The Gangs of Bangladesh: Mastaans, Street Gangs and ‘Illicit Child Labourers’ in Dhaka [1st ed. 2019] 978-3-030-18425-4, 978-3-030-18426-1

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-xii
Introduction (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 1-21
Bangladesh (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 23-48
Theorising Organised Crime, Gangs and Street Children’s Agency (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 49-78
The Bangladesh ‘Mafia’: Mastaans and the Market for Social Protection (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 79-102
‘Illicit Child Labourers’: Exploring Street Children’s Involvement in Organised Crime (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 103-119
Street Children and ‘Protective Agency’ (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 121-134
‘Illicit Labour’ and Children’s Culpability: Implications for Penology and Criminal Justice Responses (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 135-152
Implications for Research, Policy and Practice (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 153-170
Sharif (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 171-181
Conclusion (Sally Atkinson-Sheppard)....Pages 183-196
Back Matter ....Pages 197-203

Citation preview

PALGRAVE ADVANCES IN CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN ASIA

The Gangs of Bangladesh Mastaans, Street Gangs and ‘Illicit Child Labourers’ in Dhaka Sally Atkinson-Sheppard

Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia

Series Editors Bill Hebenton Criminology & Criminal Justice University of Manchester Manchester, UK Susyan Jou School of Criminology National Taipei University Taipei, Taiwan Lennon Y. C. Chang School of Social Sciences Monash University Melbourne, Australia

This bold and innovative series provides a much needed intellectual space for global scholars to showcase criminological scholarship in and on Asia. Reflecting upon the broad variety of methodological traditions in Asia, the series aims to create a greater multi-directional, cross-national understanding between Eastern and Western scholars and enhance the field of comparative criminology. The series welcomes contributions across all aspects of criminology and criminal justice as well as interdisciplinary studies in sociology, law, crime science and psychology, which cover the wider Asia region including China, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Korea, Macao, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Vietnam. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14719

Sally Atkinson-Sheppard

The Gangs of Bangladesh Mastaans, Street Gangs and ‘Illicit Child Labourers’ in Dhaka

Sally Atkinson-Sheppard King’s College London The Dickson Poon School of Law London, UK

Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia ISBN 978-3-030-18425-4    ISBN 978-3-030-18426-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: Alamy ACTG0F This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

For Dad, and Florence

Acknowledgements

This book is based on my PhD thesis, which was submitted to King’s College London in 2015. Because this project began at King’s College London, I would like to start by passing on my greatest appreciation to my primary tutor, Professor Ben Bowling. I would like to express my gratitude for his continued support and guidance. I would also like to thank him for his belief that I could complete this study, for his flexible teaching approach (which was necessary due to me living in Bangladesh) and for his expert guidance on numerous issues. I am truly grateful for all of his help. I would like to pass on my gratitude to the international development organisation that I worked for during my time in Bangladesh. The support I received from the managers and staff at this organisation was humbling and the experience enriched this study in ways that I barely comprehend. Their continued backing of this research, and the experience and data it gave me to frame this study was an amazing gift and one for which I am forever grateful. I would also like to thank the organisation that houses the 22 street children that feature as the stars of this book. The organisation, the director and its staff welcomed me with open arms, gave me so much and yet asked for so little in return. Without them, this research would never have gone ahead.

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Most of all, I would like to thank my participants, both the children and the adults. I am eternally grateful for the way they welcomed me into their country, homes and lives, and the ways in which they helped me to learn so much. I feel that I am only the vehicle by which to share their views; I hope that I do them some justice.

Praise for The Gangs of Bangladesh “The Gangs of Bangladesh is a terrific study of young people’s involvement in organized crime in Dhaka. Based on observation and narrative interviews in a project home, workshops and artwork, the children’s experiences of organized begging, extortion, drug dealing, and political violence are explored sensitively and vividly. The book reveals the children to be reluctant labourers in the world of organized crime. This book changed the way I think about children’s involvement in organized crime. It should have a significant impact on international public policy. Everyone should read it.” —Ben Bowling, Professor, Criminology & Criminal Justice, King’s College London, UK “The Gangs of Bangladesh takes readers on a journey into the perilous world of children in gangs. Sally has filled a great void in the literature of the emerging field of South Asian Criminology. This research and policy driven monograph is a must read for anyone with criminological imagination who wants to understand an inimitable crime problem of a South Asian Nation (Bangladesh).” —Professor K. Jaishankar, President, South Asian Society of Criminology and Victimology (SASCV); Head, Department of Criminology, Raksha Shakti University, Gujarat, India

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Contents

1 Introduction  1 2 Bangladesh 23 3 Theorising Organised Crime, Gangs and Street Children’s Agency 49 4 The Bangladesh ‘Mafia’: Mastaans and the Market for Social Protection 79 5 ‘Illicit Child Labourers’: Exploring Street Children’s Involvement in Organised Crime103 6 Street Children and ‘Protective Agency’121 7 ‘Illicit Labour’ and Children’s Culpability: Implications for Penology and Criminal Justice Responses135

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8 Implications for Research, Policy and Practice153 9 Sharif171 10 Conclusion183 Appendix197 Index199

1 Introduction

14 January 2013, Dhaka, Bangladesh I am standing on the sixth-floor balcony of a building overlooking Dhaka city. I have lived in the capital of Bangladesh since early 2010. It is nearly time to go home. Dhaka rumbles on below me. Concrete tower blocks stretch as far as the eye can see. Slums litter the landscape. The contrast between poverty and excess is exemplified by skyscrapers perching at the edge of slums. Space is at a premium; millions of people are packed into this city like sardines in a can, all trying their best to navigate its chaos and survive. The poor and the rich live side by side; four-wheel-drive cars zoom past men with no limbs. Middle-class children stream out of school while their poor counterparts sit on the roadside scuffing dirt with bare feet. The air is filled with a cacophony of noise: car horns, buses, rickshaw bells, people shouting and endless banging from building sites. The city is on the move. Thousands of people fill the streets, scurrying to cross roads, buying food at local markets or drinking chai from tea stalls. Rickshaws collide in a fight to snap up the next passenger; buses career down roads with men clinging to the sides or perching precariously on the rooftops. Cars drive though gaps which seem impossibly small, honking their horns as they move.

© The Author(s) 2019 S. Atkinson-Sheppard, The Gangs of Bangladesh, Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1_1

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I can see a spectrum of grey, light brown and yellow as the sun glistens through the smog. Yet people’s clothes enliven the scene. Pinks of saris flash past, bright blue lungis1 cover men’s legs. In the distance, one of the few parks in Dhaka provides an oasis of green in this metropolis of concrete and dirt. For three years, I have immersed myself in this city and this country. It has been the location for my research, but it has also been much more. Dhaka and its people have taught me more than I could have imagined of life and death, of joy and happiness and of pain and suffering. The faces of my participants will stay with me forever—from the colleagues who have become my friends to the police officers I met behind closed doors to protect their anonymity. But it is the street children who personify this research and the 22 young people who embody my argument. Yet many others have added to my understanding and will remain forever nameless, consumed back into the orifice of the city. They are the children who stand shoeless on street corners and grasp at my clothes as I walk along. They are the ‘regulars’ who work these streets on a daily basis. Their affiliation to older ‘bosses’ plain for anyone to see. Their office is my road. It is their eyes that will stay with me when I return home. They are the voiceless and nameless children who occupy this city, its sharp edges fracturing their childhood as each day passes.

This book presents a study of street children’s involvement as workers in Bangladeshi organised crime groups, based on a three-year ethnographic study in Dhaka. The study focuses on the views and experiences of 22 children from the streets and slums. Drawing on participant observation and group interviews with the children, the study explores how these children perceived organised crime and why young people become involved in these groups. It argues that children’s perspectives are essential, even when the subject under discussion is the adult world of organised crime. The study also utilises data drawn from interviews with 80 criminal justice practitioners, NGO (non-governmental organisation) workers and community members and three years of participant observation of the Bangladesh criminal justice system and wider society.  Traditional Bangladeshi dress.

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This book offers the following contributions to knowledge. First, the study documents how Bangladeshi organised crime groups—the mastaans—operate. It explores the structure of these groups, the crimes they commit and their subculture. The study demonstrates that mastaans are mafia groups that engage in a variety of crime and violence and operate in a market for social protection. The book develops a social protection theory of the mafia. Second, the study explains how street children work as labourers within these mastaan groups. These children are hired to carry weapons, sell drugs, collect extortion money, participate in ‘land grabbing’, conduct contract killings and commit political violence. The book will argue that these children are neither victims nor offenders; they are instead ‘illicit labourers’, doing what they can to survive on the streets. The book will explore how mastaan groups offer street children a way to earn money and access patronage, protection and inclusion, and  in doing so, develops the concept of ‘protective agency’ to explain how, and why, street children engage with Bangladeshi organised crime groups. The book considers the implications of the study in regard to policy and practice. It considers the culpability of children who engage in organised crime and the new discourse of Southern criminology, which seeks to rebalance criminology and develop learning in places outside of the global North, including Bangladesh. The book concludes with final thoughts related to future research, children’s rights and ways to better protect vulnerable young people, in Asia and wider afield.

Dhaka, Bangladesh I arrived in Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, in 2010 after my husband, a Foreign and Commonwealth Office employee, was posted there for a period of three years. Living in Bangladesh was an exciting prospect, although children’s involvement in group-related offending was quite familiar to me. Before arriving in Dhaka, a fascination with crime led me to complete a bachelor’s and a master’s degree in criminology and criminal justice, both of which included some focus on gangs and organised crime. I worked for the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) in London with

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young people involved in gangs and violent crime and then on a strategic level, reviewing policies relating to violent crime and developing the MPS’ first manual on gangs. In addition, I worked with the British Prison Service to carry out a large-scale study which explored ways of preventing young people’s involvement in gang violence and organised crime. Our posting to Bangladesh provided a unique opportunity for me to consider what I already knew about group-related offending but in a place that was unfamiliar to me. Initially I sought to study the gangs of Bangladesh; this was my area of expertise and I wanted to consider how gangs operate, the ways in which they commit violence and how and why young people become involved in these groups. However, everything I knew about gangs was from an Anglo-American or ‘global North’ perspective. To me, the gangs in the United Kingdom are subcultures; they consist of young men who operate in small groups on the streets, commit robberies and deal drugs. These gangs are concerned with defending territories and gaining respect, but they operate largely as single entities and their members return to their homes in the evening; they do not live their entire lives on the streets. Things are different in Bangladesh. One of the first things that struck me on arriving in Dhaka was that I could see crime. Desperately vulnerable children would run up to my car window and beg for money, their feet shoeless and their clothes ragged. I would give the children money and watch them run across the road and put the money into the hands of men who stood in doorways sheltering from the sun. I never saw the children get anything in return; they would scurry back to the cars waiting at the traffic lights to begin working again. I also witnessed many instances of people, including children, giving money to police officers in what appeared to be acts of extortion. I started to ask questions. I wanted to know what was happening to these children; I wanted to explore who these men were and what role the police played. I wondered whether I was witnessing gang-related activity or something more organised. It soon became clear that I had a lot to learn about crime in Bangladesh, and in 2010 I began this study to explore the relationship between street children, gangs and organised crime. Criminologists argue that there are certain conditions that predispose a locality, whether it is a neighbourhood, city or country, to organised

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crime and gangs (Hagedorn 2008). Bangladesh suffers from many of these conditions, notably a fragile state, endemic poverty and pervasive slums (Lewis 2012). The stability of the country is precarious; it is vulnerable to climate change and disasters, both natural and man-made (ibid.). It feels hot, crowded, chaotic and unstable. So, what does this mean for the involvement of street children in gangs? This study aimed to fill several large gaps in knowledge. First, there have been hardly any studies conducted in Bangladesh (or South Asia) which explore gangs or organised crime. The reasons for this are unclear but the fact remains that while scholars have long debated the gangs in America, and increasingly in other countries, this study offers the first robust empirical piece of work about the gangs of Bangladesh. Furthermore, because so little is known about organised crime in Bangladesh, there is no way to assess how these groups operate, the hierarchies that exist among them or the role children play in these criminal businesses. This study fills these lacunae. In addition, no other study has considered street children’s involvement in organised crime in Bangladesh; rarely are street children asked what they think about the issue. This is a serious omission. As this study will show, street children are highly informed about organised crime. Not only do they know how organised crime groups operate, but street children also work as the labourers of these groups, which means it is vital that their views be included in any debate about the subject. If there is one thing I would like the reader to take away from this study, it is that we need a new way to conceptualise the involvement of children in organised crime. During an extensive review of the literature, I discovered that children who become involved in armed conflict or criminal activity are commonly described as gang members, child soldiers, victims of exploitation or children ‘involved in organised armed violence’ (Dowdney 2007, p.  9). However, none of these terms sufficiently explain what happens to street children in Dhaka. This book proposes an alternative view; that street children, who operate at the bottom echelon of organised groups in Bangladesh, are labourers, that is, unskilled or semi-skilled workers engaged in some of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (ILO 1999). This study will consider why this proposition better explains the work street children do and why they do it.

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The idea that children work within crime groups is not new. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) 1999 definition of the Worst Forms of Child Labour mentions children who traffic drugs or are forced to work as slaves, but there is no specific reference to children who work for organised crime groups. This worrying oversight means that these vulnerable children and young people are not being protected. It is important to rectify this oversight to prevent children from being harmed, both physically and psychologically, to ensure their voices are heard, to realise their rights and to reduce the spread of organised crime. There have been many studies investigating the agency of street children and the ways in which young people actively engage in constructing their own lives on the streets. This study draws on this rich literature but considers the specific agency of children involved in organised crime. It proposes that the notion of ‘protective agency’ best explains why street children engage with mastaans and thus brings together two predominant themes in research about young people: agency and protection. This poses some important moral questions which will undoubtedly be asked by readers of this study, such as: Where does the culpability lie for child labourers whose work involves committing crime? And how and when do vulnerable children stop being the unskilled labourers exploited by crime groups and become gang members or mastaan bosses themselves? The book also maintains an eye on lessons that could be applied in other places. Should children throughout the world who engage in organised crime also be thought of as labourers? These questions will be examined in the concluding chapter.

Research Methods The study employed a case study approach to explore street children’s perceptions of Bangladeshi organised crime. The research focused on the views and experiences of 22 children from the streets and slums. The study also utilised data drawn from interviews with 80 criminal justice practitioners, NGO workers and community members and over three years of participant observation of the Bangladesh criminal justice system and wider society.

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Three main research propositions guided this study: 1. Mastaans are organised crime groups that operate in a market for crime, violence and protection. 2. These groups hire street children to commit crime for them. The term ‘illicit child labourer’ is therefore useful in this context. 3. Street children involved in mastaan groups are neither simply victims nor offenders. They are active social agents doing what they can to protect themselves and survive on the streets. The fieldwork for this study consisted of several components, broadly split into the following phases: Phase 1: Participant Observation I conducted a total of three years’ worth of participant observation, most of which occurred while I worked for an international development organisation in Dhaka2 which specialises in prison and police reform. This observation was essential to understanding the social, political, economic and cultural factors that provide the context within which to understand gangs and organised crime in Bangladesh. This phase included visits to police stations, prisons, court offices, engagement in various government meetings and visits to slums. Phase 2: Interviews with Adult Practitioners I carried out a total of 80 interviews (38 semi-structured and 42 unstructured) and two focus groups, the first with six participants and the second with five. The participants included police officers, senior prison officers, military security officers, paralegals, NGO workers, police and prison reform workers, journalists, diplomats and community members. One of the participants, a human rights worker, had lived on the streets as a child and during that time had been involved with a criminal gang. His perspective provided a unique viewpoint on this subject.3  The name of the organisation is intentionally excluded from this book to protect the anonymity of the participants in this study and the organisation itself. 3  The names of the participants are excluded from this book to uphold confidentiality and protect the anonymity of all who participated in this study. 2

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Phase 3: An Embedded Case Study of Street Children and the Organisation That Supports Them I carried out an embedded case study with an organisation that houses and supports 22 children from the streets and slums in Dhaka. This case study included: (a) participant observation carried out over a period of 12 months, during which I visited the organisation on a weekly basis; (b) five one-hour workshops, which included drawing,4 role-play, games and use of multimedia; and (c) semi-structured group interviews conducted with all 22 children. Phases 2 and 3 of the research process were supported by interpreters, used on occasion with the adult participants and in every interaction with the children. According to Temple (2002), there are two ways in which an interpreter can be used: ‘as a gatherer of facts or as an active producer of research’ (p. 845). This study favoured the latter approach; I designed the study to ensure that my interpreters were engaged with the research process from start to finish, that they fully understood the aims and objectives of the research and felt free to develop relationships with the participants or children at the centre. As Temple (1997) argues, when a translator is involved in the data collection process, that person must be seen as intertwined with both the research process and its results. This standpoint underpinned this study and demonstrates how important my interpreters were, in helping me to navigate the research space, understand the participants and, at a later stage in the process, develop the theories and concepts discussed within the proceeding chapters. All participants in the study gave consent and were informed for the research process and potential outcomes. Consent was particularly important for the child participants. To overcome ethical issues and ensure the protection of the participants, I developed a robust child protection policy, and associated procedures. This ensured that the children were fully informed of the research and that they gave informed consent (along with their parents, where appropriate or the Director of the organisation). I also developed a child protection policy which would have been enacted should a participant disclose information that I felt may harm the child or someone else (thus in alliance with child protection proce Please see drawings in the appendix, created by the children during the ‘What is crime’? workshop.

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Photograph 1.1  The children during one of the workshops

dures in the United Kingdom). In the event of such an incident, I agreed that I would pass on any information of concern to the Director of the organisation that supported the children. The Director would then have been responsible for implementing a support package for the young person in question, and anyone directly affected. This child protection policy was not enacted during the research as no child disclosed information that I felt put themselves or other at risk. To further support this process, all workshops and interview questions were designed to avoid disclosure of specific details of crime or violence but instead to explore perceptions of gangs and organised crime, rather than individual stories and lives.

The Participants As researchers, it is often difficult to quantify the impact of the participants of our studies: the people that touched our lives, in what may feel like a fleeting sense to them but what feels like much more to us. The people that provided us with knowledge, largely unattainable from other sources, gave us insights, helped to clarify ideas, gave us the chance to see, really see—through their eyes rather than our own; helped us to become better—better researchers, better people.

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The impact of the participants of this study is both tangible and intangible. Tangible in the sense that their views have enabled the development of this book, and the various publications that have arisen from the study. Intangible in the ways that their views, their openness, their sincerity changed me as a researcher, and as a person—and for which I am eternally grateful. The participants of this study were an eclectic mix—of practitioners, community members, journalists and street children. While it is difficult to provide a thorough description of every participant (there were over 120), some immediately come to mind.5 Sharif, the now 40-year old human rights manager who lived on the streets as a child and worked within a number of criminal organisations and—for the first time—shared his story in such a sincere and reflective way that I felt it necessary to include it as a separate chapter within this book. There is a great deal to learn from Sharif—about street children’s involvement in organised crime then, 1970s’ Bangladesh, and now. Fardin, the stout, community member whose knowledge was extensive and his contacts more so. Fardin was a ‘key informant’ for this study and an essential ‘gatekeeper’. He started as a ‘participant’ but became much more; enabled and facilitated my trips to slums and the back-streets of impoverished neighbourhoods; secured my safety; and provided me with credibility. He was never afraid to correct me when I was wrong, pose questions to help develop my understanding or make me smile during the many hours we sat together in Dhaka traffic. Fardin introduced me to his family and his friends. We celebrated Eid together, broke fast during Ramadan; I met his children, grandchildren, and visited the family’s ­village home. Whenever I return to Dhaka, Fardin is one of the first people that I call. One of Fardin’s sons also became my translator. He greatly assisted—and influenced—the data collection with the children and due to his infectious energy, broad smile and authentic persona developed many close relationships with the young people at the centre, later taking up employment there after the research had finished. Rubel and Niloy, the colleagues who became friends and who, over the years, helped me to understand Bangladesh, its history and culture. Who opened up their homes and lives, introduced me to their families, provided me with an insight into Bangladeshi life which helped to ­contextualise  Not their real names.

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the wider study. Sanjana, the women’s rights specialist who provided a unique perspective, based on her experience both at work and at home and the struggles she faced as woman in Bangladesh’s patriarchal society. The paralegal whose father was abducted by an organised crime boss and the family forced to pay ransom for his release. The young woman who lived in close proximity to an organised crime boss, and his gang, and whose interaction with these men gave her a unique insight into the issues discussed in this book. The Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) officer who I met behind closed doors to protect his anonymity, who spoke with great desperation at his involvement in cross-fire shootings and his desire to leave the RAB and the daily constraints that forced him to stay. There were also others: boys with bare chests, shoeless feet but grinning, dirty faces. The girls with the babies on their hips. Children I got to know on the streets, not part of the formal data collection for this study but who enriched the data, and my knowledge of the subject nonetheless. A group of boys who lived and worked close to a market I visited on a weekly basis and who would run up to my car ‘shouting madam, madam hello madam’ and to whom I would always provide money or food and spend time chatting to them, in their basic English and my pidgin Bengali. Their smiles, their ability to find happiness in squalor and their innovation never ceased to amaze me; always finding new ways to make money and to assist their survival on the streets. There were also mothers, cowing in street corners trying to keep their children alive; beggars with missing limbs pushing wooden boards on wheels along the floor with their bare hands, the children knocking on car windows as I moved around the city for meetings and for whom I was strictly told by colleagues to avoid giving money to; advice I frequently ignored. Then there were the children. Twenty-two street children, engaged with an organisation that housed and supported them and gave them a refuge from the streets and access to education, who became a fundamental component of this study. The organisation where the children lived was based in a typical Dhaka neighbourhood—deprived, crowded, congested and noisy. To get there my car had to manoeuvre down a dirt track only just wide enough for it to pass. On either side were factories that welded metal or burned foul-­ smelling substances. Shops with iron roofs and wood panels for walls

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were propped up against equally makeshift buildings. Men often stared as we passed by; women’s eyes usually focused on the ground. Shoeless children with bare chests and ragged clothes would rush to my car as it passed slowly down the road; they would scream in excitement at seeing a foreigner; wave and smile. The organisation was housed in a building adjacent to a large slum. The area was dense with people and shacks. The air was filled with the noise of traffic, dogs barking, chapattis sizzling on open stoves; men dressed in lungis huddled around ‘chai shops’. Women were outnumbered by men, yet their saris added a rich tapestry of colour to the scene. Faces smiled, people stared, and yet a ‘salam alaikum’ 6 always created quite the commotion. The children lived in an apartment. Most boarded there from Sunday to Thursday,7 returning to their homes in the slums at weekends. Several of the children were orphans and thus remained at the organisation for the duration of the week. The rooms in the apartment were bright, and the walls are plastered with the children’s artwork. Space was limited but there was a safe atmosphere; a striking comparison to the grey slum roofs that shimmered below. The apartment consisted of two classrooms, a smaller store room, a dining room and a basic kitchen with a gas stove and a small sink; I never noticed a fridge. There were bars on the windows and the children’s ­paintings hung from string across the room, fluttering in the wind. At night the classrooms were turned into bedrooms for the children who rolled out mats and slept on the floor; girls in one room, boys in the other. At least three members of staff were at the apartment at all times, caring for the children, helping them to get dressed, cooking their food, ensuring their safety. Every time my interpreter and I arrived at the apartment, we were greeted with wide, toothy smiles that lit up the room. The girls always ran to hug me, while the boys stood aside and smiled. The children brought me many gifts and made me drawings; together we danced and sang. We had a lot of fun. The interviews and workshops brought a sense of  Typical Muslim greeting.  The Bengali working week is from Sunday to Thursday.

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c­onnection and a shared understanding. Yet I always sensed that this laughter was a façade—hiding the reality of children’s lives; the extent of their suffering. The following provides a description of some of the children, their characteristics and their family backgrounds.8 Shathi During the time of the research, Shathi was nearly 13. Her older brother Milon and her younger brother Babu also lived at the centre. Shathi had long dark hair, brown skin and dark brown eyes. Her figure was slight, and she usually dressed in a shalwar kameez.9 Shathi was an orphan. Her father died when she was very young and her mother re-married. However, her mother’s new husband left the family in 2007, and in 2010 Shathi’s mother became sick with a fever and passed away. Shathi worked on the streets before coming to the centre and was involved in several accidents as her slender frame and small height meant that cars would often fail to see her and reverse into her while she was working. These incidents caused several painful injuries and the organisation helped to treat her wounds by taking her to a local hospital and doctor’s surgery. Shathi’s eyes told her story more than her words. They were the eyes of an adult, of someone who had seen more than one ever should of the underworld of life or the darkness that consumes our nightmares. I could see this within her eyes and I know that she knew I could see it. Shathi was tactile and desperate for human contact; she was always the first to hug me, grasped at my clothes and demanded to hold hands. Her smile was wonderful, happy and light; yet, when not distracted, a veil of ‘adultness’ came over her eyes. Milon Milon was 15 and Shathi’s older brother. He was taller than most of the other children, he had a faint moustache and floppy dark brown hair and his skin had the marks of acne. Milon’s broad shoulders made him look older than most of the other children. When we first met, Milon was  All names have been changed to protect the anonymity of the participants.  Traditional dress worn by women in South Asia.

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suspicious of me and I observed his eyes questioning me on many occasions. I also witnessed him behaving in the same way with other adults, which made me suspect that he finds it hard to trust people. Following the death of his mother, Milon was left with the responsibility of looking after his siblings and his grandmother, who had no other close relatives. Milon worked as an assistant at the organisation but was always looking for new ways to earn money. The staff informed me that he left the centre several times to work at a nearby garment factory but always returned. According to the staff, Milon struggled to keep up with the other students in his class at school. Babu Babu was Milon and Shathi’s younger stepbrother. At the time of the research, he was 8 years old, friendly and easy to engage. His dark brown hair was usually messily arranged, and his brown eyes sparkled. He began attending the centre after the passing of his mother which, according to the staff, he found difficult as he did not understand the concept of death and believed his mother would return to look after him. Babu usually wore trousers and a t-shirt or shirt. He was very playful and jumped around at the first sign of music or games. It was rare to see an intimate conversation occurring between him and his older brother or sister. Rashel Rashel was 13 when I met him and of average height compared to the other children. He was energetic and had shiny, bright brown eyes. His brother was a student at the organisation but dropped out due to involvement in gangs and organised crime. His brother was also sent to prison for burglary and there had been several reports of domestic violence within the family; Rashel was the victim and his brother was the perpetrator. Rashel had also been involved in drug use and criminal activity alongside his brother but desisted following his full-time enrolment at the organisation. Monjur Monjur, at 8, was the youngest of the group. He was small in height and figure; he had dark brown hair and big brown eyes. His eyes, like Shathi’s,

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told a story. Childhood innocence was apparent in Monjur but only when he played or was distracted. He often retreated into himself and his mind seemed consumed with thoughts. I frequently observed him sitting alone in contemplation. Monjur’s sister also lived at the centre. Their grandfather and aunt lived close by and I met both. His grandfather was an old, stooping, white-bearded man. He clearly cared for his grandson and I witnessed their interactions several times; he patted Monjur’s head and ruffled his hair. The rest of Monjur’s family lived in a village far from Dhaka and on holidays he visited them and was always excited about a forthcoming visit. The children often performed a dance routine when I visited. The Bengali music echoed of Bollywood, and the dance moves reminded me of an Indian movie; the children thrusted their hips forward and jutted out their arms. It was hugely entertaining. Monjur was one of the most accomplished dancers and the other children pushed him forward as soon as the music began. He seemed to enjoy dancing, although his face was often sombre or contemplative when doing so. Runa Runa was Monjur’s sister. She was 15, tall, with light brown skin and dark eyes. Her long black hair was often tied into a ponytail. She was pretty and curious. Her English was the best in the group and we often had conversations where she practised new words. Her answers within the workshops and interviews were considered and innovative. The children told me several times how a man living nearby wanted to marry Runa and the organisation had to step in to prevent this happening. Several other girls dropped out of the programme aged around 12 or 13 due to early marriages that the organisation was unable to prevent. Habib Habib was 13, curious, energetic and slightly annoying. During the research, I often imagined how he must have been a real entrepreneur when he lived on the streets. Habib was always the first to ask a question in the workshops and was full of ideas and comments during the interviews. He had a slight frame and cropped black hair; his eyes sparkled with mischief and his energy was infectious.

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The rest of the children were as animated as those described above; they all had stories to tell and they all had eyes that hid lives I knew only a little about. Some of the girls were tiny: Lota, Rashida and Era were desperate for human contact. I often had all three of them hanging onto my arms as I walked around the centre. Selim was one of the eldest boys and was highly informed about crime and violence. Sabina was larger than the older children and often seemed self-conscious about her figure. Ibrahim was tall and quiet and had a calming effect on the rest of the children. Raja was friendly and welcoming; Kona and Shilpi were bright and attentive. The staff informed me that these children suffered from a multitude of problems: some wet their beds, others had aggressive outbursts, some had violent parents and others had violent siblings. Most of these children knew what it means to work, and the majority of them had done so before engaging with the organisation. The organisation conducted an assessment of the children who no longer attended the centre which revealed that early marriage, family involvement in crime, the influence of gangs and organised crime, health issues, mental health issues, physical and sexual abuse, harassment by the police, work commitments, drug abuse, family need for further income and perceptions of the self, that is, as a ‘bad’ child, all featured as reasons why children had left the programme.

Personal Reflections It would be wrong to move forward here without making some comment about the challenges of conducting research of this nature, in a place which was—at least at first—totally unknown to me. There were many times when the research left me feeling desperately sad, and at a complete loss at what I should or even could do with the data and its implications. As the research progressed, so did the stories of exploitation, abuse, poverty and desperation. Reflection always played a fundamental part of this research. First, as a way for me to understand Bangladesh. As many scholars note, the role of the ethnographer is to look, listen, question and then to learn. Nelken’s (2009) proposition that we should become ‘observing

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participants’ was integral to this research. Living in Bangladesh was the only way that I could really understand Bangladesh. Yet at a later stage in the study, reflection was equally important but for different reasons. What was once ‘new’ became normal as a ‘reflection note’ explains further: Bangladesh overwhelmed me when I first arrived. Poverty which kept me awake at night and pulled desperately hard at my heart strings I now see as the reality of millions of people’s lives. Something which used to stay with me for days now usually disperses within hours. What does this say about me? Have I lost my sense of compassion? Yes, probably, but I had to develop a way to cope with the sights that inflict me on a daily basis. I will always remember a time when we saw a boy in Gulshan 2 who looked so terribly sick. We tried to give him money, but he didn’t even grasp for the notes, his sickness so overwhelming. I remember that day and I think I always will. It was the day that I realised that children die on the streets of this city, every day and not just here but all around the world. Children lay their sick heads on the pavement and give up their fight for life. This is their reality, and, on that day, it became my purpose to try to understand it. I cried, and I could cry now but this is life. Life so fragile that it ends often before it should. Life so difficult that perhaps death feels like a blessing.

The desperation of the poverty in Bangladesh and the suffering of the young, the weak and the marginalised was, and still is, a reality of many of Dhaka’s citizens. But it is not this that stays with me, it is the strength, the courage and the resilience of Bangladesh’s street children, its citizens and my participants. Their ability to overcome adversity, and to approach every challenge with positivity, faith and a smile, for me was, and will forever be, an inspiration. And something I wish to emulate in some way in my own life today.

Research Boundaries It is important to delineate the boundaries of this case study. This book does not provide a full account of street children’s lives throughout Bangladesh, because most of the data was gathered from children and adults who live in Dhaka. However, some participants did speak about

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their knowledge of organised crime in areas outside Dhaka, including the Chittagong Hill Tracts and other rural areas. Additionally, the book does not comment on what happens to street children as they grow up within gangs, although a longitudinal study of this nature is necessary. Because this study is the first of its type in Bangladesh, it must be viewed as an exploratory piece of work. It provides the reader with contextual information about Dhaka. It also enables the reader to understand the labels used to describe organised crime groups in Bangladesh and the ways in which these groups are organised. Its main contribution to knowledge is the proposition that street children act as the workers of organised crime groups; however, it is outside the boundaries of this case study to assess the exact numbers of children involved in this type of crime. This too requires another study (or numerous other studies). In many ways, this study poses more questions than it answers, but I hope that these questions will prompt fellow researchers to conduct additional studies about crime in Bangladesh and ask more questions about the role street children play in organised crime around the world.

Book Outline Chapter 2 provides an introduction to Bangladesh. It explores Bangladesh’s geography and environment, politics, governance, economy, history and society. This sets the scene for the understanding how, and in what instances, street children become involved as workers in Bangladeshi organised crime groups—the mastaans. Chapter 3 develops a theoretical framework for the study. It begins by reviewing extant criminological theory regarding gangs and organised crime. It then moves on to discuss perspectives drawn from development studies and anthropology which consider street children and child labour. The chapter concludes by discussing the conceptual framework and three research propositions which guided the study and provide a structure for the rest of the book. Chapter 4 considers the mastaans: Bangladeshi mafia groups. The chapter draws on theories of protection and behaviour to develop a

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social protection theory of the mafia. The chapter considers the social networks of mastaan groups, their prevalence, where they operate, divisions of labour, the crimes that they commit and the associations they have with politicians and the police. The chapter demonstrates that mastaans work in alliance with corrupt members of the state and provide access to services, resolve disputes, commit extortion and carry out a wide array of criminal activity, much of which relies on their monopolisation of violence to protect their illegal industries. The chapter demonstrates the existence of mafias in Bangladesh and draws on data gathered from both adults and children, the implications of which are discussed. Chapter 5 focuses specifically on the role that street children play in mastaan groups. It will explain how street children work for mastaans, Bangladeshi organised crime bosses. These children are hired to carry weapons, sell drugs, collect extortion money, commit political violence and conduct contract killings. The chapter will argue that these children are neither victims nor offenders; they are instead ‘illicit labourers’, doing what they can to survive on the streets. Children’s agency has dominated discourse about young people in recent years, yet little is known about street children’s agency in regard to involvement in organised crime, particularly in Bangladesh. Chapter 6 proposes that the concept of ‘protective agency’ is important for understanding how, and why, street children engage with Bangladeshi organised crime groups: the mastaans. Conceptualising children’s involvement in crime as illicit labour challenges extant criminological theory that argues that crime is expressive, highlighting the role that children, and gangs, play in the informal economy. It moves away from the traditional dichotomy of victim versus offender, paving the way for theoretical debates about drivers for childhood criminality and culpability. Chapter 7 considers these issues and the ethical and moral dilemmas posed by this study, as well and potential ways forward—to advance understanding and initiate policy changes to better reflect vulnerable children’s lives. Chapter 8 considers the specific implications for research, policy and practice derived from this study. It begins by considering the policy implications of the conceptualisation of ‘illicit labour’ and then reflects

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on implications for practice. The chapter then discusses theory, exploring gangs in extant research and proposing new ways to develop the discourse further. The chapter ends by considering the implications for global understandings of street children’s involvement in criminal groups and poses the question of how useful the conceptualisation of ‘illicit labour’ is outside of Bangladesh, and wider afield. Chapter 9 is a case study of a remarkable individual—Sharif 10— whom I was lucky enough to meet during my time in Bangladesh. The book ends with his story. It is one of courage and resilience as he himself, now in his 50s, lived on the streets of Dhaka as a child and was drawn into gangs and organised crime by the need to survive. Sharif ’s story is included for several reasons. First, because it offers a rich explanation of street children’s involvement in crime, then (1970s’ Bangladesh)—and hence poses questions about the issue now. Second, because Sharif ’s e­ xperiences epitomise many of the arguments made in this book and help to provide a historical context to the study. Finally, I promised Sharif that I would tell his story so that others could hear it, so that they could learn from it and so that—maybe—we might be able to do something to better protect children like Sharif. We both share the same ambition. Chapter 10, the conclusion, will discuss the main research findings derived from this study. They include: mastaans and the market for protection, street children as the labourers of mastaans groups, ‘actively seeking protection’ as a way to explain why children engage in mastaan groups, the specific research methods used within the study and why these methods were particularly beneficial in this context. The conclusion will consider the implications of the study in regard to future policy and practice, and in relation to discussions of children’s culpability and discourse related to Southern criminology. The book will conclude with final thoughts related to future research, children’s rights and ways in which criminological research can better protect vulnerable young people, in Asia and on a global scale.

 Not his real name.

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References Dowdney, L. (2007). Neither War Nor Peace: International Comparisons of Children and Youth in Organised Armed Violence. Rio de Janeiro: Viva Rio/ COAV/IANSA. Hagedorn, J.  M. (2008). A World of Gangs, Armed Young Men and Gangster Culture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Lewis, D. (2012). Bangladesh: Politics, Economy and Civil Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nelken, D. (2009). Comparative Criminal Justice: Beyond Ethnocentrism and Relativism. European Journal of Criminology, 6(4), 291–311. Temple, B. (1997). Watch Your Tongue: Issues in Translation and Cross-Cultural Research. Sociology, 31(3), 607–618. Temple, B. (2002). Crossed Wires: Interpreters, Translators, and Bilingual Workers in Cross-Language Research. Qualitative Health Research, 12(6), 844–854. The International Labour Organisation (ILO). (1999). The Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (Convention 182). [Online]. ILO.  Available at: http:// www.ilo.org/ipec/facts/ILOconventionsonchildlabour/lang%2D%2Den/ index.htm. Accessed 17 June 2012.

2 Bangladesh

Introduction Imagine yourself high in the air above the Himalayas. Look down and you see a forbidding landscape of snow-capped mountains and harsh vegetation. But now look to the south-east and discover an immense flood-plain stretching between the mountains and the sea. That shimmering green expanse is Bangladesh. (Van Schendel 2009, p. 3)

Bangladesh, one of the world’s poorest and most densely populated countries is located in South Asia, surrounded by India, Nepal and Myanmar; water running off of the Himalayas passes through Bangladesh via its rivers and waterways into the Bay of Bengal (ibid.). A largely flat, low-lying country with only a small area of hilly terrain in the south-east, the Chittagong Hill Tracts1 (Bangla 2014), Bangladesh is plagued by the threat of climate change, with millions living in low-lying areas at risk of severe flooding (ibid.). The country is well known to experience cyclones, famines and natural disasters (Van Schendel 2009) and in 2013, the country featured in the global media for a man-made disaster—the 1

 In some instances, tracts is also spelt tracks.

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c­ ollapse of a garment factory in Savar which killed over 1000 people.2 Currently, Bangladesh is dealing with the aftermath of one of the world’s largest humanitarian disasters, the Rohingya Crisis. Millions of Rohingya refugees have fled Myanmar into Bangladesh seeking asylum, and safety.3 The international community has condemned the acts of the Myanmar military with the UN describing the crisis as ‘textbook ethnic cleansing’ (ibid.). Bangladesh, however, has been praised for how it has reacted to the crisis and the government response, closely aligned to efforts of international aid community (UNICEF 2018). Bangladesh’s population is around 164 million (DFID 2011a), 45 per cent of whom are under the age of 18 (The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh 2007). By 2021, it is expected that more than a third of the population will live in cities, many on the streets or in slums (The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh 2012a). Almost half the population live below the poverty line on less than 1 US dollar a day (The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh 2012b) which has led to large disparities between the rich and poor and to Bangladesh’s status as a ‘least developed country’ (Lewis 2012). The world has a lot to learn about Bangladesh—its history, society and politics. Its global reputation for natural disasters and endemic poverty portrays a one-sided view of a country that is making great strides in development stakes (UNDP 2018). Recent years have seen impressive improvement in infant mortality rates, engagement of children in school, particularly girls and a rapidly improving economy (ibid.). However, despite this, the political landscape is littered with allegations of corruption, violent governance and a long-standing duel between the current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the leader of the opposition party, Khaleda Zia, which arguably halters Bangladesh’s potential and progression. Endemic poverty still affects a large percentage of the population (ibid.) and violence against women remains a pervasive issue (Bangladesh Police 2010). Furthermore, and of specific interest to this study, organised crime permeates many of the country’s most impoverished areas  BBC News. ‘Bangladesh building collapse: More buildings declared unsafe’. 13 June 2013. Available online at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/22883812 3  BBC News. ‘Myanmar Rohingya: What you need to know about the crisis’. Available online at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-41566561 2

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(Jackman 2018; Shafi 2010) and children live in their millions on the streets, potentially vulnerable to the advances of these criminal groups. All of which sets the scene for the following discussions which focus specifically on street children, and their engagement with Bangladesh’s organised crime groups, the mastaans.

Politics and Governance Bangladesh gained its independence and emerged as a nation in 1971, following a bloody war with Pakistan (Lewis 2012). Before this, it was East Pakistan, and earlier, part of India, referred to as East Bengal (Van Schendel 2009). An estimated 3 million Bangladeshis were killed in the War of Independence. Many more were displaced; infrastructure was badly damaged and took years to rebuild (ibid.). Bangladesh’s status, as a relatively new independent nation, helps to frame and develop the distinct ‘Bengali culture’ that permeates the country (Lewis 2012). Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, known by Bangladeshis as ‘the Father of the Nation’ was the first leader of the new country. Following his release from captivity in Pakistan, Rahman formed the Awami League (AL) administration in 1972. However, often classified as a ‘fragile state’ (DFID 2011b) by some supporters and a ‘failed’ or ‘failing state’ by less positive commentators (Feldman 1997; White 1999), Bangladesh has had a stuttering start to democracy (Riaz 2005); political instability has occupied the rhetoric for many years (Human Rights Watch 1996). Since 1971, Bangladesh has experienced several military coups and a consistent struggle for power between the country’s two main political parties, the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) (Jahan 2001). In more recent times, and excluding military takeovers, Bangladesh has been led by either Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League, the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, or Khaleda Zia, widow of the BNP leader, Ziaur Rahman (ibid.). Many argue that battles between these women and their political parties are based on personal vendettas rather than any significant ideological differences (Human Rights Watch 2010). For example, Lewis (2012) describes the relationship between Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia as ‘highly antagonistic’

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(p. 32). Feuds between the AL and the BNP paralyse the country and destabilise the economy (ibid.) and both parties also openly use violence, often via their student wings, to gain political control (Moniruzzaman 2009). The most recent general election in 2018 which saw a ‘landslide victory’ for Sheikh Hasina and the AL was argued by many to demonstrate authoritarian governance and corrupt democracy with numerous reports of violence, vote rigging, ballet box stuffing and denying visas for international officials supposed to oversee—and ensure—a fair election (The Guardian 20184). The aftermath of the War of Independence is still felt today. In 2014, there were protests on the streets of Bangladesh in response to the War Crime Tribunals set up by the current Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina. Those accused of collaboration with Pakistan and involvement in atrocities in the war include senior members of the Jamaat-e-Islami party, the largest Islamist political party in Bangladesh, which forged a close alliance with the BNP. The tribunal judgements split the country and illustrated the extent of political polarisation. Some Bangladeshis demanded harsher punishments for those accused while those who supported Jamaat-e-Islami and the BNP argued that the trials were politically motivated. Nationwide ‘hartals’ (political strikes) were called and protests were made across the country; demonstrations often turned violent and many people were killed or injured.5 There is an additional element to governance: ‘State building in Bangladesh remains a work in progress, leaving a considerable amount of space for a wide range of non-state actors’ (Lewis 2012, p. 172). These non-state actors range from small organisations that work in rural areas or ‘home grown development NGOs’ (ibid., p. 172) to more expansive, country-wide and international corporations (ibid.), including the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the  The Guardian (2018). ‘Bangladesh PM Hasina wins thumping victory in elections opposition reject as “farcical”’. Available online at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/dec/30/ bangladesh-election-polls-open-after-campaign-marred-by-violence 5  BBC News. ‘Protests continue on Bangladesh streets’. 4 March 2013. Available online at: http:// www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-21663820 4

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United Nations and the World Bank. Some associate this extensive donor support with a failure of the state to govern effectively (Feldman 1997; White 1999) and Lewis (2012) argues that the size and capacity of some of the larger NGOs suggest that they operate as a ‘parallel state’ (p. 173). This shift from ‘government to governance’ (Nelken 2010, p. 27) provides an essential component to understanding political and social spheres in Bangladesh largely because welfare services are rarely delivered by the state alone but by a ‘plurality of providers’ (Barrientos and Hulme 2008, p. 5); even the most basic of services, such as education and healthcare, are implemented by NGOs (Lewis 2012). The multiple providers of services in Bangladesh call into question the strength of the Bangladeshi state and the ways in which it governs and supports its citizens. This raises important questions for the role organised crime groups may play in this type of governance, particularly relevant for this study because a weak state is often seen as a predisposing condition for the rise of mafias in many countries around the world (Varese 2010).

Dhaka Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh and the location of this study, is one of the world’s ‘megacities’ (World Bank 2007; Pryer 2003) with over 16 million inhabitants living within 125 square miles (325 square kilometres) (RISE 2013), making the city one of the most populous cities in the world and most of its inhabitants live in slums (ibid.). Dhaka is consistently voted the world’s (or one of the world’s) worst place to live, based on a number of factors including poor housing, a lack of facilities, inadequate health care and limited open space (Economist Intelligence Unit 2013), many of which disproportionally affect the young and the poor (Banks 2012). Questions thus arise as to how these living conditions impact children in Dhaka, particularly those who live in slums or on the streets and how this environment might give rise to conditions in which children face exclusion, poverty and crime, both as victims and perpetrators.

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Society Bangladesh is a homogeneous society; 98 per cent of the population are Bengalis, with a further 2 per cent categorised as tribal groups (CIA World Factbook 2019). Most of the population are Muslim (85 per cent); Christians, Hindus and Buddhist make up the remaining 15 per cent (Lewis 2012). Bangladesh is the world’s fourth largest Muslim country (The Pew Research Centre 2011). Bangladeshi culture is a mix of Hindu and Buddhist heritage combined with Muslim customs (Chowdhury 2009). According to Chowdhury (2009), the caste system has both territorial and hierarchical features, some of which relate to Hinduism and others which are associated with Islam. This means that life in Bangladesh is governed by caste and class stratifications. White (2002) argues that class, caste, age, sex, birth order and social connections all play a part in the hierarchical ordering of Bangladesh society. Overall, Bangladeshi society is ordered in ways which make social mobility difficult for those who are from the lower classes, ethnic minorities, certain castes and street children. Nevertheless, it is the types of social relationships a person has which ‘constitute the primary resource’ (White 2002, p. 731), and these spatial relationships can, at times, overcome class or caste stratification.

Patron-Client Relationships The nature of social connections defines how life is negotiated in Bangladesh and patronage is an essential component for understanding how these relationships operate. Patronage is important because, as Lewis (2012) argues, ‘patron-client relationships are a cornerstone of society in Bengal, combining political, economic and religious elements of social organisation’ (p. 156). This means that almost everything in Bangladeshi society is influenced by some level of patronage. A defining feature of patron-client relationships is the ability for the patron to offer the client access to something they want or need (ibid.). Patrons have more governing power, social autonomy, connections, money and influence than clients which means that people need a patron’s support to access a variety

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of services (UN 2000). For example, patrons provide their clients with access to jobs, homes, education and protection (ibid.). This is possible because the state in Bangladesh is particularly weak and, as previous discussions have highlighted, services are often provided by a number of organisations. This means that patron-client relationships extend into every social domain and define relational networks, from daily life in villages to politics in Dhaka (ibid.). Lewis (2012) draws on the work of the Reality Check Project to argue that: In this environment, the bulk of the poor are left vulnerable within an informal world of governmentality in which they must depend on brokers to reduce their vulnerability and try to survive. For example, patients visiting a government clinic in Bangladesh, which is nominally free, must pay intermediaries to help them access medical professionals and a whole range of informal costs are incurred at every stage of the process of achieving a service. (Reality Check Report, 2008 cited in Lewis p. 165)

Patronage is thus ‘a central coping strategy for the urban poor’ (Banks 2012, p. 2). These relationships are often exploitative, forcing poor people to pay inflated prices for basic human services (ibid.). In many ways, patronage is defined by a person’s class or caste, which means that someone from a lower class is more likely to require the services of a patron (ibid.). Additionally, by forming the right connections, or accessing patronage, a person from a lower class may be able to mobilise themselves in society and govern access to services. All of this helps to explain the complex, and often exploitative structures of society in Bangladesh, something returned to in the proceeding chapters that consider the role of patronage in organised crime and the social mobility of street children.

Children in Bangladesh Global standards such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) define a child as anyone below the age of 18 (De Boeck and Honwana 2005). Below this age, in many Western societies, children are expected to have time to play, access education and develop

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a sense of ‘childhood’ free from the pressures of work and adult responsibilities (Honwana 2005). Yet for millions of children around the world this is not always the case. Many studies have highlighted how children, under the age of 18, have to work to provide for themselves or their families, some become parents, and many find it difficult to access education, largely due to restrictions related to poverty and marginalisation (ibid.). In Bangladesh, Blanchet (2008) argues that ‘definitions and norms of childhood are far from homogeneous’ (p. 2). Moreover, ‘distinctions in entitlements and types and levels of responsibility are usually made according to size, gender, competency, commonly expressed in how much individuals understand’ (White 2002, p. 728–9) rather than any distinction of childhood based on age. Thus, class distinctions ‘trumps’ childhood in relation to the expectations and experiences of children. This means that young people from different classes will be expected to act and behave differently despite the fact that they may be the same chronological age (Ruwanpura and Roncolato 2006).

Street Children Hundreds of thousands (possibly millions) of children live on the streets and in slums in Bangladesh (AUSAID 2005). A study carried out on behalf of the Government of Bangladesh estimated the number of ‘street-­involved’ children to be around 500,000, 70 per cent of whom live in Dhaka (ARISE 2001).6 A lack of birth records and an inefficient identification system within the country suggests that the number could be far higher, possibly exceeding 2 million (AUSAID 2005). According to the Bangladesh Police Force (2008b), the numbers of street-involved children are set to rise to over 1 million by 2014 and over 1.6 million by 2024. Bangladeshis who live on the streets or in slums face high levels of crime and violence (World Bank 2007). A study conducted by the World Bank (2007) revealed that 93 per cent of slum inhabitants had experienced some type of crime, illustrating the pervasive nature of criminality  However, another study, a year earlier estimated the number to be around 679,728 (Department of Social Services, 2000 cited in Bangladesh Police 2008b). 6

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in poor areas. In fact, the World Bank (2007) went so far as to argue that ‘the sheer scale and diversity of crime and violence in the poor slums of Dhaka means that it has become “routinized” or “normalised” into the function and reality of everyday life and affects every aspect of daily life’ (p. 1). Increasing levels of urbanisation heighten issues such as a lack of basic sanitation, employment, education and housing (Rahman 1985). This creates conditions in which gangs are likely to grow and thrive (Hagedorn 2005). Ennew and Swart-Kruger (2003) argue that street children struggle against barriers in many areas of their lives, including accessing housing, healthcare and education (ibid.). This leads to widespread social exclusion and vulnerability (ibid.). In Dhaka, street children face a lack of protection for their rights, exploitation, abuse (often from adults including the police), involvement in early sexual activity, sexual disease, trafficking, high levels of mental and physical health problems, drug use, distrust of adults and poor child protection mechanisms (UNICEF 2009; Khatun and Jamil 2013). Street children are frequently malnourished, rarely vaccinated and often have only one set of clothes making them particularly vulnerable during the winter months when they struggle to stay warm (ibid.; Hai 2014). Current research has explored the lives of street children, yet little is known about how the exclusion these children face impacts upon their association with gangs and organised crime.

Child Labour Work is a reality for millions of children in Bangladesh, particularly those who live on the streets (Ruwanpura and Roncolato 2006). The number of child labourers in the country, even in terms of official statistics, is extensive.7 One child in every five was categorised as a child worker in 2000 (Salmon 2005). In 2006, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) carried out a baseline survey into the number of child workers. From this, they found:  For a more detailed discussion of child labour in Bangladesh, please see Chap. 3.

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7.4 million children aged 5–17 engaged in work8 4.7 children aged 5–15 engaged in work 3.2 million children aged 5–17 were engaged in labour 1.3 million children were engaged in hazardous labour There were 421,000 domestic workers. (ILO 2006, p. 1)

Children work in all sectors. Many are employed within the agricultural sector while others work in manufacturing, transport and in domestic service (Khanam 2005). Children clean cars, shine shoes, drive rickshaws, collect rubbish, beg at car windows and work in houses, restaurants, shops and factories (Khatun and Jamil 2013; Hai 2014). A report published by Patwary et  al. (2012) highlights street children’s involvement in medical waste scavenging where young people forage in hospitals, dumping grounds and bins for syringes, medicine, cotton and plastic containers which they then sell for recycling. Patwary (2012) and his colleagues argue that this is linked to the illicit economy because the children then sell these goods to drug users, shops or pharmacies. The business occurs in gang-like structures, where hierarchies and responsibilities exist, profits are shared and access to resources are managed by gang bosses (ibid.). Many of the children engaged in these activities are drug users themselves; they earn very little and rates of disease are high (ibid.). White (2002) takes the categorisation of child labour further and discusses the places children work, arguing that some jobs are ‘visible’ and some are ‘invisible’. It is important to make this distinction because while both types of work are clearly problematic, ‘invisible labour’ is more difficult to govern and is an area in which it is hard to protect children’s rights (UNICEF 2010). Furthermore, it is likely that street children’s involvement in organised crime is an example of invisible labour, something closely aligned to discussions of ‘exploitative child labour’ discussed in more depth in Chap. 3.

 The ILO (2006) makes a clear distinction between ‘work’ and ‘labour’. They conclude that work is an activity that can often be beneficial to children, however, when work harms a child, denies them the right to play or education or affects their mental or physical development, it then becomes labour and should be avoided at all costs. 8

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Children’s Rights; Children in Conflict with the Law Bangladesh ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) in 1990. However, according to the United Nations  Children’s Fund (UNICEF 2012a) inadequate or unavailable protection services hamper implementation of the UNCRC. This means that children in Bangladesh face a lack of protection of their rights. Additionally, dissemination of the UNCRC is deficient and there is a lack of coordination between agencies, both of which are stumbling blocks to execution (Adolescent Development Foundation 2008). Commentary by UNICEF explains further: There is no comprehensive national legislation governing the rights of children in Bangladesh. Provisions related to children are spread across various different laws, many of which predate the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Consequently, provisions are not always consistent with the rights outlined in the CRC. The pioneering Children Act of 1974 is the only legislation specifically addressing children. However, this law deals only with children in need of protection and children in conflict with the law, often without making a clear distinction between the two groups. The Act makes children the objects of its provisions, rather than the holders of rights. (UNICEF 2012a, p. 1)

There are two pieces of legislation governing children’s involvement with the law: the Children Act 1974 and the Children Rules 1976 (Ferdousi 2013). However, both are inadequate, outdated and fail to protect children’s rights (ibid.). The new Children Act 2013 signifies a step forward for the protection of juvenile offenders. The age of criminal responsibility in Bangladesh was raised from 7 to 9 in 2004 and the age of 18, rather than 16, now defines adulthood in Bangladeshi law (ibid.). However, there is some debate over how the Children Act 2013 will be implemented and how it aligns with the UNCRC (ibid.). Ferdousi (2013), for example, argues that ‘Bangladesh has not yet incorporated all the provisions of the CRC into its domestic law’ (p. 25), suggesting that it may be difficult to implement this new piece of legislation in line with the UNCRC and wider legislation to protect children’s rights.

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There is also no functioning juvenile justice system, and the actual number of children who come into contact with the law is largely unknown (UNICEF 2009). Ferdousi (2013) notes that there are three juvenile courts in place to serve the entire country, but apart from these courts, ‘there is no separate juvenile court which ensures that juveniles are separated and treated differently from adults at all stages of criminal proceedings’ (p. 28). This means that most children are tried in adult courts (ibid.). Bangladesh has three ‘correctional centres’ (child prisons), located in Tongi, Jessore and Knoabari (Ferdousi 2013). These centres aim to provide children with a safe, rehabilitation environment and to ensure that they are successfully re-integrated into the community on their release (ibid.). However, it is doubtful that these aims are met. To date, there has been no documentation about the rehabilitation of children and there are no reintegration services in place to help inmates on their release from prison (ibid.). This means that the children who reside in these prisons are vulnerable and at risk from a multitude of problems, including recruitment into organised crime groups, something returned to in the proceeding chapters. Nevertheless, because of the limited number of children’s prisons and a lack of appropriate measures to identify the age of a child (UNICEF 2008, 2009), many young people are housed in adult prisons with convicted prisoners (UNICEF 2009), in direct violation of the CRC (Ferdousi 2013). These children face a lack of protection for their rights and it is highly possible that they will be targeted for recruitment into gangs and organised crime groups. Additionally, it is common practice for vulnerable people, including children, to be housed within adult prisons for their ‘safety’,9 despite the fact that they may never have committed a crime (Atkinson-Sheppard and Pfannmueller 2011).

Children, Violence and Exploitation This study specifically explores the involvement of street children as workers in the Bangladeshi organised crime, but research into organised crime  A practice known as ‘safe custody’.

9

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and gangs in Bangladesh is rare. It is very difficult to find a robust academic study into either entity. In fact, criminological research across the whole Indian sub-continent is inadequate; it is often descriptive and rarely has any impact upon criminal justice (Prabha Unnithan 2009). Academic studies generally focus on poverty, economics, governance and international development (see the Journal of Bangladesh Studies and Andaleeb 2007, for more details) rather than on crime or community safety. Nevertheless, historical literature suggests that discussions of gangs are not necessarily new to Bangladesh or India. According to Dash (2005), ‘thuggees’ or ‘thugs’ are well documented in India’s history and the existence of these groups date back to the 1700s. ‘Thugs’ gained a certain reputation within India for their brutality and violent behaviour, often committed in a group (ibid.) and news of their crimes travelled across the globe, fascinated Queen Victoria and became the motivation for many novels (ibid.) Thuggery was suppressed by the British during their rule of India largely by the ‘Thuggery and Dacoity Department’ which was established in 1835 and headed by William Sleeman (Dash 2005). The idea that certain people were predisposed to criminal behaviour underpinned the approach taken by Sleeman and his team to tackle the thugs and despite claims to have ‘eradicated thuggery’ (ibid.), the Criminal Tribes Act was enacted in 1871 and extended to include the Bengal Presidency in 1876. The Act stated that: ‘If government has reason to believe that any tribe, gang or class of persons is addicted to the systematic commission of non-­ bailable offences, it may report the case to the Governor General in Council, and may request his permission to declare such tribe, gang or class to be a criminal tribe’ (The Criminal Tribes Act 1871, p. 7). Up to 13 million people were classified as members of criminal tribes and were kept under surveillance, their movements restricted and their behaviour recorded. The Act also allowed police to search and arrest members of these tribes without a warrant (Knalfa 2002). The Act, highly repressive, and closely aligned to the positivistic notion that people are ‘born criminals’ gave the Raj a mechanism of control and stigmatised minority and ethnic groups (ibid., Bhukya 2007). In the 1930s, there was a wave of gang research which was carried out by the Government of Bengal in an attempt to include the activities of

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several gangs ‘under the operation’ of the Criminal Tribes Act. Mention of groups such as the ‘Forman’s Gang of Bakarganj and Faridpur’ and ‘Meher Mondal’s Gang of Pabna’ (The Government of Bengal 1932, 1936) suggest that criminal groups did exist during this period and that gangs were headed by a leader, had many members and were involved in a variety of crimes ranging from burglary to dacoity (ibid.). The Criminal Tribes Act was finally repealed following India’s independence in 1947 but according to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), some groups of people in India are still stigmatised for their supposed ‘criminal tendencies’ under the Habitual Offenders Act, which was enacted in 1952 and is still in operation in India today.10 There is however, no mention of what happened post-­ independence relating to the impact of these acts in Bangladesh. Dacoity, ‘the act of robbery by an armed gang’ (Oxford English Dictionary 2011), is entangled with discussions of both ‘thuggery’ and criminal tribes. According to Bhukya (2007), dacoity was understood by the British to be associated with the caste system; they believed that certain castes had predisposition to crime. People labelled as ‘dacoits’ were often seen to be members of the ‘dangerous classes’. However, the violence carried out by these groups was arguably a response to colonialism and the strict controls the British placed on society, particularly marginalised groups (ibid.). The effects of this stigmatisation are still felt in some of India’s marginalised communities (ibid.) and while there is no explicit mention of Bangladesh, it should be logically assumed that the same is also true there. In historical literature about the Indian sub-continent the terms ‘gangs’ and ‘dacoits’ often appear together. For example, gangs are described as groups that commit dacoities (The Government of Bengal 1932). The term dacoity is still used in Bangladesh today. Statistics relating to this crime are collated by the Bangladesh police service that reports that dacoity is a prevalent and increasing crime (Bangladesh Police 2010). However, it is unclear whether dacoits are gang members or armed robbers, or both,  Mohapatra, S. ‘Repeal the Habitual Offenders Act and effectively rehabilitate the denotified tribes, UN to India’. Asian Tribune. 19 March 2007. Available online at: http://www.asiantribune. com/index.php?q=node/4972 10

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and whether the term dacoity is used to collate statistics on gangs who also carry out other offences. Today it is hard to find information about organised crime and gangs in political rhetoric or government strategies in Bangladesh. For example, gangs are not prioritised on any party agenda, and while the National Child Policy 2011 focuses on the rights of children (The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh 2011), it makes no mention of young offenders. Additionally, the Bangladesh Police Service Strategy 2008–2011 and the Prison Directorate Strategy 2011 make no reference to gangs or organised crime (Bangladesh Police Service 2008a; Bangladesh Prison Directorate 2011). Nevertheless, statistics published by the Bangladesh Police Force highlight that crime is on the increase and incidents of murder and robbery are at their highest level since 2005 (Bangladesh Police 2010). Additionally, Ferdousi (2011) argues that the number of young people involved in crime is increasing. However, there are very few statistics about organised crime and no indication about whether murders or robberies are committed by gangs. Nevertheless, looking further afield to NGO reports reveals that Bangladesh does face threats against security from organised crime. On a macro level, this includes the impact of previous conflict in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, political violence, extremism, trafficking and widespread drug smuggling (BRAC, ChangeMaker and Saferworld 2011). On a micro level, ‘communities face issues including violent crime, gender-­ based violence, political violence, insecurity arising from drug and alcohol abuse and, in some areas, a high incidence of child abuse and abduction’ (ibid., p. 2). There is also an indication that Bangladesh, has, and could again in the future, use children to engage in war. Bangladesh has a history of child soldiers, both during the 1971 War of Independence and in more recent conflicts in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2007). Additionally, children serve within the country’s armed forces (The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2008). The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (2007) argues that certain vulnerabilities make a country liable to engage children in conflict. These factors include: discrimination, disadvantage, exclusion, food insecurity, unemployment, illiteracy, pervasive child labour,

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domestic violence, a lack of protection for children’s rights in the justice system, trafficking, displacement and large numbers of street children (ibid). If conflict were to occur in Bangladesh, child recruitment would be probable (ibid.). There is also circumstantial evidence to suggest that children have been used to plant bombs at political rallies or on behalf of Islamic extremists (ibid.), and that children are victims of trafficking. Trafficking is widespread in Bangladesh and there is little state protection for children at risk of such exploitation (The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2007). Bangladeshi children have been trafficked to work as jockeys within the UAE and to neighbouring countries to work as servants (ibid.). However, UNICEF argues that trafficking extends further, with many children being forced into bonded labour and sex work. These children are vulnerable, miss out on an education, are at risk of health problems such as HIV/AIDS and experience severe levels of exploitation and violence (UNICEF 2012b). For a variety of reasons, it is difficult to assess the numbers of children who are the victims of trafficking. First, most children are not registered at birth, which means that monitoring what happens to them as they become older is difficult (ibid.). Second, the issue of sexual abuse and trafficking is taboo in Bangladesh. It is rare for the topic to be widely discussed and victims are often ostracised from their communities (ibid.). Girls suffer the most, yet their position in Bangladeshi society means that they often receive the least support. To compound this, children are rarely aware of their rights. They often suffer from endemic poverty and living on the streets or in slums makes them vulnerable to traffickers and organised criminals (ibid.). However, there is no indication within these reports of whether or not street children are the perpetrators of trafficking or whether these groups are linked to Bangladeshi organised crime. Children in Bangladesh are clearly vulnerable and face untold risks, some of which are associated with organised crime, including conflict and trafficking. However, none of this research specifically explains young people’s involvement in gangs or organised crime in Bangladesh, lacunas addressed by this study.

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Organised Crime and Violence in Dhaka Extant data into organised crime in Dhaka is rare. However, Shafi (2010) argues that organised crime is led by mastaans,11 organised crime bosses who have close associations with politicians and the police (Shafi 2010). Translation of the term differs, but it is usually associated with terms such as ‘muscle man’ or ‘strong man’ (Khan 2000) indicating a correlation between mastaan behaviour, crime and violence. One of the first to consider mastaans, Abdullah (1991) argued that the role of the mastaan and politics is closely interlinked. A theme also noted in a variety of urban poverty reports  suggests that  mastaans are organised crime bosses who operate in slum areas but who also collude with the state. According to Shafi (2010), a political-crime nexus is evident; the police collect money from crime groups, who are provided in return with legal immunity. Criminal activity is also linked to politics as politicians rely upon violence that criminal groups provide in order to gain and maintain power (Ahmed 2004). Mastaans operate under the ‘shelter of godfathers, who are mainly ministers, members of parliament and business leaders’ (Zafarullah and Rahman 2002, p. 1021), leading to what Ahmed (2004) contends is a ‘mastanocracy’. Lewis (2012) argues that: Mastaans may connect underserved individuals, households and communities with political leaders on the basis of delivering vote banks in return for resources, and as such can be seen partly as the creation of politicians and elites. But they may also play a more parasitic role, operating on the fringes of criminal extortion and other forms of violence. (p. 211)

Mastaans work in alliance with politicians to secure votes; they act as patrons for resources and provide poor people with access to basic services such as water, electricity and gas; possible because of the inability of the government, or NGOs, to provide support in poor areas (World Bank 2007). Jackman (2018) suggests that the role of criminal mastaans  Mastaan is sometimes spelt ‘mastan’ in Bangladesh; however, for the purpose of clarity this book uses only the spelling ‘mastaan’. 11

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is increasingly associated with the state and concurrent governance (Sergi 2015). However, as Lewis (2012) argues, mastaans may also carry out extortion and other types of crime. There is anecdotal evidence that children are recruited into criminal gangs by local mastaans. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (2007) proposes that: Children in urban slums are vulnerable to recruitment by criminal gangs commonly known as mastaans. High levels of unemployment, patronage from political parties, together with inadequate, inefficient and corrupt law enforcement agencies have all contributed to the growing culture of ‘mastanocracy’. Their connections with political parties make it possible for them to engage in extortion and other crimes with impunity. (p. 11)

Furthermore, Hai (2014) uses the term bara bhais to describe mastaan groups that prey on vulnerable street children and rob them of their earnings. Hai also suggests that mastaans manage crime groups across Dhaka and Khatun and Jamil (2013) argue that these groups use street children to conduct crime for them. The terms mastaan, ‘organised crime’ and ‘gangs’ also appear frequently in the media but there is no agreed definition of either entity and in many instances the terms are used synonymously. For example, articles discuss ‘extortion gangs’, ‘political gangs’ and ‘terrorist gangs’12 which demonstrates a perceived relationship between gangs and organised crime. The press also discusses ‘youth gangs’13 but do not define who these groups are and whether they are different to the groups noted above. Several newspaper articles outline the exploitation of children by older gang members who coerce them into carrying out crimes on their behalf.14 There are also instances of stabbing perpetrated by young people due to rivalries between

 Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Crime gangs grip city’. 31 March 2010. Available at: http://archive.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=132303 13  The Independent, Bangladesh. ‘Juvenile crime on the rise’. 19 July 2008. Available at: http:// www.independent-bangladesh.com/200807197714/country/juvenile-crime-on-the-rise.html 14  The Independent, Bangladesh. ‘Juvenile crime on the rise’. 19 July 2008. Available at: http:// www.independent-bangladesh.com/200807197714/country/juvenile-crime-on-the-rise.html 12

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schools,15 following disputes over cricket16 or due to earlier arguments between groups.17 Additionally, children are abducted and maimed by begging gangs. A report by the British newspaper The Guardian revealed that the leader of one such gang was arrested and confessed that: He and his accomplices abducted children, kept them for months in confined spaces or even in barrels and deprived them of food. Permanently disabled by their confinement and virtual starvation, the children were then sent on to the streets of the city either accompanied with a woman posing as their mother or alone, according to police.18

The CNN Freedom Project (2011) is working to end what they term ‘modern day slavery’ and features a story of a 7-year-old boy who was abducted and forced to beg on the streets. The boy tried to escape but was violently beaten. It reports: The boy was slashed many times, his healed wounds now forming a large cross in scar tissue across a section of his chest and from his throat to his pelvis. But he survived, and he and his family have been placed in a witness protection program. The boy is now the star witness in a case that has exposed a criminal gang that, according to investigators, has snatched children off the streets, maimed them and sent them out to beg for money. (CNN Freedom Project p. 1)

Media reports suggest that this is a common occurrence in Dhaka; children are abducted and then beaten or starved. The worse the child’s disfigurement, the more money they can earn by begging on the streets.

 Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Schoolboy stabbed to death by students’. 24 March 2010. Available at: http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=131343 16  Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Schoolboy murdered over cricket match’. 10 August 2007. Available at: http://www.thedailystar.net/2007/08/10/d70810061880.htm 17  Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Schoolboy stabbed to death by fellow student’. 3 November 2007. Available at: http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=10072 18  Hammadi, S. and Burke, J. ‘Bangladesh arrest uncovers evidence of children forced into begging’. The Guardian. 9 January 2011. Available online at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/ jan/09/bangladesh-arrest-forced-begging?INTCMP=SRCH 15

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The Guardian article describes these gangs as operating in a ‘racket’.19 However, it is not known whether these groups are associated with mastaans. A review of the research into organised crime provides an overview of how mastaans may operate. It appears that mastaans function in alliance with the state and as providers of basic services. However, little is known about other types of crime they may commit or who their groups consist of. Even less is known about gangs; they are often discussed, but rarely defined and their relationship with organised crime remains largely unknown. Many questions remain unanswered, such as how these groups operate, how young people become involved in gangs, how violence occurs, who commits it and why?

Conclusion This chapter has provided the reader with an introduction to some of the social, economic and political factors which provide a backdrop to the study of organised crime and gangs in Bangladesh. In many ways, Bangladesh suffers from many problems which make organised crime, gangs and the exploitation of children probable. The state is closely associated with partisan politics and violent governance. Mass urbanisation and a huge population means that millions of Bangladeshis live on the streets or in slums, surrounded by organised crime and mastaans. These are conditions in which gangs flourish (Hagedorn 2008). The country is vulnerable to political instability, poverty and disasters, both natural and man-made, which must only exaggerate issues of crime and instability. Corruption plagues society in Bangladesh and impinges on social control. Young people are particularly vulnerable; they face numerous risks, often have to work to survive and are at risk of exploitation from organised criminals, whether in the form of trafficking or from the advances of mastaans. Corruption is particularly evident in the criminal justice  Hammadi, S. and Burke, J. ‘Bangladesh arrest uncovers evidence of children forced into begging’. The Guardian. 9 January 2011. Available online at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/ jan/09/bangladesh-arrest-forced-begging?INTCMP=SRCH 19

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s­ ystem. The police arrest children yet record their age as 18, meaning that these minors end up being housed with adult convicted offenders. Some of these children will inevitably come into contact with and fall under the influence of gang members or organised criminals. These factors make for uncomfortable reading yet very little is known about the exact nature of organised crime in Bangladesh. There are still many questions that remain unanswered such as, who mastaans are, who works for them, how these organisations are structured, the crimes they commit and the ways in which young people become involved in these groups. Additionally, several important concepts, including patronage and child labour appear to have an association with organised crime but there is very little information on what these relationships might be. This book aims to answer these questions with a particular focus on the role street children play in mastaan groups. The next chapter sets out an interdisciplinary framework, drawing on theories from criminology and development studies to explore how organised crime, gangs and the involvement of children in these groups is conceptualised around the world. This helps to frame discussions in Bangladesh.

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The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. (2007). Child Recruitment in South-Asian Conflicts: Bangladesh. [Online]. London: Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. Available at: www.child-soldiers.org. Accessed 16 Jan 2012. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. (2008). Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008. [Online]. London: Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. Available at: www.child-soldiers.org. Accessed 25 Jan 2013. The Criminal Tribes Act. (1871). [Online]. Columbia University. Available at: http://ccnmtl.columbia.edu/projects/mmt/ambedkar/web/readings/ Simhadri.pdf. Accessed 13 Mar 2011. The Department for International Development [DFID]. (2011a). Operational Plan 2011–2015. Dhaka: DFID. The Department for International Development [DFID]. (2011b). Bangladesh. [Online]. London: HM Government. Available at: http://www.dfid.gov.uk/ Where-we-work/Asia-South/Bangladesh/. Accessed 2 Oct 2012. The Government of Bengal. (1932). Report on Forman’s Gang of Bakarganj and Faridpur with a View to Bringing It Under the Operation of the Criminal Tribes Act, 1924. Criminal Investigations Department, Bengal. The Government of Bengal. (1936). Report on Meher Mondal’s Gang of Pabna and Faridpur with a View to Bringing It Under the Operation of the Criminal Tribes Act, 1924. Criminal Investigations Department, Bengal. The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2007). Third and Fourth Periodic Report of the Government of Bangladesh Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Dhaka: Ministry of Women and Children Affairs (MoWCA): 11. The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2011). National Children’s Policy 2011. Dhaka: Ministry of Women and Children Affairs. The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2012a). The Millennium Development Goals Bangladesh Progress Report 2011. [Online]. Available at: http://www.un-bd.org/pub/MDG%20Progress%20Report%20 2011.pdf. Accessed 17 Sept 2012. The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2012b). Perspective Plan of Bangladesh. 2010–2021. Making Vision 2021 a Reality. Dhaka: Planning Commission. The International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2006). Baseline Survey on Child Domestic Labour in Bangladesh. Dhaka: ILO. The Oxford English Dictionary. (2011). [Online]. Available at: http://www.oed. com/. Accessed 7 Mar 2011.

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The Pew Research Centre. (2011). Muslim Population by Country: The Future of the Global Muslim Population. [Online]. Pew Research Centre. Available at: http://features.pewforum.org/muslim-population/. Accessed 19 Dec 2012. UNDP. (2018). Human Development Indices and Indicators: 2018 Statistical Update: Bangladesh. Available at: http://hdr.undp.org/sites/all/themes/hdr_ theme/country-notes/BGD.pdf. Accessed 24 Feb 2018. UNICEF. (2008). Birth Registration in Bangladesh. Dhaka: UNICEF. UNICEF. (2009). Juvenile Justice Factsheet. Dhaka: UNICEF. UNICEF. (2010). Investing in Vulnerable Children. Dhaka: UNICEF. UNICEF. (2012a). Child Rights Bangladesh: UNICEF. [Online]. Available at: http://www.unicef.org/bangladesh/children_4878.htm. Accessed 25 Oct 2012. UNICEF. (2012b). Child Sexual Abuse, Exploitation and Trafficking in Bangladesh. [Online]. Available at: http://www.unicef.org/bangladesh/Child_Abuse_ Exploitation_and_Trafficking.pdf. Accessed 1 Nov 2012. UNICEF. (2018). Rohingya Crisis. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/emergencies/bangladesh_100945.html. Accessed Nov 2018. United Nations. (2000). Enhancing Social Protection and Reducing Vulnerability in a Globalizing World. Report to the Secretary General to the Thirty-ninth Session. Washington, DC: United Nations Economic and Social Council. Van Schendel, W. (2009). A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Varese, F. (2010). What Is Organised Crime? In Organised Crime: Critical Concepts in Criminology (Vol. 1, pp. 1–33). London: Routledge. White, S. (1999). NGOs, Civil Society, and State in Bangladesh: The Politics of Representing the Poor. Development and Change, 30(2), 307–326. White, S. (2002). From Politics of Politics to the Politics of Identity? Child Rights and Working Children in Bangladesh. Journal of International Development, 14, 725–735. World Bank. (2007). Dhaka: Improving Living Conditions for the Urban Poor. Bangladesh Development Series Paper No. 17. Dhaka: World Bank. Zafarullah, H., & Rahman, M. H. (2002). Human Rights, Civil Society and Non-Government Organisation: The Nexus in Bangladesh. Human Rights Quarterly, 24(4), 1011–1034.

3 Theorising Organised Crime, Gangs and Street Children’s Agency

Introduction This chapter develops an interdisciplinary framework to provide a structure for the rest of the book. The starting point is criminology, including theories of organised crime, mafias, gangs and subcultures. The chapter then considers theories of child labour and social agency, particularly in regard to children who live on the streets—arguments largely arising from development studies and anthropology. The chapter considers the importance of the new discourse ‘Southern criminology’ which argues that criminology should better reflect crime that occurs in places in the global South, including Bangladesh. The chapter discusses how the development of an integrated, interdisciplinary framework such as the one used on this study can assist the development of ‘Southern’ knowledge, and provide new ways to consider young people’s involvement in organised crime, in Bangladesh and potentially wider afield. The chapter ­concludes by proposing three ‘research propositions’ which are based on

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theory but take into account the context of Bangladesh. They provide a conceptual framework for this study.

Organised Crime and Mafias Scholars have long debated the organisation of crime. Mary McIntosh was one of the first to do so in 1975 when she argued that ‘crime is a collective activity’ (p. 7) and that it is important to consider how criminals organise themselves and the crimes that they commit. The problem is that many criminological theories only discuss individual criminals and ignore how groups of people work together to commit crime, often in a highly structured organisation (ibid.). But what makes the organisation of crime so significant for this study? First, understanding criminal organisations in Bangladesh helps us to recognise how criminal groups operate. Second, it enables an understanding of the division of labour within these groups (ibid.). Lastly, it allows the development of a framework through which to understand how crime groups are managed, how gang members are ordered and how children are exploited.

What Is Organised Crime? The question of what constitutes organised crime has been highly contested over the years, and the violence these groups commit has dominated political and social rhetoric in many countries (Newburn 2007; Levi 2012); but none of these debates have focused on organised crime in Bangladesh. Numerous definitions of organised crime have been proposed and adopted at different times (Varese 2010), some vague and some more specific but to date there is no agreed-upon explanation. This leads to the question: How do we know that everyone is talking about the same thing? There are varying viewpoints. In 2010, Varese carried out a systematic review of over 100 definitions of organised crime and concluded: ‘An organised crime group attempts to regulate and control the production

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and distribution of a given commodity or service unlawfully’ (p. 15). To come to this definition, Varese reviewed three ‘models of organised crime’: the Cressey Model, the Enterprise Model and the Network Model. The three models differ in several ways. First, the Cressey Model closely associates organised crime and mafias (La Cosa Nostra in this case). It prioritises a hierarchical structure as a key feature of organised crime groups along with their ability to ‘maximize profits by performing illegal services and providing legally-forbidden products demanded by members of the broader society’ (Cressey 1967, p. 107). Additionally, this viewpoint argues that extortion is a main activity of organised criminals. However, there have been many criticisms aimed at the Cressey Model. Scholars argue that organised crime groups have fluid and changing hierarchies and that conflict does occur between groups or families (Albini 1971; Newburn 2007) despite the picture that Cressey painted of these groups. The Enterprise Model moves away from this and proposes that organised crime should be viewed from an economic perspective and that ‘illicit enterprise is the extension of legitimate market activities into areas normally proscribed, for the pursuit of profit and in response to latent illicit demand’ (Smith 1975, p. 164). However, this viewpoint has been criticised for not including any mention of dispute resolution and private protection, both of which are arguably main concerns of mafia groups (Varese 2010). McIntosh (1975) brings both of these viewpoints together when she uses the term ‘business organisation’ to describe: ‘Extortionists and suppliers of illegal goods and services who have gained some degree of immunity from legal control’ (p. 29). She also argues that these groups have ‘a hierarchy of participants who engage in specialised activities, sometimes being paid by their superiors and sometimes receiving a share of the takings in their particular sector (ibid., p. 29). Thus, for McIntosh the ‘business organisation’ is distinguished by its activities (extortion and the provision of illegal goods) and its hierarchical structure; in many instances the victims of these organisations accept what is happening and cooperate in order to receive goods or services (ibid.). The most recent model of organised crime is the Network Model. This approach has been driven by the incorporation of network analysis into criminological discourse. It proposes that relationships and connections

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between organised crime members (and groups) are the most important elements for understanding these entities (McIllwain 1999). This model provides a useful analytical tool for understanding this type of criminality in greater depth (Lupsha 1983) as Newburn (2007) argues that there is now less of a focus on a definitive structure of organised crime but more of an awareness of the often fluid, transient but complex nature of these groups.

Mafias and the Market for Private Protection The mafia are often thought to be the archetype of organised crime (Gambetta 1993) and are distinguishable from other criminal groups because of the complex nature of their relationship with state making, politics and the delivery of services and protection (Hess 1998). Mafiosi secure positions of power by aligning themselves with state operators, politicians, the judiciary and the police (ibid.), and in many cases, it is ‘hard to differentiate between politics and crime’ (Cockayne 2016, p. 5). These dyadic relationships support both parties: Mafiosi obtain autonomy while politicians secure votes and maintain power (Hess 1998). Scholars differ in their opinions of the nature and activities of mafia groups. The economic theory of the mafia, often associated with Gambetta (1993) and Varese (2010), suggests that mafias emerge when the state fails to provide adequate protection for property rights and economic transactions. When this is the case, ‘consumers of mafia protection will purchase the commodity to sort out their disputes, to retrieve their stolen property, or to protect their cartels from free riders’ (Gambetta 1993, p. 3). This view point, which promotes protection as the main activity of mafia groups, provides a vital element to the debate. However, it has been challenged by a variety of scholars. Paoli (2002) argues that ‘far from merely selling protection, mafia groups and their members are actively involved in a plurality of business activities. They do not only trade in a variety of illegal commodities, but they also exploit violence and intimidation to occupy some of the spaces in the legitimate economy’ (p. 174). As Blok (1974) argues, mafias engage in power and enterprise; they ­govern territories and monopolise criminal enterprises. Thus, there is a general consensus that mafias are multifaceted; they conduct, manage

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and facilitate a wide variety of crime and violence and engage in the protection market (Wright 2006). One of the most recent approaches to studying mafias is social network analysis, closely aligned with the Network Model discussed earlier. Often associated with scholars such as Calderoni (2014) and Morselli (2009), this perspective proposes that relationships and connections between mafia members (and groups) are integral to understanding how these entities operate (McIllwain 1999). However, as Campana (2016) suggests: ‘some ambiguity around key concepts still remains, starting from the very same notion of “network”: is it a specific form of organisation or just a collection of actors and ties?’ (p. 1). Thus, in many cases, a more in-depth and social understanding of the nature of mafia groups is necessary. The ‘behavioural approach’ (Sergi and Lavorgna 2016) builds on social network analysis but considers the codes, behaviours, norms and values of mafia groups, amid the context in which they operate. For example, Catanzaro (1992) argues that fundamental to the culture of the Sicilian mafia are ‘codes’ which include friendship, patronage and honour. Sergi and Lavorgna (2016) propose that: Rather than discussing the ‘Ndrangheta only as a criminal organisation— running the risk to eliminate subtle but necessary internal differences among the various manifestations of the phenomenon—it makes more sense to look at what the clans share in terms of their ability to exploit social values, relationships and opportunities for the benefits of criminal activities. The exploitation occurs through a socially recognised set of behaviours, effective for successful interaction with local communities, which are needed to disguise illegal activities, secure protection from prosecution, as well as ensure social inclusion. (p. 4)

Questions arise as to whether or not mafias exist in Bangladesh and how criminal groups, such as the mastaans, can be understood within the context of existing theory. How can we integrate economic theories of mafias with behavioural approaches to study the mastaans? And most significantly for this study, what role do street children play in these criminal entities? Is mafia scholarship sufficiently developed to allow for the

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views of children and if not, what gaps arise and how might they be addressed by the deliberations within this book? Furthermore, many scholars argue that for a crime group to be successful it must build and maintain a close relationship with the police (e.g. McIntosh 1975 or Gambetta 1993). Criminals are offered immunity because of what they can offer the state. This may be in the form of force or money (McIntosh 1975). This study will consider whether the mastaans—the key ‘mafia-type’ organised crime groups in Bangladesh—collude with the police and the criminal justice system. The book will also explore how street children perceive these relationships, as well as the impact that a crime-law enforcement nexus has on street children.

The Gang It is important to explore the hierarchical relationship between members of an organised crime group in order to understand how these entities operate (McIntosh 1975). There is a general consensus that these groups are hierarchically structured (Hallsworth and Young 2006) and that organised criminals (and mafias) carry out their business by using gang members on the streets. Densley (2012) argues that gangs are an evolutionary stage before groups become more organised. However, one ‘problem is that it is often difficult to see where the gang ends, and the organised crime group begins’ (p. 45). There are other problems that apply specifically to this study; as discussed, very little is known about mafias in Bangladesh but there is even less available information about gangs. This means that the ways in which gangs and organised crime groups interact, and how young people become involved in these groups, is largely unknown. This study seeks to address this lacuna. Gangs were once an American preoccupation. The Chicago School and the likes of Thrasher, Park and their colleagues led the way in the 1920s, proposing theories that form the basis for most gang debates today. Concepts fundamental to their work include social disorganisation, subcultural theories of crime and urbanisation (Thrasher 1927; Park et  al. 1925). However, Davies (2011) argues that groups of violent young men existed in Manchester and Glasgow in the 1870s and 1890s, long before

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Park and his colleagues initiated the American debate. Now it is widely agreed that gangs are found in most cities around the world. Violent groups of predominantly young men operate in many countries, some internationally (Hagedorn 2005). Gangs are increasingly seen in America (Hagedorn 1990, 2008), the United Kingdom (Densley 2012), South Africa (Jenson 2006), India (Raghavan 2011), Jamaica (Gunst 1995), Indonesia, (Alcano 2014), South America (Rodgers 1999), China (Xia 2009) and Europe (Decker and Weerman 2005; Klein et al. 2001, 2006). But what about gangs in Bangladesh?

What Is a Gang? For many years, defining the gang has been an arduous task. The term is evocative and often provokes an emotional reaction (Esbensen and Weerman 2005), usually underpinned by negative connotations (Jankowski 1991). The gang is neither a ‘fixed or static identity but subject to temporality and change’ (Fraser and Piacentini 2014, p.  73). Additionally, comparisons between gangs in different countries are challenging, particularly if the term is used in different ways or where translation alters its meaning (Esbensen and Weerman 2005; Klein 2005). This is made more difficult when a country uses many different labels to describe gangs, which is the case in Bangladesh. Nevertheless, this study will explore the ways in which criminal groups operate and the names that Bangladeshis use for gangs and organised crime. Academic debate tends to argue that gangs are one of several things; one view sees them as marginalised young people who form groups as a subcultural resistance to wider social exclusion and who are different to more organised forms of criminality. This thinking was developed by Thrasher (1927) and his fellow Chicagoans and has continued to gain momentum, particularly in the global North. Another view is that street-­ based gangs operate as the lower echelons of organised crime networks (Levitt and Venkatesh 2000) or that street-based gangs often evolve into more organised criminality (Hallsworth and Young 2006; Densley 2012). Other theorists argue that gangs have become institutionalised and thus increasingly organised, particularly within some of the world’s poorest slums (Hagedorn 2007, 2008).

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Many scholars have proposed a definition of the gang. Thrasher (1927) was the first to do so when he argued that gangs are: An interstitial group, originally formed spontaneously, and then integrated through conflict. It is characterised by the following types of behaviour: meeting face to face, milling, movement through space as a unit, conflict, and planning. The result of this collective behaviour is the development of tradition, unreflective internal structure, esprit de corps, solidarity, morale, group awareness, and attachment to a local territory. (p. 57)

The essential elements of the gang for Thrasher (1927) are: conflict as a mechanism through which to develop solidarity and a group which is defined but that is malleable and situated within the boundaries of a particular territory. However, Thrasher makes no mention of the relationship between different groups or whether gangs operate within a hierarchy of organised crime. This means that the opportunity to consider how gangs and organised crime groups operate either in alliance or as part of the same thing is missed. The most useful definitions allow for the ‘evolution of the gang’ (Densley 2012) and consider the gang within the context of organised crime which surrounds many groups. In 2006, Hallsworth and Young proposed the following definition and defined group offending in three distinctive clusters: Peer groups are relatively small, unorganised and transient entities that coalesce in public spaces. Members are usually friends who share similar life trajectories and experiences, and simply ‘hang around’ together. Delinquency and criminal activity is not integral to the identity or practice of this group but it can occur in certain situational contexts. The gang is a relatively durable, predominantly street-based group who see themselves and are seen by others as a discernible group and for whom crime and violence is intrinsic to the identity of group practice and solidarity. It is a mutation of the peer group. The organised crime group is composed principally of men for whom involvement in criminal activity is intrinsic to their identity and practice. Crime is an occupation and business venture. (p. 4)

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This positions the gang between organised crime and peer groups. This thinking lends itself to distinctions between groups, yet Hallsworth and Young (2006) make a convincing argument that gangs often begin as peer groups and that individuals can move between groups. This view is supported empirically in several studies in the United Kingdom (ROTA 2011; Harris et  al. 2012), in Indonesia (Alcano 2014) and in South America (Rodgers and Baird 2015) which argue that gang membership is often a transitional stage before group members commence involvement in more organised crime (Alcano 2014). To add further support to this argument, Densley (2012) argues that ‘recreation, crime, enterprise and governance represent sequential actualization stages in the evolutionary cycle of street gangs’ (p.  1). For Densley (2012) the gang emerges, as Hallsworth and Young (2006) argue, on a small scale. Densley terms this initial stage as ‘recreation’ comparable to Hallsworth and Young’s ‘peer group’. From here, he argues that some gangs make a transition into the ‘crime, governance and enterprise’ stages which indicates something inevitably more organised (Densley 2012, p. 1). The discussions in this book consider the ways in which gangs are associated with organised crime and how and why these groups form and develop; the ways in which street children become involved in gangs; and how these street-based operatives are associated with organised crime groups. The study also critically examines these hierarchical structures and provides a modified model, useful for explaining organised crime in Bangladesh. The structure of gangs varies dependent on the country and context in which the gang operates (Rodgers 1999). In the United Kingdom some gangs are based upon friendship groups, with fluid and changing membership, alliances and leadership (Pitts 2007; Bullock and Tilley 2002; Aldridge and Medina 2008). However, other gangs illustrate clear divisions of responsibilities and profits (Raghavan 2011). Some gangs have become ‘institutionalised’ within communities and have operated in slum or poor areas of the world for years (Hagedorn 2007). Furthermore, the impact of gangs is not always negative. Many gangs in South America assist neighbourhoods to build social cohesion and are well integrated into communities (i.e. the Latin Kings in Ecuador or the Comando Vermelho in Brazil) (Rodgers and Baird 2015). However, these social

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r­ elationships can change quickly and leave people, particularly the poor, vulnerable to inconsistent divisions of power and resources (ibid.). There is very little information about the organisation of gangs in Bangladesh. Thus, thoughts turn to India, Bangladesh’s neighbour and previous ruler to explore organised crime there. Research into crime and criminality is limited in India, particularly in relation to the topic of organised crime and gangs (Raghavan 2011). Raghavan (2011) argues that this is due to the construct of youth within the sub-continent and the view that childhood and adulthood are social concepts rather than actualised life-stages. This leads to a wider focus on crime rather than a specific emphasis on young people and gangs (ibid.). Despite this, organised crime and gangs permeate life in India, particularly within its flourishing megacities of Mumbai and Delhi. Crime is often organised, extortion widespread and the nexus between politics and crime well established (ibid.; Weinstein 2008). Additionally, India’s gangs have distinct structures and hierarchies and thus demonstrate the attributes of organised crime groups. According to Raghavan (2011), early gangs in Mumbai were known as the tolis and ‘led by a dada or local goon’ (p. 5). They were ‘groups of youth who fought turf wars over running petty extortion rackets, gambling and illicit liquor dens, land grab and black marketing of cinema tickets’(p. 5). Dadas or goons became more organised in the 1960s and 1970s, when they became involved in extortion and smuggling. There was a specific hierarchy within these groups; the more successful dadas recruited the tolis to work for them (ibid.). In 1970s and 1980s, the tolis became known as companies, ‘a more organised and expanded version of the original group’ (Raghavan 2011, p. 5). Businesses moved from gambling to the ‘construction, films and share markets. They continued with (supari) killings, betting and extortion’ (p. 5). Raghavan notes the suppression of these groups in the 2000s and then a development of ‘third generation’ (p. 7) groups which have since developed into more ‘company style-gangs’ (p. 7). In India today, these gangs have been closely involved in killings of police officers and law enforcement officials and are often headed by leaders who operate their groups from other countries, illustrating the transnational nature of this crime (ibid.).

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Raghavan’s (2011) work in Mumbai illustrates that gangs are headed by a leader who often has a right-hand man or ‘chief handler’. Under the leader, there are a number of ‘handlers’ who manage each area of the city in which the gang operates. There is also a lower echelon; each handler has boys who carry out activities for him in return for a cut of the profit. A participant in Raghavan’s study described these boys as ‘like the working class of the company or gang’ (p. 8), illustrating their position within the social hierarchy of the group. Gang members in India often have specific roles and responsibilities and some gang members are responsible for working closely alongside the police and justice agencies to advocate on behalf of gang members who have been arrested or incarcerated (ibid.). This type of organised criminal behaviour has infiltrated many of India’s cities and towns and illustrates gangs operating in a context of organised crime (Weinstein 2008). Raghavan (2011) also explains how each group is financed by one or more people running legitimate businesses in society and he argues that there is a close nexus between ‘the underworld, police, local officials and politicians’ (p. 13). Money from gang activities is often used for political campaigns, and in return gangs are afforded a level of protection from the threat of criminal prosecution (ibid.). Weinstein (2008) notes that these groups are also increasingly involved in property development and ‘supported by an illicit nexus of politicians, bureaucrats and the police, the mafia has emerged as a central figure in Mumbai’s land development politics’ (p. 1).

Street Children This study explores the involvement of street children in organised crime groups; thus, discussions now turn to the how we might define ‘street children’. In 2011, the Consortium for Street Children produced the report ‘State of the World’s Street Children: Research’ (Thomas de Benitez 2011). This summary, of over 400 pieces of research, is an important component for understanding children who live on the streets. The report concludes that street children have diverse backgrounds and varying experiences of the streets and because of this, should be viewed as individuals rather than as a homogeneous group (ibid.). It is therefore

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i­mportant to reflect on the label of ‘street child’. The term is problematic for many reasons (Shanahan 2003). Aptekar and Heinonen (2003) argue that: Street children do not form a homogeneous group, nor do their life circumstances remain constant. Besides the natural transition from childhood to adolescence and adulthood, children's involvement in street life and family contact varies. Furthermore, children may be represented in one or more of the three categories (“on” the street, “of ” the street and “on and off” the street) at different times of their lives and careers in the streets. (p. 1)

Children who live on the streets are a diverse group of young people with different characteristics, backgrounds and personalities, their lives change, and they grow up. Many children who work on the streets return home in the evenings (Aptekar 1988). Furthermore, some street children move from place to place while others remain in one location (Ennew and Swart-Kruger 2003) or as van Blerk (2013) argues about children who live in cities, ‘the ways in which they engage with urban space is inherently mobile’ (p.  557). To view street children as a homogenous group means that the unique needs these children have may be missed and the realities of their lives misunderstood (Luiz de Moura 2002). As Aptekar (1988) argues: Inasmuch as the term street children is applied to many children who have a variety of different circumstances and characteristics, it tends erroneously to block them all together into a single mass of children who share a series of common histories and problems, while it fails to take into account their differences. (p. 43)

There are ‘now fewer attempts to describe a typical “street child”’ (Ennew and Swart-Kruger 2003, p.  1) and more discussions are held around the ‘careers’ of street children, which consider when they enter the streets, conduct different activities at different times and eventually, in some cases, leave the streets (ibid.). This new way of thinking better reflects the realities of street children’s lives and that ‘children’s street identity is not static but a fluid process’ (van Blerk 2005, p. 6).

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The ‘street’ itself is also a contested term (Ennew and Swart-Kruger 2003). It means different things in different places, and young people interpret ‘the streets’ in different ways (ibid.). The way that young people perceive ‘home’ also differs. Some view an orphanage or a slum as home. For other children, their homes move with them (ibid.). Ennew and Swart-Kruger (2003) argue: Home may not be permanent, in terms of the site, the inhabitants or materials of construction. When homes are simply sites on the pavement they are factually on the street. When children from rag picking families return to their dwellings they literally take the streets with them in the bags of rubbish they sort out for sale. (p. 5)

These discussions highlight some of the problems in defining ‘street children’, but scholars provide numerous suggestions for an alternative definition. For example, children ‘of ’ the streets, that is, those young people that live on the streets; and children ‘on’ the streets, that is, those young people who just work on the streets but live elsewhere (UNICEF 1986). Alternatively, ‘children with street connections’ or ‘street-­ connected children’ may be better ways to describe children who are street-involved (Thomas de Benitez 2011). There is often a tendency to associate street children with the developing world; thus, Aptekar and Stoecklin (2014) argue that ‘children in street situations’ provides a way to describe both street children and homeless youth in the developed world. Finally, ‘differences in terminology between street children, street youth, street gangs and so on have siloed research and dispersed knowledge. Care should be taken to reach across terms, cross-referencing to other disciplines, or perspectives’ (Thomas de Benitez 2011, p.  20). However, to date there is no consensus on the issue. For lack of a better term I use ‘street children’ within this book to describe young people who have some level of ‘street-connectiveness’ (Thomas de Benitez 2011). The children in this study spent a great deal of their time ‘off’ the streets (Aptekar and Heinonen 2003) at an organisation that provides them with holistic support, but they did return to their homes on the streets at the weekends. In this sense, for at least part of the week, they were children ‘of ’ the streets (ibid.). The children

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in this study had all worked on the streets before becoming involved with the organisation and, at the time of the research, some still did, despite the support that the centre offered. They were then also, children ‘on’ the streets (ibid.) at certain times in their lives. I acknowledge the difficulties in using the term ‘street children’ to describe this group of individuals who each had a unique story and a different perspective of a life that was, in some way, ‘street-connected’ (Thomas de Benitez 2011). As many other scholars have argued, the children in this study were far from a homogenous group (Aptekar and Heinonen 2003). For the purpose of clarity, I use the term street children throughout this book, but, I propose that if the term street child is to be used, as it is here, then it must be done with a consideration of the nature of life on the streets, and the connections that children make while living there.

Why Do Children Live on the Streets? Development studies scholars argue that children are drawn to life on the streets because of poverty and economic circumstances. However, a new paradigm in street children research questions this (such as Thomas de Benitez 2007). According to Conticini and Hulme (2006), factors driving a young person to the streets have as much to do with the violence they experience at home or in their communities as with economic need. Furthermore, children often choose to be on the streets, to avoid conflict but also to earn money to provide for themselves and their families (Thomas de Benitez 2011). Some children value the freedom that the streets offer (Heinonen 2011) while other children experience large-scale shocks such as climate change or natural disasters and are thus forced to live on the streets (Ennew and Swart-Kruger 2003). Ultimately, each child has a different reason for becoming ‘street involved’ (Thomas de Benitez 2011).

Street Children: Victims or Offenders? Debates over what constitutes children and childhood have raged for decades (Muncie et al. 2002). Ideas about what a child should be and how this relates to ‘good’ parenting are often discussed with a sense of

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fear that children of today are out of control and that modern day society infringes on their innocence (ibid.). Alternatively, children are viewed as offenders (ibid.) or ‘devils’ (Fionda 2005). These discussions feature gangs that ‘hang out’ on street corners, wear hoodies and threaten passers-by. Such debates link the decline in youth behaviour to estates, poor community relations and inadequate parenting (Muncie et al. 2002), all of which ‘reveal an adult-centric, and therefore inherently negative perception of the behaviour of young people’ (Fionda 2005, p. 262). These discussions are important for understanding the ways that street children are conceptualised. Thomas de Benitez (2011) uses the example of Latin America in the 1980s and 1990s to argue that street children were often portrayed as ‘victims or delinquents: helpless victims of hunger and violence or drug-taking criminals lacking in morality and respect for social order’ (p. 11). Aptekar argued in 1988 (in his discussions about street children in Cali, Columbia) that ‘society’s ambivalent reactions to street children were related to these paradoxical images’ (p. xiii). Nevertheless, Thomas de Benitez (2011) argues that more recent research has proved that these stereotypical images are more a reflection of the ‘observer’ than the ‘observed’, and that painting a picture of street children in this way fails to reflect the diversity of their lives. Thus, ‘street children’ is a concept, and like any concept is influenced by the context in which it is understood (ibid.). It is important to consider the effects of labelling a street child as either a victim or offender. As Wernham (2004) argues, criminalising a young person means that they are likely to be stigmatised, labelled and end up in prison. Alternatively, viewing children as innocent victims disempowers them and means that they are not consulted about their future (Ennew 2003). It also generates unrealistic expectations. As Ennew and Swart-­ Kruger (2003) argue, ‘program literature, particularly from the 1980s, frequently referred to “giving children back their childhoods” as if ­children from impoverished homes ever “had” the social constructed “Western” childhood of play, school and absence of responsibility’ (p. 4). Thus, the realities of children’s lives must be considered when discussing their futures. These considerations of whether or not street children are victims or offenders form an important part of Chap. 6 which discusses the culpability of children, whose work involves committing crime.

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Street Children and Gangs Very few studies explore the specific involvement of street children in gangs. But some studies do reference ‘gang-like’ behaviour of street children, the subcultures they form and develop (i.e. Beazley 2003; Awad 2002; Schernthaner 2011; Thomas de Benitez 2007; Aptekar 1988) or the relationship between groups of street children and the spaces they inhabit (van Blerk 2012, 2013). These studies generally derive from development studies and geography yet there is a lacuna between this knowledge and data resulting from criminological studies. This means that issues of culture, gender, space and identity feature more extensively than involvement in violence and crime. Additionally, there are no studies about street children and gangs in Bangladesh. Violence is a dominant feature in the lives of street children. They often normalise their experiences of it (Thomas de Benitez 2007) or perceive it to be mundane (Jones et al. 2008). Reports of the victimisation of street-involved children are prevalent and the types of violence they are faced with is extensive; they are often exploited and abused, physically, sexually and psychologically (Khair 2001; Thomas de Benitez 2007). However, it is important to note that ‘each street child has a unique story of violence’ (Thomas de Benitez 2007, p. 8). Violence becomes part of how street children see themselves and how society perceives them (Thomas de Benitez 2007). There are several studies that discuss the identity formation of street children. As Thomas de Benitez (2011) argues, ‘children’s on-street experiences can then be understood as contributing to building children’s identities in a myriad of ways—at both individual and collective levels—in response to socio-­ cultural contexts of violence and inequality, as well as differing by ­variables such as age and gender’ (p.  32). Southon and Pralhad (2003) propose that street children in Nepal view themselves as delinquent, which is also the way that wider society sees them. Aptekar (1988), however, argues that in Columbia, groups of young people, often ‘perceived by the public as delinquent gangs, were for the most part groups of children who were learning to work and live in the subculture of urban poverty’ (p. 120). Involvement in a range of criminal activity is common among street children. For example, a study in Morocco cited drug use as a main cause

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of violence among children living on the streets. The study found that street children commit petty offences such as pickpocketing, theft, begging and prostitution—conceptualised by the children as work (Moroccan Children’s Trust 2010). Similar findings are discussed in a study into street children in Mexico where young people amalgamate the concepts of work and crime. Masculinity, music and clothes all play an important role in developing children’s identities (Jones et  al. 2008), alongside defending territories and violent interactions with the police (ibid.). One of the very few studies to specifically explore gangs and street children is Heinonen’s ‘Youth Gangs and Street Children’ in Ethiopia (2011), which provides rich data relating to the lives of several groups of children who live on the streets in Addis Ababa. Heinonen (2011) discusses how children in three gangs (two of which consisted solely of male members and one which was a mixed-sex group) live, interact and survive on the streets. She draws several important conclusions: gangs do not necessarily provide their members with consistent support, but children join and leave groups frequently. Gangs for Heinonen ‘are not a counter-­ culture or subculture but a distorted microcosm of Ethiopian society’ (p. 150). The study highlights the seldom discussed issues of child-on-­ child sexual abuse and how children help to socialise their parents. However, there is a large methodological flaw in this research. Heinonen makes little attempt to consider what ‘the gang’ actually is and in doing so provides scant information about children’s involvement in crime. The study discusses sporadic low-level offending committed by the groups suggesting that the term ‘peer group’ (Hallsworth and Young 2006) may be more applicable in this context. There is no mention of how these low-­ level criminal groups operate within hierarchies of organised crime or interact with gangs. The results are that, the study offers a rich portrait of the lives and livelihoods of street children in Addis Ababa but is not sufficiently situated within the context of existing research into gangs and organised crime. In Indonesia, Beazley (2003) argues that street children are viewed as something to be ‘cleaned up’ from the streets (p. 1). They thus create their own subculture and develop their own norms, values and ways of surviving (ibid.). As Beazley (2003) suggests, ‘…the Tikyan community enables a street child to establish a new identity and is a means through which

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street children can voice their collective indignation at the way they are treated by mainstream society’ (p. 2). The subcultures assist the Tikyan to feel positive about life on the streets and form a collective identity. The street children do this by adopting hierarchies within their groups and operate in specific areas of Indonesia and illustrate an adherence to territoriality, which is often discussed in studies of the gang. They also protect group members from the threat of rival groups, take drugs and act aggressively to achieve respect from fellow street children. Additionally, they commit crime to earn money. In Cape Town a similar picture emerged from Hansson’s (2003) study, which found that ‘stroller’ bands have distinct hierarchies and territories and a subculture where strolling has become part of how children live and develop their identities on the streets. The topic of street children and the spaces they inhabit, alongside discussions of ‘street youth mobility’ (van Blerk 2013, p. 557), has demonstrated the importance of considering the ways in which street children navigate life in urban areas (ibid.), within families (van Blerk 2012) and how they use public spaces (van Blerk 2005). van Blerk (2013) highlights the importance of ‘unpacking the complexities of street youth mobility’ (ibid., p. 557) to explore the ways in which children use mobility to survive, develop a sense of belonging and build relationships on the streets. This includes their associations with gangs and organised crime. For example, mobility helps young people to desist from gangs by enabling them to move away from criminal groups (van Blerk 2012). However, while ‘it is through mobility that the dynamic process of street life takes place’ (van Blerk 2013, p. 559) very little is known about whether street children use gangs as a way to become more ‘mobile’ and thus exert agency over their own lives, a topic returned to in the proceeding chapters. These discussions highlight that research into the lives of street children is extensive. Numerous publications explore the diverse needs these children have and the unique lives that they lead. A review of the literature reveals several things: first, street children’s needs are complex so the support they require is also wide-ranging. Second, violence is a predominant feature in their lives (Thomas de Benitez 2007). Third, there is a gap between knowledge of gangs, which comes from criminology, and street children discourse, which usually comes from development studies, anthropology or geography. Lastly, despite the extent of available

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l­iterature, more knowledge is needed. There is very little published about street children’s views on gangs or organised crime, particularly in Bangladesh.

Child Labour This study explores the reasons why street children in Dhaka become involved in mastaan groups. One hypothesis is that they need to earn money and that gangs and organised crime are vehicles for doing so. Does this make them labourers? There is a general consensus that street children regularly engage in work in order to earn a living, provide for themselves and their families, and survive on the streets. Thus, it is necessary to consider the concept of child labour. The previous chapter discussed some of the places where children work, including on the streets, in visible and invisible employment and in industries which harm them. This section considers the definition of child labour and the reasons why young people become child labourers with a particular focus on the Worst Forms of Child Labour (ILO 1999). There are several explanations for why children work, and it is likely that all children, in all contexts, will engage in some form of work during their childhood and adolescence, whether in the form of helping out at home or more formal employment (Horschelmann and van Blerk 2012). As Horschelmann and van Blerk (2012) argue, ‘this has led to a distinction in the literature between child work, which constitutes work-related tasks undertaken by children including household chores, and child labour, which refers to activities that are harmful to children and should be eliminated’ (p.  63). In fact, Bourdillon (2014) makes a strong case that work benefits children; he argues that work enables children to learn skills essential for their future, their education and the development of social relations. Additionally, engaging in some form of work makes children contributors, to their own lives, families and futures (ibid.). Nevertheless, there is a distinction between work that may benefit a child and work that harms them (Bourdillon 2014). Horschelmann and van Blerk (2012) argue that children living in urban areas often engage in more risky types of work than their rural counterparts do. The jobs that

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children do in urban areas include street-selling, prostitution, scrap collecting, manufacture and transport whereas in rural areas children are more likely to engage in household duties and agriculture (ibid.). So why do children work? There is a general consensus that poverty plays a major role and that families who struggle to survive often see children as another wage-earner or, as Salmon (2005) argues, ‘the last economic resource of the household’ (p. 33). When families are faced with survival needs children will always find work (Ruwanpura and Roncolato 2006) and when children become autonomous from their parents this too, often pushes them into work (Horschelmann and van Blerk 2012). However, in the long-term child labour leads to intergenerational poverty. Child labourers are unable to access education and are not eligible for higher-paid jobs because they do not complete their schooling. Thus, they have limited prospects for their future which impacts negatively on a country’s economy (ibid.). Cultural acceptance of child labour provides a contrasting explanation. Economic pressures often force children into work, but cultural acceptance of child workers encourages it (Delap 2001). In Bangladesh, Delap (2001) argues that cultural factors determine the types of work that boys and girls are expected to do. Boys, for example, frequently work outside the home, selling on the streets or in shops, while girls are more likely to work in houses or factories. Weiner (1991) argues that cultural attitudes rather than economic forces offer the best explanation for why children work in India. ‘Idleness’ is discussed in relation to child labour in Bangladesh, and according to Brown (2002), there is a cultural importance associated with avoiding laziness and appearing to be idle in one’s community, thus pushing some children into work. Some children become involved in exploitative labour, often because it offers them a way to earn more money (Rogers and Swinnerton 2008). However, the influence of the parents of children involved in this type of labour is important. Rogers and Swinnerton (2008) argue that parents may be deceived into allowing their children into exploitative work or alternatively they may act ‘opportunistically’, that is, in their own interest rather than in the interest of their child. Children may also be trafficked into exploitative labour and ‘stolen outright’ (ibid., p. 22).

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Child Labour According to UNICEF (2010), child labour includes: ‘Work that exceeds a minimum number of hours, depending on the age of the child and on the type of work: • Ages 5–11: At least 1 hour of economic work or 28 hours of domestic work per week • Ages 12–14: At least 14 hours of economic work or 28 hours of domestic work per week • Ages 15–17: At least 43  hours of economic work or domestic work per week. Such work is considered harmful to the child and should therefore be eliminated’ (p. 5).

Exploitative Child Labour A number of children also work in jobs that exploit them. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention 1999 (No. 182) define exploitative child labour as: 1. All forms of slavery/sale or trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom, forced or compulsory labour including forced or compulsory recruitment for use in armed conflict. 2. The use, procuring or offering a child for prostitution. 3. The use, planning or offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the production and trafficking of drugs defined in the relevant international treaties. 4. Work, which by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children. (p. 1) In relation to ‘the use, planning or offering a child for illicit activities, in particular for the production and trafficking of drugs defined in the relevant international treaties’ the ILO (2012) goes further to explain that:

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Illicit activities are illegal activities or crimes. Producing and trafficking drugs is an illicit activity that often involves children. Trafficking is illegal trading (buying or selling). Children might do this against their will or with the belief that this will give them status and money. Children who produce or traffic drugs are at great risk of abuse and many also become addicted to drugs at a very young age. Children are also involved in other crimes as defined in national laws, such as buying stolen goods, shoplifting, robbery, hijacking cars, theft and burglary. They may be forced with threats and violence to take part in criminal activities or be under pressure to find money for their survival and that of their family. Some children get involved in crime through gangs, or because they think this is a way to obtain respect. (p. 1)

Bangladesh ratified this convention in 2001 (Adolescent Development Foundation 2008). However, a survey carried out by the ILO in Bangladesh suggested that 532,000 children were involved in hazardous labour in 2005 (ILO 2006), including welding, auto workshops, transport battery recharging and tobacco factories (UNICEF 2010). Another ILO study demonstrated that some children in Bangladesh were involved in robbery and buying and selling drugs (The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2007). In 2006, Bangladesh enacted the Labour Act, which furthers defines child labour as: ‘The minimum age for admission to work is 14 years and 18 years for hazardous work. Further, light work for children between the ages of 12–14 years is defined as non-hazardous work that does not impede education (UNICEF 2010, p. 1).’ However, there is no enforcement strategy to accompany this law or any way to implement it within the informal sector. Overall, very little is known about children who work in these forms of labour, particularly in Bangladesh. The ILO definition of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (1999) mentions the involvement of children in armed conflict yet it includes no reference to children who are hired to carry out political violence, extortion and contract killings—something this study will argue is a serious omission.

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Conclusion This chapter began by exploring criminological theories of organised crime. It considered labels given to organised crime groups, including mafias, and argued that these groups operate specifically in a market for private protection (Varese 2010). The chapter then discussed the ways in which gangs are conceptualised and the places in which they operate. It argued that it is important to consider the organisation of crime in order to understand the ways in which gangs function as a lower echelon of crime groups. The chapter drew upon a rich body of literature to explore the gang, including some of the most influential theories of gang formation and activities and from both a historical and current day perspective. The chapter then moved on to discuss street children and the ways in which these young people are defined, the reasons they live on the streets, whether they are victims or offenders, and their involvement in violence and gangs. Many street children have to earn money to survive, so the chapter then considered theories of child labour. This review highlighted several gaps in knowledge. First, criminological studies have mostly been conducted in the global North, so they rarely include children who live on the streets. Development scholars have conducted many studies into street children, yet they rarely draw upon criminological knowledge about organised crime or the subcultures of gangs. There is a clear need to bridge this gap and bring these bodies of knowledge together to discuss street children’s involvement in organised crime in a developing country such as Bangladesh. This is closely associated with the development of ‘Southern criminology’ a new discourse which seeks to rebalance the discipline by conducting more studies, like this one, in places in the global South. In doing so, criminology can better reflect crime in the global South, where most of the world live (Carrington et al. 2016) and work towards global understandings of crime and violence. So what can be made of these discussions? It is necessary to build a framework to help guide the discussions throughout this book. I propose three ‘research propositions’—derived from theory but which make reference to the empirical research noted in Chap. 2 that is specific to

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Bangladesh. The research propositions that draw on an interdisciplinary range of theory are: 1. Mastaans are Bangladeshi mafia groups that operate in a market for crime, violence and social protection. 2. These groups hire street children to commit crime for them. The term ‘illicit child labourer’ is therefore useful in this context. 3. Street children involved in mastaan groups are neither simply victims nor offenders, despite the fact that their jobs involve committing crime. They are active social agents doing what they can to protect themselves and survive on the streets. These three propositions will guide the discussions in the following chapters.

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Sergi, A., & Lavorgna, A. (2016). Ndrangheta: The Glocal Dimensions of the Most Powerful Italian Mafia. Palgrave Pivot Series. London/New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Shanahan, F. P. (2003). Streets versus Elites: Tensions, Trade-offs, and Treaties with Street Children in Accra, Ghana. Children, Youth and Environments, 13(1), 360–372. Smith, D. C. (1975). The Mafia Mystique. New York: Basic Books. Southon, J., & Pralhad, D. (2003). A Life Without Basic Services: Street Children’s Say. London: Save the Children. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. (2007). Child Recruitment in South-Asian Conflicts: Bangladesh. [Online]. London: Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. Available at: www.child-soldiers.org. Accessed 16 Jan 2012. The International Labour Organisation (ILO). (1999). The Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (Convention 182). [Online]. ILO.  Available at: http:// www.ilo.org/ipec/facts/ILOconventionsonchildlabour/lang%2D%2Den/ index.htm. Accessed 17 June 2012. The International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2006). Baseline Survey on Child Domestic Labour in Bangladesh. Dhaka: ILO. The International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2012). National Legislation and Policies against Child Labour in Bangladesh. [Online]. Available at: http:// www.ilo.org/legacy/english/regions/asro/newdelhi/ipec/responses/bangladesh/national.htm. Accessed 5 May 2012. Thomas de Benitez, S. (2007). State of the World’s Street Children: Violence. Street Children Series. London: Consortium for Street Children (UK). Thomas de Benitez, S. (2011). State of the World’s Street Children: Research. Street Children Series. London: Consortium for Street Children (UK). Thrasher, F. M. (1927). The Gang. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. UNICEF. (1986). Children in Especially Difficult Circumstances. Available at: https://www.cf-hst.net/UNICEF-TEMP/Doc-Repository/doc/doc285233. PDF. Accessed 16 Mar 2013. UNICEF. (2010). Child Labour in Bangladesh. Dhaka: UNICEF. van Blerk, L. (2005). Negotiating Spatial Identities: Mobile Perspectives on Street Life in Uganda. Children’s Geographies, 3(1), 5–22. van Blerk, L. (2012). Berg-en-See Street Boys: Merging Street and Family Relations in Cape Town, South Africa. Children’s Geographies, 10(3), 321–336. van Blerk, L. (2013). New Street Geographies: The Impact of Urban Governance on the Mobilities of Cape Town’s Street Youth. Urban Studies, 50(3), 556–573. Varese, F. (2010). What is Organised Crime? In Organised Crime: Critical Concepts in Criminology (Vol. 1, pp. 1–33). London: Routledge.

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Weiner, M. (1991). The Child and the State in India. New  York: Princeton University Press. Weinstein, L. (2008). Mumbai's Development Mafias: Globalization, Organized Crime and Land Development. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 32, 22–39. Wernham, M. (2004). An Outside Chance: Street Children and Juvenile Justice – An International Perspective. London: Consortium for Street Children. Wright, A. (2006). Organised Crime. Cullompton: Willan. Xia, M. (2009). The Chinese Underclass and Organized Crime as a Stepladder of Social Ascent. In S. K. Cheung, J. T. H. Lee, & L. V. Nedilshy (Eds.), Marginalization in China: Recasting Minority Politics. New York: Palgrave & Macmillan.

4 The Bangladesh ‘Mafia’: Mastaans and the Market for Social Protection

Introduction The question of what constitutes organised crime has been highly contested over the years, and the violence that these groups commit has dominated political and social rhetoric in many countries (Levi 2012). Yet, none of these debates has focused on organised crime or mafias in Bangladesh. The question of what constitutes the Bangladesh mafia is grossly under-researched, and very little is known internationally about these groups. This chapter specifically considers the first research proposition discussed in Chap. 3: Mastaans are Bangladeshi mafia groups that operate in a market for crime, violence and social protection. Previous discussions have introduced the concept of the mastaans and described

This chapter is based on: Atkinson-Sheppard (2017) Mastaans and the Market for Social Protection: Exploring Mafia Groups in Dhaka, Bangladesh published in the Asian Journal of Criminology and reproduced with permission from Springer (www.springernature.com).

© The Author(s) 2019 S. Atkinson-Sheppard, The Gangs of Bangladesh, Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1_4

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how organised crime in Bangladesh is widespread and led by mastaans who have close associations with politicians and the police (Shafi 2010). A review of existing research reveals that mastaans, in many ways, demonstrate ‘mafia-type’ behaviour; they function in alliance with the state and as providers of basic services and they potentially exploit vulnerable children—the workers of their groups. Yet, there have been no studies which apply theories of mafias to the behaviours of mastaan groups and very little empirical research which explores the nature of these criminal enterprises. This chapter fills these lacunae. As Chap. 3 outlined, scholars differentiate between organised crime groups and mafias because of the role that mafias play in a market for protection (Gambetta 1993). This means that alongside engaging in a variety of crime and violence, mafias also work in alliance with corrupt members of the state, protect economic transactions and resolve disputes (ibid.). The previous chapter also discussed the benefits of understanding the behaviour of mafia groups. This chapter combines both perspectives and considers the behaviour of mastaans in Bangladesh alongside their involvement in a market for protection, enterprise and crime. The chapter explores the nuances of mafia behaviour in Bangladesh, amid the context of abject and widespread poverty, extensive slums and a fractured and often violent political situation. By drawing on the views and experiences of the children and practitioners involved in this study, as well as extensive observations of Bangladeshi society discussed earlier, this chapter considers the norms, behaviours, activities and social connections of mastaan groups. It discusses their involvement in a market for protection, crime and violence and relationships with corrupt politicians and the police. In doing so, the chapter explores the nature of mastaan groups and their involvement in a market for protection—distinguishing and defining these organised crime groups as the Bangladesh mafia. The chapter also builds on existing scholarship; by integrating a behavioural approach (Sergi and Lavorgna 2016) with economic theories (Verese 2010; Gambetta 1993), I develop a ‘social protection theory’ of the mafia.

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The Mastaans Mafia literature is inundated with discussions of the impact of the state on the rise, and sometimes fall, of mafia groups (see, for instance, Varese 2011; Gambetta 1993). Yet, there have been very few studies which consider the impact of state on mafias in Bangladesh or the wider context in which mafia behaviour occurs in South Asia. The delivery of services in Bangladesh is complex. In many instances—and associated with weak governance—basic human services (health, accommodation, education) are delivered by NGOs (non-governmental organisations) or development organisations (i.e. United Nations—UN; Department for International Development—DFID; German Development Corporation (GIZ); or United States Agency for International Development—USAID) (Lewis 2012). There is, as Lewis (2012) argues, ‘a considerable amount of space for a wide range of non-state actors’ to engage in state making (Lewis 2012, p. 172) and some scholars have gone as far as to argue that the impact of some of the larger NGOs and development organisations means that they function as a ‘parallel state’ (Lewis 2012, p. 173). This means that the delivery of social protection is weak and often delivered by a variety of actors, leaving gaps for other providers, including mafias, to fill. In their book Ndrangheta: the glocal dimensions of the most powerful Italian Mafia, Sergi and Lavorgna (2016) ‘promote a view of the ‘Ndrangheta as a behavioural model—a set of behaviours, which we could call “Ndgranghetism”—rather than solely a set of criminal activities and organisational features. These behaviours are qualifiers of mafia behaviour generally intended (i.e. applicable to other groups with similar characteristics, anywhere in the world) and, appreciate mafias as social phenomena combining both cultural and structural elements’ (p. 3). This perspective considers ‘the ‘Ndrangheta as a mafia-type behaviour, alongside it being a mafia-type organisation’ (ibid., p. 4). The ‘Ndrangheta is thus ‘a plural and multifaceted phenomenon under the same collective name’ (ibid., p. 4). The same approach is pertinent in Bangladesh. The term mastaan is used in three main ways: (1) to describe a mafia boss; (2) to describe mafia groups; and (3) to describe a type of behaviour, that is, extortion,

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murder, violence and protection. In many cases, it is not the association with a group that makes someone a mastaan but rather the types of activities that they are involved in. For the purpose of this book, I will use the term mastaan to describe an organised crime boss, and I will use mastaans group to describe gangs or people that work for a mastaan. The origin of the term mastaans is unclear, but there was some evidence, from the fieldwork data, that the term originates in India as it is a Hindi word.1 Mastaans are often a dominant feature in Bollywood movies where they are portrayed as glorified gangsters or feared men within local communities. Men and boys are usually the members of mastaan groups; it is rare for women to be involved, although there were reports that a female is second in command to Shahid, a well-known mastaan within the country.2 The fieldwork data demonstrated that mastaans are aged between 25 and 40 years. However, most interviewees explained that, in their view, mastaans were once gang members and were vulnerable street children before that, which suggests specific pathways into mafia-type behaviour. Mastaan groups operate across the whole of Dhaka, but largely in slums. This is significant because, as discussed, most of Dhaka’s inhabitants live in slums (UN-HABITAT 2003). According to the participants of this study and the Bangladesh Police Force, there are around 20 top crime bosses in Bangladesh.3 However, many interviewees argued that these bosses are only the tip of the pyramid; mastaans lead organised crime groups, but the group itself can consist of hundreds of members, all operating at different echelons. For example, a newspaper article argued that Dakat Shahid managed a criminal group that consisted of over 120 members.4 Mastaans control slums in the city and have gang members and street children who work for them; thus, it is fair to assume that the prevalence of mastaan activity is widespread. According to the  Mastaans is often spelt ‘mastan’ in India.  Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Crime gangs grip city’. 31 March 2010. Available online at: http://www. thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=132,303 3  The Bangladesh Police Force publishes a list of 20 ‘top terrorists’ akin to a list of most-wanted criminals. 4  Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Crime gangs grip city’. 31 March 2010. Available online at: http://www. thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=132,303 1 2

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i­nterviewees, larger slums have more mastaan groups as one of the children explained: The number of groups depends on the size of the slum. If it is big slum, then there will be so many groups but if it is small slum then there will only be a smaller number of groups. But no matter what size the slum there are always the groups.5

Thus, comparisons can be drawn between Blok’s (1974) discussions of the Sicilian mafia and the villages that they occupied and controlled. As in Sicily, mastaans must be understood in regard to the role that they play in connecting poor areas (slums) with wider society and I begin with discussions of the role that mastaans play in a market for protection, crime and violence.

The Organisation of Mastaan Groups McIntosh (1975) argues that the more successful criminal organisations develop sophisticated hierarchies that enable them to manage their business, collude with the police and build cooperation with their victims. This is necessary for the business to develop, monopolise a market and turn a profit. Many scholars argue that organised crime, including mafias, operates in a hierarchical framework; organised crime or mafia bosses exist at the top of the hierarchy, with gang members operating at the street level. In some instances, there is a lower tier: young people, often termed peer group members, who operate on the street in loosely structured groups (Hallsworth and Young 2006). However, there is some disagreement among mafia scholars about the nature of hierarchies among mafias around the world. The general consensus is that mafias need some level of organisation to operate but, as proposed by Calderoni (2014), mafias evolve to suit the context in which they exist, and strict hierarchical structures are not always apparent. For example, Calderoni (2014) argues that in the ‘Ndrangheta bosses are  Group interview (number 5) with the children.

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often directly involved in criminal activity questioning the notion that mafia bosses sit at the top of a criminal hierarchy with limited contact with their workers below’. Thus, there is no definitive structure to the Calabrian ‘Ndrangheta (Paoli 2003). As Hess (1998) contends, the perception of the mafia as a tightly organised, secret society is misleading. In fact, rather than consisting of one cohesive organisation, mafias in Sicily consist of a large number of groups, headed by a leader (capo), who maintain linkages with other groups and the state. In short, ‘there are organisations, but not the organisation’ (p. 191). Furthermore, ‘the functions of Mafiosi can likewise, in principle, be exercised by anyone inclined and able to do so; the Mafiosi therefore do not represent a closed caste or some secret society’ (Hess 1998, p. 60). In Bangladesh, mastaan groups are usually headed by a leader: the mastaan. The media has coined the phrase ‘top terrors’ to define these men, and newspaper reports comment on the country’s most notorious criminals who run the country’s largest and most influential criminal groups, ‘pull the strings behind the city’s organised crime’6 and conduct extortion, contract killings and drug dealing, much of which is led by bosses that operate outside of Bangladesh in neighbouring countries such as India.7 In addition, groups consisting of mastaans operate across the city and with varying allegiances between other groups, politicians and the police. Some of the most notorious mastaan group leaders include Dakat Shahid, who was recently killed in a Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) shooting8; Subrata Bayen, the alleged leader of the ‘7 star’ group9; Shahadat, notorious for extortion and criminality in the Mirpur area of Dhaka; Tanvirul Islam Joy, who works in central Dhaka; and the Prakash and Bikash brothers, one of whom is in prison while the other continues  Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Fresh DNP drive as Top Terror slips out’. 14 February 2009. Available online at: http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=75790 7  Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Crime gangs grip city’. 31 March 2010. Available online at: http://www. thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=132,303 8  Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘The Rise of a Dreaded Criminal’. 5 July 2012. Available online at: http:// archive.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=240981 9  Bhaumik, S. ‘Wanted Bangladeshi held in India’. BBC News, 13 October 2008. Available online at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/7667083.stm 6

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to run their extortion business.10 Furthermore, the media allege that Ashique operates a criminal gang in Karwan Bazar and that Sweden Aslam is associated with extortion in Tejgaon industrial estate.11 Mastaan bosses often have a right-hand man or ‘second in command’12 who controls the lower echelons of the crime group. Gangs from the middle echelons of these groups operate on the streets, on the instruction of their mastaan boss. The interviewees described these gangs as ‘area boys’ or ‘groups’, the names of which often correlate with the mastaan that they work for, for example, Shahadat’s group.13 Some gangs use the first letter of their leader’s name as one interviewee explained: ‘They can be called ‘P’, ‘R’, ‘N’ group; this is the first letter of the leader’s name. Mastaans use this system so they are copying it.’14 The fieldwork data revealed that some gangs use English language names such as ‘The Tom Boys’ or the ‘AGB Colony Boys’. This purposeful use of English rather than Bengali names may illustrate the impact of globalisation and the desire of these groups to emulate gang traits from the West. Several of the child participants also used the label ‘senior bhai’ (senior brother) to define older gang members and made a close association between seniority and age. In Bangladesh, it is common practice for a younger person to refer to someone older than they are as ‘bhai’ (brother) and the interviews evidenced that this practice also occurs within criminal groups. Furthermore, the interviewees used the generic term ‘tokai’ (street child) to describe young people on the fringes of mastaan group activity. This demonstrates the spatial formation of gang identities based on children’s perceptions of older mastaan group members, territories and age. There are clear divisions of labour in mastaan groups which merge and evolve to suit the needs of the crime group. For example, responsibilities within the group are divided by geographical area or by crime type. Thus,

 Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Crime gangs grip city’. 31 March 2010. Available online at: http://www. thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=132,303 11  Daily Star, Bangladesh. ‘Crime gangs grip city’. 31 March 2010. Available online at: http://www. thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=132,303 12  Semi-structured interview 3. 13  For more details, see the case study of Mirpur discussed at a later stage within this chapter. 14  Semi-structured interview 1.

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a mastaan will delegate specific responsibilities to group members based on their skills and expertise. A police officer described how this occurs: There is one boss, operation chief, he leads the people. Then there is a second in command. Then all of the other group members will be given jobs. For example, one will look after the garment factories, one will look after kidnap and collecting ransom, one muscle man will be in charge of killing. Boys 14 to 16 years old will be used in the field; they will do the jobs for their bosses who work for the mastaan.15

This explains how labour is divided; some group members will be responsible for collecting extortion money, holding people to ransom or conducting killings. This demonstrates some of the specific norms and values that assist the mastaan groups to commit crime, monopolise markets, generate an income and control areas of Dhaka. The quotation illustrates how young people are used to conduct the more menial tasks of the crime group.

Mirpur A case study of a particular area of Dhaka, Mirpur, demonstrates how mastaans operate and shows the hierarchies that exist among these groups. This area was chosen because it is a highly populated and deprived place renowned for organised crime and violence but also because the nature of organised crime in Mirpur is similar to mastaan behaviour in many other parts of the city. A paralegal who lives in Mirpur explained further: Mirpur is known as a place of crime. Businesses are emerging there, the garment industries are there and compared to other areas it has lots of slums. It is also very overpopulated; the inhabitancy in much higher than other areas. The living cost is little bit lower than the other areas, so there are more people there.16

 Semi-structured interview 10.  Semi-structured interview 19.

15 16

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As discussed, a mastaan, Shahadat and his criminal group operate in Mirpur. However, the participants of the study explained that Shahadat had recently absconded to India. Nevertheless, despite living in India, Shahadat controls Mirpur by extorting residents and forcing them to pay tax to his criminal group. Shahadat is widely known to have a right-hand man Shodit who carries out much of his business for him. The fieldwork data demonstrated that Shodit does this by hiring young people to collect extortion money for him. The participants explained that this criminal enterprise is geographically segregated: Mirpur has 14 ‘sections’ or areas, and within these, there are a number of ‘wards’ (smaller areas); each ward is controlled by a street gang. The gangs that operate in Mirpur consist of young men aged 15–25. Several gangs in Mirpur are called Shahadat’s groups. However, other street-based gangs who also work for Shahadat are known as the ‘Mirpur area boys’, signifying their alliances with this area of the city. At the lowest echelon of Shahadat’s group, street children, aged 8–15, work on the streets and often conduct activities such as petty thefts and small-scale extortion on the instruction of the gang members who operate as their bosses. Street gangs working for Shahadat have specific hierarchies. One participant, a female paralegal, lived within Mirpur and had several friends who were involved in Shahadat’s group. She explained that at the street level: Every group is controlled by a group leader, a little bit senior than them. There are maybe five to six people in each group. Their orders are not coming directly from Shahadat—they get their orders from the other gang members, but they are still working in the name of Shahadat. They work in an area to control it but it is mostly the bustee [slum] they are controlling.17

Mastaans and Politicians Blok’s (1974) seminal work into the Sicilian mafia demonstrates the importance of understanding the formation of the mafia within the context of state making and politics. Arlacchi (1993) writes that it is 17

 Semi-structured interview 20.

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likely that Mafiosi probably occupy more positions in governments around the world than most of us would be willing to contemplate and there is a general consensus that Mafiosi can be distinguished from other organised criminals because of their ability to evade criminal prosecution; ‘the inability of the judiciary machine to touch a culprit for a violation of the law proves he is made of Mafiosi stuff’ (Hess 1998, p. 53). Some scholars argue that mafias form and flourish in the context of a weak state or as mechanisms of ‘extra-legal governance’ (i.e. Gambetta 1993); however, a more nuanced understanding of the mafia-state nexus is necessary. Sergi (2015), for example, argues that in regard to the ‘Ndrangheta, mafia groups and politicians collaborate openly, in concurrent governance; thus, ‘both mafia clans and state power participate in local governance: state power is not (apparently) absent, but it is defective at the point of collapsing. In other words, mafia clans and mafia members concur with politicians and entrepreneurs in governing the territory’ (Sergi 2015, p. 23). The question for this debate is what role do mastaans play in governance in Bangladesh? The child participants of this study were highly informed about the nature of mastaan groups and their relationship with politicians as a young male explained: Researcher: Who are the gangs? They are the bad people. It’s to do with politics. When the AL18 is in power their gangs rule the country, the BNP19 gangs can’t rule then because the AL gangs have the power; they have the power to run the country. Researcher: At the moment, are the gangs AL? Yes. Because the AL is in power now the BNP gangs try to escape so that people don’t catch and beat them. The AL gang leaders are the bosses now and they rule the country and that’s why the opposition party and their groups are not here.20  Awami League.  Bangladesh National Party. 20  Group interview (number 5) with the children. 18 19

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The quotation explains how corrupt members of both political parties (the AL and the BNP) use gangs to control the country. The young participant clearly identified these gangs as ‘bad people’ and then made a direct correlation between these groups and politicians. The participant also made an association between crime bosses and politics, outlining a political-criminal nexus. The children did not provide specific details of how politicians use mastaans to control slum areas, yet it was implicit that this was the case. This is important for several reasons. First, it demonstrates that mastaan groups in Dhaka work in collusion with corrupt politicians. Second, it shows that street children are aware of organised crime; this means that it infiltrates life on the streets and that young people share information about mastaans with their peers and presumably the adults in their lives. Third, it reveals children’s knowledge of the connection between mastaans and politics; this shows that, even at a young age, children are able to call into question the authority of corrupt politicians. Analysis of the fieldwork data deriving from the adult participants added another dynamic to these discussions. Some participants described politicians as mastaans as the following quotation demonstrates: Some politicians are also mastaans. For example, a member of parliament was a legendary mastaan and he killed journalists. His name was Babul; he was the father of the mastaans, all mastaans were controlled by him, he also controlled the airport.21

The relationship between mastaan bosses and corrupt politicians is reciprocal. Corrupt politicians use mastaans to help them to gain votes in an election. A police officer explained how this occurs: ‘To illustrate fear before the elections, they [mastaans] will stand outside of voting area and will give fear to the people going to vote.’22 In return, mastaans are provided with protection and are thus able to conduct crime with

21 22

 Semi-structured interview 3.  Semi-structured interview 11.

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impunity; as the interviewees explained, mastaans are ‘under the shelter of politicians’23 or ‘their god fathers are politicians’.24 There were two participants who described the relationship between mastaans and corrupt politicians from a personal perspective, as both had friends who became involved in organised crime. One interviewee explained that an old friend was the president of the Jubo League25 in an area outside of Dhaka. The participant had lost contact with his friend but believed him to be a mastaan, as the following explains: In 1999, my friend was sent to jail for murder. I don’t know whether he committed it or not. We were college friends, but we drifted apart as we became older. Now he is released from prison and the president of the Jubo League. He gets excellent facilities from political shelters [politicians]. He collects tolls from busses and public transport; he is a rich man. The tolls are distributed from bottom to top of political parties. When he moves around he gets hundreds of salutes, from the police too. He controls this area; he controls the mastaan workers there; they get shelter from the government or from opposition or from very powerful people.26

The participant made a direct link between the activities of his former friend, politics and crime. He explained how this individual collects tolls, earns money and receives protection from the current government despite his criminal behaviour. The toll collecting is informal and unregulated. It is conducted via a large network of crime group members and occurs on busses and other means of public transport. Another interviewee gave a similar example. He explained that his friend was killed by a rival political group in a fight for power in a certain area of Dhaka and described the route of his friend into crime: We met via football and my friend became a professional player, however he learned that there was a great deal more money working as a political mastaan. He joined a group and became the leader and in five years he  Semi-structured interview 28.  Semi-structured interview 28. 25  The youth section of the Awami League (current government). 26  Semi-structured interview 21. 23 24

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made a lot of money and got a reputation in a certain area. He became the leader of Ward 52. There is an unwritten rule that if you are the top leader of an area you have the rights to collect tolls in that area. Ward commissioners are dependent on political people like this. They want to make money so there is a nexus between political leaders and ward commissioners. My friend provided protection to businesses and he also protected areas from other groups, if you want to do this, or this, or build an apartment you have to pay money to him or his group. If your shop is closed at night, he will look after it for you. My friend and his group will mediate on behalf of businesses. There was an altercation between my friend and his second in command. There were gun battles and it became very violent.27

The relationship between mastaans and politicians thus demonstrates spatial connections. There is a concurrent nature to these associations. The state is weak, but not absent, leading to collaboration between corrupt politicians and mastaan bosses; governance is delivered concurrently (Sergi 2015). Additionally, the interviewees explained that some mastaans work for, or in collusion with, politicians because they are members of the same political party or support the party’s political agenda. Yet, other mastaans work for whoever is in power or for whoever pays them the most money. The following quotation explains this in greater depth: There are persons in this society who are muscle men, they don’t bother about the law and order situation, they are under the power of politics and it doesn’t matter who is in power they still become part of the power politics. These muscle men have very good relationships with the police, with the other musclemen, they have good relations with the law-makers, with everyone.28

To summarise, some corrupt politicians are mastaans, some manage mastaans and others work in collusion with organised criminals. A political-­crime nexus is evident; ‘concurrent governance’ (Sergi 2015) permeates the landscape of governance in Bangladesh.

27 28

 Semi-structured interview 5.  Semi-structured interview 18.

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Mastaans and the Market for Social Protection Involvement in the market for protection is a main feature of mafia groups (Gambetta 1993). According to Hess (1998), the ‘typical Mafiosi form of money making is the exacting tribute for protection allegedly offered; that is, for refraining from causing damage’ (p. 136). Yet, mafias also provide a variety of protection services: ‘protection against criminal activities, negotiation and authoritative settlement of conflicts, the guarantee of contractual arrangements’ (Hess 1998, p. 195). Hess (1998) argues that a Mafiosi’s ability to mediate disputes and exert influences over communities makes them ‘someone to know’. The process has multiple components, as Hess argues ‘people turn to him [Mafiosi]. A robbery victim will seek his mediation in the recovery of stolen cattle. Two others will ask him to settle a dispute between them. A candidate in a local election will appeal for his support in the hope of receiving more votes’ (p.  55). Thus, it is a Mafiosi’s reputation which precedes him and makes him someone worth knowing (ibid). Yet, fear, intimidation and violence are closely intertwined. As Hess argues: ‘a Mafiosi must be in a position to instil fear, and this must be matched by fear on the part of the subjected—otherwise he cannot succeed in exerting an influence on others’ (p. 57). This helps to confirm the Mafiosi’s position in society. Once he is a proven negotiator, a successful mediation can be trusted to provide protection ‘the smooth process of his enterprise is guaranteed less and less by actual physical force and increasingly by the competence attributed to him’ (Hess 1998, p. 58). In Bangladesh, the failure of the state has instigated and supported the rise of mastaans and a market for private protection has emerged. Mastaans protect economic transactions and help criminals to commit and maintain crime businesses but they also negotiate between parties and are used to demonstrate power and influence to others. The following discussion illustrates private protection, in the form of dispute resolution and the protection of an economic transaction. One participant, let us call him Isthi, explained that he felt obliged to call upon a mastaan whom he knew from childhood to resolve a dispute between his brother, Mustak, and men operating a local cow market. Mustak was given a contract (agreed in word) to provide the bamboo and

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construction for a makeshift cow market during Eid, an Islamic festival, when cows are purchased for slaughter. A price was agreed and Mustak set up the market. However, he was considerably underpaid and his attempts to discuss the issue with the businessmen were unsuccessful. Mustak then asked Isthi for his advice. Mustak was relying on the money and was willing to resort to violence to retrieve it, but Isthi did not want his brother to put himself in danger. So, Isthi drew on his connections with a local mastaan, whom he acknowledged was involved in criminal offences but was ‘influential in the area’. Due to Isthi’s long-standing relationship with this man (they both attended the same school), the mastaan ‘sent his men round’ on Isthi’s behalf and demanded the money. The money was returned to Mustak and the dispute resolved.29 This example illustrates protection for an economic transaction frequently discussed to be a main activity of mafias (Gambetta 1993). The example also documents the nature and influence of social connections in Bangladesh, as the participant felt that there were ramifications following this event and explained that the businessmen would never deal with his family in the same manner again, because of ‘the men we know’.30 A female participant highlighted a gender dynamic; she explained that it is a common practice for marriages to be arranged in Bangladesh and to include dowries. The participant explained that the amount of dowry ‘depends on the status of the groom. If he is educated, then it will be higher and it depends on the quality of the bridegroom’.31 Disagreements between families can occur if the bride’s family cannot afford the full dowry. In some instances, the husband will demand extra money after the wedding. The husband may beat his wife and/or threaten that he will marry someone else. Disputes such as these can lead to murder; in such instances, family members may hire a mastaan to resolve the disputes or to threaten another family. The participant explained that in many instances, the threat of a mastaan is enough to settle a dispute.32  Unstructured interview 76.  Unstructured interview 76. 31  Semi-structured interview 34. 32  Semi-structured interview 34. 29 30

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These examples show how mastaans are used to resolve disagreements or to protect economic transactions; they highlight the role that these men play in dispute resolution, often by using threats or force or simply by exerting their influence. The negotiations that mastaans manage are wide ranging; Isthi’s personal relationship with a mastaan was beneficial in acquiring Mustak’s money. However, social connections form an important part of these discussions, as not everyone is able to access a mastaan, particularly if they are poor or live on the streets. In these instances, it is more likely that mastaans act as patrons, allowing deprived people access to services. In addition to this, there is a further element to the discussion: the role of mastaans in the provision of services and thus the role they play in delivery of social protection. One of the most defining features of the ‘social protection’ theory of the mafia is the ability of these organised crime groups to act as a patron, governing access to services and providing social access (Hess 1998). As Hess (1998, p. 194) argues, the ‘Mafiosi’s connections define him and his ability to influence others and monopolise power and authority. He weaves relationships across all sectors of society; from those in power— the state—to those he can exploit, threaten but also influence’. His success in building these reciprocal relationships defines his ability to avoid criminal prosecution, develop a credible reputation and deliver a multitude of services while at the same time building his own stronghold within the community and the larger Mafioso group (ibid). His power rests on his ability to intimidate and to threaten yet ‘the central purpose of a Mafiosi is always to gain a monopoly of power and protection’ (p. 194). Hess (1998) argues that Mafiosi employ a variety of methods to improve their money-making capacity and ability to extern influence and power over communities. For example, Hess (1998) discusses the role of Mafiosi in Sicily in the building trade: occupying the most favourable positions in markets, monopolisation of orders for a range of businesses, loans for money, dealing with disputes and offering access—albeit via inflated prices—form the basis of Mafiosi activities (Hess 1998). In Bangladesh, mastaans operate as patrons; they operate in a market for social protection and govern access to services that poor people cannot access elsewhere. This is associated with the role that patronage plays in wider Bangladeshi society. Patron-client relationships play an important

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part in constructing the way communities operate in Bangladesh (Wood 2000). In fact, without a patron, poor people struggle to survive. This is because patronage is based largely on ‘rank’ and social hierarchies. Those with higher social positions have more bargaining power, and those of lower positioning need to acquire the services of a patron to access many things in society (Lewis 2012). Patronage is thus a dominant feature in Bangladesh society and reflects the large disparities between rich and poor. Mastaans operate in alliance with the state, demonstrating a form of concurrent governance (Sergi 2015); it is only when operating in close alliance with the state that mastaans are in a position to control, deliver and exploit public services. This study demonstrates that mastaans fulfil a role in this social hierarchy of patronage: they operate as the patrons for a large number of clients, demonstrating how ‘mafia is neither an organisation nor a secret society, but a method’ (Hess 1998, p. 132). In slums, mastaans work in collusion with politicians to monopolise access to gas, electricity, water, hospital appointments and land; they charge inflated prices for this access but become necessary patrons for slum dwellers’ survival. In poor areas, very little can be done without an interaction with a mastaan. Mastaans have embedded themselves in poor communities because of the link to ‘services’ that they offer. A military intelligence officer explained this in more depth: Mastaans are in every community, every area, informally running things, they are employed by political parties and shopkeepers pay protection to them, they can get you access to things like a doctor’s appointment or if you want to open a shop or build a building.33

This was particularly pertinent for the children involved in this study who described the ways in which mastaan groups offer young people the chance to be protected, not only from rival gangs, but also from the realities of life on the streets. As with adults, mastaan groups offer children with social protection, by engaging young people in organised crime; mastaans provide children with a job, a mechanism to secure connections, essential for their survival.34 33 34

 Semi-structured interview 29.  See Chap. 5 for more details.

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The mastaan’s role in the delivery of services demonstrates concurrent governance (Sergi 2015); however, the nature of what they do and the services that they govern access to provide scope to further develop this theory. Mastaans operate as patrons, governors of human services and, in this sense, as co-deliverers of basic necessities—a role in social protection emerges.

Mastaans: Power, Enterprise and Crime The role of mastaans in Bangladesh is multifaceted. They engage in concurrent governance (Sergi 2015) and operate in alliance with the state as providers of basic human services and as deliverers of social protection, but their role extends further into both enterprise and power (Blok 1974). They are illegal enterprises that seek territory; and ‘to have power over the territory’, a territorial signoria (Siebert 2003, p. 17), an essential element to monopolise their illegal enterprises. The data from both the children and adults demonstrated that mastaans are involved in a variety of crime and violence. This includes ‘land grabbing’ where mastaan groups occupy land and via the threat of violence, force land owners to give up their land. Mastaan groups then add this land to their defined territories or sell the land for profit. Mastaans also manage large-scale drug businesses, often using street children as the ‘runners’ of these groups. In addition, mastaans are hired to commit contract killings, often for revenge purposes, and in some instances, hire street children to do the killing for them. Mastaans also engage in widespread extortion, particularly in poor areas where they demand ‘taxes’ or ‘tolls’ from slum residents. In some cases, mastaans hire street children to collect money for them. The ways in which street children become involved in mastaan groups and the roles they play within these criminal enterprises is returned to in Chap. 5 which specifically explores street children and ‘illicit labour’. The fieldwork data also demonstrated that mastaans collude with corrupt politicians to commit various types of crime including ‘dacoity’ (armed robbery), kidnap, fraud, vandalism, weapon smuggling and human trafficking. An RAB (police) officer explained that much of the

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crime that mastaans commit incurs huge financial profits, particularly drug dealing and extortion, and that in many instances, mastaans provide a share of their profits to corrupt politicians: ‘Mastaans sell the drugs, MPs (Member of Parliament) take money from them, and if you don’t give them money they can’t sell drugs in that area.’35 This shows how mastaans must acquire permission from a corrupt politician to sell drugs in a particular area. To acquire this permission, mastaans give politicians a share of their profits, and in return, they are ensured immunity.

Mastaans and the Police Many scholars argue that for mafias to be successful, they must build and maintain a close relationship with the police (e.g. McIntosh 1975; Gambetta 1993). Criminals are offered immunity because of what they can offer the state. This may be in the form of force or money (McIntosh 1975). McIntosh (1975, p. 52) argues that organised crime is most successful when: ...criminals have managed over time, to build up relationships of corruption with agents of justice and law enforcement and with the officials and politicians who control them. Once this is being done on a regular basis, the criminals are said to be ‘protected’. They, together with any they care to protect, can carry on a variety of illegal operations with impunity.

In Bangladesh, a reciprocal relationship has developed between mastaans, politicians and the police in much the same way that McIntosh describes. One participant explained that there is a ‘strong connection between the police and politics, they are like two brothers’.36 The police provide mastaans with immunity, and in return, they are given a share of ‘toll’ (extortion) money.

35 36

 Semi-structured interview 9.  Semi-structured interview 4.

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Furthermore, analysis of the fieldwork data suggests that having a close relationship with the police affects the longevity of organised crime groups. One of the children involved in this study provided this example: There are some groups who don’t listen to their boss and they don’t plan things properly but these groups will be caught very early because they don’t have the connection with the police. The boss has the connection with the police, that’s why groups can take shelter from the police.37

However, this is not always the case. A female police officer spoke frankly about the difficulties of her job, the moral decisions that she has to make on a daily basis and the levels of injustice that she witnesses, particularly in dealings with mastaans. She cautiously described situations in which she, and her colleagues, were involved in pursuing high-­level mastaans yet explained that these individuals were rarely brought to justice: ‘If we arrest a mastaan if he has close connections with the government then we will get a phone call and we let him go. I know what is wrong but what can I do? I can do no right and no wrong.’38 This highlights the influence of the state and corrupt politicians. Police officers provide immunity to mastaans for two reasons: first, because they are corrupt and receive money for doing so but second, because mastaans are associated with a politician or a political party and are providing ‘political muscle’. This association gives the mastaans protection, and the police officer is coerced into making the decision to let the criminal go, which, as this police officer explained, puts otherwise law-abiding officers in an impossible situation.

Mafias and Research Involving Young People Throughout this chapter, the views of children have been discussed; this is because young people played a fundamental part of this case study of the Bangladeshi mafia. It is not the purpose of this chapter to discuss, in  Group interview (number 3) with the children.  Semi-structured interview 13.

37 38

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any great depth, the ethical and practical issues that arose during this study and because of the involvement of children in this research, although there were many. However, it is crucial to develop social science research to better reflect the realities of those—including children—who face the repercussions of mafia-related control and violence. The field of mafia studies is a saturated one, yet there are no studies which include the views of young people. This is a serious omission. The children in this study faced the repercussions of mastaan-related behaviour in the same, if not more acute ways than their adult counterparts. This is because they lived in slums or on the streets which, as this article has discussed, is the mastaan’s domain: the places that they control, monopolise and exploit. Children have the right to be consulted about this subject, and it is highly necessary and relevant that we do so, if we have any hope of better protecting these children and those like them that fall prey to the advances of organised crime. This debate is couched in nuanced understanding of children and childhoods. There is a general consensus in ‘the West’ that childhood is a life phase epitomised by play, freedom and education (Honwana 2005). This is not the case for millions of children around the world (ibid.). In many places, children are forced to work: to provide for themselves and their families and to ensure their survival on the streets (ibid). These children have no access to education, safety or recreation. They perform ‘adult duties’ before they have the chance to experience ‘childhood’ (ibid.). This was epitomised by this study. Children experience the effects of mafias, whether it is palatable to acknowledge this or not. Their opinions matter and are essential for fully understanding the complex nature of mafia groups and the extent of the exploitation that they commit, to the most vulnerable in society, the poor, the weak and the young.

Conclusion This chapter explored the mastaans in Bangladesh. It explored the behaviours of mastaan groups, their social networks, prevalence, where they operate, the crimes that they commit and their association with poli-

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ticians and the police. By applying a ‘behaviour approach’ (Sergi and Lavorgna 2016) alongside theories of protection the chapter (a) established that mastaans are Bangladeshi mafia groups and (b) developed a social protection theory of the mafia. Mastaans in Bangladesh operate in a market for social protection, acting as patrons allowing poor people to access services and social mobility, protecting economic transactions and resolving disputes. The role of mastaans has also diversified into other forms of organised crime. They commit extortion and carry out a wide array of criminal activity, much of which relies on their monopolisation of violence to protect their illegal industries. The emergence and rise of mastaans must be understood as part of the evolving nature of state making in Bangladesh. For Blok (1974), the rise of the Sicilian mafia was linked to the development of Sicily, the fragility of the market, urbanisation, state weakness and high levels of social mobility. A similar pattern can be seen in Bangladesh. A weak state, endemic poverty, huge levels of urbanisation and pervasive slums mean that a nuanced understanding of governance in Bangladesh is necessary. The role that mastaans play in the delivery of services demonstrates a type of concurrent governance (Sergi 2015), yet the extent of mastaan behaviour is wider than their mafia counterparts in other countries. This is because the requirements of people in Bangladesh are more desperate, their lives more easily exploitable and their need for social protection more acute. Fundamentally to the field, this chapter demonstrated a new way to study the phenomena and one which involves engaging children in the debate. This is the first study to do this, and in doing so, it paves the way for robust, innovative criminological research which better reflects the realities of vulnerable children’s lives. The chapter illustrates the importance of considering young people’s perceptions of mafias. There are two main reasons for this: first, street children are well informed about the ways in which mastaans operate and the work that they do. Second, street children work as the labourers of these groups, which gives them a unique and valuable viewpoint. By doing so, we can expand our own understanding of this complex and sensitive issue and consider better ways to protect children and communities affected by organised crime.

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References Arlacchi, P. (1993). Men of Dishonor: Inside the Sicilian Mafia. An Account of Antonino Calderone. New York: William Morrow and Company, Incorporated. Atkinson-Sheppard, S. (2017). Mastaans and the Market for Social Protection: Exploring Mafia Groups in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Asian Journal of Criminology, 12(4), 235–253. Blok, A. (1974). The Mafia of a Sicilian Village, 1860–1960: A Study of Violent Peasant Entrepreneurs. Cambridge: Waveland Press. Calderoni, F. (2014). Strategic Positioning in Mafia Networks. In C. Morselli (Ed.), Crime and Networks. New York: Routledge. Gambetta, D. (1993). The Sicilian Mafia. London: Harvard University Press. Hallsworth, S., & Young, T. (2006). Urban Collectives: Gangs and Other Groups. A Report Prepared for the Metropolitan Police Service and Government Office for London. London: Metropolitan Police Service. Hess, H. (1998). Mafia and Mafiosi: The Structure of Power. Westmead: Saxon House. Honwana, A. (2005). Innocent and Guilty’: Child Soldiers as Interstitial and Tactical Agents. In A. Honwana & F. De Boeck (Eds.), ‘Makers and Breakers’: Children and Youth in Postcolonial Africa. Oxford: James Carrey. Levi, M. (2012). The Organization of Serious Crimes for Gain. In M. Maguire, R.  Morgan, & R.  Reiner (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Criminology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lewis, D. (2012). Bangladesh: Politics, Economy and Civil Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McIntosh, M. (1975). The Organisation of Crime. London: Macmillan. Paoli, L. (2003). Mafia Brotherhoods: Organized Crime, Italian Style. New York: Oxford University Press. Sergi, A. (2015). Mafia and Politics as Concurrent Governance Actors. Revisiting Political Power and Crime in Southern Italy. In P. C. van Duyne, A. Maljević, G.  A. Antonopoulos, J.  Harvey, & K. von Lampe (Eds.), The Relativity of Wrongdoing: Corruption, Organised Crime, Fraud and Money Laundering in Perspective. Oisterwijk: Wolf Legal Publishers. Sergi, A., & Lavorgna, A. (2016). Ndrangheta: The Glocal Dimensions of the Most Powerful Italian Mafia. Palgrave Pivot Series. London/New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Shafi, S.  A. (2010). Urban Crime and Violence in Dhaka. Dhaka: The University Press.

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Siebert, R. (2003). Mafia and Anti-mafia. In F.  Allum & R.  Siebert (Eds.), Organized Crime and the Challenge to Democracy. London: Routledge. UN-HABITAT. (2003). United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) Slums of the World: The Face of Urban Poverty in the New Millennium? Working Paper. Nairobi: UN. Varese, F. (2010). What Is Organised Crime? In Organised Crime: Critical Concepts in Criminology (Vol. 1, pp. 1–33). London: Routledge. Varese, F. (2011). Mafias on the Move: How Organised Crime Conquers New Territories. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Wood, G. (2000). Prisoners and Escapees: Improving the Institutional Responsibility Square in Bangladesh. Bath: University of Bath: Institute for International Policy Analysis.

5 ‘Illicit Child Labourers’: Exploring Street Children’s Involvement in Organised Crime

Introduction There have been hardly any studies conducted in Bangladesh which explore gangs or organised crime. The reasons for this are unclear but the fact remains that while scholars have long debated gangs in the United States, Europe and increasingly in other countries, this research offers the first robust empirical study of the gangs of Bangladesh. Because so little is known about organised crime in Bangladesh, there is no way to assess what role children play in these criminal businesses. This chapter fills these lacunae. The chapter explores the role that street children play in these criminal groups. During an extensive review of the literature, I discovered that children who become involved in armed conflict or criminal activity are commonly described as gang members, child soldiers or victims of exploitation. However, none of these terms sufficiently explain what happens to children in Dhaka. This article proposes an This chapter draws on the article: Atkinson-Sheppard, S. (2016) The Gangs of Bangladesh: Exploring Organised Crime, Street Gangs and ‘Illicit Child Labourers’ in Dhaka published in Criminology and Criminal Justice and reproduced with permission from SAGE Author Archiving and Re-Use policies (https://uk.sagepub.com/en-gb/eur/journal-author-archiving-policies-and-re-use). © The Author(s) 2019 S. Atkinson-Sheppard, The Gangs of Bangladesh, Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1_5

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alternative view: street children, who operate at the bottom echelon of Bangladesh’s organised crime groups, are ‘illicit labourers’; that is, unskilled or semi-skilled workers in criminal enterprises. This chapter  will consider why this proposition better explains the work children do and why they do it.

Research Findings The study considered the labels that Bangladeshis use to describe organised criminals, the mastaans and hierarchies that exist among these groups. In 2006, Hallsworth and Young proposed that group offending occurs in three distinctive clusters: peer groups, gangs and organised crime. They argued that gangs often begin as peer groups but that some gangs become organised crime groups. I considered this hierarchy of organised crime but propose a modified pyramid: organised crime in Dhaka operates via a hierarchy consisting of three main echelons. The first echelon is mastaans, Bangladesh’s organised crime bosses. The second echelon is gangs who exist on the streets. The third level is street children, the illicit workers of these groups, who are involved in some of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. The data demonstrated that mastaan groups operate criminal businesses with clearly defined roles, responsibilities and ways to earn and divide profits. As Chap. 4 discussed, groups are headed by a mastaan who is supported by a right-hand man or assistant who controls the lower echelons of the crime group. Furthermore, mastaans operate in numerous slums in Dhaka; they control these poor areas and the people who live among them by extorting money, and in return providing slum dwellers with access to basic services. Mastaans conduct their activities in collusion with politicians, who provide them with immunity. Mastaans give politicians a share of the extortion money and provide ‘political muscle’, threats, violence and intimidation on the streets to secure votes and muster political support. Mastaans use gangs to control areas of the city and vulnerable children operate at the lowest echelon of these groups. These children are hired to conduct political violence, ‘grab’ land, carry weapons, sell drugs, collect extortion money and commit murder.

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Street Children and Vulnerability The fieldwork data illustrated two main factors, both of which are essential in understanding why street children become the illicit labourers of mastaan groups: the children’s vulnerability and their need to earn money to survive. The children in this study were particularly vulnerable and thus representative of many street children in Dhaka. Before their engagement with the centre, most of the children lived in make-shift accommodation in slums or on the streets (and still return to these places at the weekend). In 2012, a report was produced by an American university1 as part of a review into the effectiveness of the organisation. The 2012 report stated that before engaging with the organisation the children rarely had adequate clothes and often missed meals. All of the children worked on the streets. They had never attended school and their families relied on their income to survive. The children’s jobs included: recycling, street-selling, domestic service and begging (Organisation Report 2012). Many of the children suffered from health problems, including skin disease, injuries resulting from traffic accidents, respiratory infections and hepatitis (Organisation Report 2012). Drug use and domestic violence were prevalent among their families and nearly half the young people reported regular physical abuse by a sibling, parent or guardian (Organisation Report 2012). The children also reported many instances of police brutality both in the Organisation Report and in this study. Sexual abuse was also described to be prevalent on the streets (Organisation Report 2012).

Peer Groups Street children often join or form groups with other street children because of the risks and vulnerability they face on the streets (Conticini 2005). These groups offer solidarity and companionship and are ­necessary  The names of the university and of the report have been intentionally excluded from this book to protect the anonymity of the participants and the organisations. Thus, the report is referred to as Organisation Report 2012 in the text. 1

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for survival. However, many of these children quickly become involved in criminality. Differentiating between groups that were involved in crime and those that were not proved difficult for the child interviewees, but they did feel that it was unlikely that crime is carried out alone. In this instance, comparisons can be made with the ‘adolescent peer groups’ (Hallsworth and Young 2006) discussed earlier; these children are adolescents, they have ‘peers’, they operate in groups and some are involved in low-level offending. Analysis of the fieldwork data suggests that the types of crime that small groups of street children commit include pickpocketing and shoplifting. Young street children carry out robberies on pedestrians or on people riding in rickshaws. Children also fight with other children, either within their own group or with children from neighbouring areas. They take and sell drugs, such as phensedyl, an illegal painkiller, and locally made alcohol. These children have no direct relationship with gangs or mastaans.

Child Labour Street children also carry out crime because they are hired by mastaans and gang members to do so. They have roles, responsibilities and a boss. They are exploited and are a commodity; they work for mastaans and are engaged in some of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. There are two main components necessary in order to understand street children’s involvement in mastaan groups. First, the interviewees conceptualised involvement in crime groups as work for street children rather than crime. Second, mastaan groups have clearly defined structures, hierarchies, bosses and mechanisms for sharing profit. This means that the children who work for them believe themselves to be engaged in a business.

Perceptions of Work The interviewees were well informed about the practice of hiring children to commit crime; they described it as a normal and intrinsic part of Bangladeshi society. Children can be hired to work, which also means

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that criminals can hire children to carry out crime or violence for them. A community member explained further: They are poor, this is their job. As they get older they look to see who is making the money and they see gang members earning money by selling drugs and because they need the money too, they will join. The street boys are very poor and hungry, they need to get money. They see selling drugs as their job.2

This shows that poverty draws young people in to crime and how crime is perceived. A strong theme to emerge from this study was that the participants conceptualised involvement with mastaan groups as work and made no mention of the fact that the work street children are hired to do involves committing crime. The following quotation, from a young person, explains how it is possible to rent a child to conduct a contract killing: You can rent someone to kill someone else for you. You can hire a 10-year-­ old to kill someone for you! But it goes up, you can hire older children too. The age is not fixed, it’s more dependent on how much you can pay them. But it is possible to just rent someone to kill, actually, it’s really easy.3

Hiring someone to commit crime is relatively simple, but having money determines how easy this process is. Furthermore, the children involved in this study normalised this behaviour and explained that hiring children to conduct murder is part of life on the streets.

The Structure of Mastaan Groups The structure of mastaan groups relates closely to why the interviewees conceptualised crime as labour. Divisions of work mean that people within mastaan groups have roles and responsibilities that transfer all the way down to the streets and the children who live there. The children  Semi-structured interview 2.  Group interview (number 5) with the children.

2 3

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often have specific roles such as drug runner or weapon carrier. A young person explained further: There is a boss, a group leader and there are jobs for people, like you are going to a market and you will steal this thing and you are going to a shop and steal this. The boys steal things and then give what they stole to their boss. This is their job; in this way they earn some money.4

Other participants spoke of how labour is divided which is often based on the age and abilities of the workers: For fighting, mastaans use children 8 to 15 years old. This is because these boys are so small. If these boys are caught and are punished and if they are beaten then they could die and this is one of the reasons why the mastaans don’t use them for killing. When the mastaans want someone to do something like stealing or murder they will use older boys because if someone tries to catch them and beat them they can run away fast and they can tolerate a beating much better than the younger boys.5

Furthermore, because mastaan groups operate as criminal businesses, they have structures to share profits and commission. A female aged 14, explained further: They work together and when they get something or when they earn money they have to give it to their boss and then their boss gives them some commission. And then they share it within their group and this is the way they earn money.6

The fieldwork data demonstrated that street children who work for mastaan groups always have a boss. One young person explained that children commit crime because ‘they do it like a job, the boss orders them and they have to follow them. Just like a job.’7 The boss controls the  Group interview (number 1) with the children.  Group interview (number 5) with the children. 6  Group interview (number 5) with the children. 7  Group interview (number 6) with the children. 4 5

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group and is distinguished from other members because he often has weapons that he may use to threaten or control the group: ‘the boss has the gun, the power. That’s why the juniors obey him. That’s why he is the boss.’8 Younger members are often fearful of their boss: They are scared. The boss makes them do things: he shows them the power and shows that he has the gun, so they have to do what he says. The boys do their duty, they commit crime and they give the boss the money.9

Nevertheless, the fieldwork data also illustrated that some children actively choose to join gangs because of the earning potential these groups provide: Boys do it to earn money, they don’t sell flowers because it is more profitable to sell drugs, that is why the 15 to 18-year-old boys join bigger groups, then they make bigger plans for crime and earning money.10

In making these decisions, children exert agency over their lives and consider which jobs are most likely to help them survive.

Street Children for Hire This section considers the types of crime that mastaans hire children to commit. It begins with a discussion of land grabbing, and then moves on to deliberate street children’s involvement in political violence. However, street children are also hired by mastaans to sell drugs, collect extortion money and commit contract killings so this section also explores the ways in which these offences occur and the role that street children play in these crimes.

 Group interview (number 6) with the children.  Group interview (number 3) with the children. 10  Group interview (number 3) with the children. 8 9

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Land Grabbing Bangladesh has struggled for years with land ownership conflicts (Feldman and Geisler 2011). In many instances, the term ‘land grabbing’ is used to describe ‘involuntary land transfer’ (Feldman and Geisler 2011, p. 3) but land grabbing is a contested term (Borras and Franco 2010). However, Feldman and Geisler (2011) argue that whatever it is called, land grabbing disproportionally affect the poor. Land grabbing often occurs in slums where ‘violent disputes over land result in eviction, arson, loss of property and lives’ (Shafi 2010, p. 138). This leads to a breakdown in security in these areas and affects poor people who struggle to protect their land (Shafi 2010). Street children are often hired by mastaans to ‘grab land’ by occupying a piece of land to which they have no legal right. Young people, on the direct orders of mastaan bosses, literally occupy space in slums. They remain there until the landowner is forced to give the land up. This physical presence and threat of a mastaan means that people are often quickly coerced into relinquishing their land. The plot can then be sold or occupied by slum dwellers. One young person was particularly well informed about this practice: Sometimes they hijack the land. Say a man has land and the documents are in his name then a mastaan will go to the man, with his group, and say ‘give me the land otherwise we will beat you’. Then what is the man supposed to do? He has to give his land to them. If he refuses the mastaans use young street boys to stay on the land and fight for it. The mastaan always wins.11

Another participant, an adult, agreed and explained how land grabbing occurs: If there is some land that I have purchased but I am not using the land they [the mastaans] can get the land forcefully and since I don’t have power then I cannot get them out of my land. It is a huge business. They use street boys because it is easy. If the opposition is stronger and there is a killing while  Group interview (number 8) with the children.

11

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occupying the land it doesn’t matter because they kill the street children, not the mastaans.12

This indicates the vulnerability of street children and the consequences of their involvement in land grabbing. Many discussions held about the Worst Forms of Child Labour highlight the importance of protecting children from work that harms them (The Hague Global Child Labour Conference 2010). Street children face many risks when engaging in land grabbing because mastaans know that in the event of a dispute, it will be the children who will face the repercussions.

Political Violence and ‘Hartals’ Bangladesh has a chaotic political situation and political parties often call ‘hartals’ (enforced political strikes) to bring the country to a standstill. Hartals are conducted for days and even weeks on end, including mass political rallies and a shutdown of public transport (‘Violence marks Jamaat’s Hartal’ 2012). Hartals are widely feared among Bangladeshis because they repeatedly result in violence on the streets. It is common practice for people to stay at home during these demonstrations, rather than go into work or school, to avoid the unrest. The fieldwork data illustrated that street children are hired by mastaans to work on behalf of politicians to cause disturbance at political demonstrations, burn buses and throw bombs: When there is a call of hartal then street children are hired because they can easily set fire to a bus, it doesn’t matter to them. Because they are living by the rules of others, they don’t have their own resources to live. They think there is no difference in going to jail or living on the streets.13

This quotation highlights that these children are a vulnerable, cheap and easily accessible labour force. It also demonstrates the predicament of  Semi-structured interview 18.  Semi-structured interview 17 (case study of a man who lived on the streets as a child and was involved with a criminal gang). 12 13

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these children and their state of mind by highlighting how prison is not a deterrent due to their living conditions on the streets. Furthermore, street children rarely have any specific association within politics, despite engaging in political violence as another participant explained: They [the children] have no political ideology; they are the bottom of the criminal pyramid. They are often killed, taken to prison and because they have no direct political backing they are often sent to jail. Their motivation is purely monetary to survive. They are for sale, to the biggest bidder.14

This quotation outlines why it is important to conceptualise street children’s involvement in mastaan groups as illicit labour, rather than crime. Vulnerable children need money to survive and one way to earn it is to become involved in political violence. There is no consideration for the rights or safety of these street children. A journalist aptly described these children as ‘the pawns in the political situation’.15

Drug Dealing Bangladesh is an Islamic country and prohibits the use of alcohol. However, reports suggest that wine and spirits are produced illegally, and that alcohol is abused (UNODC 2005). Opium, heroin and cannabis are regularly consumed in Bangladesh but the abuse of pharmaceutical drugs, which often enter from India, pose the country’s largest problem (UNODC 2005). Analysis of the fieldwork data showed that mastaan groups play an important part in this drug market, smuggling drugs into the country and selling them on the streets. Street children often act as drug dealers, sometimes for small groups, but more often as the runners for mastaan groups. One participant explained this in more depth:

 Semi-structured interview 5.  Semi-structured interview 5.

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A mastaan buys drugs at a wholesale rate and then he sells it. By doing this he earns huge money but it is boys aged 18 to 20 who do this, the smaller ones just help them, they just carry the drugs and the bigger ones sell them.16

In terms of the division of labour, it is common for gang members to hold different positions and have varying responsibilities related to selling drugs: There are different roles for different people in the group: one is a supplier, one is a look out, one is for home deliveries. Now people don’t want to go to the spots, so they get drugs delivered to their homes. There are lots of altercations regarding distribution of profit.17

The current study found that children’s involvement in drug dealing is conceptualised, by many young people, as a job and a viable way to make money on the streets. Children act as the workers of crime groups; they sell drugs for a share of the profit. Their bosses are gang members, who act on behalf of mastaans.

Extortion and ‘Toll’ Collecting As Chap. 4 discussed, mastaans are involved in large-scale extortion where they exploit slum dwellers and force them to pay a ‘toll’ or ‘tax’. Because the areas in which they carry out extortion are so large—slums with often millions of inhabitants—they hire gangs and street children to collect the money for them, an example of one of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. The children were well informed about this practice as the following quotation explains: There are so many sources of earning money. Mastaans collect money from stalls and stores, they collect tax, they say give me the money or you cannot open your shop; and if you don’t give them money then you are not allowed to open your shop. There are so many hawkers, 16 17

 Group interview (number 1) with the children.  Semi-structured interview 5.

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people selling things on the footpath, and they take money from all of them. In our language we call this ‘chanda’. It’s like a tax or a toll. Researcher: Who do they collect the money for? They collect the money for the big mastaan.18 The practice of toll collecting can occur within a structure of organised crime but the participants also gave other examples of how young people use it as a source of earning and as a way to control and exploit others. A young male participant provided an example of how this occurs: A few days ago, I was near a pond which is close to where I live. In the pond there are many fish, so me and my friends went to catch them. After catching fish, we always sell them. We were sitting on the road and boys kept coming to us and saying give me the money, give me the chanda. Researcher: What is chanda? Toll collecting, they are always collecting the tolls. It’s like a rent. The mastaans say if you want to sit here you have to give me the rent. I didn’t want to give them the rent so I just sat there and thought I won’t give them money because it is mine. A few minutes later I saw the big boss who I know because he is from the same area as me. Every day I see him and give him the salute. The boss asked me: ‘What’s the matter?’ and I told him that I was just sitting there, and the boys asked me for chanda. The boss said to the mastaans, ‘he is a nice boy, leave him alone’ and the boys didn’t take the money from me.19 This quote is important for several reasons. First, it outlines how life in slums, on all levels, is controlled by criminality and that extortion impinges on every part of life. Second, it illustrates how having connections and influence can help a young person to navigate such situations and why these connections are necessary for survival and mobility on the streets.

 Group interview (number 2) with the children.  Group interview (number 3) with the children.

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Contract Killings The media have documented the rise of contract killings in Bangladesh. Newspapers allege that organised criminals use young gang members to commit murder for them as a way for older members to evade criminal prosecution (Khan and Shaon 2014). The current study considered the role of mastaans in contract killings and how they conduct these acts. Analysis of the fieldwork data suggests that individuals hire street children to carry out revenge killings. However, in many cases it is necessary for a mastaan to hire a child. A police officer explained: ‘They do murder or ransom, they are hired killers; they kill on the instruction of their boss.’20 One particularly worrying aspect of this research emerged during discussions held about child killers. Several participants used the term ‘chocolate boy’ to describe a child who is hired to commit murder. An interviewee explained further: It is a 14 to 16-year-old, they have guns and are working for the mastaans, who will show them a picture. They will have a beautiful face and they will follow the person, to and from their work. They will be waiting at the victim’s home, but the victim will not be worried because they will have a smiling face and a smart shirt and tie. But they will take the gun and they will shoot and kill them. This is the chocolate boy.21

The appearance of the child is important; as this quotation illustrates, the chocolate boy is a particular type of child killer who dresses and looks a certain way and helps lull the victim into a false sense of security by ­providing them with a gift, such as a box of chocolates. The child then shoots the victim. This is associated with Aptekar’s (1988, p. 47) argument that ‘smaller [street] children are often more economically productive than the older ones because younger children are seen as less threatening and because they have a “cute image”’. It is improbable that older mastaan group members could fulfil the role of a chocolate boy in the same way, as the victim would be more likely to react to their ­appearance and 20 21

 Semi-structured interview 11.  Semi-structured interview 9.

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perceive them to be hostile. The example of the chocolate boy demonstrates how street children are hired because of their appearance, their age and demeanour, thus showing how these children have unique characteristics, associated with age, which are exploited by mastaan bosses.

Actively Seeking Protection This study was plagued with issues of moral agency. For example, if street children commit crime on behalf of mastaans, where does the culpability of these children lie? Are they victims, offenders or both? This study considered the ways in which mastaans actively recruit street children into their groups and coerce children into crime using the threat of violence. Mastaan groups also prevent street children from working in other jobs, leaving them immobile and unable to make choices about employment on the streets. This then encourages street children to engage in organised crime as a way to secure an income. Additionally, mastaans work in collusion with the police to recruit children by threatening young people with arrest; the young people are then forced to turn to mastaans for protection. Finally, the fieldwork data demonstrated that street children are often recruited into mastaan groups while incarcerated in one of Bangladesh’s three juvenile correctional centres or in adult jails. These centres and prisons fail to protect the rights of children and leave them vulnerable to the advances of mastaan group members. All of these examples contribute to a victim perspective and demonstrate how street children are coerced into organised crime. However, this victim lens does not explain the whole story of the child labourers of mastaan groups. While these children lack autonomy and control over their own lives, they do exert some agency over the decisions they make, and at times these decisions involve committing crime. Some children actively participate in gangs because of the earning potential these groups provide. The child interviewees explained that crime often pays more than other jobs and that income is paid more frequently, particularly compared to jobs, such as selling flowers or chocolates on the streets. Additionally, mastaan groups use weapons and engage in disputes over territory and drugs which makes them ­comparable

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to many gangs around the world and demonstrates the often violent behaviour of their members. So, if street children who work on behalf of mastaan groups are neither victims nor offenders then how is it possible to understand the work that they do? What these children seek is protection, and their involvement with mastaans is primarily driven by their need to secure an income, build connections and ensure their survival on the streets.

Conclusion Vulnerable children are hired to work within mastaan groups and are tasked to commit a variety of offences, including political violence, land grabbing, contract killings, drug dealing and extortion. The children interviewed perceived crime as work. Furthermore, the organisation and structure of mastaan groups support the conceptualisation of crime in this way: these groups have clearly structured hierarchies, a division of labour and ways to share profits and commission. Street children perceive that they are working within a business, albeit a criminal one. The current International Labour Organisation (ILO) definition of the Worst Forms of Child Labour is inadequate because it fails to include a specific mention of children involved in this type of organised crime. This oversight means that vulnerable children and young people—possibly numbering millions—are not being protected. However, amending the ILO definition is only the first step. Children involved in organised crime must be made more visible in policy and legislation. Extensive reforms are needed to better protect street children, something discussed in greater depth in Chap. 7. These reforms should ensure children’s safety, protect their rights and guarantee their access to education. A crime prevention policy, closely aligned with the thinking and practice of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), could be developed in Bangladesh and incorporated into wider child protection policies and the new Children Act 2013. Furthermore, families should be supported to become more resilient against poverty. Recent reductions in the number of child workers worldwide suggest that it is possible to reduce child labour, but this

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requires policy changes, global commitment and a real understanding of the problems child workers face (ILO 2013). There is a lacuna between criminology and development studies. As a result, little is known about street children’s involvement in organised crime. By expanding the boundaries of criminology to include concepts such as social protection and child labour, the understanding of organised crime can be significantly enhanced. Associations between these disciplines should be widely encouraged and collaboration ought to occur so that we can learn more about street children’s involvement in crime and violence to better inform law, policy and practice. Questions of moral agency remain unanswered. Children who operate at the lowest echelon of mastaan groups should be conceptualised as illicit labourers, but what happens if these children progress on to become gang members or mastaans themselves? The term labourer is only useful to describe young people on the fringes of mastaan groups, because it accurately describes the types of work that these children do (which is often menial, unskilled or semi-skilled and on the instruction of a boss). When the work becomes more skilled, young people stop being labourers and become gang members or perhaps the skilled workers of a crime group. Where does the culpability for these young people lie? The focus must be on prevention to ensure that everything possible is done to prevent child labourers from becoming the mastaan bosses of the future and to halt the spread of organised crime, issues considered in greater depth in the proceeding chapters.

References Aptekar, L. (1988). Street Children of Cali. London: Duke University Press. Atkinson-Sheppard, S. (2016). The Gangs of Bangladesh: Exploring Organised Crime, Street Gangs and ‘Illicit Child Labourers’ in Dhaka. Criminology and Criminal Justice, 16(2), 233–249. Borras, S., Jr., & Franco, J. (2010). Towards a Broader View of the Politics of Global Land Grab: Rethinking Land Issues, Reframing Resistance. ICAS Working Paper Series No. 001. Available at: http://ramshorn.ca/sites/ramshorn.ca/files/Borras%20%26%20Franco,%20Politics%20of%20Land%20 Grab.pdf

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Conticini, A. (2005). Urban Livelihoods from Children’s Perspectives: Protecting and Promoting Assets on the Streets of Dhaka. Environment and Urbanization, 17(2), 69–81. Feldman, S., & Geisler, C. (2011, April). Land Grabbing in Bangladesh: In-Situ Displacement of Peasant Holdings. Paper Presented at the International Conference on Global Land Grabbing, University of Sussex. Hallsworth, S., & Young, T. (2006). Urban Collectives: Gangs and Other Groups. A Report Prepared for the Metropolitan Police Service and Government Office for London. London: Metropolitan Police Service. International Labour Organization (ILO). (2013). World Report on Child Labour: Economic Vulnerability, Social Protection and the Fight Against Child Labour. Available at: http://www.ilo.org/ipec/Informationresources/ WCMS_178184/lang–en/index.htm Khan, M. J., & Shaon, A. I. (2014, January 21). Criminal Masterminds Hire Rookies and Stay Behind the Scenes. Dhaka Tribune. Available at: http:// www.dhakatribune.com/crime/2014/jan/21/criminal-masterminds-hirerookies-and-stay-behind-scenes Shafi, S.  A. (2010). Urban Crime and Violence in Dhaka. Dhaka: The University Press. The Hague Global Child Labour Conference. (2010). Roadmap for Achieving the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour by 2014. Available at: http:// www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—ed_norm/—ipec/documents/meetingdocument/wcms_ipec_pub_13453.pdf. Accessed 20 Oct 2014. United Nations on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). (2005). Bangladesh: Regional Profile. UNODC.  Available at: https://www.unodc.org/pdf/india/publications/south_Asia_Regional_Profile_Sept_2005/08_bangladesh.pdf Violence marks Jamaat’s Hartal. (2012, December 5). Daily Star [Bangladesh]. Available at: http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details. php?nid=259896

6 Street Children and ‘Protective Agency’

Introduction Since 1989 and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), young people1 and their ‘social agency’ (Bordonaro and Payne 2012) have dominated discourse (Honwana and De Boeck 2005). This body of literature argues that young people are actively involved in shaping their own lives (Christiansen et  al. 2006), and scholars note a major paradigm shift from viewing childhood through a sociological lens to a perspective often referred to as the ‘new social studies of childhood’. As Tisdall and Punch (2012) summarise, important themes arising from the new studies of childhood include: ‘childhood is socially constructed; children are social actors and have agency and are not passive subjects of This chapter is based on the following article: Atkinson-Sheppard, S. (2017) Street Children and ‘Protective Agency’: Exploring Young People’s Involvement in Organised Crime in Dhaka, Bangladesh published in Childhood and reproduced in line with SAGE Author Archiving and Re-Use policies (https://uk.sagepub.com/en-gb/eur/journal-author-archiving-policies-and-re-use).  This book uses the terms ‘children’ and ‘young people’ interchangeably to demonstrate the applicability of these discussions to young people of varying ages—a practice followed by many childhood scholars, such as Tisdall and Punch (2012). 1

© The Author(s) 2019 S. Atkinson-Sheppard, The Gangs of Bangladesh, Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1_6

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social structures and processes; childhood is differentiated by structural processes and social variables such as gender, ethnicity and class’ (p. 241). James, Jenks and Prout (1998) argue that a child should be ‘conceived as a person, a status, a course of action, a set of needs, rights or differences – in sum, as a social actor’ (p.  207). Thus, the child as ‘being’ plays an important role in the way that children are now perceived (Holloway and Valentine 2000). This is opposed to the ‘becoming’ child who is ‘seen as an adult in the making lacking competencies of the adult that he or she will become’ (Uprichard 2008, p. 303). The current debate over whether children are either ‘becomings’ or ‘beings’ is an important one. While the new studies of childhood often tend to favour the former category to move away from any assertion that children are not beings in their own rights, Uprichard (2008) makes a convincing case that actually, both categories should be seen alongside one another. Are we not all in the process of becoming something from the state of being that we are currently in (ibid.)? James et al. (1998) argue that children should be seen as ‘social actors’ (p. 207) and that the focus should be on their attributes now, rather than on what they might become in the future (White and Choudhury 2007). These developments have greatly improved young people’s opportunities for participation (Bordonaro and Payne 2012). Agency, selfreflection and autonomy are now drivers for many social interventions designed for, and with, children (Bordonaro and Payne 2012). The UNCRC defines a child as anyone below the age of 18 years and there is a general consensus that, no matter what activities children engage in, how they are perceived, or how childhood is constructed, young people under the age of 18 (or perhaps 21) are physically and emotionally different from adults (James and Prout 1990). The difference lies in maturity and moral development. It is clear that physical and psychological and thus biological maturity are universal and natural features of human groups (ibid., p. 3). It is these distinct differences which allow a nuanced understanding of how children experience all aspects of life which, for some, includes the experience of organised crime. In many Western societies, childhood is associated with play, education and a lack of responsibility (Honwana 2005). Yet, numerous studies from around the world highlight how children are often engaged in very ‘adult’ pursuits (Honwana 2005). As Honwana and De Boeck (2005) point out, children ‘who do not readily fit within Western cultural fantasies of chil-

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dren as innocent and vulnerable, are quickly perceived as demonic, discontented and disorderly and are often feared and punished as a consequence’ (p. 3). This is particularly true when children engage in violence, war (Honwana and De Boeck 2005) or organised crime, such as the case in this study. To date, no study has considered the agency of children who engage in organised crime, particularly in Bangladesh. Little is known about the nature of children’s agency and the purpose of their engagement with organised crime groups. Many questions remain unanswered, such as: Why do children engage in organised crime? Is it right to see them as competent social actors, and if so, should we hold them accountable for their actions? Are they victims, offenders or both? The article begins by deliberating current literature about street children2 and agency. It discusses the methods used in this study and considers the nature of organised crime in Bangladesh and the involvement of street children in these groups. The article builds on current theories of agency but proposes the concept of ‘protective agency’ to help explain why children engage in organised crime. The article considers the culpability of children involved in Bangladeshi organised crime groups—the mastaans—and some of the ethical and moral debates raised by this study. I conclude by proposing that a nuanced understanding of agency is necessary to understand young people’s involvement in organised crime.

Discussion Scholars have demonstrated children’s ability to assert agency over their decision making and have ascribed them to be ‘active in the construction of their own lives, the lives of those around them and of the societies in which they live’ (James and Prout 1990, p. 8). However, children’s agency is an abstract concept and the ability of children to choose their actions, and be aware of their choices, a complicated issue (Leonard 2015). As Leonard (2015) writes, the problem is that scholars apply the term  This is associated with the debate held in earlier chapters about the issues related to the term ‘street child’ largely because children who engage with the streets are far from a homogeneous group (Thomas De Benitez 2011). Considering children’s ‘street connections’ provides a more nuanced understanding of their lives (Thomas De Benitez 2011). 2

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‘agency’ too simplistically and miss the complex nature of children’s lives. Thus, children’s agency should be understood within the context of their relationships, to one another and adults, amid structural constraints and power structures (Leonard 2015). Agency is an important concept for street children discourse. Schernthaner (2011) argues that ‘despite their limited opportunities and marginalisation, young people on the streets still manage to assert agency over their own lives and develop complex coping strategies to sustain their livelihoods’ (p.  1). These children are ‘effective social actors’ (Awad 2002, p.  112) who manage difficult situations with careful planning and decision making. Yet questions over what constitutes children’s agency remain and how street children exert their own agency is something which warrants further attention (Hecht 1998). Things become more complicated when children’s agency moves away from discussions of survival into ‘ambiguous activities’ (Bordonaro and Payne 2012), including violence or war. Bordonaro and Payne (2012) propose the notion of ‘ambiguous agency’ and question what agency means for child soldiers or children involved in conflict and in instances where ‘agency amongst children and youth is in stark contrast to established and normative conceptions about childhood and moral and social ideals about the kind of behaviour young people should demonstrate’ (p. 366). In many instances, children are encouraged to be social agents, to take responsibility for their lives, but only if they engage in positive activities, when they partake in crime, violence or war, their agency becomes more ambiguous (Bordonaro and Payne 2012). It is plausible that a child’s association with organised crime takes their behaviour into ‘ambiguous territory’, where childhood and adulthood are blurred, and children commit often violent and criminal acts. Honwana (2005) argues that child soldiers occupy a somewhat ‘ambiguous state of being simultaneously children and soldiers’ (p. 44). She proposes that ‘tactical agency’ can help to explain the behaviour of children involved in combat. She describes the ways in which young people are coerced into conflict yet maintain some sense of childhood and manipulate situations to gain respect, privileges or protection from their commanders. She argues that:

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Despite the fact that the majority of them [child soldiers] have been forced to enter the military, they are not empty vessels into whom violence is poured. Having started as victims, many of them are converted into the perpetrators of the most violent and atrocious deeds. In this transformation process they also exercise agency of their own – a ‘tactical agency’, an agency of the weak  – which is sporadic, and mobile, and seizes every opportunity that allows them to cope with the constraints imposed upon them. (p. 50)

She goes further to argue that: By ‘tactical agency’, I mean a specific type of agency that is devised to cope with the concrete, immediate conditions of their lives in order to maximise the circumstances created by their military and violent environment. Their actions however, come from a position of weakness. They have no power base. (p. 49)

Honwana highlights how children can be both soldiers and children and demonstrates a way to understand children who commit violent acts. As Honwana argues, these children behave ‘tactically’ in order to manage precarious situations. Furthermore, positioning child soldiers as ‘tactical agents’ as opposed to senseless murderers or innocent victims portrays a more realistic view of their lives and enables an understanding of the actions they take from positions of vulnerability, in the context of war or conflict. These discussions of agency are echoed in Klocker’s (2007) work that makes the distinction between thick and thin agency: … ‘thin’ agency refers to decisions and everyday actions that are carried out within highly restrictive contexts, characterised by few viable alternatives. ‘Thick’ agency is having the latitude to act within a broad range of options. It is possible for a person’s agency to be ‘thickened’ or ‘thinned’ over time and space, and across their various relationships. (p. 85)

Klocker’s work demonstrates the nature of agency and how, and in what circumstances, it can change. However, defining what exactly is meant by ‘thick’ or ‘thin’ agency is difficult, and many questions remain

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unanswered about the purpose of children’s agency, something addressed by this study. Furthermore, as Hecht (1998) argues, the ways in which street children in Brazil perceive both ‘normal childhoods’ and ‘good’ and ‘bad’ behaviour are something entrenched in the understanding of their own worlds, not necessarily something aligned with Western thinking and ‘nurturing childhoods’. What is necessary for this debate is a nuanced understanding of the ways in which children perceive their own agency, within the context—and constraints—of organised crime.

Protective Agency The fieldwork data demonstrated endemic organised crime on the streets of Dhaka, led by mastaans. Both the children and adult participants described hierarchical groups of men who engage in organised crime. As previous chapters have highlighted, there was a general consensus that these groups operate in a specific framework: mastaans manage crime groups, often in alliance with politicians and the police; street gangs work for them and vulnerable street children operate as the labourers of these groups and are hired to conduct menial tasks. Protective agency is a notion which applies specifically to these children. I propose that what these children want, and need, is protection and that their involvement with mastaans is primarily driven by their need to secure their own safety. Protective agency brings together ‘tactical’ (Honwana 2005) and ‘thin’ (Klocker 2007) agency but adds an additional component; it illustrates the purpose of the children’s actions: to secure protection. Street children actively engage in decision making on the streets and assess that alignment with a mastaan group is vital for their survival and social mobility. This is because these groups provide children with a way to earn money and secure protection. Protective agency is important for two main reasons. First, the children in this study (and street children like them) are particularly vulnerable and thus in need of protection. They face abject poverty, difficulty accessing services and are acutely marginalised from society. In short, they lack protection. Second, mastaans play a specific role in the market for protection; they act as patrons and provide poor people with access to basic human services.

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There are four main components to the notion of protective agency, all of which are associated with how the children understood the term ‘shelter’ (asraya), the word they used to describe protection. First, association with a mastaan group provides children with individual protection and support. Second, mastaan groups protect their members from the threat of rival groups. Third, they protect young people from criminal prosecution and assist their release from custody should they be arrested. Finally, association with mastaans ensures some level of social protection, which provides children with a way to earn money and have more autonomy over their lives. These discussions demonstrate that children exhibit ‘tactical agency’ (Honwana 2005) over their decision to engage with a mastaan group, but the nature of this agency is weak (Honwana 2005) or ‘thin’ (Klocker 2007) because street children make decisions based not on rational motives but on their need to survive on the streets. Protective agency builds on these theories but provides a recognition of the purpose of children’s agency: to acquire protection.

Individual Protection and Support Studies into gangs conclude that members support each other and perceive each other as family members (Scott 1993). Analysis of the fieldwork data shows that older mastaan group members support younger members and group members perceive each other as family members, or brothers: The younger children try to get shelter from the older children. If they face any kind of problem the older children help the younger ones, then in return the young children help the older children, for example they get tea or buy cigarettes for them. The younger children try to develop relationships with the older group members to make it feel like they are their elder brother, that’s why the children always try to be with the older boys.3

The relationships children form with mastaan group members is particularly important in defining whether they feel protected on the streets. As the quotation illustrates, a reciprocal relationship often develops; 3

 Group interview 2 with the children.

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young children carry out tasks for older members, and in return, they are provided with solidarity and support. The child participants explained that children do whatever they can to acquire protection, and in doing so, they exhibit protective agency over their decision to engage with the gang. Mastaan groups also protect members when a crime is committed: The boss orders them to kill a person and so sends a group to do the crime. The group then goes and surrounds the victim, one person kills them, but others are there to offer help and protection. One person does the crime, but the other people are there to protect them.4

This demonstrates how groups work together, on the instruction of their boss: the young person who carries out the murder is protected by his fellow gang members; they are there to support him should something go wrong. The participants also described this as shelter, which illustrates how the term is used and interpreted in various ways to describe different forms of protection.

Protection from Rival Gangs Research from across the world shows that young people often join gangs in order to be protected from other criminal groups (Decker and Van Winkle 1996). This is also the case with mastaan groups as one young person explained: They do it for the shelter. Researcher: What does shelter mean? Shelter means I have to protect myself. If they [mastaans] find me alone anywhere they will beat me but if I have a group, then they will know not to hurt me. If they slap me I will complain to my boss and he will tell his boss and then the whole group will come and beat them. Researcher: So, does shelter mean protection? Yes, the main thing is protection.5  Group interview 6 with the children.  Group interview 6 with the children.

4 5

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Survival is easier within a group as one participant explained further: If a boy crosses the road and there are mastaans standing nearby they say to him, come here and they give him a slap. The boy won’t be able to say anything because he doesn’t have any power. But the boy will go to the seniors in his area and tell them that some boys slapped him. The older boys will then go and find the mastaans that hit the boy and ask them why they slapped him. This makes the boy want to join the group. He wants to be protected; he doesn’t want to be alone.6

The quotation illustrates how street children are recruited into mastaan groups because they want to acquire the protection that mastaans offer. Areas of Dhaka are controlled by different groups, and even if a young person is not a member of a mastaan group, they can still ask for protection should they face violence on the streets.

Protection from Criminal Justice The fieldwork data demonstrated that mastaans often pay a proportion of their extortion money to the police, and in return, they are given immunity. The children were aware of this nexus as one participant explained further: They [mastaans] always have connections with the police. The boss gives money to the police. They say ‘don’t you ever touch our groups’. Okay, so they are taking a toll but they say to the police, ‘you don’t catch these people because they are my group members.’ The boss’s main job is to handle the police and to make sure that the police supports their group.7

This explains the nature of the police-crime nexus. Mastaan groups need senior members to build strong relations with the police. To do so they provide corrupt officers with money, and in return, group members are protected from legal prosecution. Perceptions of this protection are  Group interview 1 with the children.  Group interview 3 with the children.

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transferred to the streets and young people regard immunity as part of the spectrum of protection that mastaan groups control and supply.

Social Protection and Patronage The last component of protective agency is related to how mastaan groups provide street children with patronage and protection. As Chap. 2 discussed, patron-client relationships are an implicit part of life in Bangladesh, and almost everything is influenced by some type of patronage (Lewis 2012). This spans all spheres, including politics, economics, religion and social relations (Lewis 2012). In many instances, poor people need the support of a patron to access even the most basic human services (Lewis 2012). This means that patronage and protection are closely interlinked and seeking protection is often the most important component of patron-client relationships (Lewis 2012). Mastaans operate in a market for protection where they are the patrons and street children the clients. Mastaan groups provide street children with access to the labour market. They work for protection or, as the children termed it, ‘shelter’. As one individual said, ‘Yes, sometimes they work for money but most of the time they work for the shelter. They need help and they will do anything that they want to get it.’8 Protective agency is thus an essential component in understanding the complex relationship between street children and organised crime. A paradigm in street children research highlights the importance of the relationships and connections these children make (Jones et  al. 2008), and Aptekar (1988) argued that: …a key element determining how well they [street children] are able to make the adjustment to adulthood is their skill at making and taking advantage of ‘connections’…what often determines whether or not someone will find work is what is known in Columbia as palanca – friends in powerful positions who can and will help the anonymous job-seeker to become someone, become ‘known’. (p. 79)  Group interview 2 with the children.

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Dhaka’s palanca is ‘shelter’, but it operates in the same way; marginalised street children need the patronage of more influential members of society to help them survive, and one way of bringing street children into contact with powerful men is via a mastaan group. Associating with mastaans is thus one of the most important survival techniques for young people living on the streets, and these groups play a pivotal role in street children’s lives. One participant explained this relationship: If I am poor then I cannot get all the facilities in society and this means that I have no motivation, no inspiration, no education. If I am this, what would be my mentality, my manner? But they can give me the shelter, the mastaans, they can get me the access.9

Vulnerable children struggle to survive without association with a mastaan group; thus, their decision to engage with these groups is ‘tactical’ (Honwana 2005). Agency can be ‘thickened or thinned’ (Klocker 2007) based on the relationships children develop with influential people, including crime bosses. Having a well-established connection can ‘thicken’ a child’s agency and provide them with access to money and protection. On the flip side, a breakdown in relationships can make a child’s agency ‘thinner’ and leave them particularly vulnerable to exploitation and abuse on the streets. The notion of ambiguous agency is worth returning to here. Bordonaro and Payne’s (2012) conceptualisation of youth’s involvement in conflict or violence as ambiguous makes a great deal of sense, when viewed from an outside perspective. But how do children perceive ‘ambiguous agency’? For the young people in this study, there was nothing ambiguous about involvement in organised crime; there was no consideration about whether committing violence equates to ‘normal’ childhood behaviour but rather a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which children must adapt to life on the streets. This relates closely to Hecht’s (1998) discussions of how street children perceive the normalcy of their lives and how they situate their perceptions within their own constructs of good and bad, ‘home life’ and ‘street life’. For the children in this study,  Semi-structured interview 33.

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­engagement with mastaans resulted in social connections, money and, most importantly, protection. This combined with coercion into crime, means that there was nothing uncertain about it. There is a wider issue to consider; if children engage in organised crime as a way to access patronage and protection, then can the same not be assumed of vulnerable adults? How viable is ‘protective agency’ for explaining adult involvement in organised crime, many of whom are acutely constrained by poverty, patronage, corruption and violence. These factors are particularly significant for vulnerable women and more data should be gathered to explore the relationship between mastaans and females. In addition, further studies should be conducted to see whether protective agency has wider value, for adults in Bangladesh and wider afield.

Conclusion Street children in Dhaka are hired by mastaans to commit a wide range of criminal acts and are exploited in the process. Yet these children are not simply innocent, helpless victims, nor are they malicious criminals. They are social agents—doing what they can to survive on the streets. The notion of protective agency has been proposed in this chapter. It is a term which describes the reasons why street children engage with mastaan groups—as a way to acquire protection. Many scholars have argued that street children are actively engaged in the development of their own lives. This study has discovered that this is also the case for Bangladesh’s street children. But the reasons for their involvement in mastaan groups reside primarily in their need to secure their own safety. There is a nuanced understanding of this type of agency which is specific to children. By this, I mean that the main component of this type of agency—protection—is something desired by children, something they as ‘beings’ need on a greater level than their adult counterparts, and this is what makes children’s involvement with mastaan groups gravely concerning. Children’s physical and emotional underdevelopment and, for many, their lack of appropriate guardians make them particularly vulnerable to the advances of organised crime.

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While there is no doubt that childhood is a culturally constructed phenomenon, there does remain something special about the young people in this study, something which makes them particularly vulnerable and in need of protection. Thus, a nuanced understanding of these children’s culpability must be sought. By focusing on children as ‘beings’ rather than ‘becoming’ (Uprichard 2008) in an effort to celebrate their agency, we acknowledge their ability to choose, to be individual actors, with views and rights of their own, separate from the adults in their lives. But the preoccupation with agency in many ways neutralises or down-plays the realities of children’s lives. What this study shows it that while children do exert agency over their decision to engage in mastaan groups, they do so because they need protection, a natural human desire and something particularly pertinent to children. All of which helps us to grasp the meaning of their involvement in organised crime, to see children’s participation in mastaan groups as they see it themselves—a mechanism to secure protection, essential for their survival on the streets.

References Aptekar, L. (1988). Street Children of Cali. London: Duke University Press. Atkinson-Sheppard, S. (2017). Street Children and ‘Protective Agency’: Exploring Young People’s Involvement in Organised Crime in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Childhood, 24(3), 1–14. Awad, S. S. (2002). The Invisible Citizens Roaming the City Streets. Educational Review, 54(2), 105–113. Bordonaro, L. I., & Payne, R. (2012). Ambiguous Agency: Critical Perspectives on Social Interventions with Children and Youth in Africa. Children’s Geographies, 10(4), 365–372. Christiansen, C., Utas, M., & Vigh, H. (2006). Navigating Youth, Generating Adulthood: Social Becoming in an African Context. Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute. Decker, S.  H., & Van Winkle, B.  V. (1996). Life in the Gang. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hecht, T. (1998). At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Holloway, S., & Valentine, G. (2000). Spatiality and the New Studies of Childhood. Sociology, 34(4), 763–783. Honwana, A. (2005). Innocent and Guilty: Child Soldiers as Interstitial and Tactical Agents. In A. Honwana & F. De Boeck (Eds.), Makers and Breakers: Children and Youth in Postcolonial Africa (pp. 31–52). Oxford: James Currey. Honwana, A., & De Boeck, F. (Eds.). (2005). Makers and Breakers: Children and Youth in Postcolonial Africa. Oxford: James Currey. James, A., & Prout, A. (1990). Constructing and Reconstructing Childhood. London: Falmer Press. James, A., Jenks, C., & Prout, A. (1998). Theorizing Childhood. Cambridge: Polity Press. Jones, G. A., Thomas De Benitez, S., & Herrera, E. (2008). Being in Public: The Multiple Childhoods of Mexican ‘Street’ Children. London: Identities and Social Action Programme, Economic and Social Research Council. Klocker, N. (2007). An Example of ‘Thin’ Agency: Child Domestic Workers in Tanzania. In R. Panelli, S. Punch, & E. W. Robson (Eds.), Global Perspectives on Rural Childhoods and Youth: Young Rural Lives (pp.  83–94). New  York: Routledge. Leonard, M. (2015). The Sociology of Children: Childhood and Generation. London: SAGE. Lewis, D. (2012). Bangladesh: Politics, Economy and Civil Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schernthaner, M. (2011, July 7–9). Coming of Age on the Streets: An Exploration of the Livelihoods of Street Youth in Durban. Paper Presented at the International RC21 Conference 2011. Session No. 30. Diversity and Space. Youth Geographies and Spatial Identities, Amsterdam. Scott, K. (1993). Monster. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press. Thomas De Benitez, S. (2011). State of the World’s Street Children: Research. Street Children Series. London: Consortium for Street Children. Tisdall, E.  K., & Punch, S. (2012). No So New? Looking Critically and Childhood Studies. Children’s Geographies, 10(3), 249–264. Uprichard, E. (2008). Children as ‘Being and Becomings’: Children, Childhood and Temporality. Children in Society, 22, 303–313. White, S. C., & Choudhury, S. (2007). The Politics of Child Participation in International Development: The Dilemma of Agency. European Journal of Development Research, 19(4), 529–550.

7 ‘Illicit Labour’ and Children’s Culpability: Implications for Penology and Criminal Justice Responses

Introduction The previous discussions have considered the role the street children play in organised crime. The work has proposed that a new conceptualisation—‘illicit child labourers’—engaged in some of the Worst Forms of Child Labour be integrated into the discourse to better reflect vulnerable children’s lives and their drivers for involvement in crime. This chapter critically considers the lens of ‘illicit child labour’—its worth, in both a practical and policy sense, and from the perspective of children’s agency. It will question whether we should view these young people as victims, offenders or both? And what this means for discussions of culpability, responsibility and penology. These discussions highlight some difficult ethical and moral dilemmas. If we define children as ‘labourers’, what role does agency play? If we assume they are agents responsible for their own actions (within the context of restricted and bounded lives), where does their culpability lie when they commit crime? Viewing the issue of children involved in organised crime through an ‘agency lens’, as discussed in the previous chapter, leads to an assumption that children should be held culpable for © The Author(s) 2019 S. Atkinson-Sheppard, The Gangs of Bangladesh, Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1_7

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their acts, but this denies the realities of their lives and diminishes attention of their vulnerability (Tisdall and Punch 2012). It also ignores the structural and cultural constraints children face, their coercion into crime by the threat of violence and their need to survive. This relates closely to theoretical discussions of child soldiers and raises important questions about the culpability of children engaged in organised crime. This chapter considers these issues, particularly in light of penology and criminal justice responses. Finally, the chapter will deliberate the future: Do ‘illicit labourers’ graduate to more important and dangerous roles? And if so, what does this mean for the protection of vulnerable children, and the spread of organised crime?

‘Illicit Child Labour’ This book has proposed the conceptualisation of ‘illicit child labour’ to consider young people’s involvement in organised crime. However, it is necessary to reflect on why this conceptualisation is beneficial to the discourse—and the young labourers themselves. Questions posed include: How and why does ‘illicit labour’ provide a better lens through which to view children engaged at the lower echelon of organised crime? What labels are already present and how, and in what instances, does this conceptualisation move debate forward? What are the implications, on a practical but also theoretical level? How can this conceptualisation benefit the children that need it most?

The Worst Forms of Child Labour First, the conceptualisation of ‘illicit labour’ is not new. The International Labour Organisation’s (ILO’s) (1999) definition of the Worst Forms of Child Labour is the only internationally legally recognised terminology used to address the issues discussed in this book and thus provides an ideal framework for these deliberations. The ILO definition includes ­reference to children who work within some of the most severe and damaging industries, including organised crime. However, the definition

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itself requires adaptation; its narrow focus fails to give sufficient space for children engaged in the variety of criminal offences discussed in this book: political violence, contract killings and extortion. Article 3(a) of C182 Convention states that the Worst Forms of Child Labour include: ‘all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict.’ In addition, 3(c) states that: ‘the use, procuring or offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the production and trafficking of drugs as defined in the relevant international treaties’ suggesting that all of such activities are prohibited— whether they relate to organised crime or individual acts. The data from this study indicates that this definition needs to be amended to be more specific about the types of crime young people can be hired to commit. It should also make an explicit mention of the varieties of crime included in these discussions, and the nature in which they occur. Currently, the lens is a restricted one and formed of two main components: slavery and trafficking. This means that policy and discourse which deliberates the issue are also situated in these perspectives, excluding consideration of children that engage in other forms of ‘illicit labour’. There are two main issues related to this. First, many of the crimes that children are hired to commit and discussed in this study are missed from considerations—and thus from political and social awareness—meaning that these children are invisible in the discourse. Second, there is a conceptual issue. It is important to differentiate between children who engage in drug selling and those who are hired to commit political violence or extortion. The relationship between these offences and the state are not adequately reflected in the ILO definition and as such, the definition, and associated discourse, requires amendment and further deliberation.

Existing Conceptualisations Despite the ILO definition, and its implementation across nations which have ratified the Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour, a review of the literature reveals that child labour is rarely used as a lens

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through which to view children who engage in organised crime—or gangs. Rather terminology used throughout both research and practice includes: gangs, as seen via a multitude of studies conducted into street-­ based criminal groups (see Chap. 3 for a more extensive discussion); victims of exploitation, including one of the most recent definitions used within the United Kingdom: ‘Child Criminal Exploitation’ (Robinson et  al. 2018); victims of trafficking or children ‘involved in organised armed violence’ (Dowdney 2007, p. 9). The lacuna between labour and crime, acknowledged in the ILO definition, has limited impact on research, and practice. Instead there is a tendency to consider children as either criminals or victims, a dichotomy that has permeated discussions of juvenile crime for years (Fionda 2005), and which has yet to be tackled effectively in responses to juvenile crime today. This polarisation detracts from the reality of children’s lives and their culpability when they commit criminal acts (Fionda 2005). As previous discussions have demonstrated, the children involved in this study were more than just victims or offenders. At the ‘offender end’ of the spectrum, the term ‘gang’ is closely associated with criminal subcultures and increased involvement in violence (Klein and Maxson 2006). The nature of gangs, as understood from extant literature, includes: groups of young people, usually male, collective involvement in crime, association with the streets, territory and drug markets (Van Gemert 2005). Many scholars argue that gangs are vehicles for young men to express their masculinity and violence often erupts following feuds over issues of reputation and respect (Baird 2018). Gangs exist as street-based entities and existing literature develops a close association between gangs and the places they operate, usually the streets and often in some of the more impoverished areas of cities or urban areas (Klein and Maxson 2006). The association between gang members and the streets, illustrated in a various research studies derived from the global North (i.e. Klein and Maxson 2006; Van Gemert 2005) fails to adequately represent street children who live their entire lives on the streets, and become embroiled in the lowest echelons of organised crime groups. The term gang member equates involvement in crime with violence, respect and the streets, all of which were secondary factors for children’s involvement in mastaan groups. The term ‘gang member’ does not reflect the exploitation and acute poverty that

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street children face, the multifaceted nature of children’s involvement in organised crime or the context in which it occurs—closely intertwined with poverty, exclusion and the state. To label these children as gang members is an inadequate reflection of their lives and the drivers for crime, and risks stigmatising children engaged in the plight to ensure their own survival. It is also insufficient to associate the behaviour of these children with trafficking. Despite the ‘dominant discourse’ and the international policy focus on trafficking (O’Connell Davidson 2011), there remains wider and additional forms of organised crime which are largely ignored in the discourse (ibid.). It is imperative that we move away from focus on trafficking and include a more reflective and comprehensive view of organised crime, and children’s involvement in these criminal groups. The data from this study did demonstrate the involvement of mastaan groups in trafficking, of people, drugs and weapons. However, the association between trafficking and street children was complex. Some of the data did illustrate the ways in which children, particularly girls, were trafficked into bonded labour. However, most of the children in this study were not victims of trafficking nor were they the perpetrators. This means that the terminology of trafficking is a limited lens through which to consider children like the ones discussed in this study. Finally, it is wrong to label children who engage in organised crime on behalf of mastaans, as simply victims. They are more than this; more that the victims of their circumstances. The children in this study engaged in crime because they are exploited and abused but, as the previous chapter discussed, they do have some agency over their own lives. Alignment with a mastaan group offers a vulnerable child a means to generate income, acquire solidarity and potentially access social inclusion. Making a decision to engage with a mastaan groups is thus a rational choice within severely bounded circumstances.

Victims and Offenders; Devils and Angels This speaks to a wider issue. In current discourse and reflected in penology and criminal justice responses is a conceptual flaw: children are either innocent victims or dangerous criminals, there is no middle ground

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(Fionda 2005), no real discussion of how and in what circumstances these two positions merge into a reality—of a child’s life on the streets, engaged in crime as a mechanism to survive. In her seminal text, ‘Devils and Angels’, Fionda (2005) explains this polarisation. According to Fionda (2005) ‘society, by default, tends to polarise young people as either ‘devils’—those who engage in crime, detach themselves—or ‘angels’—children who attend school, look at us through pages in newspapers with shining bright eyes, the future of our countries’ (Fionda 2005, p. 3). Fionda (2005, p. 4) argues that: The distinctions between the two groups [devils and angels] are dichotomous and over-simplistic…to be an angel means to be acceptable to adult society and to embrace the characteristics that adults value, regardless of what is ‘normal’, acceptable or valued among young people themselves. This means being innocent (morally and legally), vulnerable, quiet, competent, healthy, dependent and independent of adults in appropriate contexts and intellectually able (in terms of what is culturally valued as intellectual in adult society). Devils are determined by their failure to live up to these characteristics – they are noisy and boisterous, unruly, lacking in original innocence, ‘knowing’ in an adult sense, under-achievers educationally, and socially, anti-social and problematic.

There is also a question of perception; we need to move away from considering young people as either victims or offenders (Fionda 2005). This conceptual framework is important for these discussions; yet these discussions, while valuable, lack context when considered in light of Bangladesh. The dichotomy of child offender is complicated by the notion of ‘street child’. As previous discussions have demonstrated, these children are stigmatised and labelled as street children first, feared by society and deemed a population worthy of control (Thomas de Benitez 2011). When these children commit crime their status weakens further, their agency is reduced and their marginalisation from society exacerbated. Thus, Fionda’s (2005) arguments are juxtaposed and exaggerated when the young people that live the majority of their lives on the streets. Perceptions depict that these children should be feared, are a menace to society and an overt reflection of the ways in which the state has failed its most marginalised citizens.

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Positioning Illicit Child Labour in the Debate The term illicit child labour sits between these (potentially problematic) concepts of victim and offender and, in doing so, provides a way to better understand the realities of street children’s lives. The children like the ones discussed in this book are labourers, hired to engage in organised crime. Their job is to conduct the menial tasks of a crime group and they are paid to do so. However, the activities they engage in are ‘illicit’, and include some of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. Finally, the conceptualisation ‘illicit child labourers’ demonstrates an association with the ILO definition but at the same time helps to reflect children who engage in crime on behalf of older criminals, organised crime groups or gangs. If we assume the label of ‘illicit labour’, we immediately accept something about the children in question—their involvement in work. This moves the debate away from victim versus offenders and into a new domain of child labour. This conceptualisation also helps to depict the drivers for children’s involvement in organised crime: financial gain to ensure their survival on the streets. The inclusion of the notion of ‘illicit’ labour as opposed to other forms of labour overtly guides our attention to crime, thus developing a conceptual picture of children who engage in organised crime because of the constraints placed upon their lives and the ways in which they do so, as labourers within ‘illicit enterprises’. This is not to say that the conceptualisation of ‘illicit labour’ is flawless. There is a need to develop clarity in an already crowed and often ambiguous territory. Conflict has arisen about whether or not crime should be conceptualised as labour. Definitions such as the ILO Worst Forms of Child Labour arguably criminalise child labour which for many young people is an imperative part of their and their families’ survival mechanisms (CRIN 2014). Furthermore, control methods often associated with the Worst Forms of Child Labour can be stigmatising to young people. As CRIN (2014) argues, young people who identify or can be identified as child labourers are often removed from the streets and placed in government institutions, impinging children’s rights and limiting their agency. Such efforts should be avoided

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and a more nuanced approach to tackling exploitative child labour developed—seen within many UN policies which seek to address child labour but also its causes: poverty and access to education (CRIN 2014). Nevertheless, there is a conceptual problem which requires explanation. Any association between child labour and criminalisation should be avoided. However, the type of ‘illicit labour’ discussed here, is of the worst form—desperately vulnerable children coerced into committing dangerous acts to secure an income and their survival on the streets. Those who critique the inclusion of crime miss an important issue; failing to consider children engaged in organised crime as labourers means that we are left with only limited ways to consider these young people: as victims or criminals. Critiques aimed at the avoidance of a ‘labour label’ fail to take this approach into account and in doing so risk further labelling and criminalisation of some of the world’s most vulnerable children. It is important to note that the notion of an adolescent peer-group (Hallswoth and Young 2006), discussed earlier, is not entirely useless in the Bangladesh. The lens of ‘illicit labour’ may potentially obscure the fact that the children involved in this study were adolescent, have peers and form groups. The acquisition of fun appears limited in this context but there are hints of pleasure—dancing, drinking, drug taking, flirting, playing with toys and painting. There are holidays and celebrations; there are hints of play, and sexuality. Further work must be done to ensure that the conceptualisation of ‘illicit labourer’ suitably reflects the multifaceted nature of children’s lives. Instances of play and enjoyment are not immediately obvious within this conceptualisation nor is the association between children and their relationships with the streets as places of home, work and play. Despite this, the conceptualisation of ‘illicit child labour’ provides a starting point through which to do two things: raise awareness about children who engage with organised crime and begin to understand the drivers for this behaviour. It also helps to move current discourse related to criminal justice responses into a new and labour-focused domain, helpful in the plight to avoid the criminalisation of children.

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 gency, Culpability and Criminal Justice A Responses These discussions are also closely associated with Chap. 6 which discussed ‘protective agency’. The relationship between agency and ‘illicit child labour’ is an important one. If we assume that children have agency over their involvement with mastaan groups, where does their culpability lie? They assume the status of victim or offender and how does this relate to the discussions held earlier in this chapter which deliberates the polarisation of children through the lens of ‘devils’ or ‘angels’ (Fionda 2005)? There are questions related to moral agency. If we consider children, who operate at the lowest echelon of organised crime groups, as labourers, the effects of their jobs and the crime they commit remains largely unknown. How we conceptualise children’s involvement in crime often determines the ways that children are treated. For instance, if children are perceived as victims, we run the risk of disempowering them and making choices on their behalf rather than letting them decide their future (Ennew 2003). On the other hand, seeing children as offenders who deserve punishment makes prison or punitive sentences more obvious options (Wernham 2004). The moral agency debate has occupied social rhetoric for many years. Scholars have argued that children, in particular, should be protected from the wrath of criminal justice despite their involvement in crime (Goldson 2008). The debate about children’s agency is closely associated with the welfare versus punishment debate in juvenile justice in various contexts around the world. For decades, rhetoric about juvenile offenders has been consumed with whether or not children and young people should be punished for their involvement in crime (ibid.). In Bangladesh, the age of criminal responsibility is 9 (Ferdousi 2013). This denotes that at this age children are, or should be, morally aware of their actions and ought to be held culpable for any crime they commit. However, as Muncie (2009) argues, there are two main assumptions about juvenile justice: welfarism and justice. Welfarism rests on the principles that delinquent children are the result of a breakdown in society, family or the environment in which

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they live. Because these causal factors are out of the control of children, they cannot be held responsible for their involvement in crime. The welfare of the children is the most important factor and treatment rather than punishment must be sought. An alternative, often associated with the work of Von Hirsch (1975), is the ‘justice model’ (Muncie 2009). This perspective advocates that ‘the punishment should fit the crime’, that due process should be upheld, that crime is essentially a choice and that people, including children, should be held responsible for their actions (ibid.). Both standpoints have been heavily criticised. What to do with openly violent young offenders poses itself as a major quandary for welfare proponents, yet being too ‘soft on crime’ is often touted as a result of an overly ‘welfare-based’ approach (ibid.). The reality is that most justice systems use a combination of both assumptions, often resulting in ambiguous approach to juvenile justice (ibid.). In regard to this study, if we take children’s agency to mean their ability to choose, then we are naturally led to an outcome driven by a punishment and ‘just deserts’. That is, if children are able to make their own decisions then they should be held accountable for them too? But this perspective is in conflict with the discussions held about the specific nature of the agency of children involved in organised crime; it ignores their moral under-development, and the reality that, for many, children commit crime because it equates to protection. This then suggests that we should follow a welfare-based approach to these children. But there are some conceptual difficulties that arise when discussions of agency meet discussions of crime control. How then can we make sense and appropriately deal with children involved in organised crime? These debates also point to a wider conceptual issue which will be discussed in more depth in the next chapter. There is a dichotomy between the ways in which children, like the ones discussed in this book, appear in policy and legislation. Criminal justice policy leaves little room for the discussions held here about labour and culpability, but on the flip side, legislation which discusses child labour fails to effectively reflect children who engage in organised crime, political violence, contract killings and extortion. This means that practical and conceptual issues arise; the result is that children like the ones in this study are invisible in policy and legislation, supposedly there to protect them.

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The current child soldier debate has many parallels with Dhaka’s child labourers. Grossman (2007) argues that, in relation to child soldiers, young people are victims but are also ‘the perpetrators of atrocities’ (p. 2). Deciding on how to respond to these children is challenging. The trauma that children have experienced must be recognised along with the effects their behaviour may have had on other families and individuals (ibid.). However, there is a general consensus that children under the age of 18 should be treated as victims and rehabilitated rather than prosecuted (ibid.; Bracken et al. 1996). This consensus is based on the moral understanding of children, their rights as juveniles and the effects that trauma may have had on their mental and physical well-being (ibid.). These discussions of child soldiers help to demonstrate why the term ‘child labourer’ is more useful for the discussions held in this book. It better reflects the realities of these children’s lives and promotes solutions that encourage children to assert their agency in pro-social ways rather than criminalising their role in the work that they do. This way of conceptualising young people’s involvement in organised crime recognises their status as children, their physical, emotional and moral under-development and the reasons why they engage in crime: for protection and to assist their survival on the streets. It denotes that these children’s needs should be met rather than their actions punished. For those children who are already involved, rehabilitation, and reintegration, rather than criminalisation should be prioritised. Nevertheless, there is a tendency to treat child soldiers as a homogenous group and to deliver interventions accordingly (ibid.). The same can also be said for interventions involving street children. These approaches risk failing to address the needs of individual children in the attempt to conceptualise a phenomenon (Luiz de Moura 2002). Rehabilitation for child soldiers often suffers from ethnocentricity (Nelken 2009). Many psychological interventions are underpinned by Western theory and practice driven by a reliance on foreign aid delivered by non-­governmental organisations (NGOs) or development agencies in war-torn places (Bracken et al. 1996). Bangladesh’s status as a developing country and its high reliance on international aid may mean that a similar situation is likely to occur. If programmes are delivered without careful consideration of the local context, their impact may be negligible at best or damaging

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at worst (ibid.). Cross-cultural application of practice is challenging in any circumstances but should be carefully considered for this particularly vulnerable group (ibid.). There are also specific issues of local context which need to be considered. The age of criminal responsibility differs among countries but reflects the wider social and cultural norms of those counties, in light of how childhood is conceptualised, how young people are viewed and what types of behaviour are deemed acceptable and what types of behaviour are considered criminal (Fionda 2005). As Fionda (2005, p. 9) explains, ‘the minimum age of criminal responsibility denotes the age at which any criminal justice system permits itself to bring criminal proceedings against a child who commits a crime. Children below that minimum age are universally deemed to be doli incapax or “incapable of evil”’. As discussed, in Bangladesh, the age of criminal responsibility is 9—one of the youngest in the world. It is also worth noting that it was only in 2004 that the age of criminal responsibility was raised from 7 to 9 (UNICEF 2018a). At age 16, children can be tried and punished as adults (UNICEF 2018b). Surprisingly little is written about the juvenile justice system in Bangladesh; however, what is known is that ‘the situation of children coming into conflict with the law is an issue of serious concern’ (UNICEF 2018b, p. 1). To date, there is no fully functioning juvenile justice system operating within the country (ibid.). This means that the number of children coming into contact with the law in Bangladesh remains largely unknown (ibid.). Furthermore, only three courts are specifically equipped to deal with juveniles in the country and there are three juvenile detention centres. This means that most children who come into contact with the law are processed through adult courts, often with little or no legal representation and many end up in adult prisons, serving sentences with convicted offenders (ibid.). Any incarceration of a child should therefore be avoided. From a legislative lens, children who come into contact with the law are considered under the 1974 Children Act and the Children Rules 1976 (Ferdousi 2011). Other legislation, including the Penal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure, the Suppression of Violence against Women and Children Act may also be enacted in light of juvenile delinquency;

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however, the landscape is ambiguous and in many instances, and despite Bangladesh’s ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and the adoption of the status of a child up to the age of 18, many 16 year olds end up being treated as adults because of inconsistencies in legislation; the Children Act defines ‘child’ or ‘youthful’ offenders below the age of 16 (ibid.). As Chap. 2 discussed, the Children Act 2013 indicates a step forward, particularly because 18 rather than 16 distinguishes adulthood. However, the effects of this new Act remain to be seen; its implementation is slow and as Ferdousi (2011) argues, the UNCRC is still not effectively integrated into Bangladeshi law suggesting that similar issues may arise with this new Act. This should be seen within the context of issues permeating the wider criminal justice system. Corruption is endemic across the justice system as a whole and there is widespread mistrust of the police (Huda 2009), linked to police harassment (GTZ 2009), deaths in custody (Riaz 2005), alleged robbery and rape by serving officers (Zafarullah and Rahman 2002), and the infamous ‘cross-fire shootings’ (Human Rights Watch 2014). Access to justice remains a significant barrier to human rights in Bangladesh, coupled with the severe overcrowding of prisons (GIZ 2012, 2010). The landscape of criminal justice in Bangladesh is a fractured one— underpinned by large-scale human rights infringements and a lack of access to justice, particularly for the country’s most marginalised citizens, including children. We know that ‘criminalising young people denies them their childhood’ (Fionda 2005, p. 6) which, in this context, denies a child the right to a childhood on two counts: one because of the impact of poverty and second, because of the potentially stigmatising effects of the criminal justice system. As Fionda (2005) suggests, it is a holistic understanding of the issue that is required, not an expansion of punitive policies. Rehabilitation should be prioritised over incarceration and ­integration favoured over stigmatisation. For too long juvenile justice policies have focused on the ‘theft of conflicts’ (ibid., p. 265) and on the system itself rather than on the people—including the victims—who are actually involved in the offence. This is particularly pertinent for Dhaka’s illicit labourers who have so little and for whom ‘theft of rights, and

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conflicts’ should be avoided at all costs. But is a more liberal, rehabilitative approach a reality in Bangladesh? How open are the Bangladesh government and society to more awareness of support of street children? How viable is tackling organised crime, particularly in light of the statecriminal nexus discussed earlier. Is it politically and socially palatable to implement diversion, rehabilitation and reintegration?

‘Illicit Child Labourers’ and the Future It would wrong to move ahead without discussing one of the most important components to these discussions: the role and impact of ‘illicit child labour’ on the victims of their crimes. Where does this leave discussions of proportionality? Most victims are likely to be those of petty crime, but what about those that are not? How can we develop a system which is proportionate and just, while at the same time ensuring that we acknowledge the often-transient nature of youth offending (Fionda 2005)? Children who operate at the lowest echelon of mastaan groups should be conceptualised as labourers, but what happens if these children progress on to become gang members or mastaans themselves? What should happen to the ‘chocolate boys’ discussed earlier; those young people hired to commit contract killings; children for whom murder is their task and where there is a specific victim? How might we address these types of crime? Is the term ‘illicit labour’ suitable in this instance? The drivers for crime remain the same, the actions of recruitment and payment for committing the act comparable but there are some very obvious and concerning issues related to the involvement of children who commit murder, in regard to the victim and the effects of the act on the children themselves. There are no clear answers to these questions yet the ‘labour lens’ helps us to navigate this complex landscape with a view to the avoidance of criminalising children, with the hope that doing so might prevent crime, exploitation and abuse in the future. It is important to ensure that criminalising children in Bangladesh is used only as a last resort. This means that the focus must be on prevention in order to ensure that everything possible is done to prevent child labourers from becoming the mastaan bosses of the future and to halt the

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spread of organised crime. But doing so requires extensive thought, consideration and action to develop strategies, plans and steps for implementation to build opportunities for prevention in Bangladesh, something discussed in more depth in the following chapter.

Conclusion This chapter has discussed the conceptualisation of ‘illicit child labour’ as an alternative to the extant ways in which—globally—we consider children’s involvement in organised crime. The chapter has highlighted lacunas in knowledge, awareness, research and concepts. For reasons outside of the boundaries of this chapter to discuss, the landscape of organised crime generally depicts children as victims of trafficking. The counter argument to this is the ‘other’ way of considering young people who engage in organised crime: as criminals, gang members or young people who carry weapons. The chapter has discussed how this dichotomy reflects wider polarisations of children as victims or offenders, or, as Fionda (2005) argues, as ‘devils or angels’, which permeates understanding of children who engage in crime and thus become entangled within the criminal justice system. The chapter has outlined the issues with this polarisation and how the landscape needs to better reflect the reality of vulnerable children’s lives. This chapter, like the ones before it, has outlined how street children in Dhaka engage with mastaan groups as a means to ensure their survival and acquire social protection. Yet there is more to their story; they are neither innocent victims nor simply criminals. Their actions and their engagement with organised crime are more complex than this. These children are ‘illicit child labourers’ engaged in some of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. The chapter has also posed questions about the criminal justice response to children engaged in organised crime. With particular reference to Bangladesh, its lack of operating juvenile justice system, and the likelihood of children being imprisoned with convicted, adult offenders, all efforts should be made to avoid the criminalisation and imprisonment of children. However, questions remain about the ways in which children

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who engage in organised crime should be treated, punished, rehabilitated and reintegrated into society. In many ways, these discussions pose more questions than they answer, positing this research as the start of considering new ways to consider children’s involvement in organised crime, in Bangladesh and wider afield. As Nils Christie (2000, p. 10) writes: ‘Acts are not, they become; their meanings are created as they occur. To classify and evaluate core activities for human beings. The world comes to us as we constitute it. Crime is thus a product of cultural, social and mental processes. For all acts, including those seen as unwanted, there are dozens of possible alternatives to their understanding: bad, evil, misplaced honour, youth bravado, political heroism – or crime.’ In this instance, we can also add: poverty, exploitation, coercion and ‘illicit child labour’.

References Baird, A. (2018). Becoming the ‘Baddest’: Masculine Trajectories of Gang Violence in Medellín. Journal of Latin American Studies, 50(1), 183–210. Bracken, P. J., Giller, J. E., & Ssekiwanuka, J. K. (1996). The Rehabilitation of Child Solders: Defining Needs and Appropriate Responses. Medicine and War, 12(2), 114–125. Child Rights International Network CRIN. (2014). Critique of the ILO Global Report ‘The End to Child Labour  – Within Reach’. Available at: https://cse. google.com/cse?cx=013770089644135709776%3Ah_ ycn7erhss&q=ILO&oq=ILO&gs_l=partnergeneric.3...9110.9421.1.10156. 3.3.0.0.0.0.216.323.2j0j1.3.0.gsnos%2Cn%3D13...0.552j108864j4...1.34. partner-generic..1.2.107.a46jt-MkQsE. Accessed 14 Dec 2016. Christie, N. (2000). Crime Control as Industry. London: Routledge. Dowdney, L. (2007). Neither War Nor Peace: International Comparisons of Children and Youth in Organised Armed Violence. Rio de Janeiro: Viva Rio/ COAV/IANSA. Ennew, J. (2003). Working with Street Children, Exploring Ways for ADB Assistance. [Online]. Asia Development Bank, Regional and Sustainable Development Department. Available at: http://www.adb.org/sites/default/ files/publication/29838/working-streechildren.pdf. Accessed 28 June 2013.

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Ferdousi, N. (2011, June and December). Trends and Factors in Juvenile Delinquency in Bangladesh: Some Observations. Bangladesh Journal of Law. Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs (BILIA), 11(1&2), 32. Ferdousi, N. (2013). Juvenile Justice for the Best Interest of the Children in Bangladesh: A Legal Analysis. Journal of Law, Police and Globalisation, 18, 22–32. Fionda, J. (2005). Devils and Angels: Youth Policy and Crime. Oxford: Hart Publishing. GIZ. (2010). Improvement of the Real Situation of Overcrowding in Prisons in Bangladesh Recommendations on Prisoner Rehabilitation. Dhaka: GIZ. GIZ. (2012). Prisons in Bangladesh. Dhaka: GIZ. Goldson, B. (2008). Child Criminalisation and the Mistake of Early Intervention. Criminal Justice Matters, 69(1), 8–9. Grossman, N. (2007). Rehabilitation or Revenge: Prosecuting Child Soldiers for Human Rights Violations. Georgetown Journal of International Law, 38(Winter), 323–361. GTZ. (2009). Improvement of the Real Situation of Overcrowding in Prisons in Bangladesh. Dhaka: GTZ. Hallsworth, S., & Young, T. (2006). Urban Collectives: Gangs and Other Groups. A Report Prepared for the Metropolitan Police Service and Government Office for London. London: Metropolitan Police Service. Huda, M.  N. (2009). Bangladesh Police, Issues and Challenges. Dhaka: The University Press. Human Rights Watch. (2014). Bangladesh: Widen Inquiry into Rapid Action Battalion. Human Rights Watch. [Online]. Available at: http://www.hrw.org/ news/2014/05/14/bangladesh-widen-inquiry-rapid-action-battalion. Accessed 8 May 2014. Klein, M.  W., & Maxson, C.  L. (2006). Street Gang Patterns and Policies. New York: Oxford University Press. Luiz de Moura, S. (2002). The Social Construction of Street Children: Configuration and Implications. British Journal of Social Work, 32, 353–367. Muncie, J. (2009). Youth and Crime. London: Sage. Nelken, D. (2009). Comparative Criminal Justice: Beyond Ethnocentrism and Relativism. European Journal of Criminology, 6(4), 291–311. O’Connell Davidson, J. (2011). Moving Children? Child Trafficking, Child Migration, and Child Rights. Critical Social Policy, 31(3), 221–245. Riaz, A. (2005). Bangladesh in 2004: The Politics of Vengeance and the Erosion of Democracy. Asian Survey, 45(1), 112–118.

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Robinson, G., McLean, R., & Densley, J. (2018). Working County Lines: Child Criminal Exploitation and Illicit Drug Dealing in Glasgow and Merseyside. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X18806742. The International Labour Organisation (ILO). (1999). The Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (Convention 182). [Online]. ILO.  Available at: http:// www.ilo.org/ipec/facts/ILOconventionsonchildlabour/lang%2D%2Den/ index.htm. Accessed 17 June 2012. The People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2013). The Children’s Act. Dhaka: Bangladesh Government. Thomas de Benitez, S. (2011). State of the World’s Street Children: Research. Street Children Series. London: Consortium for Street Children (UK). Tisdall, E.  K. M., & Punch, S. (2012). Not so ‘New’? Looking Critically at Childhood Studies. Children’s Geographies., 10(3), 249–264. UNICEF. (2018a). Children and the Law. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/ bangladesh/activities_4960.html. Accessed 30 May 2018. UNICEF. (2018b). Juvenile Justice in Bangladesh. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/bangladesh/Juvenile_Justice.pdf. Accessed 30 May 2018. Van Gemert, F. (2005). Youth Groups and Gangs in Amsterdam: A Pretest of the Eurogang Expert Survey. In S. Decker & F. Weerman (Eds.), European Street Gangs and Troublesome Youth Groups. Oxford: AltaMira Press. Von Hirsch, A. (1975). Doing Justice: The Choice of Punishments. New  York: Hill and Wang. Wernham, M. (2004). An Outside Chance: Street Children and Juvenile Justice – An International Perspective. London: Consortium for Street Children. Zafarullah, H., & Rahman, M. H. (2002). Human Rights, Civil Society and Non-Government Organisation: The Nexus in Bangladesh. Human Rights Quarterly, 24(4), 1011–1034.

8 Implications for Research, Policy and Practice

Introduction This chapter considers the key implications derived from this study in regard to policy, practice and research. The chapter begins by considering the implications for policy with a specific focus, and extension of the discussions held in the previous chapter about incorporating an illicit child labour lens into wider discussions of juvenile crime. The chapter poses a number of fundamental questions including: What are the policy implications related to illicit child labour? Which policies are already enacted in Bangladesh and what lacunas in both understanding and legislation are apparent? The chapter will then move on to consider the implications arising from this study in relation to the practical application of the often conceptual suggestions, that is, how might we better protect illicit labourers? What practical steps should be taken? How might we prevent children’s involvement in organised crime? The chapter then considers the implications of this study for existing and new research. It argues that to understand street children’s involvement in organised crime in Bangladesh, it is necessary to expand the boundaries of criminology to include development studies’ concepts of social © The Author(s) 2019 S. Atkinson-Sheppard, The Gangs of Bangladesh, Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1_8

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protection, patron-clientism and child labour. This is closely associated with the development of a new discourse: Southern criminology which argues that criminology should be rebalanced to better reflect crime in the global South, where most of the world’s population live (Carrington et al. 2018). The chapter reflects on Southern criminology and the ways in which this study can contribute to this discourse. Finally, the chapter considers this study in light of existing research from around the world and questions how we might take the lessons learned in Bangladesh and apply them to neighbouring countries in Asia, and further afield.

Policy Implications One of the main findings from this study, relevant to policy and practice, is the inadequacy of the current ILO (International Labour Organisation) definition of the Worst Forms of Child Labour because it fails to include a specific mention of children involved in organised crime groups, and who are tasked by these groups to commit extortion, political violence and contract killings. This study has demonstrated the urgent need to ensure that children involved in organised crime are better represented in the ILO definition. Amending the ILO guidelines would mean that the issue of children and organised crime, specifically that which has a close relationship with ‘mafia-type’ behaviour and is aligned with corrupt members of the state, would be raised internationally and that countries would be encouraged to tackle the issue on a national level, and potentially internationally. However, amending the ILO definition is only the first step and concerns raised by various scholars and children’s rights organisations about the ILO stance on child labour should be acknowledged. Child workers themselves have criticised the ILO’s efforts questioning whether the attention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour detract from the wider context to the issue (CRIN 2014). Child workers engaged in one of the first debates about the Convention in 1999 argued that, rather than a focus on definitions, policy and legislation should address poverty. In addition, efforts to prevent child labour should be done so cautiously; taking away mechanisms to earn an income without providing an

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a­ lternative lead to, as described by young workers themselves, additional and more endemic poverty—and the potential to engage in riskier but less regulated work (ibid.). A recognition of the benefits and necessity of work to millions of the world’s children must be better acknowledged. To affect real reductions in child labour, particularly the worst forms, labour, poverty and access to education must be tackled synonymously (CRIN 2014). The focus should be on integration and multifaceted policy approaches which engage child workers in the debate; a move away from abolitionism and towards strategies which develop children’s coping mechanisms, reduce poverty and provide access to education demonstrate a more realistic approach to tackling child labour and provide solutions posed by many child workers themselves. Rights and participation should frame the landscape and the focus should be, not on restricting all work by children, but developing a more nuanced approach which protects those at risk of harm and provides alternative mechanisms to tackle poverty (ibid.). In terms of wider legislation, this study also relates to Article 32 of United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) which states that countries must protect children ‘from economic exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child’s education, or to be harmful to the child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development’. The study is associated with discourse about the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, specifically Target 8.7 which calls for an end to forced and exploitative labour (particularly for children). This means that, as well as influencing an amendment of the ILO definition, this research has the potential to raise awareness of the issue—in debates about sustainable development, children’s rights and issues facing street children. The project also contributes to the UN General Comment on Children in Street Situations, currently under consultation. However, despite this legislation, questions remain about how to better integrate research and practice. How, on a practical level, can research such as this inform policy change and help to protect vulnerable children in Asia, but also wider afield? In Bangladesh, legislation to protect children, particularly child workers, does exist, although it is not specifically focused on children involved in organised crime. The National Child Labour Elimination Policy

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(2010) outlines Bangladesh’s efforts to tackle child labour and there have been successes associated with this policy, including the removal of child workers from the garment industry. However, despite the National Child Labour Elimination Policy (2010) tackling child labour in a number of industries, supporting children and their families to move out of intergenerational poverty and providing greater access to education, the involvement of children in illicit enterprise such as those discussed within this book are missing from Bangladeshi policy making. There is also a lacuna between international policy and integration of this into domestic legislation. However, how current policies are operationalised and whether they have a positive effect on the millions of children who live on Dhaka’s streets remains debatable. Extensive reforms are needed to better protect street children, including those who work within organised crime. These reforms should ensure children’s safety, protect their rights and ensure that children have access to education. One proposal is that a specific crime prevention policy be developed and incorporated into wider child protection policies and the new Children Act 2013. Research suggests that to do this successfully it should be youth led and include high levels of child participation. The work needs to feed into current child protection and child labour policies. It also should be closely aligned with the thinking and practice of the UNCRC. Conceptually the inclusion of children engaged in ‘illicit child labour’ adds a new dimension to criminological discussions of crime—and focuses on young people’s engagement in illicit enterprises and economic drivers for crime. This adds value to the field and, as discussed, provides a better reflection of the work that these children do and their reasons for doing so. However, conflict arises when this perspective is considered in light of existing legislation in relation to child labour. In short, legislation and policy which focuses on crime is not designed to effectively consider labour—and vice versa. This is apparent in Bangladesh but also globally. This leads to policies and practice which inadequately reflect the people and communities they are designed to serve. It is outside of the boundaries of this book to consider, in any great depth, how and why states ­prioritise understanding of certain issues; there are a multitude of factors at play. However, what is important is to understand the landscape, from an international perspective and from a national perspective (in this case

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Bangladesh), and use this to identify gaps in knowledge and lacunas in provision. As the discussions here highlight, there is a fracture between understanding of crime and labour which feeds into the dichotomous labelling of children who come into conflict with the law. The result is policies that label labourers as criminals (in criminal justice policy) and fail to adequately recognise children who engage in organised crime (in international and domestic legislation). More reflective policy making is required, and more interdisciplinary research is needed to drive this forward. Children who engage in organised crime must be made more visible, in policy and in practice.

Implications for Practice Following on from this, interventions should be carefully designed and implemented to prevent children from becoming workers in organised crime. Research shows that children work because of poverty, cultural acceptance of child labour and shocks such as parent unemployment, famine, drought or migration into cities where families fail to find work (ILO 2013). This suggests that to prevent child labour it is necessary to make families more secure and resilient against poverty and that social protection as a policy approach is an effective way to tackle child labour. Research demonstrates that providing families with additional income, for example, through ‘cash and no-cash transfer programmes’, employment schemes, health provision, benefits for disabled family members, and income security for older people and the unemployed, all help to prevent child labour (ibid.). Furthermore, children must have access to education, to prevent intergenerational poverty (and exploitative labour) in the future. Lessons learned from around the world should be acknowledged and built into Bangladeshi strategies to support these children in the most effective way. As Rizzini (2014) suggests, it is necessary for strategies to be informed by research and the knowledge of practitioners, and for ­connections between experts to be consolidated and supported during policy writing and implementation in order to realise the rights of street children. Furthermore, recent reductions in the number of child workers worldwide suggest that it is possible to reduce child labour, but this

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requires policy changes, global commitment and a real understanding of the problems child workers face (ILO 2013). But will these things really make children’s lives better? At a conference, ‘Supporting working children: international, national and local challenges and successes’ facilitated by the Consortium for Street Children, Chetna and Hope for Children, Michael Bourdillon (2014) stated that, as academics and practitioners, ‘we must ensure that children’s interests are not damaged by attempts to protect them’. This is an important point because it highlights that all interventions aimed at supporting children must be what the children themselves want and feel they need. Conticini (2005), for example, argues that ‘the failure of many ongoing programmes to provide a better life for children living on the streets can be explained by their limited consideration of what matters to children’ (p. 80). Do street children involved in organised crime actually want to stop working? As things stand, they might not; as this study has illustrated, mastaan groups provide income and protection; thus, ‘when we stop children from working there is risk involved. When we decide to interfere in the lives of others we need to know what we are doing’ (Bourdillon 2014). Taking away children’s sources of income and protection may not be the best way to help them and might even push them further into organised crime. However, as Bourdillon concluded during the Consortium for Street Children conference, it is the prevention of harm, not work, that should be the priority. As this study has argued, the work that street children do on behalf of mastaan groups is both harmful and exploitative, so the focus must be on ensuring that children can support themselves and secure protection via other means. Involvement in crime in Bangladesh is driven by a desire for social inclusion. A natural recommendation resulting from this research would be for social protection to be acquired via other means. Mechanisms to prevent young people turning to organised crime groups for social protection should include legitimate programmes delivered by the state or non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The recent shift in the ­conceptualisation and implementation of social protection programmes in developing countries is a useful way to explore this. Once seen as interventions that tackled basic human needs, social protection programmes now support individuals to lift

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themselves out of poverty (Babajanian and Hagen-Zanker 2012). Many scholars have documented how these interventions have moved away from safety nets and into larger-scale programmes that tackle numerous factors relating to poverty. Possible interventions include strengthening the agency of marginalised people to ensure that they are actively involved in their own lives (Barrientos and Hulme 2008), thereby reducing the allure of crime groups and the access they can offer. This study focused on one residential organisation that offers a holistic support package for vulnerable young people. As previous chapters have illustrated, this organisation has drastically changed the lives of the children it accommodates and has prevented their involvement in organised crime. Policy approaches should focus on strengthening links between similar organisations to develop the capacity to support vulnerable children on a wider scale. In addition to this is the practical issue of identifying children who are at risk, particularly within the context of Bangladesh where there is no fully-functioning juvenile justice system. White (2002) argues that child labour can be distinguished into two categories: ‘visible’ and ‘invisible’. Making this distinction is pertinent because invisible labour is largely much harder to identify and punish (UNICEF 2010). This raises important questions for the debate held in this chapter. Is it likely that children who engage in labour on behalf of mastaans do so ‘invisibly’ which questions how we might identify these children? What does this mean for protecting these young people? How can we make Dhaka’s illicit labourers more visible? Further, research has questioned how statistics related to the child labour, particularly the Worst Forms of Child labour, are collected and counted and how efforts to do so may increase ‘vows of silence’ between employers, and even the children and their families who depend on work to assist their survival (CRIN 2014). Could such efforts be at risk of pushing children further into forms of unseen and unregulated labour, including organised crime? Finally, public attitudes to street children must change, and the ambiguous response that these young people often generate must be tackled (Aptekar 1988). As discussed, street children are not a homogenous group (Thomas de Benitez 2011). In 1988, Aptekar concluded that:

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Since the variety of personalities and experiences of street children must be considered in the programs that are designed to help them, no single plan will work. The best approaches will consider the differences between the children, the variety of personal histories of the adults who are often predisposed to help, and the complexity of the society’s attitudes toward the children. (p. 201)

All of these issues are still salient today. Making real changes to street children’s lives requires tackling the issues they face on both a societal and individual level, and any intervention aimed at helping these children must respect each child’s individuality and the unique part they play in shaping their own lives and the lives of those around them. Many scholars have questioned how to reintegrate street children into mainstream society. Hecht (1998) argues that there are very few examples of street children in Brazil who have made a ‘definitive departure from the streets’ (p.  183). He equates this with the appealing nature of the streets which ‘exerts an addicted, transformative power over their [street children’s] lives’ (p.  156). For Hecht (1998), children engage with the streets for a variety of reasons: autonomy, solidarity, as a way to avoid abuse at home and because in many ways they are better off, particularly in terms of income generation and access to food, than their counterparts in slums. This means that any intervention aimed at supporting street children must somehow address all of these issues, in an attempt to break the allure of street life (Hecht 1998). But questions still arise about how these recommendations work in practice. First, if a young person is identified by the police as a worker of an organised crime group, the options include: criminal prosecution or to consider the young person as an illicit labourer, as discussed in this chapter. The former would result in likely prosecution and the latter the avoidance of criminalisation of a young person working to assist their survival. However, the issues involved are complex. Currently, and as discussed, there are conceptual issues in the ways in which young people who engage with mastaan groups are perceived. Second, there is currently no ­mechanism in Bangladesh for the police to consider these children as labourers and finally, there is no system by which to process these children within Bangladesh. A conceptual shift is required to implement such a

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system but there are also practical implications. This would require a systemic move; but it  is possible. With the emergence of the new Children Act (2013), the landscape is receptive but a more expansive child protection system in Bangladesh would be required, along with in-depth training for the police officers and other government agencies, and it would be necessary to highlight young people on the fringes of organised crime at the earliest opportunity, potentially building in some of the ‘at risk’ processes used within other justice systems (the United Kingdom for example). It would also be necessary to build in viable options for the young labourers, so that they could secure income from other means, support their families to move out of intergenerational poverty and access education. The approach should be four-tiered: (1) awareness and identification; (2) diversion; (3) steps to address poverty; (4) access to education. One recommendation would be to consider and develop these options via pilot projects, a system proved to be highly beneficial in Bangladesh as seen with the work of many NGOs or development organisations. GIZ Bangladesh for example, have successfully implemented paralegals across many districts in the country to assist in the provision of legal aid (GIZ 2012) The results have been impressive, with many prisoners released from prison or diverted from the prison system overall. This began with a pilot initiative. Thus, Bangladesh is a country open to change, receptive to initiatives and able to demonstrate success in many areas related to this project. More thought, consideration and collaboration is required to develop these ideas further, and should be done so via ‘local experts’ who can add weight and depth to this proposal, based on their local knowledge of the issue and the context in which it occurs.

Implications for Research This study was exploratory. It therefore raises a number of questions for future research. First, the study was geographically limited as it was conducted only in Dhaka. Second, the number of street children involved in this study was relatively small, as compared to the number of children who live on the streets. Additionally, the ways in which the children

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engaged with the streets was only discussed from the perspective of within the organisation. The study is only able to provide a snap-shot of these children’s lives. It does not, and cannot, explain how their views and perceptions change as they grow older. A next step would be to conduct a similar project but on the streets of Dhaka and over a longer period, to explore the engagement of street children in mastaan groups from a longitudinal perspective. Concepts such as the mobility and life course of street children involved in organised crime could then be explored. It is necessary to assess the numbers of children working in mastaan groups across the whole of Dhaka and then throughout Bangladesh. However, this is no easy task. There is much debate at the moment about the difficulty of counting street children. A 2014 conference hosted by the Consortium for Street Children entitled ‘Do I count if you count me? A critical look at counting street-connected children’ brought together some of the foremost academics in street children research to explore problems that arise in assessing the number of children that are, in some way, street-connected. This is associated with the previous discussions about the difficulties in defining what a street child actually is (Aptekar and Heinonen 2003), and the challenges involved in defining a gang member (Esbensen and Weerman 2005). This highlighted some important points that are relevant to this study. If it is difficult to count street children, then how will it ever be possible to count street children involved in organised crime groups? Are these young people street children? Labourers? Gang members? Mastaan group members? Or are they children who exhibit street-connectedness but who work as labourers within organised crime groups? There is no easy way to answer these questions, but this study hopes to initiate debate to explore these issues further. Perhaps it is better to view street children’s involvement in mastaan groups as one of the many connections these children have and then to support these children and prevent them from engaging in activities that harm themselves or others, while at the same time celebrating their innovation and creative approach to survival. Additionally, this study largely considered the views of men and boys. There were more male participants than female and the data showed that female involvement in gangs is considerably less than male involvement. Nevertheless, the voices of women should be considered, and the impact

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of gender discussed in more depth. Further studies to explore the involvement of girls in gangs in Bangladesh should be initiated and the ways in which girls develop their identities on the streets and in association with criminal groups further explored. This is particularly important because there were several issues, raised by the children in particular, which demonstrate gender disparities, and which were outside the boundaries of this study to explore in any depth. They include: the role of mastaans in negotiating marriages, which was discussed in Chap. 4, and the role that women play in trafficking young girls on behalf of organised crime groups. Both of these are deeply disturbing issues that merit future research. This study contributes to the field of criminology because it demonstrates effective methodologies for engaging street children in discussions of crime and violence. It is the views of the 22 children involved in this study that illustrate its arguments. There is a paucity of street children’s narratives in criminological research, and the discipline can only benefit if the views of these children are more widely examined. Some of the biggest achievements of development studies are the paradigm shift away from seeing street children as solely offenders or victims (Ennew and Swart-Kruger 2003) and the notion of the street child’s career, used as a way to explain how children ‘move out of home space, into street space, and through a variety of stages, activities and images  – depending on experience and increasing age  – to the processes of leaving the street, which are not unitary and far from being always the result of adult intervention’ (Ennew and Swart-Kruger 2003 p. 8). Conclusions drawn from this paradigm conceptualise street children as social agents fully engaged in constructing their reality on the streets (ibid.). These studies also discuss the construction of identity via social spheres, work, gender, groups, home, sexuality and the streets (Jones et  al. 2008). This questions the notion of street children as a homogenous group, viewing them instead as individuals with differing skills and needs who move from childhood to adolescence and beyond. Criminology would benefit from following a similar approach. A large-scale review into research with street children identified several gaps in knowledge, including what happens to street children as they age into adolescence and then adulthood (Thomas de Benitez 2011) or, as

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Aptekar (1988) asks: ‘What happens when they move from being street children to being street people?’ (p. 78). This study demonstrates that it is likely that some child labourers may well become the gang members and mastaans of the future. Fraser and Piacentini (2014) draw our attention to the changing, and increasingly global, nature of crime and the ‘new geographies of mobility and immobility that exist in the global era, and their implications for crime and crime control’ (p. 56); and Alcano, (2014) highlights how gangs in Indonesia use ‘the spaces and resources that are available to them to find a way (metaphorically and literally) to be part of a society and not subvert it altogether’ (p. 38). Both of which raise several questions for this study. Is it surely plausible that Dhaka’s labourers will migrate to conduct their work in other places, across the national boundaries of Bangladesh and into the global sphere? What then are the implications for the spread and control of organised crime, and the exploitation of children across the globe? Perhaps children will remain bounded by their ‘class-stratifications’ (Fraser and Piacentini 2014, p.  56) and face a life of immobility, confined by the streets in which they were born. More focus on what space, mobility and ‘spatial immobility’ (ibid., p. 73) mean for street children would help to refine these discussions and pave the way for future research. Using ‘spatial boundedness’ (Phillips and Webster 2014, p. 181) to explore the restrictions that street children face in moving around the city and through class and gang stratifications would help us to understand the identity formation of these children which, as Palmer (2014) argues, is both ‘acquired and self-constructed’ (p. 134) by the subcultures of the groups they associate with. There is no doubt that research deriving from criminology is imperative to understanding gangs and organised crime in any context. However, when theories of the gang are seen in isolation, the notion that children operate as the lower echelons of organised crime groups is overlooked. This study has drawn upon theories of mafias and organised crime to frame discussions of the gang within Bangladesh and develop a ‘social protection’ theory of the mafia. The study demonstrated that mastaans provide protection, use violence as a resource to do so, use their power to provide services to communities and engage in a wide array of crime and violence. The study illustrated the multifaceted role that these crime

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groups play in Bangladeshi society. This highlights how important it is to continually re-develop criminological theories of organised crime and to move away from the often-polarised viewpoints that mafias engage in either protection (Gambetta 1993) or violence (Paoli 2002). As this study has shown, mastaans do both, and act as patrons with poor people and children—their clients. Mastaan groups operate in a market for crime, violence and social protection. It would be useful to see whether this categorisation also applies to organised crime groups in other places and contexts. Conceptually, the study raises questions about how we view children’s involvement in organised crime. Considering children are illicit labourers opens up discussions of the drivers of juvenile crime and challenges extant criminological theory that argues that crime is expressive, highlighting the role that children, and gangs, play in the informal economy. It also questions how this perspective might affect extant criminological research—and theory? If we were to consider the behaviour of children, like the ones involved in this study, as labourers, rather than victims or criminals, what does this mean for future research and the expansion of criminological theory? A move away from subcultural theory into theory based on income generation and labour would help to frame these debates in Bangladesh but also wider afield. The majority of studies into the gang come from the developed world (Hagedorn 2008), meaning that issues that are salient in a developing country such as Bangladesh are often missing from the debate. By expanding the boundaries of criminology to include concepts such as social protection, patron-clientism and child labour, the understanding of the gang in the developing world can be significantly enhanced. On a wider scale, the theories proposed in this study may well be beneficial for other developing countries, particularly those in South Asia, which share similar cultural characteristics. A significant step forward would be for this research to promote discussions at a regional level; the South-Asian Society of Criminology would be a good starting point. Moreover, street children research would benefit from a closer collaboration with criminology. Criminologists frequently consider how, and why, young people engage in crime and violence. Development studies frequently prioritise culture, masculinity, lives and livelihoods,

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often in the developing world, while criminology focuses on crime and how it is constructed, facilitated, learned and developed, often in the global South. There is a lacuna between the two disciplines. As a result, not much is known about street children’s involvement in organised crime and gangs. I propose that associations between these disciplines should be more widely encouraged and more collaboration ought to occur so that we can learn more about street children’s involvement in crime and violence to better inform law, policy and practice. For example, more detailed discussion about power relations within gangs and the ways in which this affects the child workers of these groups, and greater exploration of how children’s identities are shaped within gangs, would be interesting topics of discussion. Additionally, studies that combine subcultural theories and theories of agency to explore the collective agency of groups of street children, operating among the context of gangs and organised crime, would benefit criminology and development studies alike. The association between organised crime, patronage and mobility is something which requires further research to unravel. I would like to pose the questions of: What is the relationship between patronage, mobility and gangs, and how do these processes and relationships affect social inclusion for street children in Dhaka? Or how do children use organised crime groups to exert their agency and increase their mobility? Additionally, how do power relations affect a street child’s agency in these instances? It would also be interesting to consider which of the children’s movements within gangs are voluntary and which are forced (van Blerk 2005). Finally, the protection that street children seek from mastaan groups is undoubtedly precarious, which means that questions about the long-term effects of children’s views of their own security would be beneficial. This would enable discussions to occur about the ambiguity of a type of protection that is acquired from criminal groups. This leads into a wider discussion about the development of a new discourse—Southern criminology, which aims to initiate a paradigm shift to develop global understandings of crime and violence and move away from the current, ethnocentric approach which prioritises theory and data from the global North (Carrington et al. 2018). The discussions held here about challenges to extant criminological theory, with data from places such as

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Bangladesh, highlight the importance of this new discourse and potential ways forward. Further research to explore the concept of illicit labour is both timely and necessary; greater collaboration between disciplines, particularly those that are inherently linked with the global North (criminological theory for example) and those more aligned with the global South (i.e. patron-client relationship, social protection and labour), helps to expand awareness and push boundaries, in research and practice. The newly initiated criminology course at Dhaka University is an important step for the development of this discipline within Bangladesh. This institution will undoubtedly motivate young criminologists to study crime and violence on a deeper level within their country. But it is important that criminology gains the respect it deserves from the government, the police and the general public. Dhaka University should focus on developing partnerships with international universities to ensure that research from Bangladesh reaches the global community. Because of the large presence of NGOs and development organisations in Bangladesh, it is also imperative that links are made between academic institutions and these organisations. Currently, there is a wealth of information generated by companies such as UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund) and Save the Children, but there is a lack of coherent approach. Law enforcement agencies, particularly the police, should be key players in any partnership approach. This of course spans further than criminology. It would also be beneficial if academic institutions across Bangladesh could form an alliance with development organisations specifically to explore the issue of children involved in organised crime and to work in partnership to develop solutions to this problem.

Conclusion This chapter has considered the specific implications that result from this study. It began by considering policy, with a specific focus on the ways in which illicit labour, as a conceptualisation, could be built-in to the landscape of policy across Bangladesh, and internationally. The chapter then considered the implications for practice and discussed how and in what instances children involved in illicit labour on behalf of

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organised crime groups could be identified—and better protected. The latter parts of the chapter discussed theory—in light of the new discourse of Southern criminology and from the perspective of extant theory. The chapter argued that to understand street children’s involvement in organised crime in Bangladesh, it is necessary to expand the boundaries of criminology to include development studies’ concepts of social protection, patron-clientism and child labour. By doing so, the nature of organised crime groups and the roles that street children play in these criminal enterprises can be better understood.

References Alcano, M. C. (2014). Youth Gangs and Streets in Surabaya, East Java: Growth, Movement and Spaces in the Context of Urban Transformation. Antropologia, 1, 33–58. Aptekar, L. (1988). Street Children of Cali. London: Duke University Press. Aptekar, L., & Heinonen, P. (2003). Methodological Implications of Contextual Diversity in Research on Street Children. Children, Youth and Environments, 13, 1. Babajanian, B., & Hagen-Zanker, J. (2012). Social Protection and Social Exclusion: An Analytical Framework to Assess the Links. Background Note. London: Overseas Development Institute. Barrientos, A., & Hulme, D. (2008). Social Protection for the Poor and the Poorest in Developing Countries: Reflections on a Quiet Revolution. BWPI Working Paper. Manchester: The University of Manchester, Brooks World Poverty Institute. Bourdillon, M. (2014, November 26). What Research Tells Us About Working Children. Paper Presented at ‘Supporting Working Children: International, National and Local Challenges and Successes’ Conference, London. Carrington, K., Hogg, R., & Sozzo, M. (2018). Southern Criminology. British Journal of Criminology, 56(1), 1–20. Child Rights International Network CRIN. (2014). Critique of the ILO Global Report ‘The End to Child Labour  – Within Reach’. Available at: https://cse. google.com/cse?cx=013770089644135709776%3Ah_ ycn7erhss&q=ILO&oq=ILO&gs_l=partnergeneric.3...9110.9421.1.10156. 3.3.0.0.0.0.216.323.2j0j1.3.0.gsnos%2Cn%3D13...0.552j108864j4...1.34. partner-generic..1.2.107.a46jt-MkQsE. Accessed 14 Dec 2016.

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Conticini, A. (2005). Urban Livelihoods from Children’s Perspectives: Protecting and Promoting Assets on the Streets of Dhaka. Environment andUrbanization, 17, 69–79. Ennew, J., & Swart-Kruger, J. (2003). Introduction: Homes, Places and Spaces in the Construction of Street Children and Street Youth. Children, Youth and Environments, 13(1), 81–104. Esbensen, F.  A., & Weerman, F.  M. (2005). Youth Gangs and Troublesome Youth Groups in the United States and the Netherlands: A Cross-National Comparison. The European Journal of Criminology, 2, 5–37. Fraser, A., & Piacentini, T. (2014). We Belong to Glasgow: The Third Space of Youth ‘Gangs’ and Asylum Seeker, Refugee and Migrant Groups. In C. Phillips & C. Webster (Eds.), New Directions in Race, Ethnicity and Crime. London: Routledge. Gambetta, D. (1993). The Sicilian Mafia. London: Harvard University Press. GIZ. (2012). Improvement of the Real Situation of Overcrowding in Prisons in Bangladesh. Dhaka: GIZ. Hagedorn, J.  M. (2008). A World of Gangs, Armed Young Men and Gangster Culture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Hecht, T. (1998). At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jones, G. A., Thomas de Benitez, S., & Herrera, E. (2008). ‘Being in Public’: The Multiple Childhoods of Mexican ‘Street’ Children. Identities and Social Action. London: Economic and Social Research Council. Palmer, A. (2014). Configuring Ethnic Identities: Resistance as a Response to Counter-Terrorist Policy. In C. Phillips & C. Webster (Eds.), New Directions in Race, Ethnicity and Crime. London: Routledge. Paoli, L. (2002). The Paradoxes of Organized Crime. Crime, Law & Social Change, 37(1), 51–97. Phillips, C., & Webster, C. (2014). New Direction and New Generations – Old and New Racism? In C. Phillips & C. Webster (Eds.), New Directions in Race, Ethnicity and Crime. London: Routledge. Rizzini, I. (2014, November 4). Key Note Speaker. Paper Presented at ‘Do I Count If You Count Me? A Critical Look at Counting Street-Connected Children’ Conference. Consortium for Street Children, London. The International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2013). World Report on Child Labour. Economic Vulnerability, Social Protection and the Fight Against Child Labour. [Online]. Available at: http://www.ilo.org/ipec/Informationresources/ WCMS_178184/lang%2D%2Den/index.htm. Accessed 1 Sept 2014.

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The People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2010). The National Child Labour Elimination Policy. Dhaka: Bangladesh Government. The People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2013). The Children’s Act. Dhaka: Bangladesh Government. Thomas de Benitez, S. (2011). State of the World’s Street Children: Research. Street Children Series. London: Consortium for Street Children (UK). van Blerk, L. (2005). Negotiating Spatial Identities: Mobile Perspectives on Street Life in Uganda. Children’s Geographies, 3(1), 5–22. White, S. (2002). From Politics of Politics to the Politics of Identity? Child Rights and Working Children in Bangladesh. Journal of International Development, 14, 725–735.

9 Sharif

Introduction I met Sharif about half-way through my second year in Dhaka, but it was several months before I came to know his story. He is a tall man who wears glasses, usually dresses in smart trousers and a carefully ironed short-sleeved shirt. He has neatly arranged dark brown hair, kind brown eyes and a relaxed manner. Sharif is now a dedicated—and successful— senior manager working in the field of human rights and social development. He also has a large extended family—many of whom he supports, both emotionally and financially. As Sharif and I got to know each other, I explained my research and he began to disclose details of his story. We arranged to meet regularly, in a vacant office in a northern part of the city. The late evening sun would filter through a small window in the office—the Dhaka traffic rumbling on below. Sharif and I developed a relationship which was both enlightening and humbling. The sterile office came to life through Sharif ’s rich descriptions and I was transported to Bangladesh in the 1970s, a country struggling in the aftermath of the bloody war with Pakistan. Rather than the bustling © The Author(s) 2019 S. Atkinson-Sheppard, The Gangs of Bangladesh, Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1_9

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streets of Dhaka below heaving with traffic and pollution, I imagined a different city—people using bicycles; communities trying to re-build their lives. As his story unfolded, Sharif explained how he had lived on the streets as a child, worked within criminal gangs and experienced abuse. He described his ‘former life’ as ‘a dark’ place I don’t often go back to in my mind’ but also as something which in many ways defines the man he is today. Sharif explained how, in the 1970s, young street children were ostracised from society and faced untold risks and difficulties accessing basic human services. He outlined how, even 40 years ago, criminal bosses had influence and power in Bangladesh society and were able to provide ‘social protection’ to these vulnerable children. He described a life where he was innovative in his survival techniques and how survival ‘trumped’ morality in terms of neutralisation of involvement in crime. Sharif has never told his story to anyone else. He explained that he felt ashamed to speak about his childhood, even to his wife. In many ways I felt that for him our discussions were therapeutic, for me they were inspiring and emotional; on several occasions, we both had tears in our eyes. At other times, I could see him as a street child and could imagine his pain and anguish; it was written across his face.1

‘From Palace to Hell’ The 1971 War of Independence was a momentous time for most of the country’s population, the effects of which are still felt today. Sharif ’s father was killed fighting against the Pakistan military: He was caught by the military and was killed. My father had a good job and we had a very good life and all of a sudden, my father was dead, on one fine morning and that was it. Just from that point, we became beggars; from palace to the hell.  The discussions within this chapter are based on a series of interviews carried out with Sharif— semi structured interviews 14, 17 and 18. 1

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Sharif ’s sister was captured and taken into a Pakistan military camp and like many other women at the time, repeatedly sexually abused.2 Sharif explained that: Many young women were forced to be the partner of the military. They were kept inside the camp. Whether the statistics is correct or not I don’t know but they say that 100,000 women were confined in the military camps and were raped thousands of times.

The death of his father and the stigma associated with his sister’s abuse led Sharif ’s brother to become addicted to drugs. Sharif fled the family seeking life on the streets: The reason I left my family is because I couldn’t tolerate what was happening in society; because my sister had this kind of social stigma and my mother was a widow which was also not socially accepted. I just felt that okay, I don’t have any opportunity to survive in this family; but I can survive myself if I leave. So, I made the decision to travel to the city and that’s what I did.

After travelling for several days, jumping on and off trains that rattled through the countryside, Sharif found himself in Dhaka. It was 1972 and he was 15 years old. Sharif ’s family had previously lived in a northern, rural part of the country famous for growing rice and a move to the city was daunting yet exhilarating prospect. He explained his newfound feelings of freedom, alongside the consuming grief following the death of his father, the loss of his brother to drugs and the abuse of his sister. In many ways, Sharif ’s decision to leave his family was an escape and closely associated with survival: ‘I really had little other choice, my mother couldn’t provide for us. It was the only choice I had’. Sharif ’s ‘first home’ in Dhaka was the main railway station where he lived in the railway carriages or on the floor of the station, laying his head on a piece of newspaper—the stars as his rooftop. For Sharif, the bustle of city life was all consuming, as though he had been ‘sucked into a  This is documented in official reports; see Van Schendel, 2009 for more details.

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f­airground ride which wouldn’t let me get off’. Survival needs of water, food and shelter consumed his thoughts. Personally, I do not know what Dhaka railway station was like in 1972 but I have visited it in recent times. I imagine that the number of people were far less; yet the long, rattling trains, painted with stripes of blue and white, with barred windows and yellow signage, built by the British during their occupation of India, were likely the same. The station floor would have been dusty, dry and hot. The humidity unbearable during the monsoon and Sharif ’s face charred by the blistering sun. It is likely that men would have occupied small stalls then, selling hot, sweet chai, chapattis and spicy curry, as they do now. On several trips to Dhaka train station, I met a boy, of around 14 or 15. He lives at the station and spends his days begging and foraging for food. Each time I visited the station he remembered me; I will never forget him. I often think that maybe Sharif was similar. The boy’s eyes were like Sharif ’s, sincere but hiding a multitude of pain. He had a large, protruding scar on his chest, often visible from his illfitting t-shirt. He looked destitute. I often gave him money—the equivalent of 5 English pounds, a 500 taka note. I have never seen such joy, he jumped and screamed and ran around the platform. His actions broke my heart. For Sharif, life at the railway station passed quickly as he struggled with the necessities of living, scavenging for food and securing his shelter for the night. His life was one of survival, but often impinged by health issues: ‘Lots of kids get sick on the streets. We were always suffering from some health problem, someone was sick every day. We were living in a dirty place with no way to keep clean. We ate food in very cheap, open places that were very dirty and drank open water.’

Involvement in Crime It was not long before Sharif was drawn into crime, something he discussed in two contrasting tones: one of survival; the other as something which was damaging, to himself and others. He explained that:

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No one can talk about some of the things [involvement in crime]. No one could realise how bad it was at the beginning, and how much I have carried over in my next life from this experience, the guilt, the pain. It is really difficult for me to explain; really difficult for someone to understand.

Crime conducted at the railway stations was often linked to organised crime in the surrounding area, headed by influential members of society. The workers of these crime groups were vulnerable young boys, like Sharif. Sharif became involved in these criminal groups for two reasons: survival and because he was forced to, by older men. Alongside this, groups of street children co-existed together, for solidarity and to assist their survival on the streets. Sharif explained further: They are lots of groups of street children. Most are abandoned by their family, so they don’t have anywhere to settle or anyone to go home to. They were like me. We helped each other. But we didn’t have our own shelter; we didn’t have our own place to live, we didn’t really have any decision to make, expect to survive.

The solidity among groups of street children is essential to survival on the streets. As Sharif explained further: The other boys understood me. They know that I have hardships, like they do. They know I have to survive by myself. Even getting food every day is difficult. The boys, they understood this, and they gave me a new way to live which was sympathetic to me. We all had the same fate. Since we were sleeping on the same floor everyone feels like friends and everyone is keen to help each other.

For Sharif, a lack of social autonomy epitomised the suffering these children faced. Without social status, money or connections, it was difficult for them to assert agency over their lives and because of this, they were often controlled and exploited by older criminals. Sharif explained this vulnerability in greater depth: It is difficult to imagine how vulnerable it was really. Even if you want to keep yourself away from involvement in crime it is obviously difficult. You

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cannot really do it. A street boy like me cannot decide; you don’t have anything to decide. There is nothing you can really control. When you are like this, you are subject to be controlled by others.

Furthermore, refusal to engage in crime led to violence and aggression: If you disagree, they force you to do it anyway and rebuttal also had practical issues: if you refuse to do it then you have to leave the place permanently. This is really difficult because to look for food everyday requires a place to stay. If you stay in one place at least you can try and earn money for food, moving around means you stay hungry.

Hierarchies of Crime Hierarchies of organised crime have been discussed extensively in this book and were also apparent in the 1970s. According to Sharif, vulnerable young boys formed groups on the streets as a survival mechanism, but it was not long before they became involved in organised crime groups, managed by men with status and influence in society. For Sharif these groups offered inclusion or ‘social protection’ but paradoxically also put children at greater risk, the more they became entrenched in crime. Small groups of street boys had a leader; however, ‘this was not officially announced’. These groups followed the order of older ‘bosses’ and as Sharif explained: It is the leader’s job to get the boys together and then to share the responsibility of who will do what. There is a small leader of the group and then bigger bosses. The orders come from the older bosses. The number of older bosses depends on the part of town, say a part of the town has a leader and he has sub groups. But it depends how big the area is and how economically viable the area he is leading.

Sub-groups, and members of these groups, often had different responsibilities:

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The size depends on the leader of the group, if it is a very big group then it may have many sub groups, so every sub group has its own responsibility. In this group people do different things: one is responsible for breaking the door of the wagon, someone carries the goods, another looks out for the police.

Roles and responsibilities were relatively organised, as Sharif explained: In every case the leader decided how much money we got out of each offence. Some of the group were involved in snatching purses. Some were involved in snatching the luggage from the train and gradually they stole ornaments, a watch from a person… So, this is a kind of bareness growing.

Sharif described a landscape of criminality, blurred boundaries between criminals and non-criminals and ‘mafia-type’ groups that—like previous discussions have highlighted—engage in a variety of crime and violence and operate in a market for protection. Like other participants in the study, Sharif used the term ‘shelter’ to describe protection and discussed the same reciprocal relationship between criminals and politicians. Organised crime groups provide ‘criminal muscle’ to influential members of society, while at the same time receiving protection for their behaviour. Protection is twofold and benefits both parties, as Sharif explained: The leaders don’t live on the streets, they live in society, they give shelter [protection] to influential people. The leader is like a person in a circus, he commands everyone to play. He is not playing himself on the streets, rather he is playing on the back screen. Many of those leaders are socially accepted and they are known as committed to society, they do a lot for the society. People in society give them shelter [protection]. The leaders contribute in regard to religion and social responsibility. Many of the mosques are built by them. Many of the temples are built by their funds, their financing. The leaders don’t get arrested by the police; they are socially and religiously accepted.

Crime committed by the groups was largely economically driven and theft from trains and markets was common. The younger members of

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these groups could become involved in dacoity3 and act as an informer for older members—that is, reporting on whether a house was vacant or whether someone had just been to the shops to purchase jewellery. Young boys were also involved in trafficking goods across the India border, as Sharif explained further: ‘Many of the boys were involved in smuggling from India; it is easy for them to go to the border and purchase the goods. The money is provided by the leaders and they got a percentage.’ Fighting between groups was uncommon. However, groups did engage in violence to protect territories. Sharif perceived this as something which could be easily managed by the leaders, due to their influence and status in society. Furthermore, carrying weapons, drug taking or drug dealing was also  relatively rare. In 1975, the government banned the sale and consumption of alcohol, which meant that an underground business arose and according to Sharif, affected the business of the crime groups, which became extensively involved in brewing, selling and buying alcohol.

Perceptions of Violence Sharif explained that crime was opportunistic, and necessary, within a context of survival, a lack of other alternatives and pervasive poverty. Sharif explained that: ‘We were not really that violent. Generally, we committed theft, we didn’t beat people. The leaders are most keen on getting money rather than violence.’ Sharif also associated involvement in crime with a lack of fear. He explained that: I felt like I escaped death so many times, but I realised that I didn’t ever get a new life. This meant that I didn’t fear anything. It’s like, if a person survives an accident without injury and are happy to have a new life it means you fear your death, but I didn’t have the chance to think and when you are not thinking you don’t fear death. You don’t have any fear. We lived on the streets, we slept through the monsoon, we had no toilet or drinking facilities; everything threatened our lives. To drink water was threatening,  See Chap. 2 for a more detailed discussion of dacoity.

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to live on the streets was threatening, to eat food was threatening. There is nothing more to fear.

Sharif also shared several views on remorse and its relationship with the day-to-day living he experienced on the streets: These vulnerable kids, they do not have the chance to feel guilt. They barely have time to think. Now, as an adult all I do is think, think about today, tomorrow, think about what will happen to me and my family in 5-years’ time. But when I lived on the streets I could barely even see tomorrow. All I could focus on was my survival. What other choice did I have?

He went on to explain how: It is a very big concern to have to think about where your food will come from. For sleeping you need not to bother as long as there is an abandoned coach, then at least you have some shelter. Once you have your meal then you become happy and then after some hours you can think about your next meal.

Vulnerability and Abuse The abuse Sharif faced on the streets was one of the most difficult things for him to discuss. He explained how: There are some things in my life which are difficult to disclose. Sometimes I was forced to be with elder ladies; to join them in the bed. I can’t disclose this to anyone because my son and daughter would feel so ashamed. Abuse was common on the streets then; beatings happened regularly but this type of thing was quite unusual. At that time, it was something different. I looked nice I supposed, I have a nice face. The women were older than me, it was definitely a type of sexual exploitation because I was 15 or 16, I didn’t want to do it but they offered me food, so I did. If they offered me food for bed, then it is exploitation I think. The few of the women lived on the streets but many of them lived in wider society.

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It was very painful for Sharif to discuss this part of his life. At first, he spoke about the events with shame and his head hung low. However, as our conversations progressed we moved from a place of shame to discussions of agency and exploitation. We discussed how Sharif was coerced into having sex with women, as a means to survive on the streets, and in doing so, exerted some level of agency over a desperately difficult situation. We also discussed how Sharif might acquire further support to discuss these issues in greater depth and how sexual abuse affects children on the streets now, and what might be done to better protect them. Sharif ’s recommendations ranged from developing a wider awareness of the issue, moving away from stigmatisation and shaming and towards better and more effective enforcement of the perpetrators of these crimes.

Leaving the Gang, and the Streets Sharif lived on the streets for over three and a half years, was part of a street-based criminal group for the majority of this time. He then made the decision to leave, both the gang and the streets. He explained that he knew that there was an alternative, a different life, and in a random act of kindness, that would change the trajectory of Sharif ’s life completely, a train driver took him in and treated him as one of his family. Unfortunately, or fortunately I have some kind of foresightedness, I knew there was a different type of life and things in the group became more and more difficult. Every day there was some kind of threat; from the police, or from the leader. There was always some issue with the police, often because our leaders didn’t give them enough money, then the police would be really rude to us. Also, if you wanted to leave the group the leader would stop paying the police and the police would run after you. So, you end up having the re-join the group. I thought to myself, okay, if I want to leave the group then I have to leave this place. And I did it. Luckily, a man helped me. He had lost two children in the war of 1971, both had been killed by the military. He was so kind to me and I started living with his family. He was a train driver. My background from my life before the streets meant that I always read lot, even when I was sheltering in the broken coaches I read old newspapers. That was something which gave me the insight of a different life.

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The rest of Sharif ’s story is one of perseverance and courage. With the help of the train driver he managed to re-build his life; he distanced himself from criminal gangs and began working, first in a tea stall, then as a tutor and from there he went to university, qualified and acquired a job in the Bangladesh government. He worked fighting corruption for years and then moved into working for street children and finally into the field he is in now, human rights and social development. He has dedicated his life to helping others, to rebalancing inequality in society and to protecting some of Bangladesh’s most vulnerable children.

Conclusion Sharif ’s story provides a rich, concluding chapter to this book. The parallels between Bangladesh in the 1970s and now are striking. Mafia-type groups controlled areas of the city then, as they do now; men with status and social connections offered social protection to vulnerable children in a similar way as was discussed in Chap. 4. The paradox of this protection—outlined in Chap. 5 in particular—affected Sharif, like it does street children today. The questions raised in Chap. 6 about culpability are as relevant now as they were then. Sharif ’s story helps to demonstrate how and why we need a new way to conceptualise children’s involvement in organised crime, as Sharif said these children face acute poverty, endemic abuse and have little control over their lives: ‘their lives are decided by others.’

Reference Van Schendel, W. (2009). A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

10 Conclusion

6 December 2012, Dhaka, Bangladesh It is winter in Dhaka. The temperature is cool. The air is heavy with pollution and dust, and a light winter fog hangs low in the sky. I have arrived at a local market to carry out my weekly shopping. A young boy, of no more than 8 or 9, comes up to the car and peers into the open window. ‘Madam beautiful’ he says, ‘madam ami (I am) hungry.’ He has dark brown skin and dark eyes. His hair is greasy, and his feet are shoeless. Green shorts and a dirty green t-shirt cover his slight frame. His eyes are bright, but his skin is dull. He smiles and tries to grasp at my clothes as I step out of the car. The market buzzes with people shopping for food, spices and clothes. A large group of men stare in through a shop window to watch the cricket on a TV inside the store. The noise is deafening; a busy road runs alongside the market. Buses, cars and CNGs1 career down the road, all vying for space; men shout and rickshaw bells ring. The air is heavy with spices and the stench of sewage. In Bengali I ask the boy how he is; he shyly answers that he is ‘ba low’ (okay). He follows me when I walk towards the market. I motion for him to wait for me to return from a shop, and he understands that this means I will give him money when I return to the car. After my shopping is complete, I walk towards the vehicle and a crowd of street children has gathered. The boy in green is waiting patiently, and  Small vehicles that run on compressed natural gas.

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I touch the notes in my pocket that I put aside for him. They almost disintegrate in my hands; they are saturated with dirt; common for currency in this country. Children huddle around the car. Two boys have rubbish sacks over their shoulders; they are working. Their job for the day is to forage for recyclable goods among the piles of rubbish strewn across Dhaka’s streets. Their feet are bare; I often wonder about these children’s feet and how sore they must become. I remind myself that this is the least of their problems. A girl has joined the group, laughing slightly hysterically. Her cheeks are flushed and her eyes manic. She smiles a wide, toothy smile. I imagine she has been sniffing dande2 behind the market place. She grasps at my clothes, calling out, ‘money madam, money madam’. I give her some taka3 while the boy in green remains in the background. The dande girl jumps around grasping at my arm and asking for more. The boys join in; it is feeling a little uncontrollable. ‘Money madam, money’ they shout. I give them some crumpled notes and they shriek with excitement. The amount is the equivalent of one-pound sterling—a day’s earnings on the streets. I start up a conversation in my pidgin Bengali, which pacifies them somewhat, but their desperation for money remains. The boy in green holds back; an air of serenity surrounds him. It is as though the chaos of the market is blurred behind his tiny frame. I walk forward and push some money into his hand. ‘Thank you, madam’ he whispers, and talks in Bengali, but I don’t understand. I walk back to the car, making small talk with the other boys, who are grasping at my arms. They are funny and bright, and we use gestures to communicate. As I drive away I look back, and the boy in green and I maintain eye contact. He stares at me and then shyly smiles. The other boys wave as we leave. The dande girl is long gone, running erratically across the market. What strikes me is the vulnerability of these children. It is a scene I see every day in this city; there is nothing new or unique about it. Yet these children are so vulnerable. The boy is on his own in a world full of adults. His parents are nowhere to be seen. He may have a guardian lost in the crowd nearby, but it is far more likely that his family have sent him to beg while they live in squalor in a nearby slum. Even more probable is that he is an orphan surviving on the streets of this malevolent city.  A local drug similar to glue sniffing.  Local currency.

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It strikes me that anyone could just take this boy, the dande girl, or any other child; simply steal them from the streets. The thieves could make them do whatever they wanted. With little incentive, I know that they would go. What choice do they have? A smile may suffice; an illustration of love, perhaps; money would undoubtedly seal the deal. A minute in time and some taka in their hand and a child could vanish. No one would know they were gone; no one would notice; no one would know what they could be made to do. There is no one to protect them, to help them, to provide them with safety, to ensure them love. Is it any wonder that vulnerable street children succumb to the advances of mastaans, gangs and corrupt officials?

Introduction This book examined street children’s involvement as workers in mastaan groups. The study considered the ways in which organised crime groups in Dhaka are structured, the crimes they commit and why street children become involved in these groups. In this final chapter, I review the main points discussed in this book, including the research propositions, the methods that were used in the study, and the research findings. The final discussions will reflect on some of the ethical dilemmas arising from this research and the implications of this research for policy, practice and further investigative study. This study was necessary for many reasons. First, as noted earlier, extant research into gangs and organised crime in Bangladesh is surprisingly limited. Shafi’s (2010) study of urban crime in Dhaka remains the only book written exclusively about violence in Bangladesh, and urban poverty reports discuss the role of mastaans in organised crime but make no mention of gangs or the involvement of children in these groups. This means that very little is known about organised crime and the way mastaans operate in Bangladesh. This study addressed these gaps in knowledge. A review of the literature within criminology, development studies, anthropology and street children’s geographies led to the development of the three main research propositions:

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1. Mastaans are the mafia groups that operate in a market for crime, violence and social protection. 2. These groups hire street children to commit crime for them. The term ‘illicit child labourer’ is therefore useful in this context. 3. Street children involved in mastaan groups are neither simply victims nor offenders. They are active social agents doing what they can to protect themselves and survive on the streets. As discussed in the Introduction, the fieldwork for this study consisted of several components, broadly split into the following three phases. Participant observation was conducted over a total of three years, during which time I worked for an international development organisation in Dhaka that specialises in prison and police reform. This observation was essential to understand the social, political, economic and cultural factors that provide the context within which to understand gangs and organised crime in Bangladesh. Phase two consisted of 80 interviews with adults (38 were semi-structured and 42 were unstructured) and two focus groups, the first with six participants and the second with five. Finally, I conducted an embedded case study with an organisation that houses and supports 22 children from the streets and slums in Dhaka. This case study included the following: (a) participant observation carried out over a period of 12 months, during which I visited the organisation on a weekly basis; (b) five one-hour workshops which included drawing,4 role-play, games and use of multi-media; and (c) semi-structured group interviews conducted with all 22 children.

Contributions to Knowledge This book offers the following contributions to knowledge. First, the study considered the ways that Bangladesh’s organised crime groups, the mastaans, operate. It explored how these groups are structured, the crimes they commit and their subculture. Second, the study demonstrated that mastaans operate in a market for social protection and are  Please see drawings in the appendix, created by the children during the ‘What is crime’? workshop.

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thus ‘mafia-type’ organisations. The previous discussions, particularly in Chap. 4, show clearly that although the mastaans are involved in the provision of protection, through various means, including violence, they are also involved in a wide range of other criminal activities. Third, the study argued that mastaan groups hire street children to commit crime for them and proposed that the term ‘child labourer’ is the best way to explain what these children do and the reasons why they do it. Additionally, the study argued that street children involved in mastaan groups are neither victims nor offenders but active social agents. The study demonstrated that protective agency best describes the type of agency that street children exhibit during their interactions with mastaans and gangs. Finally, the study contributes to literature on research methodologies because it was the first to employ a case study to explore the relationship between street children and organised crime in Bangladesh.

Mastaans and the Market for Protection Chapter 4 confirmed the existence of Bangladeshi mafia groups, the mastaans, by conducting theoretically informed analysis of primary empirical data. It argued that mastaans operate in a market for social protection, acting as patrons allowing poor people to access services and social mobility, protecting economic transactions and resolving disputes. However, the role of mastaans has diversified into other forms of organised crime. They commit extortion and carry out a wide array of criminal activity, much of which relies on their monopolisation of violence to protect their illegal industries. In doing so, the study demonstrates that mastaans are mafia groups that engage in a variety of crime and violence and operate in a market for social protection. The book also developed a social protection theory of the mafia, drawing on both economic and behavioural theories of mafias to develop a theoretical framework suitable of explaining mastaans in Bangladesh. The study provides the first in-depth account of the organised crime in Bangladesh. It considered the labels that people use to describe organised crime, mastaans and the hierarchies that exist among these groups. Chapter 4, in particular, considered the ways in which mastaan groups are structured. It drew upon Hallsworth and Young’s (2006) hierarchy of

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organised crime and proposed a modified pyramid: mastaans in Bangladesh operate via a hierarchy consisting of three main echelons. The first echelon is mastaans, Bangladesh’s organised crime bosses. The second echelon is gangs who exist on the streets. The third level is street children, the workers of these groups, who are involved in some of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. This structure helped frame discussions of street children’s involvement in mastaan groups throughout the book. The study also considered the ways in which mastaan groups function. It concluded that these groups operate criminal businesses with clearly defined roles, responsibilities and ways to earn and divide profits. Groups are headed by a mastaan who is supported by a right-hand man or assistant who controls the lower echelons of the crime group. Furthermore, mastaans operate in numerous slums in Dhaka; they control these poor areas and the people who live among them by extorting money, and in return providing slum dwellers with access to basic services. Mastaans conduct their activities in collusion with politicians, who provide them with immunity. Mastaans give politicians a share of the extortion money and provide ‘political muscle’, threats, violence and intimidation on the streets to secure votes and muster political support.

Street Children as the Labourers of Mastaan Groups The book described the ways in which street children’s vulnerability, and their need to earn money to survive, puts them at risk of involvement in organised crime. The study considered the role street children play in Bangladeshi organised crime and concluded that street children are hired by mastaans to conduct political violence, ‘grab’ land, carry weapons, sell drugs and commit murder. This book identifies these children as ‘illicit labourers’, rather than criminals or gang members, and develops a new way of conceptualising children’s involvement in organised crime. There are two reasons why street children’s involvement in mastaan groups should be considered labour. First, the participants of this study conceptualised what street children do on behalf of mastaan bosses as work; there was rarely any mention from the interviewees that this work involves committing crime. Second, the ways in which mastaan groups

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are organised, with clearly defined structures, hierarchies and bosses, means that they operate as criminal businesses and street children are their workers. This was how the children, in particular, described these groups. The labour that street children are hired to do is often menial, unskilled or semi-skilled and demeaning. It denies their right to an education and puts them at risk of harm on both a physical and psychological level. The study considered the ways in which children are employed to cause disturbance during political rallies or occupy land during land-grabbing incidents. There was a clear indication that mastaans, and gangs, deliberately hire children to commit acts ‘on the front line’ so that, if a dispute should occur, it would be the children who face the consequences. Street children are also hired to sell and carry drugs on behalf of mastaan groups, collect extortion money and on some occasions, commit contract k­ illings. The children who carry out these acts follow the strict instructions of their boss; in doing so, there is no regard for the safety of the children, or the victims of these crimes. The long-term consequences of children’s involvement in organised crime remain unknown. However, the study showed that protection for street children who commit crime must be sought: for the children themselves, their victims and to stop the spread of organised crime in Bangladesh. There are, however, several barriers to achieving this. For example, this study also considered current policy approaches to young people engaged in child labour and argued that street children’s involvement in organised crime is not sufficiently documented within the ILO (International Labour Organisation) definition of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (ILO 1999), nor is the issue given the attention it deserves on an international stage. This means that opportunities to protect millions of children are missed, both in Bangladesh and on a global scale.

Actively Seeking Protection There were several issues of moral agency that arose during this research. For example, if street children commit crime on behalf of mastaans, where does the culpability of these children lie? Are they victims, offenders

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or both? This study considered the ways in which mastaans actively recruit street children into their groups and coerce children into crime using the threat of violence. Mastaan groups also prevent street children from working in other jobs, leaving them immobile and unable to make choices about employment on the streets. This then encourages street children to engage in organised crime as a way to secure an income. Additionally, mastaans work in collusion with the police to recruit children by threatening young people with arrest; the young people are then forced to turn to mastaans for protection. Finally, the study demonstrated that street children are often recruited into mastaan groups while incarcerated in one of Bangladesh’s three juvenile correctional centres or in adult jails. The fieldwork data showed that these centres and prisons fail to protect the rights of children and leave them vulnerable to the advances of mastaan group members. All of these examples were argued to ­contribute to a victim perspective and demonstrate how street children are coerced into organised crime. The subculture of mastaan groups means that the children who work for them do so within a highly structured environment; street children feel under obligation and are forced to follow orders of mastaan group members who are older, more educated or of a higher position within the group. This means that street children have little agency in the work that they do; they receive orders and follow the instructions of their bosses. Direct recruitment and the ways in which children follow orders provide examples of how street children could, and should, be conceptualised as the victims of organised crime. However, this victim lens does not explain the whole story of the child labourers of mastaan groups. While these children lack autonomy and control over their own lives, they do exert some agency over the decisions they make, and some of these decisions involve committing crime. The study demonstrated that some children actively participate in gangs because of the earning potential these groups provide. The child interviewees explained that crime often pays more than other jobs and that income is paid more frequently, particularly compared to jobs, such as selling flowers or chocolates on the streets. Additionally, mastaan groups use weapons and engage in disputes over territory and drugs which makes them comparable to many gangs around the world and demonstrates the often-violent behaviour of their members.

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So, if street children who work on behalf of mastaan groups are neither victims nor offenders then how is it possible to understand the work that they do? The study demonstrated that street children work to earn an income but that they work for more than just money. What these children seek is protection, and their involvement with mastaans is primarily driven by their need to secure their own safety. Street children are thus active social agents engaged in ensuring their own safety and protection on the streets. As Chap. 6 argued, protective agency describes the type of agency that street children exhibit and provides recognition of the nature of agency that is focused on acquiring protection. The protection that mastaan groups offer street children has the following components. First, solidarity. These groups live and work together, which assists a child’s survival on the streets. Second, mastaan groups provide protection from other gangs or mastaan groups, and because of their association with the police are also in a position to secure immunity from criminal prosecution. Lastly, mastaan groups act as patrons for their clients, street children. They assist street children to become more mobile in Bangladeshi society and the communities from which they are drawn. This means that mastaans offer children access to things they would have trouble accessing elsewhere, including autonomy and social inclusion, housing, and an income.

Street Children, Organised Crime and Case Studies This study demonstrated a new way to research children’s association with organised crime. This was the first study to consider street children’s involvement in mastaans in Bangladesh. In fact, it is rare for mafia studies to be based on primary data. As Gambetta (1993) points out, the reasons for this are obvious: personal safety and the reliability of the information. In his words, ‘scholars do not like to waste their time with uncooperative sources who refuse to talk or alternatively, to be shot’ (p. 9). This means that the vast majority of studies into the mafia rely on secondary sources such as transcripts of confessions. Scholars also frequently interview people on the periphery of mafia activities. Gambetta (1993), for example, chose to speak to taxi drivers, building officials and to observe wholesale markets in Sicily.

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What is even more significant is that most studies into the mafia are based on the views of adults. It is a serious omission that street children are not asked what they think. This study illustrates the importance of including street children’s perceptions of crime groups that exhibit ‘mafia-­ type’ behaviour. There are two main reasons for this: first, street children are very well informed about the ways in which mastaans operate and the work they do. Second, street children work as the labourers of these groups, which gives them a unique and valuable viewpoint. Applying a case study approach to children’s perceptions of mastaans was important for several reasons. The approach allowed me, as the researcher, to conduct lengthy observations of the Bangladesh criminal justice system and wider society. This was vital in order to understand the social, cultural, political and economic factors which form the context of this study. As the case study consisted of interviews with 80 adult practitioners and an embedded case study with the children, I was able to compare all three data sets. This was important because it helped me to set the parameters for the study, but also because it demonstrates the validity of the data. This is particularly important for studies that include street children. Many scholars note the challenges in obtaining truthful accounts from street children because these children can elaborate stories or develop scripts to explain their lives (Aptekar 1994). An in-depth triangulation process ensured that these issues were mitigated in this study; I was able to cross-reference the data gathered from the children with data gathered from the adults. The similarities between the children’s and adults’ views were striking. These similarities led me to feel confident in the reliability and validity of the data, and also demonstrates the benefits of a case study approach in a context such as this. The conclusions about research methodologies that can be drawn from this study are summarised as follows: street children should be more widely consulted in studies about crime, even when the subject under discussion is the ‘adult world’ of the ‘mafia-type’ behaviour. When conducting studies with street children it is important to apply a variety of child-friendly techniques to engage them and to ensure that they feel like active participants in the research process. The children should be respected and protected during the research process, particularly when the topic of discussion is crime and violence. Methods must be designed

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to avoid disclosures of particular crimes or criminals, and a no-name policy must be upheld. Additionally, a system should be in place to support any child who discloses sensitive information. Triangulating data is important in any study, but particularly with street children, so a case study approach is the most effective way to gather rich qualitative data from a range of sources. This helps to ensure the validity of the data and gives street children’s voices more credence. Case study methodology should thus be applied more extensively to explore young people’s involvement in crime.

Implications for Research, Policy and Practice The implications of this study for research, policy and practice are multifaceted. It is necessary to revisit the ILO (1999) definition of the Worst Forms of Child Labour and ensure that framework correctly depicts the wide variety of organised crime children engage in, and their reasons for doing so. There are also other international legislations: the UN’s Sustainable Developments Goals (specifically Target 8.7), Article 32 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and the UN’s General Comment on Street Children which all offer numerous opportunities to better protect vulnerable children. Yet this legislation  makes only limited reference to children, like the ones discussed in this study, that engage in ‘illicit labour’ as a means to survive on the streets. It is necessary to build better alliances between academic disciplines and to move understanding away from dichotomous notions of ‘victims’ and ‘offenders’ and into a new domain of child labour. This relates to the development of a new discourse ‘Southern criminology’ which seeks to rebalance criminology to better reflect crime in the global South (Carrington et al. 2018), and in places such as Bangladesh. One way to do this is to bring together concepts usually derived from criminology (gangs and organised crime) with notions often associated with development studies and anthropology (child labour, patronage and social protection). In doing so, it is possible to develop conceptual framework suitable for understanding crime in Bangladesh, and potentially wider afield.

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There is also a great deal to be done to develop real and lasting solutions to tackle illicit labour. How can we identify children engaged in organised crime? Ensure their safety and provide alternative means of survival? How can we develop better systems among justice agencies and communities to provide children with the protection they are so desperate to acquire and deserve?

Final Thoughts There are wider questions for this debate. The conceptualisation of children as crime workers may well be useful for other countries in the global South where child labour is endemic and organised crime is pervasive. It is likely that, within similar circumstances, children in other parts of the world will be operating as labourers in organised crime groups. Perhaps all children involved in organised crime and gangs in all parts of the world are labourers. Do they not all work and earn an income? Are they not all seeking protection and a sense of belonging? This book has developed an understanding of gangs in Bangladesh and the unique local aspects of this phenomenon but if this true in Bangladesh, then why not in Kingston, Beijing or Moss Side? Is the ‘younger’ in a London street gang (or indeed Baltimore, Chicago, Kingston, Hungary, Russia, Brazil, etc.) holding a gun for his ‘big brother’, or acting as a spotter on a street corner any more or less a child labourer? How might we re-consider children’s involvement in organised crime, as a product of a society which fails to protect its most vulnerable citizens, but also as a wider, global debate? How useful is the conceptualisation of illicit child labour to places outside of Bangladesh, in neighbouring countries such as India, China and wider afield? Recent research from China (Atkinson-Sheppard and Hayward 2018) and the United Kingdom (Robinson et  al. 2018) suggests that the concept of illicit labour may indeed be a useful lens through which to consider children who engage in the illicit economy of drug dealing and across ‘county lines’. How then can we develop global understandings of children’s involvement in organised crime, which develops ways to better reflect the realities of children’s

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lives, but also helps to initiate policy, legislative changes to affect real change, and halt the spread of organised crime? If there is one final thing that I want the reader to take from this study, it is that children, like the ones in this study, must be better protected. From an early age, the lives of street children revolve around survival, finding shelter, food and protecting themselves from the harsh realities of life on the streets. They are denied their right to education and the work that they do affects their moral, social and physical development. It is the resilience and inventiveness of the child participants of this study that will stay with me. They are astute, intelligent and assertive. They have to be in order to survive. These qualities must be embraced and celebrated. But first, we must do our duty as adults and protect them. They deserve the right to be children.

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References Aptekar, L. (1994). Street Children in the Developing World: A Review of Their Condition. Cross-Cultural Research, 28, 3195–3224. Atkinson-Sheppard, S., & Hayward, H. (2018). Conceptual Similarities; Distinct Difference: Exploring ‘the Gang’ in Mainland China. British Journal of Criminology. https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy051. Carrington, K., Hogg, R., & Sozzo, M. (2018). Southern Criminology. British Journal of Criminology, 56(1), 1–20. Gambetta, D. (1993). The Sicilian Mafia. London: Harvard University Press. Hallsworth, S., & Young, T. (2006). Urban Collectives: Gangs and Other Groups. A Report Prepared for the Metropolitan Police Service and Government Office for London. London: Metropolitan Police Service. Robinson, G., McLean, R., & Densley, J. (2018). Working County Lines: Child Criminal Exploitation and Illicit Drug Dealing in Glasgow and Merseyside. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X18806742. Shafi, S. A. (2010). Urban Crime and Violence in Dhaka. Dhaka: The University Press Limited. The International Labour Organisation (ILO). (1999). The Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (Convention 182). [Online]. ILO.  Available at: http:// www.ilo.org/ipec/facts/ILOconventionsonchildlabour/lang%2D%2Den/ index.htm. Accessed 17 June 2012.

Appendix

Illustrations 1 and 2  Examples of drawings by the children during the ‘What is crime?’ workshop © The Author(s) 2019 S. Atkinson-Sheppard, The Gangs of Bangladesh, Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18426-1

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Index1

environment, 18, 27, 29, 34, 125, 143, 190 geography, 18 governance, 18, 24–27, 35, 40, 42, 57, 81, 88, 91, 95, 96, 100 history, 10, 18, 24, 37 politics, 18, 24–27, 29, 39, 42, 52, 58, 87–91, 97, 112, 130 society, 2, 6, 11, 18, 24, 28–29, 36, 38, 42, 51, 63, 64, 80, 83, 84, 91, 92, 94, 95, 99, 106, 126, 131, 140, 143, 148, 150, 160, 165, 172, 173, 175–179, 181, 191, 192, 194

A

Access to justice, 147 Active social agents, 7, 72, 186, 187, 191 Agency children’s agency, 19, 49–72, 123, 124, 126, 127, 135, 143, 144 protective agency, 3, 6, 19, 121–133, 143, 187, 191 Anthropology, 18, 49, 66, 185, 193 B

Bangladesh economics, 7, 28, 35, 42, 51–53, 62, 68, 80, 92–94, 100, 115, 130, 155, 156, 176, 177, 186, 187, 192

C

Case study, 6, 8, 17, 18, 20, 86, 98, 111n13, 186, 187, 191–193

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

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199

200 Index

Child Criminal Exploitation, 138 Childhood, 2, 15, 19, 30, 58, 60, 62, 63, 67, 92, 99, 121, 121n1, 122, 124, 126, 131, 133, 146, 147, 163, 172 Child labour exploitative child labour, 32, 69–70, 142 International Labour Organisation, 5, 6, 31, 32, 32n8, 67, 69, 70, 117, 118, 136–138, 141, 154, 155, 157, 158, 189, 193 Worst Forms of Child Labour, 5, 6, 67, 69, 70, 104, 106, 111, 113, 117, 135–137, 141, 149, 154, 159, 188, 189, 193 Children’s agency, 49–72, 123, 124, 126, 127, 135, 144 Child slavery, 41, 69, 137 Child soldiers, 5, 37, 103, 124, 125, 136, 145 Conceptual framework, 18, 50, 140, 193 research propositions, 7, 18, 49, 71, 72, 79, 185 Contract killings, 3, 19, 70, 84, 96, 107, 109, 115–117, 137, 144, 148, 154, 189 Corruption, 24, 42, 97, 132, 147, 181 Crime, 2, 24, 25, 39–42, 49–72, 79, 80, 96–97, 103–118, 122, 123, 135, 150, 153, 172, 174–178, 191–193 Criminal justice system court system, 7, 34, 146

juvenile justice, 34, 143, 144, 146, 147, 149, 159 police, 2, 4, 7, 16, 19, 31, 35, 36, 39, 41, 43, 52, 54, 58, 59, 65, 80, 83, 84, 86, 89–91, 96–98, 100, 105, 115, 116, 126, 129, 147, 160, 161, 167, 177, 180, 186, 190, 191 prisons, 7, 14, 34, 63, 84, 90, 112, 116, 143, 146, 147, 161, 186, 190 Criminology, 3, 20, 43, 49, 66, 71, 118, 153, 154, 163–168, 185, 193 Culpability, 3, 6, 19, 20, 63, 116, 118, 123, 133, 135–150, 181, 189 children’s culpability, 3, 6, 20, 63, 116, 123, 133, 135–150, 189 D

Dacoity, 36, 37, 96, 178, 178n3 Development studies, 18, 43, 49, 62, 64, 66, 118, 153, 163, 165, 166, 168, 185, 193 Dhaka, Bangladesh, 1–8, 10, 11, 15, 17, 18, 20, 27, 29–31, 39–42, 67, 82, 84, 86, 89, 90, 103–105, 126, 129, 131, 132, 145, 147, 149, 156, 159, 161, 162, 164, 166, 171–174, 183–186, 188 Drugs selling drugs, 70, 107, 113 trafficking, 37, 69, 70, 137, 139

 Index  E

Empirical research, 71, 80 Extortion, 3, 4, 19, 39, 40, 51, 58, 70, 81, 84–87, 96, 97, 100, 104, 109, 113–114, 117, 129, 137, 144, 154, 187–189 toll collecting, 90, 113–114 G

201

economic theories, 53, 80 market for protection, 80, 92, 177 monopolisation of violence, 19, 100, 187 Mastaans association with the police, 19, 39, 80, 99, 191 association with the state, 91 divisions of labour, 19, 85 gender dynamics, 93 hierarchies, 83, 86, 95, 104, 106, 117, 187, 189 involvement in crime, 106 market for social protection, 3, 79–100, 186, 187 monopolisation of violence, 19, 100, 187 prevalence, 19, 82, 99

Gangs association with organized crime, 5, 34, 37, 42, 58, 166, 194 Chicago School (Thrasher), 54 defining the gang, 55 hierarchies, 65, 66, 87, 104, 106 involvement in criminality, 55, 58, 84 nature, 138 subculture, 49, 64–66, 71, 138 territoriality, 66 Global North, 3

N

I

Non-government organisations (NGOs), 2, 6, 7, 26, 27, 37, 39, 81, 145, 158, 161, 167

Illicit child labour, 135–143, 148–150, 153, 156, 194 Informal economy, 19, 165 L

Land grabbing, 3, 96, 109–111, 117, 189 M

Mafias behavioural approaches, 53, 80

O

Organised crime gender, 163 hierarchies, 51, 54, 56–58, 65, 86, 104, 126, 176, 187 involvement in a market for private protection, 52, 71 involvement in crime, 138, 143, 158, 166 nature, 43, 86, 123, 168 prevalence, 36

202 Index P

Patronage, 3, 28, 29, 40, 43, 53, 94, 95, 130–132, 166, 193 patron-client relationships, 28–29, 94, 130, 167 Peer groups, 56, 57, 65, 83, 104–106, 142 Police, 147 Policy, 3, 8, 9, 19, 20, 117, 118, 135, 137, 139, 144, 153–168, 185, 189, 193–195 Political violence, 3, 19, 37, 70, 104, 109, 111–112, 117, 137, 144, 154, 188 hartals, 26, 111–112 Poverty, 1, 5, 16, 17, 24, 27, 30, 35, 38, 39, 42, 62, 64, 68, 80, 100, 107, 117, 126, 132, 138, 139, 147, 150, 154–157, 159, 161, 178, 181, 185 Practice, 3, 19, 20, 34, 34n9, 56, 85, 93, 106, 110, 111, 113, 114, 117, 118, 121n1, 137, 138, 145, 146, 153–168, 185, 193–194 Protection, 3, 6–9, 18–20, 29, 31, 33, 34, 38, 41, 51–54, 59, 71, 72, 79–100, 116–117, 124, 126–133, 136, 144, 145, 149, 154, 156–158, 161, 164–168, 172, 176, 177, 181, 186–191, 193, 194 Protective agency, 121–133, 143, 187, 191 R

Research, 2, 3, 6–10, 13–20, 31, 34, 35, 38, 42, 49, 58, 59, 61–63,

65, 66, 71, 72, 79, 80, 98–100, 103, 104, 115, 128, 130, 138, 149, 150, 153–168, 171, 185, 187, 189, 191–194 Research methods case study, 17, 98, 187, 191–193 exploratory study, 18, 161 informed consent, 8 participant observation, 2, 6–8, 186 S

Slums, 1, 2, 5–8, 10, 12, 24, 27, 30, 31, 38–40, 42, 55, 57, 61, 80, 82, 83, 86, 87, 89, 95, 96, 99, 100, 104, 105, 110, 113, 114, 160, 184, 186, 188 Social mobility, 28, 29, 100, 126, 187 Social protection, 3, 19, 72, 79–100, 118, 127, 130–132, 149, 153, 157, 158, 164, 165, 167, 168, 172, 176, 181, 186, 187, 193 Southern criminology Carrington, K., 71, 154, 166, 193 global North, 166, 167 global South, 49, 71, 154, 166, 167, 193, 194 Street children exploitation, 31, 34–38, 42, 131 street-connectiveness, 61 vulnerability, 40, 82, 105, 111, 131, 185 Subcultural theory, 165 Survival, 11, 68, 70, 95, 99, 106, 114, 117, 124, 126, 129, 131, 133, 139, 141, 142, 145, 149,

 Index 

159, 160, 162, 172–176, 178, 179, 191, 194, 195 T

Thugs/Thuggees, 35 Trafficking, 31, 38, 42, 69, 70, 137–139, 149, 163, 178

203

V

Victims, 3, 5, 7, 14, 19, 27, 38, 51, 62–63, 71, 72, 83, 92, 103, 115–117, 123, 125, 128, 132, 135, 138–143, 145, 147–149, 163, 165, 186, 187, 189–191, 193 W

U

United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), 29, 33, 117, 121, 122, 147, 155, 156, 193 United Nations General Comment on Street Children, 155, 193 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, 155, 193

War of Independence (1971), 25, 26, 37, 172 Weapons, 3, 19, 96, 104, 108, 109, 116, 139, 149, 178, 188, 190 The Worst Forms of Child Labour, 106, 111, 113, 117, 135–137, 141, 149, 154, 159, 188, 189, 193