267, 268, 275, 278, 282, 287, 298, 301, 314, 318, 319, 326 Reuter, Jno. 356 Revolution of 1848 5, 14, 17, 19, 20, 23, 24, 42, 73

Rhine Province 18 Richmond Eagle Foundry 47 Richmond Examiner, Richmond, Va. 149, 248, 249, 273, 319 Richmond German Rifles 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 105, 106, 110, 311 Richmond Light Infantry Blues 97, 103, 104, 274, 311, 323 Richmond Patriot, Richmond, Va. 11, 276, 291, 294, 319 Richmond Unabhängiger Turnverein, Richmond, Va. 66 Richmond Whig, Richmond, Va. 1, 25, 26, 43, 319 Richmond, Va. viii, ix, 3, 4, 26, 58, 77, 97, 101, 104, 132, 191, 194, 250, 275, 303, 307, 308, 310, 311, 317, 320, 332, 374, 375, 407, 409 Richmonder Anzeiger , Richmond, Va. ix, 11, 26, 27, 64, 65, 66, 84, 96, 97, 99, 100, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 149, 160, 181, 182, 183, 187, 189, 213, 234, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 248, 249, 250, 251, 255, 273, 289, 290, 292, 298, 301, 308, 319, 375, 411 Richter, Erhard 62, 243 Richter, Mrs. Erhard 243 Rick, Alois 274 Rickels, E. H. 349 Rickert, J. E. 121, 133, 136, 137 Ricks, -- 62, 115, 120 Ridgeville, S.C. 170 Riecke, G. 155, 156, 162, 166, 170, 219, 224, 309, 346 Riedt, H. C. 110 Riemann & Co., New Orleans, La. 134 Riemann, Hermann H. 134, 138, 237 Riese, Adam 381 Rind, Leopold 371 Riseld, N. A. 385 Ritter, W. 65 Ritz, A. 244 Rix, A. 64 Roanoke Island, N. C. 66 Robertson Hospital, Richmond, Va. 103 Robinson, -- 219, 273, 336 Rocketts, Va. 42, 43, 46, 248 Rodenkirchen, H. 371 Rodewald & Co., New Orleans, La. 126 Rodewald, Friedrich, Consul Bremen in New Orleans, La. 126 Rodewald, John 126 Rodgers, Ebenezer Henderson 221, 222, 226, 231 252, 349 Rodgers & Co., Charleston, S.C., 231 Rodolph, John 377 Roeblitz, A. 349

Index Roehl, Hermann 121, 132 Roemer, H. 114, 119, 238 Roeser, George 378 Roestler, -- 62 Roeth, Conrad 366 Römer, Chas. 120 Rommel, John A. 364 Ropp, German restaurant owner in Richmond, Va. 181 Roselius, Christian xi, 50, 66, 68, 70–72, 118, 206, 266, 267, 298, 315, 411 Roselius, Elizabeth L. 70 Roselius, Emelia 70 Rosenbaum, L. 123 Rosenbaum, Louis 377 Rosenbaum, Samuel 251, 289 Rosenbaum, S. M. 372 Rosenfeld, Henry 97 Rosenfield, Leopold 122 Rosenheim, Henry 97 Rosenstein, H. 371 Rösing, Dr. Johannes 194, 247, 248, 291, 310 Rosmary, P. 371 Rosner, Carl 119 Röth, Friedrich 107 Rott, Heinrich 381 Rotterdam, Holland 37 Rottolf, Jacob 379 Rousseau, Jean Jacques 22 Ruben, John 353 Rübenkönig, G. 122 Ruch, Phil. 377 Ruffin, Edmund 156, 157, 161 Rüger, Louis 106, 108, 110 Ruggles, Daniel 205, 300 Ruh, Christian 381 Ruhl, Madame 237 Ruhle, Carl 65 Rümelin, -- 260 Rummel, Wendelin 379 Runde, Theo. 122 Runge, Karl Gustav 190, 366, 372, 375 Runke, L. 121 Runkwitz, Otto 366 Runte, J. 68 Ruppert, August 372 Russia 137 Ruth, Samuel 250, 339 S Saarbrücken, Germany 105 Saeger, Fred A. 366 Sahlmann, Luder 356, 358 Sally, blockade-runner 102, 103

435 Salomon, Carl Eberhard 262 Salomon, Edward 262 Salomon, Friedrich S. 262 Salomon, Louis A. 262, 265 San Antonio, Texas 397, 400 Sandstedt, Germany 357 Santo Domingo 22 Sappers & Miners (New Orleans, La.) 122 Sarah, blockade-runner viii, 216, 307 Sass, Jacob 219 Sattler, William 183, 184 Sauls, John 353 Saunders, W. J. 47, 167, 337 Savannah Daily Morning News, Savannah, Ga. 32, 319 Savannah Evening Press, Savannah, Ga. 91, 319 Savannah, Ga. viii, 10, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 83, 84, 91, 165, 170, 214, 215, 259, 282, 298, 303, 313, 319, 325, 332, 339, 341, 360, 392, 397, 398, 399, 401, 406 Saving and Building Association, Charleston, S.C. 93 Saxon Colonization Project 42 Saxony, Kingdom of, Germany 16, 18, 42, 50, 80, 132, 136, 137, 189, 196, 212, 224, 252, 273, 296, 349, 363, 366, 367, 370–372, 376, 380, 383, 403–405 Scarlett, J. A. 10 Scarlett, Joseph 10 Schad, August 63, 65, 98, 99, 105–108, 110, 182, 192, 245, 299, 366 Schaedel, John 381 Schaefer, Daniel 381 Schaeffer, Karl 93, 292, 314, 385 Schaefferkoetter, Henry 377 Schäfer, Carl 237 Schäfer, Christian A. 106, 250 Schaller, Franz Emil [Frank] 289, 290, 302 Schantz, Geo. 271 Scharnitzky, L. 385 Schauts, George 385 Scheffel, E. W. 379 Scheffer, Jacob 381 Scheibel, Frederick 383 Scheibert, Maj. Justus 4, 145, 146, 308, 312, 316, 411 Scheiderer, Fred. 372 Schele de Vere, Prof. Maximilian 249 Scherer, Jacob 385 Scheurer, Jacob 135 Schilling, Philip 381 Schirmer, Jacob F. 40, 156, 160 Schirmer, Johann E. 40 Schlesinger, Jacob 19, 326, 385 Schleswig, Germany 18, 20, 133, 136, 276, 336

436 Schlobaum, William 353 Schlondorff, H. 350 Schlüter, Karl 68 Schmetzer, Geo. Louis 356, 358 Schmidt & Co., New Orleans, La. 126, 133 Schmidt & Ziegler, New Orleans, La. 133, 284, 288 Schmidt, A. 372 Schmidt, Alb. 350 Schmidt, C. 123 Schmidt, Capt. 263 Schmidt, Cha. 372 Schmidt, Chr. S. 372 Schmidt, David 381 Schmidt, E. F. 236 Schmidt, F. A. 266, 271 Schmidt, Hermann 353, 383 Schmidt, Jacob 364 Schmidt, Lorenz 379 Schmidt, Louis 263 Schmidt, Mrs. 248 Schmidt, S. 271 Schmidt, Wm. B. 284, 288 Schmiedt, H. 385 Schmitt, F. W. 271 Schmitt, J. A. 271 Schmogrow, Pastor 248 Schmus, A. 372 Schmutz, Charles 381 Schnäbele, Henry 110, 187 Schnackenberg, D. 346 Schneider, Carl 385 Schneider, Christian 288 Schneider, Fried. H. 366, 372 Schneider, Henry 366, 367 Schneider, Jacob 372 Schneider, John 372 Schneider, Louis 287, 288 Schneider, Philip 122 Schneider, Th. 383 Schneider, W. 346 Schnepel, H. 350 Schnibbe, C. 346 Schnierle, Johann 252 Schnierle, John 41, 93, 159, 252 Schnierle, Maria 159 Schoeff, George 377, 387 Scholl, A. 116, 119, 183, 184 Scholz, Anton 377 Schönbeck, Charles 115 Schönborn, Chas. 364, 372 Schönfeld, F. W. 237 Schönfeldt, David 372 Schönleber, Ch. 372 Schotschky, Wm. 372

Index Schott, Edward 379, 387 Schott, H. 244 Schott, Henry 203, 244, 372 Schreiber, W. 116, 119 Schröder, J. B. 266, 271 Schröder, Jacob 94 Schroder, Wm. 252, 346, 350, 356 Schroeder, A. 231 Schroeder, F. E. 231 Schroeder Bros., Charleston, S.C. 222, 231 Schröter, Eduard 23 Schuchert, L. 346 Schücking, Alfred 51 Schuerman, Henry 366 Schuermann, H. A. 121 Schuette, Heinrich 381 Schultz, Friedrich 249 Schulz, Philip 68, 266, 271 Schulze, C. 5, 313, 372 Schuhmaher, Albert H. 353 Schuhmacher, Ernst 353 Schuhmacher, Ferdinand 117 Schuhmacher, John H. 353 Schumacher, Ferdinand 117, 121, 123 Schünemann-Pott, Friedrich 23 Schuppert, Dr. 240 Schuricht, Herrmann 3, 6, 42, 44, 62, 65, 66, 98, 99, 104, 106, 109–111, 162, 188, 189, 248, 274, 276, 291, 302, 316, 340, 372, 375, 412 Schurz, Carl vii, 19, 21, 281, 314, 316, 333, 340 Schütte, H. 97 Schutz, Bernhard 385 Schwab, Alphons 72 Schwäbisch-Gmünd, Germany 75 Schwagerly, Charles 96, 110 Schwägerly, Mrs. 248 Schwartz, Jacob 194, 367, 375 Schwartz, L. 121, 136, 137 Schwartz, Valentin 367, 372 Schwartz, Wm. 379 Schwarz, Pastor 131, 132, 134, 139, 246, 248, 284, 286, 288, 289 Schwarze Yaeger [Black Hunters], Richmond, Va. 96, 110 Schwecke, Carl H. 1, 93 Schweiß, Joseph 379 Schweitzer, Charles 381 Schwers, William 353 Schwiebel, F. K. 120 Schwier, Jean 383 Scotia II, blockade-runner 221 Scotland, 407 Scott, Winfield 63, 114 Secessionville, S.C. 170 Seebeck, C. 350

Index Seedorf, J(ohn) 346 Seeliger, Charles 69, 72 Seeling, R. 246 Seiberling, Anton 107 Seibert, Charles 110, 188, 291 Seiler, Sebastian 70, 268, 271 Sell, John 383 Sellbach, Gustave 377 Sellers, W. H. 161 Sellstedt, Germany 40, 346 Selma, Ala. 147, 282, 400 Senac, Felix 221 Seven Pines, Va. 161 Sevin, John 367 Seward, William Henry, Secretary of State (USA) 202, 216 Shakers 154 Sharpsburg, Md. 161 Sharpshooters (New Orleans, La.) 115, 119, 123 Sheffey, Hugh 43 Shepley, Gov. of Louisiana 266 Sherman, William Tecumseh 149, 254, 260 Shields, Lieutenant 247 Shiloh, TN 199, 200, 201, 204, 205, 208, 209, 382 Shreveport Rebels (Shreveport, La.) 123 Shreveport, La. 26, 123, 269, 315 Sibilski, M. F. 286 Sicily, Italy 45, 242, 358 Siebert, Peter 201 Siebolt, Simon 271 Siebrandt, August 203, 304 Siebrecht, Heinrich 381 Siegling & Sons, Charleston, S.C. 41 Siegling & Vallote, Havana, Cuba 159 Siegling, Henry 159, 218, 412 Siegling, Johann Blasius 159, 277 Siegling, John 41 Siegling, John Z. 159, 160, 218, 277, 412 Siegling, Rudolph 81, 82, 157–159, 161, 277, 299, 316, 353, 412 Siegling, Rudolph Septimus 159 Siemens, Charles 367, 372 Sievern, Germany ix, 7, 38, 82, 89, 165, 168, 280– 282, 308, 335, 346, 348 Sievers, F. 120 Sigel, Franz vii, 22, 325 Sigmaringen, Germany 70 Silberberg, Germany 146 Silesia 18, 137 Simon, D. 120 Simon, O. 120 Simons & Siegling, Charleston, S.C. 82, 158 Simons, James 82, 155, 157, 158, 161, 164, 176, 412

437 Simons, James Jr. 157, 158, 161, 164, 412 Singer, F. A. 271 Sirius, blockade-runner 221 Slavery v, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17, 24, 31, 32, 33, 35, 61, 67, 149, 171, 193, 228, 262, 285, 322, 323, 326, 329, 330, 333, 334, 336–338, 340 Slidell, Thomas 71 Sloan, Joseph 238, 284, 293, 335 Small, Jacob 3, 82, 86, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 155, 215, 218, 219, 221, 276, 293, 308, 411 Smith, Edmund Kirby 151 Social-Demokratischer Turnverein, Richmond, Va. 66, 244 Socialer Turnverein, Richmond, Va. 62 Society for the Advice and Aid to Saxon Immigrants 43 Sommer, Hermann 118 Sommer, John 377 Sommers, L. 346 Sons of Confederate Veterans 100 Sons of the City of Marburg, Richmond, Va. 291 Sorg, Peter 372 Sosnowski, Sophie 254, 289, 290, 309 Soulé, Pierre 117 South America 30, 76, 213 South Atlantic Blockading Squadron 254 South Carolina vii, xi, xii, xiv, 1, 3, 6, 7, 13, 24, 33, 35, 36, 38–40, 42, 55, 61, 73–84, 86, 87–91, 93, 94–96, 143, 149–152, 154–162, 164–178, 215–232, 234, 235, 247, 251–255, 257, 259, 275, 277–282, 285, 288–290, 292–294, 296, 297, 300, 302, 343, 345, 352, 360, 361, 388– 397, 399–402, 404, 405, 409, 412 South Carolina College 24 South Carolina Inter-State and West Indian Exposition (1902) 95, 173, 217, 278, 316, 330 South Carolina Steam Bakery, Charleston, S.C. 171, 172, 227, 412 Southern Punch, Richmond, Va. 248, 319 Southern Schnallen-Manufaktur, New Orleans, La. 235 Southern Sentinel, Plaquemine, La. 68, 319 Southern States Rights Party 75 Spain 147, 258 Sparnick, Henry 293 Spartanburg, S.C. 226 Specketer, C. 350 Spiering, Hermann 383 Spiess, Ambros 372 Spilling, John Jacob 372 Spincken, Henry 150, 350 Spindler, William 379 Spitzmüller, Franz 383 Spotswood Hotel, Richmond, Va. 105, 147

438 Spott, Charles 373 Spott, Wm. A. 108, 110, 373 Spratte, Jacob 377 Spring Hill, AL viii, 50 Springer, H. 385 St. Andrew’s Parish, S.C. 154 St. Benedictus Society, Richmond, Va. 276 St. Domingo 257, 258 St. Emma, sugar-cane plantation of Charles Kock 125 St. Georges, Bermudas 223 St. Johann, Rhineland 26, 97, 101, 105, 246, 320, 366 St. John’s Church, Richmond, Va. 3, 97, 99, 101, 106, 191, 195 St. Louis, MO 17, 20, 21, 26, 48, 74, 134, 291, 312, 334, 336 St. Margarethen, Germany 216, 217 St. Mary’s Church, Richmond, Va. 45, 64, 103, 105, 195, 335 St. Matthew’s Lutheran Church, Charleston, S.C. 278 St. Paul’s Episcopalian Church, Richmond, Va. 162 St. Petersburg, Russia 221 Staab, Philip 364, 373 Stadelhofer, Maximilian 363, 364 Staiger, -- 239 Stal, Rudolph 135 Stallo, -- 260, 294 Stampel, H. 135 Stanley Guard (New Orleans, La.) 140 Starke, G. 225 Staub, Ph. 373 Stay, Colonel 118 Steamship Charleston Company, S.C. 220 Stecker, Philip 367, 373 Steffens, C. 350 Steffens, Charles 383 Steffens, Claus 353 Steffens, Johann 381 Steffens, John 353 Stegin, John H. 91 Stehle, E. 281 Steiert, August 377 Steierwald, August 377 Stein, Albert 50 Stein, L. 373 Stein, Louis 114, 115 Steinbach, Henry 379 Stein-Bockenheim, Germany 83, 89, 276 Steincke, F. 346 Steinlein, Simon 62, 66, 245 Steinmann, J. L. 373 Steinmetz, Carl xi, 61, 62, 63, 64

Index Steinmeyer, J. H. 218 Stelling, Aug. 346 Stelling, E. H. 293, 356 Stelling, Gerhard 353 Stelling, J. H. 37 Stelljes, J. 350 Stelz, Andrew 353 Stern, Lorenz 373 Stettin, Germany 4, 146, 316 Steuben Guards (New Orleans, La.) 79, 113, 122, 123, 138, 139, 140, 201, 202, 204, 205, 304, 376, 387 Steuer, Chas. 379 Stier, William 383 Stildorf, Frank 379 Stoll, M. 373 Stolle, Ferdinand 385 Stowe, Harriet Beecher 73 Strassenburg, Geo. 377 Stratch, C. 120 Straub, Joseph 381 Straus, John H. (A.?) 353 Strauss, M. L. 274 Strecker, Dr. Otto A. 43, 45, 47, 251, 289 Streeder, Conrad 237 Strittmatter, Joseph 381 Strobel, J. G. 350 Strohmeyer, Edward 237 Strohmeyer, H. 135 Struck, Hermann 354 Stuart, James Ewell Brown 4 Stubler, Charles 383 Stump, James 215 Stumpf, John 271 Stumpfaus, Peter 379 Stunkel, H. 350 Stürcken, H. F. 270, 284, 288 Sturzenegger & Co., New Orleans, Co. 239 Stuve, Anton 120 Substition policy 153, 154 Südliche Post, Goldsboro, N. C. 254 Südlicher Correspondent, Charleston, S.C . 277, 278, 280, 281, 319 Südliches Arbeits- und Nachweisungsbüro, Richmond, Va. 290 Suffolk, Va. 161 Sulakowsky’s Polish Legion 128 Sully, T. D. 237 Sulter, Henry 215 Summerville, S.C. viii, 168 Sunday Delta, New Orleans, La. 140, 319 Surmann, Joseph 383 Sweden 178, 257, 358 Switzerland 19, 64, 137, 156, 196, 212, 221, 257, 258, 263, 362, 378, 385

439

Index T Tägliche Deutsche Zeitung, New Orleans, La. 128 Tannbald, Charles 367 Tannlunsen, A. 356, 358 Tappan, Lewis 10 Tar Bluff, S.C. 167 Tawadske, -- 358 Taylor, J. M. D. 72, 135, 339 Tecklenburg, John 216 Tecklenburg, Peter 216–218, 225, 412 Teffee, W. 281 Teisendorf, Bavaria, Germany 52, 53 Tell, Wilhelm 42, 99, 106, 108, 245, 250, 273, 366 Tennessee vii, 13, 21, 139, 140, 143, 150, 200, 207, 208, 278, 388–397, 399, 400, 402, 404, 405 Teske, John 367 Teutonia-Versicherungsgesellschaft, New Orleans, La. 134 Texas 6, 13, 16, 17, 22, 24, 26, 48, 50, 52, 72, 103, 143, 144, 147, 150, 161, 213, 240, 263, 266, 388–391, 393–398, 400–402, 404, 405 Texas Brigade (CSA), General John B. Hood 161 Texas Hospital, Va. 103 Thalheimer, Wolf 25, 26 Thatjenhorst, Charles 358 The Post and Courier, Charleston, S.C. ix, 319, 335 The Republic, Richmond, Va. 319 The Semi-Monthly Creole, New Orleans, La. 116, 319 The Sun, Columbus, Ga. 152, 319 Thedinghausen, Germany 70 Thees, Henry 356 Theiling/Thieling, F. W. 350, 356 Theiss, Henry 379 Thiebes, Wilhelm 362, 364 Thiel & Dittel, architects, New Orleans, La. 129 Thiele & Seiler, New Orleans, La. 126 Thilow, Chas. W. 373 Thode, Eduard Jacob 40, 42, 75, 76, 87, 304 Thode, Eide H. 293 Thode, Dorothea 293 Thode, H. 271 Thode, Henning Peter 93, 95, 96, 293, 309 Thome, John 377 Thuringian States, Germany 18, 136 Tidyman, Philip 158 Tiedemann & Co., Charleston, S.C. 40 Tiedemann, Calder & Co., Charleston, S.C. 259, 278 Tiedemann, John 259 Tiedemann, Otto 40, 232, 259, 412 Tiencken, C. H. 350 Tiencken, D. 346

Tiencken, H. 356 Tiencken, Heinrich 358 Tiencken, Jno. 356 Tiencken, John 346 Timmermann, H. C. G. 63 Tobelman, F. 123 Tochmann, Gaspard 289 Tolger, Gerhardt 364 Tolle, Ferdinand 377 Tompkins, Sally L. 102, 103 Touche, C. 271 Touche, J. 271 Tours, France 225 Traub, Philip 383 Tredegar Iron Works, Richmond, Va. 46, 366 Treder, Richard 69, 383 Trendelburg, Germany 363 Trenholm Brothers, New York 219 Trenholm, George Alfred 166, 214, 219, 220, 221, 225, 333 Troy, New York 265 Trudeau, James 114, 115 Trudewind Brewery, Norfolk, Va. 244 True Delta, New Orleans, La. 51, 238, 313, 320 Tullifinny, S. C. 164 Turkey 147 Turner Guards (New Orleans, La.) 114, 122, 123, 139, 140, 209, 304, 382, 387 Turners 21, 23, 129 Tuscaloosa, Alabama viii, 49, 146, 250, 267, 268, 269, 312, 316, 320, 322, 339, 361, 400 Twachtman, Hermann 354 Twenty-Negro Law xii, 154 U Uemann, F. 271 Ufferhardt & Campsen, Charleston, S.C. 222, 228, 232 Ufferhardt, Wilhelm 74, 222, 226, 228, 229, 232, 254, 255, 278, 308 Uhlfeld, Germany 97 Ullman, Henry 204 Ulmer, G. B. 354 Unger, David W. 354 United States Hotel, Richmond, Va. 181, 245 United Turner Association 22 University of Alabama 26, 49, 50, 250, 267, 268, 269, 312, 320, 322, 339, 361 University of Gießen 163 University of Leipzig 82, 158, 321 University of Louisiana (Tulane) 71 University of Richmond, Va. 7, 45, 249, 321, 322, 331 Urbanization 38, 338

440

Index V

Vahrenkamp, Carl 383 Valck, Charles 367 Van Lew, Elizabeth 250, 312 Veit, Maurice 19, 340, 385 Ventress Life Guard (New Orleans, La.) 140 Verbene, William 377 Verret, -- 72 Verspohl, Franz 373 Vessel Papers 10, 307 Vicksburg, Mississippi 400 Victoria, blockade-runner 216, 225, 263, 307 Vienna, Austria 19, 36, 53, 264, 265 Viereck, John 364 Violet Rifles (New Orleans, La.) 123 Virginia v–vii, ix, xi–xiv, 1, 3, 6, 7, 13, 17, 19, 25– 27, 30, 33, 34, 42–47, 54, 57, 58, 61–66, 77, 78, 96–111, 116, 143, 147, 151, 154, 157, 160, 161, 163, 181–198, 206, 213, 218, 237, 242–251, 259, 265, 273–276, 285, 288–292, 300, 302– 308, 310–313, 315–318, 320–324, 326, 328– 330, 333–337, 339, 340, 342, 362, 365, 368, 374, 375, 388–397, 399, 400, 402, 404, 405, 409, 411 Virginia Choral Society 3 Virginia Ordinance of Secession v, 411 Virginia Rifles, Co. K of the 1st Virginia Infanry Regiment vi, xii, xiii, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 116, 181, 182, 183, 186, 187, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 245, 246, 249, 362, 374, 375, 409 Virginia, blockade-runner 218 Virginische Zeitung, Wochen- und Sonntagsblatt des Täglichen Anzeigers, Richmond, Va. 11, 26, 27, 44, 189, 243, 320 Voege, A. 346 Voelkel, Christian 379 Vogelsang, August 377 Vogelskamp, Henry 379 Vogler, C. F. 37, 281 Voigt, Charles 278 Voigts & Jeaurenaud, New Orleans, La. 134 Volkmar, Antonie 15 Volkmarst, Germany 345 Vollrath, J. 346 Volmer, Chas. 356, 359 Voltz, L. 120 von Artsdalen, Georg W. 351 von Bieberstein, H. R. 147 von Bismarck, Otto 291 von Borcke, Col. Johann Heinrich August Heros 4, 145, 146, 147, 249, 312 von Buchholtz, Louis 1, 99, 104, 106, 107, 108, 110, 312

von der Hoehl [Höhe], Dan. 213, 373 von Eberstein, Baron 147, 148 von Eitzen, H. 346 von Freytag-Loringhoven, Gen. Hugo Friedrich Phillip Johann Baron 4, 326 von Frother, Claus Baron 147 von Gerolt, Baron 202, 216 von Gröning, Albert 45, 411 von Gröning, Daniel, Consul for Sicily in Richmond, Va. 45, 105, 183–185, 242, 251, 275, 289, 411 von Gröning, H. 63 von Gröning, Marie, neé Trott 45 von Halem, August 365 von Halem, Ernst 365 von Halem, Henry 365 von Hollen, H. W. 222, 232 von Hollen, John 222, 232 von König, Baron 147 von Königslöw, W. 237 von Landgraf, Anton 380 von Lotten, Magdalena 125 von Massow, Robert Baron 147 von Meyer, H. 147 von Newton, John Hiron 353 von Panzer, Gustav 265 von Poellnitz, Dr. 51 von Radziwill, Prince 146 von Reizenstein, Ludwig 24, 26, 299, 315 von Santen, -- 155 von Scheliha, Victor Baron 119, 147, 148 von Schellenberg, Anton 120, 383 von Schmeling, -- 147 von Schmidt-Poppen, Richard 161 von Steinecker, Heinrich 147 von Weber, Max 264 von Willich, August 203, 209, 312, 321 von Zinken, Leon 121, 139, 140, 205, 206, 284, 286, 288, 297, 302 Voss, Louis 6, 49, 71, 133, 238, 284, 331, 340 W Wachter, Jacob 364 Wacker, Gustav E. ix, 308, 367, 375 Wagener, Friedrich Wilhelm 164, 168, 278, 412 Wagener, Heath & Monsees, Charleston, S.C. 168 Wagener, Johannes (John) Andreas vi, 7, 38, 41, 74, 82, 88, 90, 92–94, 149, 166, 167, 279, 280, 282, 293, 308, 315, 335, 337, 412 Wagener, Julius J. 75, 165, 166, 412 Wagener, Jürgen 82 Wagner, Adam 122 Wagner, Charles 366 Wagner, H. H. 113, 120

Index Wagner, J. M. 237 Wagner, Louis 275, 289 Wagner, Marie Elise 165 Waitz, Adolph 72 Waldeck, Germany 18, 136, 218 Waldeck-Pyrmont, Germany 218 Walder, Gustave 381 Wales, 407 Walhalla Lodge, Charleston, S.C. 89, 93 Walhalla Riflemen, S.C. 83, 94, 149, 316, 411 Walhalla, S.C. ix, 74, 83, 86, 89, 93–96, 149, 164, 219, 254, 279, 292, 293, 294, 345, 361, 411 Walker, Gilbert C., Gov. of Virginia 48, 146, 157, 165, 186, 233, 274, 282, 293 Walkling, Fritz 377 Wallach, Mr. 285 Wallbaum, Heinrich 381 Wallerfeld, Levy 383 Waltjen, Ernest 225 Wambach, John 172, 259 Warburg, Edward 120, 200, 385 Warmoth, Henry C. 287 Warneken & Kirchhoff, New Orleans, La. 126 Warnicke, F. 373 Washington Artillery (New Orleans, La.) 206 Washington, D.C. vii, viii, ix, 15, 55–60, 104, 109, 116, 124, 140, 150, 154, 167, 168, 170, 172, 183–187, 202, 203, 205, 206, 208, 214, 216, 224, 247–249, 259, 260, 263–265, 375, 388– 390, 393–396, 398, 401–403, 406 WASP, White Anglo-Saxon Protestant background 13, 295, 336 Wasserman, Dora 274 Wasservogel, B. 120, 121, 130, 133, 137 Wätjen & Co., Bremen, Germany 43 Wätjen, D. H. 43, 335 Weber, Emil 377 Weber, John 385 Weber, M. 346 Weckerly, J. 373 Wedel, Germany 349 Wedemeyer, H. 266, 271 Wegman, John 354 Wehmann, Fritz 222, 232, 356, 359 Weidenhahn, August 364 Weimar, Germany 404, 405 Weimer, C. 63 Weiner,– 373 Weingarth, Daniel 379 Weise, O. 120, 122 Weisheimer, August 117 Weisheimer, Geo. 271 Weismüller, Vincent 383 Weiss, Franz 263, 264, 265, 412 Weissenburg, France 365

441 Weistanner, Theod. 385 Weitham, August 379 Weitling, Wilhelm 22, 68, 128, 317, 341 Weitzel Rifles, New Orleans, La. (USA) 263, 265 Weitzel, Godfrey 250, 263, 265 Welbe, J. 346 Wellbrock, D. 350 Welzenberg, Lorenz 373 Wenck, Ernst 271 Wendenburg, Robert 183, 251, 274, 289 Wendlinger, -- 65 Wendlinger, Caspar 182 Wenton, H. 373 Wenzel, Henry 70, 373 Werlein, Philip P. 2, 205, 288 Werlemberger, Lewis 367 Werley, Michael 377 Wermes, Charles 120 Werne, R. 373 Werner & Ducker, Charleston, S.C. 40 Werner, Adam 364 Werner, Dietrich 84, 90, 92, 94, 155, 165, 167, 293, 346 Werner, Heinrich 381 Werner, John 373 Wertheim, Bavaria, Germany 52, 354 West Point, Military Academy 140, 250 West Prussia 18, 137 Westendorff, C. P. L. 215 Westendorff, C. W. 215 Westendorff, Charles P. 75 Westermann, Thomas 8, 246, 328, 362, 364, 371 Westphalia, Germany 18, 134, 137, 162, 163, 362 West Virginia, 404, 405 Wetherhahn, H. 346 Wetherhahn, Levi 346 Wetherhahn, S. 347 Wetter, Friedrich 135 Wetzel, Dr. 51 Weyand, John 379 Wheeling, Va. 62, 249, 399, 406 White House of the Confederacy 3, 65 Wicke, Otto 121, 132 Wickenberg, Fabian Reinhold 95, 221, 222, 226, 230, 341 Wiebelt, George 379 Wiebke, Carsten 359 Wiechmann, J. 385 Wiegand, Hermann L. 62, 66, 246, 273, 289 Wiesbaden, Germany 14, 26, 291, 327 Wieters, J. 347 Wieting, Anna, née Ruyter 37 Wieting, Cord 37 Wieting, Heinrich 36–38, 217, 296, 308, 332, 411 Wieting, Therese, née Voß 37

442 Wild, J. F. 122 Wildt & Linnemann, Richmond, Va. 246 Wildt, Wm. 246, 251, 289 Wilken, A. 385 William C. Bee & Co. 5, 220, 221, 223, 231, 309 William H. Duff‘s Troop of Hussars 100 Williams, W. T. 121, 131, 132, 133 Williamsburg, Va. 162, 163, 183, 186, 365, 366 Willman, Fred W. 354 Wilmington, N. C. 169 Windheim, F. 350 Winstett, Joseph 135 Winten, H. 373 Wirth, Christian 114 Wirth, Henry 377 Wirth, Karl 114 Wirz, Christian 379 Wise Legion (CSA) 189, 372 Wise, Henry A. 65, 104 Wise, O. Jennings 65, 66, 100, 103 Witgen, Henry 354 Witt, A. 215, 347 Witte, Armin F. 222, 224, 230 Witte, Charles, Consul 278 Witte, F. 373 Wittenburg, Germany 215 Witthoff, Hermann 377 Wittman, J. 373 Wittschen, Jno. F. 356 Witzleben, Theo. A. 364 Wm. Denny & Brothers, Dumbarton, Scotland 221 Wm. Sattler & Co., Richmond, Va. 184 Woeste, Rudolph 121, 123 Woestensick, A. 385 Wohlbrecht, F. 119 Wohlgemuth, Julius 250, 373 Wohlken, Hanke 356, 359 Wohlken, Henry 347 Wohlken, J. 347 Wolfhardt, Charles 245 Wolfram, J. W. 373 Wollcher, F. 373 Wolter, Louis 379 Worpswede, Germany 345, 346 Wrede, H. 347 Wrede, John H. 222, 232 Wreden, H. 347 Wuhrmann, Joh. H. 222

Index Wuhrmann, John 232 Wuhrmann, Lilienthal & Klatte, Charleston, S.C. 222, 232 Wulbern, C. 347 Wulbern, H. 347 Wulbern, J. 347 Wulbern, J. D. 356 Wulbern, Johann 37 Wunsdorf, Julius 379 Württemberg, Germany 26, 43, 87, 104, 126, 128, 133, 136, 156, 162, 178, 196, 212, 247, 266, 284, 286, 358, 363–366, 369, 378, 381, 395, 396, 403–405 Würzburg, Germany 14, 164, 342, 363 Würzburger, E. S. 127, 284 Y Yokohama, Japan 204 Yorktown, Va. 99, 107, 182, 183, 366 Young, H. E. 84, 94, 235, 239, 315, 342 Z Zander, Georg 250, 373 Zander, Robert 385 Zehe, J. H. 350 Zengel 115, 120 Zerbst, Charles G. 354 Zerbst, F. H. 350 Zerbst, G. H. 347 Ziegler, Edward 345 Ziegler, F. W. 69, 133 Ziegler, Franz M. 284, 288 Ziegler, Gustav H. 354 Ziehe, Adam 72 Zimmer, Chr. 274 Zimmermann, J. F. 121, 132 Zimmermann, Joseph 250 Zimmermann, Louise, née Heinrich 191 Zimmermann, M. 65 Zimmermann, R. M. 65 Zimmermann, Wilhelm H. 190, 191, 373, 412 Zinck, Conrad 354 Zion Evangelical-Lutheran Church, Charleston, S.C. 93 Zuberbier & Behan, New Orleans, La. 288 Zuberbier, Hermann 288