The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria 9781407315287, 9781407344751

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Acknowledgments
Table of Contents
List of Illustrations
Introduction
Chapter 1: Preliminaries
Chapter 2: Some Notes on the History of Rough Cilicia and Isauria
Chapter 3: Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia
Chapter 4: Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia
Chapter 5: The Funerary Monuments of Isauria
Chapter 6: Conclusions
Bibliography

Citation preview

________ Yasemin Er Scarborough, having received her PhD at Cornell University in 1991, is an independent scholar, who has directed official surveys in Rough Cilicia and Isauria. A native of Turkey, she has travelled widely in Syria and Jordan studying ancient funerary monuments.

BAR  S2846  2017   ER SCARBOROUGH   THE FUNERARY MONUMENTS OF ROUGH CILICIA AND ISAURIA

This book is an investigation of the funerary monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria. Rock-cut tombs, tower tombs, temple tombs, grave houses, barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs, tombs with monumental columns, sarcophagi, larnaces, rectangular funerary altars and stelae, mostly from the Hellenistic and Roman periods, all occur in Rough Cilicia and Isauria. Much of the book rests on archaeological surveys conducted by the author in Rough Cilicia and in Isauria. She divides Rough Cilicia into four areas, to establish tentative boundaries of local distribution, as well as a rough chronology of distinct types of monuments. The funerary monuments of Isauria are treated separately. Selected tombs are considered, site-by-site, with comments on characteristic features, typical of the funerary architecture of the district. A noteworthy aspect is the movement of itinerant artists, who contributed to the transmission of funerary forms and motifs.

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Yasemin Er Scarborough

BAR International Series 2846 9 781407 315287

B A R

2017

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Yasemin Er Scarborough

BAR International Series 2846 2017

by Published in BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria © Yasemin Er Scarborough Temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili). Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy. The Author’s moral rights under the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reser ved. No par t of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any for m of digital for mat or transmitted in any for m digitally, without the written per mission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407315287 paperback ISBN 9781407344751 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407315287 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR titles are available from: BAR Publishing Banbury Rd, Oxford, [email protected] + ( ) + ( ) www.barpublishing.com

,

For John

Acknowledgments When Professor Levent Zoroğlu first introduced me to the archaeological riches of Rough Cilicia in 1987, he suggested that I study the funerary monuments of the region. I am most grateful to Professor Zoroğlu for his continuing support and wisdom in the field which made this book possible. In 1989 I conducted an official survey of Rough Cilicia to study the funerary monuments, which became the subject of my doctoral thesis, completed at Cornell University in 1991. In 1989 I travelled to Jordan and Syria to study the parallels between the tombs of the two regions with the Cilician examples. In 1990 I focused on the ancient sites of Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) and Olba, where I conducted a survey. In 1993 and 1994 I conducted official surveys of Isauria, studying and recording the funerary monuments of this remote region, where I witnessed firsthand the ongoing destruction of the tombs by treasure hunters and looters. I tender my great thanks to my traveling companions for most of these excursions, Professor Bilal Söğüt and Hüseyin Adıbelli with whom I endured many hardships during the surveys of this rugged country. I am especially indebted to Professor Söğüt who offered encouragement and invaluable support during the completion of the book. His gracious kindness and profound knowledge of numerous sites and landscape repeatedly proved invaluable. He also is responsible for a number of plans and photographs which appear in the book. Osman Doğanay shared his deep knowledge of funerary monuments in Isauria and generously provided me with photographs and plans of some of the tombs he has studied. I am further indebted to Mehmet Tekocak, Aytekin Büyüközer and Fatih Gürsoy who graciously shared their plans and photographs. I was also inspired by the memory of the late Mehmet Söylemez 'Aga' who wanted me to write this book for a long time. The continuous hospitality offered by the local residents throughout the regions made our task more pleasant. I am much indebted to the late Professor Kenneth Russell for his guidance and support in Jordan and Syria. His expertise and assistance in the field greatly facilitated my work and our trip to Palmyra remains one of the most memorable in my travels. My fieldwork in Rough Cilicia, Isauria and Syria was supported by various grants from the Archaeological Institute of America (Olivia James Fellowship), American Schools of Oriental Research (Albright Fellowship), Cornell University, Dr. M. Aylwin Cotton Foundation Fellowship, and American Philosophical Society Fellowship. This work is dedicated to my husband John, who has supported me and this project to the point of neglecting his own work; he has edited my book and devoted as many hours to writing this book as I have. His broad knowledge of Greek and Roman history proved invaluable. At last but not least I am also grateful to Joshua Philo for his electronic wizardry which often came to my rescue.

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Table of Contents List of Illustrations

vi

Introduction

1

Chapter 1 - Preliminaries

2

Chapter 2 - Some Notes on the History of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

10

Chapter 3 - Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

19

Chapter 4 - Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

130

Chapter 5 - Funerary Monuments of Isauria

199

Chapter 6 - Conclusions

271

Bibliography

274

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List of Illustrations Figure 1.1 Map of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Figure 1.2 Taurus Mountains Figure 1.3 Taurus Mountains Figure 3.1 General view from a rock-cut tomb, Direvli Figure 3.2 Arcosolium niche tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.3 Arcosolium chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.4 Rock-cut chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.5 Funerary beds (klinai) in rock-cut chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.6 Chamosoria burials in arcosolium chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.7 Rock-cut tomb used as a shed, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.8 Freestanding sarcophagus on an aedicula temple tomb, Elaiussa Sebaste Figure 3.9 The aqueduct, Olba Figure 3.10 Rock-cut tomb with Corinthian facade, East Hill necropolis, Olba Figure 3.11 Sarcophagus burial under the arcosolium in rock-cut tomb with Corinthian facades, Olba. Figure 3.12 Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba Figure 3.13 Rock-cut tomb with Ionic facade, Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba Figure 3.14 Plan and section of the rock-cut tomb with Ionic facade, Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.15 Rock-cut tomb complex, Acropolis South Hill, Olba Figure 3.16 Freestanding sarcophagus with niche, Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba Figure 3.17 Sarcophagus with flying Erotes, Olba Figure 3.18 Mason's sarcophagus, Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba Figure 3.19 Temple of Zeus Olbios, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.20 Corinthian capital, temple of Zeus Olbios, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.21 North necropolis (Sırainler), Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.22 Arcosolium chamber tomb with niche, West (Eğrikuyu), necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.23 Burial benches in arcosolium chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.24 Arcosolium chamber tomb, rock-cut sarcophagus under an arcosolium niche, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.25 Arcosolium chamber tomb with multiple chambers and ten burials Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç)

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List of Illustrations Figure 3.26 Plan of arcosolium multi chamber tomb with ten burials, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.27 Menorah, arcosolium chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.28 Rock-cut chamber tombs, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.29 Plan and section of a rock-cut chamber tomb, West (Eğrikuyu), necropolis, Diocaesarea (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.30 Rock-cut niche tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.31 Arcosolium niche tomb with Doric facade, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.32 Reconstruction illustration of arcosolium niche tomb with Doric facade, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.33 Arcosolium niche tomb with Doric facade, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.34 Reconstruction illustration of arcosolium niche tomb with Doric facade, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.35 Rock-cut chamber tomb with crescent symbol, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.36 Arcosolium chamber tomb with a rosette, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.37 Reconstruction illustration of arcosolium chamber tomb with a rosette, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.38 Totenmahl relief, Olba Figure 3.39 Garland sarcophagus, temenos of Zeus Olbios temple, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.40 Kline lid, temenos of Zeus Olbios temple, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.41 Rock-cut sarcophagus with tabula ansata, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) Figure 3.42 Rock-cut reliefs above rock-cut chamber tomb F5, Necropolis N8, Canytelleis Figure 3.43 Rock-cut totenmahl and soldier reliefs above rock-cut chamber tomb F8, Necropolis N8, Canytelleis Figure 3.44 The harbour of Celenderis (Photograph by Levent Zoroğlu) Figure 3.45 Rock-cut tomb with dromos, Celenderis necropolis (Photograph by Levent Zoroğlu) Figure 3.46 Rock-cut chamber tomb with statues, Meydancıkkale Figure 3.47 Statues of the chamber tomb with statues, Meydancıkkale, now in Silifke Museum (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.48 Plan of the chamber tomb with statues, Meydancıkkale (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.49 Rock-cut tombs, Duruhan Figure 3.50 Arcosolium chamber tomb with an arch facade, Duruhan Figure 3.51 Arcosolium chamber tomb, Kuskan Figure 3.52 Rock-cut sarcophagus with steps, Kuskan-Hatunkuyusu

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Figure 3.53 Plan and section of rock-cut sarcophagus with steps, Kuskan-Hatunkuyusu (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.54 Rock-cut tombs nos. 1 and 2, facing south, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.55 Rock-cut tomb no. 1, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.56 Gorgoneion relief on rock-cut tomb no. 1, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.57 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 1, Direvli necropolis (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.58 Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.59 Section of rock-cut tomb no. 2, Direvli necropolis (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.60 Inscription next to the mutilated bust on rock-cut tomb no. 3, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.61 Three rock-cut tombs filled with debris, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.62 Rock-cut tomb no. 4, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.63 Eagle holding a thunderbolt in the pediment of a rock-cut tomb, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.64 Lion lid sarcophagus with an eagle holding a thunderbolt in the pediment, Direvli necropolis. Figure 3.65 Medallion bust on the facade of a rock-cut tomb, Direvli necropolis Figure 3.66 Bust in a wreath on the facade of a rock-cut tomb, Direvli sarcophagus Figure 3.67 Freestanding sarcophagus with hyposorion, Lamus necropolis Figure 3.68 Frontal view of the freestanding sarcophagus with hyposorion, Lamus necropolis Figure 3.69 Plan and section of the hyposorion with freestanding sarcophaus, Lamus necropolis (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 3.70 Wreath carved on the freestanding sarcophagus with hyposorion, Lamus necropolis Figure 3.71 Eagle holding a bull's head carved on the freestanding sarcophagus with hyposorion, Lamus necropolis Figure 3.72 Marble lion holding a bull's head under its paws, Lamus necropolis Figure 3.73 Rock-cut tomb, Germanicopolis (Ermenek-Derzkaya) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.74 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb, Germanicopolis (Ermenek-Derzkaya) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 83.2-3) Figure 3.75 Arcosolium tomb with steps, Germanicopolis (Ermenek-Kebeni) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.76 Plan and section of arcosolium tomb with steps, Germanicopolis (Ermenek-Kebeni) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 87.2-3) Figure 3.77 Rock-cut tomb with Christian inscription, Germanicopolis (Ermenek-Kızılkaya) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.78 Rock-cut tomb with Christian inscription, Germanicopolis (Ermenek-Kızılkaya) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 91.1) Figure 3.79 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb with Christian inscription, Germanicopolis (Ermenek-Kızılkaya) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 91.2-3) Figure 3.80 Rock-cut tomb with lion and snake relief, Neapolis (Güneyyurt İkizini-Gargara)

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List of Illustrations Figure 3.81 Rock-cut tomb with lion and snake relief, Neapolis (Güneyyurt İkizini-Gargara) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 114.1) Figure 3.82 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb with lion and snake relief, Neapolis (Güneyyurt İkizini-Gargara) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 114.2-3) Figure 3.83 Lion sarcophagus lid, Germanicopolis (Ermenek) Figure 3.84 View of the mountainous landscape, Sbide (Yukarı İzvit-Yukarı Çağlar) Figure 3.85 Arcosolium tombs filled with debris and earth, Sbide (Yukarı İzvit-Yukarı Çağlar) Figure 3.86 The rock-cut necropolis of Philadelphia (Gökçeseki-İmsiören) Figure 3.87 Rock-cut temple tomb, Philadelphia (Gökçeseki-İmsiören) Figure 3.88 Arcosolium tombs with sarcophagi and crosses, Philadelphia (Gökçeseki-İmsiören) Figure 3.89 Arcosolium tomb with sarcophagus and cross, Philadelphia (Gökçeseki-İmsiören) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 99.1) Figure 3.90 View of the mountainous landscape, Lausada (Başyayla) Figure 3.91 Lion sarcophagus lid in a rock-cut tomb filled with debris, Lausada (Başyayla) Figure 3.92 Chamosorion, Lausada (Başyayla) Figure 3.93 Rock-cut tomb with inscription, Tepebaşı Ayvazınini, Zenonopolis (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.94 Inscription on the rock-cut tomb, Tepebaşı Ayvazınini, Zenonopolis (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.95 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb with inscription, Tepebaşı Ayvazınini, Zenonopolis (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.96 Chamosorion, Zenonopolis (Büyük Karapınar-İznebol) Figure 3.97 Chamosoria, Domitiopolis (Dindabol-Katranlı) Figure 3.98 Arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Dindabol-Katranlı) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.99 Plan and section of arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Dindabol- Katranlı) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 124.2-3) Figure 3.100 Arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Dindabol- Katranlı) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.101 Rock-cut sarcophagus in arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Dindabol- Katranlı) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.102 Plan and section of arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Dindabol- Katranlı) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 124.2-3) Figure 3.103 Rock-cut tomb no. 1, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.104 Figures of the deceased on the facade of tomb no. 1, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.105 Facade of tomb no. 1, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 104.1) Figure 3.106 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 1, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 104.2-3) Figure 3.107 Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Figure 3.108 Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.109 Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 106.1) Figure 3.110 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 2, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 106.2-3) Figure 3.111 Rock-cut tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.112 Gorgoneion and horsemen on the pediment of tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.113 The facade of tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 108.1) Figure 3.114 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 108.2-3) Figure 3.115 Rock-cut burial niche in tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.116 Tomb no. 4, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.117 The arch pediment with two figures, tomb no. 4, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.118 Tomb no. 4, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 110.1) Figure 3.119 Plan and section of tomb no. 4, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 110.2-3) Figure 3.120 View of the tombs at Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.121 Tomb no. 1, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.122 Tomb no. 1, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 33.1) Figure 3.123 Plan and section of tomb no. 1, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 33.3-4) Figure 3.124 Tomb no. 2, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.125 Tomb no. 2, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 35.1) Figure 3.126 Plan and section of tomb no. 2, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 35.2-3) Figure 3.127 Tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.128 Facade of tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.129 Figures cut on the facade of tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax Figure 3.130 Tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 37.1) Figure 3.131 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 37.2-3) Figure 3.132 Rock-cut tomb no. 4, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 3.133 Rock-cut tomb no. 4, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 39.1) Figure 3.134 Plan and section of tomb no. 4, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 39.2-3) Figure 4.1 Tower tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç)

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List of Illustrations Figure 4.2 Longitudinal section and plan of tower tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (from Berns 1999, fig. 10) Figure 4.3 Tower tomb of Iambliche, Palmyra Figure 4.4 Interior of the tower tomb of Iambliche, Palmyra Figure 4.5 Tower tomb of Elahbel, Palmyra Figure 4.6 Temple tomb, Palmyra Figure 4.7 Öterkale tower tomb, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.8 Öterkale tower tomb, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.9 Öterkale tower tomb, pyramidal roof with statue base, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.10 Tower tomb no. 2, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) Figure 4.11 Plan of the crypt and the upper floor of tower tomb no. 2, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 4.12 Baldachin tomb, Celenderis (Aydıncık) (Photograph by Levent Zoroğlu) Fıgure 4.13 Barrel-vaulted chamber tomb, Celenderis (Aydıncık) (Photograph by Levent Zoroğlu) Figure 4.14 Necropolis of Anemurium (Anamur) Figure 4.15 Large tomb complex, Anemurium necropolis (Photograph by Mehmet Tekocak) Figure 4.16 Large tomb complex, Anemurium necropolis (Photograph by Mehmet Tekocak) Figure 4.17 Large tomb complex, Anemurium necropolis(Photograph by Mehmet Tekocak) Figure 4.18 Large tomb complex, plan, Anemurium necropolis (Photograph by Mehmet Tekocak) Figure 4.19 View of the coastal strip, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) Figure 4.20 Barrel-vaulted chamber tomb, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) Figure 4.2 1 Barrel-vaulted chamber tombs, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) Figure 4.22 Undercroft of a grave house, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) Figure 4.23 Plan of tomb no. 1, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) Figure 4.24 Plan of tomb no. 2, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) Figure 4.25 Plan of tomb no. 3, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) Figure 4.26 Selinus (Gazipaşa) Figure 4.27 Barrel-vaulted tomb with inscription on the lentil, Selinus (Gazipaşa) Figure 4.28 Barrel-vaulted tomb with arcosolia, Selinus (Gazipaşa) Figure 4.29 Grave house, plan, Selinus (Gazipaşa) (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, fig. 34) Figure 4.30 Grave house, plan, Cestrus (from Townsend and Hoff 2004, fig. 22) Figure 4.31 Large vaulted tomb, Iotape

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Figure 4.32 Grave house with a walled courtyard and cisterns, plan, Iotape (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, fig. 35) Figure 4.33 Grave house with two storeys, plan, Iotape (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, fig. 38) Figure 4.34 Grave house with two storeys, plan, Iotape (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, fig. 39) Figure 4.35 Tetrastyle temple tomb: sections, Elauissa Sebaste (from Equini Schneider 2003a, fig. 16, reproduced with permission of Eugenia Equini Schneider) Figure 4.36 Temple tombs nos. 1 and 2, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.37 Temple tomb no. 1, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.38 Temple tomb no. 1, plan, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 4.39 Temple tomb no. 1, side view, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.40 Temple tomb no. 1, Attic-Ionic base, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.41 Temple tomb no. 1, Corinthian pilaster capital, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.42 Temple tomb no. 1, Corinthian columns and entablature, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.43 Temple tomb no. 1, entablature, Imbriogon Kome (Demiricli) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.44 Temple tomb no. 1, lintel with mouldings, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.45 Temple tomb no. 2, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.46 Temple tomb no. 2, Ionic capital, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy Figure 4.47 Temple tomb no. 2, Corinthian columns, entablature and pediment, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.48 Temple tomb no. 2, entablature, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.49 Temple tomb no. 2, busts in the pediment, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.50 Temple tomb no. 2, roof, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.51 Temple tomb no. 2, lion lid sarcophagus in upper cella, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.52 Temple tomb no. 3, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.53 Temple tomb no. 3, plan, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 4.54 Temple tomb no. 3, bust in a clipeus in pediment, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.55 Temple tomb no. 3, roof, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.56 Temple tomb no. 4, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.57 Temple tomb no. 4, plan, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 4.58 Temple tomb no. 4, side view, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy)

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List of Illustrations Figure 4.59 Temple tomb no. 4, Ionic capital, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.60 Temple tomb no. 4, Corinthian capital, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy) Figure 4.61 Temple tomb, Iotape (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 61) Figure 4.62 Plan and partial elevation of temple tombs TT1 and TT2, Lamus (from Townsend and Hoff 2004, fig. 10) Figure 4.63 Temple tomb, plan, Asar Tepe (from Townsend and Hoff 2004, fig. 16) Figure 4.64 Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb, Dinek (Photograph: Osman Doğanay) Figure 4.65 Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb, plan, Dinek (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 4.66 Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb, elevation, Dinek (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 4.67 Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column, Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 1) Figure 4.68 Plan of barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column, Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 4) Figure 4.69 Monumental column, Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 4) Figure 4.70 Block with reliefs of a man and a woman, Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 5) Figure 4.71 Reconstruction of the tomb at Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 7) Figure 4.72 Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column and altar, Yukarı Hüseyinler (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 8) Figure 4.73 Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column and altar, Yukarı Hüseyinler (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 9) Figure 4.74 Seated statute, Cennet-Cehennem (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 15) Figure 4.75 Chamosorion, Sakızlıklı Harman (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 20) Figure 4.76 Chamosorion tomb with monumental column, Sakızlıklı Harman (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 21) Figure 4.77 Monumental column with five reliefs, Sakızlıklı Harman (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 23) Figure 4.78 Monumental column drums, Imbriogon Kome (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 31) Figure 4.79 Corinthian capital, Imbriogon Kome (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 32) Figure 4.80 Seated woman's statue holding a child in her lap, Imbriogon Kome, now in Silifke Museum (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 34) Figure 4.81 Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column, Kümbet Beleni (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 40) Figure 4.82 A drum of the monumental column, Kümbet Beleni (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 41) Figure 5.1 Çarşamba Çayı bridge, Bozkır (Isaura Vetus) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.2 View of the Çarşamba Çayı Valley, Bozkır (Isaura Vetus) Figure 5.3 Rock-cut tombs, Bozkır (Isaura Vetus) Figure 5.4 Larnax with lion lid, Bozkır Hamzalar Kasabası (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.5 Acropolis gate Hellenistic tower, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay)

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Figure 5.6 Fallen military reliefs from the acropolis gate, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) Figure 5.7 Hadrian's arch, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.8 Plan of the temple tomb, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (from Swoboda et al. 1935, fig. 71) Figure 5.9 Cross-section and longitudinal section of the temple tomb at Isaura Nova (from Swoboda et al. 1935, fig. 71) Figure 5.10 Details of entablature, coffers, niches and door of the temple tomb at Isaura Nova (from Swoboda et al. 1935, fig. 72) Figure 5.11 Heracles relief from the coffer of the temple tomb at Isaura Nova (from Swoboda et al. 1935, fig. 72) Figure 5.12 Heracles relief from the coffer of the temple tomb at Isaura Nova built into the wall of a village house, Işıklar Figure 5.13 Reliefs likely from the temple tomb at Isaura Nova built into the wall of a mosque, Işıklar Figure 5.14 Relief likely from a temple tomb at Isaura Nova, Işıklar Figure 5.15 Lion and palm relief likely from a temple tomb at Isaura Nova, Işıklar Figure 5.16 Frieze block with battle scene, Işıklar Figure 5.17 Relief with warrior and horseman, Işıklar Figure 5.18 Bull and lion relief, Işıklar Figure 5.19 Marble Eros relief used as a building block, Işıklar Figure 5.20 Rider relief used as a building block, Işıklar Figure 5.21 Limestone altar with Victoria and bull relief, Işıklar Figure 5.22 Rock-cut tombs nos. 1 and 2, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.23 Rock-cut tomb no. 1, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi ) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.24 Seated lion holding a bull's head on rock-cut tomb no. 1 (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.25 Eagles in the pediment of rock-cut tomb no. 1 (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.26 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 1, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 5.27 Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi ) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.28 Facade of rock-cut tomb no. 2, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi ) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.29 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 2, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 5.30 Rock-cut tomb no. 3, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi ) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay) Figure 5.31 Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 3, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 5.32 Rock-cut osteotheca with an eagle holding a thunderbolt, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi ) Figure 5.33 Rectangular funerary altar, probable Christian, Işıklar Figure 5.34 Christian rectangular funerary altar, Dorla (Aydoğmuş) (from Ramsay 1906, fig. 15)

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List of Illustrations Figure 5.35 Yelbeyi tomb. Photographed in 1993 Figure 5.36 Yelbeyi tomb. Photographed in 1993 Figure 5.37 Yelbeyi tomb. Photographed in 1994, demonstrating what treasure hunters will do to tombs, note that the tomb is now destroyed by dynamite Figure 5.38 Victorious horseman relief on the Yelbeyi tomb Figure 5.39 The upper field of the Yelbeyi tomb Figure 5.40 Hunter relief on the Yelbeyi tomb Figure 5.41 Plan and section of the Yelbeyi tomb (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt) Figure 5.42 Rock-cut relief with horseman, Hadim Figure 5.43 Ruins at the temple of Zeus Astrenos, Astra Figure 5.44 Abandoned yayla huts, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.45 Funerary monuments at the fountain, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.46 Stele at the fountain, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.47 Larnax lion lid at the fountain, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.48 Larnax lion lid with human figure under its paws, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.49 Larnax lion lid with an eagle in the pediment, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.50 Larnax lion lid, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.51 Rectangular funerary altar built into the doorway of a hut, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.52 Rectangular funerary altar, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.53 Rectangular funerary altar, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.54 Rectangular funerary altar, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.55 Rectangular funerary altar with inscription, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.56 Stele, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.57 Larnax with shield and figures, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.58 The back side of the larnax with shield and figures, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.59 Larnax with horseman and Totenmahl reliefs, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.60 Marble larnax lion lid, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.61 Larnax with horseman and figures, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.62 Rectangular funerary altar with inscription, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.63 Stele, West necropolis, Astra Figure 5.64 Stele, West necropolis, Astra

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Figure 5.65 Larnax, East necropolis, Astra Figure 5.66 Rectangular funerary altar, East necropolis, Astra Figure 5.67 Rectangular funerary altar, East necropolis, Astra Figure 5.68 Lion larnax lid, East necropolis, Astra Figure 5.69 Larnax with lion relief, East necropolis, Astra Figure 5.70 Larnax kline lid with Totenmahl, East necropolis, Astra Figure 5.71 Frieze block with war scene, Hacılar Köyü (Bozkır) Figure 5.72 Frieze block with war scene, Hacılar Köyü (Bozkır) Figure 5.73 Frieze block with war scene, Hacılar Köyü (Bozkır) Figure 5.74 Stele with three figures carved in high relief built into the wall of a house, Artanada (Dülgerler) Figure 5.75 Stele with three figures carved in high relief built into the wall of a house, Artanada (Dülgerler) Figure 5.76 Larnax with horseman relief built into the wall of a fountain Artanada (Dülgerler) Figure 5.77 Larnax with horseman relief built into the wall of a fountain Artanada (Dülgerler) Figure 5.78 Larnax with horseman relief built into the wall of a house, Artanada (Dülgerler) Figure 5.79 Larnax with two Totenmahl reliefs built into the wall of a house, Soğucak Köyü (Bozkır) Figure 5.80 Larnax with figures built into the wall of a house, Soğucak Köyü (Bozkır) Figure 5.81 Altar fragment with figures carved in high relief, Olosada, (Avşar Kalesi-Kayadibi) Figure 5.82 Larnax lion lid, Olosada (Avşar Kalesi) Figure 5.83 Larnax lion lid, Olosada (Avşar Kalesi) Figure 5.84 Larnax lion lid, Olosada (Avşar Kalesi) Figure 5.85 Relief block with two horsemen, a lion and a tree, built into the wall of a fountain, Kıraç Mahallesi, Bozkır Figure 5.86 Rock-cut stepped monument nos. 2 and 3, Dibektaşı (Photograph by Aytekin Büyüközer) Figure 5.87 Rock-cut stepped monument no. 2 with Medusa relief, Dibektaşı (Photograph by Aytekin Büyüközer) Figure 5.88 Rock-cut stepped monument no.3 with horseman relief, Dibektaşı (Photograph by Aytekin Büyüközer) Figure 5.89 Rock-cut stepped monuments nos. 2 and 3, Dibektaşı (from Büyüközer 2015, fig. 5)

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Introduction area, constituted Isauria as a separate province corresponding to Rough Cilicia. In this study, Isauria refers to the original heartland of the region, the northern cluster around Isaura Vetus (Bozkır) and Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) spreading south through the mountains. The Taurus mountains isolate the region, but the funerary monuments indicate close links with outside regions.

Rough Cilicia and Isauria in southern Asia Minor are striking in the diversity and splendor of their funerary monuments. Rock-cut tombs, temple tombs, tower tombs, grave houses, barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs, tombs with monumental columns, sarcophagi, larnaces, altars and stelae are all found here, and they testify to various external influences as well as to the survival of native cultural heritages. In spite of Hellenization and later adaptations, the indigenous populations of the two regions retained much cultural independence, reflected in the inscriptions.

Much of the book rests on official archaeological surveys I conducted in Rough Cilicia (1989, 1990) and Isauria (1993, 1994). I divide Rough Cilicia into four geographical areas to establish local distribution and chronology of distinctive types of monuments: eastern Rough Cilicia, central Rough Cilicia, western Rough Cilicia and inner Rough Cilicia. The funerary monuments of Isauria with its characteristic funerary traditions dominated by rectangular funerary altars and larnaces are treated separately. In both Rough Cilicia and Isauria I examine selected tombs, site-by-site, with comments on characteristic features, typical of the funerary architecture of the district; I attempt to establish type, date, location and distinctive traits of characteristic tombs.

Rough Cilicia is bordered by the Lamus river (modern Lamas or Limonlu Çayı) to the east and Coracesium (Alanya) to the west. 1 In the Roman imperial period the Sedre Çayı was the western border of Rough Cilicia, since Syedra, positioned just west of the mouth of the Sedre Çayı, was a Pamphylian city. 2 Rough Cilicia, called Cilicia Tracheia (Greek) but Cilicia Aspera in Roman times, derives its name from its exceedingly rugged landscape as contrasted to the fertile Cilician plain "Cilicia Pedias" (Figs.1.2, 1.3). The absence of plain and the barren character of the hills, where the Taurus mountains march relentlessly to sea, has earned this part of Cilicia its epithet. The Taurus range divides the Tracheiotis into two portions, a narrow coastal strip and a large tract of inland mountainous country. The contrast between the two areas is sharp. Ruins of cities dot the narrow coastal strip, ruins still sufficiently intact to give an impression of past opulence, which suggests that the region supported a large population. It was along this coast that Greek colonists had founded cities, where they had hostile contact with the mountaineers. These coastal cities served as trading stations as well as ports of call for sea traffic along the major sea-lane from Syria and Cyprus to the Aegean.

The present study is the first comprehensive discussion of the funerary monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria. Past archaeological examination of the funerary monuments in the two regions has tended to be relatively confined to a limited area or to certain sites or a narrowed field of research probably due to the paucity of ancient literary references and the difficulty of working in the harsh conditions of this remote region, especially in the mountains. Recently, western Rough Cilicia and the region of Olba in eastern Rough Cilicia have received the most attention. There is a common stereotyping of the natives (especially the mountaineers) in the works of the ancient writers, which contain frequent references to the uncivilized character of the tribes. The impression one has of the regions after a thorough exploration is quite different from that conveyed by the classical texts. For example, the funerary monuments of Isauria, a region consistently portrayed as the center of robber tribes, attest to an attractive civilization with a curious fusion of local and Greco-Roman elements in art and architecture. Brigandage and piracy were undoubtedly major commercial enterprises of some inhabitants of the region since the rugged nature of the land limited agriculture and natural resources were lacking. Yet, the evidence for building activities of Isaurian stone-cutters, who were employed as master-builders and architects in the major urban centers of the Roman East, sufficiently illustrates the errors of stereotyping.

Isauria, commonly described by Classical authors as a wild and inaccessible region, was a land of autonomous villages roughly grouped about two cities, Old and New Isaura. The physical characteristics of Isauria are similar to those of the Tracheiotis, dominated by mountains, however, there are several streams and fertile patches supporting vineyards and orchards. It is difficult to define Isauria as a region; the evidence for borders between Isauria and Rough Cilicia is imprecise and even when the political and military boundaries are clear, the cultural boundaries are not. The boundaries have changed throughout antiquity in accordance with changes in the cultural and political makeup of the region. The territory of Isauria remained two small cities and their surrounding territories for a considerable time, but later they incorporated a larger geographical area. In the time of Antoninus Pius (AD 138161), Isauria consisted of the greater part of Tracheia. Diocletian (AD 284-312), in his final organization of the 1 2

The physical isolation of the region fostered local funerary traditions and movement of local itinerant artisans and stone-cutters contributed to the transmittal of funerary forms and motifs. My study shows that the movement of stone-cutters from city to city, played a crucial role in formation of a native funerary art.

Strabo 14.5.2 (c 669). Bean and Mitford 1965, 21-22, no. 26.

1

Chapter 1 Preliminaries Rough Cilicia show that residents probably used Luwian and Greek. Ten Cate's analysis shows that compound Luwian-Greek names appear late in the sequence. Analysis by Rauh and colleagues indicates differences between coastal and inland cities: the inscriptions from inland sites show that almost 100% of the names are Luwian or GrecoLuwian; in coastal cities, 75% (Coracesium) to 88% (Iotape) are Luwian or Greco-Luwian, the remainder being Greek or Latin. 2 The mountainous landscape of western Rough Cilicia was settled in antiquity by small communities of Luwian speakers that featured tribal lineages.

The physical setting The peculiar geographical features of Rough Cilicia and Isauria, perhaps more than any other regions in Asia Minor, are responsible for a number of historical and cultural phenomena including the tenacious survival of indigenous traditions, the strong indication to piracy and brigandage and the late subjection of the regions to Roman rule. These very features may also have helped to foster local funerary art and customs. The survival of Luwian language in Rough Cilicia into the Hellenistic and Roman periods has been treated at length by Houwink Ten Cate, who illustrates the Luwian character of many Cilician names. 1 Archaeology and linguistics applied to the smaller cities of

Figure 1.1. Map of Rough Cilicia and Isauria.

1 Houwink Ten Cate 1967 who has examined both the historical and linguistic evidence has shown that Rough Cilicia along with Lycia was one of the main Luwian centers, where Luwian language and culture survived due to the physical characteristics of the region which kept it sufficiently isolated.

2

2

Rauh et al. 2009, 296-98, also cited by Wandsnider 2013, 185.

Preliminaries small harbors.

The name Cilicia, which is derived from the Assyrian name Khilakku, covers two regions that in their physical characteristics are very different. Throughout the history Cilicia Pedias, a rich agricultural land between the Taurus (Toros Dağları) and the Amanus (Nur Dağları) mountains to the north and the east, served as a region intermediary between Anatolia and Syria. The plain was cut off both from Syria and from the rest of Asia Minor by the Taurus Mountains, communicating with Anatolian plateau only by the narrow doorway of the “Cilician Gates” (Gülek Boğazı), and with Syria by a pass equally narrow between mountain and sea, the “Syrian Gates”, or by the difficult roads over the Amanus. The Cilician Gates was one of the communication routes between central Anatolian plateau and Syria and Mesopotamia. As a crossroads between Anatolia and Syria it derived great importance in antiquity from its strategic location giving access to all the overland trade between these regions.

Isauria, although remote and mountain-girt, also boasts innumerable ruins of a different nature. By virtue of its geographical position, the region turned to inner Anatolia, where the Hellenistic features of funerary art were assimilated to the local customs. Local funerary traditions flourished in the mountainous zone whereas the coastal strip featured a variety of funerary monuments, suggesting external influences. In Rough Cilicia as a whole the Graeco-Roman influence gradually diminishes as one moves away from the Mediterranean coast. Forming a natural barrier between the Mediterranean and inner Anatolia, and possessing abundant forests of highly valued timber as cedar, cypress and boxwood, the Taurus mountains have since the earliest times, both for economic and political reasons, dominated the countryside and the inhabitants of Rough Cilicia. The wealth of Rough Cilicia was derived from the Taurus mountains, which in antiquity also had great forests of pine and of oaks. Rough Cilicia was presented by Antony to Cleopatra, to whom its timber was especially valuable for building a fleet. The region was a bone of contention between the Seleucids and the Ptolemies in the third century BC; both powers wanted to gain control of the abundant supply of timber. Pine forest grows at all levels but is particularly thick in the lower reaches of the Göksu valley, around Silifke. Juniper is found only at higher levels of the valley. Cedar trees can still be seen around Meydancıkkale and Fariske-Köristan near Ermenek. Bent mentions that the firs from the mountains in eastern Rough Cilicia were still prized for ship-masts in his day. 3

Strabo (14.5.1) speaks of Cilicia, both Tracheia and Pedias, as being “outside the Taurus”: "As for Cilicia outside the Taurus, one part it is called Cilicia Tracheia (Rugged Cilicia) and the other Pedias (Level Cilicia). As for Tracheia, its coast is narrow and has no level ground, or scarcely any; and, besides that, it lies at the foot of the Taurus, which affords a poor livelihood as far as its northern side in the region of Isaura and the Homonadeis as far as Pisidia; and the same country is also called Tracheiotis, and its inhabitants Tracheiotae." Separated from the Anatolian plateau by the Taurus mountain chain and by the untamed mountain tribes, the region was difficult of access to external powers, who could only maintain a limited rule in the land. The rugged conditions rendered impossible a settled and lasting control over the whole country and made it almost impenetrable for armies. Strabo (14.5.6) says of Rough Cilicia that it was a region better entrusted to a king than to a succession of Roman governors who could not always be on the spot and might not have arms at their disposal. The land retained a considerable degree of internal autonomy until well into Roman times, when it was placed under the rule of client kingdoms (with the notable exception of the sacerdotal domain of Olba, where the Teucrid dynasty reigned) prior to its incorporation into the Roman province of Cilicia in AD 72.

The rugged character of the landscape hinders agriculture on any considerable scale. South of the Taurus in this region there is little level land. The coast consists of narrow strips of poor land, most of which do not exceed 20 km in length, and covered with shrubs and trees. There are few good harbors, and the nature of the coast does not promote coastal communication. The Taurus mountains, which at points drop from a height of several hundred meters straight into the Mediterranean, were even in recent times inhabited by wolves, bears and other wild animals. Tschihatscheff who traveled in the region of Olba in the 1850’s reports that on an ancient road near the ruins of Sebaste, one of his horses was attacked by a panther. 4 This is the only panther reported by a traveler in this area. Bent who had traveled extensively in the region of Olba made several references to panthers but did not actually report seeing one.

The seacoast of Rough Cilicia is split into three distinct districts by the Taurus mountains. In the west, between Coracesium (Alanya) and Anemurium (Anamur), there is a lengthy and uncultivated shoreline featuring occasionally insignificant and obscured harbours. An example is the hidden anchorage at Antiochia ad Cragum. Some sites, such as Syedra near Coracesium or Cestrus near Selinus, were inland and situated on elevated heights. Two fine harbors in the central district are Aphrodisias and Celenderis. The eastern district's seashore from Silifke to Lamus is more regular than that of the central district but the larger cities such as Sebaste and Corycus had

The Taurus range is broken by no important valleys except for that of the Göksu (Calycadnus), the great river of Rough Cilicia. The Göksu flows with a fierce current often in deep gorges and enters the Mediterranean at Silifke (Seleucia ad Calycadnum). The river is fordable only at a few points below Mut. A bridge across the Calycadnus was built at Görmel near Eirenopolis (İrnebol) in AD 77, and at 3 4

3

Bent 1890, 455. Tschihatscheff 1854, 114-34 and 1867, 53-55.

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Karadiken, 7 miles from Claudiopolis (Mut), there is a ruined Byzantine bridge. The Lamus River (LamasLimonlu Çayı), which is the eastern natural frontier between the two Cilicias, rises in the Taurus mountains just above the village of Mara. It breaks through the mountains by a very narrow and deep gorge, and emerges into the Mediterranean at the ancient site of Lamus. Apart from these rivers and a few small mountain torrents, there is very little water in Rough Cilicia. The Göksu, owing to the depth of its bed, is of very little use; it works few watermills. The Lamus, on the other hand, though small and rapid, is used for irrigation by numerous settlements on either side of its banks to irrigate fields. The impressive ruins of an aqueduct which brought water from the Lamus river to Olba, can still be viewed in the area. Elsewhere wells were sunk and huge cisterns constructed, many of which are still in use by the villagers. Surveys of the region have also revealed widespread use of presses. Archaeological finds, ancient sources and inscriptions attest to the importance of oil and wine production in Rough Cilicia. 5 Although lumber and animal products obtained from sheep and goats occupied an essential place in Rough Cilician economy, both oil and wine had an important place in the economy of the area. 15 inscriptions from Corycus mentions wine merchants. 6 Pliny mentions wine made from raisins and exported as Cilicia's specialty (NH 14. 11 (81)). Both wine and oil were transported in the Hellenistic and Roman periods but the real commercial peak of wine production in Cilicia occurred under Roman influence during the imperial period. 7 One can follow the traces of this new commercial organization through dispersion of Cilician amphorae throughout the Mediterranean.

The Göksu river valley is the main way of entrance from the coast into the Anatolian plateau, and provides the easiest means of access. The modern road from Silifke (Seleucia ad Calycadnum) to Karaman follows the same route; it crosses the watershed at the pass of Sertavul Beli (ca. 1650 m above sea-level) and from Mut (Claudiopolis) follows the direct route to Karaman for four and a half hours. Several of the early travellers in the region took this route. 8 It was on this route that Frederick Barbarossa was drowned as he crossed Göksu for the second time. 9 The Sertavul pass links the Konya plain with the Göksu valley. Many of the eighteenth and nineteenth century European travellers entered the valley through the Sertavul pass. The major road leading from the Anatolian plateau follows this route. After the pass at Sertavul travellers followed a path that skirted the steep eastern slopes of the valley, passing through the town of Geçimli below the Alahan monastery. Prior to the 1990s, the Göksu valley had been little studied by archaeologists. The Göksu Archaeological Project (GAP) between 2002 and 2006 engaged in a multidisciplinary study of the upper Göksu Valley. One of its main goals was the understanding of communication routes leading in and out of the project area, and how these routes may have changed through time based upon changes in social constructs within and external to the valley. 10 When the project began in 2002, there was the assumption that the route into the valley from the north would have been through the Sertavul Pass, based upon early travellers' accounts and the more recent work of French (1965) and Mellaart (1954; 1958). 11 The discovery of the Early Bronze Age site of Çömlek Tepesi in an area of the valley not directly accessed by the Sertavul pass, led the authors to test the idea that the pass served as the primary entrance point into the Göksu valley. Moreover, the trends observed in the pottery at Kilise Tepe showed increased communication with the settlements on the central Anatolian plateau. The authors concluded that the suggested route through the Göksu valley bypasses the Sertavul pass, which is thought to be the traditional route from the central Anatolian plateau to the Göksu valley. Instead, a more northern passage was used and all routes from the central Anatolian plateau seem to converge on this one path. Although the pathways do not use the Sertavul pass, it would have been a viable route, but based on the topography of the region, other routes were potentially more attractive. The modelled route passes by the site of Kilise Tepe and the newly-discovered site of Çömlek Tepesi, suggesting their importance to the overall socio-political fabric of the Göksu valley. 12 The Göksu River valley cuts through the Taurus mountains forming a

Routes of communication The lines of communication in Rough Cilicia are dictated by nature. Scholars in studying the ancient roads of Asia Minor, have mostly devoted their attention to roads in Cilicia Pedias which afforded commercial, military and other communication from Mesopotamia to the interior of Anatolia, while those which cross the Taurus in western Cilicia have been comparatively neglected. This neglect is due to the historical sources which are less than adequate, and that the insecurity of the Taurus region down to the early twentieth century made travel in those parts difficult. Although the Taurus mountains present important obstacles to communication, Rough Cilicia is not a hopeless tangle of mountains. It is frequently assumed that the countryside is almost without natural communication, yet it was not entirely cut off from the plains north of the Taurus mountains and there were connections between the coast and the interior of Asia Minor. The geographical nature of Cilicia is such that ancient routes followed approximately the same lines as the modern roads. The Taurus range forms a natural barrier extending from north-east to southwest, and the roads that connected the coastal region with the Anatolian plateau necessarily crossed at the few points where the mountains proferred passes.

This was the route taken by Heberdey and Wilhelm, Tschihatscheff, Schaffer, and others. 9 Frederick Barbarossa started from Laranda on June 1, 1190 and descended to the Calycadnus (he calls Seleph river) which he crossed by a bridge on June 7. In order to avoid crossing the precipitous mountains with his army, he decided to keep closer to the river. On June 10 he drowned while trying to swim across the river. See ‘Ansbert’, Historia de Expeditione Friderici Imperatoris ed. A. Chroust, Monumenta Germanicae Historica, Quellen zur Geschichte des Kreuzzuges Kaiser Friedrichs I, Berlin, 1928, 90-94. Also Runciman 1954, 15, n. 2. 10 Newhard et al. 2008, 89. 11 French 1965, 177-201; Mellaart 1954, 175-240; Mellaart 1958, 31145. 12 Newhard et al. 2008, 100-101. 8

Aydınoğlu and Alkaç 2008, 277-90. Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 109 citing Keil and Wilhelm 1931. 7 Şenol 2008, 109-31. 5 6

4

Preliminaries natural route between the central Anatolian plateau and the Mediterranean coast. Scholars have identified the Göksu river valley as one of the two natural passages linking the Mediterranean coast, the Levant and Cyprus to the Konya plain. 13 The discovery of the site of Çömlek Tepesi in the upper Göksu valley and work at Kilise Tepe south of Mut (Claudiopolis) has given further weight to the idea that the valley served as a communication route over many centuries. 14

who describe it as a short and direct one, but unsuitable for an automobile. The Roman road which ran from Iconium and Lake Beyşehir, past Suğla Göl, and thence to Isaura, was patrolled by stationarii and by small cavalry detachments. 19 One of the most significant contributions of the Roman administration in Rough Cilicia and Isauria was the building of roads as well as additions to the already existing system. A close look at the Roman road-network in the regions clearly illustrates the fact that the roads were built to connect the coastal region with its hinterland and the Anatolian plateau. By this extension, Isauria and the coastal Tracheoitis were brought into closer touch, thereby linking with the east-west highway which passed near Iconium (Konya). All the major roads from the coast led to Iconium; lines of communication were thus established between north and south. The importance of Roman roads as the arteries of trade is well attested in Rough Cilicia and Isauria, where the few cities in the mountainous region sprang up at the intersections and terminals of these roads, which indicates that their importance stemmed from their position on the Roman roads. Inland cities like Claudiopolis, Germanicopolis, Eirenopolis, for example, were strategically located on the routes from the coast to the interior. Roman efforts to suppress brigandage and to establish some kind of control in Isauria were, no doubt, aimed at keeping the trade route from the inland to the coast safe. The famous stronghold of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) must have been an important link in the road system from the coast to Iconium. The Roman roads were most likely positioned on the already existing older routes. The roads also provided passage for the troops in the rugged terrain and facilitated the establishment of military control in the region.

Another important pass route through the Taurus mountains was from Karaman via Ermenek (Germanicopolis) to Celenderis (Aydıncık) on the sea shore. This road was used by the Sultan’s couriers to reach the coast from Istanbul to Cyprus, coming via Karaman to Celenderis. The closest point from Asia Minor to Cyprus is Cape Anemurium near Celenderis and the crossing to Cyprus from Celenderis is evidently ancient, for Kinyras, founder of Paphos in Cyprus, was said to be the son of Sandokos, the founder of Celenderis. 15 Cape Anamur, the southernmost point of Asia Minor, is a mere 64 km from Cyprus. The Said Pasha Road, a wagon road built by Said Pasha in 1885, governor of Konya, leading directly from Karaman to Silifke, and touching only the village of Mağra between these points apparently did not follow the line of any ancient highway. 16 It is described in detail by D. G. Hogarth, who, along with his companion H. A. Brown, undertook the difficult journey in July 1887. 17 He reported that due to the scarcity of water and the rugged nature of the terrain, the road was not much used, the other routes by Karaman and Ermenek to Silifke, being preferred as a means of communication between Konya and the sea. There also existed routes between the Cilician coast and Isauria. A road built in the last years of the emperor Hadrian leads from Anemurium via Eirenopolis (Turkish Gökçeseki) and Germanicopolis (Turkish Ermenek) to Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi).18 The surviving remains are near Isaura Nova. The strategic importance of this route is obvious from Anemurium to Germanicopolis and Laranda, with its lateral branches from Germanicopolis westwards to Isaura and to Anemurium, and eastwards to Claudiopolis and to Seleucia on the Calycadnus. The Roman road in this rugged terrain afforded the only communication between the coast and the interior. A direct route from Selinus (Trajanopolis) to Germanicopolis over the Taurus mountains is used by the present day inhabitants of the area

Some Travelers Until the nineteenth-century Rough Cilicia was virtually unknown to European scholars, and its antiquities were unrecorded. Several explorers and archaeologists visited the region in the late nineteenth-century to inspect various monuments. The mountainous zone, considered to be little civilized and barren, was long-neglected by the travelers. The earliest recorded traveler is an anonymous female pilgrim who visited the shrine of St. Thecla in A.D. 385 and journeyed as far as Isauria. 20 Several pilgrims visited Rough Cilicia on their way to the Holy Land but they did not comment on the ruins. Benjamin of Tudela in 1162 visited Tarsus and Corycus. 21 In 1253 Guillaume de Rubruquis, sent by the Pope to Christianize the Tartars, came to Corycus via Konya (Iconium) and arrived at Ayaş (Elaiussa) whence he sailed to Cyprus. The route he took from Konya to the coast is not known. 22 Canon Willebrand of Oldenburg, a German bishop who went to Cilicia at the

13 Mellaart 1958, 315; French 1965, 177; Postgate 1998, 127; Postgate and Thomas 2007, 9. 14 Newhard et al. 2008, 87-102. 15 Apollodorus, Bibl. III. 14. 3, 1-2; he also says that Sandokos had come to Cilicia from Syria and married the daughter of the king of Hyria. According to Stephanus of Byzantium, Hyria was the ancient name of Seleucia on the Calycadnus; this, however, has not been established. 16 Hogarth, 1893, 653-655. Both Bell 1906, 225 and Hogarth, took Said Pasha’s road. Bent must have taken this road as well but does not mention it. 17 Hogarth 1890, 151-166. It took them seventeen and a quarter hours from Karaman to Mağra on a mule-drawn wagon. During the course of the journey Hogarth’s companion became very ill. 18 Eirenopolis was walled between 355 and 359 and an attempt was made to control the passage of the Calycadnus river by bridge at the modern Görmeli Köprüsü or by ford immediately above it.

Mitchell 1993, 78. Prinz 1960. ed. Peregrinatio Aetheriae. An earlier text translated by J. Bernard, is St. Sylviae Peregrinatio ad Loca Sancta, Palestine Pilgrim's Text Society I, London, 1891, 43. 21 Wright 1848 ed. Travels. 22 de Rubruquis 1634, 287-91. 19 20

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria beginning of the thirteenth century to attend the celebration of the epiphany at the court of King Leo II, gives a fascinating account of the country as it was then, particularly its natural strength. 23 Of a number of travelers who visited the region from the thirteenth century, none went inland. In 1471 Josafa Barbaro came to Corycus from Cyprus; he describes the castles and remains. 24

Petite Armenie (Paris 1854). The Rapport is a short discussion of the sites he visited; the Voyage includes a narrative of the trip as well as an archaeological and geographical section of his discoveries. He also mentions a number of other travelers who visited the country from the thirteenth century onward. Langlois was followed by a series of travelers and archaeologists. P. von Tschihatscheff travelled in the area half a year after Langlois, who had journeyed into Olban territory. 30 In 1848 Tschihatscheff traveled from Karaman via Ermenek (Germanicopolis) and Mut to Silifke. Shortly after, he traveled along the coast and visited Celenderis, Anemurium and Alanya. In his second trip in 1853 Tschihatscheff came from Karaman to the region of Olba, where he discovered the ancient site at Uzuncaburç (Diocaesarea), Olba’s hieron, although he could not know at the time that it was Diocaesarea. He briefly described the site and its environs. He also traveled along the coastal strip and visited Celenderis and Anemurium. Armenian scholars C. Favre and B. Mandrot described the site of Corycus, which they visited in 1874. 31 The Reverend E. J. Davis, who traveled extensively in southern Turkey in the summer of 1875, recorded monuments for the first time. 32 The year 1876 saw the party of M. Collignon and L. Duchesne, who traveled from Ermenek to Silifke via Mut. 33 They visited Silifke, Corycus and Olba.

A better understanding of the geography of the region dates from the publication of Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort’s Karamania (London, 1818), and Colonel W. Leake’s Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor (London, 1824). The archaeological exploration begins with Admiral Beaufort’s survey of the southern coast of Asia Minor undertaken in 1811-12. Beaufort’s Karamania narrates the archaeological and picturesque items on the voyage. Colonel W. Leake followed the route from Mut (Claudiopolis) to the coastal site of Celenderis, but did not visit the coast east of Celenderis. Charles L. Irby, who traveled along the coast in 1817-18, gives a good description of some of the ruins between Elaiussa and Celenderis, before he sailed to Cyprus. 25 In 1826 French traveler Leon de LaBorde traveled from Konya (Iconium) to Silifke (Seleucia) via Mut (Claudiopolis) and his account briefly mentions the tombs, castle and temple at Silifke. 26 Kennedy Bailie’s book Fasciculus Inscriptionum Graecarum (Dublin, 1846), includes a collection of inscriptions from the coastal area. Another traveler who collected inscriptions was H. Barth, who in the 1840’s came to the region from Syria. 27 He collected mainly sepulchral inscriptions along the coast.

Lamus was the beginning point of J. R. S. Sterrett’s epigraphical journeys in 1885. 34 He traveled from Lamus to Mut via Mara. He notes several inscriptions along the Lamus river. Sterrett was the next traveler after Hamilton to give an account of Isauria and its remains. He visited the Isaurian sites of Pharax (Fariske), Artanada (Dülgerler), Astra (Tamaşalık), Isaura Vetus (Bozkır-Siristat), and Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). He, too, was recording inscriptions, but he also gives a brief description of the ruins. In 1887 D. G. Hogarth, accompanied by a sick friend, travelled in a wagon along Said Pasha’s road from Karaman to Silifke. 35 Due to his friend's deteriorating health, they did not visit the ruins, which they viewed from a distance. Hogarth also traveled in northern Cyprus in 1888. 36 His account provides some interesting details regarding the relationship between Cyprus and Cilicia. He mentions a headless stone lion, said to have been found in a large tomb, and several Roman rock tombs. 37

William J. Hamilton was the first traveler to visit the site of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) and Isaura Vetus (Bozkır) in 1836. 28 He discovered an inscription which he thought showed him that the site was that of Isaura, although he could not know at the time that it was Isaura Nova. Austrian research in Cilicia also began in 1836, when botanist Theodor Kotschy accompanied geologist Josef Rusegger into Cilician Taurus and Antitaurus. Kotschy returned back to the Cilician Taurus in 1853 and published the results in a monograph. 29 It was Victor Langlois who, after spending time in the region in 1852, gave the first good description of Cilicia in his Voyage dans la Cilicie (Paris 1861). An Armenian scholar, Langlois was primarily interested in the Armenian ruins and he gives information on the history of the Armenian occupation of the area. Langlois traveled along the coast from Lamas to Silifke and he describes the area in his book Rapport sur l’Exploration de la Cilicia et de la

James Theodore Bent, archaeologist and explorer, traveled extensively in the region of Olba, where he made the first serious exploration of the interior. 38 In 1890 he explored von Tschihatscheff 1854, 114-34; 1867, 53-55. Favre and Mandrot 1878, 5-37, 116-154 with sketch map. 32 Davis 1879, 138-159. 33 Collignon and Duchesne 1877, 361-76; 1880, 192-202; 1883, 230-46. 34 Sterrett 1888. 35 Hogarth 1896. For his colorful account of the trip from Konya (Iconium) to Seleucia, see pp. 51-58. For his route in Cilicia see map. For Hogarth’s impressions of brigandage in Cilicia, see pp. 70-73. 36 Hogarth 1889. 37 Hogarth 1889, 62-64. His notes, for example, p. 53, clearly illustrate the proximity between the island and Rough Cilicia. For the Teucrid legend and the possible migration to the island see p. 55. 38 Bent 1890, 188; 1890, 445-63; 1891, 206-24. 30 31

From Tarsus he travelled to Seleucia, and from there sailed to Cyprus: Leon Allatius in ed. Nihuysion 1653, 141-52. 24 Barbaro 1873, 37-46. 25 Irby 1823, 510-520. 26 de LaBorde, Voyage de l’Asie Mineure, Paris, 1838, 130-34. 27 Barth 1850, 246-70. For Barth’s sepulchral inscriptions at Corycus see nos. 9-13 and at Seluceia nos. 14-23. 28 Hamilton 1842, 330-39, with Appendix V (Inscriptions) no. 426-37. On page 333 there is a beautiful illustration of the gateway in ancient wall of Isaura Nova. 29 Kotschy 1858. 23

6

Preliminaries the country between the Lamus and Calycadnus (Göksu) rivers. Bent believed that he was the first to discover the ruins at Uzuncaburç since he did not yet know of Tschihatscheff’s discovery in 1853. He was, nevertheless, the first scholar to identify Ura as the ancient city of Olba and to fully discuss the ruins at both Olba and its sacred precinct Diocaesarea. E. L. Hicks published the inscriptions from Bent's visit in 1890 and 1891. 39 Shortly afterwards, D. G. Hogarth accompanied by W. M. Ramsay and A. C. Headlam, returned to Rough Cilicia to carry on more research. In 1890 the three traveled from Mut to Silifke, and visited the region of Olba. 40 The archaeologist and New Testament scholar W. M. Ramsay discussed Rough Cilicia and Isauria at length in his authoritative survey, The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, in 1890.41 Ramsay and his daughter A. M. Ramsay conducted several journeys to Isauria and Lycaonia. These were mainly epigraphic journeys resulting in the first study of the Isaurian funerary monuments. 42 T. Callander, who accompanied the Ramsays, recorded several inscriptions (some funerary) in his “Explorations in Lycaonia and Isauria, 1904." 43

that is one of the best overall accounts on the region; it is comprehensive and informative. 47 He provides the reader with extensive geographical information on the two Cilicias and also includes a register of past scholarship on the region. His journey began from Mersin and included Olba and Diocaesarea, the ruins of which he gives a brief account including the great tower-tomb. From Silifke he traveled along Said Pasha’s Road to Karaman. Gertrude Bell, who visited Cilicia in the spring of 1905, produced accurate descriptions and plans of some of the buildings of the coastal sites. 48 She traveled from Mersin to Olba, but did not provide a description of the ruins at Uzuncaburç; rather, she described briefly the ruins at Olba. E. Herzfeld, on the other hand, who traveled from Mersin to Silifke and visited Uzuncaburç in 1907, gives an adequate description of the ruins at the site. 49 Herzfeld also noted the ruins of many tombs along the road from Silifke to Olba including the tower-tomb near Uzuncaburç. Mark Sykes, an explorer not an archaeologist, traveled from Karaman to Ermenek and from there he took the road to Olba via Mara. 50 Sykes is one of the few travelers who went to the gorge at Olba, which he describes as being lined on either side with rock-cut tombs.

The first historical and geographical examination of the Cilician coast was carried out by Austrian professor Wilhelm Tomaschek in 1891. 44 In the same year archaeologist Rudolf Heberdey and ancient historian Adolf Wilhelm, undertook their first journey to Cilicia, followed by a second one in 1892. 45 During their important series of journeys in Cilicia, they discovered the remains of several sites. Their book Reisen in Kilikien, is one of the best archaeological accounts of the region. 46 Their first trip in 1891 was from Adalia eastwards the coast over Selinti (Trajanopolis), Anamur (Anemurium) to Mut (Claudiopolis) and Ermenek (Germanicopolis). The year 1892 was spent in the two Cilicias inspecting a formidable list of sites and monuments. After their stay in Cilicia Pedias, they went back along the coast from Mersin to Silifke and to Celenderis and from there to Mara, Karaman and Konya. At Silifke they made an excursion inland to the region of Olba, where they noted the remains of several tombs and sarcophagi throughout the region and published some funerary inscriptions. They followed Said Pasha’s road to Olba and Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç), which they describe briefly. They also visited the necropolis at Diocaesarea and provided a brief description of the great tower-tomb south of the site. Several funerary monuments (sarcophagi, temple-tombs, rock-cut tombs) as well as funerary inscriptions are briefly described and recorded in Reisen in Kilikien. From Silifke, Heberdey and Wilhelm traveled to Mut via the route along the Göksu valley.

At the beginning of the First World War, A. Wilhelm published the details of a second journey to Cilicia, this time in the company of Josef Keil. 51 In the course of the two week journey they visited Silifke and Uzuncaburç, where they obtained new inscriptions and viewed more tombs. In 1915 two Italian scholars, R. Paribeni and P. Romanelli, visited ancient sites along the coast from Antalya to Silifke. Their work "Studii e Richerche Archeologiche nell’ Anatolia Meridionale" (Monumenti Antichi XXIII, 1915) provides exact descriptions, illustrations and photographs of the antiquities along the coast, and is invaluable for the archaeologist. Their exploration of the inland region of the Lamotis has left us with precious records and photographs of some of the most impressive funerary monuments in Rough Cilicia, of which now barely a trace remains. The magnificent two-storeyed free-standing sarcophagus at ancient Lamus, the metropolis of Lamotis, lavishly adorned with motives rich in funerary symbolism such as eagles, portraits of the deceased, gorgoneia, for which no parallels are known elsewhere, has been completely destroyed since their visit. In my visit to the site in August 1989 only one tomb of a similar form and decorative motives was seen. 52 Therefore, the Italian scholars’ work is all the more valuable for the present study since it provides us with a glimpse into the lost richness of the funerary traditions in western Rough Cilicia. In 1925 Keil and Wilhelm returned to Rough Cilicia for another tour. They did not travel the whole region but only to the sites of Seleucia ad Calycadnus, Olba, Diocaesarea, Corycus and Elaiussa-Sebaste. The results of their extensive

Franz X. Schaffer traveled in the region in 1900 and in 1901 and published a general description of the antiquities Hicks 1890, 236-54; 1891, 225-73. Ramsay and Hogarth 1890,345-6; Headlam 1892. 41 Ramsay 1890, 361-383. 42 A. M. Ramsay 1904, 260-92; 1906, 3-92. 43 Callander 1906, 157-80. 44 Tomaschek 1891. 45 Heberdey and Wilhelm 1892, 78-87. 46 Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896. 39 40

Schaffer 1903; 1902, 106-11 (sketch map). Bell 1906a, 1-29; Bell 1906b, 7-36. 49 Herzfeld 1909, 25-34 with map of route. 50 Sykes 1915. 51 Keil and Wilhelm 1915, 5-60. 52 For these tombs at Lamus, see below pp. 56-58, figs. 3.67-72. 47 48

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria work at these sites are presented in Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua 3. 53 E. Herzfeld and S. Guyer studied the ancient cities of Meriamlık and Corycus. 54 H. Swoboda, C.L. Patsch, J. Junther, and F. Knoll carried out an investigation of Isauria in 1902 and the final results were published in Denkmäler aus Lykaonien, Pamphylien und Isaurien (Wien 1935).

TIB. The discussion focuses on three distinct areas: the coast west of Seleucia, the interior region of eastern Rough Cilicia between Diocaesarea and the Lamus River, and the coast of the Gulf of Alexandretta. It glances, in addition, at a more remote area in the Taurus on the borders of Lycaonia, and at a few sites in western Cilicia, and concludes with a study of some Cilician aqueducts. Each region presents material of genuine merit for the history, architecture, and archaeology of a wide period, from the Hellenistic era to the Ottomans. Hild and Hellenkemper's 1990 volume Kilikien und Isaurien, 62 Tabula Imperii Byzantini 5 is a systematic introduction to each area followed by an alphabetically arranged list of sites. Each entry includes identified placenames for a given site, locates it in relation to neighboring centers and roads, discusses its place among historical sources, and briefly notes the known monuments. References to Byzantine texts, early travel accounts, and recent specialized studies are written for each entry. Many of the sites were visited and photographed by the authors or their collaborators during the 1970s and 1980s. The rough Isaurian terrain impeded their efforts and Hellenkemper and Hild reached about 50 percent of their sites over a total area of forty thousand square kilometers. Their supplementary volume, Neue Forschungen in Kilikien (VTIB 4), records in greater detail their exploration of the Cilician plain. Kilikien und Isaurien includes maps of both provinces and a detail of the Seleucia environs.

One of the most important sources on the epigraphy of the region is the work of G. E. Bean and T. B. Mitford, Journeys in Rough Cilicia 1964-68. Since their main interest was in the inscriptions, they do not provide a detailed description of the tombs. Yet, the work is still invaluable in providing an overall description (including the routes of communication) of the sites and in discussing the historical background of the region. The maps in particular are very helpful. Bean and Mitford also traveled in south Isauria but did not visit the great site of Isaura Nova. They visited Astra (Tamaşalık) and Olosada (Afşar Kalesi), two sites which I will discuss in chapter 5. 55 From 1963 to 1965 Elisabeth Alföldi-Rosenbaum (then Rosenbaum) accompanied by architect Gerhard Huber and S. Onurkan conducted an archaeological survey of western Rough Cilicia and prepared many ground plans and overall plans of Anemurium, Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus and Syedra. 56 She also studied the necropolis of Anemurium and published her findings in 1971. 57 Alföldi-Rosenbaum finally in 1980 published the results of her work at the ruined site of Balabolu/Adrassos in Rough Cilicia. 58

Hugh Elton, then Director of the British Institute at Ankara directed the Göksu Archaeological Project (GAP) between 2002 and 2006 which investigated the upper Göksu River valley and examined changes in settlement patterns over time. One of the main goals of the multi-disciplinary study was the understanding of communication routes leading in and out of the project area, and how these routes may have changed through time based upon changes in social constructs within and external to the valley. 63 The Rough Cilician Survey Project (RCSP) under the direction of Nicholas Rauh of Purdue University has been surveying western Rough Cilicia since the 1990s. 64 Its main goal has been to produce evidence to demonstrate the presence of Hellenistic-era pirates along the coast of western Rough Cilicia. Survey work in eastern Rough Cilicia, on the other hand, has been carried out by a group from the University of Mersin (Serra Durugönül concentrating on reliefs, defense system, and Corycus with its "hinterland"; Murat Durukan focuses on the tombs; and Ümit Aydınoğlu considers the agricultural systems). Mustafa Sayar is working separately on the inscriptions of Plain and Rough Cilicia conducting surveys since the 1980s. In the 1980s and 1990s a new series of excavations commenced: included are James Russell in Anemurium, Levent Zoroğlu in Celenderis, Serra Durugönül in Nagidos, Emel Erten in Olba; Detlev Wannagat in Diocaesarea, J. N. Postgate in Kilise Tepe, and Eugenia Equini Schneider in Elauissa Sebaste.

Austrian architect and professor Alois Machatschek studied extensively the necropoleis of Elaiussa Sebaste and Corycus and the results of his work were published in 1967.59 In 1974 followed his examination of the temple tombs at Dösene. 60 Pierre and Theodora S. MacKay visited the region of Olba to study the road and the fortification systems. The results of their findings, along with a brief history of the region, are presented in the PhD dissertation of T. S. MacKay titled Olba in Rough Cilicia (1968, Bryn Mawr). H. Hellenkemper and F. Hild, in presenting the results of their travels in Cilicia in 1983-1985, continued the long tradition of Austrian exploration into the inscriptions and monuments of the region, starting with the travels of Schaffer, Heberdey, Wilhelm, Keil, and others. Their volume Neue Forschungen in Kilikien 61 is designed as a supplement to the Tabula Imperii Byzantini, a valuable series of gazetteers of the Byzantine Empire, distinguished by excellent maps and outstanding wealth of detail. Their survey of Cilicia is intended as preliminary to TIB 5, to document fast-disappearing monuments in greater detail and with more photographs than would have been possible in the Keil and Wilhelm 1931. Herzfeld and Guyer 1930. 55 Bean and Mitford, 1971, 129-41. 56 Rosenbaum et al. 1967. 57 Rosenbaum 1971. 58 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980. 59 Machatschek. 1967. 60 Machatschek. 1974, 251-61. 61 Hellenkemper and Hild 1986. 53 54

Hild and Hellenkemper 1990. For the results of the Göksu Archaeological Project (GAP), see the annual reports at http://spinner.cofc.edu/~gap/. Also see Elton 2006a, 2006b. 64 Rauh 2006, 2002, 2001; 1999; Rauh and Wandsnider 2005, 2003, 2002; for recent preliminary report for RCSP, see Rauh et al. 2009. Also see https://engineering.purdue.edu/~cilicia (7 September 2011). 62 63

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Preliminaries

Fig. 1.2. Taurus Mountains.

Fig. 1.3. Taurus Mountains.

9

Chapter 2 Some Notes on the History of Rough Cilicia and Isauria a situation that would allow either power to cede control of such a natural route. Perhaps the Hittites while yielding this valley to Tarhuntassa kept garrisons in strategic locations along this valley. Kilise Tepe may have been such a place.4

The Hittites Hittite texts have revealed much about the historical geography of south Anatolia. By contrast to the earlier eras, the Hittite period in Cilicia is fairly well illuminated. These texts allow one to partially reconstruct the history and political organization of the south coast of Asia Minor during the Late Bronze Age. The Hittites extended their control from their capital at Hattusa southwards to the Mediterranean, eventually annexing the eastern part of Cilicia (known as Kizzuwatna). Later in the final century of the Hittite Empire, Hattusili III established Kurunta as the first king of Tarhuntassa, a large tract of territory in the south of Anatolia, known as the kingdom of Tarhuntassa. Compared to Kizzuwatna, Tarhuntassa has a shorter history, developing in the late period of the Hittite Empire, between the kingdoms of Hattusili III and Suppiluliama II. The remarkable epigraphic find of the bronze tablet at the Hittite capital Boğazköy (Hattusa) in 1986 put Rough Cilicia firmly into the realm of the dynasty of Tarhuntassa. 1 The document provides the text of a State treaty, which the Hittite king Tudhaliyas IV had concluded with Kurunta, king of Tarhuntassa, soon after the beginning of his reign (around 1235 BC). Included in the treaty is a detailed description of the boundaries of Tarhuntassa, which sheds important new insights into the political geography of Anatolia during the Hittite period. Tarhuntassa appears in the Boğazköy texts for the first time in the first half of the thirteenth century BC, when the Hittite king Muwattalli II transferred his residency from Hattusa to Tarhuntassa. The new capital had been abandoned by royalty when the imperial capital was moved back to its traditional site at Hattusa. The text of the bronze tablet informs us that Tudhaliyas IV and Kurunta, son of Muwattalli, were brought up together at the court of Hattusilis. Thus, Kurunta had a legitimate claim to the Hittite throne at Hattusa explaining the careful wording of the treaty. The capital of Tarhuntassa has to date not been identified and numerous and varied suggestions have been proposed. 2

Kilise Tepe is a 13 m of occupation strata on a promontory overlooking the Göksu valley, some 55 km north-west of Silifke on one of the main routes leading from the Anatolian plateau to the Mediterranean sea. 5 It was first settled in the Early Bronze Age (early third millenium BC) and occupied until the Byzantine period. Found among the ceramic repertoire in the site in Level III were pottery types known from Tarsus, Boğazköy and other Hittite centers. 6 Also recovered is a quantity of fine red burnished ware, also known as "Red Lustrous Wheel-Made Ware", which has a wide distribution in the Eastern Mediterranean in the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C., most prominently in Cyprus. Red Lustrous Ware sherds have been recovered from most sites in the Göksu valley (Çingantepe, Örentepe, Kozlubulak), in Silifke (Tekirköy) and eastward in Tomukkale and Tirmil. 7 Varieties of pottery in the Göksu area illustrates the shorter-distance system of relations with the Çukurova plain and the North Anatolian plateau, as well as the longer trade routes connecting to Cyprus in particular. 8 The discovery of four classic Hittite lentoid seals, dated to the thirteenth century B.C. strongly suggests that Kilise Tepe functioned as a seat of administration. 9 Mycenaean LH IIIC style pottery have been recorded in a structure known as the Stele Building destroyed by fire. Likely catastrophies which engendered the collapse of the Late Bronze Age palace culture at cities like Hattusa and Ugarit would also have adversely affected Kilise Tepe's role as an important way station between the coast and the plateau. 10 The absence of the important seaport Ura in the Tarhuntassa treaties causes one to assume that this harbor may not have been located in Tarhuntassa, but was somehow linked to Hittites. 11 Ura is represented in the texts as one of the major landmarks for merchants coming from the west, who

From the description of the boundaries of Tarhuntassa in the tablet, we can infer that the region included most of Rough Cilicia and eastern Pamphylia. 3 Its western border was at Parha, on the river Kastaraya. Parha is securely identifiable as Classical Perge, lying on the classical Cestros/Turkish Aksu Çayı river. The lack of a specific description of the eastern borders of Tarhuntassa is still subject to discussion among scholars, but most would include the Göksu (Calycadnos) Valley within its frontiers. The Göksu river valley had strategic importance for both Tarhuntassa and Hattusa and hence it is difficult to conceive

Yakar 2001, 125. Rescue excavations at the site were conducted by an expedition of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara from 1994 to 1998, under the direction of J. N. Postgate and a second five-year project was launched in 2007 jointly from Cambridge and Newcastle Universities, which ended in 2012. The site has now been back-filled to protect the exposed architecture from environmental decay and human interference. For the site, see Postgate 1998; Jackson and Postgate 1999; Symington 2001, 167-84; Postgate and Thomas 2007; Jackson and Postgate 2008; Collon et al. 2009; Jackson et al. 2013; Jackson 2013; Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 16-26. For Byzantine settlement at the site, see Jackson 2013, 219-232. 6 Symington 2001, 169, fig. 5. 7 Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 19, fig. 3.2. 8 Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 19. 9 Symington 2001, 173. 10 Symington 2001, 172. 11 Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 16. 4 5

The tablet is published by H. Otten, Die Bronzetafel aus Bogazkoy. Ein Staatsvertrag Tuthaliyas IV (Wiesbaden 1988) 2 These were summarized by Alp 1993, 1-11. 3 Dinçol provides a definition of the borders of Tarhuntassa, see Dinçol et al. 2001. 1

10

Some Notes on the History of Rough Cilicia and Isauria sailed along coastal Anatolia and from Ura reaching directly the harbor of Ugarit in northern Syria, and thence proceeding to wider areas in the Near East. Ura, given the importance testified by our literary sources played a significant role in commercial trade. 12 Unfortunately the precise location of this important seaport is still an object of debate. Most recently, Jasink has reiterated her suggestion in favor of its location at the mouth of the Göksu River. 13

listed by Stephanus of Byzantium thus as a possible name of Ura near Silifke, ancient Seleucia. 18 Rough Cilicia perhaps was the home of some Greeks, mentioned in various passages of the texts of Sargon II as Yamnaiu (’Ionians’). The first clash of Assyrians with Greeks occurred in the reign of Tiglath Pileser III when they battled the Ionians in several towns as reported in a letter by Qurdi-Assur-lamur. 19 A second battle in Sargon's Khorsabad Annals about the conflict between Ionians and Assyrians refers to a previous confrontation between the two. Jasink and Desideri link both events in the Annals and the passage in the letter of Qurdi-Assur-lamur to the conquest by Mita of the three fortresses, and they interpret the whole event as a joint action by Mita and the Ionians, the first coming from the Göksu Valley and the second either from Cyprus or more likely from possible Greek "colonies" on the southwestern coast of Anatolia. 20 Sargon defeated their alliance in 715 BC with two connected actions: one by sea, concerning only Ionians, 21 and probably preceding the second; the other by land, where Sargon's main antagonist was Mita, the Greeks being his allies.

A lack of written information about Rough Cilicia during the period following the collapse of the Hittite Kingdom prevents one from forming a bare outline of the history of this area. Perhaps, analogous to Plain Cilicia, a neo-Hittite state developed from the ruins of Tarhuntassa. Perhaps, also Rough Cilicia formed two parts: an east, east of the Göksu valley, making up the mountainous kingdom of Khilakku, so named in the later Assyrian sources, and a west consisting of another kingdom, extending towards the Konya plain. Perhaps also, although less likely, Khilakku extended over the all of Rough Cilicia, its borders not defined by the Assyrians, with the exception of Que, due to its inaccessible territory. 14 The period after the collapse of the Mycenaean and Hittite empires was an era of new trade enterprises and migrations. Archaeological finds indicate Greek activity on the southern coast of Anatolia, including Cilicia in the Late Iron Age. The nature of these activities is not yet determined, but different cultures and people clearly intermingled in the region.

After the death of Sargon in 705 BC a rebellion broke out in Plain Cilicia led by Kirua, governor of Illubru, who incited Khilakku and Que. Sargon's successor, Sennacherib, led a campaign against them. Ionians were among the rebels and a naval encounter perhaps occurred between Assyrians and Greeks. Khilakku and the Greeks, coming from the nearby mountains and from the western coasts, respectively, aided the Que rebels in wars against the Assyrians. 22 The Greeks are not specified as an invading force but as participants in a local uprising. 23 Moreover, the Cilician revolt suggests that the Assyrian control of the region was weak and had not yet been established in the mountains of Khilakku. The independence shown by the Khilakkites indicates the difficulty of establishing control in Rough Cilicia, a problem that would plague foreign powers in the region throughout much of its history.

The Assyrians Assyrian annals recognize two districts in Cilicia: Khilakku and Que. The Que of the Assyrian period was the continuation of the Late Bronze Age Kizzuwatna (later Classical Cilicia Pedias). As in the Hittite period, the position of the region made it a vital link between Anatolia and Syria. Assyrian texts from the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. record that Khilakku was a land of mountains west of the Cilician Gates, inhabited by unruly tribes. In spite of some Assyrian rulers’ claim of sovereignty, Khilakku was beyond firm Assyrian control. 15 The precise boundaries of Khilakku have not been determined but it likely corresponds to the eastern part of Rough Cilicia, starting east of the Göksu valley, 16 According to Zoroğlu, the western boundary of Khilakku was the Göksu river. Local revolts mark the Assyrian attempts to control the two Cilicias. Assyrian texts mention Khilakku as an ally of the neo-Hittite states which rejected Salmanassar's advance beyond the Euphrates. 17 The texts refer to a war between Muski and the Assyrians in 715 BC; the Assyrian army intended to retake three fortresses that Mita of Muski had seized from Que in "the distant past". One of the fortresses' names is Harrua identified with Hyria,

These passages show Ionians had become prominent on the southern coast of Anatolia by the reign of Sargon. The seventh century was marked not only by Assyrian influences but also by the Greek settlements in Cilicia. In Rough Cilicia, in spite of the establishment of Greek colonies, the towns and populations remained predominantly native, which is reflected by the indigenous names such as Celenderis. Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 17, 21. A fragmentary report to king Tiglath-Pileser III states "Ionians (Ia-u-naa) have come and made battle in the town..., in the town Hari... (and) in the t[own]." Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 21, no. 45 citing translation by Lanfranchi 2000, 14. 20 Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 21. 21 In the inscription summarizing the great deeds of his reign, Sargon II boasts of being: ‘he, like a fisher, fished the Ionians in the midst of the sea, like fishes, and gave rest to Que and Tyre;" Jasink and Bomabardieri 21, n. 47 citing Lafranchi 2000, 14. 22 Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 21. 23 In Sennacherib’s account, the cause of the trouble in Cilicia was the revolt of Kirua which spread to eastern Cilicia, and not the ‘Ionian invasion’ as the Greek sources claim. 18 19

Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 18. Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 16. Other locations have been proposed either at the mouth of the Lamus River, at Elauissa Sebaste or near Celenderis (Aydıncık). 14 Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 19-20. 15 Bing 1968. 16 About this state and its boundaries, see Zoroğlu 1994 a; Jasink 1995, 125-28. 17 Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 21. 12 13

11

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria The weakness of the Assyrian kings’ claim for subjugating Khilakku is revealed by their successor Assurbanipal, who having received embassies from Sandasarme, king of Khilakku, and Mugallu, king of Tabal in 668, admits that neither had submitted “to the kings of my fathers”. 24 This refers to the Cilician campaigns of Esarhaddon, Sennacherib and Sargon. The king of Khilakku along with the king of Tabal sent daughters with dowries to Nineveh, no doubt in exchange for Assyrian support against the growing Cimmerian power in Anatolia. Yet, this action did not mark submission to Assyria as Assurbanipal seems to claim. Greek sources tell us that the Cimmerians were annihilated in Cilicia; the Assyrian governor of Que is likely to have carried the offensive from Khilakku. 25 Plain Cilicia remained in Assyrian hands throughout the period.

(Turkish Kargıncık Adası). Perhaps this battle was against Greeks, who had settled along this coast, probably under the control of Pirindu. 32 If so, the Greeks were Appuasu's allies. Neriglissar in pursuing Appuasu conquered Sallune but failed to capture the Cilician king who had fled. Sallune, if it is indeed the classical Selinus (modern Gazipaşa), moreover confirms that the western coast of Rough Cilicia was inhabited by Greeks by this time. Selinus offers no traces of this period, but Greeks were living in other settlements along the coast, between Anamur and Silifke, beginning from the end of the eighth century B.C. Pomponius Mela (I 13) states that Celenderis (Aydıncık) and Nagidos (Bozyazı) were Samian colonies. 33 The contacts of this coastal line with Cyprus also are attested, and one is inclined to see the political control by Pirindu of the area, and a concentration of trading centers and settlements consisting of Greek and Cypriotic merchants, as forecast during the previous centuries. 34

The Neo-Babylonians We can distinguish two Cilicias until the end of the neoBabylonian period: Khume in the east; perhaps the Khilakku of the ninth to seventh century BC but assuredly the kingdom of Pirindu in the sixth, as shown by the chronicle of the Neriglissar in the west. During the sixth century BC the Assyrian province of Que is in the variant form Khume, while to the west is the new kingdom of Pirindu, the name in Babylonian sources replacing the older Khilakku. After the Assyrians the autocthonous name of Khilakku continued to be used in Greek as "Cilicia" which extended over all the territory of Khilakku and Que. Zoroğlu thinks Pirindu was a region separated from Khilakku and was situated to the west of the Göksu river and during the next fifty years it had extended farther to the east, conquering Ura and its surroundings. 26

The Persians In the Persian period Cilicia was incorporated into a broad empire that embraced the whole eastern Mediterranean. The Achaemenids exploited the strategic position and natural resources of the region. 35 They entrusted it to guard the routes crossing the Taurus Mountains; they constructed its military posts and naval installations and exploited its mineral, agricultural, and timber resources. Excavations at the Persian stronghold at Meydancıkkale (ancient Kirsu) near Gülnar where cedar and pine trees are in abundance, have given some insight on Persian control in the region. Meydancıkkale was a Persian military fort, a guard post for the timber industry of the empire; the surviving fortifications date to that era. 36 Completed in Hellenistic and Roman times, the process of urbanization and Hellenization of Rough Cilicia also began with the Persians. Achaemenid Cilicia witnessed the spread of urban life as far as central Rough Cilicia (namely at Nagidus, Celenderis, Aphrodisias and Holmi) and by the initial introduction of Greek features, which can be traced especially in the legends and in the images adopted on the coins. 37

The basic source for the history of Rough Cilicia in the neoBabylonian period is the text of Neriglissar, which relates the Cilician campaign of the king in 557 B.C. against Appuasu, king of Pirindu, who ruled all of Rough Cilicia from the Lamus river to Sallune. 27 The cause of the war was Appuasu's "crossing of a river" likely an invasion into Khume territory. Defeating Appuasu in western Khume, Neriglissar then conquered Ura ‘his Royal City.’ Specialists have indicated a location of Ura near Olba/Uzuncaburç or near Silifke: the Assyrian Ura would correspond to the Hittite Ura. 28 Neriglissar then pursued Appuasu to Kirsu ‘the Royal City of his ancestors’ setting fire to it. 29 Kirsu is located at the site of Meydancıkkale, near modern Gülnar. 30 The find of an Aramaic inscription at Meydancıkkale confirms this site as Kirshu. 31 The Babylonian army laid waste to the surrounding countryside and conquered the island of Pitusu, identified with the classical Pytoussa

In the battle of 548 between Cyrus and Croesus Cilicia supported Cyrus, who incorporated the region into his empire. The great King granted Cilicia internal autonomy and Cilicia, in return, recognized his sovereignty and promised to pay tribute and likely also to perform military service when summoned. Xenophon writes that because of their support of Cyrus, Cilicia was not placed under satraps but ruled by local rulers. 38 Although the region had to pay tribute and provide soldiers for the Persian Empire, it had a privileged position regarding the independence of its rulers. The region, nominally subject to the Persians as a vassal state from 542 to 401 BC, continued to be ruled by local dynasts called Syennessis, and consequently, even with a

24

Houwink Ten Cate 1961, 26. Houwink Ten Cate 1961, 26. 26 Zoroğlu 1994a, 305. For similar conclusions see Lemaire and Lozachmeur 1998, 324. 27 Grayson 1975, 103-04 (Neo-Babylonian Chronicle 6) 28 Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 23. For other localizations see Lemaire and Lozachmeur 1998, 322-23 with bibliography. 29 HouwinkTen Cate 1961, 17-18; Bing 1968, 155-158. 30 Two Aramaic inscriptions from the site confirms the identity. See Lemaire and Lozachmeur 1998, 3030-4, 315, 320-24. For the site, see ch. 4. 31 Davesne and Laroche-Traunecker 1998, 225, 320-22.; Casabonne 2014, 154-64. 25

Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 23. Zoroğlu 1994a, 304 with bibliography; Zoroğlu 1994b, 21. 34 See Zoroğlu 1994a, section 4.2; Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 21. 35 For the history of Cilicia during the Achamenid era, see Desideri and Jasink 1990, 177-99 and Casabonne 2004. 36 Davesne and Laroche-Traunecker 1998, 280. 37 Tempesta 2013, 27, fig. 4.5.1-4. 38 Xen. Cyropaedia, 7.4.2; 8.6.8 32 33

12

Some Notes on the History of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Cilicia, even though it was nominally still part of their domain and political and economic instability characterized the region until the imposition of full Roman dominion in the mid-first century BC. Seleucid rule prevailed only in the narrow coastal strip surrounding Seleucia ad Calycadnum, until the conquest by Pompey in 64 BC. Seleucia was a strategic military stronghold and a political and cultural outpost in a barely civilized country. 45 Strabo (14.5.4 [670]) says that the city was "well populated and far removed from the habits of Cilicians and Pamphylians." The city is a testament to the Seleucid policy of urbanization and hellenization. Seleucia became one of the most important and hellenized cities of Rough Cilicia.

body of Persian cavalry stationed in Cilicia, Persian rule did not weigh heavily. The Syennesis also used the titles of 'hyparchos' and 'basileus' and displayed their Greek identity. 39 Uncertain is whether ‘Syennessis’ is a dynastic title that may mean king or a proper name. Some of them ruled as effectively as Persian satraps. The influence of the Tarsus administrator Tarkumuwa reached as far as Pamphlyia as attested by coins. 40 Older Persian practices of leaving control of the rugged inland regions of Cilicia under the administration of native rulers were preserved. From the sixth to the fourth centuries Cilicia was subject to Persian rule, but the Greek cities in Rough Cilicia such as Nagidus and Celenderis maintained their Greek character under the Persians. Fortifications at Nagidus have been dated to the late fifth and early fourth century BC, based on excavated contexts with Persian era coins. 41 According to Casabonne, the settlement was converted into a Persian naval station in the mid fourth century BC. 42 Greek iconography of Nagidus coins continues except for the rule of the satrap Pharnazabus (380-375 BC) but the Greek features are recognizable. 43 Celenderis was a member of the Delian League in 425 BC although it was in Persian territory. 44

For the most part, the Ptolemies dominated settlements in western and central Rough Cilicia from ca. 280 to 197 BC. and fortification remains at places such as Hamaxia, Coracesium, Selinus, Lamus and Anemurium presumably testify to their architectural imprint. 46 The Ptolemies' control over the coast was directed at exploiting the rich timber resources of Tracheia. The foundation of at least four harbors are assigned to the Ptolemies, namely Ptolemais, Arsinoe of Pamphylia, Arsinoe of Cilicia, and Berenice. 47 They also stationed garrisons in pre-existing harbors like Charadrus and Celenderis, 48 important cities running along the sea coast connecting Anatolia to the Ptolemaic dominion of Cyprus. The finding of a hoard of Ptolemaic gold coins in Celenderis attests to the presence of a garrison. 49 Another garrison was located at the site of Meydancıkkale, 50 15 km from Celenderis, as demonstrated by two inscriptions as well as a coin hoard of 5,000 silver coins. The site abutted forests of cedar and pine, still present today, and became an important source for timber as employed in the constructing of large warships.

After Alexander Generally, Hellenistic history in Rough Cilicia was marked by the bitter struggle between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids for control of the coastal strip. Not only was Rough Cilicia rich in timber, so necessary for building and maintaining the naval arms of the rivals, but the geographical position of the province made it an essential location for military dominance of southern Asia Minor. The broad panorama of political and military history among the Hellenistic monarchies has a localized version in Cilicia, and the Seleucid-Ptolemaic rivalry foreshadowed the coming of Roman power by the first century B.C. In the third century the Seleucids and the Ptolemies fought for control of Rough Cilicia, and the frontier between the two Hellenistic kingdoms moved back and forth across the region. The interior of Tracheia remained untouched. The same period also saw the beginnings of piracy, earning the Cilicians notoriety during the late Roman Republic.

Eastern Rough Cilicia, on the other hand was controlled by the Seleucids and Teucrids. Seleucid rule of eastern Tracheia in the Hellenistic age marks the rise, growth, and decline of the Teucrid priesthood of Olba. 51 The Teucrids served as regional "client kings" for the Seleucids. 52 The status of the Teucrid dynasty of priest-kings established around the sanctuary of Olba suggests this priestly family was already in power before the time of Seleucus Nicator.53 At Olba there was likely a site of worship of the Luwian Storm god Tarhunt, going back to the Hittite period. 54 The earliest sources that mention the sanctuary, however, date from the beginning of the third century BC. 55 A Corinthian temple of Zeus Olbios was erected in the reign of Selucus I

Seleucus I Nicator (312-280 BC) seized control of eastern Rough Cilicia after his rivals, Antigonus Monophthalmus and Demetrius Poliorcetes, were defeated at the Battle of Ipsus in 301 BC. He founded Seleucia ad Calycadnus as a provincial capital about 294 BC. While Plain Cilicia belonged to Seleucid rule, the Ptolemies and the Seleucids contested the coast of Rough Cilicia. Antiochus III in 197 BC. drove the Ptolemies from Cilicia. However, the terms of the Apamea peace treaty in 188 BC after the Seleucid defeat in the war against the Romans at Magnesia (190/189 BC), led to the exclusion of the Seleucids from western

45

Tempesta 2013, 29, figs. 4.4, 4.6, 4.7. Rauh et al. 2013, 69. For current research on possible pre-Roman architecture in western Rough Cilicia, see Rauh et al. 2013, 67-78. 47 Tempesta 2013, 36. 48 For Celenderis, see pp. 45-47, figs. 3.44-45. 49 For the coin hoard known as Aydıncık 1974, see Davesne 1994, 3743. 50 For the site, see p. 47, figs. 3.46-48. 51 Tempesta 2013, 31. 52 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 144; Durugönül 1998, 119-24. 53 For a history of the Teucrid dynasty see Strabo 14.5.10 (672). 54 For the relationship between Tarhunt and Zeus Olbios, see Jasink 1991, 20. 55 For the history of the Zeus Olbios sanctuary, see Boffo 1985, 41-47; MacKay 1968; 1990, 2082-2103; Durugönül 1998, 79-84; Trampedach 23001, 269-288; for the Roman period, see Gotter 2001, 289-325. 46

39

Herodotus 5.118, 7.98, 9.107. Casabonne 1999, 61. Durugönül 2001; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 363; Casabonne 2004, 110. 42 Casabonne 2004, 114. 43 Durugönül 2001, 430-431. 44 For Celenderis, see pp. 45-47. 40 41

13

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria longest narratives on Cilician piracy are in Appian (Mith. 92, 416-97, 448), Plutarch (Pom. 24-28, Florus (1, 41) and Cassius Dio (36, 20-37). Recently de Souza says that there was an old tradition in Graeco-Roman politics and historiography presenting claims of suppressing piracy to demonize enemies and to justify aggressive imperialist ventures. 62 De Souza is especially critical of the inflated role ascribed to Pompey in our sources. Rauh began the Rough Cilicia Survey Project in 1996 to take into account all of the archaeological material from this period.63 Traces of piracy in the archaeological record, however, remain elusive.

Nicator (358-281 BC). An inscription (dating from the second or first century BC) celebrates the rebuilding of the στέγαι (probably the roofs of the temple) for the temple of Zeus Olbios by Teucros, son of Zenophanes. 56 The Teucrid priestly dynasty controlled territory between the Lamus and Calycadnus Rivers evidenced by many defensive towers and acropolis fortifications in polygonal masonry bearing Teucrid relief symbols (lightning bolts, Dioscuri caps, caducei, phalluses, sword and shield panoplies). 57 Exploiting the instability of control in eastern Rough Cilicia between 261-241 B.C. the sanctuary of Zeus Olbios under the rule of Teucrid priests became an independent state, expanding its control over the neighboring area. 58 The Seleucids, however, regained control over Rough Cilicia in the first quarter of the second century BC which led to an increase in Hellenization. The temple of Zeus Olbios in the Corinthian order was rebuilt at this time demonstrating the importance of the sanctuary. 59 During this century the priest kings invented a foundation legend asserting that both the sanctuary and the dynasty had been founded by Ajax, son of Teucer who fought at Troy and later ruled at Salamis in Cyprus, thus tracing their origin back to the Trojan War. 60 The Teucrids were probably a native dynasty who fabricated Hellenic pedigrees for themselves, appropriating a Greek foundation myth, similar to many other cities in western Asia Minor. The increasing Hellenization of the Teucrids in the second century is also indicated by the pompous designation of "Great Archpriest" whereas the earlier rulers had been content with the simple title of Priest of Zeus.

Strabo (14.5.6) summarizes the Roman opinions about Rough Cilicia in his day: "...for since the region was naturally well adapted to the business of piracy both by land and by sea--by land, because of the height of the mountains and the large tribes that live beyond them, tribes which plains and farm-lands that are large and very easily overrun, and by sea, because of the good supply, not only of shipbuilding timber, but also of harbors and fortresses and secret recesses--with all this in view, I say, the Romans thought that it was better for the region to be ruled by kings than to be under the Roman prefects sent to administer justice, who were not likely always to be present or to have armed forces with them." Pompey's reorganization in 64 BC included uniting both Rough Cilicia and Plain Cilicia into a provincia Cilicia. The Teucrids remained the rulers of Olba. After the murder of Caesar (44 BC) M. Antony reorganized the east. Antony gave a portion of Rough Cilicia to Polemon of Laodiceia in Pisidia, transferred later to King Amyntas of Galatia. 64 The temple state of Olba fell to princess Aba (daughter of a local tyrant) who had married into the Teucrid dynasty and Antony apparently recognized her as sovereign of Olba. The coast of Rough Cilicia still belonged to the Ptolemies. In 38 BC Antony presented to Cleopatra as a wedding gift some Roman-controlled lands in the East, including Rough Cilicia. Although Aba was deposed by Octavian (Augustus after 27 BC), the Teucrid dynasty continued to rule at Olba.

The Olban temple-state was under loose Seleucid hegemony before the arrival of the Romans. In the late first century BC, the Romans confirmed the status, and Antony’s acknowledgement (reconfirmed after 27 BC by Augustus) probably reflects a long-held power by the Teucrids. Both Olba and the surrounding temple-state lost independence when all Cilicia became a Roman province in AD 72. These years of turbulence were the heyday of the notorious Cilician pirates. In the early first century BC the coastal settlements of Rough Cilicia and Pamphylia became notorious as the homes of aggressive pirates who terrorized parts of the Mediterranean shoreline. 61 After several badly managed expeditions (and the intervening revolt against Rome by Mithridates VI of Pontus), Pompey’s famous campaign against the pirates in 67 BC achieved results. Our earliest source for the this war is Cicero (Leg. Man. 32). The

After the battle of Actium in 31 BC Octavian reorganized Asia Minor in 29 BC. Amyntas of Galatia now gained the coast of Rough Cilicia; only Olba and Seleucia remained independent. After the death of Amyntas in 25 BC Rough Cilicia passed under the control of Archelaus of Cappadocia, who ruled most of Cilicia with Elauissa as his residence. With Archelaus’ death in AD 17, Cilicia passed to the son of the deceased king, also named Archelaus. 65 In A.D. 38 Caligula gave Antiochus IV Rough Cilicia together with a part of Lycaonia. Antiochus lost power likely within the same year but in 41 Claudius restored him to the rule in both Commagene and Cilicia. 66 Antiochus IV was one of the most powerful and the wealthiest Roman client-ruler in Rough Cilicia. 67 Plain Cilicia separated Antiochus’ two

56 First edited and published by Heberdey and Wilhelm (1896, 85, no. 166) the inscription has received much attention notably by Rostovtzeff 1941, 462 and Jones 1971, 198 as well as Verilhac and Dagron 1974, 239 and Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 331 OID 36. 57 For the classification of the Teucrid towers, see Durugönül 1998, 2846. For the reliefs, see Durugönül 1998, 7, 86-89, 96. 58 Tempesta 2013, 32. 59 For the architecture and chronology of the temple of Zeus Olbios, see Börker 1971, 37-54; Kirsten 1973, 347-63; Bauer 1973, 117; Williams 1974, 405-14; Rumscheid 1994, 33, 86-91; Wannagat 1999, 355-68; Wannagat 2007, 1-25. 60 Trampedach 1999, 94-110. 61 For details on the Cilician pirates, see de Souza 2013, 43-54; Tomaschitz 2013, 55-58; Rauh et al. 59-86.

62

De Souza 2013, 49-53. Rauh et al. 2013, 59-86. 64 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 32 65 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 32. 66 Borgia 2013, 89. 67 For the rule of Antiochus IV in Cilicia, see Borgia 2013, 87-98. Magie, 63

14

Some Notes on the History of Rough Cilicia and Isauria kingdoms. His possessions in Rough Cilicia extended from Elaiussa to the border of Pamphylia. In the interior, Antiochus most likely ruled the central and western parts of the district. He extended Hellenism by founding cities, notably Antiochia ad Cragum, and Iotape, named respectively after himself and his wife. Although Antiochus was successful in urbanizing Rough Cilicia, his dominion was challenged by mountain tribes. During the insurrection of the Cietae in 52, the local tribe laid siege to Anemurium. 68 The attack was alleviated by diplomacy and it subsequently led to the foundation of Eirenopolis in the hinterland by Antiochus to commemorate the pacification of the turbulent region. Antiochus also founded Philadephia and Germanicopolis in the hinterland. The Cietae were the original inhabitants of much of Rough Cilicia, particularly the mountainous western portions, which would later become the province of Isauria. They appear to have been by far the largest tribal group in the area. They inhabited most of the inland areas of the territory, as well as the major inland urban centers, specifically the area known as the Isaurian Decapolis.

Rough Cilicia as evidenced by the inscriptions from various cities. The violent events of the mid-third century, however, led to the elimination of the carefully nurtured Hellenic civic life. In 260 the Persian king Shapur invaded Cilicia, where he besieged most of the coastal cities, including Pompeiopolis, Sebaste and Corycus. In western Rough Cilicia he penetrated Celenderis and Anemurium till Selinus. From there he turned to the inland reaching as far as Domitiopolis. The province of Cilicia suffered greatly from Shapur’s military campaigns and a general disintegration of the province began. 75 In the third century the turbulent mountain tribes of the Taurus had resumed their unruly ways, resulting in war against them a few years later. The building of mass fortifications at sites like Lamus under Gallienus and the gradual disappearance of Greek inscriptions throughout the region mark the changing fortunes of the land. Gallienus enclosed the highlands of western Rough Cilicia within a defensive ring of fortified places. The Rough Cilicia Survey Project has identified a string of such fortifications extending from the hills inland from Coracesium (Alanya) as far as Lamus, with its massive cross walls. 76 In Rough Cilicia the Isaurian influence becomes strong. The emperor Probus (AD 276-282) waged war against the Isaurian mountain tribes in 279 and 280. 77 The Isaurian brigand Palfuerius Lydius, who had ravaged Pamphylia and Pisidia was finally defeated and slain in the siege of Cremna. 78

The temple-state of Olba remained under the Teucrid dynasty, now headed by Ajax, son of Teucer, who led as the great priest and the toparch of the Cennatae and Lalasseis. During the reign of Claudius, Marcus Antonius Polemo, related to the royal house of Pontus, ruled over the small kingdom in Olba as high priest and dynast of Olba and the Lalasseis and the Cennatae. 69 The tribe of the Cennatae lived in the area of Diocaesarea and those of the Lalasseis were residents of Claudiopolis. 70

The final provincial reorganization of the area took place under Diocletian (AD 284-312). The unrest in Isauria ended for a time with the provincial reform of Diocletian, who made Isauria a separate province corresponding roughly to Rough Cilicia and he appointed a governor with special powers, who resided in Seleucia. This Isauria comprised besides Rough Cilicia the Isaurian heartland around Isaura Palaia and the south Lycaonia. 79

In A.D. 72 Vespasian reorganized the east. He annexed the two kingdoms of Antiochus IV on the pretext of a treason charge and although a small portion of the king’s west Cilician dominions was given to his daughter Iotape, all of Rough Cilicia was eventually taken under direct Roman rule. 71 The independent temple state of Olba was abolished. Plain Cilicia was taken from Syria and joined to Rough Cilicia to form one Roman province of Cilicia, with the seat of administration at Tarsus. 72 The borders of the new province lay in the west between Syedra and Iotape and in the east at Amanos. In the reign of emperor Antoninus Pius important changes occurred in the makeup of Vespasian’s Cilicia. Pius founded the three eparchies of Cilicia, Isauria and Lycaonia. The district of Isauria was transferred to Rough Cilicia and thus comprised a separate province Isauria. 73

Cilicia was divided during the reign of Theodosius II into two provincial areas, Cilicia Prima and Cilicia Secunda, the capitals of which were respectively Tarsus and Anazarbus. 80 Isauria remained a separate province, centered upon Seleucia on the Calycadnus. The story of the later empire is full of the exploits of the Isaurians, as the inhabitants of Rough Cilicia were then called. The lawless nature of the land permitted further raids and insurrections, which are echoed in the sources. 81 At the end of the fifth century one of the Isaurian tribal leaders Zeno occupied the imperial throne in Constantinople. On his death, Anastasius

Under Septimius Severus, Cilicia along with other provinces benefited from a general improvement of the roads. In AD 197 the road from Anemurium to Germanicopolis and the one leading from Corycus to Olba were repaired. 74 The Severan era was one of prosperity in

75

Magie 1950, 708-12. Townsend and Hoff 2009, 15. 77 For Probus' campaign: Hist. Aug., Probus, 16. 78 For capture of Cremna: Zosimus, I, 69. 79 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 34. 80 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 39. 81 Isaurian raids in 353: Amm. Marc., 14.2; raids in 368: Amm. Marc., 27. 9. 6-7; raids over Syria, etc. (under Arcadius): Zosimus, 5.25. Sometime between AD 355 and 359 Eirenopolis, strategically located on the Anemurium-Laranda route, was fortified to command the crossing of the Calycadnus river: Bean and Mitford 1970, 205, no. 23. 76

1950, 549-50; Jones 1971, 210-13. 68 Tac. Ann. 12.55.1-2. 69 Magie 1950, 548-49; Jones 1971, 208-10, nos. 30-34. 70 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 33. Jones 1971, 209-10; Magie, 1950, 549. 71 Magie 1950, 573-76. 72 Jones 1971, 209-10; Magie, 1950, 576, 1439-40. 73 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 33. 74 Magie 1950, 677.

15

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria finally crushed the Isaurians. 82 Subsequently, large numbers of Isaurians were re-settled in Thrace. 83

51 to attack a chieftain named Moeragenes; he was anticipated by Moereganes' death and thus Cicero quickly moved on. 88 Rome's early encounters with Isauria were brief aimed at quashing immediate problems. There was no attempt to establish permanent hegemony across the region, and the hinterland was left alone.

A salient quality of the political and military history of Rough Cilicia, necessarily intertwined with the religious and cultural life of the region, is the long-term independence of local dynasts, even under Roman rule. Temple-states like Olba, with its native Teucrids, would certainly adopt some designs from a currently dominant power (whether Seleucid or Roman), but artistic conventions and commonly reproduced symbols on monuments show the fusing of deeply held native beliefs with the observances of political overlords.

Around 39 BC M. Antonius transferred the north and south of Tracheia to Polemo and Cleopatra respectively. Octavian adopted Antony's policy of using native princes. He entrusted the region to Amyntas of Galatia, who undertook the fortification of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). The work appears to have been all but finished when the king was called away to suppress the Homonadeis, which cost Amyntas his life (Strabo 12.6.3). After Amyntas' death in 25 BC, Isauria was given to Archelaus I of Cappadocia, then to his son, and in turn to Antiochus IV of Commagene in AD. 38 (Strabo 12.1.4;14.5.6). Cassius Dio records a Bellum Isauricum in the year AD 6 (Dio lv 28, 3). Cassius Dio, relates that the Isaurians, beginning in a small way with brigandage, brought on a war and were finally subjugated. In AD 36 Tacitus (Ann. 6.41) reports that the "nation of Cietae" forcefully opposed the imposing of a census and taxes by Archelaus II. The Romans had to send 4000 legionaries. In AD 52 there was an uprising of the Cietae under Troxoborus, which necessitated the intervention by the praefectus equitum Curtius Severus (Tac. Ann. 12.55).

The Mountainous North: Historical Developments Isauria which was in the region of Tarhuntassa in the Hittite period remained for the most part beyond any permanent domination by foreign powers. Before Rome there were periodic punitive excursions against Isaurian rulers, but there was little effort to control the region as a whole. This situation is best illustrated by Diodorus Siculus' account of Alexander's satrap Balakras, who was killed by Isaurian warriors in his attacks on Laranda and Isaura (18.22.1). There was a considerable population of Isaurians with good organization as early as conquests by Alexander. The precise terms ‘Isaura’ and ‘Isaurians’ apart from Rough Cilicia first appear in Diodorus Siculus’ record of Perdiccas’ military operations in the region in 322 BC. (18.22). Perdiccas and his Macedonian forces besieged Isaura, and the Isaurians chose to perish in a fire rather than surrender (18.22.5). Diodorus calls the city strongly fortified and rich in silver and gold, which he says was natural in a city that had been prosperous for a great many years (18.22.8). The first Roman encounter with the Isaurians appears in the narration of the successful campaigns of P. Servilius Vatia, the proconsul of Cilicia, who received the cognomen Isauricus. 84 He reduced Isaura Vetus (Bozkır), which he had besieged after diverting the Çarşamba River on whose banks the city was situated. 85 Servilius Vatia, like Perdiccas before him, did not establish lasting control over Isauria. Mithridates VI's general Eumachus overran Isauria in 73; Deiotaurus of Galatia quickly followed in his footsteps, nominally regaining the territory for Rome, but once again, not aiming at direct control (App. Mithr. 75.326). Nor did Pompey touch the hinterland during his campaigns against coastal pirates in 67 B.C. Rauh has shown that the pirates who plagued the Mediterranean from ca. 130-67 B.C. are not linked with Isaurian highlanders. 86 Pompey, in rearranging the eastern provinces in 64, joined the territory to his newly formed province of Cilicia. Even so, Rome probably did little more than administer the coast of Tracheia for the rest of the first century BC. 87 Cicero marched into Isauria from Derbe in

The period between the mid-first century B.C. and the midfirst century A.D. witnessed a joint effort by Rome and its client kings to gain hegemony over the hinterland. This effort by Rome's army and its client kings laid the groundwork for more lasting pacification. In contrast with this early resistance, we hear nothing again of Isaurian uprisings in our sources from A.D. 52 until the third century. 89 The province hardly disappears from view in our sources. The abundant epigraphic record from Isauria reveals not resistance but apparent adaptation to Hellenic cultural norms and Roman rule. The period represented a gap in the large-scale uprisings attested in other periods. After military intervention and the indirect rule of Isauria by client kings the Romans had successfully asserted authority in the area and from the mid-first century to the mid-third century A.D. Major Isaurian uprisings were brought under control. 90 Vespasian (AD 69-79) created the province of Cilicia by annexing Tracheia and separating Pedias from Syria. Isauria, however, remained within the borders of the new province. Soon after in the reign of Hadrian (AD 139-160) an important road was constructed connecting Anemurium via Germanicopolis with Isaura. This road likely was a requirement for the inclusion by Antoninus Pius of Isauria and Lycaonia into the existing province of Cilicia. Without this road, as well as the route from Germanicopolis to Claudiopolis (and so to Seleuceia on the Calycadnus)--of unknown date but now presumably also Hadrianic--the

82

For Anastasius' conquest of the Isaurians, see Malalas, 393-4. Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 42. 84 Strabo 12.6.2; Festus Brev. 12; Ormerod 1922, 25-56; Syme 1991, 287-91; Syme 1986, 159; de Souza 1999, 128-31. 85 Sallust Hist, fr. 87 (from Bk. 2) ed. Maurenbrecher; Frontinus Strat. 3.7.1; Livy Per. 90-93; Eutr. 6.3. For the location of the site, see Hall 1973, 568-71. For a discussion of the site, see pp. 210-11. 86 Rauh 1997, 263-83. 87 Lenski 1999, 419. 83

Cicero, Fam. 15.2.1; Att. 5.15.3; 6.1.13. Lenski 1999, 420. 90 Lenski 1999, 430. 88 89

16

Some Notes on the History of Rough Cilicia and Isauria enlarged province could not be governed. 91 Early in the reign of Antoninus Pius, Cilicia became one of the Triple Provinces (with Lycaonia and Isauria). In the new provincial entity Isauria consisted of the greater part of Tracheia. 92 Under Septimius Severus (AD 193-211), Tarsus is styled 'metropolis' of 'the three eparcheiai' and the three names follow.

particular their raids on Pamphylia and Cilicia (27.9). For his own epoch Ammianus furnishes details of great value, notably the full account of Isaurian depredations in the year A.D. 353. In his summary register of the province, Ammianus, after praise for the cities Seleuceia and Claudiopolis, proceeds thus (14.8.1): "For Isaura, which was formerly too powerful, was long ago overthrown as a dangerous rebel, and barely shows traces of its former glory." Ammianus implies that some event, not named but perhaps described in his lost books, had resulted once and for all in the suppression of the city of Isaura as a rebellatrix interneciva. Whether that city had itself rebelled against the power of Rome is doubtful. Rather perhaps it was victim to native insurrections, which the historian recounted in the lost books. 99 Eirenopolis, one of the cities of the Decapolis in the hinterland, was walled between 355 and 359. In 366/67 there were more raids (Amm. Marc. Hist. 27.9.6-7). The people of Germanicopolis, another city of the Decapolis, acting as the go-between agents, played an important role in the peace negotiations at the end of the conflict. 100 In the early 380s a defensive wall had to be built in great haste to protect the city of Anemurium, a project which was connected with the appearance of a new legion in Isauria under the command of the Comes Isauriae Matronianus. 101

During Sapor I's third invasion of the empire in 260, Persian forces penetrated inland capturing even Domitiopolis (Katranlı). 93 Under Gallienus (253-268) a brigand chief named Trebellianus proclaimed himself the emperor in Isauria and though he was crushed, it was from this period onwards that the Isaurians were, in the words of the author of the Historia Augusta (SHA, Tyr. trig. 26. 1-2, 6-7) 'considered as barbarians', and their country was 'though in the middle of Roman territory shut in like a frontier district.' 94 The Rough Cilicia Survey Project has identified a chain of fortifications Gallienus built that extend from the hills inland from Coracesium (Alanya) as far as Lamus, with its massive double cross walls. 95 In fact, the existence of this line of defense appears to confirm the reality of Trebellianus and his rebellion, which some historians have questioned. 96 Another incident is reported in Zosimus' account (Hist. 1.69-70) about the Isaurian brigand Lydius, who was plundering Pamphylia and Lycia. Faced with Roman units, he retreated to the stronghold of Cremna, where he was besieged and finally killed. The campaign of Probus (276-282) against Lydius resulted in a total pacification of Isauria. 97 The account given in the Augustan History (SHA, Probus, 16) of the policy of Probus is a summary of imperial policy: the Isaurian veterans were to receive farms in the region that were most difficult of access, on condition that their male children should enlist at the age of 18.

Isauria from the fourth century was now necessarily a military province and a frontier zone. Ammianus Marcellinus’ (AD 330-95) History, covering the years 96378, mentions Isaurians in several places. Marcellinus in a chapter titled ‘Inroads of Isaurians’ (His. 14.2) discusses their location and habits; their raids (Hist. 19.13) and in

Zosimus’ New History (Historia Nova), written in Greek, covers the first four centuries of the Roman Empire; it is the most important source for the late fourth century. 102 Isuarians are mentioned in three books. Zosiumus’ account of the Isaurians is useful in showing the bad press they got. An important source for Isauria is the Notitia Dignitatum, the 'List of Offices', a late antique document dealing with the Roman governmental administration; the accepted dates for the compilation of the document is AD 395 or shortly thereafter. Isauria appears as a province in the Notitia Dignitatum. 103 The entry for the Comes per Isauriam provides some information about the region, in particular regarding the administrative structure of the province at the beginning of the fifth century. The unstable nature of the province is also reflected in its administrative organization. Isauria is one of only two special provinces (the other being Egypt) in the empire where civil and military command are combined in the person of the Comes per Isauriam. 104 The stationing of two legions, the I and II Isaura Sagittaria under the command of the Comes in the province also attests to the threat the Isaurians posed to the Romans. The II and III Isaura remained posted in Isauria for at least a century and they may have contained some Isaurians in the ranks. Ramsay in a chapter named 'Isaurikan Soldiers' in his book on Roman Power in Asia Minor presents a fair number of inscriptions as evidence of Isaurians serving as imperial troops. 105 These Isaurians who served as Roman soldiers seem to have received Roman names either during or upon

91

99

The final provincial organization of the area took place under Diocletian (AD 284-312), who constituted Isauria as a separate province corresponding roughly to Rough Cilicia. Diocletian separated the Cilician plain from Rough Cilicia, and added it to Isauria and the surrounding areas. 98 Seleucia was the metropolis of the province of Isauria, which included not only the old municipal center of Isaura, but the coastal regions between the Melas River and Seleucia. The whole region became popularly known as Isauria. The territorial boundaries thus established define the limits of Isauria during the Dominate.

Bean and Mitford 1970, 189-90 Syme 1991, 295. 93 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 34. 94 Jones 1971, 212. 95 Townsend and Hoff 2009, 15, n. 48. 96 Townsend and Hoff 2009, 15. 97 Syme 1991, 303. 98 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 34.

Syme 1991, 302. Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 37. 101 Shaw 1990, 249. 102 Zosimus, New History, 1. 69, 70, pp. 21-23, 4. 20, p. 78, 5. 25, 111. 103 For Isauria and the Notitia Dignitatum, see Burgess Jr., 1986, 26-46; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 35. 104 Burgess, Jr. 1985, 33-54. 105 Ramsay 1967, 223-32. 100

92

17

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria understood because as Mango states the Isaurians "... had never been farmers; the only skills they possessed were fighting and stone-cutting.

completion of their service in the military. Ramsay also cites evidence for and argues for recruitment of soldiers from the area during the second and even the first century AD in the Flavian period. In the fifth century, Isauria had become an autonomous power surrounded by Roman territory and its leaders had become powerful enough to extend their influence to the capital. An Isaurian tribal leader Tarasikodissas from Rousoumblada (Zenonopolis) under the name of Zeno (AD 474-491) gained the throne. Zeno previously was the commander of a considerable force of Isaurians in and around Constantinople, called in specifically as a counterpoise to Gothic influence. On his death in 491, Anastasius I finally crushed the Isaurians. He broke the rising Isaurian power and destroyed all the fortresses in Isauria. Following the war, part of the native population in Isauria was transplanted to Thrace--hence the Isaurians who were working in the repairs of the dome in St. Sophia in 558 could have come either from Thrace or Isauria. The remaining Isaurians, no longer able to support themselves in their devastated land, went as migrant artists (masons and architects) to various provinces of the empire. 106 Several hagiographic texts indicate a diaspora of Isaurian artisans-both as laborers and master-builders-- in the sixth century. The Life of St. Sabas tells us that two Isaurian architects built this Saint's lavra in Palestine in 501. 107 A much more valuable body of texts is connected with the construction of the monastery of the younger St. Symeon on the "Wondrous Mountain", near Antioch, which was built between 541 and 551. 108 Both in the original Life of St. Symeon, 109 and in that of his mother, St. Martha, the Isaurians who work in the building of the monastery, occupy an important place.110 In the text (ch. 192) "...natives of the village of Kouvramon in the territory of Seleucia in Isauria" are mentioned. This must be the same Karaman in the hinterland of Isauria that has preserved its name to this day so we have Isaurians not only from the coastal areas, but also from the Isaurian hinterland travelling to Syria. Another important piece of information we acquire from the texts is that many of the Isaurian laborers could speak only their native language (ch. 189), which attests to the survival of the indigenous language into the fifth century. A passage of Symeon's Life refers to a "...workshop of Isaurians who were cutting stone and constructing the walls." (ch. 188). It is clear that the Isaurians went to Syria in great numbers. The sources point to an exodus of Isaurian builders to the great urban centers of northern Syria, which was likely caused by pacification of Isauria by Anastasius I from 492 until 498 after which part of the native population was transplanted to Thrace. The eastward emigration of the remaining Isaurians can be 106

Mango 1966, 358-68. Vita S. Sabae, ch. 32, ed. E. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis (1939) 117, cited by Mango 1966, 359 n. 6. 108 On the remains of the monastery see the reports by G. Millet and J. Mecerian, CRAcInscr., 1933, 343; 1934, 144; 1935, 195; 1936, 205; 1948, 323; Actes du VI Congres intern. d'etudes byz. II (1951) 299; A. Grabar, Martyrium (1946) I, 361; J. Lassus, Sanctuaries chretiens de Syrie (1947) 133; W. Djobadze, Istanb. Mitt., XV (1965) 228, cited by Mango 1966, 359, n. 7. 109 La Vie ancienne de S. Symeon Stylite le Jeune, ed. P. Van de Ven (1962), cited by Mango 1966, 359, n. 8. 110 ASS, May V, 399, cited by Mango 1966, 359, n. 9. 107

18

Chapter 3 Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia the product of a later tradition existing also in Phrygia, Rough Cilicia and some other parts of Anatolia. 2

Rock-cut Tombs Rock-cut tombs emerge from the natural formations, making up the mountainous terrain of Rough Cilicia. The diversity and occasional splendor of the tombs likely mirror the social ranks of those who commissioned them: elaborately carved facades are those of an upper class, while simple undecorated tombs are those of middle and lower classes. Nomadic tribes perhaps also furnished simple burial places, even though the rugged terrain dictated choices for burial, as contrasted with costs incurred and implicit religious beliefs. Rock-cut tombs engendered some elaborate facades, embellished if there was a desire to establish rank or status. Most often the facades are plain, without decoration. These tombs, moreover, with adorned facades suggest that the deceased had been wealthy, likely a member of the ruling elite. Even in a large necropolis of countless rock-cut tombs, there is a certain hierarchy established both by the workmanship and by the location of the tombs. The most impressive tombs occupy a central part in the necropolis or enjoy a commanding view of the surroundings. All the splendid funerary monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria were chosen with an eye to location (Fig. 3.1). Traditionally, four geographical and topographical regions characterize ancient Rough Cilicia: the east, central, the west, and inner Rough Cilicia. In this chapter we will examine a select number of rock-cut tombs and sarcophagi from sites at eastern Rough Cilicia, central Rough Cilicia, western Rough Cilicia and inner Rough Cilicia. Geography and topography determined the physical isolation of Rough Cilicia, and especially in the mountains fostered local funerary traditions. The movement of itinerant artisans and stone-cutters was fundamental to the transmission of funerary forms and motifs. The funerary art of Rough Cilicia results from the combination of basic native themes with classical transformations.

In Phrygia rock-cut monuments range in date from the last third of the eighth to the mid sixth century BC with a great number of them belonging to the late seventh and the sixth century BC. 3 In the earlier Phrygian rock-cut tombs, the tomb chamber imitates a wooden house as beams and rafters are imitated in the rock. 4 The elaborately cut chambers have a pitched ceiling and one to three low funerary couches arranged along the three walls. The monumental rock-cut tomb in Köhnüş, the so-called Lion Tomb, locally known as Aslan Taş, is noteworthy for its two huge lions in the Hittite tradition, yet the style is 'more vigorous, more alive, less conventional than the Hittite.' 5 Tombs with an open porch and freestanding columns, like the Paphlagonian ones, do not appear in Phrygia until the Hellenistic period. 6 Paphlagonian rock-cut tombs show examples of survival of Phrygian rock-cut architecture. 7 The Phrygian influence on Paphlagonian tombs is seen on the decoration of the gable, the kingpost and the relief images on both sides. The rockcut tombs in Paphlagonia, the earliest of which dates from the early fifth century, are embellished with a façade, often crowned by a gable, decorated with various carvings in low relief. 8 All have columns with a porch and a burial chamber. The number of columns, short and heavy in proportion, can vary from one to five. The bull protomes as capitals betray Achameneid influence. In Lycia some rock-cut tombs have timber construction modelled into stone, which are older than those displaying Greek architecture, but these are evidently not older than the sixth century. The most elaborate rock-cut tombs are those carved in the form of temples. 9 The Nereid monument at Xanthus and the heroon of Limyra had a great influence on rock-cut architecture. Both the Lycians and the Carians tried to combine the Greek architecture of the built funerary monuments with the custom, already existing in Lycia but probably not in Caria, of cutting chambertombs, looking like buildings, out of the rock. The big temple-tombs are mostly distyle in antis, which is more suitable for rock carvings and became widely used in the Lyco-Carian borderland. Rock-cut tombs are also prominent in Caria, where there are small temple-tombs

The traditions underpinning rock-cut tombs in Anatolia extend back into pre-literate times, and survived for at least two millennia. The rock-cut tomb tradition in monumental scale in Anatolia begins with Urartians and Phrygians. The construction of multi-roomed rock-cut tombs is well attested in the Urartian funerary traditions, as seen in the Van Fortress (Tushpa) and other sites. 1 These tombs, built for royalty, are for multiple burials and they are noteworthy for their dimensions as can be seen in the monumental tomb at Neftkuyu, measuring over 90 square meters. Singleroomed rock-cut tombs are much smaller and have high benches like kline along the rear and side walls. Multiroomed and single-roomed Urartian rock-cut tombs differ from each other in dimension, number of chambers, location and burial tradition. Köroğlu recently has stated that the majority of the single-roomed rock-cut tombs are 1

2

Köroğlu 2007, 449. Haspels 1971, 135-38; for Phrygian rock-cut shrines, see Berndt-Ersöz 2006. 4 Haspels 1971, 112-38; Vassileva 2012, 244. 5 Haspels 1971, 118-19, 135, figs. 131-34; Fedak 1990, 48, fig. 41. 6 For Phrygian influences on the Hellenistic and Roman rock-cut tombs in Phrygia, see Kortanoğlu 2012. 7 Vassileva 2012, 244. 8 von Gall 1966. 9 Zahle 1980. 3

Köroğlu 2007; Çevik 2000; Ussishkin 1994.

19

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria with antae but no columns as well as a type of chambertomb with benches showing nothing more than an opening outwards, a small opening that does not even have an enframent. 10 Most of these tombs are variable in date whilst some of them are from the early Hellenistic, or perhaps from the fourth century BC. At Caunos many of the tombs could, on the evidence of the pottery found in them, be dated to the fourth century BC. 11

arcosolium tomb in Rough Cilicia is from the first half of the first century BC in Canytelleis in eastern Rough Cilicia. 20 Arcosolium chamber tombs This type of tomb consists of a tomb chamber with an arcosolium niche sunk in the rock face (Fig. 3.3). 21 These tombs differ from the rock-cut chamber tombs mainly in the design of the facade. It is a widespread type in Rough Cilicia. The mountainous terrain allowed the construction of frequently encountered chamber tombs in the region. In Adrassus, for example, many tombs have the form of an arcosolium with one burial only but larger chambers contain two or three burials and sometimes more. 22 In the necropoleis of Diocaesarea and Corycus are particularly strong concentrations of arcosolium chamber tombs.

Rock-cut tombs in Rough Cilicia display various forms, from simple niches or arcosolia, and chambers with flat or vaulted ceilings to tombs with architectural facades. The terrain determined the structure of rock-cut tombs. The presence of large cliff faces led to the arcosolium type tombs, as in the rock-cut cemeteries of Adrassus and Philadelphia (Gökçeseki) (Fig. 3.88). 12 Less prominent are large outcroppings, thus there are only a few regional examples as Neapolis (Güneyyurt-Gargara) and Pharax (Göktepe Köristanı and Çukurbağ Köristanı) (Figs. 3.80, 3.103, 3.120).

Rock-cut chamber tombs These are tombs with a mostly rectangular small door that opens to a chamber (Fig. 3.4). 23 The tomb chamber consists of a single rectangular or square chamber with flat ceiling. In some tombs the ceiling of the chamber is in the form of a barrel vault. In some examples an arcosolium niche is cut in the side walls and the back wall. The facades of most of the rock-cut chamber tombs as in arcosolia and arcosolium chamber tombs are completely plain. Rock-cut chamber tomb with a plain facade is the most frequently encountered rock-cut tomb type in Rough Cilicia. In this group there is no architectural or other decoration outside the tombs. The entrance to the tomb is usually a rectangular or square opening.

Rock-cut tombs in Rough Cilicia are in general of three types: arcosolia; arcosolium chamber tombs; rock-cut chamber tombs. Arcosolia Arcosolia are arches of varying depth cut into either a rock face or a freestanding outcrop, sheltering a rock-cut sarcophagus or a chamosorion (Fig. 3.2). In some atypical examples as in Philadelphia (Gökçeseki) and Domitiopolis (Katranlı) there may be two sarcophagi housed within the same arch (Figs. 3.88-89; 3.100-102). 13 The arcosolia tombs were used over a long period of time, ranging from late Hellenistic to early Byzantine period. 14 Arcosolia occur in numerous necropoleis in Rough Cilicia. In Adrassus (Balabolu) many tombs have the form of an arcosolium. 15 The necropolis in Philadelphia (Gökceseki) has extensive arcosolia with lion-lid sarcophagi. 16 Arcosolia are widespread in Diocaesarea 17 but not in the neighboring Olba, where only 8 occur. At Alahan nine pairs of twin arcosolia, the most prestigious tombs in the cemetery, were positioned with the view in mind; placed to face towards the Madras Dağı and the Geçimli Plain. 18 Arcosolia tombs are found in southern Asia Minor in Phrygia, Pisidia, and Lycia. 19 Most of the arcosolia tombs are undecorated but some have an architectural framing in the form of an arch. The oldest dated example of an

In both arcosolium chamber tombs and rock-cut chamber tombs the burial chamber is usually rectangular and the bodies were either placed on rock-cut benches (klinai) running around the walls of the chamber or in sarcophagi carved out of the rock or sunk into the floor (chamosoria) (Figs. 3.5, 3.6). In some tombs no evidence exists for cuttings or arrangements for burials, which suggests that the bodies were laid on the floor or that coffins of perishable material such as wood were used. 24 Kline burial in rock-cut tombs is the predominant form of burial in the rock-cut chamber tombs in Rough Cilicia, where the klinai usually are arranged in the triclinium fashion. The term kline is widely used in Anatolian scholarship for any bed or couch found in a tomb even for plain rock-cut benches regardless of its formal connection to known kline types. 25 No decorated klinai are known in the region although they occur in Asia Minor. A rock-cut sarcophagus found in Karaböcülü in eastern Rough Cilicia was carved like a

For a survey of rock-cut chamber tombs in Caria, see Roos 1985. Roos 1985, 51. For Adrassus, see Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 21-27; for Philadelphia (Gökçeseki), see pp. 55-56. Also see Er Scarborough 1991a, 315; Doğanay 2005, 142-50, pls. 98-106; Doğanay 2009, 329-30, pls. 98-102. 13 For Philadelphia (Gökçeseki), see pp. 55-56; for Domitiopolis (Katranlı), see pp. 57-58. 14 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 27. 15 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 21-27. 16 For these tombs, see pp. 55-56, figs. 3.86-89. 17 Linnemann 2013, 73-78, pls. 38, 39, 40, 41.1. 18 Boysal and Elton 2014, 193. 19 For the distribution in southern Asia Minor, see Köse 2005, 145. For arcosolia in Phrygia, see Haspels 1971, 172-73 s. v. Ayazın, 180-81 s v. Güllü Ören, 182-83 s.v. Yapıldak, 190 s.v. Midas Kale, 192 s.v. Gerdek Kaya, 212 s.v. Asmacık Tepesi. For Pisidia, see Köse 2005, 135-47. See also Linnemann 2013, 73, no. 1042. 10 11 12

20

Machatschek 1967, 59, also cited by Spanu 2000, 171. Linnemann 2013, 78-86, pls. 41.2-5, 42, 43. 22 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 21-27. 23 Linnemann 2013, 86-92, pls. 48-51. 24 A piece of wood was found in the chamber of a rock-cut Ionic temple tomb at Caunos. Probably it was part of a wooden bench or coffin as the tomb has no stone benches or sarcophagi: Roos 1972, 30. 25 For an excellent discussion of kline burials in Anatolia, see Baughan 2013, who considers the basic conceptual components of the kline tomb concept and the practice of kline burial itself of Anatolian origin; for kline burials in the Greek world, see Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 273-82; for the Roman period see Toynbee 1971, 214-26. 21

20

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia wooden kline with all its details. 26 Rock-cut tombs with kline burial occurs broadly in Anatolia; there is rich and varied evidence for kline burial tradition in sixth- and fifthcentury Anatolia. 27 It was in Lydia and Phrygia that klinai first gained prominence not as banquet furniture but as burial receptacles. Although regional styles in art and architecture vary greatly, the predominance and the wide distribution of rock-cut tombs with klinai illustrate an Anatolian funerary tradition.

the arcosolia tombs, but can also be found on arcosolium chamber tombs. Rock-cut tombs with architectural framing of arcosolia can be found in various sites in Rough Cilicia. The semi arch of the facade is often carried by indicated pilasters or columns (Fig. 3.2). 37 On some tombs the facade, shaped like an arch, is supported by two columns. On others this may be purely decorative. Rock-cut tombs with arched facade are found in Duruhan 38 in central Rough Cilicia (Fig. 3.50). These tombs have round arches with several fasciae, which are supported by pilasters. 39 At Philadelphia (Gökçeseki) 40 in inner Rough Cilicia several tombs have a cross in a medallion over the arch. (Figs. 3.88). At the two necropoleis of Pharax (Göktepe Köristanı and Çukurbağ Köristanı) 41 in inner Rough Cilicia are rockcut tombs with decorated arched facades (Figs. 3.121, 3.124, 3.127, 3.132). In the coastal towns of Seleucia, Corycus, Corasion and Elauissa Sebaste no such architectural type can be detected. 42 Outside Rough Cilicia, arcosolia tombs with architectural facades occur in the necropolis of Pisidian Sagalassos.

In addition to these types of rock-cut tombs, there are tombs at Direvli in western Rough Cilicia which are peculiar to this region. The tombs consist of a rock-cut burial chamber (which would correspond to a hyposorion) with a sarcophagus lid on top of the chamber (Fig. 3.55). 28 These tombs are richly decorated with busts, lions, eagles and gorgoneia. Tombs with Architectural Facades Whilst the facades of most of the rock-cut tombs in Rough Cilicia are plain there are few examples with architectural facades. In Rough Cilicia rock-cut tombs with temple facades are rare in contrast to other regions such as Caria, Lycia and Phrygia. 29 Two arcosolia tombs and one arcosolium chamber tomb with a Doric facade are located in the necropolis of Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Figs. 3.3134). At the neighboring Olba is one with a Corinthian facade and an Ionic rock-cut temple tomb (Figs. 3.10-11, 3.13-14). In the necropolis of Corycus and Elaiussa Sebaste, no rock-cut tombs with an architectural facade were found. 30 Keil and Wilhelm recorded a now lost rockcut tomb with a bust on the temple facade in Seleucia ad Calycadnum. 31 In the necropolis of Adrassus only one rock cut tomb has a temple facade with no trace of a burial visible in it. 32 In central Rough Cilicia are two rock-cut tombs with temple facades at the sites of Ardıçpınarı and Şırşırkale. 33 Another site in the region, Duruhan, 34 just 10 km. from the coast, has two tombs with temple facades (Fig. 3.49). In Philadelphia (Gökçeseki) 35 a temple tomb is recorded (Fig. 3.87). In the necropolis of Pharax (Fariske Köristanı) two rock-cut tombs with richly decorated distylein-antis facades can be seen (Figs. 3.107-110, 3.111-114).36

Other Features of the Tombs Near the tombs are often benches and steps which must have served as seats and along with the numerous smaller niches must have been used in rituals for the dead. Niches of various size and shape are cut in the facades and the inside walls of many rock-cut tombs (Fig. 3.22). 43 Their purpose was to hold the cult images and candles as well as offerings to the dead. There were also shelves for votive offerings in some chambers. Small courtyards are found in front of some of the rock-cut tombs as seen at Adrassus. 44 At some sites the rock-cut tombs are arranged in groups side by side along the edges of the vadis as in Philadelphia (Gökçeseki) (Fig. 3.86). Small square or rectangular openings comprised the entrance to the tombs, which was usually closed by a stone door although wooden doors were also used. Sockets for wooden doors occur in some rock-cut chambers at the necropoleis of Alahan 45 and Olba. At Olba in one tomb at Tırnak Tepe the stone door has been rolled inside the tomb chamber and is well preserved. 46

Among the tombs with architectural facades are tombs with an arched frame. The arch framing occurs most often on 37

Er Scarborough 1991a, 143-45. For Duruhan, see pp. 47-48. Also see Er Scarborough 1991, 143, 339, 341, fig. 17. For the site, see Bean and Mitford 192-93, fig. 166; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 94-95; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 242. 39 Er Scarborough 1991a, 143, 315, 339, 341, figs. 17, 89. 40 For these tombs see pp. 55-56. Also see Er Scarborough 1991a, 315, fig. 89, plan 25; Doğanay 2005, 142-53, pl. 101.2; Doğanay 2009, pls. 98-102; Bean and Mitford 1970, 216-21, fig. 194; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 378. 41 For these tombs, see pp. 58-61. Also for Çukurbağ Köristanı see Doğanay 2009, 302-07, pls. 32-40; for Göktepe Köristanı see Doğanay 2009, 331-34; pls. 110-12 and Er Scarborough 1991a, 251-52, no. 5, fig. 67. For the recently identified site of Pharax, see p. 64; DoğanayKarauğuz-Kunt 2005. Also see Bean and Mitford 1970, 212-16, no. 242, fig. 189. 42 Linnemann 2013, 98, no. 1355. 43 For an in depth study of tomb niches in Rough Cilicia, see Söğüt 2003, 239-60, pls. 41-49. 44 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 23. 45 Boysal and Elton, 2014, 185. 46 Akçay 2008a, cat. no. 29. 38

26

Durukan 2007, 147, fig. 3. Baughan 2013, discusses the evidence for kline burials in Anatolia and explores its symbolic significance in ch. 2: 'Funerary Klinai in Anatolia.' 28 For these tombs, see pp. 48-51. 29 Er Scarborough 1991a, 143-45. 30 Machatschek 1967, 52. 31 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 8, pl. 7.16. 32 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 24-25, 73, no. 88f, fig. 5, pls. 12.2, 13.1. 33 Er Scarborough 1991a, 342. 34 Er Scarborough 1991a, 143, 338-39, fig. 16. For Duruhan , see pp. 47-48. Also see, Bean and Mitford 1970, 192-93, fig. 166; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 94-95; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 244. 35 For Philadelphia (Gökçeseki), see below. Also see Er Scarborough 1991a, 315; Doğanay 2005, 142-50, pls. 98-106; Doğanay 2009, 329-30, pls. 98-102. 36 For Fariske Köristanı, see pp. 58-60. See also Er Scarborough 1991a, 237-53, figs. 60-65, plans 15-18; Er Scarborough 1991b, 121-22, fig. 14; Bean and Mitford, 1970, 212-14, fig. 188; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 73-75, pls. 3-8; Doğanay 2009, 331-33, pls. 103-106; 111:1-5. 27

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Noted is the absence of mass burials. It never was the tradition in Asia Minor, unlike other regions such as at Cyrene, where some rock-cut and built tombs could hold as many as a hundred bodies. 47 An exception is at Philadelphia (Gökçeseki) in inner Rough Cilicia where recent excavations unearthed a large rock-cut chamber tomb, which contained the remains of fifty-three individuals. 48

of its history, larnaces are found throughout the region. 55 In eastern Rough Cilicia sarcophagus production was established only in the Roman period when burial in a sarcophagus became widespread. Hence, no sarcophagi dating from the late Hellenistic or early Imperial period are known from this region The widespread use of sarcophagus burial starting in the second century AD occasioned the demand for this new form of funerary monument and the stone masons in the region focused their attention on the production of sarcophagi. Itinerant masons or foreign artists working on commission produced variants of the few sarcophagi or brought in ready-made. Dokimeian carvers do turn up outside of Phrygia: two (brothers, Limnaios and Diomedes) are attested at Iconium (Konya). 56 At Anazarbus in Cilicia, the presence of itinerant sarcophagus craftsmen is illustrated by sudden changes and stylistic features of some sarcophagi. 57 Most were copies of imported pieces. The garland sarcophagus in the temenos of the temple of Zeus Olbios in Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) was an on site copy of an imported Dokimeian piece made by either commissioned stone masons from the coastal cities or by itinerant craftsmen (Fig. 3.39). 58

Continuous use characterizes the majority of the tombs, and the families who constructed them, or other individuals entitled for burial, received funerary rites at these sites. Epigraphy supplies numerous instances of curses or stiff fines, likely directed at unauthorized users, not linked to the owners' families, and against those who might violate the tombs in secret. 49 Such persons would be guilty of moving the original remains from the tomb, and one notes examples of this clandestine practice in the tombs at Direvli considered below, where the names of the members of the burial club (koinon) are listed on tombs along with prohibitions of unauthorized burials. 50 It is very difficult to date rock-cut tombs in general, but in Rough Cilicia whole necropoleis can be ascribed to the Roman period. Dating is particularly difficult since most of the tombs have been re-used and plundered throughout antiquity and very few pottery remain in them. Today some tombs are used as storage-chambers, sheds or even temporary dwellings by the locals (Fig. 3.7). Inscribed tombs are few. In some tombs the addition of crosses on the facade indicates reuse. We can assume that the rock-cut tombs range from late Hellenistic to early Byzantine times.

Sarcophagus is one of the most important and frequently seen tomb types in the Roman and Byzantine periods in eastern Rough Cilicia. They are not as common in central Rough Cilicia and in western Rough Cilicia. In the hinterland sites such as the Decapolis, sarcophagi with lion lids are prominent (Figs. 3.83, 3.91). The sarcophagi in Rough Cilicia are classified into three large categories: 1. Freestanding sarcophagi; 2. Rock-cut sarcophagi; 3. Chamosoria. Freestanding sarcophagi are further subdivided into sarcophagi without a base, sarcophagi with a base and those with a grave chamber underneath (hyposorion). Most of the sarcophagi are without embellishment and uninscribed. Most lids are in the shape of a gabled roof with corner acroteria. The form of the chests is the same for all types of sarcophagi whether carved out of the rock either in tomb chambers or in the open or free-standing.

Sarcophagi In Asia Minor sarcophagus burial has a long tradition and this certainly is true for Rough Cilicia as attested by the sarcophagi in Lamus (Adanda) in western Rough Cilicia dating from possibly the late Hellenistic and early imperial times (Figs. 3.67-68). 51 The significant increase of inhumation in the imperial period witnessed the gradual replacement of funerary monuments for cremation, mainly the osteothecae in various necropoleis in Asia Minor; 52 the study of funerary monuments in Rough Cilicia however, illustrates that there the sarcophagi were established without such previous tomb forms. 53 Although there are isolated cases of cremation burial in Rough Cilicia, it never was the norm. With the exception of the reference to a larnax at Canytelleis, 54 no larnaces are known from Rough Cilicia prior to the introduction of sarcophagi. By contrast, in the Isaurian heartland, where cremation was the norm for much

Freestanding sarcophagi Freestanding sarcophagi turn up less frequently in Rough Cilicia. Some sites such as Olba, Diocaesarea and Corycus have free-standing sarcophagi side-by-side with rock-cut tombs. Burial in freestanding sarcophagi are also known from Lamus (Adanda) in western Rough Cilicia and was common at the coastal sites of Corycus and Elauissa Sebaste 59 but is relatively rare in Diocaesarea and Olba in eastern Rough Cilicia where rock-cut sarcophagi and chamosoria are more frequently seen. They are also found in the inland sites of Adrassus and Dalisandus. Recent excavations at Philadelphia (Gökçeseki) and Sbide (Yukarı Çağlar) in inner Rough Cilicia unearthed freestanding

Cassell 1955, 1-43. For this tomb, see p. 56. Reported in http://kartap.org/saglik-kentiphiladelphia/ 49 Spanu, 2000, 172. 50 For the burial clubs at Direvli, see pp. 49-51. 51 For the site, see pp. 51-52. Also see Koch 1993, 152; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 550. 52 Köse 2005, 107-109, also cited by Linnemann 2013, 40, n. 503. 53 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 28-32; Machatschek 1967, 33-48; Equini Schneider 2003a, 433-37. 54 For the inscription, see Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 60, no. 134; Durukan 2011, 159. 47 48

For Isauria, see chapter 5. Hall and Waelkens 1982. 57 Ergeç 2001. 58 For this sarcophagus see pp. 42-43. See also Linnemann 2014, 41; 59 For Elauissa Sebaste, see Equini Schneider 2003b, 433-54, figs. 40721, 425-45. 55 56

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia sarcophagi on stepped podiums. 60 Perhaps the presence of the few numbers of freestanding sarcophagi may be explained since they are decorated with various motifs and they attract the attention of looters. As early as 1913, Italian archaeologists Paribeni and Romanelli in their visit to Adanda (Lamus) noted that most of the freestanding sarcophagi had been destroyed by sledgehammers. 61 In fact the magnificent two-storey sarcophagus they recorded has been completely demolished and I could not find any trace of it in my visit to the site. Treasure hunters believe that the decorative motifs on these monuments are clues to the hidden gold inside them resulting in their destruction.

hyposorion are from eastern Rough Cilicia, mainly at Elauissa Sebaste and Canytelleis with one example from Olba. This category of sarcophagus has a tomb chamber built of stone blocks or carved into the rock underneath the freestanding sarcophagus. In these examples in which the tomb chamber is built of blocks, the steps of the base are visible from the outside. Similar stepped bases are seen in Lycia, where some of the sarcophagi rise on a three-stepped base. 69 In the single example from Olba, however, the hyposorion is cut out of the rock beneath the sarcophagus. 70 The sarcophagi with hyposorion are known from southwestern Asia Minor, especially in Lycia and Caria where the earliest is dated to the Hellenistic era. 71 In these regions the burial chamber was built either of cut block stones or was cut from the bedrock. A total of 13 sarcophagi with hyposorion has been identified in Elauissa's north-eastern necropolis, while there may be some others. 72 Hyposorion in stepped pedestals appear especially in Elauissa Sebaste, in the block-like bases predominantly in Canytelleis, where they are also frequently worked out at least in the lower part from the bedrock. In some of the examples from Elauissa Sebaste and Canytelleis the tomb chamber is partially cut out of the rock. 73 In some Lycian sites the sarcophagi with hyposorion are wholly carved out of the rock while others are partly carved out of the rock. 74 The function of the hyposorion as a burial chamber is uncertain but the recent finds at Elauissa Sebaste of a sarcophagus with hyposorion which was used as an undercroft for the bones of different individuals indicates that its purpose was to make available space for new burials in the sarcophagus. 75 Otherwise the use of the hyposorion may have been for the burial of servants or less important members of the family of the deceased. 76 Although most of the sarcophagi with hyposorion are decorated simply, including those only with a tabula ansata in Canytelleis and Elauissa Sebaste, the only example from Lamus (Adanda) is richly adorned with funerary iconography and is inscribed. The lid is topped by two lying lions, and the chest has medallion busts, a wreath, and an eagle holding a bull's head in its claws (Figs. 3.67-71). 77 Another richly decorated but much damaged example is from Olba, on which one observes traces of a garland with grapes, rosettes and leaves and the leg of an Eros immediately next to it. 78 The sarcophagi with hyposorion in eastern Rough Cilicia date from the mid-second century to mid-third century AD.

Most freestanding sarcophagi stand without any base rising directly from the bedrock. One example is the sarcophagus with flying Erotes from Olba (Fig. 3.17). Another example from the same site, the mason's sarcophagus, also stands on the bedrock without a base (Fig. 3.18). This is also characteristic of Corycus which has a majority of the sarcophagi from the whole region. 62 The rock is not always paved, occasionally they stand on considerably sloping ground. In others, for example in Olba the bedrock is smoothed to provide a flat surface (Fig. 3.16). In some examples from Corycus greater unevennes of the rockface is levelled by underlaying stones. Occasionally there is a single step, only on one side, worked out of the bedrock. Providing the sarcophagi with a base may have come from a desire to honor the dead by building him a worthy monument by setting the sarcophagus on a substructure; this practice, also seen in some Lycian sites, enhanced the monumental character of the tomb. At the site of Philadephia (Gökçeseki-İmsiören) recently unearthed eight sarcophagi were placed on a three-stepped podium, a feature unattested in Rough Cilicia. 63 At Adrassus bases are often in the form of steps with straight sides, or have a wide hollow molding, in which case the bases may consist of several blocks. 64 They can also represent a low bench. 65 In contrast to Corycus, sarcophagi with bases are found in Elauissa Sebaste and Canytelleis in greater numbers and have relatively high bases in the form of stepped pedestals. 66 At Olba a base made of blocks support some of the freestanding sarcophagi. At the inland cemetery of Alahan, the base of a large garland sarcophagus was carved to give the impression of a step or podium, intended no doubt to make it seem bigger and more imposing. 67

In addition to these, unique is the sarcophagus in situ that rises above the temple tomb T9 in the necropolis of Elauissa Sebaste (Fig. 3.8). 79 The temple was rebuilt in

A third group within this type are the sarcophagi equipped with a tomb chamber underneath (hyposorion). In western Rough Cilicia we have an example from Lamus (Adanda) (Figs. 3.67-69); 68 none are known from central Rough Cilicia or the inland regions. Most of the sarcophagi with

69

Uğurlu 2003, 362, fig. 8; İdil 1998, 11. For this example, see p. 34. 71 Machatschek 1967,44. 72 Equini Schneider, 2003a, 267; 2003b, 438--39, figs. 416-18. 73 Karaüzüm 2005, 33: for Elauissa Sebaste, see pls. 17, 18, figs. 32 a, b, for Canytelleis, see pls. 18, 19, figs. 33 a, b, c. Also see Machatschek 1967, 42-43, pl. 16 b. 74 İdil 1998, 11.5. 75 Schneider 2003a, 268. 76 Machatschek 1967, 42. 77 For this sarcophagus from Lamus, see pp. 51-52. 78 For this sarcophagus from Olba, see p. 34. 79 Machatschek 1967, 43, no. 167; 94, fig. 70, pl. 50; Karaüzüm 2005, 68, pl. 21, fig. 36. 70

For Philadelphia, see pp. 55-56; for Sbide, see pp. 51-52. For Lamus, see pp. 56-58. Machatschek 1967, 41. 63 For the site, see p. 56. 64 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 29, e.g. no. 6A, 6B, pls. 38.3; pl. 32.3. 65 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 29, e.g. no. 28, pl. 17, 1-2. 66 Machatschek 1967, 40; for Elauissa Sebaste, see Equini Schneider 2003b, 437, fig. 414. 67 Boysal and Elton 2014, 188. 68 For this sarcophagus, see pp. 51-52. 60 61 62

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria ancient times as a pedestal for the simple sarcophagus, possibly after the destruction of the grave chamber, whose size and shape down to the foundations are still visible. Of all the tombs at the site, this peculiar monument because of its uniqueness, has received special attention in all the descriptions of the place, without however, noticing that it also is on the top of a rebuilt temple tomb. 80 The sarcophagus has a two-stepped base. On the sarcophagus chest is the relief of an altar.

chamosoria at Olba. 86 Rock-cut sarcophagi represent the transition from rock sunken graves (chamosoria) to the freestanding sarcophagi. They are found in much higher numbers than the freestanding sarcophagi and they can be seen under the open sky as well as in the arcosolia or chamber tombs as attested by examples from Diocaesarea, Olba, Adrassus and Corycus. 87 In Olba rock-cut sarcophagi are carved in every available place on the rocky hills of the site. Some are higher than ground while others are at the ground level. This may have been due to the rock formation and the numbers of sarcophagi cut. Most of this type of sarcophagi have a prevailing simplicity and plainness and thereby allows no precise chronology. Many graves are carved as simple chests from the underlying rock and lack embellishments. However, some of the rock-cut sarcophagi are decorated with single motifs such as altar, garland, rosette, tabula ansata, and Selene. An example from Diocaesarea has a tabula ansata on the front side (Fig. 3.41). There are also rock-cut garland sarcophagi and chest sarcophagi. Rock-cut sarcophagi approached by three to four steps in front are found in the site of Kuskan in central Rough Cilicia (Figs. 3.52-53). 88 One example is decorated with an empty tabula ansata flanked by wreaths. A broken lion nearby likely was the lid. At Adrassus some rock-cut sarcophagi have also steps cut into the rock. 89

Many of the sarcophagi have a carved stone pillow on which the head of the dead was laid. The Diocaesarean sarcophagi were exclusively either freestanding or like the Attic sarcophagi discovered near temple tombs, belonged to grave buildings. Free worked sarcophagi could not be found within tomb chambers. In the cella of the temple tomb no. 2 at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili), however, there are three freestanding sarcophagi with lion lids arranged as a triclinium. 81 The largest sarcophagus at the center has a lid of two lions (Fig. 4.41). A half-moon is carved under each lion's feet. Most of the freestanding sarcophagi are decorated, but in a majority of examples their back sides are plain, a feature found throughout Rough Cilicia, except at Lamus (Adanda), where the sarcophagus is decorated on all four sides. With the exception of imported marble Attic sarcophagi found in sites such as Diocaesarea (in fragments), the sarcophagi in Rough Cilicia are made of local limestone. Only the very wealthiest could afford the Attic sarcophagi and most of the residents of Rough Cilicia who could afford sarcophagi at all bought locally. The distribution maps of different sarcophagus types show that Attic sarcophagi and those carved in Proconnesian marble dominate the coastal zones of Asia Minor contrasted to those found inland, where local varieties and Dokimeion sarcophagi predominate. 82 The two Attic marble sarcophagi from the east necropolis at Diocaesarea both of which date to the second half of the second century or early half of the third century AD were found in the surrounding area of the two grave buildings. The figured frieze fragments indicate that both pieces are Attic battle sarcophagi, one likely depicting scenes from the Trojan war. 83 Rock-cut sarcophagi Rock-cut sarcophagi have at least one to three sides carved out of the rock shaped into a sarcophagus. The chests of some of these sarcophagi take on a conical shape towards the bottom noted in the examples from the second necropolis at Corycus. 84 For protection against the water from the mountains channels 10-15 cm wide were carved out of rock. 85 Similar channels are seen along the sides of

Chamosoria Of all the graves in Rough Cilicia, those carved into the rock under the open sky are the simplest. 90 Chamosoria have been called the burials of the poor due to their simplicity and low cost. Chamosoria were used in many necropoleis of Asia Minor even in the pre-Roman era. 91 Chamosoria in the Cilician necropoleis are the most widespread tomb type. Their number accounts for about two-thirds of the sarcophagi in Corycus. 92 Chamosoria are found frequently in the inland Decapolis sites such as Lausada, Zenonopolis and Domitiopolis (Figs. 3.92, 3.96, 3.97). Like the rock-cut sarcophagi, they are also frequently found in the arcosolia and rock-cut chamber tombs. At Diocaesarea chamosoria are subdivided into chamosoria without base, and chamosoria with base. In examples from Olba some lids are at the same level as the bedrock, but others are placed higher. In Corycus some lids are at the same level as the bedrock but in others the rock has been chipped down about 10 cm. to form a kind of parapet and the lid thus is placed higher. Both in Olba and Corycus channels are cut at the sides of the mouth of the tomb where the lid is placed in order to prevent rainwater from entering. 93 In Corycus the chamosoria are mostly cut into a conical shape which provides a large area at the bottom. This area is sometimes divided by a slab for a tomb for two occupants. An example from the second

80 Photos of the monument are found in Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 63, fig. 12 and Keil and Wilhelm 1931, pls. 57, 180. On both images the strong desctruction of the fine masonry, which carried the sarcophagus, is clearly visible. The picture shows what Machatschek called the "unfortunate" work of the preservationist. The monument has probably never looked as today. 81 For this temple tomb at Imbriogon Kome, see pp. 148-49. 82 Russell 2013, 172-74, figs. 5.4,-6. 83 For these sarcophagi, see Linnemann 2013, 27-29, pls. 7, 8. 84 Karaüzüm 2005, 36. 85 Machatschek 1967, 36.

See below p. 35. For Diocaesarea: Linnemann 2014, 41-54; Olba: Akçay 2008a, 13-20; Corycus: Machatschek 1967, 35-36; Adrassus: Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 28-29. 88 For this sarcophagus, see p. 48. 89 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 29, no. 45, pl. 33, 3. 90 Machatschek 1967, 34-35, fig. 9, pl. 12 a. 91 Machatschek 1967, 44; Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 30. 92 Machatschek 1967, 34. 93 Machatschek 1967, 35; Karaüzüm 2005, 39, pl. 30, fig. 49 a. 86 87

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia necropolis at Corycus is divided into three. 94 In chamosoria there are usually elevated pillows for the head. However in the third necropolis of Corycus the pillow area of the chamosorion has been hollowed for both the head and the neck of the dead. 95 In Corycus the chamosoria are usually interspersed among grave houses, rock-cut tombs, freestanding and rock-cut sarcophagi. They are rarely placed right on the street. 96 This is true for other necropoleis in Rough Cilicia as well. Sometimes the tomb owner wanted to be closely positioned to the attractive and costly funerary monuments. A good example is the single chamosorion cut into the ground in front of the temple tomb no. 3 at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili). At Elauissa Sebaste, chamosoria are richly attested in the northeast necropolis.97 Chamosoria can have lids of various types: flat lids, semicylindrical lids, lion lids and gabled roof lids. An example from Elauissa Sebaste has a semicylindrical lid. 98 The lids are sometimes decorated with various motifs: wreath, tabula ansata, cross, stone mason's tools. The inscriptions and symbols on the lids of chamosoria attest to their long term use well into Christian era. There are also small ones, commonly thought to be intended for children. According to Schneider "... these small containers are probably, in many cases, to be identified as osteothecae belonging to the main chamosorion". 99

sarcophagi. 104 Especially in the area between Adrassus and Corycus a large number of lion sarcophagus lids occur. Linnemann, however, disagrees with Money that most of these lids belonged to osteothecae rather than ordinary sarcophagi, 105 but this is certainly true for Isauria. For example, at the Isaurian sites of Bozkır, Astra and Olosada lion lids on small chests are prominent. 106 The individual forms of the lions vary from place to place. At Adrassus (Balabolu) the thirteen lion lids are one of the outstanding features of the necropolis and they form a coherent series all dating from the third century A.D. 107 All Adrassus sarcophagi have roof-shaped lids, and even the lion lids belong in that category. Some lion lids at the site may have belonged to chamosoria. They hold an animal head "usually of the deer type". Alföldi-Rosenbaum states that some lions are "of very good sculptural quality." Lion lids are prominent in the mountainous sites of inner Rough Cilicia. They occur at Germanicopolis (Ermenek), Neapolis (Güneyyurt-Gargara), Sbide (Yukarı Çağlar), Philadelphia (Gökçeseki), and Lausada (Başyayla-Lavşa). 108 A fine example is the lion holding an ibex under its paws from Germanicopolis (Ermenek) (Fig. 3.83). Some lions in the rock-cut tombs are crudely made as at Sbide, others half finished as at Lausada. At Philadelphia lion-lid sarcophagi occur in arcosolia tombs and they often have a deer or an ibex under their paws. At Lausada lion lids in rock-cut tombs are very popular with two to three lids in all chambers (Fig. 3.91). Some chamosoria at the site also have lion lids.

Lids Similarly to other areas of Asia Minor, the sarcophagus lids in Rough Cilicia are mostly in the shape of a gabled roof with corner acroteria. Most of the lids are simple which besides the simple corner acroteria have no decorative forms. A small number of lids display individual motifs including a bust, a pilos, a garland, tabula ansata, the gorgoneion, wreath, cross, menorah, rosette, and bucranium. Other lid types also appear. Lion, a widespread symbol in funerary art, 100 occurs frequently on the lids of sarcophagi in southern Asia Minor, especially in Pisidia, Lycaonia, Isauria and Rough Cilicia. 101 They are prominent in Rough Cilicia during the Roman period, and Koch and Sichtermann state that they are the characteristic lid type for the region. 102 At Elauissa Sebaste a chamosorion lid has a lion protome. 103 Lions also occur on the facades of rockcut tombs at Göktepe Köristanı in inner Rough Cilicia (Fig. 3.103). In Isauria are seated lions on the facades of rockcut tombs (Figs 5.23-24, 5.27-28, 5.30). Money believes that lion lids are concentrated in a narrow band of mountains marching southeast from Beyşehir Gölü through Isauria and Rough Cilicia to the coast at Corycus, and they belong more commonly to osteothecae than to full-sized

Two poorly preserved lion lids at Diocaesarea may have been brought to the site from the cemeteries of the neighboring Olba in the 20th century. 109 The chests they belonged to are missing. They have no attributes in the form of animals or animal heads as often found in lion representations. 110 At the Isaurian sites such as Astra, lions hold prone human figures under their paws but this motif is not seen in Rough Cilicia. 111 Sarcophagi at Imbriogon Kome in eastern Rough Cilicia have lion lids, one with two lions, inside the two-storey temple tomb 2 (Fig. 4.51). 112 The sarcophagus they belong to has a unique iconography in Rough Cilicia with two river gods flanking two female busts and there is an inscription. Linnemann stylistically compares these two lion lids with the two at Diocaesarea and notes the close similarities in the depiction of the manes. 113 The sarcophagi and the lids at Imbriogon Kome date to the same time period as the temple tomb 2: late 104

Money 1990, 41. Linnemann 2013, 69. 106 For Bozkır, see fig. 5.4; for Astra: figs. 5.47-50; for Olosada: 5.8284. 107 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 47-52. 108 For these sites, see pp. 53-57. 109 Linnemann 2013, 69, n. 1009. For the lion lids, see Linnemann 2013, 69-71, pls. 36, 37. 110 Linnemann 2013, 70. Money reports that the lions of Balboura hold a bucranion or arms beneath the left fore-paw: Money 1990, 30. 111 For Astra, see 222-227, fig. 5.48. 112 For this tomb, see pp. 156-57. For the sarcophagus lids, see also Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 581, fig. 545; Machatschek 1974, 259, fig. 55; Wegner 1974, 581, pl. 178 b; Linnemann 2013,70; Cormack 2004, 207-208, fig. 82. 113 Linnemann 2013, 70. 105

Karaüzüm 2005, 39, pl. 30, fig. 49 a, b. Karaüzüm 2005, 40, pl. 32, fig. 53 a. 96 Machatschek 1967, 35. 97 Equini Schneider 2003b, 454-57, figs. 446-52. 98 Equini Schneider 2003b, 455, fig. 448. 99 Equini Schneider 2003 a, 270. 100 Er Scarborough 1991, 348-54, figs. 98-101 also cited by Linnemann 2013, 69; Money 1990, 35-37. 101 Koch 1993, 150; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 478, 539; Machatschek 1967, 38; Machatschek 1974, 259; Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 47-52; Linnemann 2013, 69. 102 Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 553. Also see Koch 1993, 190; Er Scarborough 1991, 348. 103 Equini Schneider 2003b, 456, fig. 449. 94 95

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria second or early third century AD. Another lion lid from the area of Diocaesarea occurs very close to the southeast tomb at Cambazlı. 114 Linnemann finds close parallels between the Cambazlı lion lid and the ones in Diocaesarea and concludes that possibly both pieces were worked by the same stone mason. Regrettably, the lid and the sarcophagus it belonged to have not been previously published or treated in detail, which renders it difficult to to date. 115 The sarcophagus with the lion lid at Cambazlı must date however from the time period of the end of second century to the beginning of third century AD, the date given for the adjacent grave building. Thereby a concurrent date for the Cambazlı lion lid with the two lids match those at Imbriogon Kome. The two Diocaesarean lions also likely date from the same period but Linnemann states that this cannot be proven without further discoveries and the study of the known lion lids in Rough Cilicia. 116 At Corycus, within the necropolis N1, is a lion lid with damaged head. 117 A chamosorion lid at Elauissa is decorated with a large lion head. 118

people, which is unusual since the majority of the kline monuments in Asia Minor show mainly feasting couples. The kline lid in Diocaesarea is an imitation of a Dokimeion piece produced locally, and dates to the second or third century AD. 126 Decorated Sarcophagi Among a number of decorated sarcophagi in Rough Cilicia occur the following groups: garland sarcophagi, sarcophagi with tabulae ansatae, sarcophagi with busts, sarcophagi with variable motifs and symbols. Besides these, are two "columnar-type" sarcophagi at Adrassus, which date from the fourth century AD. 127 A sarcophagus with a unique decoration in Rough Cilicia from temple tomb 2 at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) in east Rough Cilicia has a small figured scene showing reliefs of river-gods below garland swags flanking two female busts (Fig. 4.51). 128 The sarcophagus dates from the late second to early third century AD.

My findings in Isauria and Rough Cilicia confirm that lions served as the protecters and guardians of the grave. 119 Numerous grave inscriptions explicitly mention and describe this function of the lion in the sepulchral area. 120 Most often the lions on a sarcophagus or a larnax lid are in profile with a widely open mouth turned to the viewer. On lion larnax lids from Astra the animal shelters the deceased between his front paws (Fig. 5.48). The ferocity of some of the lions shown on the funerary monuments doubtlessly intended to terrify the intruders. Lions could also represent the status and power of the grave owner 121 or as Andreae formulated could suggest "a huge ancient image of the ruthless power of death." 122 In animal fighting groups the lion however is the symbol of victory over death. 123

Garland sarcophagi Among the decorated sarcophagi are garland sarcophagi, manufactured from local limestone, which are common in Rough Cilicia. Sarcophagi decorated with garlands were very popular in the Roman world, the majority of surviving Roman sarcophagi are carved in this style. With the shift from cremation to internment that took place in the 100s AD, the garland motif that formerly used to decorate funerary altars now embellishes sarcophagi. The garland sarcophagus from the temenos of the temple of Zeus Olbios in Diocaesarea has three swags carried by two bulls heads in the front and rams heads at the corners (Fig. 3.39). 129 In Adrassus three examples of garland sarcophagi occur. 130 Of these, one has two victories (at the corners) and two nude putti supporting three swags of a garland. Above each swag are the reliefs of a horseman, a gorgoneion, and a female bust. A garland sarcophagus with eagle and erotes from Elauissa Sebaste, now in Adana Museum, derives from imported Attic models. 131 Attic sarcophagi exerted great influence on local copies in Cilicia. A limestone sarcophagus with flying erotes holding garlands from Olba is a local copy of an Attic piece (Fig. 3.17). 132 A second sarcophagus, much damaged, from the same site shows traces of a flying eros carrying a garland. Another example is the limestone sarcophagus with erotes in a Dionysian scene from the necropolis of Corycus. 133 The local pieces display main differences from the sarcophagi of the great centers. For example, while the garland sarcophagi from those centers have three garland swags on the front side, the local examples as seen at Elauissa Sebaste in general have two garland swags. 134 The garlands on the Elauissa

Kline sarcophagus lid is another type of lid found in Asia Minor in the Roman period, but examples occur sporadically already during the Hellenistic period, for example in the grave of Antiochos II in Belevi. 124 The kline lid located in the temenos of the temple of Zeus Olbios at Diocaesarea is so far the only one found in Rough Cilicia of this form (Fig. 3.40). 125 On the kline lie three 114

For the sarcophagus lid see Linnemann 2013, 70; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 36; Bent 1891, 219. For the grave building, see Cormack 2004, 198-99, figs. 63-64; Bent 1891, 206-24. 115 It is briefly mentioned by Bent 1891, 219 and by Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 36, pl. 18, fig. 57. 116 Linnemann 2013, 70. 117 Machatschek 1967, 38; Karaüzüm 2005, 53, pl. 63, fig. 99. 118 Schneider 2003a, 269. 119 Er Scarborough 1991, 352-54; Linnemann 2013, 71; AlföldiRosenbaum 1980, 50; Cumont 1942, 159; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 539; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 36; Money 1990, 41, 43-45; Kurtz and Boarman 1971, 239. 120 Linnemann 2013, 71, no. 1033. 121 Kurtz and Boardman 1985, 316; Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 239. 122 Andreaea 1963, 74-76. This is also mentioned by AlföldiRosenbaum; for a short overview of the further literature on the symbolism of lion, see Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 50. 123 Linnemann 71, no. 1036. 124 Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 478; Kurtz and Boardman 1985, 350, fig. 137. 125 For this lid, see pp. 43-44. Also see Linnemann 2013, 66-68, pls. 34, 35.

126

Koch 1993, 190. Also see Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 553; Linnemann 2013, 68. Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 38-42, pls. 24-26. 128 For this sarcophagus, see pp. 148-49. 129 For this sarcophagus, see pp. 42-43. 130 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 32-35, pls. 16; 17, 1-2;18, 1; 19, 2-3. 131 Equini Schneider 2003a, 268, fig. 11; 2003b, 443, figs. 427-30. 132 For this sarcophagus, see p. 34. 133 Machatschek 1967, 40, fig. 18. 134 Equini Schneider 2003b, 443, figs. 427-37. 127

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia sarcophagi are generally arranged only on the front or on three sides; a unique one has the back worked. According to Machatschek, the absence of decoration (and sometimes also unworked) on the back side of the garland sarcophagi is due to increased Roman influence. Equini Schneider, however, points out that in Asia Minor even the simplest type of sarcophagus is decorated only on the front side which rules out an external influence. 135 The three garland sarcophagi from Adrassus are decorated only on the front, but Alföldi-Rosenbaum also dismisses Machatschek's suggestion of Roman influence for this feature. 136 The garland sarcophagi of the region were influenced by the great centers but these influences were combined with local traits and interpreted in a different way. Equini Schneider states that limestone copies of the marble garland sarcophagi imported from Ephesos, Aphrodisias, Dokimeion and Attica were made in local workshops. 137 The garland has spawned no Cilician forms; different models were taken over and reshaped freely. 138 Styles of garland sarcophagi are numerous. The following occur in Cilicia: Nikes on the corners and Erotes in the middle carrying the garland; rams heads on the corners and bulls heads in the middle; and other variations. Gorgon heads, masks, lions, flowers, male and female busts fill the spaces above the garlands and usually grapes hang on the garland. 139 In East Cilicia the garland sarcophagi are very popular; a unique example from Anazarbus, today in Adana Museum, depicts heavy garlands carried by Nikes and Erotes and has sea dragons at the feet of the Eros figures; it was likely made by an itinerant craftsman. 140 The limestone sarcophagi found in the region show that the garland sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia were influenced by the centers of production and local craftsmen combined artistic taste yielding fresh applications.

has no parallels elsewhere was produced by a local workshop. Two of the Adrassan sarcophagi have tabulae ansatae carried by Victories. 145 Examples from Dalisandus display wreaths framing the tabula ansata with inscriptions. 146 A large number of sarcophagi with tabula ansatae carry Christian inscriptions in Corycus, which indicates a long term use of this type. 147 Sarcophagi with busts In Rough Cilicia the custom to portray the portraits of the deceased on the sarcophagi occurs only on a few examples. 148 Most date from the second half of the second century and third century AD. 149 In early Christian times the custom ended in Asia Minor. 150 Funerary busts at the sites of Direvli and Lamus are characteristic of the funerary art of ancient Lamotis in western Rough Cilicia. 151 These busts are much earlier than the examples from eastern Rough Cilicia; they date from the first century AD. They are of two types: in the first type, known as the medallion busts, the busts are placed within a medallion, sometimes surrounded by a wreath of laurels bound with a taenia. In the second type the busts carved in high relief do not have any frame. On the rock-cut tombs of Direvli the funerary busts are placed on the facade of the tombs and on the pediments of the sarcophagus lid on top of the tombs (Figs. 3.55, 3.58, 3.60, 3.61, 3.62, 3.65, 3.66).152 The sarcophagus at the neighboring Lamus (Adanda) is also decorated with busts (Fig. 3.67-68). 153 The representation of a man and a woman is the most frequently encountered type. The busts from both sites are similar in style. In the necropolis of Diocaesarea in eastern Rough Cilicia a total of three rockcut sarcophagi with busts occur. 154 At Olba, fragments of three busts, defaced, belonging to the facade of a rock-cut sarcophagus were found at the Tırnak Tepe necropolis. 155 In the third necropolis of Corycus, a sarcophagus lid has a defaced male bust. 156 In the second necropolis at the same site the lid of a rock-cut sarcophagus displays the busts of a couple; their heads are destroyed. 157 At Elauissa Sebaste a garland sarcophagus has male and female busts above the garland swags and the same iconography occurs on a garland sarcophagus from Canytelleis. 158 The busts on the lids and chests show similarities to those on the round altars from the Olba area. 159 The female busts are placed on the left while the male busts are on the right. A particular

Sarcophagi with tabulae ansatae A large number of sarcophagi in Rough Cilicia have tabula, mostly with a triangular-shaped ansae on the front side. 141 On freestanding pieces the tabulae rest on the front facade. On rock-cut sarcophagi sometimes they appear on the short sides. Most of the tabulae are without an inscription, used only as a decorative motif. At Olba, however, a freestanding sarcophagus has an inscription in the tabula ansata commemorating a married couple, followed by the usual funerary imprecations. 142 In the west necropolis of Diocaesarea is a rock-cut sarcophagus which has in the middle of the chest a tabula ansata (Fig. 3.41). 143 In Adrassus a group of decorated sarcophagi have floral and geometric ornaments disposed around a central tabula ansata, either rectangular or circular. 144 This group which

Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 35-36, pls. 20, 21. Bean and Mitford 1970, 224-27; nos. 256-61, figs. 207, 208. For the site, see Hild and Hellenkemper, 233-34, pls. 158-59. 147 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 139-213. 148 Keil-Wilhelm 1931, 36, pl. 18, fig. 57; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 552-53, no. 25; Wegner 1974, 580-81, pl. 178 b. 149 Koch 1993, 49-53. 150 Linnemann 2013, 44. 151 For tombs at Direvli and Lamus, see pp. 48-51. Also see Er Scarborough 1998, 77-85; Er Scarborough 1991a, 277-86, figs. 76-81; Er Scarborough 1991b, 123-25, figs. 15-18; Çalık 1999, 105. 152 For the tombs at Direvli, see pp. 48-51. 153 For this sarcophagus, see pp. 51-52. 154 Linnemann 2013, 43-45, pls. 15.3-6, 16. 155 For this sarcophagus, see p. 35. 156 Karaüzüm 2005, 51, pl. 58, fig. 91. 157 Karaüzüm 2005, 51, pls. 58, 59, fig. 92 a, b. 158 Equini Schneider 2003b, 446, fig. 436; for the Canytelleis example, see Karaüzüm 2005, 46, pl. 42, fig. 66 a, b, c. 159 Karaüzüm 2005, 51, 62-63; for the busts on round altars, see Durugönül 1989, 70-71, pls. 54, 56. 145 146

135

Equini Schneider 2003b, 443, no. 135. Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 34. 137 Equini Schneider 2003a, 268; 2003b, 443. 138 Koch 1993, 190. 139 Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 551-52. 140 Ergeç 2001, 392, fig. 5. 141 Machatschek 1967, pl. 14a, 15; Keil and Wilhelm pl. 37, 111 (from Olba); Bean and Mitford 1970, 226-27, no. 259, 260, figs. 207-208 from Dalisandus; Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 42-44 from Adrassus. 142 For this tomb, see p. 34. 143 For this sarcophagus, see p. 44. Also see Linnemann 2013, 50, 53, 219, pl. 21.2, cat. no. West L67. 144 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 42-46, pls. 32-41. 136

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria feature of the Rough Cilician busts is the depiction of drapery. The figures wear a Greek tunic (χίτων) underneath and a cloak (Greek mantle ἱμάτιον or Roman pallium) on top. 160 Usually, the women, their heads covered, pull the edge of a veil with their right hands towards their faces; their left hands are below their chests. In the example from Diocaesarea, however, the right hand of the deceased is led obliquely before the bust, a gesture amply documented in Asia Minor funerary reliefs. It is found on a round altar from Diocaesarea 161 as well as on several grave busts from Cilicia. 162 The busts on the sarcophagi and the round altars from the region are dated to the second half of the second century AD. 163 In the temple tomb no. 2 at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) in eastern Rough Cilicia, the large sarcophagus with two lions on the lid has the busts of two females, capite velato, possibly a mother and a daughter (Fig. 4.51), perhaps the priestesses of a local cult. 164 River gods flank the busts and a basket is carved between them. The tomb dates from the second half of the second century AD. No similar busts are known from the region. A garland sarcophagus from Adrassus dated to the first half of the third century, has a female bust on the chest facade. 165

Pilos The pilos, a symbol of the Dioscuri, which has been used in the Olba territory since the Hellenistic period, appears on a few sarcophagi. 173 Dioscuri symbols are found on tombs in the Olba region such as Corycus, Çatıören and Hüseyinler. At the site of Olba the pilos is carved on the short side of a mason's sarcophagus lid. 174 No other tomb in the site has this symbol. A possible pilos is carved on a freestanding sarcophagus at Diocaesarea. 175 At Corycus the symbol was carved on the pediments of the lids of rock-cut sarcophagi and chamosoria. 176 Wreath Wreath as a sepulchral relief appears since the Hellenistic period and continues into the Roman Empire on graves reinforced. 177 The motif of the wreath was taken over from funeral tradition, in which the Dead, their house, the participants of the mourning, the path the funeral procession took to grave, and finally, above all the burial place were decorated with garlands and wreaths. 178 This was done, to honor the dead or as formulated by Altmann in order "to make the house of the dead friendly, so he experienced comfort there". 179 Moreover, the grave place was newly adorned in the subsequent period on certain days and feasts. The sculpted stone wreath is therefore as formulated by Waelkens as "imitation or substitute the real grave decoration". 180 In addition, the wreath placed on the grave displayed victory and honor symbols which represent the bestowed honors in life. Honorary wreaths can be found throughout the Roman world; they are particularly widespread in the east of the kingdom, because there since the Hellenistic period the polis honored the deserving citizens in this manner. 181 Derived from this sense are wreaths as pagan symbols for overcoming death and the belief in immortality. 182 In the Christian period, the wreaths serve mostly only as a framework for the cross sign or Christogram applied inside.

Sarcophagi with various motifs and symbols In Rough Cilicia altar, pilos and wreath are among the various motifs and symbols depicted on the sarcophagi. Altar In Cilicia relief representation of altars in funerary milieu is widespread. The motif can be assigned to the Olban territory since the Hellenistic period, 166 and it attests to the affiliation of the deceased with pagan cults which remained alive in Cilicia till the fourth century AD. They can be seen in great numbers on the chests of the sarcophagi in the necropolis of Corycus. 167 In many cases a small altar is the only decoration on a sarcophagus chest. 168 Besides Corycus, altar representations occur in the necropoleis of Elauissa Sebaste, Canytelleis, Karaböcülü and Corasion. Among the most frequently seen sarcophagi in eastern Rough Cilicia are those with altars and inscriptions. Some sarcophagi at Elauissa Sebaste, Corycus and Canytellis display both a tabula ansata and an altar. 169 In these three necropoleis the sarcophagi with reliefs of altars continued in use in the Christian period with the addition of inscriptions and crosses. At Diocaesarea reliefs of altars occur on the chests of freestanding sarcophagi 170 and rockcut sarcophagi. 171 Outside Cilicia the altar motif only seldom occurs. An example can be seen on a sarcophagus lid from Sagalassos. 172

In Rough Cilicia wreath is a motif seen on both sarcophagi chests and the lids. The freestanding sarcophagus at Lamus (Adanda) has a wreath on one of its long sides (Fig. 3.70). At Diocaesarea wreath representations occur exclusively on sarcophagus lids, whereas in the necropoleis of Elauissa Sebaste and Corycus they often occur on the sarcophagus chests. 183 At Adrassus 184 and Olba, there are examples of wreaths filled with rosettes flanking tabulae ansatae on the For the Dioscuri symbols found on tombs in the Olba region, see Durukan 2006, 68 also cited by Akçay 2008b, 301 no. 40; for the Dioscuri caps in Rough Cilicia, see Durugönül 1998,7, 13, 53, 75, 85, 89, 121, 127. 174 For this sarcophagus, see p. 34. 175 Linnemann 2013, 39-40. 176 Karaüzüm 2005, 52-53, pl. 61, fig. 95. 177 Köse 2005, 70; Linnemann 2013, 61, no. 860. 178 Ut sint qui cineres nostros bene floribus sertis saepe ornent (CIL VI 28877); sepulcrum L. Catilinae floribus ornatum (Cic. Flacc. 95). 179 Linnemann 61, no. 863 quoting Altmann 1905, 260. 180 Waelkens 1986, 132, 163 quoted by Linnemann 2013, 61, no. 866. 181 Linnemann 2013, 62, no. 872; Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 544. 182 Cumont 1942, 154, 220, 336, 341, 434, 458. 183 For Diocaesarea, see Linnemann 2013, 61, pls. 30.7, 29.6, 31.3-6, 32.1; for Elauissa Sebaste, see Equini Schneider 2003a, 449, fig. 443; for Corycus, see Machatschek 1967, 23, 27. 184 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 42-43. 173

160

Çalık 1999, 105-07. Linnemann 2013, 44, pl. 64.2. 162 Çalık 1999, 106-107, pls. 22.1-3, 23.3-4. 163 Durugönül 1989, 71-72. 164 For this tomb, see pp. 148-49. 165 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 32-34. 166 Durugönül 1998, 87-88. 167 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 121-22; Machatschek 1967, 23, 59, figs. 11, 13. 168 Machatschek 1967, pl. 16b, figs. 11, 13. 169 Karaüzüm 2005, 48. 170 Linnemann 2013, 36-39, pls. 13.3-4; 14.1-2. 171 Linnemann 2013, 46-47, pls. 17.3-4, 18, 19.1-4. 172 Köse 2005, 213, s.v. cat. no. S177, figs. 283-86. 161

28

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia chests of sarcophagi. The rock-cut sarcophagus at Kuskan in central Rough Cilicia also has wreaths flanking an empty tabula ansata. 185

Corycus necropolis features especially in its final phase a number of epitaphs, about 600 funerary inscriptions, 195 this collection is unique since it records the common custom by the inhabitants of Corycus to engrave, accompanying the name and patronymic of the dead, also their professions. This custom corresponds with the inscriptions from other nearby centers (e.g. Corasion and Seleucia ad Calycadnum). The presence of several distinct epitaphs on the same sarcophagus, ascribed to the Christian era, indicates that the practice of resuing the tomb involved not only ancient burials but also the freshly commissioned ones. 196 Among the occupations on the epitaphs are wine merchants, oil traders, food workers. The presence of kerameos (potter) in the funerary inscriptions is reflected by the kilns from Elauissa Sebaste. Cilicia was one of the main points of manufacture of Late Roman 1 amphorae used for transport of oil and wine. 197

Multiple occupancy Sarcophagi, like tombs, were often intended for multiple occupants, especially in the Greek East; in fact the Greek terms used for sarcophagi are the same as those used for tombs. 186 In Rough Cilicia rock-cut sarcophagus with a separate lid, in general, held one body only, but freestanding sarcophagi could hold more than one as testified by inscriptions. In the first necropolis of Corycus rock-cut sarcophagi for multiple occupants occur. An unusually large example called a "Riesenform" by Machatschek is twice the size of regular sarcophagi and contains a chamosorion for two people and a place for a later grave not yet executed. 187 In Asia Minor sarcophagi were sometimes produced with small projecting ledges on their insides on which a shelf could be rested to divide them into levels. 188 At Adrassus (Balabolu) some of the freestanding sarcophagi display two blocks of stone at the rear aligned with the short ends of equal height with the chests. 189 This is comparable to the shelves at the rear of the sarcophagi in the rock-cut tombs and most probably served the same purpose, i.e. to facilitate the removal of the lid for subsequent burials. A parallel for this is found at Corycus. 190 The sarcophagi from Lamus and Direvli were intended for several individuals, including wives and children, with specific instructions on future burials. 191 A free-standing sarcophagus from Olba commemorates a husband and wife on the inscription. 192 At Aphrodisias, the average number of individuals commemorated on the inscription is four. At Kalchedon between two and four individuals, usually of the same family, is the norm, though in all but one case, more skeletons were found inside the sarcophagus during excavation than there were individuals listed in the inscription. 193 These examples clearly indicate that sarcophagi often carried on being used by other people even after the death of the original purchasers. They also show that like building a tomb a considerable amount of planning went into the purchase of a sarcophagus.

People in variant occupations and having no apparent family ties could be buried in the same sarcophagus (e.g. clothes-mender with a marble worker). 198 This could be explained by financial constraints for less lucrative crafts. The instances of a gem-engraver and a perfumer, a physician and a baker, and a gardener and a shoemaker all indicate social and/or family ties among the occupants of the sarcophagus. A tavern-keeper with a dealer in nuts and a sweetmeats maker suggest business relationships. The example of a sarcophagus apportioned by collegium of customs house officials and a club of linen-dealers underpins the central importance of linen trade in Corycus. 199 Funerary inscriptions however provide a glimpse into religion and the role of public officials and the rich who could afford a sarcophagus in the necropolis. Chronological limits Koch has proposed a date in the late second century and the early third century for most sarcophagi in Rough Cilicia. 200 Machatschek has dated the sarcophagi from Corycus, Elauissa Sebaste and Canytelleis at the earliest to the second century AD. 201 The sarcophagi in eastern Rough Cilicia were likely made in the period from the second half of the second century AD to the second half of the third century AD and were reused after the beginning of the Christian era. After the third century sarcophagi production continued but decreased. The earliest sarcophagi at Diocaesarea are the garland sarcophagus dated to the second half of the second century AD and the two Attic marble sarcophagi dated to the second half of the second century or early half of the third century AD. One of the latest examples at the site is an inscribed sarcophagus dating from 448/449 AD.

Consistent with the majority of funerary monuments in Rough Cilicia, sarcophagi were also reused. At the necropolis of Corycus, one of the largest in Rough Cilicia, multiple sarcophagi received several burials in the early Byzantine period, as inferred by double epitaphs (Pagan and Christian) on the same monument. 194 Also added in the same era were new sarcophagi and chamosoria. The For Kuskan, see p. 48. Kubinska 1968, 32-57. 187 Machatschek 1967, 36, pl. 13, fig. 12; Karaüzüm 2005, 37-38, pl. 26, fig. 43. 188 For examples from Aphrodisias, see Öğüş 2008, 172. 189 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 29, nos. 35, 83, pl. 39, 3-4. 190 Machatschek 1967, 37. 191 For Lamus, see p. 57; for Direvli, see pp. 54-56. 192 Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 333, OID 46; Erten 2006, 312. For funerary imprecations of Asia Minor, see Strubbe 1991, 35-41; Strubbe 1997. Strubbe in his survey determines that funerary imprecations are a phenomenon specific to Asia Minor and foreign to the Greek mainland. 193 Asgari and Fıratlı 1978, 32-34. 194 Iacomi 2010, 19-32. 185 186

The first systematic collection of the funerary inscriptions from Corycus is by Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 119-213 and more recently by Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 192-300 on Corycus. Iacomi 2010, 21, no. 7 also refers to this. 196 Iacomi 2010, 22, tabulating the examples in Keil and Wilhelm and Hagel and Tomaschitz. 197 Iacomi, 2010, 25 198 Varınlıoğlu 2011, 178. 199 For a complete list, see Varınlıoğlu 2008, 193-197. 200 Koch 1993, 190. 201 Machatschek 1967, 43-48. 195

29

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Diocaesarea. Hierocles (709, 9) in fifth century counted it with Diocaesarea as a city of Isauira. Constantine Porphyrogennitus lists of the two cities only Diocaesarea as a city of the Decapolis in Seleuceia Province. 210 Emperor Zenon in 475/76 was besieged first in Olba, then in Sbide in Isauria. 211 The city was a bishopric (under the control of Seleucia) in the early Christian period.

Eastern Rough Cilicia A variety of funerary monuments, namely rock-cut tombs, sarcophagi, temple tombs, grave houses, barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs, and tombs with monumental columns dating mostly from the Roman imperial period are found in eastern Rough Cilicia, the territory of the priest kings of Olba, who ruled a wide region between the Calycadnus and Lamus rivers as indicated by inscriptions and signs on dozens of towers. 202 Olba was the religious, cultural and political center of eastern Rough Cilicia. 203 The Olban kingdom retained a considerable degree of internal autonomy from the Hellenistic until well into Roman times, when the state and the city lost their independence with the incorporation of all Cilicia into a Roman province in AD 72. 204

Very little stone architecture existed in the region prior to the Hellenistic period. 212 The absence of stone-built domestic architecture at Olba demonstrates a reliance on wood or mud-brick. Remains of Hellenistic fortifications represent the earliest form of stone architecture in the Olban territory. The rocky acropolis of Olba rises at a height of 50 m above the plain and is surrounded by two valleys to the south and east. These valleys join to form the deep Şeytanderesi valley, which leads to the coast, thus connecting Olba with the Mediterrranean. 213 The acropolis was fortified in the Hellenistic period as attested by a polygonal wall and later a completely independent defense system of ashlar blocks was built in the Roman imperial times; the ruins of the fortification walls can still be seen. On the summit of the hill are poorly preserved ruins of a structure, possibly a temple, partly carved in the bedrock with Corinthian elements, dating to the second century A.D. 214 Tombs, houses and cisterns are also found inside the acropolis walls. Among the archaeological remains outside the fortification walls around the acropolis are a nymphaium, a theater and an aqueduct, monuments of the Roman imperial period at the site. An inscription on the aqueduct reveals that the building was dedicated to Septimius Severus which was donated by a Heracleides, possibly a wealthy local citizen (Fig. 3.9). Remains of an early Byzantine monastery and churches attest to the importance of Christianity in Olba. Its appearance in the miracles of St Thecla and the occasional Church Council bishop list at least attests to its continued urban status. 215

In the Roman period large necropoleis are found in the region, namely in Corycus, Elauissa Sebaste, Olba, Diocaesarea and Canytelleis, where the funerary monuments reflect Romanization in the second and third centuries A.D. The only graves that can be dated to the Hellenistic period in the region are the grave houses with polygonal walls, numbering 50. 205 The small number of graves in this period may be explained by the use of wooden or sun-dried brick materials. 206 If cremation was practiced, it may also help explain the small numbers of graves from this era since cremation burials are not well preserved. The earliest rock-cut tombs in eastern Rough Cilicia that can be dated by inscriptions to the second half of the first century BC to the first half of the first century AD are located at Çanakçı in Canytelleis. 207 A characteristic of the Diocaesarea and Olba cemeteries is the existence side-by-side of rock-cut tombs and free-standing sarcophagi, a feature also of Corycus. Olba (Ura-Uğuralanı) The ancient city of Olba (Ura-Uğuralanı) sits at a height of ca. 1000 m. above sea level at a distance of 24 km from Seleucia ad Calycadnum. It is 4 km away from its sanctuary site at Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç), which became a city under emperor Tiberius. Of the two cities only Olba possesses a defensible acropolis and it was likely the residential and military center. 208 Olba in the beginning of the third century BC was the center of the Olban temple state ruled by priest kings. The earliest archaeological finds comprising of towers, fortifications, glass and pottery at the site date from the late Hellenistic period. 209 A road with a Vespasianic milestone of 75/76 AD connected Olba and

The majority of the tombs in Olba date from the second and third century AD, a time of increased building construction, population and prosperity in the region. In the Christian era the tombs were reused as can be attested by the incised or painted crosses on the monuments. The five necropoleis of Olba feature mainly rock-cut tombs. 216 A barrel-vaulted tomb and a temple tomb are also found at the site. The choice of places for tombs were determined not by religious factors or burial traditions, but by the topography and the geological landscape of the city as well as its settlement patterns. 217 The rocky terrain of Olba is very suitable for stone cutting and building rock-cut tombs and sarcophagi (Fig. 3.12). The steep rocky hills and

202 Durugönül 1998, 104-106; Gotter 2008, 93-94, 100-103; Hagel and Tomaschitz, 1998, OlD, 324-345. 203 Strabo 14.5.10; MacKay 1990, 2045-2129; Trampedach 2001, 269-88; Gotter 2001, 289-25; Erten 2013, 269-274. 204 For the end of the dynastic-priesthood in Olba, see Pani 1970, 327-34. 205 Durukan 2011, 137. 206 Durukan, 2007, 163. 207 Machatschek 1967, 59; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 58-61; Durukan 2007, 147-48; Durukan 2011, 138, 160-61. 208 For the site, see Erten 2013; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 369-370. There are ongoing excavations in Olba since 2010 by Erten; the findings of the Olba excavations are being published by the excavation journal Seleucia ad Calycadnum. For surveys of the site see, Er Scarborough and Başal 1992; Er Scarborough 1993b; Erten 2003a, 185-86; Erten 2005, 1123; Erten 2006, 309-18; Erten and Özyıldırım 2007, 421-32. 209 For glass finds, see Erten 2003b, 145-55.

Constantin Poryphrogennitus De them. 77. For Sbide see p. 61. Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 144; Durugönül 1998, 80-82; Erten 2013, 270; Rauh et al. 2013, 68. 213 For roads in the Olba region see Aydınoğlu 1998, 139-46; Mackay 1968, 41-54. 214 Erten 2013, 269. 215 Bayliss 2004, 93; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 370. 216 Er and Söğüt 2005; Akçay 2012, 77-104. 217 Akçay 2008a, 12; Er and Söğüt 2005, 99. 210 211 212

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia slopes, and the sides of the roads were used as the necropolis areas. The necropolis in Olba is not located in one part of the city like most ancient sites, but is widespread over several areas. This may also have been due to the development of the city over a period of time. There are no cemeteries within the acropolis, only a few individual tombs. The paucity of agricultural land may also have resulted in the use of the rocky areas as cemeteries.

Olba. Burial can be in a coffin, on a kline or on the flat floor. Wooden coffins were also likely used. 222 Entrances were covered with stone lids or built walls or sometimes with wooden material. There is also a unique example of a 3-roomed rock-cut tomb located on the south slope of the acropolis (Fig. 3.15). Five necropolis areas were determined in the surveys of Olba, illustrating the widespread region over which the tombs are spread. 223 1. The North Region, located on a rocky outcrop 200 m. to the north of the acropolis, features rock-cut tombs, chamosoria, arcosolia and sarcophagi. 2. The East Hill, located on the elevation to the east of the acropolis has mostly chamosoria (74 in number), rock-cut and freestanding sarcophagi, rock-cut chamber tombs, and arcosolia. Several Christian era structures on this hill have incorporated earlier tombs, for example utilizing the chamosoria as water basins. Some sarcophagus lids were used as building stones. Crosses occur on some of the structures. 3. The third cemetery area is located on a hill known as Tırnak Tepesi to the southwest of the acropolis (Fig. 3.12). The tombs here are concentrated in two geographically distinct parts. Plain rock-cut tombs, chamosoria and a few rock-cut sarcophagi appear on the rocky and almost inaccessible face of the northern slopes of the hill continuing into the Şeytanderesi valley. The second part of the cemetery area at Tırnak Tepesi is found along the western slopes of the hill which corresponds to Keil and Wilhelm's "South Acropolis". 224 The ancient road that leads to Keşlitürkmenli in the east passes through this necropolis. Several freestanding, highly visible decorated sarcophagi, no doubt belonging to the elite of the city, are situated along this road. Two tombs of particular interest, the rock-cut Ionic temple tomb and the stone mason's sarcophagus are also located here (Figs. 3.13, 3.18). There are also a large number of chamosoria in this part of the necropolis. 4. The cemetery in the Acropolis South Hill located on the south and southeastern slopes of the acropolis is highly visible and is noteworthy not only for the monumental vaulted tomb, 225 chamosoria and rock-cut sarcophagi, but also for cisterns and niches associated with the cult of the dead. Traces of stone cuttings can be seen here on the rock face especially on the lower slopes. 5. Finally, tombs in the Western Area of the city are situated along the road connecting Olba and Diocaesarea, perhaps a necropolis shared by the two sites going back to the Hellenistic period. It is interesting to note that the tombs nearer to Diocaesarea are of a higher quality than those close to Olba. A monumental vaulted tomb with a Greek inscription is located on the road as one approaches Olba.226 A monumental temple tomb, its plan a tetrastylos prostylos in Corinthian order with pilasters at the corners, is located 100 m. away from Tırnak Tepesi; it was not built in a necropolis area of the city. 227 In studying the parallels with

The prominence of the stone cutters of the area is attested by the presence of quarries, masons' tombs and their marks on the monuments that have been located at Olba in the archaeological surveys conducted since 2001. 218 The three quarries of the city were also used as the necropolis areas. The quarries cut into the steep rocky slopes on the one hand provided materials for architectural structures, on the other hand created suitable areas for tombs. The magnificent aqueduct in Olba was built with stone materials from the quarries next to it. The quarry located at Şeytanderesi shows evidence of cutting of a sarcophagus from the rock. 219 The traces of the cuttings reveal the short side of a sarcophagus still attached to the main rock. The recesses of the rock obtained following the cutting of the stone blocks also provided suitable places for rock-cut tombs. Indeed, a rock-cut tomb of a rectangular plan can be seen in the upper levels of this quarry. A rock-cut tomb inside the quarry has two arcosolia and a third one not yet completed. Masons' marks can be seen on the temple tomb at Olba, on the tower and fortification walls on the acropolis as well as on the temenos wall of Zeus Olbios temple in Diocaesarea. Stone architecture in the Olban territory began in the late Hellenistic period; the same masons may have worked in both Olba and Diocaesarea. Two masons' tombs found in Olba dating to the imperial period are proof of their presence in the city (Fig. 3.18). The tombs in Olba, the majority of which date from the second and third century AD, can be classified into four types. 220 These are: 1. sarcophagi (freestanding, rock-cut and chamosoria); 2. rock-cut chamber tombs (plain rockcut tombs, those with temple facades, and a multi-roomed rock-cut tomb complex); 3. arcosolia; 4. monumental tombs (vaulted tomb and the temple tomb). There are also burial cult areas near some of the tombs, where ceremonies for the dead were carried out. No tombs from the Hellenistic period have been found in the archaeological surveys at the site. However, Akçay suggests that some of the plain rock-cut tombs, so common at the site, may date from this early period. 221 The lower slopes of the hills were generally used for chamosoria or sarcophagi, whereas rock-cut tombs were located in the higher, steep parts of the rocky landscape. The vertical rock facades were used to cut in arcosolium type tombs. The plain single-roomed rock-cut tomb with a rectangular facade is the most common rock-cut tomb in

222

Er and Söğüt 2005, 100-2. Akçay 2012, 77-104; Akçay 2008a, 13-20. 224 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 85-86, figs. 110-13. 225 Erten 2006, 309-10. 226 For a description of the tomb, see Linnemann 2013, 117, pl. 62.4-5; Erten and Özyıldırım 2007, 421. For the inscription, see Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 338 s.v. OID 81; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 88, no. 105. 227 For a discussion of this tomb, see Erten 2007b, 149-56. 223

218

Akçay 2008b, 292-95. Akçay 2008b, 292. 220 For an in depth study of the Olba tombs, see Akçay 2008a. 221 Akçay 2008a, 41. 219

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria the Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) temple tomb with inscription, Erten dates it to the end of the second century and beginning of the third century BC. 228

carvings in front of the sarcophagi and monumental tombs of the Roman Era. 233 On the top of the entrance the wellpreserved half Corinthian columns and the antae on either side are carved in a classical templum-in-antis design. The base and the columns and the capitals rising above were carved as a part of the rock and support the pediment. 234 Two of the central columns at Olba are round and the ones at the sides are rectangular pilasters. The Corinthian capitals are crudely made without details. The columns have Attic-Ionic bases. The corner acroteria on the pediment are well-preserved but the top one is broken. The columns, which are 1.53 m high, have a width of 0.64 m at the bottom and 0.52 m at the top.

Rock-cut tombs Rock-cut tombs at Olba are of four types: rock-cut chamber tombs with plain, rectangular facades, rock-cut chamber tombs with architectural facades, rock-cut multi chamber tomb complex and arcosolia. Of these, the rock-cut chamber tomb with plain rectangular facade is the most common type at the site. Rock-cut chamber tombs with plain rectangular facade These tombs, generally built into the rocky facades of the hills, can be found in all five necropoleis at the site. 229 In some cases steps were cut on the rock face to reach the most inaccessible tombs. Small square or rectangular openings comprised the entrance to the tombs, which was usually closed by a stone door although wooden doors may also have been used. All the tombs of this type have a single burial chamber. Most have no traces of a burial place in the chamber, which was left plain. Some tombs have kline burial while a few others have rock-cut coffins. Niches and rock-cut hollows appear in the exterior and the interior of some tombs. Outside the doors of some tombs channels to direct the flow of rainwater and to prevent it from seeping into the chamber were cut. Inhumation burial was the norm in Olba, however Akçay proposes that three rock-cut tombs, too small for the burial of a body and with flat floors, may have been for used for cremation and that these tombs may date from the late Hellenistic period. 230 Of these, for example, one at Tırnak Tepesi has a burial chamber measuring 60 cm. in width and 80 cm. in depth. 231

The tomb has an arched opening and the tomb door measures 0.75 m wide and 1.05 m high. The facade of the tomb is 2.78 m long, 2.86 m wide and 1.65 m high. The tomb chamber is entered with a single step in front of the door. The ceiling of the chamber is flat and there are remains of plaster on the walls. The pinkish paint can be seen in some places. 235 The chamber is 2.90 m wide, 2.70 m long, 1.55 m high. The left side wall of the chamber has been left smooth, and the burial is in the sarcophagus under the arcosolium on the central wall (Fig. 3.11). The sarcophagus is 1.55 m long, 0.65 m wide and 0.45 m deep. In the middle of the broken sarcophagus lid a large piece was found in situ. To the left of the wall opposite the entrance is a small naiskos niche, measuring 0.48 x 0.32 m, with a shallow basin underneath. 236 Although it has suffered damage, it is clear that this niche seen elsewhere in Rough Cilicia was used in a libation ceremony in the cult of the dead. Use of engaged Corinthian columns, not fully carved, likely received impetus from other buildings in the region of Olba, that adopted column capitals of the Corinthian order. For example, in ancient Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) temple tombs dating from the late second century and the beginning of third century A.D. have Corinthian capitals some of which have been treated this way. 237 The pilasters of a tower tomb at the same site are also of this type. 238 The full examples of these types of capitals have been used in Olban regional architecture from the second half of the second century A.D. and the beginning of the third century AD. The widespread use of the plain, unworked Corinthian capitals in the region can be attributed to the difficulty of carving of detailed decoration in local limestone. 239 It is hard for a tomb cutter to carve a capital with fully executed details given the poor quality of the stone. Therefore, the capital has been stylized to look like the Corinthian order. In the Olban tomb the details of the leaves of the capitals have not been carved. Based on the capitals, the tomb dates

Dating these tombs is very difficult because all have been pillaged by treasure hunters. There are also no distinguishing traits in their architecture since they all follow the same basic type. Rock-cut chamber tombs with architectural facades There are only two rock-cut tombs with architectural facades in the large cemeteries of Olba. On the East hill of the necropolis there is a rock-cut temple tomb with a Corinthian facade situated at an impressive location (Figs. 3.10-11). The most interesting and splendid tomb in the Olban necropolis, it is of peculiar design, with engaged Corinthian half-columns surmounting the entrance to the chamber. 232 The tomb was damaged by looters planning to clandestinely dynamite it recently. This tomb with its location in the necropolis and its unusual architectural elements must have belonged to an important person in Olba. On either side of the arched entrance of the tomb are semi-round altars. These examples are clear evidence of the tomb altar-stones we know were erected with or without

233 For the tomb altars with reliefs from this region, see Diler 2000, 23-25; Diler 2002, 67-72. 234 A similar example is found in a Lycian tomb of Ionic order (fourth century BC) at Limyra, see Akurgal 1961, 130, pl. 84. 235 Roos who has studied the rock-cut tombs of Caunos states that plaster was used in many tombs: Roos 1985, 63. 236 For the use of this niche and similar examples see Söğüt, 2003, 255-56. 237 For these tombs at Imbriogon Kome, see pp. 147-51. 238 For this tower tomb, see p. 135. 239 Spanu 2013, 103.

228

For the Imbriogon Kome temple tombs, see chapter 4, pp. 147-51, figs. 4.36-60. 229 Er Scarborough and Söğüt 2005, 99-100. 230 Akçay 2008a, 41, cat. nos. 32, 34 and 42. 231 Akçay 2008a, 41, cat. no. 32. 232 Er Scarborough 1991a, 152-55, fig. 22; Er Scarborough, 1991b, 111, fig, 3; Er and Söğüt, 2005, 103-4, fig. 10; Erten, 2005, 18, fig. 4; Akçay 2008a, 38, pl. 71, fig. 122, ill. 30.

32

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia from the from the second half of the second century AD of the beginning of the third century AD. 240

the cutting of a sarcophagus can be seen. 245 Two stone masons were buried at the site. 246 Three groups of sarcophagi can be distinguished: freestanding sarcophagi (including a sarcophagus with hyposorion), rock-cut sarcophagi, and chamosoria.

The Ionic order was used in the other rock-cut tomb with a temple facade, located at Tırnak Tepesi to the southeast of the acropolis (Figs. 3.12). 241 This tomb, similar to the Corinthian facade tomb, is also in a prominent part of the necropolis (Figs. 3.13-14). It has two steps in front. In general temple tombs have two or three steps in front of the pronaos. The tomb has antae, an abacus and an architrave with a triangular pediment on top. It is hard to distinguish the column bases, but one is plain with rectangular shape. The burial chamber measures 2.85 m by 2.43 m and is 1.70 m high. It has a single burial, measuring 1.85 m x 0.85 m. The tomb is dated to middle of the second century to third century AD.

Freestanding sarcophagi The majority of the freestanding sarcophagi at the site of Olba is located in the Tırnak Tepe necropolis. Due to the lack of flat ground at the site, most of the freestanding sarcophagi were placed on the smoothed rock surface or on blocks of stone. Similarly at Adrassus the bases of some sarcophagi consist of several blocks. 247 This practice, also seen in some Lycian sites, enhanced the monumental character of the tomb. The freestanding sarcophagi in Olba in general are found on the northwest slopes of Tırnak Tepe along the side of the ancient road to Keşlitürkmenli (Figs. 3.16, 3.18). The placement of the sarcophagi on the road-side with high visibility may indicate the high status of the deceased. The difficulty of transporting freestanding sarcophagi to the rocky hills may also have contributed to the choice of location Some of the sarcophagi at Olba have hand holds to facilitate the carrying of the pieces. 248

Rock-cut multi-chamber tomb complex A rock-cut tomb complex with three chambers and an arched lentil is located in the Acropolis South Hill (Fig. 3.15). 242 It has different types of tombs in the complex. To the left of the entrance is an arcosolium. On the opposing sides of the arcosolium are pivot holes which indicates that the tomb was closed. The middle chamber has a vaulted roof. On the opposite wall is a rock-cut tomb with a barrel vaulted roof and a rectangular plan. It has a shelf for offerings. The tomb dates to the second or third century AD.

Nearly all the Olban decorated sarcophagi are freestanding. They all share one feature, they are mainly decorated on the front, never on all four sides. An exception is the stone mason's tomb, where a mason's tools are depicted on the short sides (Fig. 3.18). The same characteristic can be observed in other necropoleis in Rough Cilicia where similar types of sarcophagi are found. Nearly all the decorated sarcophagi at Elauissa Sebaste, Corycus, and the inland sites such as Adrassus and Dalisandus 249 have an undecorated rear. This cannot be explained by the position of the sarcophagi, for the majority are placed so that one could walk all around them. Moreover, similarly to Olba, most were placed along the sides of the ancient road, not on a slope which would have favored the emphasis on the facade since their rear view was blocked. AlföldiRosenbaum dismisses Machatschek's claim that the use of an undecorated (and sometimes unworked) rear is due to Roman influence since it occurs in remote sites away from the coast. 250

Arcosolia Arcosolium tombs at Olba are of two types: the first is the arcosolium niche tomb, where an arch cut into the face of a rock sheltered a rock-cut sarcophagus or a chamosorion. 243 The second is the arcosolium chamber tomb which consists of a tomb chamber with an arcosolium niche in the front. 244 Arcosolium tombs are more popular at the neighboring Diocaesarea compared to Olba where only 8 has been identified in the surveys of the site. Most of the arcosolium type tombs at Olba has no decorative features. Roof type lids with acroteria can still be seen in some tombs. Some of these have a tabula or a tabula ansata on the long side but no inscriptions are found. An arcosolium chamber tomb with two rock-cut coffins, now used as an animal shed, displays a painted cross representation whereas an arcosolium niche tomb has a cross incised inside a circle. This last tomb also has a much defaced Greek inscription which can no longer be read. The crosses indicate a secondary use of the tombs.

Some of the freestanding sarcophagi were decorated with motifs such as Eros figures carrying garlands, wreaths with rosettes and tabula ansata. Most of these decorations have suffered from weathering and human destruction which makes it hard to date stylistically. The lids of the sarcophagi consist of pitched roof with corner acroteria, which is in general the only decorative element. No lion lids or kline lids are found in Olba.

Sarcophagi The majority of the sarcophagi at Olba was made in the Roman imperial period. Many sarcophagi are plain without any decoration or inscription, which makes it difficult to date precisely. All the sarcophagi are made of local limestone. At a stone quarry found at the site, the traces of Kaplan 2006, 91-114, 100. Er Scarborough1991a, 152, fig. 21, plan 2; Er Scarborough 1991b, 110-11, fig. 2; Er and Söğüt 2005, 104, nos. 31-41, fig. 11; Erten 2004, 58; 2005, 12, figs. 6-7; Akçay 2008a, 39, pl. 70, fig. 121, ill. no. 29. 242 Akçay 2008a, pl. 21, figs. 38-40, pls. 22-25, ills. 5-8. 243 Akçay 2008a, pl. 16, fig. 29 ;pl. 48, fig. 87; pl. 50, fig. 90. 244 Akçay 2008a, pl. 16, fig. 30; pl. 49, figs. 88-89. 240

245

241

246

Akçay 2008b, 291, figs.1-2; Akçay 2008 a, pl. 12, fig. 17. For the local workmanship and the tombs of the stonemasons, see Akçay 2008b. 247 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1990, 29-30. 248 Akçay 2008a, pl. 13, fig. 21. 249 For Dalisandus, see Bean and Mitford, 224-27, figs. 205-208. 250 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 30-31

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria An inscribed freestanding sarcophagus from the western slopes of Tırnak Tepesi is an example at the site for multiple burials, in this case a man and his wife. 251 This sarcophagus measuring 2.70 x 1.70 m and 1.62 m in height is of larger dimensions than the others at the site. The Greek inscription on the tabula ansata on the front long side of the sarcophagus names Athanadoros and his wife Aba and warns future intruders from inserting another burial. 252

both sides and three chisels on the southern short side. On the short side of the sarcophagus lid a "pilos", is carved. The pilos is a symbol of the Dioscuri, who have a distinguished status in the Olba region. 258 Dioscori symbols are found on tombs at sites such as Corycus, Çatıören and Hüseyinler. A pilos on a Diocaesarean sarcophagus in the east necropolis has been tentatively identified by Linnemann. 259 The appearance of this symbol on the mason's tomb in Olba indicates his exceptional status. Based on the other sarcophagi of the Roman period nearby including one with an inscription this sarcophagus dates to sometime between the second century and third century AD. The other tomb belonging to a mason is a chamosorion located also in Tırnak Tepe necropolis.

A freestanding sarcophagus found on the western slopes of Tırnak Tepesi is placed on top of the smoothed face of a large rectangular rock, 1.5 m. high above the ground (Fig. 3.16). 253 The gabled lid with corner acroteria is broken in two, but is still on top of the undecorated casket which measures 2.34 m on the long side, 1.33 m on the short side and is 1.30 m. high. A rectangular niche is carved on the facade of the rock.

The only example of a freestanding sarcophagus with a hyposorion in Olba is found on the vicinity of the East Hill. 260 It is situated on the northern slope where the modern road divides the East Hill into two. The sarcophagus is much destroyed; concrete was poured around it. The sarcophagus is placed on a smoothed rock face, which serves as the podium. On the front side of the sarcophagus a garland with grapes, rosettes and leaves and the leg of an Eros immediately next to it can be observed. This sarcophagus is also a local copy of an Attic sarcophagus with the motif of flying Eros figures carrying the garland. On both short sides of the sarcophagus hand holds were cut for carrying the piece. 261 The hyposorion carved into the rock measures 2.90 x 3.20 m. and its height is 1.65 m. 262 There are no accomodations for burial inside the chamber. Niches are carved on the surface of the rock face.

A freestanding sarcophagus located on the east hill has a representation of two flying Eros figures holding garlands (Fig. 3.17). 254 The chest measures 1.05 x 2.20 m. The sarcophagus has suffered both weathering and destruction; a hole was cut at the center of the long front side to make a fountain. In my surveys of the site in 1988 and 1989 the lid was lying on the ground a little distance away from the sarcophagus. It was of the typical type, a pitched roof with corner acroteria. Today no sign of this lid remains. The sides and the back of the sarcophagus are broken and it is filled inside with concrete. The motif of flying Eros figures carrying the garland is borrowed from Attic sarcophagi. One example from Athens NM 1191 shows a single flying Eros at the center of the sarcophagus carrying the garland. 255 The Olban example is a local copy of an Attic sarcophagus. This is one of the two known examples of a garland sarcophagus with flying Eros figures from the site. The other much damaged example is from a sarcophagus with hyposorion which is discussed below.

Rock-cut sarcophagi The 14 rock-cut sarcophagi identified at the site show close similarities to the freestanding sarcophagi. 263 They both have in general the same dimensions and are similar in form. The casket of the Olban rock-cut sarcophagus is of the same height (approximately 1.10 m) as the freestanding one. The interior of the rock-cut sarcophagi is carved as a rectangular shape with a trapezoidal form widening towards the bottom. The chests of these more modest sarcophagi have borders along the lower and upper parts, and except for the display of feet on the lower borders, are undecorated. Lack of decoration on this type of funerary monument is also true for most sites in Rough Cilicia. 264 The lids of the Olban rock-cut sarcophagi, similar to the freestanding types, are pitched roof with corner acroteria. They have no decoration. The rock around some of the rock-cut sarcophagi is carved into special places for the cult of the dead; this is an Olban feature. The rock-cut sarcophagi so far found in Olba point to single burial only.

One of the two masons' tombs found in Olba is a freestanding sarcophagus, located in the necropolis area of Tırnak Tepesi at the beginning of the ancient road leading to Keşlitürkmenli (Fig. 3.18). 256 The sarcophagus is partly destroyed. The chest measures 2.34 x 1.12 m and is 1.12 m high. A piece of the lid, which is broken in two, lies inside the wall near the road, the other piece is on the road itself. The lid with acroteria has a shape closer to a semi-cylinder and thus differs from other Olban sarcophagus lids. The sarcophagus is surrounded by a U-shape wall. 257 The placement of the monument at the side of the ancient road alongside other freestanding embellished sarcophagi indicates the high status of its owner. On the short sides of the sarcophagus are depicted stone cutter's tools: a mallet on 251

258

Akçay 2008a, pl. 44, fig. 77. Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 333, OID 46; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 85, note 1; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 91, no. 170; Erten 2006, 312. 253 Akçay 2008a, pl. 44, fig. 78. 254 Akçay 2008a, pl. 40, fig.71; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 551, nos. 10-11; Koch 1972, 242. 255 Matz 1958, 50, 4 b2, pl. 8 b. 256 Akçay 2008b, 300-304, figs. 15-20. 257 Akçay 2008b, figs. 16-20.

For the pilos of Dioscuri in Rough Cilicia, see Durugönül 1998,7, 13, 53, 75, 85, 89, 121, 127. 259 Linnemann 2013, 39-40, pl. 14.3. 260 Akçay 2008a, 30-31, pl. 15. fig. 26-27. 261 Erten 2004, 13, pl. 6. 262 Akçay 2008a, 30. 263 Akçay 2008a, 29-30, pl. 46, figs. 82-83. 264 Machatschek 1967, 36. Some rock-cut sarcophagi at Corycus, however, have decorations, see Karaüzüm 2005, 37.

252

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia A much damaged rock-cut sarcophagus from the region of Tırnak Tepe had originally three busts in front of the chest, which were found in fragments nearby. 265 On the few surviving parts of the lower chest traces of a garland can be detected. Another rock-cut sarcophagus at Tırnak Tepesi has a channel cut above one of the short sides to direct the flow of the rain water. A rock-cut sarcophagus on the East hill is carved out of a large rock ca. 5 m above the valley ground. For access to the tomb, holes that functioned as steps were cut.

had the title metropolis. 270 Hierocles (fifth century) lists Diocaesarea with Olba as a city of Isauria. 271 Constantine Porphyrogennitus of the two cities lists only Diocaesarea as a city of the Decapolis in Seleucia Province. 272 It was the seat of a bishopric in the early Byzantine period. 273 The temple of Zeus Olbios in the Corinthian style is the earliest datable monument in the city (Fig. 3.19). The temple had a hexastyle peripteros with a single circuit of 32 columns (6 x 12) of which 26 remain standing to varying heights. The surviving capitals of the temple date it from the second half of the second century BC. (Fig. 3.20). 274 An inscription dating from the second or first century BC records the rebuilding of the στέγαι (probably the roofs of the temple) of the temple of Zeus Olbios, built originally by Seleucus I Nicator. 275 The temple was converted into a church by the incorporation of the peripteros within the exterior walls of the basilica in the Byzantine period. 276

Chamosoria Chamosoria are seen widely in all the necropoleis except the west one in Olba. They are especially concentrated on Tırnak Tepe and the East Hill. The chamosoria at Olba are of two types: those at the ground level of the bedrock, and those cut high above the ground level. Most of the chamosoria have rain channels 15-20 cm wide, cut along the sides and in one example the channels direct the water into a cistern near the tomb. 266 One of the two tombs belonging to masons is a chamosorion in Tırnak Tepe necropolis. The tomb is mostly destroyed but its lid is partially preserved. On the short side of the lid is a mason's mallet. A chamosorion on the East Hill cut above a massive rock block has steps leading from the tomb to the base of the slope.

A great tower of at least five floors of Teucer, son of Tarkyaris, was likely built at the turn of the third to second century BC. Among the monuments dating from the Roman period in the city are colonnaded streets, a temple of Tyche, a small theater, and a three-arched monumental gate. The cemeteries of Diocaesarea are the central concerns of a recent study by J. C. Linnemann, who has identified five necropoleis, containing about 750 tombs. 277 He provides a typological survey of the grave forms and an accompanying comparison with the major characteristic grave types in Rough Cilicia. Impressive is the variety of the tombs that range from simple chamosoria to complex temple tombs with marble sarcophagi. The tombs are classified as sarcophagi (including chamosoria and lids), rock-cut tombs (arcosolia, arcosolia chamber tombs, rock-cut chamber tombs, rock niches), grave buildings, and funerary altars. Most of the tombs are arcosolia, chamber tombs and chamosoria. The rocky slopes of Diocaesarea provided a suitable terrain for these types of tombs. There are also 16 freestanding sarcophagi, three grave houses, two temple tombs, a column monument and two altars. The majority of the tombs date from the Roman imperial and early Byzantine periods with only a few graves dating to the years before the foundation of the city in the first century AD.

A chamosorion located outside the necropolis areas near a farm house is cut 2 m above the bedrock. 267 The interior is trapezoidal and has a stone pillow. The lid has fallen down the rock. On the rock facade three figures are depicted in a naiskos, the two standing carry the upper body of a man. In the pediment is a veiled woman's head. Below the naiskos is a tabula ansata with a Greek inscription. 268 Both the text and the reliefs indicate that the standing figures are the sons, who carry a picture of their father and the figure in the gable is their dead mother. Keil and Wilhelm who recorded the inscription do not mention a tomb. Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) A settled area surrounds a shrine of Zeus that served as the sanctuary of Olba, the stronghold of the Teucrid dynasty. In the Hellenistic period a temple of Zeus Olbios was built at the same site. It was likely a cult center for the Luwian god Tarhunt going back to the Hittites, but no ancient texts mention the site before the third century B.C. 269 The sanctuary rests at 1000 m, and is situated 22 km inland from Seleucia ad Calycadnum with Olba 4 km distant. The sanctuary and the town which had grown up around it were incorporated into a new city named Diocaesarea under Emperor Tiberius. The relationships between the two settlements after the separation are not clear, but both cities

The four necropoleis of Diocaesarea, the north, the east, the south and the west, lie as is typical of Roman cities, outside 270

Staffieri 1978; Lugano and Staffieri 1985. Hierocles 709, 8. 272 Constantin Porhyrogennitus De them. 77. 273 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 239. 274 For a discussion of the temple see the following: Börker 1971, 37-54; Bauer 1973, 117; Williams 1974, 405-14; Rumscheid 1994, 91-96; Wannagat 1999, 355-68; Bayliss 2004, 71-73; Wannagat 2005, 128-39; Wannagat 2007. 275 The inscription, first edited by Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 86-87, no. 166 has been studied extensively. See Rostovtzeff 1941, 462; Jones 1971, 198; Verilhac and Dagron 1974, 239; Boffo 1985, 42; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 331 OlD 36. 276 Bayliss 2004, 71. 277 Linnemann 2013. A detailed plan of the cemeteries with tomb locations by type is included. 271

265

Akçay 2008a, pl. 47, fig. 85; Erten 2005, 312, fig. 9. Akçay 2008a, pl. 17, fig. 34. Akçay 2008a, pl. 54, fig. 97. 268 Erten 2007, 422. For the inscription, see Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 339, OID 82; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 89, no. 106, pl. 38. 269 For the history of the sanctuary of Zeus Olbios, see Boffo 1985, 4147; MacKay 1968; 1990, 2082-2103; Durugönül 1998, 79-84; Trampedach 2001, 269-88; for the Roman period, Gotter 2001, 289325. For the relationship between Tarhunt and Zeus Olbios, see Jasink 1991, 20-23. 266 267

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria the city walls, and are situated along the roads leading into the city (Fig. 3.21). An exception is the necropolis in the northwest where no roads were found. The tradition of cemetery roads, where several rows of funerary monuments lie close to one another, as illustrated by the "Via Sacra" of Corycus after the Italian model, is absent in Diocaesarea. 278 The funerary monuments more or less are scattered over the terrain. In Rough Cilicia most of the necropoleis have been created in this way as were the necropoleis of Adrassus, Seleucia ad Calycadnum and the great part of the cemetery areas in Corycus and Elauissa Sebaste.

third century AD as has been suggested by Haspels. 286 The inscriptions and incised crosses on some of the tombs attest to their use in Christian times. 2. Arcosolium chamber tombs This type of tomb which consists of a tomb chamber with an arcosolium niche in the front is found in all five necropoleis of Diocaesarea and is a widespread type in Rough Cilicia (Figs. 3.3, 3.22). 287 Most of the arcosolium chamber tombs have a rectangular or square burial chamber. The dead were laid either on the floor of the chamber or were buried in chamosoria or rock-cut sarcophagi (Figs. 3.6, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25). 288 Some grave chambers had a central burial in an arcosolium niche (Fig. 3.24). 289 Another type of chamber tomb has the classical type with 3 arcosolium niches along the two sidewalls and the backwall facing the entrance. 290 Linnemann calls this type of tomb "trifoliarkammern". Haspels refers to this kind of tomb when she is discussing the only chamber tomb at Ayazın as having "the usual disposition of the Roman tombs with three cist graves under arcosolia." 291 There are also arcosolium chamber tombs with double or multiple chambers. 292 An example with two chambers has a total of ten burials (Figs. 3.25-26).

Rock-cut Tombs Linnemann discusses the rock tombs at Diocaesarea under four categories: arcosolium niche tombs, arcosolium chamber tombs, rock-cut chamber tombs and simple rock niche tombs. 1. Arcosolium niche tombs Arcosolium niche tombs sheltering a rock-cut sarcophagus or a chamosorion are found in all five necropoleis of Diocaesarea. 279 A rarer type has smoothed floors which may have remained unfinished or were prepared to receive urns or osteothecae. There is also an unknown number of arcosolia buried with debris and earth where discovery of burials was not possible. Most of the arcosolia are undecorated but some have an architectural framing in the form of an arch with several fasciae. One example with a rock-cut sarcophagus in the north necropolis has pilasters with capitals (Fig. 3.2). 280 In the west necropolis the facades of two arcosolium niche graves are carved in the form of a Doric temple (Figs. 3.31-34). 281 In the east necropolis is another temple facade, which in a secondary use received a chamosorion in a flat arcosolium niche. 282 The arcosolia with chamosoria numerically far surpass the ones with the rock sarcophagi. Few tombs of this kind appear in Corycus and Adrassus. 283 Linnemann interprets the numerically very strong appearance of this tomb type in Diocaesarea and Seleucia as a regional peculiarity. 284 For this type of tomb with chamosorion at Corycus, Machatschek suggested a time towards the end of the second or to the beginning of third century AD, a time span acceptable for the majority of arcosolia in Diocaesarea where continuous burial activity in general took place only since the first century AD. 285 Two of the earliest arcosolium niche tombs are likely the two graves with Doric facades in the west necropolis, which correspond in their facade design to an arcosolium chamber tomb, dated to the first half of the first century AD based on the chamber finds. Most arcosolium niche tombs in other parts of Asia Minor were probably created in the second and

In Diocaesarea similarly to the arcosolium niche tombs, a large part of the arcosolium chamber tombs has no decoration on the facade. An exception is the arcosolium chamber tomb in the west necropolis which has a Doric temple facade with a rosette in the tympanum. 293 Another tomb of the same type in the west necropolis has an arched facade with a rosette carved almost fully in the round, flanked by acanthus leaves that terminate in small fourleaved rosettes (Figs. 3.36-37). 294 Individual symbols such as menorahs can also be seen on some of these tombs (Fig. 3.27). 295 A unique relief of Helios is found next to an arcosolium chamber tomb. 296 Based on his work on the rock-cut tombs in both Corycus and Elaiussa Sebaste, Machatschek has concluded that the first arcosolium chamber tomb is dated in both cities at the end of the second century AD to the beginning of the third century AD. 297 Linnemann, however, argues for an earlier date for this type in Diocaesarea. He states that later origins of this grave type in Diocaesarea is doubtful given the arcosolium chamber tomb with Doric facade in the west necropolis. Thus, the architectural comparisons and the grave goods found point to a date in the first half of the first century AD. Therefore, the form of the arcosolium 286

Haspels 1971, 172-76. Linnemann 2013, 78-86, pls. 41.2-5, 42-43. 288 Linnemann 2013, 80, pl. 44.1-4. 289 Linnemann 2013, 81, pl. 44.6, cat. no. West L30 290 Linnemann 2013, 81, pl. 44.7-8. 291 Haspels 1971, 172. 292 Linnemann 2013, 82-83, 177, fıg. 8, cat. no. North D100, pl. 47.1-2 293 Linnemann 2013, 85, 93-97, pls. 52.2, 53.3-4, cat. no. West N9. 294 Er Scarborough 1991a, 174, fig. 32, plan 5; Er Scarborough 1991b, 111, fig. 6; Er and Söğüt 2005, 105-6, fig. 15; Linnemann 2013, 85, 100, pls. 56. 3-5, cat. no. West L21. 295 For the menorah signs, see Linnemann 2013, 106, pl. 59.7-8. 296 Linnemann 2013, 105-106, pl. 59.3-5. 297 Machatschek 1967, 61 also cited by Linnemann 2013, 85. 287

278

Linnemann 2013, 17. Linnemann 2013, 73-78, pls. 38-40, 41.1. 280 Er Scarborough 1991a, 160, fig. 26; Er and Söğüt 2005, 102, fig. 9; Linnemann 2013, 77, pl. 55.2. 281 Er Scarborough 1991a, 160-70, figs. 29-30, plans 7-8; Er Scarborough 1991b, 111, fig. 4; Er and Söğüt 2005, 104-105, figs. 1314; Linnemann 2013, 77, 93-96, pls. 52.1, 53.1-2, 5. cat. no. West L4 and West L57. 282 Linnemann, 77, 99, pl. 56.1-2. 283 Machatschek 1967, 111; Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 21-23, pl. 8. 284 Linnemann 2013, 75. 285 Machatschek 1967, 111 also cited by Linnemann 2013, 78. 279

36

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia chamber grave was known at this time and was in use, even though most of these graves in Diocaesarea were cut first in the second or third century AD. 298

Rock-cut chamber tombs could date from the Hellenistic through the Byzantine times. One of the earliest tombs is the one with the Totenmahl relief in the east necropolis. Probably most of the tombs were created in the high imperial times. Christian symbols show their reuse in the later period.

3. Rock-cut chamber tombs Rock-cut chamber tombs are described as tombs with a mostly rectangular small door that opens to a chamber (Figs. 3.4, 3.28). 299 The quality in the elaboration of the facades and the chambers differs for each grave. The most common type of tomb chamber consists of a single chamber with flat ceiling and an arcosolium niche in the side walls and the back wall. In some tombs the ceiling of the main room is in the form of a barrel vault. In some rock-cut tombs with chamosoria the corners have not been cut which was likely done to provide a place to put burial gifts or to use as an altar inside the tomb (Fig. 3.29). 300 A large number of the simple rock chamber tombs has a rectangular or sometimes square grave chamber with no accommodations for a burial place. This is especially striking in the east necropolis. In other necropoleis at the site are deathbeds arranged generally on three sides of the chamber. They are either cut as surrounding benches (klinai) or are placed in niches (Fig. 3.5). The simple deathbeds of this group are found outside Diocaesarea as the predominant form of burial in the rock chamber tombs of Rough Cilicia. Rock-cut chamber tombs also have sarcophagi and chamosoria. Elaborate grave beds such as klinai with feet cannot be found in Diocaesarea. 301 An unusual rock-cut chamber tomb is the rock-cut "Hausgrab" which was modeled after a house in the north necropolis. 302 Double or multiple chambers are found in two tombs. There are also tombs with irregular chambers.

4. Simple rock niche tombs One of the simplest grave forms in the necropolis of Diocaesarea is found in the group of rock niche graves (Fig. 3.30). 306 These are rectangular niches carved in the rock wall which served only for a burial and which due to their large size differ from the numerous small rock niches such as votive niches. There are also niche graves without an apparent burial place. Grave Facades Linnemann discusses the common decorative forms of the rock-cut tombs at the necropoleis of Diocaesarea under the categories of architectural grave facades, ornamental grave facades, grave facades with figured reliefs, and signs and symbols on grave facades. He divides the architectural grave facades into those of Doric order, architectural facade with a crescent moon, arched facade, and temple facade. Among the ornamental grave facades is a unique example of a tomb with rosette decoration. Grave facades with figured reliefs consist of Totenmahl, busts and miniature relief with busts of gods. A. Tombs with Architectural Facades 1. Doric Order Among the rock-cut tombs in the necropoleis of Diocaesarea are 14 tombs with architectural facades. Three of them are the so-called "Doric Graves", whose front are designed in the style of a Doric facade. 307 All three are located in the west necropolis, which is known by the locals as Eğrikuyu. The use of Doric facades is rare in rock-cut tombs of Asia Minor, where the Ionic order was used almost universally. 308

The facades of most of the rock chamber tombs similarly to arcosolium niche tombs and arcosolium chamber tombs are completely plain. More elaborate decoration can be found almost exclusively on the rock sarcophagi and their lids inside the chamber. However, two of the four rock-cut chamber tombs with a facade design stand out among the decorative forms in Diocaesarea. An elaborate design of the facade is seen in one grave in the west necropolis, where two pilasters carry an architrave over which stands a semicircular pediment with a crescent, a unique illustration in Diocaesarea (Fig. 3.35). 303 This tomb is next to one of the graves with Doric facade. Another tomb with a unique decoration in Diocaesarea is found in the east necropolis. Above the entrance to the tomb is a relief of a Totenmahl.304 Reliefs of busts are found on the facades of two rock-cut chamber tombs in the north necropolis. 305

The first tomb with a Doric facade is the much weathered arcosolium niche tomb where burial is in a chamosorion (Fig. 3.31-32). 309 The frieze has nine triglyphs and eight metopes and there are six guttae under each triglyph. 310 Although the reconstruction of the facade with a gable is likely in analogy to the other two Doric tombs, it is also possible that the facade ended with a geison. 311 In the 306

Linnemann 2013, 91-92, pl. 51.2-7. The three tombs are Grave West L4, West L57 and West N9 in Linnemann's catalogue. Of these, Graves West L4 and West L57 were treated by Er Scarborough in 1991, see Er Scarborough 1991a 160 -70, figs. 29-30, plan 7, 8; Er Scarborough 1991b, fig. 4, 111; Er and Söğüt 2005, 104-105, figs. 13, 14. Grave West N9 was recently discovered by Linnemann 2013, 93-96, pls. 52.2, 53. 3-4.. 308 The only Doric rock-cut temple tomb in Caria is tomb C50 at Caunus, see Roos 1972, Pls. 38:1, 52:1. A rock-cut tomb at İnlice in Caria has a Doric riglyph and metope frieze combined with an Ionic lentil, see Roos 1985, 23-25. 309 Er Scarborough 1991a, 160-170, fig. 30, plan 7; Linnemann 2013, 94, pl. 53.5, catalogue no. West L4. 310 Triglyph is 12.5 cm, metope is 17.5 cm wide and both are 21 cm high. 311 See Er Scarborough 1991a, plan 7, Er and Söğüt 2005, fig. 13. 307

298

Linnemann 2013, 85. Linnemann 2013, 86-92, pls. 48-51. 300 Er and Söğüt 2005, 102. 301 Linnemann 2013, 89-90. 302 Linnemann 2013, 86, pl. 51.1. 303 Er, 1991a, 171-72, fig. 31;1991b, 111, fig. 5; Er and Söğüt, 2005, 105, fig. 15; Linnemann 90-91, 97, pls. 54.1-3 cat. no. West L58. 304 Linnemann 2013, tomb cat. no. Ost F21, 90-91, 101-104, pls. 57..3, 58.1-3; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 85, note 2; Pfuhl and Möbius 1978, 498 no. 2082; Er Scarborough and Başal 1992, 338; Durugönül 1989, 41-42, cat. no. 29 (04), 72-90, figs. 33-34. 305 Linnemann 2013, 104, 105, 174, pl. 59.1.2 , cat. nos. North D70, North D67. 299

37

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria architrave the conical shaped guttae are carved more strongly than the regulae and the guttae at the point where they meet the architrave are semi-circular in shape, a feature of the Roman period. 312 In addition, on the triglyphmetope frieze the triglyph taenia have been carved in two fasciae, a feature of the Early Empire period in Anatolia. 313 Based on these stylistic features, the tomb is dated to the mid-first century AD.

century AD and the first half of the second century AD. 323 The tomb dates to the first century AD. The third tomb with a Doric facade, named West N9 in Linnemann's catalogue, is recently discovered. It is an arcosolium chamber tomb. 324 A rosette similar to the one seen in the second Doric tomb is cut in the tympanum of this tomb which yielded ceramic and glass fragments as well as coins. 325 Based on the finds Linnemann dates the tomb to two periods: the original burials dating from the first half of the first century AD. and the second from the Severan period.

The second tomb with a Doric façade filled with earth, is also an arcosolium niche tomb (Figs. 3.33-34). 314 It has a carefully worked out front which is covered with rubble and earth at the bottom, so that only the upper part of the pilasters and the entablature is visible. Above the two antae with Doric capitals, a simple architrave and the metopetriglyph line carry the pediment. In the middle of the pediment is a six-leaved rosette inside a circle, a motif which we also see in the pediment of the third tomb with a Doric facade. On either side of the rosette is a square niche. Parallels of the rosette motif appear on rock-cut tombs in Caria. 315 The Cilician rosette usually contains six petals arranged symmetrically. Rosette decoration can be seen on various funerary monuments since the pre-Hellenistic times in regions such as Isauria, Caria and Lycia, with varying shape and number of leaves. 316 The tympanum of a large Doric temple tomb at İnlice in Caria is decorated with two shields in relief, both pierced by a sword. 317 The shield on the left is decorated with a six pointed rosette. Examples of rosettes can be found on the architrave of the Heroon from Limyra and on the Nereid Monument in Xanthos. 318 Rosettes can be seen on the facades of the rock-cut tombs in Xanthos, Çamköy, Myra and Demirci, but these are worked in relief unlike the ones in Diocaesarea and have different leaf shapes. 319 Rosette is a popular motif in the heartland of Isauria, away from the coast, where it is found on the pediments of larnaces at Bozkır (Isaura Vetus) and flanking the pediments of rectangular funerary altars and stelae at Astra. 320 It has been suggested that the six-leaved rosette is the early Christian monogram of I X. 321 Numerous funerary stelae in Phrygia also have this ornament, some appearing with Christian symbols in late antiquity. 322 In this tomb too there are nine triglyphs and eight metopes, but the guttae and regulae typical of the canonic Doric architrave have not been carved. These types of architraves in Anatolian Doric buildings generally date from the first

Apart from the three Doric tombs in the necropolis of Diocaesarea, Doric architectural facade is not seen on any rock tombs in Rough Cilicia. It is also rare in the rest of Asia Minor, where Ionic architecture in the tomb facades was preferred. 326 In contrast to the Doric facades with pilasters and an entablature with triglyph and metope zone as seen in the tombs at Diocaesarea, single Doric elements are often used in combination with other orders in some regions. For example, a facade at Idyma has Doric columns that support a mixed Doric and Ionic frieze. 327 Tombs with pure Doric order are found in the necropolis of Daidala/İnliceand Caunus in Caria and Antiphellos in Lycia as well as in Çukurca. 328 The Hellenistic rock-cut tomb at Gerdek Kaya in Phrygia has a Doric facade. Macedonian influence is seen in the earliest of these graves dating from the fourth century BC. Among the earliest tombs with Doric facade are the 'Macedonian tombs' with vaulted interior chambers, such as the tomb at Laina, in which two freestanding columns stood between the antae. 329 Klinai are found in most of the burial chambers. The use of Doric order in these tombs in Asia Minor is basically intended as an imitation of public buildings, while it can be stated that the later tombs with facades are imitation of existing tombs. 330 Examples of the use of Doric order in public architecture of Asia Minor in the first century AD and even into the early second century AD are known. Coulton states that "For the use of the Doric order did not cease in Asia Minor with the end of the Hellenistic period; but versions different from the late Hellenistic continued to be built at least until the end of the first century AD." 331 The three "Doric tombs" in Diocaesarea,

Gider-Büyüközer 2013, 161-63, figs. 62-65. In the proscenium of the Stratonikeia theater, the architrave triglyphmetope blocks dating from the repairs of the Augustan Period were cut with two fascia, see Mert 2008, 112-31, 150 and Gider-Büyüközer, 2013, 729-30, fig. 425 a-b. On the frieze blocks of the Aphrodisias Sebastion's South Portico dating from 20-60 AD the triglyph taenia are also carved in two fascia, see Gider-Büyüközer, 2013, 509-11, fig. 14748. 314 Er Scarborough 1991a, 160-70, fig. 29, plan 8; Er Scarborough, 1991b, 111, fig. 4.; Er and Söğüt, 2005, 105, fig. 13; Linnemann 2013, 93-96, pls. 52.1, 53.1-2, catalogue no. West L57. 315 Roos 1972, 90-91. 316 Er Scarborough 1991a, 170. 317 Roos 1985, 24, pls. 11.6, 47.2. 318 Borchardt 1970, 358, 362, fig. 8. 319 Roos 1972, 90-91. 320 For Astra in Isauria, see pp. 222-27. 321 Ramsay 1906, 27, 40; ibid. 1923, 328. 322 Linnemann 2013, 95.

Gider-Büyüközer, 2013, 158-159, fig. 60. Linnemann 2013, 94, pls. 52.2, 53.3, 4. 325 Linnemann 2013, 96. 326 Er Scarborough 1991a, 170, 411-12. 327 Er Scarborough 1991a, 170, no. 29; Roos 1985, 24, fig. 11. 328 For a compilation of Doric tombs, see Roos 1972, 75, 103. For Daidala/İnlice see Akurgal 1961, 162-63 s.v. Idyma, pl. 111; Roos 1985, 23-25, pls. 11.2-6, 47. 1-2. For Caunus, the Doric chamber tomb C50 see Roos 1972, 38-39, 75, 103, pls. 14, 38, 52. For a largely rockcut but freestanding tomb at Antiphellos, see Fedak 1990, 78-79, fig. 93; Roos 1972, 75, note 54. For Çukurca, see Akurgal 1961, 109, 115, 117 fig. 75. For Gerdek Kaya, see Fedak 1990, 100, fig. 124; Haspels 1971, 155-57, figs. 85-88. 329 Fedak, 104-109, fig. 143. 330 Linnemann 2013, 96. 331 Coulton 1982, 55-56. Among the dated examples he mentions are the Prytaneion at Ephesus (Augustan), a stoa at Sidyma dedicated to Claudius, the Neronian East Stoa behind the Rectangular Agora at Ephesus, the Gate of Vespasian at Xanthos, the terrace facade of the temple of "Domitian" (or

312

323

313

324

38

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia given the development of the city, could not have originated before the third century BC. In making a comparison of these tombs with other funerary monuments in Asia Minor and Rough Cilicia, it is noted that tombs with Doric architecture can be found in different regions. A Doric entablature is employed in the Doric temple tomb in Ta Marmara, a tomb building in Alinda, the Scylla monument of Bargylia, the Lion monument from Cnidus, a temple tomb in Sidyma, Lycia, in Phrygia the gravebuilding of Flavius Zeuxis in Hierapolis, in Pisidia a temple tomb in Oinoanda and in Troas the heroon of Assos. 332 Most of these buildings date to second or third century BC but some date yet to first century AD. It can be agreed that the Doric frieze in the architecture of the dated monuments of Asia Minor does not occur after the beginning of second century AD. 333

mainly two burial horizons: the first burials must have been primarily in the first half of the first century AD; in a later use phase the burials were used again in the Severan period. Linnemann concludes that the small finds combined with the continued use of Doric entablature in the tombs of Asia Minor until the first century AD provides a reliable dating of the tombs from the beginning to the middle of the first century AD. The "Doric graves" are thus late representatives of the facade graves with Doric order in Asia Minor. The previous dating of these tombs to the Hellenistic era is extended in to the early imperial period.337 2. Architectural facade with crescent A rock-cut chamber tomb with an architectural facade is unique in the necropoleis of Diocaesarea. A crescent on a round base is depicted in the center of the pediment over the architrave (Fig. 3.35). 338 The tomb is located right next to one of the three previously discussed Doric tombs (Fig. 3.33). The front of the tomb has suffered considerable damage since the tomb was later used as an animal shed. The left pilaster was almost completely knocked off which effected the architrave and the grave front. The tomb on either sides of the entrance has pilasters over which is an architrave block. The crescent symbol is seen on rock-cut tombs in various parts of Rough Cilicia as far north as Isauria. 339 At the nearby site of Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) a crescent is carved above the inscription of Anglus that gives us the name of the settlement. 340 The inscription is dated to the middle of the second century AD. The crescent is seen on tombs where the tomb owner is seeking protection from the moon goddess Selene. In Canytellis a crescent is carved in relief in the gable of a rock-cut tomb. 341 In the associated inscription the moon goddess, along with Zeus and Helios are called, so it is beyond question that the symbol refers to the goddess.

In Rough Cilicia the only tomb with a Doric entablature is the well-preserved Hellenistic tower tomb in Diocaesarea standing on a hill south of the city (Fig. 4.1-2). 334 The facade of the tomb, which has a square floor plan, is framed by corner pilasters on all four sides. Above this, a Doric entablature with architrave, triglyph and metope frieze and geison rises. The building, the oldest tower tomb in Rough Cilicia and one of the earliest tombs in Diocaesarea, has been dated to second or first century BC. 335 This imposing monument is highly visible due to its location on the hill. Moreover, its use of Doric decoration is unique in the region. We can, therefore conclude that it served as an architectural model in the design of the exterior of the three Doric rock tombs in the necropolis of Diocaesarea. In dating these three tombs we should take into account both the historical background and the emergence of other rock tombs with Doric facades in Asia Minor. Tombs with Doric entablature both in Asia Minor and in the neighboring regions generally date from the second century BC to the first century AD and we could date to this period the three tombs with Doric facades which are to be understood as an imitation of such buildings. What finally determines the dating of the Doric tombs at Diocaesarea are the grave goods found in the tomb named West N9 in Linnemann's catalogue. 336 Linnemann states that the recovered ceramic and glass fragments as well as the coins found emphasized

3. Tombs with Arched Facade An architectural frame is cut in the grave facade of arcosolium niches in a total of nine tombs in Diocaesarea. 342 The arch framing occurs most often on the arcosolium niche tombs, but can also be found on arcosolium chamber tombs. The tombs can have a simple arch frame or more elaborate ones with three fasciae. An arcosolium niche tomb in the north necropolis has a pilaster with a capital to the left of the niche and along the arch are multiple fasciae (Fig. 3.2). 343

Titus) at Ephesus, and the city gate at Patara. He also states that there is little or nothing Doric in Asia Minor that can be certainly dated in the second century AD. In the Roman period the Corinthian order is the preferred order for temple tomb architecture as with the temple architecture. 332 Linnemann 2013, p. 96 note 1327 citing the detailed listings of Berns 2003; Cormack 2004, 188-89, figs. 50-51 (Assos), 250-52, figs. 130-34 (Oinoanda); Fedak 1990, 76-77, figs. 85-89 (Knidos) and 78, fig. 92 (Alinda). 333 Linnemann 2013, 96. 334 For this tomb and the other two tower tombs in the region, see pp. 138-42. For previous publications on the tower tomb, see Berns 1999, 111-29, pls. 19-24; Berns 2003, 241, fig. 42; Durukan 2003, 219-38, pls. 36-40; Fedak 1990, 88, fig. 111; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 59-60, fig. 89, pl. 31.90; Er Scarborough 1991a, 395, 400-419, fig. 122, plans 3031; Er Scarborough 1991b, 113-14. fig. 7. There is a forthcoming study of this tomb by the German archaeologists who have been excavating in Diocaesarea. 335 For the dating of the tomb, see Berns 1999, 116; Berns 2003, 241; Fedak 1990, 88; Er Scarborough 1991a, 395, 400-419; Er Scarborough 1991b, 113-14; Durukan 2003, 219-38. 336 Linnemann 2013, 96.

337 Er Scarborough 1991, 174, 411-12, Er Scarborough 1991b, 111; Er and Söğüt 2005, 107. 338 For this tomb see Er Scarborough 1991a, 171-172, fig. 31; Er Scarborough 1991b, 111, fig. 5; Er and Söğüt 2005, 107; In Linnemann's catalogue the tomb is named West L58: Linnemann 2013, 97, pl. 54.1-3. 339 Er Scarborough 1991a, 171. 340 For this site, see p. 147; also see Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 26-27; Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 539. 341 Durugönül 1989, 31, 35, s.v. KF4; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, inscription no. 133. 342 Linnemann 2013, 97-99, pls. 54.4-5, 55. 343 Er Scarborough 1991a, 160, fig. 5. Linnemann 2013, 98, pl. 55.2. Linnemann 98, note 1353 fails to understand that the supposed error in designation of the tomb as Corinthian by Er and Söğüt 2005, 102, fig. 9, is a mistake in captioning by the publisher.

39

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria architectural relief, whereby both the pilaster itself and the image field between them were smashed in the lower area. The ancient client apparently tried this measure by the conversion of the facade to a grave, in the tradition of the rock-cut temple tombs of Diocaesarea, such as those found in the west necropolis.

The arcosolia tombs with elaborate arched facade find parallels in other regions of Asia Minor including the two individual tombs in Phrygia 344 or many others in Pisidia. Arcosolium niche tombs with such an arched facade occur in the necropolis of Sagalassos in Pisidia. 345 The tombs have two pilasters with capitals above which is an arch, decorated with two or three fasciae. The tombs in this necropolis date mostly from the end of the second century to the first half of the third century AD. Rather the single arcosolium tomb from Asmacık Tepesi allows dating of the arched tombs to no later than the third century AD; the tomb existed when an early Byzantine chamber tomb was carelessly cut directly behind the arcosolium niche. 346

Outside Diocaesarea temple facades are known at the nearby site of Olba (Figs. 3.10, 3.13). 352 In Seleucia is a now lost example. 353 In central Rough Cilicia they are found at the sites of Ardıçpınarı and Şırşırkale, 354 and Duruhan (Fig. 3.49). 355 In Inner Rough Cilicia, tombs with temple facades can be seen at Adrassus, 356 Philadelphia (Gökçeseki-İmsiören) (Fig. 3.87) 357 and Pharax (Göktepe Köristanı) (Figs. 3.103, 3.107, 3.111). 358

A group of grave buildings with a round arch, namely the barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs, some with a monumental column, are widespread in the region of Olba, and they provide further comparison with the arcosolia tombs. 347 These tombs have a rectangular, U-shaped floor plan with side walls carrying a barrel vault. The front of the building is open whereas the back is closed. Pilasters with a simple capital cut on each side wall support the arch. These tombs were built for a single person. There are clear similarities in construction and architectural outline between this group of monuments and the arcosolium niche tombs, in particular the tombs with pilasters carrying the arch. 348 Either the clients who commissioned the grave buildings desired to imitate the facades of the rock tombs, but more likely, the clients of the rock-cut arcosolia tombs knew the construction and conception of the grave buildings with arch.

B. Tombs with Ornamental Facades 1. Facade with Rosette Decoration An arcosolium chamber tomb in the west necropolis has an arched facade with a six-leaved rosette carved almost fully in the round, which is flanked by acanthus leaves on either side that terminate in small four-leaved rosettes. (Figs. 3.3637). 359 Right below the arch is the upper part of the tomb door with three fasciae. The barrel-vaulted chamber tomb has chamosoria with high base. This decoration is unattested elsewhere in Rough Cilicia and to date no parallels that can be used for dating are known. The rosette itself due to its long term use in the region can also not be used for this purpose. Linnemann states that due to the tomb's location in one of the tomb galleries of the west necropolis, it must be dated to the general use of the necropolis from the first half of the first century AD to the second half of the third century AD. 360

None of the arcosolia tombs with framed arch have an inscription or additional decoration, permitting a more firm dating. Analogous, however, are these tombs in Diocaesarea and those in the necropolis of Sagalassos 349 and also the occurrence of grave buildings with round arch in Cilicia was completed by the second century AD. 350 It is at least until the end of the third century AD one of the most prominent decoration forms.

C. Gravefacades with figured reliefs 1. Totenmahl In the east necropolis of Diocaesarea a Totenmahl scene is carved above the entrance of a rock-cut chamber tomb. 361

4. Temple facade Unlike the previously considered architectural facades in Diocaesarea which are all components of a grave structure dated to the same time, a temple facade not belonging to a grave occurs in the east necropolis, a unique type in Diocasarea. 351 The temple facade consists of two plain pilasters, three fasciae and a gable with an empty tympanum field. The flat arcosolium niche, at the bottom of which is a small chamosorion, was later inserted in the

For these tombs, see pp. 32-33. Also see Er Scarborough 1991a, 152-58, figs. 21-24. 353 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 8, pl. 7.16. 354 Er Scarborough 1991a, 342. 355 For Duruhan, see p. 47. Also see Er Scarborough 1991a, 143, 338341, fig. 16. 356 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 24-25, 73 s.v. no. 88, fig. 5, pls. 12.2, 13.1 357 For the temple tomb in Philadelphia, see p. 56, fig. 87. Also see Er Scarborough 1991a, 315. 358 For these tombs see pp. 58-60. Also see Er Scarborough 1991a, 24049, nos. 1-3, figs. 63-66, plans 15-16; Doğanay 2009, 331-33; pls. 103108; Bean and Mitford 1970, 212-16, no. 242, fig. 189; Linnemann 2013, 99 note 1379. 359 Er Scarborough 1991a, 174, fig. 32, plan 9; Er Scarborough 1991b, 111, fig. 6; Er and Söğüt, 2005, 105-106, fig. 1; Linnemann 2013, 100, pls. 56. 3-5, 45.1, cat. no. West L21. 360 Linnemann 2013, 100. 361 Linnemann 2013, 101-104, cat. no. Ost F21, 198, pls. 57.3, 58.1-3. Linnemann in note 1398 states that the grave is mentioned several times in research and he cites Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 85 Anm. 2; Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 498 no. 2082; Er Scarborough and Başal 1992, 338; Durugönül 1989, 41-42, cat no. 29 (04), 72-90, figs. 33-34. Linnemann in the same note points to the error of Durugönül in assigning the grave to the necropolis of Olba, although Keil and Wilhem had already provided the accurate location of the grave saying it was "about 1/4 hour away from Uzuncaburç" 352

344

Haspels 1971, 173 s.v. Ayazın, s.v. 212 Asmacık Tepesi, fig. 335, also cited by Linnemann 98, 1361. 345 Köse 2005, 135-47, figs. 29-30. 346 Haspels 1971, 21, also cited by Linnemann 98, note 1365. 347 For these tombs see pp. 163-65. Also see Söğüt 2005, for Kümbet 106, figs. 1-7 , for Yukarı Hüseyinler 107-108, figs. 8-11, for Kümbet Beleni 117-119, figs. 40-44, for general remarks 120-124, figs. 1-3, 7-8, 10, 40; Durukan 2005, 119-22, figs. 16-24; Linnemann 2013, 99, 11618, fig. 12, pl. 62, 63.1-3. 348 Linnemann 2013, 99. 349 Köse 2005, 145-47. 350 Durukan 2005, 119, 122; Söğüt 2005, 120-24. 351 Linnemann 2013, 99, pl. 56.1-2.

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia In Corycus comparable bust representations, occasionally decorating the facade of rock tombs, occur. 374 The busts of a married couple are carved on the facade of a Roman rockcut grave, the only such example showing a couple. 375 Another tomb has an inscription in a tabula ansata below the bust of a woman dated to the third century based on her hairstyle. 376

Totenmahl ('feast of the dead') was a widespread funerary relief in Asia Minor especially since the third or second centuries BC. 362 Rock-cut reliefs of figures standing, sitting and resting, can be seen in various parts of Rough Cilicia, as in the region between the Calycadnus and Lamus. 363 In the neighboring site of Olba Totenmahl reliefs are found (Fig. 3.38). 364 Totenmahl reliefs in a unique necropolis context appear in Adamkayalar and Canytelleis. (Fig. 3.43). 365

The placement of portrait reliefs, though somewhat rare in Rough Cilicia, also appear on the facades of the rock-cut tombs at Direvli in western Rough Cilicia (Figs. 3.55, 3.58, 3.59, 3.60, 3.61, 3.65, 3.66). 377 At Direvli, where all the tombs are inscribed, busts of the deceased flank the doors of rock-cut tombs or are placed in the pediments of the tombs. Although the majority of the busts in the necropolis are medallion busts, two are not.

Linnemann places the time during which the Totenmahl relief in Diocaesarea was made in the second or first century BC and states that the relief belonged to either in the same time span or somewhat later than the two Totenmahl reliefs in Adamkayalar which are precisely datable due to inscriptions. 366 These two reliefs are carved in the first half of the second century BC or in the following years. 367 The early relief representations of this kind in Rough Cilicia were used from the second century BC. 368 Linnemann concludes that the rock chamber tomb with the Totenmahl relief in the east necropolis, along with the Hellenistic tower tomb 369 is one of the oldest funerary monuments in the necropolis of Diocaesarea.

Despite the parallel in Corycus, the poor conservation and the lack of tomb inscription in the Diocaesarea busts make dating very hard. However, it is likely that the raised relief originated well before the carved cross in the facade, because with a simultaneous planning a more costly cross representation would be expected. Therefore, Linnemann proposes a second or third century AD date, when Christianity did not dominate the appearance of the necropolis. 378

2. Busts In the north necropolis of Diocaesarea two bust representations appear on the facade of rock-cut chamber graves. 370 The first is a destroyed relief of a bust carved to the side of the entrance of a rock-cut chamber tomb. 371 Another rock-cut chamber tomb with three rock-cut sarcophagi has a destroyed relief of a woman's bust to the side of the entrance. 372 Below the bust is a chest like framed area, which probably served to accomodate the inscription. An incised cross certainly came from a later use phase of the necropolis. 373

D. Symbols on grave facades Among the symbols on grave facades at Diocaesarea are menorahs. Menorah Three representations of a seven-branched candelabrum are found on tombs in the West necropolis at Diocaesarea. One of the menorahs is carved on the sarcophagus lid, but the candelabrum on the other two are depicted on the tombs' facades, above the chamber. 379 The menorah on the arcosolium chamber tomb West N7, is carved up to 2 cm. deep in the stone and is painted red (Fig. 3.27). The other tomb West L69 has an inscription in which the owner clearly identifies himself as Jewish. 380 A menorah in red color is found next to the epitaph.

For the Totenmahl reliefs in the Hellenistic period, see Fabricius 1999. For the origin, spread and significance of the scene, see Cremer, 1991 also cited by Linnemann 2013, 101, n. 1399. For Totenmahl reliefs in Germany and Britain, see Stewart 2009, 253-74. 363 Durugönül 1989, 7, 15-57. 364 Durugönül 1989, 40-41, cat. no. 28 (03) fig. 32. For the other remote reliefs, see Durugönül 1989, 37-40, Cat. no. 26 (01), no. 27 (02), fig. 27-31; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 85-86, pl. 37, fig. 114; Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 498 no. 2081. 365 For Adamkayalar, Durugönül 1989, 19-28, cat. nos. 6-16 (A1-A11), figs. 7-17; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 118; Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 496501, nos. 2067-77, pl. 299. For Canytelleis, see below pp. 44-45. Also see Durugönül 1989, 31-37, cat. nos. 21-25 (K1-K5), figs. 22-26; Durugönül 1997, 207-208, pls. 29-30; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 5859, no. 133; Machatschek 1967, 29, 53-54, pl. 11, fig. 28-31; Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 49-50, no. 2078. 366 Linnemann 2013, 104; Durugönül 1989, 223, s.v. no.8 (A3) fig. 9, 24-25, s.v. no.12 (A7) fig. 13; Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 496-97, s.v. no. 2071, 2075, pl. 299. 367 Durugönül 1989, 83-84, s.v. no. 8 (A3), no. 12 (A7). 368 Durugönül 1989, 145. 369 For the dating of the monument, see Berns 1999, 116; Berns 2003, 241; Durukan 2003, 219-35; Fedak 1990, 88; Er Scarborough 1991, 395, 400-403. 370 Linnemann 2013, 104, 105, 174, pl. 59.1.2. 371 Linnemann 2013, 104, 174, pl. 59.1 372 Linnemann 2013, 105, 173, pl. 59.2. 373 Linnemann 2013, 105. 362

Jewish symbols appear on the public cemeteries of Asia Minor to an increased extent in the imperial times. Linnemann stresses that although the Jewish tombs of Diocaesarea are all located in the west necropolis, they are spread over various areas of the necropolis and in close vicinity to other tombs. He points out that a spatial 374

Machatschek 1967, 53. Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 317, fig. 253; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 122, pl. 48, fig. 157; Machatschek 1967, 53. 376 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, fig. 254; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 117, 122, 132 no. 202A, pl. 48, fig. 156; Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 514 s.v. no. 2138. Also see Merkelbach and Stauber 2002, 201, nr. 19/ 08/ 05 as cited by Linnemann 105, n. 1449. 377 For these tombs, see pp. 48-52. Also see Er Scarborough 1991a, 277-288, figs. 76-81;Er Scarborough 1991b, 126-27, figs. 15-17; Er Scarborough 1998, 79-85, figs. 13-15. 378 Linnemann 2013, 105. 379 Linnemann 2013, 106, pl. 59.7-8. Tombs in the catalogue are West L69, West M24, and West N7. 380 Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 327 s.v. OID 15. 375

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Finally, chamosoria in the necropolis of Diocaesarea are very common. Like the rock-cut sarcophagi, they are also frequently found in the arcosolium niche and chamber tombs. Inhumation burial was the norm in Diocaesarea. Many of the sarcophagi had a stone carved pillow on which the head of the dead was laid. With the exception of the two imported Attic marble sarcophagi, the sarcophagi in Diocaesarea are made of local limestone and therefore locally produced. Interregional workshop traditions can be seen only on the garland sarcophagus from the temenos as well as on the kline sarcophagus lid that have regional peculiarities mixed with Dokimeian forms. The solid schemes in a combination of upper and lower chest profiles demonstrate at least for a certain period of time a local workshop to which the large part of the production is attributed. Individual sarcophagi of outstanding quality were probably made by either commissioned stone masons from the coastal cities or by itinerant craftsmen. 390

separation between Jewish and Pagan or Christian tombs did not exist either here or in other Cilician necropoleis such as Corycus or Seleucia ad Calycadnum. 381 Sarcophagi While the tradition of sarcophagus burial in Rough Cilicia may have existed in the Hellenistic or early empire times, the Diocaesarean sarcophagi principally emerged first in the second century AD. 382 The earliest representatives are the garland sarcophagus from the temenos of the temple of Zeus Olbios which due to stylistic criteria is dated to the second half of second century AD and the two Attic marble sarcophagi from the east necropolis both of which date from the second half of the second century or early half of the third century AD. The Attic sarcophagi were found in the surrounding area of the two grave houses. 383 The garland sarcophagus and the Attic sarcophagi are not only the earliest but are also of the highest quality. One of the latest examples at the site is a sarcophagus in north necropolis dating from the years 448/449 AD due to its detailed inscription. 384 Burial in freestanding sarcophagi in Diocaesarea compared to the other necropoleis in Rough Cilicia is relatively rare. Overall, in the necropolis and in the modern city area 24 sarcophagi were found. 385 The Diocaesarean sarcophagi were exclusively either freestanding or belonged to grave buildings. Free worked sarcophagi could not be found within chamber graves. The reliefs of an altar and a possible Dioscuri cap are carved on two sarcophagi. The Dioscuri cap in east necropolis is of interest since an example is found on a mason's freestanding sarcophagus in the necropolis of neighboring Olba. 386

Linnemann discusses the sarcophagi at Diocaesarea utilizing several subcategories to enhance his detailed descriptions and these include freestanding sarcophagi, raised rock sarcophagi, chamosoria and sarcophagus lids. Within freestanding sarcophagi Linnemann further subdivides these into Attic sarcophagi, garland sarcophagus, semi- finished product, sarcophagi with smooth box and profile, sarcophagi with single motifs, undecorated sarcophagi and sarcophagi of unidentified type. An example of the category of freestanding sarcophagi is the garland sarcophagus in the temenos of the temple of Zeus Olbios.

Exceptionally higher than the number of freestanding sarcophagi is that of the rock-cut sarcophagi, which can be found under the open sky as well as in the arcosolium niche or arcosolium chamber tombs or rock-cut chamber tombs. 387 Some of the rock-cut sarcophagi were decorated with motifs such as altar, garland, rosette, tabula ansata, decorative band and Selene. A rock-cut sarcophagus in the west necropolis has a tabula ansata on the front side (Fig. 3.41). Linnemann has identified a total of 85 rock sarcophagi in the five necropoleis of Diocaesarea. A large part of the graves is carved as a simple chest from the upcoming rock and has no ornaments on. Only 25 pieces are decorated. One of these displays the busts of a married pair on the chest and on the basis of their portraits dates from the second or third century AD. 388 Various individual motifs such as altars and a relief of Selene on the sarcophagus chest testify to the pagan beliefs of their owners and thus provide at least a rough note on the period of their production before the final enforcement of Christianity in Cilicia. 389

Garland sarcophagus In the temenos of the temple of Zeus Olbios in Diocaesarea is a freestanding garland sarcophagus, made of local limestone (Fig. 3.39). 391 The sarcophagus has survived intact except for some weathering. The garland features three widely spread, heavy arcs of fruits, including pinecones, pomegranates and berries. 392 A four-petaled flower is in the middle of each garland arc. Two rams' heads situated on the corners bear the garland, and in the middle the garland is bourne by bull heads, both carved in intricate detail. 393 Three clusters of grapes hang from each of the garland's arcs. Above each arc is a head of Medusa with snakes knotted ribbon-like under the chin. 394 The three garlands on the Diocaesarean sarcophagus is occasionally observed in the neighboring necropoleis of Corycus and Elaiussa Sebaste. 395 Most of the Cilician sarcophagi have two garland arches on the long side. 396 Southern Asia Minor has many garland sarcophagi and examples with added bull and ram heads along with the 390

Linnemann 2013, 41. Linnemann 2013, 29-34, pls. 9-10. 392 Vid. Linnemann 2013, 29, note 329 on garlands in funerary art. 393 Vid. Linnemann 2013, ibid. note 330 on the significance of animal heads. 394 Pfuhl and Möbius 1979, 538; Waelkens 1986, 47; Işık 2007, 97; Linnemann 2013, 30 note 332 listing supporting references on Medusa heads in funerary art. 395 Machatschek 1967, 36, 39, pl. 13, fig. 12. 396 Machatschek 1967, 39, figs. 15-17, 19; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 552; Equini Schneider 2003a, 443-45, figs. 427, 431, 436-38. 391

381

Linnemann 2013, 106. Linnemann 2013, 40. 383 For these sarcophagi, see Linnemann 2013, 27-29, pls. 7-8. 384 Linnemann 2013, 41. 385 Linnemann 2013, 23. 386 For the sarcophagus with a Dioscuri cap in Olba, see p. 34. 387 Linnemann 2013, 41-54. 388 Linnemann 2013, 43-45, pl. 16.2-4. 389 Linnemann 2013, 54. 382

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia Adana Museum, demonstrates garland sarcophagi were popular at Anazarbus. 406 This is a good example of a case where the Dokimeion garland sarcophagus served as a model.

flowers in the middle of the garland are found in Rough Cilicia. 397 The sarcophagus in Diocaesarea is in the long tradition of sarcophagi with garland decoration, ranging back into the Hellenistic era. 398 The Diocaesarean sarcophagus, similar to most of the locally carved limestone sarcophagi in Cilicia copied the imported garland sarcophagi from the great sarcophagus workshops of Asia Minor by means of decorative forms of different workshops taken over and brought together on a sarcophagus chest. This mixing of workshop traditions is common on many other Asia Minor sarcophagi. To determine the influences on the temenos sarcophagus at Diocaesarea, Linnemann discusses the garland sarcophagus production in the workshops of Dokimeion in Phrygia and Aphrodisias in Caria and summarizes the numerous and various opinions of scholars. 399 An influence from Aphrodisias on the sarcophagus from Diocaesarea is unlikely excepting the animal protomes. The oldest example of a Dokimeion sarcophagus featuring the composition of a garland with fruits, and which bears a close resemblance to the Diocaesarean sarcophagus, is from Hierapolis, dating to AD 160. 400 The odd feature of the hanging grape clusters on the garland overlapping with the base of the sarcophagus in Diocaesarea occurs in no other sarcophagus or rock sarcophagus with garland decoration either in Diocaesarea itself or in Rough Cilicia, but is found in the early pieces of Dokimeion workshops. The detail of flowers situated in the central point at each of the three arcs also suggests a Dokimeion workshop.

In conclusion, as one analyzes the spatial breakdown of the long side into three garland arches along with the heavy garlands with fruit and the pendants of the garland, and the overlapping of the grape clusters with the base, these are all features of the sarcophagi from Dokimeion and show that the sarcophagus in the temenos at Diocaesarea is an imitation of an imported piece from Dokimeion. The garland carrier in Diocaesarea, however, is derived possibly from a workshop in Ephesus which was later taken over throughout Asia Minor. The design of the Medusa heads in the Diocaesarean sarcophagus allows a dating at the earliest around AD 130, whereas the form of the grape clusters points to a date in the second quarter of the second century AD. When the fruit garland appears around AD 140, it provides a unique terminus post quem for the origin of the sarcophagus and the fruit garland sarcophagus from Hierapolis dating from around AD 160 allows one to date this style more precisely. Linnemann therefore concludes that the garland sarcophagus belongs to the earlier representative of its type in Cilicia and consequently was made between 140 and 160 AD. He adds that a certain time delay must be considered since this is a crafted on site copy of an imported piece. 407 Lids Linnemann sets out sarcophagus lids in four classes which are roof lids, roof lids with single motifs, kline sarcophagus lid, and lion lids.

Further clues are in other features of the Diocaesarean sarcophagus which are useful for the contemporary classification of it. These are first the design of three gorgoneia belonging to a type described as "human variation", 401 that confirms an earliest dating of the sarcophagus from the year AD 130. 402 The combination of ram-and-bull heads on many Cilician sarcophagi was first introduced by an Ephesian workshop 403 later adopted by numerous workshops in Asia Minor including those at Aphrodisias. The trapezoidal form and the physical features of the Diocaesarean bull head come originally from a late Hellenistic tradition as found in the Asia Minor garland sarcophagi since the time of Trajan. 404 Linnemann concludes that the bullheads of Diocaesarea cannot be earlier than the beginning of second century A.D. 405 Since Cilicia did not produce its own type of sarcophagus, imports from the great sarcophagus centers served as models. Aphrodisias workshop traditions however are not known from Cilicia. A chest from Anazarbus, now in the

Kline sarcophagus lid In the temenos of the temple of Zeus Olbios in Diocaesarea is a kline sarcophagus lid (Fig. 3.40). 408 It is the only known example of this lid variety in Cilicia. 409 The kline lid similarly to the garland sarcophagus was brought into the temenos in the 1950s. Unknown is the original location of the lid as well as the sarcophagus it belonged to. Three life size figures one behind another rest on the kline lid. Nicks and weathering have obscured parts of the figures especially the hands and feet. Absent are the three heads, broken off at the necks; missing also is the right hand of the frontal figure which held a hand garland; all three bear draped robes and underlying tunics, not clearly visible. Problematic are sexual identities: the figure at the rear is likely male, due to his garment; the positions of the three figures prompts Linnemann to survey various types of kline lids originating in Asia Minor. He concludes after considering how the assembly of the deceased was depicted (either a man or two women, two men and a woman, or three women) that these are a man and two women,

397 Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 477; Machatschek 1967, 44-46; Equini Schneider 2003a, 445-46, figs. 431-32, 436-38. 398 Koch 1993, 151-52; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 476, 480-81, 483; Machatschek 1967, 44-45; Linnemann 2013, 30 note 340 with additional references. 399 Linnemann 2013, 31-32. 400 Linnemann 32, note 373 citing Işık 1998. 401 Linnemann 2013, 33, note 387, quoting Buschor 1958. 402 Linnemann 2013, 33 note 388, Strocka 1996, Işık 1998, and Waelkens 1982 as cited by Linnemann. 403 Koch 1993, 165-167, 173; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 492, 521; Işık 2007, 7-8; Köse 2005, 97 . 404 Linnemann 2013, 33, note 393 citing Strocka. 405 Linnemann 2013, 33.

Ergeç 2001, 391-95, pls. 5-7; Koch 1993, 121, 189, fig. 110. Linnemann 2013, 34. 408 Linnemann 2013, 66-68, pls. 34-35 who discusses the lid in great detail. 409 Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 553. 406 407

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria features a tabula with wreaths on either side. 422 The longdrawn inscription field with small formed handles in this piece also corresponds to Type 2 of Asgari, which is found both in the innerland as well as in south and southwest Asia Minor. 423 In the Cilician necropoleis this form in different sizes is shown multiple times. In addition to the rock-cut sarcophagi, sixteen sarcophagus lids in Diocaesarea carry a tabula ansata. 424

probably a mother and daughter. 410 According to Koch, the kline lid in Diocaesarea is an imitation of a Dokimeion piece produced certainly locally. 411 After taking into consideration several factors in dating such as the draping, the height of the pad and the lack of belt on the chitons in the female figures, Linnemann concludes that the kline sarcophagus lid in the temenos of the temple of Zeus Olbios originates in the heydey of Diocaesarea in the second or third century AD attested by the large number of high quaility graves in the necropoleis. 412

Tabula ansata is a widely used motif in the sarcophagus art of Asia Minor. 425 From the workshops of Aphrodisias, Dokimeion and Proconessos it spread over the entire peninsula. 426 In Rough Cilicia numerous sarcophagi have representations of tabula ansatae on the chest or on the lid. 427 In Elauissa Sebaste and Corycus it is one of the most common decorative motifs on the chest of the sarcophagi. 428 In Adrassus (Balabolu) various kinds of tabula ansatae together with geometric and floral ornaments as well as a tabula ansata carried by victories occur on sarcophagi. 429

Rock-cut sarcophagus with tabula ansata Moreover, Linnemann continues his subdivisions by specifying the various types of raised rock sarcophagi. Among these are sarcophagi with busts and sarcophagi with single motifs. An example of the last is one with tabula ansata. The number of rock-cut sarcophagi which have a tabula ansata in the necropoleis of Diocaesarea, in contrast to other Asia Minor 413 and Cilician 414 necropoleis is small. For the time being they are found in the north, in the east, and in the west necropolis. In the west necropolis of Diocaesarea is a rock-cut sarcophagus which has in the middle of the chest a centrally placed tabula ansata (Fig. 3.41). 415 The sarcophagus imitates a chest sarcophagus (Truhensarkophag) which has a surrounding moulding on all four sides and a tabula ansata on the long side. 416 This form of sarcophagus with tabula ansata on the one long side has been found in Kalchedon in northwestern Asia Minor. The tabula on the Diocaesarean sarcophagus is elongated with very broad ansae. The panel form, which belongs to Type 2 as defined by Asgari in her typology of tabula ansatae, 417 is widespread over the whole Asia Minor and is seen frequently in Rough Cilicia. 418 A number of sarcophagi with tabula ansatae carry Christian inscriptions in Corycus, 419 which indicates a long term use of this type making a chronological classification of the tabula difficult. 420 Linnemann states that the combination of the central tabula with indicated chest frame points to a provincial imitation of a semi-finished imported piece from Proconessos and proposes a date in late second or third century AD for the Diocaesarean piece. 421

Canytelleis (Kanlıdivane) The site of Canytelleis, located 5 km from Elauissa Sebaste, has two necropoleis. The necropolis (necropolis N 8 of Machatschek) at the locale known today as Çanakçı situated about 400 m. southeast from the grotto is of particular importance because it has rock-cut tombs and reliefs as well as inscriptions. 430 There are nine rock-cut tombs and five lifesize reliefs cut into the face of a large rock mass (Figs. 3.42-43). Two of these tombs which are dated by inscriptions to the end of the first century BC are the oldest rock-cut tombs in the whole Olba territory. One of the inscriptions reveals that the remains of a husband and wife were put in a larnax and placed inside the tomb, which points to the custom of cremation in the region. 431 The names of the deceased are local. The rock-cut tomb is a new type of funerary monument in the region and is the earliest known example. Use of cremation in the funerary traditions may explain the paucity of burial remains in the Olban territory. Cremation burial also occurs in the oldest temple tomb of the region at Elauissa Sebaste. 432 On three rock-cut reliefs above rock-cut chamber F5 a standing woman wearing a mantle and a chiton, next to her a warrior with a lance and an axe and finally a man wearing a short sleeved chiton and a mantle are depicted (Fig. 3.42). 433

A semi-finished rock-cut sarcophagus in Diocaesarea

Linnemann 2013, 34-35, pl. 11.1. Asgari and Firatlı 1978, 37. 424 Linnemann 2013, 64-65, pls. 26.5, 33.1, 33.3, 33.5. 425 Asgari and Firatlı 1978, 37; Koch 1993, 27-28; Köse 2005, 94-97; Linnemann 2013, 34-36, 64-65, pl. 11.1 426 Asgari and Firatlı 1978, 37-39; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 487-88, Köse 2005, 94-97, no. 834. 427 Koch 1993, 190; Machatschek 1967, 37; Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 42-43; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 109 (pl. ), 113 (pl.), 117 (pl.); Machatschek 1967, 37; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 553. 428 Machatschek 1967, 37. 429 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 42-43, pls. 32-41 430 For the tombs and the reliefs, see Machatschek 1967, 29, 53, pl. 11, figs. 28-31; Durugönül 1989, 29-37, figs. 20-25, Durukan 2011, 159; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 58-60, nos. 133-34. For the site, see Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 285-86. 431 Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, inscription no. 134. 432 For a discussion of this tomb, see pp. 146-47. 433 Durugönül 1989, 32-33, cat. nos. 22 (K 2), 23 (K 3), 24 (K4), figs. 422 423

410

Linnemann 2013, 67. Koch 1993, 190. 412 Linnemann 2013, 68. 413 Asgari and Fıratlı 1978, 20-22; Köse 2005, 94-97 also cited by Linnemann 2013, 49, note 652 414 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 42-43, pls. 32-41; Asgari and Firatlı 1978, 39; Machatschek 1967, 36-38; Koch 1993, 190; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 553; also cited by Linnemann 49, note 653. 415 Linnemann 2013, 50, 53, 219, pl. 21.2, cat. no. West L67. 416 Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 489, fig. 11c. 417 Asgari and Fıratlı 1978, 37-38. 418 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, tabula ansatae with inscriptions: 109 (pl.), 113 (pl.), 117 (pl.). 419 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 110 nos. 120-30, 111 no. 132, 114 no. 170. 420 Köse 2005, 96. 421 Linnemann 2013, 50. 411

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia Above rock-cut chamber tomb F8 another relief shows a man lying on a kline and next to him a warrior with a lance and a sword (Fig. 3.43). 434 A second, essentially larger necropolis (necropolis N 9 of Machatschek) lies about 250 m. northeast of the grotto. Here are several sarcophagi, the majority of which have a burial chamber under their bases, dating from the second century AD. 435 A grave building with a three-columned portico, a grave house, two temple tombs found in this necropolis also date from the same century. There is also a small number of rock-cut tombs. The funerary monuments of Canytelleis indicate that starting at the end of the first century BC burial was in rock-cut tombs, where both cremation and inhumation were practiced and that towards the middle of the second century AD monumental built tombs and a little later sarcophagi were the primary monuments at the site.

ruins of the city lie in the modern town of Aydıncık, on the peninsula south of the ancient harbor and on the slopes west of it. 438 Celenderis benefited from trade along the great sea-lane from the Near-East to the Aegean and western Mediterrranean. Furthermore, because of its proximity to Cyprus, it served as a meeting point between Cyprus and Asia Minor. P. Mela (1.13) states that Celenderis was a colony of Samos. 439 It is more likely that the Samians founded an emporium here. Greek presence is attested in the region starting from the end of the eighth century BC when the Ionian -and Greek trade ships founded emporia or apoikia on suitable ports along this coastal line. The earliest pottery finds from the site date from the end of the eighth century and the seventh century BC. 440 The oldest fortifications at Celenderis consisting of courses of ashlar masonry are found in the outer defenses of the harbor. 441 In a personal letter to Rauh, Zoroğlu reveals his investigation that indicates that the Persians conquered Celenderis, presumably by military force. Moreover, Zoroğlu has identified a Persian-era destruction level below the floor of the Roman-era "customs house" in the harbor again in a communication. 442 At some time in the late Clasical period shipsheds were built in the harbor and the island acropolis received walls. 443 Rauh also cites Zoroğlu's finds of numbers of Persian-era "water jars" as recovered from tombs in Celenderis. 444 In Achaemenid period Persian coinage was struck locally. 445 Between 440 and 430 BC the city was one of the first centres in Rough Cilicia to produce silver staters. Celenderis was the easternmost member of the Delian League in the Athenian Tribute Lists (ATL 1, 500); it is included in the extravagant assessment of 425/4 BC paying one talent (ATL 1, 116a:a 9 fr. 36 = IG I2 63). 446 The find of a Ptolemaic gold coin hoard may attest to the presence of a Ptolemaic garrison in Celenderis, an important station along the sea routes connecting Anatolia to Ptolemaic Cyprus. 447 In the second century BC the western boundary of Cilicia ran close to Celenderis, and it was the only city of Tracheia that issued municipal coins, a right generally reserved for Seleucid cities. The site continued to be occupied to the sixth century AD. The discovery of the harbor mosaic named the Celenderis Mosaic in 1992 is an exceptional example in depicting the panorama of the city as it stood in fifth century. 448 Among the archaeological remains in the city are the agora basilica, a theatron, acropolis and the west and east necropoleis. The west necropolis has been studied the most in the excavations since the oldest tombs in the city are found here.

Central Rough Cilicia Central Rough Cilicia is bordered in the east by the Göksu (Calycadnus) river which separates it from east Rough Cilicia. In the west the long rugged coastal strip makes it hard to draw boundaries, cultural or geographic. However, Charadrus (Kaledıran) Çayı which empties into the sea between Anemurium and Gazipaşa can be accepted as the border between the central Rough Cilicia and western Rough Cilicia. 436 Charadrus is 23 km west of Anemurium. Central Rough Cilicia have great forests which made it of great importance to the Persian and Ptolemaic timbering industry. The coastal site of Celenderis which has the earliest underground rock-cut chamber tombs in Rough Cilicia as well as barrel-vaulted grave houses and a baldachin tomb of Roman period, is the most important site in this region. Meydancıkkale (ancient Kirsu), located 15 km. north of Celenderis, with its remains from the neo-Babylonian to Hellenistic periods is another site of importance. Tombs in both sites have close parallels in Cyprus. Rock-cut tombs with temple facades at Duruhan provide a rare example of this tomb type in the region. Most of the inland sites in Central Rough Cilicia are situated on easily defended and well fortified hill tops. Unknown are the Greek or Roman names of these sites, and infrequent are inscriptions; little survives from the ancient buildings. Some of these sites feature cisterns which demonstrate continual problems in water supply. The characteristic funerary monument of the inland sites is the plain rock-cut tomb. Sarcophagi cut from the living rock are also seen in some sites as Kuskan. Although a few of the lids display lions, they are not as widely attested as in the sites of Inner Rough Cilicia.

For an in depth study of the site, see Zoroğlu 1994b. Also see Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 298. 439 Zoroğlu 1994a, 304 with bibliography; 1994b, 21-22; Jones 1971, 194. 440 Zoroğlu 2000, 119. 441 Zoroğlu 1994b, 53 and fig. 52. 442 Rauh et al. 2013, 83, note 67. 443 Rauh et al. 2013, 83, note 67 citing Zoroğlu and Öniz 2009, 37. 444 Zoroğlu et al. 2009, 37, also cited by Rauh et al. 2013, 83, note 67. 445 Casabonne 2004, 115-16; Zoroğlu 1994b, 71. 446 Zoroğlu 1994b, 22-23; Casabonne 2004, 115. 447 For the coin hoard known as Aydıncık 1974, see Davesne 1994, 3743. 448 For this mosaic, see Zoroğlu 1999, 513-24.

Celenderis (Aydıncık) Celenderis, one of the oldest Cilician cities has a rare harbor along the jagged coast of Rough Cilicia (Fig. 3.44). 437 The

438

23-25. 434 Durugönül 1989, 33, cat. no. 25 (K 5), fig. 26. 435 Machatschek 1967, 29, pl. 16b. 436 Durukan 2008, 320. 437 The site is mentioned by Strabo 14.5.3; Pliny NH 5.27 (22); Apollodorus III 14.3.1-2. According to Strabo, the Greek geographer Artemidorus who lived ca. 100 BC considered Celenderis the boundary of Cilicia. Apollodorus states that it was a foundation of Sandokos of Syria.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria tombs in the west necropolis, where the oldest tombs at the site occur, are situated on the pine-covered lower slopes of the Taurus mountains and have been looted for many years by treasure hunters. The typical tomb is cut into the calcareous rock with a dromos and an underground burial chamber (Fig. 3.45). The dromos may be with or without steps. The main chamber is nearly rectangular and is sometimes provided with burial benches (klinai) along the back and side walls. Zoroğlu believes that the closest parallel to this type of underground tomb with a dromos is found in Salamis in Cyprus and in the Antalya Karaçalı necropolis in Pamphylia and that the earliest examples date from the Geometric period. 456 The Celenderis tombs are completely devoid of decoration. The tombs in the east necropolis have also been looted. These tombs, although of a similar plan are cut deeper into the ground and have a dromos of seven steps.

The most notable funerary monuments along the coastal strip of Central Rough Cilicia occur in Celenderis. Six types of tombs, namely the cist graves, underground chamber tombs, barrel-vaulted tombs, baldachin tomb, sarcophagi and tombstones have been found at the site. 449 Of these, the stone slab-lined and covered pit--the ordinary cist--graves are the earliest and the simplest inhumation tombs and they occur among the underground chamber tombs in the west necropolis. The dimensions were determined by the height of the dead. Pits had flat stone slabs along the side where the body was placed. The whole tomb was covered with earth and pebbles. The closest parallels to the cist graves occur in the Lapithos cemetery in Cyprus, dating from the Geometric period. 450 The Celenderis examples date from a later period but observe the same plan scheme. Burial gifts in these tombs are small, simple perfume bottles dating from the end of the sixth century BC. In the excavations no grave finds dating earlier than mid or even the last quarter of the sixth century have been found. Excavations in the east and the west necropoleis have revealed several underground chamber tombs with dromos, a type unattested elsewhere in Rough Cilicia but common in northern Cyprus. Given the close proximity of the island to the coast of central Rough Cilicia, mutual influences were inevitable. 451 Barrel-vaulted tombs from the Roman period with parallels in the Anemurium necropolis can be seen in various parts of the town (Fig. 4.13). 452 Among the well-preserved buildings in Celenderis is a Roman monumental tomb, namely the baldachin mausoleum, known as "Dört Ayak" (Tetrapylon) (Fig. 4.12). 453 The travellers who visited Celenderis in the nineteenth century mention the presence of sarcophagi at the site. However, with the exception of two marble sarcophagi lids apparently belonging to the sarcophagi in the vaulted tombs, no sarcophagi have survived intact. One reason maybe due to the fact that some sarcophagi fragments were used as building stones in some of the older houses in the town. Heberdey and Wilhelm recorded the inscriptions of tombstones at the site but no in situ tombstones have been found. The only two cylindrical tombstones recorded from the site were used in the modern homes. Some funerary hydriai found in illegal digs at Celenderis which are now in the Silifke and Adana Museums indicate the practice of cremation along with inhumation. 454

The burial gifts in the tombs were placed either next to the corpse or at the center of the chamber. 457 A small looted tomb of this type had as burial gifts a cone-shaped jar and a sack-shaped jug from the Classical period which can be compared with similar finds from Cyprus. Another looted tomb has yielded an Attic red-figured lekythos fragment from the fifth century BC. A third tomb, badly damaged by the looters, has fortunately yielded untouched burial gifts of the late fifth and fourth centuries BC. Among these are torpedo-shaped jars, hitherto unknown in Asia Minor; parallels are also found in Cyprus. Found in addition were a cup kantharos from an Athenian workshop, white-painted terracotta alabastra, and various bowls as well as a silver hair ring and bronze earrings. A red-figured oinochoe is another important find from the same tomb. On its belly is a naked athlete who is cleaning himself with a strigil. On either side is a standing figure. This oinochoe, which belongs to the Fat-Boy Group dated to the mid-fourth century BC is one of the few examples of this group found in Asia Minor. At the upper level of this tomb Roman material included an oinochoe and a bronze coin of Emperor Probus (AD 276-282), next to three children's skeletons, indicating that the tomb was used again by the Romans. A strigilis was among the burial gifts in another tomb. In almost all the tombs trade amphorae were found. One undisturbed tomb with a stepped dromos has yielded late Hellenistic material, including a trade amphora, a lagynos, perfume-bottles, blown glass unguentaria, and a gold mouth cover. These finds, which date from the late first century BC through the early first century AD suggest that the West Necropolis was used again after a long disuse in late Hellenistic and Early Empire period. Important also are Rhodian or western Anatolian trade amphora, lagynos from Tarsus or northern Syria, and the glass unguentaria of eastern Mediterranean production, all assembled here as burial gifts. These all indicate that Celenderis increased its relations with other regions after the end of piracy in Rough Cilicia.

What follows is based upon Professor Levent Zoroğlu's publications of his significant excavations. 455 Most of the For the tombs at Celenderis, see Zoroğlu 2000, 120-130. Gjerstad 1948, 29-30, fig. 8.3 cited by Zoroğlu 2000, 120 no. 16. 451 Mitford 1980, 1285-1384. Mitford remarks on the contrast between the Cypriote and Cilician tombs: "A Cyprian necropolis, in sharp contrast to the contemporaneous splendours of Cilicia, must indeed have presented a singular appearance." 452 For the barrel-vaulted tombs at the site, see pp. 137-38. 453 For the baldachin tomb, see pp. 135-36. 454 Zoroğlu 2000, 131. 455 The ongoing excavations at Celenderis started in 1987 under the direction of Professor Levent Zoroğlu. For excavation reports, see Zoroğlu and Tekocak 2012, 235-46; Zoroğlu and Tekocak 2010, 260-73; Zoroğlu and Tekocak 2008, 343-72; Zoroğlu and Tekocak 2007, 513-38. Professor Zoroğlu has written a book on the Celenderis necropolis excavations titled Kelenderis Nekropolü Kazıları 1987-2017, which will be published soon. 449 450

456

Zoroğlu 2000, 121-25; Zoroğlu 2008, 1235-46. Some of the grave finds currently housed in the Adana Museum have been published by Zoroğlu. See Zoroğlu 1986, 455-61. 457

46

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia of the tomb is 3.60 m wide and 1.45 m high and it extends to a wide court of 4.30 m.

Apart from Attic red-figured lekythoi is a large amount of non-Attic vases, among which stand out Cypriot imports, bowls of local manufacture, and Phoenician transport amphoras. 458 The people who are behind this mixed collection are not dominated by Greeks. Red-figured Attic lekythoi are prestige items borrowed by the local elite in their burial practice. 459

The peculiar presence of two statues on the front of the tomb has no counterpart elsewhere in Rough Cilicia (Fig. 3.48). The statues are now in the Silifke Museum. They have bases 22 cm high, 60-70 cm wide and 60 cm deep. The body and the base were carved from the same block. They are broken at a height of 1.50 m either at the waist or the chest. The lower parts of the statues are conserved, but the upper parts have not been found. They represent a standing figure, feet together, in the frontal position, dressed in a long robe. The bare feet, finely carved, stick out from the dress. One of the arms probably was hanging along the body. All these features link the statues, which are dated to the first half of the sixth century, to contemporary Cypriot funerary monuments, illustrated by the Royal cemetery at Tamassos in Cyprus. 468 Moreover, the iconography of the funerary statues closely resemble the Cypriot anthropomorphic stone sculptures of the first half of the sixth century BC. 469 The tomb was pillaged and robbed early in antiquity and the little material found testifies to a reuse of the tomb in the classical era. Near the bones that belonged to a dozen adults and two children a few shards of the late fifth century BC were found. 470

Meydancıkkale The site, which is located 15 km due north of Celenderis, near modern Gülnar boasts remains from the NeoBabylonian to the Persian and Hellenistic periods. 460 The find of two Aramaic inscriptions at Meydancıkkale confirms this site as Kirshu. 461 The Neo-Babylonian king Neriglissar conducted a military campaign in 557 BC against the Cilician king Appuashu, and pursued the Cilician king to his royal city Ura and then to his fortress at Kirshu. which he burned. 462 Meydancıkkale later became an Achaemenid fort, possibly functioning as a guard post for the Persian timbering industry. 463 By and large, the surviving fortifications date to that era. One resident possibly with a Semitic name commissioned a Persian style rock-cut tomb, providing further testimony to local acculturation. 464 Excavations on the northern side of the town gate unearthed pottery of the so-called Wild Goat style, whose production range dates back to the last quarter of the seventh century BC. 465 Although no discernible Hellenistic construction has been identified, a significant Ptolemaic coin hoard of more than 5,000 silver coins and two Greek inscriptions dating from 240 BC demonstrate that a Ptolemaic garrison occupied the site, albeit briefly. 466 The Ptolemies established fortified stations in the area to exploit the woodlands for construction of their oversized quinquiremes and or their battleships. The region, rich in timber, even today has large cedar and pine forests.

Duruhan The attractive necropolis of rock-cut tombs is at the locale of Minare in Duruhan, 10 km north of Celenderis, and illustrates the richness of funerary motifs changing from site to site within the region (Figs. 3.49-50). 471 Unlike the majority of rock-cut tombs in central Rough Cilicia, which have plain facades, two at Duruhan display elaborately carved reliefs of eagle, bucranium and garland in the pediments. Both tombs, designed as distyle-in-antis type, have burials in the form of rock-cut sarcophagi under arcosolia; the tomb on the west has two, the eastern tomb one. The tomb on the west is ca. 4 m high. Regrettably, these tombs have suffered considerable damage and today the reliefs, much defaced, are difficult in recognition of specific features. The majority of the tombs at Duruhan have a rectangular chamber with arcosolia. One tomb with an arched facade and a three arcosolia chamber has a tabula ansata placed on top of the entrance to the chamber (Fig. 3.50). The motif is repeated in the interior of the tomb. A tabula ansata is carved on the wall of each arcosolium. The tombs at Duruhan likely date from the Roman period. The funerary motifs of eagle, garland and bucranium that decorated some of these tombs suggest that the deceased were high-ranking Roman officials, or local elites, proud to display Roman symbols on their tombs.

Excavations on the eastern slope of the Meydancıkkale mound have revealed a monumental chamber tomb with two statues placed at the pronaos, which served as caryatids to support the roof of the porch (Figs. 3.46-48). 467 The tomb was first excavated in 1977 by the French team under Davesne. The interior width of the tomb is 2.50 m with a depth of 3.50 m. The side walls are at a height of 1.09 m. The tomb is covered by a gable roof composed of six slabs in opposing pairs. Each slab has a length of approximately 2.50 m and a width of 1.50 m. Their thickness is approximately 60 cm. This covering culminates internally in a 2.50 m height. The door is 1.06 m. wide and 1.09 m high. It was closed by a slab vertically placed on the outside of the opening. The porch with three steps in front 458

Zoroğlu 1994b, 61-63. Salmeri 2004, 193-194. 460 For the site, see Davesne and Laroche-Trauneceker 1998. 461 Lemaire and Lozachmeur 1998, 303-304, 315, 320-24. 462 Grayson 1975, 103-4 (Neo-Babylonian Chronicle 6); Bing 1969, 155-58; Houwink Ten Cate 1961, 17-18. 463 Davesne and Laroche-Traunecker 1998, 280. 464 Davesne and Laroche-Traunecker 1998, 275, 314-20. 465 Davesne et al. 1987, 360; Davesne and Laroche-Traunecker 1998, 110, fig. 8. 466 Tempesta 2013, 36-37; for the coin hoard, see Davesne and Le Rider 1989. 467 Davesne et al. 1987, 360-62.

Eskiyörük An ancient site with an acropolis and various ruins is

459

468 Davesne et al. 1987, 360; Buchholz and Untiedt 1996; SolomidouIeronymidou, 2001 also cited by Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 24, 26, note 78. 469 Gaber-Saletan 1986; Hermary 1990; Caubet and Yon 1994 cited by Jasink and Bombardieri 2013, 24, 26 note 79. 470 Davesne et al. 1987, 360. 471 Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 95; Bean and Mitford 1970, 192-93, fig. 166; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 144.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria well as monumental temple tombs. 473 If there is influence from Pisidia, likely represented by traveling troupes of sculptors and architects, the intermixed results are confused and confusing. As pointed out by Elton, 474 once the Romans established direct administration over Rough Cilicia (AD 72), there would be the consequent improvement of communication by road-building and the necessities required by the numerous laborers employed by the Romans. Inscriptions demonstrate prominent involvement and roles for Selgian stone cutters who came from Pisidia, and who have left their names on several tombs. 475 And yet the Roman overlay proved superficial, even after the possible installation of a structure dedicated to Vespasian and Titus (AD 77) by the governor Lucius Octavius Memor. 476 The imperial cult certainly signified a Roman dominion, but, as a whole, changes wrought were limited, nestled as they were among architectural structures displaying a deep artistic heritage, likely rooted in the persistance of a Luwian-speaking aristocracy. 477

located at a spot known as Eskiyörük on the road from Celenderis to Gülnar. The funerary monuments of the site, heavily looted, are plain rock-cut tombs. Kalebeleni An extensive ruinfield marks the location of another ancient site, the identity of which remains unknown. Simple rockcut tombs, characteristic of the inland sites, are attested here as well as an example with an arched facade. Ardıçpınarı A rock-cut temple tomb designed as distyle-in-antis is located at Ardıçpınarı. The capitals of the engaged columns are missing and those of the antae are broken. The interior of the chamber is filled and makes it impossible to determine the burial places. The remaining tombs are rockcut with arched entrances. Kuskan The funerary monuments of Kuskan are characteristic of the inland sites of central Rough Cilicia. Three km. due north of the site at a spot called Hatunkuyusu, is an extensive necropolis of rock-cut tombs and a few free-standing sarcophagi. The tombs, which are cut on the hills overlooking the Adayer (Kuruçay) stream, have rectangular or square chambers with arcosolia. Some chambers have a single arcosolium with a rock-cut sarcophagus and two sarcophagi without arcosolia. Others have plain chambers with no cuttings for any burial. Niches, similar to those at the Diocaesarea necropolis, are on the facade of the tombs. The arcosolium chamber tombs and plain rock-cut tombs bear a striking resemblance to the tombs at OlbaDiocaesarea necropoleis (Fig. 3.51). Moreover, as in those two necropoleis, free-standing sarcophagi are found sideby-side with the rock-cut tombs in Kuskan. Not many of the sarcophagi have survived, and of those two of the best preserved ones are cut out of the living rock and approached by steps (Fig. 3.52). We made a plan of the one with three steps in front (Fig. 3.53). The sarcophagus is decorated with an empty tabula ansata flanked by garlands, a motif we saw at Duruhan. The lid is missing but a broken lion lid nearby likely came from the monument. Another sarcophagus is also cut from the living rock and is too approached by steps, in this case four. The body of the sarcophagus has suffered considerable damage.

Direvli (Doğanca) We know little of the rituals and procedures which accompanied burials in Rough Cilicia, but the funerary inscriptions from Direvli and Lamus in western Rough Cilicia, shed important light on burial practices. The inscriptions show burial clubs (koinon) formed to provide their members with burial and funeral costs. 478 The club also took care of the members who did not have an appropriate official to perform their funerals. The diversity of the funerary monuments in Rough Cilicia is illustrated by those at Direvli near the village of Doğanca. The site is within the territory of Lamus so one learns from inscriptional references to the demos of Lamus, but the ancient name of the site remains unknown. 479 Direvli tombs are among the finest and the best preserved in Rough Cilicia. 480 The tombs, cut on a rocky outcrop, have a commanding view of the İnceağrı Su valley and the surrounding hills (Fig. 3.1). The tombs are unique for their repertory of forms in Rough Cilicia. The combination of a Townsend and Hoff 2004, 256-65. For temple tombs at Lamus, see pp. 161-62. For an analysis of the economic changes brought about by Roman imperial rule to this region, see Elton 2002, 172-83, esp. 178-79. 475 Bean and Mitford 1970, 175-84, pls. 152-59, nos. 192-202; the epigraphical dossier of Selgian artisans working in western Rough Cilicia has been collected in Nollé and Schindler 1991, 45-47, nos. T32T37; Spanu 2013, 106. 476 For a discussion of this structure, see p. 161. For L. Octavius Memor, see W. Hoffmann, "L. Octavius Memor (72)", RE 17, pt. 2 (1937), col. 1851. Also see Söğüt 1999, 399-409; Giobbe 2013, 129, fig. 11.3. Townsend and Hoff have recently identified the building as a temple tomb based on the inscription that was reused in a later wall: Townsend and Hoff, 2004, 256-65, figs. 12-14. 477 Townsend and Hoff 2009, 16. 478 The earliest examples of such organizations are found in the fifth and fourth century BC epichoric inscriptions from Lycia, where a community institution or council called the minti, seems to have been closely connected with the supervision of tombs. The minti's function was to ensure that only authorized persons were buried in the tombs. For a discussion of these, see Bryce 1960, 120-24. 479 The funerary inscriptions from the site were published by Bean and Mitford, 1970, 175-84, nos. 192-202, pls. 152-59; Hagel and Tomaschitz 76-80, Direvli; for the site, see also Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 241. 480 For the tombs at Direvli, see Er Scarborough 1998, 79-85, figs. 13-15; Er Scarborough 1991a, 272-88, figs. 76-81; Er Scarborough, 1991b, 12627, figs. 15-17. 473

474

Western Rough Cilicia Western Rough Cilicia is the region between the Charadros (Kaledıran Çayı) river and Coracesium (Alanya). Within the inland portions of western Rough Cilicia, the funerary monuments of Direvli and Lamus delineate persistent divisions among geographic regions in choices of funerary art. 472 Coastal cities of Antiochia ad Cragum, Cestrus, Selinus and Iotape all favor built, vaulted tombs, whereas ranging inland, there are rock-cut tombs with sarcophagi as Er Scarborough 1998, 77-85, figs. 13-17; Er Scarborough 1991a, 270-305, figs. 72-85; Er Scarborough 1991b, 123-24, figs. 15-18. Surveys of the region mapping and recording evidence for more than a decade have been conducted by N. K. Rauh: Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project https://engineering.purdue.edu/-Cilicia (7 September 2011); Rauh, 2006, 225-40.

472

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia provides for burial in the common tomb of the brothers of the koinon. In other tombs partners are prohibited from selling their shares. Mitford points out that Zeus and Apollo were not chthonic gods and the animals in question were not, it would seem, sacrificial. 485

rock-cut burial chamber with a sarcophagus lid on top of the chamber is the most conspicuous feature. All the tombs have a rock-cut burial chamber (which would correspond to a hyposorion) and a crested sarcophagus lid placed directly on top of the chamber; the short side of the lid aligns with the façade of the chamber to create the illusion of a pedimented façade. In all cases the rock-cut chamber has a false door invariably flanked on either side by the busts of the deceased. In addition to the rock-cut tombs, the necropolis has built tombs as well, now destroyed. Limestone blocks, presumably from built tombs, some with inscriptions and decorative reliefs (shield and sword, wreath), are lying on the ground at the south end of the necropolis. 481 Below the crest of the ridge, are two wellpreserved rock-cut tombs with sarcophagus lids, both facing south (Fig. 3.54). The interiors of the two tombs are similar and we may safely presume that the same is true for the other tombs, of which we could not prepare a plan.

Rhodon, son of Kydimasas of Selge, who is the mason of another now much mutilated rock-cut tomb, is named in this tomb as the head of the koinon. 486 This same Rhodon appears in a single line inscription on the partially exposed facade of another rock-cut tomb at the site. The richness of the Cilician onomasticon is surprising. Of the ten names mentioned in the inscription, only Rhodon and Zenon are manifestly Greek. An honorific Greek inscription from the coastal city of Selinus on a fine, white marble block, that once carried a group of sculptures above it, names Rhodon as their maker. 487 It is certain that this Rhodon was the son of Kydimasas of Selge, a prominent mason of two rock-cut tombs at Direvli. 488 This name, foreign to Rough Cilicia occurs only in the colony of Selgian masons established in the neighbouring Lamus, active in the first century AD.

Tomb no. 1 This tomb, located slightly below the ridge in the far west end of the rock, is the most attractive one in the necropolis (Fig. 3.55). 482 The façade has a false door, 0.65 m high and 0.37 m wide, now breached, between a pair of engaged columns. False door, a Phrygian motif, is widely attested in the tombs of Asia Minor. 483 The door is flanked by a bust, presumably a man and a woman, on either side. Although the majority of the busts in the necropolis are medallion busts, these two are not.

The pediment of this tomb is unusual in its treatment of the gorgoneion as well as the patterned background (Fig. 3.56). A parallel on a grave stele from Telmessos displays a similar gorgoneion and the surface is filled with scales of the aegis. 489 The lid is surmounted by a single lion sprawled on the left side. The lion’s head, neck and front legs have been completely destroyed. The false door, now breached, leads to an irregularly shaped chamber (Fig. 3.57). Its width measures 1.55 m at the back but 1.40 m at the front. The chamber, which has a curved back wall, is 2.18 m long and 2.16 m high. The sarcophagus lid placed on top of the chamber is 1.84 m long and 0.80 m high including the central acroterion. In the chamber under the lid there is an opening, measuring 1.25 x 0.98 m. The burial chamber was no doubt entered through this opening, since the false door on the façade was intended for decorative purposes. As mentioned above, the funerary inscription revealed that the tomb was built for the ten members of a funerary club. This way the lid could be moved aside to place the body of a deceased member in the chamber. The bodies must have been placed on the floor or in wooden coffins, since no cuttings were found on the floor.

The inscription in three columns is cut next to the left-hand column with twenty lines, below the right-hand bust with seven lines (now most obscure). 484 The inscription lists members of a burial club (koinon), who are to underwrite burial and funerary expenses; the text specifies payment in domestic animals (a yoke of oxen dedicated to Zeus and another to Apollo) and as will be noted fines are levied if members violate the society's rules: .......ἐὰν δέ τις θάψει ἀλλότριων ἀποτινέτω τᾠ Διὶ ζέβγος βοῶν καὶ μνᾶς τρεῖς, Ἀπόλλωνι μνᾶς τρῖς καὶ ζεῦγος Βο[ῶ]ν καὶ δήμῳ μνᾶς τρεῖς. .......but if someone will carry out burials for strangers, let him pay to Zeus a yoke of oxen and three minas, to Apollo three minas and a yoke of oxen and to [the] people three minas.

Tomb no. 2 The most interesting feature of this tomb, located farther right to the previous one, is the presence of a bust in high relief on the pediment of the sarcophagus lid (Fig. 3.58). The central acroterion is broken. On the façade the rectangular opening is flanked by two busts. As in the previous tomb these busts are also not placed in a medallion or a wreath. The tomb is inscribed with a single line of lettering on the front of the lid below the pediment and with

Ten men are named, with Rhodon, son of Kydimassos of Selge as their president. The inscription continues to give specific instructions should a member decide to sell his share: he is not to sell it in Selge, but presumably in Direvli, and in selling his share he receives 30 staters and ceases to be a member of the society. The elaborate text also 481 For the inscriptions on the limestone blocks, see Bean and Mitford, 1970, 176-77and 151, nos. 193-95, pls. 149-150. 482 The tomb is discussed by Bean and Mitford , 1970, 180-82, no. 201, pls. 156-58. 483 For a detailed study, see Waelkens 1986. 484 For the inscription, see Bean and Mitford 1970, 180-81, no. 201; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 79, Dir 10.

485

Mitford 1990, 2145 no. 63. The Selgian mason's name appears on a buried tomb of which only the sarcophagus lid emerges, see Bean and Mitford, 1970, 179, no. 199 . 487 Bean and Mitford 1970, 153-54, no. 156; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 382, Sel 21. 488 Bean and Mitford 1970, 179-81, nos. 199 and 201. 489 Pfuhl and Möbius 1981, 147, pl. 75, no. 447. 486

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria The inscription warns people not to deposit a foreign body. But if indeed so, "...he will pay in full the amount of one hundred denarii to the burial club."

twelve lines on the front of the tomb proper, to the right of the right-hand bust. The inscription states that Kendeas and Kallimachos, Selgians, made the tomb and lists the names of the members of the burial club. It warns people not to deposit a foreign body. But if indeed so, "...he will pay four hundred denarii to the burial club and to Pluto a pair of oxen and a pair of goats and a pair of rams and two pregnant sows." 490

The pediments with acroteria of the sarcophagi lids of these tombs are all decorated with either a gorgoneion, an eagle with spread wings clasping a thunderbolt (Fig. 3.63), or the bust of the deceased. The chief deity of Lamotis was Zeus Lamotis whose symbols of eagle and thunderbolt occur frequently on monuments, most notably the tombs. 494 The pediment of tomb no 1 is unusual in its treatment of the gorgoneion as well as the patterned background. On two tombs the lids are surmounted by a single lion sprawled on one side (Fig. 3.64). Some of the busts of the deceased are placed within a medallion (Fig. 3.65) or sometimes surrounded by a wreath of laurels bound by taenia (Fig. 3.66). A gorgoneion in the pediment of a tomb is such an example. The funerary busts at Direvli are badly mutilated so that it is difficult to make stylistic assessments. There is a tendency towards a standardization of the physical features; the face is schematized without an effort to show individualization. On the right-hand bust on Tomb 1, the face is intact and the big, almond-shaped eyes are placed close to the nose. The presence of these funerary busts at Direvli show a kind of Romanization, and they were clearly influenced by Roman models. 495

The burial chamber is 2.00 m long, 2.30 m wide and 1.90 m high. (Fig. 3.59). The sarcophagus lid is 1.28 m long and 0.55 m high. The opening situated under the lid allowed entrance to the chamber. The opening is 1.10 m long and 0.95 m wide. As previously mentioned the interior of all these tombs, grouped together in the western necropolis, are filled with debris. Yet, clearly they all share the same features in basic concept and plan. Tomb no. 3 On the summit of the ridge, some 50 m. to the north-east of tomb no. 1, we found the ruins of a much damaged rock-cut tomb, approached by steps. The upper parts of the tomb are fallen, and a mutilated bust is on the remaining part of the facade. To the right of this and below it, is a well preserved inscription of 25 lines (Fig. 3.60). 491 The tomb had a rectangular entrance since the left-hand door jamb survives. The inscription names the five members of a burial society who having built this tomb, paid each his deposit. The partners are prohibited from selling their shares. A son, if born in wedlock, is admitted to the upper part of the tomb. Significantly, the mixing of male and female bodies in this tomb is prohibited whereas in the destroyed great tomb at Lamus the upper chamber of the tomb was reserved for the partners and their wives. 492 The burial of adopted children is also forbidden in the upper tomb.

The funerary inscriptions from Direvli reveal the presence of a group of master stone masons from Selge, and their work was apparently limited to Direvli and Lamus, where they were active in the first century AD. These Selgians, Kendeas and Kallimachos built four tombs, three decorated with busts. 496 As many as five Selgians are named in the inscription of the most handsome funerary monument, tomb no. 1. Also named are a son of Kallimachos and a certain Rhodon. Selge lies c.150 km to the north-west in Pisidia and may have had a minor school of sculpture. 497 The Selgian artists, trained in Mediterranean styles, made the tombs for the hellenized upper classes in their own district, and we can attribute the use of this form in the Direvli district to the influence of these itinerant artists from Selge. Funerary art generally was under the control of local artists, better qualified to serve the specific needs of a local clientele. They may have adapted their work completely to local tastes. These tomb masons clearly were professionals who regularly signed their work. Tomb-curses and prohibitions of unauthorized burials are common in the region, as well as burial clubs exemplified by the burial koinon of Direvli. Funerary inscriptions also reveal the local onomastics, the owners of the tombs in most cases bear names that are local, Luwian in origin. The Direvli tombs date from the period of transition from Antiochus’

Three inscribed tombs cut side by side from the same rocky outcrop are completely filled with debris and we could not prepare their plans (Fig. 3.61). Of these, one had the following measurements and can be decided as representative of the other two: Tomb no. 4 The rock-cut tomb has a gorgon head in the pediment of the sarcophagus lid (Fig. 3.62). The sarcophagus lid is 1.45 m long and 0.80 m wide. The opening under the lid is almost as long as the lid, measuring 1.25 x 0.95 m. In this respect the tomb design imitates a sarcophagus. The medallion busts on either side of the false door in the façade are 0.40 m high. The tomb is inscribed (a) on the front of the lid in one line below the pediment, (b) above and to the left of the left-hand bust in eleven lines. We meet Kallimachos of Selge, again the name of a Selgian mason resident in Direvli; his son was presumably the builder of this tomb. 493

Zeus was the most popular deity in this region. For Zeus Megas at Adanda, see Bean and Mitford 1962, 212-15; for Zeus Keraunios at Direvli, see Bean and Mitford, 1970, 64-68, no. 192, pl. 148. The chief temple of Antiochia ad Cragum was dedicated to Zeus Lamotis, who also heads the list of deities in the Dice Oracle at the site. A temple of Theos Megas, who may be identified with Zeus is located near Cestrus. 495 Çalık 1990, 108-109. 496 Bean and Mitford, 1970, nos. 196, 197a, 198, 200; Hagel and Tomaschitz, 1998, 76-80. 497 Elton 2002, 179. 494

490

Bean and Mitford 1970, 179-80, no. 200, pl. 155; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 78, Dir 9a, 9b. 491 Bean and Mitford 1970, 182-83, pl. no. 159, no. 202; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 79-80, Dir 11. 492 For this tomb, see pp. 51-52. Also see Bean and Mitford, 1970, 17374, no. 190. 493 Bean and Mitford, 1970, 178-79, no. 198, pl. 154; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 78, Dir 7a, 7b.

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia an agora, then a colonnaded street, then a cemetery, and finally a fortified hillock, that might have served as an acropolis. At the foot of one of these hillocks several much plundered, freestanding sarcophagi, are squeezed into a small, open clearing of outcropped bedrock: lidded sarcophagi demark only the upper limits of the cemetery, and the tombs extending to the foot of the slope are now covered in dense overgrowth. Within this complex of remains, three varieties of burial have been discerned: freestanding sarcophagi, temple tombs, and niches cut into the native rock. The most elaborate of the sarcophagi rest on the upper edge of the slope, but this type occurs throughout the region, as one notes that one sarcophagus emerges as just visible behind one of the temple tombs, TT1; another lies immediately in front of TT1, and between a second temple tomb, TT2. 503 The angle of the slope increases sharply into a steep ascent ending at a sheer, vertical rocky cliff, into which are inserted a few, unembellished burial niches. 504

kingdom to direct Roman rule, close to 72-74 A.D. signaled by the use of denarii along with drachmae as mentioned in the funerary inscriptions. The practice of prescribing fines for the violation of the tomb or the placement of alien corpses is well attested in Lycia in the Hellenistic period. It was widespread in Caria, Lydia and western and central Phrygia under the Roman Empire. In eastern Phrygia it is found only sporadically. In western Asia Minor, especially in Caria, curses appealing to the gods to take vengeance on the violators are also common. These curses may be used in addition to the prescription of fines, or they may stand alone. Lamus (Adanda) Lamus is situated nine km inland, roughly halfway between the coastal cities of Selinus and Antiochia ad Cragum at an altitude of over 850 m above sea level; this landlocked site sits along a ridge separating the valley of the River Hasdere from the valley of the İnceağrı River, which flows north. 498 Lamus sits in the foothills of the Taurus range, and forms an important settlement of the long-lasting Luwian heritage, which remained a periphery to the shoreline sites serving the maritime commerce of the Greeks and Romans.

Of the three freestanding sarcophagus tombs described by Paribeni and Romanelli, today only one stands complete. The rest, are for the most part deliberately broken and are now reduced to a jumble of blocks. The magnificent twostoreyed sarcophagus tomb described in great detail is completely demolished so that the photographs of the monument published by Paribeni and Romanelli are most valuable. 505 The tomb was richly decorated with medallion busts as well as busts without medallion, both male and female. Other motifs included a shield pierced by a sword and an eagle with spread wings holding in its claws the head of what Paribeni and Romanelli call a boar. Two lying lions on the lid flanked a central acroterium and a medallion bust was depicted in the gable. In the back, the lid had a shield in the gable and three acroteria, central and corner. In the rear wall were two rectangular windows. In the inscription from this tomb, Selgian stone masons are mentioned as its makers. The inscription discusses the requirements and exclusions for burial in the tomb, here more numerous and strict, because the tomb was apparently intended to accomodate more people. 506 Proper fines included 1000 drachmae, ten white and ten black oxen.

In 1913 Paribeni and Romanelli visited and identified the site of ancient Lamus, which had been mentioned (among others) by Hierocles and the Notitiae, more recent scholars have generally supported the identification, although epigraphy has not confirmed it. 499 Some inscriptions, however, name Lamus as a polis, while other sources call it a metropolis, which ruled its surrounding territory (e.g. Ptolemy, Geogr. 5.7.6). Bean and Mitford suggested that Direvli was under the control of Lamus, a conclusion founded on a number of mentions of the demos of Lamus as named in the inscriptions of Direvli. 500 Lamus owned territory sufficiently extensive to receive the distinctive title Lamotis. 501 It was the center of the region, with a port at Charadros. Inscriptions record a Zeus of Lamus, Zeus Megas Lamotes, who also heads the dice oracle of Antiochia ad Cragum. 502 Lamus' remains are multifarious with most dating from the second through third centuries AD and the site extends for more than a kilometer on the ridge. Four districts seem natural in our present views, and each is concentrated near a small knoll or hillock: looking from east to west, one notes

Paribeni and Romanelli recorded another tomb, a large sarcophagus on a high base. 507 Only the front of the monument remained; they reported that the sides with busts in medallions were broken to the ground with a sledgehammer. In front of the sarcophagus was a shield crossed by a sword. The shield had a triskeles carved at the center.

498 An architectural survey of the site was undertaken as part of the Rough Cilicia Survey Project. For its findings, see Townsend and Hoff 2009, 1-22, figs. 1-10. Also see Townsend and Hoff 2006, 395-99, figs. 1-4; Townsend and Hoff, 2004, 254-65, figs.1-14. The site is also discussed by Er Scarborough 1998, 78-85, figs. 16-17; Er Scarborough1991a, 289-98, figs. 84-85; Er Scarborough 1991b, 124-25, fig. 18. For earlier accounts of the site, see Bean and Mitford 1962, 207-11, pl. 36b-d; Bean and Mitford 1965, 31-33; Bean and Mitford 1970, 172-75, pls. 144-47; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 331. The complete inscriptions from the site are published by Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 12-17, Adanda. 499 Paribeni and Romanelli 1914, 149-174, figs. 34-39; Bean and Mitford 1962, 207-11; Bean and Mitford 1965, 31-33; Bean and Mitford 1970, 172-75. 500 Hagel and Tomaschitz, 1998, 12-17, Adanda. 501 Mitford 1990, 2144. 502 Bean and Mitford 1970, 173 no. 189.

One tomb still standing is a large free-standing sarcophagus 503 For these temple tombs, see Townsend and Hoff 2004, 254-65, figs. 3-14; also see below pp. 161-62. 504 Townsend and Hoff 2009, 7-8, figs. 5-6; Townsend and Hoff 2004, 254-56, figs. 3-6. 505 Paribeni and Romanelli, 1914, 155-64, no. 113, fig. 39. 506 Bean and Mitford has studied the inscription from the tomb, see Bean and Mitford, 1962, 211, no. 35; Bean and Mitford 1965, 31-3, no. 34; Bean and Mitford 1970, 172 note 38; also see Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 1213, Adanda 3a. 507 Paribeni and Romanelli 1914, 165, fig. 38.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria eagle in the pediment. On another is a sprawled lion, its head and lower body missing. Two lying lions apparently were on top of the lid.

set on top of a rock-cut chamber (hyposorion) (Figs. 3.6768). This tomb differs from the tombs at Direvli, which have only a sarcophagus lid placed on top of the rock-cut chamber. It is inscribed in four places, now damaged and much weathered. The tomb stands 4.95 m high. As in Direvli, the hyposorion has a false door on the south flanked on either side by the busts of the deceased. The door is 0.85 m above the ground and measures 0.40 m high and 0.38 m wide. It leads to an irregularly-shaped chamber 2.20 m wide, 2.53 m deep, and 2.48 m high (Fig. 3.69). The sarcophagus is 2.25 m long, 1.49 m wide and 2.48 m high. There is an entrance to the sarcophagus on the north side. The opening at the rear of the sarcophagus is situated 1.45 m above the ground and measures 0.42 x 0.42 m. The sarcophagus lid is 2.40 m long, 2.30 m wide and 0.63 m high. Two lions are sprawled on the sarcophagus lid, as opposed to one at Direvli. A gorgoneion is placed in the pediment of the lid with acroteria. Two badly damaged medallion busts, a male and a female, are carved on the front of the sarcophagus. On the right side of the sarcophagus, a bust is flanked on either side by a wreath and a shield pierced by an sword. On the left side a wreath and an eagle clasping a bull’s head in its claws frame another bust (Figs. 3.70-71 ). Some of these motifs, such as medallion busts, shield pierced by a sword, eagle, wreath and lion are familiar to us from the demolished twostoreyed sarcophagus tomb just discussed above and also from Direvli. A slab with a shield and a sword in relief from a demolished built tomb was seen by Bean and Mitford at the nearby coastal site Anticohia ad Cragum. 508 The motif is found in the pediment of the magnificent rockcut tomb no. 1 at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). 509 Parallels also occur in Pamphylia and Caria. 510

A third tomb, badly damaged, is situated next to the one just described. It is of the type we have seen at Direvli, where a sarcophagus lid is placed on top of a rock-cut burial chamber. The only difference is that the entrance to the chamber of this tomb is framed by a double arch. On top of it is a much weathered Greek inscription of three lines. The chamber is still buried in the ground; only the upper part of the façade is visible. This may in part explain how the chamber escaped destruction at the hands of the pilferers. The sarcophagus lid, on the other hand, has suffered considerable damage and parts of it are on the ground. A gorgoneion, its face much mutilated, adorned the pediment. Stylistically it is a kin to the gorgoneia at Direvli. The lid was surmounted by two reclining lions, although we are not completely certain of this. We saw a very handsome reclining lion, its head missing, rendered in white marble, holding an elaborately carved bull-head under its right forepaw (Fig. 3.72). The careful execution of the lion considerably differs from the others we have seen so far in the area. The funerary motif of a lion holding the head of an animal is not attested in Lamotis but is well known in inner Rough Cilicia. This lion bears a strong resemblance to the lions which constitute larnax lids in the Isaurian sites such as Astra. In summary the funerary monuments of Direvli and Lamus constitute a different type in the area, once more illustrating the different traditions in funerary art and architecture of Rough Cilicia. With regard to artistic concept and the execution, these tombs are on a much higher level than most other places in the region, and clearly they are the product of the same workshop. The tombs certainly belong in the period of prosperity at Lamotis, in mid-first to second century AD at a time when according to the funerary inscriptions both drachmai and denarii were in use. They show cultural interchanges between Pisidia and the region, with itinerant artists. The colony of Selgian masons established in Direvli and Lamus not only signed their own works but also proudly indicated their place of origin, Selge. They also show that with the establishment of direct rule, Romans introduced their own funerary art into the region, and it was imitated by native artists from the neighboring province of Pisidia, already familiar with such motifs. These Selgian craftsmen may have been employed for such imperial monuments in their homeland, where Augustus founded six Roman colonies. 511 Their tombs were decorated to stress their social status and their knowledge of Roman motifs and themes. However, in spite of such influences, the local Luwian elite, who constitute the majority of the names in the tomb inscriptions at Direvli, remained the traditional ruling class in the region.

The inscription on the tomb contains requirements and prohibitions regarding burial in the tomb. Fines for a breach of regulations are payable not to the κοινόυ but to the People in the form of money (500 drachmae) together with ten white and ten black oxen. We have seen this type of payment in the inscriptions at Direvli. Lamus belonged to the kingdom of Antiochus IV (c. 215-164 BC) until the reign of Vespasian (AD 69-79), so that the arrival of Roman influence would in general be retarded. Lamus late in Vespasian's reign was incorporated in the new province of Cilicia, on the suppression of the regnum Antiochenum. To the left of this tomb are the remains of a similar one. Although the tomb has been completely destroyed by dynamite, the fragments allowed us to make a few observations. The tomb is on a lower level than the previous one. The chamber is completely demolished; only its rectangular outline can be discerned on the ground. The front part of the tomb is also broken away; only a small part decorated with a medallion bust survives. The freestanding sarcophagus, which was on top of the chamber, has been completely destroyed and its broken pieces are scattered on the ground. On one fragment are the left acroterium and an

Inner Rough Cilicia Inner Rough Cilicia in this study designates the region of the Middle Calycadnus, comprising the later Decapolis of Constantine Porphyrogennitus, with the three cities,

508

Bean and Mitford 1970, 185-86, no. 205. See pp. 209-10, fig. 5.23. 510 The shield pierced by a sword is found on a Carian rock-cut tomb near Caunus, see Roos 1972, 25, figs. 11, 46. 509

511

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Iacomi, 2013, 278-79; Levick 1967, 188.

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia (Yukarı Çağlar, earlier Yukarı İzvit). Their finds of elaborately decorated and inscribed sarcophagi on podiums at Philadelphia, unattested in the region, and of funerary statues, pottery, medical instruments and coins illustrate the need for further work in the region.

Claudiopolis on the plain of Mut, Dalisandus, and Coropissus to its north. The urbanization of the Decapolis, an urban cluster of minor cities in the valley of the southern Göksu centred upon Germanicopolis, the modern Ermenek, was initiated by Cleopatra VII, and further enhanced by the enlightened Antiochus of Commagene. 512 A prolific founder of cities, he founded Eirenopolis, Philadelphia and Germanicopolis in the region. 513 By the second century these cities were fully literate in Greek, but a descendant of Luwian remained the common speech. 514 In our surveys of Inner Rough Cilicia, we visited eight of the ten sites of the Decapolis: Germanicopolis (Ermenek), Neapolis (Güneyyurt, earlier Gargara), Lausada (Başyayla Hisarönü, earlier Lafsa), Zenonopolis (Elmayurdu, earlier İznebol), Domitiopolis, (Katranlı, earlier Dindabol), Eirenopolis (Çatalbadem, earlier Yukarı İrnebol), 515 Philadelphia (Gökçeseki İmsiören) and Sbide (Yukarı Çağlar, earlier Yukarı İzvit). Finally, we visited the site of Pharax (Göktepe, earlier Fariske) where some of the most splendid rock-cut tombs in the region are located. Pharax is not mentioned among the cities of the Decapolis but its proximity to these sites allows us to include it in this group. 516 Rock-cut tombs of the interior, start around Germanicopolis and spread up to Adrassus and the upper Göksu valley. In this study we have chosen not to visit the sites of Claudiopolis (Mut), Dalisaandus and Coropissus since they were located outside our survey area. We also did not visit Adrassus and Alahan. The necropolis of Adrassus (Balabolu) which has rock-cut tombs, arcosolia and freestanding sarcophagi has been studied extensively by Elisabeth Alföldi Rosenbaum. 517 The necropolis of Alahan with its rock-cut tombs, arcosolia, freestanding sarcophagi and chamosoria located in the upper Göksu valley that lies north of Mut has been the subject of studies by Hugh W. Elton and others. 518

All these sites are set high upon the slopes of the Taurus mountains. Most of them are located near modern settlements, which have stripped the sites of cut stone. The modern city of Ermenek, for example, which overlies Germanicopolis, has destroyed most ancient traces; only five inscriptions are recorded form the site. Hence, we have no evidence of built tombs with one exception at Eirenopolis (İrnebol) but rock-cut tombs and sarcophagi sunk into the ground have survived the systematic destruction although they too have been damaged by treasure hunters. Some of the tombs we surveyed in the region probably are no longer extant today, because our work always attracted the attention of looters. The cemeteries of these cities of the region share certain features which distinguish them from the funerary monuments of the coastal sites, and thus form a closely interrelated group. All have rock-cut tombs most of which contain lion-lid sarcophagi. The tombs, with one to three burials, generally lack decorative features. Lions on sarcophagi lids are carved rather crudely. Bodies were laid in sarcophagi either carved out of the rock or sunk into ground or the floor of the chamber. Some lions hold the head of a slain animal, an ibex or a deer (Fig. 3.83). Lion-lid sarcophagi are widely attested in the hinterland. Some of the ancient names of the sites in this mountainous region have survived with slight alterations to accommodate the Turkish language, but they have all received new Turkish names in the recent administrative organizations of the region. Germanicopolis (Ermenek) The Turkish town of Ermenek occupies the ancient site of Germanicopolis today and except for the necropolis at the rocky cliffs at the localities of Akçamescid, Derzkaya and Keben in the northern part of the city and a few tombs at Kızılkaya and Çakıllıbük to the south of the city center, no trace now survives of the ancient city. 521 The site, 1200 m above sea level, is strategically located at the meeting place of the roads from Iconium-Isaura-Dalisandus to Germanicopolis; a branch of this road connects to ancient Claudiopolis (Mut), another branch led from Eirenopolis to Celenderis and another to Anemurium. The city was allegedly founded (after an inscription recorded by Heberdey and Wilhelm that is no longer findable) in AD 17; however, it is an earlier foundation by Antiochus IV of Commagene like those of Antiochia ad Cragus, Eirenopolis, Iotape and Philadelphia, and it is named after Caligula, Claudius or Nero, all of whom used the victor name Germanicus. During Hadrian's reign in AD 137, a road from Anemurium via Eirenopolis to Germanicopolis was built. In AD 197-198 this road was repaired. The city gained special significance in AD 368, when the rebel

Inner Rough Cilicia is dominated by the Taurus mountains. The cities were small and poor, and many of the standard features of the more heavily Hellenized cities further west are absent: there are very few theaters, stoas, temples, or agoras. 519 The cities' small size and poverty was due to the lack of agricultural land throughout this region except in the upper Calycadnus valley. There are no literary mentions of the interior before the late Hellenistic era. 520 When compared to the funerary monuments of other parts of Rough Cilicia, the tombs of inner Rough Cilicia are generally poorly decorated. However, excavations in this poorly known region will undoubtedly change some of our preconceived views. In 2015, Karaman Museum in consultation with the archaeology department at Karamanoğlu Mehmetbey Üniversitesi commenced excavations at Philadelphia (Gökçeseki İmsiören) and Sbide 512

Mitford 1990, 2137, n. 22. Jones 1971, 211 and no. 36. 514 Mitford 1990, 2137. 515 For my findings at Eirenopolis, which focuses on the great vaulted tomb at Dinek, see pp.155-56, figs. 4.64-66. 516 Bean and Mitford also discuss Pharax with the Decapolis cities: Bean and Mitford 1970, 212-16, pls. 188-92. 517 Alföldi Rosenbaum 1980. 518 Elton et alia 2006, 301-311; Boysal and Elton 2014, 181-208. 519 Elton 2006, 301. 520 Elton 2002, 172-83. 513

Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 129; Rouge, Germanicopolis, RE, VII, 1, 1910, 1258; Bean and Mitford 1970, 199-201; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 258-59, figs. 177-80; Doğanay 2005, 97-112, pls. 42-59; Doğanay 2009, 24-6, 316-26, pls 69-91. 521

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Isaurian Germanicopolitanis auctoribus concluded a peace treaty here with the Romans. Hierocles names Germanicopolis as one of the cities of Isauria. 522 Constantin Porphyrogennetos describes Germanicopolis as the first city in the Isaurian Decapolis. 523 As such Germanicopolis in time attained the rank of an ecclesiastical metropolis.

Χριστέ, βοέθι τοὺς δούλους{ς} σου τεχνίτας τοὺς πυήσαντας τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο. Oh Christ, help your slave Minkebaules, oh Christ, help your slaves the craftsmen who made this work. Minkebaules is a unique name in the region. To the upper right hand of the entrance of the door is a socket for the pivot of the door and at the center to the left is a hole for the bolt. The floor of the chamber has been destroyed by treasure hunters. Rock-cut coffins are cut under three arcosolia along the walls.

The necropolis of Germanicopolis consists of rock-cut tombs, mostly with plain facades. Bean and Mitford recorded an inscription on the lid of a sarcophagus in the shape of a crouching lion, from the Christian period. 524 In our visit to the site we saw one sarcophagus lion lid (Fig. 3.83) but Doğanay in his visits to the site reported seeing two sarcophagi with lion lids. 525 A typical example of the rock-cut tombs in the town is located at the Derzkaya district (Figs. 3.73-74). 526 The tomb is cut into the north face of a large rock outcrop. The entrance to the tomb measures 0.71 x 0.74 m. On the upper and lower right part of the entrance are two pivot sockets. On the upper left part is the hole for the bolt. The burial chamber, measuring 2.10 x 2.00 x 1.55 m has three rock-cut sarcophagi cut into the floor side by side; their measurements are 1.90 x 0.55 x 0.70 m. Although the lids are missing, the space for them to be placed on top of the sarcophagi can be seen. In the wall facing the entrance, another sarcophagus is cut in a long and deep arcosolium; this one measures 2.10 x 0.60 x 0.53 m. Dense traces of pick axe are visible especially in the ceiling.

The Karaman Museum in 2015 commenced excavations in the necropolis area at a locale known as Firan Kalesi in the town. The rock-cut tombs here date from the third century AD. Among the tombs excavated are those with a large number of burials; one example had eight to ten burials. Neapolis (Güneyyurt, earlier Gargara) This is the site of Neapolis, mentioned by Hierocles in Synekdemos among the Isaurian cities. 530 Constantine Porphyrogennetos counts it among the cities of the Decapolis in the Seleuceia Province. 531 A story preserved by Suidas concerns one Indacus, son of Papirius, who ran from the fortress of Cherris (Papirion) to the fortress of Antiochia in one day and back again in one day and then in one day to Neapolis. 532 The Papirius who gave his name to the fortress of Cherris was apparently an Isaurian chieftain of the fourth or fifth century, and possibly the father to the runner. Bean and Mitford found an inscription at Bağdad Kırı in south Isauria that gives the name Indacus Cottunes, an Isaurian warlord, who, on being healed, dedicated a monument in the local temple, a testament to the long lasting Pagan influences in the region. 533 Papirion has been identified with Bağdad Kırı. 534 Bean and Mitford also discuss the distances involved between that site and Neapolis and suggest that Indacus' run would be feasible.

A fine example of an arcosolium tomb with two carved steps was seen at the Kebeni district in the northern part of the town (Figs. 3.75-76). 527 The tomb is cut into the southsouthwest face of a rock outcrop; its facade measures 2.30 x 1.50 x 0.90 m. There are no traces of a lid on the rock-cut sarcophagus, which measures 1.90 x 0.70 x 0.70 m. Dense traces of pickaxe are visible on the walls. This is a type of tomb frequently seen in the necropolis of Germanicopolis. Also examined is a rock-cut tomb dating from the Christian era with an inscription. 528 The tomb is one of three carved on the southwest face of a soft rock mass at the district of Kızılkaya, two and a half miles from the town (Figs. 3.7779). 529 The facade of the tomb measures 2.20 x 1.90 m Two small niches are cut on the rock outside the tomb. The entrance to the tomb, measuring 1.08 x 0.82 m, is framed by horizontal molding, a decorated border with spirals and a cross. The molding measures 1.50 x 1.37 m. and the decorative border is 0.085 m wide. Above the doorway on the two moldings is a Greek inscription.

The locale of Örenler (the 'ruins'), situated near the town of Güneyyurt (earlier Gargara), 10 km north-west of Ermenek (Germanicopolis) on the high Taurus plateau, is notable for two rock-cut tombs cut into the south-southwest face of a rock outcrop. 535 The place is known as İkizini meaning 'Double lairs'. Of the two tombs, one has a splendid lion and serpent carved on top (Figs. 3.80-82). The recumbent lion is a common motif in the funerary art of Rough Cilicia and Isauria, but is not attested on rock-cut tombs elsewhere. The seated lions that guard the rock-cut tombs at Isaura

Χριστέ, βοέθι τό δούλο σου ΜινκεΒαυλι. 530

Hierocles 710, 8. Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De them. 77. 532 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 364-65 ("Neapolis") with texts and discussion. 533 Bean and Mitford 1970, 146-47, no. 148. 534 For Papirius, see Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 374-75; Doğanay visited the site and reported the underground vaulted tombs mentioned by Bean and Mitford as well as a larnax lion lid: Doğanay 2005, 138-41, pls. 96, 97. 535 Er Scarborough 1991a, 310-11, fig. 88, plan 24; Doğanay 2009, 335, lev. 113-14; Doğanay 2005, 129; Bean and Mitford 1970, 209-10, pl. 182; Hild and Hellenkemper, 1990, 365. For a tomb inscription from Gargara, see Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 94 Gar 1. 531

Hierocles 710.2. On Hierocles (ca. 450-533), Synecdemus, see Jones 1971, 514-21; also as edited by P. Wesseling in Bekker (Bonn 1840), 397 (viz.μέ [55]). 523 Constantine Porphyogennetis, De them. 77 524 Bean and Mitford 1970, 199-200, no. 221. 525 Doğanay 2005, 107, pl. 45:2, 108, pl. 51:1. 526 Doğanay 2009, 322, pls. 82-3. 527 Doğanay 2009, 323, pls. 86-87. 528 For the inscription, see Bean and Mitford 1970, 200, no. 222; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 91-92, Ermenek 4. 529 Doğanay 2009, 325-26, pls. 90-91, 102: 1-2; Doğanay 2005, 106, pl. 43. 522

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) 536 and the standing ones at Fariske Köristanı 537 are quite different in style from the one at Gargara. Here at Gargara the lion is carved almost fully in the round, utilizing the natural shape of the rock. The lion’s head and body have suffered considerable damage. Under its forepaws it holds a large serpent, stretched in line with the lion’s body. The snake has twisted into a knot in two places. The combination of the lion and serpent is a motif hitherto unattested in the region and it is the first time we have seen a snake in the funerary iconography of Rough Cilicia. The lion is usually depicted holding a deer or an ibex or the figure of the deceased in Isauria under its forepaws. The facade of the tomb, which measures 1.80 x 1.60 m, consists of a narrow platform in the front and an arch-shaped cutting of the rock, inside which a triangular pediment has been placed. The entrance to the burial chamber is 0.74 m long and 0.65 m wide. In the upper and lower right hand side of the door are pivot sockets, and in the middle of the left side is a hole for a bolt (i.e. a sliding bar). The burial chamber is 2.15 m long, 2.15 m wide and 1.95 m high. The floor is flat. In the wall facing the entrance of the chamber is a rock-cut sarcophagus in an arcosolium, measuring 1.85 m. x 0.63 m x 0.55 m. Traces of pickaxe can be seen on the walls. Next to this tomb, cut in the same outcrop, is a rock-cut tomb with an arched facade. 538 The opening, 0.70 m x 0.57 m. leads into a chamber of irregular shape, measuring approximately 1.75 m. x 1.15 m. A rock-cut low burial couch is located on the left side.

ruinfield reaches from the village to the crags above into which rock-cut tombs are cut. They completely lack any distinctive traits or external decoration but have crudely carved lion-lid sarcophagi in the chambers. The tombs have been thoroughly looted and much damaged. Most arcosolium tombs are filled with debris and earth so that it was not possible to make plans of any of them (Fig. 3.85). Column capitals and bases as well as architectural fragments can be seen in different parts of the village. Among these are late period Corinthian capitals of local stone used as building blocks in various village structures. 542 A modern village home is partly built on an ancient vaulted structure. In 2015 Karaman Museum in consultation with the archaeology department at Karamanoğlu Mehmetbey Üniversitesi conducted excavations at Sbide. 543 26 tombs have been cleared and 18 adult skeletons were unearthed. Among the finds is a marble sarcophagus with a tabula ansata flanked by wreaths at the front; it is dated to the third century A.D. Philadelphia (Gökçeseki İmsiören) In Hierocles' Synecdemus Philadelphia appears as an Isaurian city; 544 it is named immediately after Germanicopolis and Eirenopolis. The coins of Philadelphia show Zeus enthroned and the facade of a temple of Zeus, and an inscription from the site gives the name of a local god, Ζεὺς Φανασεύς. 545 The site at İmsiören was identified as Philadelphia first by Bean and Mitford 546 and Hild and Hellenkemper concurred with this view. 547 The city is named after Iotape Philadelphos, sister of Antiochus IV, and it was awarded by Caligula to the client king of Commagene, thereby receiving a portion of Cilicia. A late imperial inscription near Yer Köprü, a natural bridge immediately below the village to the west, concerns the restoration (?) of a bridge crossing the Balkusan gorge and the money paid out for the work. 548 The inscription may refer to the construction or repair of a man-made span, or if this is not the case, it may refer to work done on the natural formation which bridges the forge. Bean and Mitford inform us that excavations by modern road crews at the time of their visit had uncovered a wall blocking the Yer Köprü; so perhaps, the monies were spent on the construction of walls to serve as defenses for the bridge and to control access to it. Such arrangements would render Philadelphia safe from attack from all sides, doubly secure from the north. The addition of what may have been defensive emplacements near the approaches to this bridge, which spans very difficult terrain, must be seen as primarily strategic in nature. Controlling as it does a main road feeding into the principal road running north from Anemurium to Isaura, and connecting with this road at a

A sarcophagus approached by three rock-cut steps in front is also located at Örenler. It is noteworthy because the inscription on the tabula ansata names not only its owner but also the artist, Demetrios, who made it. 539 The sarcophagus measures 2.10 x 0.87 x 0.55 m and the tabula ansata measures 0.66 x 0.45. The six lines of the inscription are cut on the tabula ansata, with a seventh below the tabula. The lid of the sarcophagus is missing. Sbide (Yukarı Çağlar, earlier Yukarı İzvit)) Sbide, located some 4 km to the north of Gargara, and 11 km north-west of Germanicopolis, occupies a stronghold at the edge of the village of Yukarı İzvit (now Yukarı Çağlar) at an altitude of over 1400 m. (Fig. 3.84). 540 Hierocles calls it a city of the Isaurian province. 541 Emperor Zeno in 475/76 was besieged first in Olba, then in Sbide. In AD 475 Zeno, with his wife Ariadne, were expelled from Constantinopolis and took refuge in Sbide. A lot of the neighbouring sites have preserved their ancient names to this day in İrnebol, Ermenek, Lavsa, Dindabol, Iznebol and in this case İzvit, a site which from the survival of the name has been accepted as the ancient Sbide. No inscriptions have been found at the site. An extensive

542

Doğanay 2005, 157-58, pls. 112-14. Reported in http://karamandan.com/GundemANTIK_KENT_GUN_YUZUNE CIKTI_-h32324.html 544 Hierocles 710, 4. 545 Bean and Mitford 1970, 218-19, no. 249. 546 Bean and Mitford, 1970, 216-21. 547 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 378 ("Philadelphia") with texts and discussion. 548 Bean and Mitford 1970, 219-20, no. 251.

For the tombs at Isaura Nova, see pp. 207-13, figs. 5.22-33. 537 See below pp. 59-61; figs. 3.103, 3.107, 3.111, 3.127, 3.132. 538 Doğanay 2009, 336, pls. 115-16. 539 Bean and Mitford 1970, 210, no. 238; Doğanay 2005, 129-30, pl. 80.1. 540 Bean and Mitford 1970, 210; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 400 ("Sbide") with texts and discussion; Er 1991a, 316, figs. 90-91; Doğanay 2005, 154-58, pls. 111-18. 541 Hierocles 710, 7. 536

543

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria In 2015 Karaman Museum in consultation with the archaeology department at Karamanoğlu Mehmetbey Universitesi started excavations at Philadelphia. 553 Eight sarcophagi resting on a three-stepped podium were unearthed. The sarcophagi which suffered some destruction since antiquity display inscriptions and various decorations, among them a garland sarcophagus. They are dated to the fourth century AD. The placement of the sarcophagi on a stepped podium is unparalleled in the region. Immediately to the west of the group of sarcophagi, offerings of a great number and variety were found in an ancient deposit pit that also yielded a large quantity of pottery, glass and coins. The find of nine limestone busts is of particular interest. 600 medical instruments were discovered during the excavations, which may indicate that Philadelphia was the home of competent physicians in the late Roman imperial period. Also unearthed was a large rock-cut chamber tomb, which contained a large number of human bones, skulls and metal objects. Studies showed that the remains belonged to fifty-three individuals; five suffered from infections and one had head trauma. The excavators believe that this was a tomb of mass burial for people who were seeking medical treatment and died. 554

mid-point between Germanicopolis and Eirenopolis, at a distance of somewhat less than ten miles from the the site of Philadephia, control of important points would have been vital to Roman administrative and military interests. 549 The ruins of the city are found at the locale of İmsiören, near the village of Gökçeseki, which is located 12 km east of Germanicopolis (Ermenek). 550 Two craggy hills, separated by a deep short valley, and a small natural terrace together form an extensive ruinfield. Among the ruins are the foundations of sizable buildings and well cut stone, traces of a fortification wall (acropolis?), and the foundations of a large church of the early Byzantine period. The necropolis of Philadelphia is comprised almost entirely of rock-cut arcosolia tombs with lion-lid sarcophagi. The lions often have an ox or an ibex under their paws. The necropolis is located on two craggy hills of a valley, honeycombed with rock-cut tombs, most of which were used again in Christian and Byzantine times (Fig. 3.86). Crosses were cut on the façade of many tombs which otherwise bear no decoration (Figs. 3.88-89). Some also have painted crosses on the walls of the chambers. One tomb with a temple-like façade is located on a rocky outcrop facing the necropolis; it has what looks like a shield in the pediment (Fig. 3.87). This tomb, which we could not reach is likely older since almost all of the tombs marked externally with a cross are located on the rock-face of the north-western hill. At the time of our visit a road was being opened by a bulldozer in the middle of the necropolis and several tombs were being broken in the process. One of the most handsome tombs is representative in plan and form of the majority of tombs (Figs. 3.88-89). 551 The arcosolium tomb is cut on the southeastern face of a large mountain block riddled with tombs. In front of the tomb is a wide platform measuring 3.25 x 0.45 m. The width of the arcosolium arch is 3.25 m, its height is 2.65 m and its depth 2.90 m. On top of the arch is a cross in a circle. To the right and the left of the arched opening, two somewhat high rock-cut sarcophagi are found; their lids are still in place although a little moved. The right rock-cut sarcophagus measures 2.00 x 1.10 x 0.75 m; the left hand one measures 2.00 x 1.10 x 0.75 m. The lids measuring 1.80 x 0.95 x 0.70 m., are of rough workmanship with pediment and acroteria as well as a lion, which is somehow crudely made without any details shown. A third sarcophagus, possibly for a later burial, was cut into the rock between the other two sarcophagi. It measures 1.00 x 0.47 x 1.00 m. Its lid, which is missing, must have been of a rectangular shape. Traces of pickaxe can be seen in parts of the sarcophagi and the arcosolium.

Lausada (Başyayla, earlier Lafsa) The most impressive aspect of Lausada is its landscape rather than its funerary monuments (Fig. 3.90). 555 The massive range of Taurus mountains dominates the site, which is at a distance of 25 km north-west of Germanicopolis. The ruins of the ancient city are concentrated in the locale of Hisarönü, 10 km further up west from the town of Başyayla. The survival of the ancient name is evident in its earlier name Lafsa but today the locale is called Kirazlıyayla Mahallesi. Hierocles lists Lausada as one of the cities of the Isaurian province. 556 Constantin Porphyrogennetos counts it among the cities of the Decapolis in the Seleuceia Province. 557 The rocky hills present unusual formations with an acropolis on top of which is a castle, poorly preserved but rock-cut steps and a gate remain. Several rock-cut chambers are discernable from afar. The ancient structures at the site have been extensively destroyed. The villagers reputedly told us of a hidden ancient city cut entirely in rock. The presence of a spring makes the site attractive. Most rock-cut tombs are of poor quality with lion-lid sarcophagi in the chambers similar to those in Sbide (Fig. 3.91). Lion-lid sarcophagi were particularly popular at this site; all chambers have two to three. Some are very large and clearly could not have fitted through the entrance to the chambers, which raises the possibility of their production in situ. In the burial chamber of a rock-cut tomb with lion lids, panels from which blocks of rock were removed to make the lion lids can still be seen.

On an inscription from a rock-cut sarcophagus at the site recorded by Bean and Mitford we find the hitherto unattested word (outside of Corycus and Elaiussa Sebaste in eastern Rough Cilicia) makra, meaning a bath-tub and so a sarcophagus, to designate the monument. 552

(Elaiussa Sebaste). 553 Reported in http://www.karamanca.net/haber/409207/gokcesekidendunyada-esi-benzeri-olmayan-seramikler-cikiyor.html 554 Reported in http://kartap.org/saglik-kenti-philadelphia/ 555 Bean and Mitford 1970, 210-11; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 332-33 ("Lauzados") with texts and discussion; Er Scarborough 1991a, 316-17, figs. 92-93; Doğanay 2009, 294-96, pls. 11-18; Doğanay 2005, 120-22, pls. 70-74. 556 Hierocles 710, 9. 557 Constantin Porphyrogennetos De them. 77.

549

Burgess, Jr., 113. Er Scarborough 1991a, 311-16, fig. 89, plan 25; Doğanay 2009, 329-30, pls. 98-102; Doğanay 2005, 142-50, pls. 98-106. 551 For this tomb, see also Doğanay 2009, 329-30, pls. 98-9; 102: 6-7. 552 Bean and Mitford 1970, 217, no. 246. For the use of this word in these two sites, see Keil and Wilhelm, 1931, 263, 659 (Corycus) and 795 550

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia There are sarcophagi sunk into the rock (chamosoria) and judging by the lion lids nearby, they, too, were provided with this feature (Fig. 3.92). A large number of lion lids, most of which are weathered by erosion can be seen in the field. A lion lid, details of which have not been cut, is on display in the local government house. The rock-cut tombs at Lausada are of importance in showing clearly how the topography dictates the choice of funerary monuments. In the Rough Cilician hinterland the ancient inhabitants took advantage of the rugged terrain to cut rock-burials.

γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ Νινιατος Σανδεους ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις χωρίοις σὺν καὶ Πωπα καὶ Ταρασει υἱῶν ἐπιορκ[ί]ζω δὲ τὴν φαίνου---σαν Σελήνην καὶ τοὺς καταχϑονίους ϑεοὺς μηνδένα τίϑεσϑαι εἰ μὴ ἐκ τῶν υἱῶν τινα Balamoas, son of Intzasos, had this tomb built on his own land from his private funds with his wife Ninias, daughter of Sandes, and with his sons Papas and Trasis. I swear an oath by the lightgiving Selene and the underground gods not to have anyone placed except for my sons.

Zenonopolis (Elmayurdu, earlier İznebol) This is the site of Rousoumblada, which was renamed Zenonopolis, when emperor Zeno (Tarasicodissa) became emperor; it was the hometown of Zeno. 558 The ruins of the ancient settlement are situated between the villages of Büyük Karapınar, Elmayurdu (earlier İznebol), and Tepebaşı (Halimiye/Bedlam), 20 km west-north-west of Germanicopolis. 559 The site has a very attractive setting in a lush valley with fruit orchards watered by Küçüksu Deresi. The ancient road of Isaura-DalisandosGermanicopolis passes through the site. Zenonopolis is one of the cities of the Decapolis as enumerated by Constantin Porphyrogennetos. 560 In the village of İznebol no traces of the ancient city remain. The ruins in this area, no doubt funerary monuments as well, have been systematically quarried for building stone so that very few survive. Bean and Mitford after their visits to the site in 1964-68 reported that "...the site is now so thoroughly denuded that not a single worked stone is to be seen on the surface, even the deep foundations of built tombs being methodically extracted." 561

Intzaos and Balamoas are new names for the region. The left side of the facade of the tomb is partly destroyed. The entrance to the tomb measures 0.64 x 0.50 m. On the upper left part of the wall is the pivot hole for the door and on the center of the right part is the hole for the bolt. The burial chamber, which measures 2.10 x 2.00 x 1.76 m has three burial couches carved along the three walls. The one on the right wall is 1.74 x 0.65 x 0.60 m; it is 1.00 m above the floor. The one on the left measures 1.60 x 0.64 x 0.50 m; it is also 1.00 m. above the floor. The burial facing the entrance measures 1.70 x 0.65 x 0.55 m; it is 1.05 m above the floor. Although the tomb is cut in soft rock, traces of pickaxe can can be seen on the walls. The rest of the site proved unrewarding in our search for tombs worthy of its contribution to Roman Empire; only a few plain rock-cut tombs are seen in the higher outcrops of the hills and a few rock-cut graves sunk into the ground are readily accessible but lack even the popular lion lids (Fig. 3.96).

The single most important funerary monument from Zenonopolis is a rock-cut tomb with an inscription that can be seen in the locale between the fields of the Tepebaşı (Halimiye-Bedlam) village and the coal mines of Ermenek (Germanicopolis) (Figs. 3.93-95). 562 The tomb, known locally as Ayvazınini, is cut on the south-southwest face of a rock block 3.40 m high and 3.70 m wide. On the upper left part of the smoothed rock, 0.40 m to the left of the entrance, is a well preserved, neatly cut Greek inscription of eleven lines, which is recorded by both Bean and Mitford and Hagel and Tomacshitz (Fig. 3.94). 563 The inscription is of interest for its use of two remarkable phrases: an oath by the light-giving moon and a mention of burial in a man's own lands. It is also notewothy that the monument is called a 'heroon', which attest to the use of the word for rock-cut tombs. The height of the letters varies between 0.025 and 0.027 m.

Domitiopolis (Katranlı, earlier Dindabol) The site is located in the village of Katranlı (earlier Dindabol), 20 km north-west of Germanicopolis. 564 The settlement is at the center of the triangle formed by the sites of Zenonopolis, Lausada and Sbide. It is close to the ancient road of Isaura-Dalisandos-GermanicopolisCelenderis. In the Res gestae divi Saporis the name of the city was called mwstynprwsy = Mοστυνόπολις. 565 Šapur I renamed the city Dometiu polis after he captured Valerian (260). Constantin Porphyrogennetos counts Domitiopolis among the cities of the Decapolis in the Seleuceia Province. 566 The area of the ancient site of Domitiopolis is today completely built over by the modern Katranlı village. The few plain rock-cut tombs and chamosoria in the hills above the modern village are characteristic of the local funerary traditions (Fig. 3.97). An arcosolium type tomb with a single rock-cut sarcophagus is cut into the northnorthwest facade of a small outcrop (Figs. 3.98-99). 567 The lid of the sarcophagus is missing. The arcosolium is 2.42 m

Ινζασου Βαλαμωα ᾀπήρτισεν τὸ ᾑρώϊον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων σὺν καὶ τῆς 558

On the site of Rousomblada, see Harrison 1981, 27-28. Bean and Mitford, 1970, 211-12; Hild and Hellenkemper, 1990, 463-64; Er Scarborough 1991a, 319-20; Doğanay 2005, 162-67. 560 Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De thematibus,77. 561 Bean and Mitford 1970, 10, no. 6. 562 Doğanay 2009, 350-51, pls 151-52. 563 Bean and Mitford, 1970, 211, no. 240; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 398, Zenonopolis 2. 559

564

Er Scarborough 1991a, 328; Doğanay 2009, 340-41, plates 121-26; Doğanay 2005, 84-5, pls. 31-32; Bean and Mitford, 1970, 212; Hild and Hellenkemper, 1990, 242. 565 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 242 ("Dometiopolis") with texts and discussion. 566 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De thematibus, 77. 567 Doğanay 2009, 341, pls. 123-24.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria front of the monument. On top of the steps is a wide platform and a cavity in the rock perhaps for an offering or a stele. The four tombs and the rock monument together present a complex, where ceremonies may have taken place. Another example from Çukurbağ Köristanı is also located next to rock-cut tombs, which may again point to a ceremonial area. It seems that the cult of the dead had a special place in the settlement. The other six rock monuments, however, are not connected with funerary monuments. Of these, one at Çukurbağ Asarı is cut into the face of a large conical rock. It has six steps, each measuring approximately 0.50 m wide and 0.40 m high. The platform in front of the steps measures 6.60 x 3.20 m. The rock face to the right of the steps have been smoothed. In addition to rock-cut monuments, rock-cut niches of various sizes have also been found in various locales.

wide and 1.70 m high. The rock-cut sarcophagus measures 1.77 x 0.54 x 1.10 m. Traces of pickaxe can be seen on the surfaces of the arcosolium and the sarcophagus. Another arcosolium tomb cut into the north-northwest facade of a small outcrop at the site shelters two rock sarcophagi (Figs. 3.100-102). 568 They are cut parallel to one another and have a narrow space as in a corridor between them. In this tomb too the lids are missing but one can clearly see the holes on which the lids were placed. Pharax (Göktepe, earlier Fariske) The ancient settlement of Pharax (Göktepe, earlier Fariske) has some of the most impressive tombs in Rough Cilicia. Bean and Mitford first recorded the name of the place Pharax on a boundary stone of early imperial date found at Çukurbağ, 5 km. from Fariske. 569 A possible survival of the name of the ancient settlement Pharax in the name Fariske, which is not of Turkish origin, has been suggested by Bean and Mitford who published the funerary inscriptions from the site. 570 Fariske was the name of the town till 1960's but today it is known as Göktepe. Hild and Hellenkemper when mentioning Pharax, also offer the names Verask and Verisgi and state that the name is seen on the list of King Leons I of Small Armenia. 571 They also stated that the remains of the ancient site must be sought near Göktepe.

I will present the results of my study of the rock-cut tombs in the two necropoleis of the settlement. I first visited the site in 1989. The attractive tombs with temple facades I will be discussing here undoubtedly belonged to the elite of the city. The presence of such impressive tombs, some with inscriptions, indicates the importance of the settlement. In one of the tomb inscriptions, names of two Roman citizens seemingly of Italian stock are given. None of the sites in inner Rough Cilicia has tombs that can match the workmanship, design, iconography, and concept of these tombs at Pharax. Clearly, the settlement at Pharax was a small but important Roman site near Germanicopolis (Ermenek). Besides these high quality tombs, there were also simple rock-cut tombs with no distinguishing features that are typical of the inland cemeteries. I visited two areas with funerary monuments: Göktepe Köristanı and the closeby Çukurbağ Köristanı. The Turkish word Köristan which means roughly the Blind's Land is a reference to the darkness of the rock-cut tombs and is used to describe the cemeteries in both Göktepe and Çukurbağ.

In 2004, Turkish archaeologists O. Doğanay, G. Karauğuz and H. İ. Kunt examined the archaeological ruins in the area as well as the historical and epigraphic evidence, and concluded that Pharax was a small fort settlement with a population around 600-1000 that flourished under the late Roman period. 572 Roman citizens lived along with the natives as attested by the inscriptions from the site. Based on the topography and the distribution of the ancient ruins in the area, Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt believe that the modern Göktepe town and the village of Çukurbağ were within the limits of the city of Pharax; the city center or the acropolis, on the other hand, was situated on the fort settlement at Yel Değirmeni. 573 The site was strategically located near the ancient Iconium-Isaura-GermanicopolisCelenderis road that provided access between the Isaurian highlands and the Mediterranean coast.

Göktepe Köristanı The presence of a fusion of Anatolian and Greek styles in the funerary art of Rough Cilicia, is illustrated well by the splendid rock-cut temple tombs at Göktepe Köristanı. 575 The ancient necropolis is at the locality of Köristan and the area is known as Fariske Köristanı. The mountainous area is covered with cedar trees between the town of Göktepe (Fariske) and the village of Çukurbağ. Köristan was discovered by Sterrett in 1885, who published two funerary inscriptions, nos. 136 and 137, from the site. 576 The tombs, cut out of huge free-standing boulders, are of two types: 1. tombs with pedimented facades; 2. tombs with arched facades. 577 In both types the façades are richly decorated. All four tombs at the site are entered through an open porch (pronaos). Most of the porches have two columns between the antae and are distyle-in-antis. The tombs have rectangular chambers with flat roofs. In some chambers are burial couches along the walls and others have burial in a

An interesting feature of the settlement at Pharax, besides the rock-cut tombs, is the presence of eight rock-cut monuments with steps in the front, reminiscent of the Phrygian examples. 574 These eight monuments with steps numbering from three to six, are found in six different locales within the boundaries of the ancient site. The rock monument at Göktepe Köristanı is located in the area of the four rock-cut tombs discussed below. There is a spring in 568

Doğanay 2009, 341, pls. 125-26 Bean and Mitford 1970, 214, no. 243. Bean and Mitford, 1970, 212-16, figs. 188-89; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 92-93, Feriske. 571 Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 377. 572 For an in depth study of the site and its ruins, see the book İsauria Bölgesinde Bir Kale Kent: Pharax (Fariske) 2005 by O. Doğanay, G. Karauğuz and H. İ. Kunt 2005. 573 Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 23-24. 574 Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 50-51, 91-94, pls. 69-83. 569 570

For the site and the tombs, see Er Scarborough, 1991a, 237-53, figs. 6167, plans 15-18; Er Scarborough1991b, 121-23, fig. 14; Doğanay 2009, 331-34, pls. 103-12; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 73-81, pls. 3-11. 576 Sterrett 1888, 81-82. 577 One of the tombs is shown in Mitford, 1980, fig. 3, no. 6. 575

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia rock-cut sarcophagus. In other chambers, there are no traces of a couch or any cuttings into the rock to accommodate the body. The tombs show no evidence for reuse for secondary burials.

can be entered by climbing a tall tree on its right-hand side, although we failed in our efforts to do so. The façade represents a distyle-in-antis, of which the two central columns have been shattered; only their Corinthian capitals and bases remain. The rectangular portico has a flat ceiling. Behind the porch, the door leading to the chamber seems to have been breached. Two antithetical lions surmount the pediment with acroteria, which has a gorgoneion above a garland. Two of the snakes from the gorgoneion are tied in a knot below her chin. The bodies of the lions are depicted in profile but their heads face the viewer; their feet step on the pediment. This tomb was first described by Sterrett, who also notes that it is too high to reach. 582 His description of the façade is correct, although he fails to mention the garland. He records four columns with “…remarkable capitals, seemingly Egyptian in character.” All columns must have been intact at the time of his visit. The chamber below the tomb, measuring 3.00 x 3.30 x 2.23 m, is exposed. The entrance door to the chamber is largely destroyed. Inside the chamber are three sarcophagi cut along the three walls. The sarcophagus on the right wall measures 2.03 x 0.97 x 1.07 m; the one on the left measures 2.03 x 1.00 x 1.05 m and the one facing the entrance measures 2.10 x 1.10 x 1.10 m.

Tomb no. 1 We started examining the tombs from the far end of the necropolis. East of the spring at the site, is a small distylein-antis tomb with a pronaos cut into the east-southeast face of a small boulder (Figs. 3.103-106). 578 The facade of the tomb measures 2.74 x 1.70 m. It has no inscription. The pediment, 1.60 m wide and 1.04 m high, has a gorgoneion which is surmounted by antithetical lions. Under the chin of the gorgoneion the snake is tied. The lions' bodies are depicted standing in profile but their heads face the viewer; their feet are on the pediment, which has corner and top acroteria. A female bust is carved next to the lion on the right. Of the pilasters with Corinthian capitals, only a small part has survived at the base of the left one, whereas all of the right one is visible. The height of the pilaster, which tapers slightly upwards, including the base is 1.25 m and the base is 0.10 m high. It measures 0.25 m at the bottom and 0.20 m at the top. Next to the left pilaster, three erect figures are carved on the rock face (Fig. 3.104). This tomb is described by Sterrett, and our description of the three figures matches his very closely. 579 A female figure, 0.53 m high, is depicted in a long dress and perhaps a veil. She is holding an unidentified object in her left hand; her right hand rests on her breast. The central figure, a male, is standing on a base or a pedestal, and he holds possibly a wreath (very damaged) in his raised left hand; his right hand rests on his stomach. Next to him stands a smaller figure, perhaps a child, in a short tunic with a cloak. In his right hand he holds an unidentified object against his breast; his left hand rests by his side. The pronaos of the tomb is 1.65 m long, 2.60 m wide and 1.80 m high. An opening, 0.85 x 0.70 m, leads to a burial chamber with flat ceiling, measuring 2.70 m long, 1.80 m high, and 2.95 m wide. The chamber has no cuttings to indicate any burial. Wooden coffins may have been used, or the deceased were placed directly on the floor. Two holes are carved into the rock floor on the right corner of the chamber.

There is a Greek inscription on the tomb first recorded by Sterrett, then modified by Bean and Mitford; it has two lines at the bottom of the pediment, and two on the epistyle. 583 The inscription is of special interest since it identifies two Roman citizens seemingly of Italian stock as the occupants of the tomb. The inscription presents us with some question of interpretation: recorded is the name of one (of the four) traditional urban tribes, the Collina, attributed to Servius Tullius; 584 and the persons given are linked with the late second century senator, Marcus Valerius Paetus Aquila, but the woman named is given as native to Coropissus, one of the settlements in Isauria. (a) (b)

It is notable that the deceased in general are not shown in full length on the funerary art of Rough Cilicia, but are seen frequently in Isauria. However, full figure representation of the dead, are not commonly known from rock-cut tombs, but are frequently seen on the larnaces, rectangular funerary blocks and stelae from the sites in the Isaurian heartland, such as Astra and Artanada. 580 Tomb no. 2 Carved on the eastern face of a small boulder, this tomb, which is about 13 m above the ground level, is not accessible (Figs. 3.107-110). 581 It is likely that the tomb

Χαῖρε, Ἂκυιλα, χαῖρε καλῶςοι γένοιτο. [M]ᾶρκος Oὐ[α]λέριος Mάρκου υἱός, Kολλείνα, Ἀĸυίλας ĸαὶ Mᾶρκος Oύαλέριος Mάρκου υἱος, Kο[λ]λε[ί]να [---------καὶ Ἰου]λία Mα[τις] (?), Γαΐου Ἰουλίου Kιλληος θυγάτηρ, Kοροπισσηνή, τὸ μνημῆον ζῶν(τες) ἑαυτοῖς vac. ἐπόησαν. [Greetings Aquila, greetings, may you be well] Marcus Valerius Aquila, son of Marcus, of the Collina tribe, and Marcus Valerius, son of Marcus, of the Collina tribe, [---------and Iou]lius Matis (?) daughter of Gaios Ioulios Killes, of Coropissus built this tomb for themselves while living.

Bean and Mitford observe that the first line (a) is later than the following three lines: “the first of three partners to die is

578 Er Scarborough 1991a, 240-42, fig. 63, plan 15; Er Scarborough 1991b, 121-22, fig. 13; Doğanay 2009, 331-32, pls. 103-4; 111:1-5; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 73-74, pls. 3-5. 579 Sterrett 1888, 81. 580 For monuments in Astra, see pp. 217-22, figs. 5.45, 5. 51-59, 5.6168. For those at Artanada, see pp. 222-23, figs. 5.74-78. 581 Er Scarborough 1991a, 242-44, figs. 64-65; Er Scarborough 1991b,

121-22; Doğanay 2009, 332-33, pls. 105-106, 111:6-8; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 74-75, pls. 6-8; Bean and Mitford, 1970, 213. 582 Sterrett, 1888, 81-82. 583 Sterrett 1888, 81, no. 136; Bean and Mitford, 1970, 213, no. 241; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 92, Feriske 1b. 584 G. Wissowa 1900, "Collina," RE, 4, pt. 1, cols. 481, Stuttgart.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria woman standing on a pedestal decorate the arch (Fig. 3.117). The female figure, 0.62 m high, is depicted in a long dress. The male figure, 0.60 m high, wears a short tunic. The porch, 2.15 m wide, 1.20 m long and 1.60 m high, has two engaged columns, measuring 1.67 m high, but no columns in antis. The base of the columns is 1.18 m high, the height of the capitals is 0.27 m. The burial chamber is 2.15 m wide, 1.88 m high and 2.15 m long. Along the two side walls, burial is on rock-cut benches measuring 2.18 x 0.86 m and 0.50 m high. Traces of pickaxe can be seen on parts of the walls.

saluted by the survivors.” The inscription names two brothers as partners, M. Valerius Paetus Aquila and Iulius—and a woman of Coropissus, presumably the wife of one these men. 585 Whether these two Roman citizens were connected to the senator M. Valerius Paetus Aquila or to his ancestors is not certain, but their mere presence in this mountainous region, together with the opulence of the tombs, suggest the presence of an important ancient settlement. Tomb no. 3 One approaches this attractive tomb with a distyle in antis plan located above the spring, by a flight of five steps, which leads to a portico measuring 3.69 x 1.50 m. (Figs. 3.111-115). 586 Little of the two columns in antis is preserved. Only the capitals and the bases remain, which measure 0.40 m. The pilasters are 1.87 m high with capitals measuring 0.24 m in height. Of the tombs at Göktepe Köristanı, tomb no. 3 has the most elaborate decoration. The pediment, measuring 1.00 m high and 3.38 m wide, is decorated with two antithetical horsemen riding towards each other, a motif hitherto unattested in Rough Cilicia (Fig. 3.112). One of the front legs of each horse is stepping out. Although horseman depicting the dead is a popular funerary motif in the Isaurian heartland, the horsemen here may represent the Dioscuri. We know of no other monuments with the Dioscuri from Rough Cilicia. Above the figures is a large gorgoneion. A large standing lion is carved on the rock face to the right of the pediment, another motif indicating Isaurian influence. The lion's body is depicted from the profile while its head faces the viewer; its paws are well indicated. A much weathered Greek inscription of one line is cut at the bottom of the pediment. 587 ----IOIACTAIOMI--μνήμηζ χάριν. A standing male figure, 0.80 m high, is next to the righthand pilaster. The door, 0.70 m. x 0.85 m, leads to a chamber measuring 3.25 m x 2.15 m; its height is 1.85 m. To the lower right part of the door is the socket for the pivot and to the upper left are two holes for the bolt. The tomb must have been closed in two places. The chamber contains a single rock-cut burial 0.70 m wide, 2.05 m long and 0.87 m high. A hole has been cut into the floor in the right corner of the chamber. Dense traces of pickaxe can be seen in the walls.

Çukurbağ Köristanı In the forested area between Göktepe Köristanı and the village of Çukurbağ are 4 rock-cut tombs. Two of these are cut in the north-northeast face of the same boulder (Fig. 3.120). Tomb no. 1 A tomb is cut into the east-southeast face of a soft rock boulder (Figs. 3.121-123). 589 The facade, which measures 1.88 x 1.85 x 0.50 m, has an arch shape; it is not decorated. The entrance to the tomb measures 1.30 x 0.50 m. Above the entrance is a tabula ansata measuring 0.36 x 0.30 m; no inscription can be seen on it. To the left of the entrance a much damaged male figure is cut on the wall. The burial chamber measuring 3.00 x 2.60 x 1.60 m has three burial couches. Of these the one on the left wall has 1.30 x 0.60 x 0.60 m measurements while the one opposite the entrance measures 2.30 x 0.70 x 1.10 m. Tomb no. 2 This tomb with an arched facade, measuring 2.25 x 2.25 x 0.70 m., is cut into the south-southeast face of boulder (Figs. 3.124-126). 590 A gorgoneion with a full face, a wide forehead and large, bulging eyes is cut on the top of the arch; its chin has fallen off. Although much damaged, the snakes hanging from her head can be discerned. To the right of the facade is a couchant lion; its body is carved in profile but its head faces the viewer. The opening to the chamber, measuring 0.78 x 0.62 m is framed by pilasters. The left side of the entrance is broken, but on the right four much weathered figures can be seen. Two of the figures, a man and a woman, are on top, side by side. The other two are cut below them. The burial chamber measuring 2.55 x 2.36 x 1.80 m, has two burial couches on the left and right walls, the left measuring 1.90 x 0.75 x 0.80 m, the right 1.86 x 0.77 x 0.80 m. An arcosolium is cut in the wall opposite the entrance; its measurements are 1.76 x 0.80 x 0.70 m.

Tomb no. 4 The entrance to this tomb cut into the south-southeast face of a rock is different from the previous three, which are framed by a triangular pediment. This tomb has an arched pediment (Figs. 3.116-119). 588 The façade of the tomb is 2.10 m high and 3.10 m wide. The figures of a man and a

Tomb no. 3 A tomb with an arched façade is one of two cut into the north-northeast face of a boulder (Figs. 3.127-131). 591 It has a distyle-in-antis plan with a porch but the columns are completely shattered. The facade of the tomb measures

585

M. Gough identified Coropissus with Dağpazarı, on the road from Claudiopolis (Mut) to Laranda: Gough 1958, 6-7. Bean and Mitford support this view. 586 Er Scarborough 1991a, 248, fig.. 66, plan 16; Doğanay 2009, 333-34, pls. 107-108, 112: 1-4; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 76-77, pls. 911. 587 Bean and Mitford 1970, 212; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 93, Fariske 4. 588 Er Scarborough 1991a, 251, plan 17; Doğanay 2009, 334, pls. 109-10, 112 :5-8. Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 77, pls. 12-14.

589 Doğanay 2009, 302-303, pls. 32-33, 40:1-2; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 77-78, pls. 15-17. 590 Doğanay 2009, 303, pls. 34-35, 40: 3-5; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005,78-79, pls. 18-20. 591 Er Scarborough 1991a, 251-52, fig. 67, plan 18; Doğanay 2009, 304, pls. 36-37, 40: 6-12; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 77, pls. 24-26.

60

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia in the region. In spite of the architectural forms imitating a Greek temple, funerary motifs like the figures of the deceased, frequently seen on Isaurian rectangular funerary altars and larnaces, were adapted to embellish the facades of the tombs. The local artists were not concerned with consistent transformations of the entire objects which formed their models. They also reflect the different funerary traditions of the two regions: in the heartland of Isauria cremation led to the use of cinerary caskets and stelae, whereas in Rough Cilicia the practice of inhumation led to the frequent use of rock-cut tombs. Topography was also a factor. The landscape with its rocky terrain, led to the widespread use of rock-cut tombs. The image of the deceased dominates the decoration of tombs at Göktepe Köristanı and Çukurbağ Köristanı, which have close parallels to figures from the Isaurian heartland to the northwest. The use of these motifs can also be attributed to itinerant Isaurian artists. The strategic location of the site near the ancient Iconium-Isaura-Germanicopolis-Celenderis road that provided access between the Isaurian highlands and the Mediterranean coast makes influences likely. Noted also is the absence of funerary curses and imprecations in the inscriptions from the tombs.

2.87 m by 1.85 m. The arch, 1.20 m high and 2.65 m wide, rests on an architrave. This tomb provides us with funerary iconography unique to this site. Six standing figures, four female, two male, are placed in the semicircular arch that crowns the entrance (Figs. 3.127-129). The height of the figures, depicted in long dresses, is 0.50 m. An inscription of two lines cut on the epistyle, first recorded by Sterrett, informs us that four men, two of them, it would seem brothers, built this tomb for themselves to perpetuate their memory. 592 The height of the letters varies between 0.038 m-0.047 m. Iννους Iουρασιος vac. καὶ Iνoυς Kλουη vac. καì Noυς Kαι vac. καὶ Moυατως Kαι ἑaυτοῖς τὸ ἡρώϊον κατασκεύασαν μνήμης [χάρ]ιν. Innus, son of Iourasis...and Inous, son of Kloeus...and Nous, son of Kai...and Kai, son of Mouatos, built this tomb in memory for themselves. In the inscription, the tomb is referred to as a heroon, a term used more commonly to describe a built tomb rather than rock-cut but in the Roman Rough Cilicia we see its use on other kinds of funerary monuments such as this one. 593 On the left side of the arched pediment is a much damaged lion, depicted in profile but its head facing the viewer. On the left side of the entrance, a plant like a climbing ivy and a sign like a horizontal eight are cut. The funerary chamber measuring 3.75 x 2.28 x 1.75 m has a single burial in a niche hewn out of the rock at the wall facing the entrance (Fig. 3.130). It measures 1.90 x 0.95 x 0.77 m.

All the tombs seem to have been made by the same tomb cutters. An inscription on a rock-cut tomb from the nearby village of Fet (Işıklı) gives the name of a tomb cutter, Kyrikos, son of Papias. 595 We know of a sculptor and tomb cutter named Papias who lived in Isauria sometime after 212 A.D. 596 We may venture a guess that it is the same Papias who taught his craft to his son. Some parallels for the Pharax tombs can be found in the Isaurian capital, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), where rock-cut tombs with triangular and arched pediments can be seen. 597 The iconography is also similar. In both sites lions and gorgoneia are carved into the facade of the tombs. However, there are also main differences. The tombs at Isaura Nova are superior in workmanship and design as befitting the Isaurian capital. This is especially notable in the carving of the lions. Moreover, full figures of the deceased do not appear on the rock-cut tombs at Isaura Nova, but we see funerary busts. The motif of horsemen is also absent in those tombs. The motifs of lion and gorgoneion on the facades of the Pharax tombs as well as the ones at Isaura Nova likely point to Phrygian influence. The rock-cut cult monuments at Fariske also make such influence likely. Similar monuments have been found in the neighboring region of Lycaonia, bordering Phrygia. 598 The Phrygian influence likely penetrated south to Isauria from Lycaonia.

Tomb no. 4 To the right of tomb no. 1 described above is a tomb cut into the north face of the same boulder (Figs. 3.132-134). 594 The rock face has been smoothed for the cutting of the tomb which has an arch supported by pilasters framing the entrance. On the apex of the arch is a destroyed gorgoneion, and on either side of the arch is a lion. The bodies of the lions are carved from the profile but their heads face the viewer. On the left hand pilaster is carved a crescent reminiscent of a horseshoe. The main entrance to the tomb chamber is square and measures 0.60 x 0.60 m. On the right side of the entrance is a socket for the pivot and on the left is a hole for the bolt. On either side of the door two pairs of figures are placed on the upper and lower parts of the walls. Their features cannot be made out due to destruction by natural elements. Upon entering the burial chamber, one steps on a small platform, measuring 0.40 x 0.25 x 0.25 m. The chamber measures 1.90 x 1.90 x 1.50 m; its floor is full of rubble. Three burial couches, of 1.90 x 0.80 x 0.90 m measurements, are cut along the three walls. The tombs at Pharax are remarkable in regard to their repertory of decorative elements, some unattested elsewhere 592

Sterrett 1888, 81, no. 137; Bean and Mitford 1970, 213-14, no. 242; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 93, Feriske 2. 593 For the funerary inscriptions on grave houses from Selinus in western Rough Cilicia which refer to the tomb as a 'heroon', see p. 142. For an inscription on temple tomb no. 3 from Imbriogon Kome in eastern Rough Cilicia, which also refer to the tomb as a heroon, see p. 158. 594 Doğanay 2009, 305, pls. 38-39, 45: 1-5; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 81-82, pls. 29-31.

595 Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 93, Feriske 3; Doğanay 2009, 339, pls. 119-120; Doğanay, Karauğuz and Kunt 2005, 69, 82-83, pls. 32-34. 596 Şahin 1997, 75-77. 597 For the tombs at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), see pp. 207-13, figs. 5.22-33. 598 Baldıran and Söğüt 2002, 45-49.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Figure 3.1. General view from a rock-cut tomb, Direvli.

Figure 3.2. Arcosolium niche tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Figure 3.3. Arcosolium chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Figure 3.4. Rock-cut chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Figure 3.5. Funerary beds (klinai) in rock-cut chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Figure 3.6. Chamosoria burials in arcosolium chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Figure 3.7. Rock-cut tomb used as a shed, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Figure 3.8. Freestanding sarcophagus on aedicula temple tomb, Elauissae Sebaste.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Figure 3.9. The Aqueduct, Olba.

Figure 3.10. Rock-cut tomb with Corinthian facade, East Hill necropolis, Olba.

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Figure 3.11. Sarcophagus burial under the arcosolium, rock-cut tomb with Corinthian facade, Olba.

Figure 3.12. Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Figure 3.13. Rock-cut tomb with Ionic facade, Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba.

Figure. 3.14. Plan and section of the rock-cut tomb with Ionic facade, Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Figure 3.15. Rock-cut tomb complex, Acropolis South Hill, Olba.

Figure 3.16. Freestanding sarcophagus with niche, Tırnak Tepe necropolis,Olba.

69

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Figure 3.17. Sarcophagus with flying Erotes, Olba.

Figure 3.18. Mason's sarcophagus, Tırnak Tepe necropolis, Olba.

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.19. Temple of Zeus Olbios, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.20. Corinthian capital, temple of Zeus Olbios, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.21. North (Sırainler) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.22. Arcosolium chamber tomb with niche, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.23. Burial benches, arcosolium chamber tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.24. Arcosolium chamber tomb, rock-cut sarcophagus under an arcosolium niche, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.25. Arcosolium chamber tomb with multi chambers and ten burials, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.26. Plan of an arcosolium multi chamber tomb with ten burials, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.27. Menorah, arcosolium chamber tomb, Diocaesarea, (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.28. Rock-cut chamber tombs, Diocaesarea, (Uzuncaburç).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.29. Plan and section of a rock-cut chamber tomb, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 3.30. Rock-cut niche tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.31. Arcosolium niche tomb with Doric facade, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.32. Reconstruction illustration of arcosolium niche tomb with Doric facade, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.33. Arcosolium niche tomb with Doric facade, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.34. Reconstruction illustration of arcosolium niche tomb with Doric facade, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.35. Illustration of rock-cut chamber tomb with crescent, Eğrikuyu necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 3.36. Arcosolium chamber tomb with a rosette, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.37. Reconstruction illustration of arcosolium chamber tomb with a rosette, West (Eğrikuyu) necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 3.38. Totenmahl relief, Olba.

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.39. Garland sarcophagus, temenos of Zeus Olbios temple, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.40. Kline lid, temenos of Zeus Olbios temple, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.41. Rock-cut sarcophagus with tabula ansata, West necropolis, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 3.42. Rock-cut reliefs above rock-cut chamber tomb F5, Necropolis N 8, Canytelleis.

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.43. Rock-cut totenmahl and soldier reliefs above rock-cut chamber tomb F8, Necropolis N 8, Canytelleis.

Fig. 3.44. The harbour of Celenderis. (Photograph by Levent Zoroğlu).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.45. Rock-cut tomb with dromos, Celenderis necropolis (Photograph by Levent Zoroğlu).

Fig. 3.46. Rock-cut chamber tomb with statues, Meydancıkkalesi.

84

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.47. Statues of the chamber tomb, Meydancıkkale, now in Silifke Museum.

85

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.48. Plan of the chamber tomb with statues, Meydancıkkale (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

86

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.49. Rock-cut tombs, Duruhan.

Fig. 3.50. Arcosolium chamber tomb with an arched facade, Duruhan.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.51. Arcosolium chamber tomb, Kuskan.

Fig. 3.52. Rock-cut sarcophagus with steps, Kuskan-Hatunkuyusu.

88

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.53. Plan and section of rock-cut sarcophagus with steps, Kuskan-Hatunkuyusu (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 3.54. Rock-cut tombs nos. 1 and 2, facing south, Direvli necropolis.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.55. Rock-cut tomb no. 1, Direvli necropolis.

Fig. 3.56. Gorgoneion relief on rock-cut tomb no. 1, Direvli necropolis.

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.57. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 1, Direvli necropolis (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 3.58. Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Direvli necropolis.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.59. Section of rock-cut tomb no. 2, Direvli necropolis (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 3.60. The inscription next to the mutilated bust on rock-cut tomb no. 3, Direvli necropolis.

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Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.61. Three rock-cut tombs filled with debris, Direvli necropolis.

Fig. 3.62. Rock-cut tomb no. 4, Direvli necropolis.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 3.63. Eagle holding a thunderbolt in the pediment of a rock-cut tomb, Direvli necropolis.

Fig. 3.64. Lion lid sarcophagus with an eagle holding a thunderbolt in the pediment, Direvli necropolis.

94

Rock-cut Tombs and Sarcophagi of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 3.65. Medallion bust on the facade of a rock-cut tomb, Direvli necropolis.

Fig. 3.66. Bust in a wreath on the facade of a rock-cut tomb, Direvli necropolis.

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Fig. 3.67. Freestanding sarcophagus with hyposorion, Lamus necropolis.

Fig. 3.68. Frontal view of the freestanding sarcophagus with hyposorion, Lamus necropolis.

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Fig. 3.69. Plan and section of the hyposorion with freestanding sarcophagus, Lamus necropolis (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 3.70. Wreath carved on the freestanding sarcophagus with hyposorion, Lamus necropolis.

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Fig. 3.71. Eagle holding a bull's head carved on the freestanding sarcophagus with hyposorion, Lamus necropolis.

Fig. 3.72. Marble lion holding a bull's head under its paws, Lamus necropolis.

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Fig. 3.73. Rock-cut tomb, Germanicopolis (Ermenek Derzkaya) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 3.74. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb, Germanicopolis (Ermenek Derzkaya) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 83.2-3).

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Fig. 3.75. Arcosolium tomb with steps, Germanicopolis (Ermenek Kebeni) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 3.76. Plan and section of arcosolium tomb with steps, Germanicopolis (Ermenek Kebeni) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 87.2-3).

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Fig. 3.77. Rock-cut tomb with Christian inscription, Germanicopolis (Ermenek Kızılkaya) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 3.78. Rock-cut tomb with Christian inscription, Germanicopolis (Ermenek Kızılkaya) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 91.1).

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Fig. 3.79. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb with Christian inscription, Germanicopolis (Ermenek Kızılkaya) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 91.2-3).

Fig. 3.80. Rock cut tomb with lion and snake relief, Neapolis (Güneyyurt İkizini, earlier Gargara).

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Fig. 3.81. Rock cut tomb with lion and snake relief, Neapolis (Güneyyurt İkizin, earlier Gargara) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 114.1).

Fig. 3.82. Plan and section of rock cut tomb with lion and snake relief, Neapolis (Güneyyurt İkizini, earlier Gargara) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 114. 2-3).

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Fig. 3.83. Lion sarcophagus lid, Germanicopolis (Ermenek).

Fig. 3.84. View of the mountainous landscape, Sbide (Yukarı Çağlar, earlier Yukarı İzvit).

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Fig. 3.85. Arcosolium tombs filled with debris and earth, Sbide (Yukarı Çağlar, earlier Yukarı İzvit).

Fig. 3.86. The rock-cut necropolis of Philadelphia (Gökçeseki İmisören).

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Fig. 3.87. Rock-cut temple tomb, Philadelphia (Gökçeseki İmsiören).

Fig. 3.88. Arcosolium tombs with sarcophagi and crosses, Philadelphia (Gökçeseki İmsiören).

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Fig. 3.89. Arcosolium tomb with sarcophagus and cross, Philadelphia (Gökçeseki İmsiören) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 99.1).

Fig. 3.90. View of the mountainous landscape, Lausada (Başyayla, earlier Lafsa).

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Fig. 3.91. Lion sarcophagus lid in a rock-cut tomb filled with debris, Lausada (Başyayla, earlier Lafsa).

Fig. 3.92. Chamosorion, Lausada (Başyayla, earlier Lafsa).

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Fig. 3.93. Rock-cut tomb with inscription, Tepebaşı Ayvazınini, Zenonopolis (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 3.94. Inscription on the rock-cut tomb, Tepebaşı Ayvazınini, Zenonopolis (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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Fig. 3.95. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb with inscription, Tepebaşı Ayvazınini, Zenonopolis (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 152.2).

Fig. 3.96. Chamosorion, Zenonopolis (Elmayurdu, earlier İznebol).

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Fig. 3.97. Chamosoria, Domitiopolis (Katranlı 1, earlier Dindabol).

Fig. 3.98. Arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Katranlı 2, earlier Dindabol) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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Fig. 3.99. Plan and section of arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Katranlı 2, earlier Dindabol) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 124. 2-3).

Fig. 3.100. Arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Katranlı 3, earlier Dindabol) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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Fig. 3.101. Rock-cut sarcophagus, arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Katranlı 3, earlier Dindabol) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 3.102. Plan and section of arcosolium tomb, Domitiopolis (Katranlı 3, earlier Dindabol) (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 124.2-3).

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Fig. 3.103. Rock-cut tomb no.1, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

Fig. 3.104. Figures of the deceased on the facade of tomb no. 1, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

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Figure 3.105. Facade of tomb no. 1, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 104.1).

Figure 3.106. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no.1, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 104. 2).

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Figure 3.107. Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

Figure 3.108. Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

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Figure 3.109. Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 106.1).

Figure 3.110. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 2, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 106.2-3).

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Fig. 3.111. Rock-cut tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

Fig. 3.112. Gorgoneion and riders on the pediment of tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

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Fig. 3.113. The facade of tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 108.1).

Fig. 3.114. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 108.2-3).

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Fig. 3.115. Rock-cut burial niche in tomb no. 3, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

Fig. 3.116. Tomb no. 4, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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Fig. 3.117. The arch pediment with two figures, tomb no. 4, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 3.118. Tomb no. 4, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 110.1).

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Fig. 3.119. Plan and section of tomb no. 4, Göktepe Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 110.2-3).

Fig. 3.120. View of the tombs at Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

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Fig. 3.121. Tomb no.1, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 3.122. Tomb no.1, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 33.1).

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Fig. 3.123. Plan and section of tomb no.1, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 33.3-4).

Fig. 3.124. Tomb no. 2, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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Fig. 3.125. Tomb no. 2, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 35.1).

Fig. 3.126. Plan and section of tomb no. 2, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 35.2-3).

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Fig. 3.127. Tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 3.128. Facade of tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

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Fig. 3.129. Figures cut on the facade of tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax.

Fig. 3.130. Tomb no. 3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 37.1).

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Fig. 3.131. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no.3, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 37.2-3).

Fig. 3.132. Rock-cut tomb no. 4, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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Fig. 3.133. Rock-cut tomb no. 4, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 39.1).

Fig. 3.134. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 4, Çukurbağ Köristanı necropolis, Pharax (from Doğanay 2009, pl. 39.2-3).

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Chapter 4 Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia The monumental and built tombs attest to the wide variety of designs as grave monuments in Rough Cilicia, which mirror the funerary traditions of the Roman Empire. 1 The striking occurrence of monumental tomb structures over a broad expanse of territory certainly speaks of new directions in architecture and tomb planning. Particular facets reflect an increasing wealth and luxurious furnishings in the urban cemeteries, and these, in turn, mirror the shifts in society and overarching customs characteristic of the Roman imperial centuries. Moreover, one observes that monumental tombs in the imperial centuries are designed, not for an individual, but for the internment of several persons. As such, these tombs demonstrate a dominance of given families in the city. One can, therefore, interpret the rather significant variations between Hellenistic funerary monuments, and their successor structures dated to Roman imperial times, as designed for families or groups of families, not for mythical heroes or dynastic monarchs. One might even term the Roman matrix as a 'bourgeois' setting. 2 The development of simple vaulted structures, which rapidly became the standard type for most of coastal Cilicia, may be interpreted as the result of the desire of local middle classes to be buried in a permanently visible tomb. 3

high podia, columnar superstructure, and heavy roof zone (often pyramidal in form). The Belevi Mausoleum with its high podium and the pyramid (?) on top in the main outlines of design followed those of the Mausoleum. 8 The elevated tomb type with elaborate architectural features was a clear emblem for prestige and status. The "Ta Marmara" tomb near Didyma, built in a highly visible location, dating from the second century BC is another example of a temple form modified to serve as a burial place. 9 It may be viewed as a forerunner of Roman temple tombs. Some scholars have suggested that the monumental tombs of the Imperial period functioned as a 'heroon' in which the deceased was regarded as a "hero." Cormack refers to "the increasing heroization of the dead in architectural terms, a step which culminates in the Roman period with such temple tombs as those in Cilicia such as in Imbriogon Kome (Demircili), Elaiussa Sebaste and Corycus." 10 There is no evidence, however, that heroic status was awarded to the dead in the imperial period in Rough Cilicia. 11 The four temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) in the Olba territory in particular to which she refers are discussed below. 12 Based on the decoration of these tombs, one cannot conclude that the deceased intended to promote himself as a hero. Cormack has stated that the placement of the busts of the deceased in the pediment, where in the past reliefs of gods were displayed, had to do not only with social status but also deification. However, we have seen that the busts of the deceased were carved in the pediments and facades of rock-cut tombs and sarcophagi at Lamus and Direvli in western Rough Cilicia (Figs. 3.55-61, 3.64-67). There are also examples of busts from the lids of chamosoria, altars, and columns erected in front of the tombs (Figs. 4.70, 4.77). 13 Durukan also concurs that the busts of the deceased were carved in the pediments of temple tombs because it was the most prominent place in the tomb's facade. 14 The concepts of 'heroization and deification' should not be confused with the desire to perpetuate the memory of the dead and social status. Heroization is a concept foreign to the Olba region, the origins of which are not Greek. Moreover, these temple tombs are not built for one individual but for several people such as the husband and wife or brothers. As Spanu observes, the monumental tombs of the imperial period were not destined for an individual but for the burial of more than one person. 15 Inscriptions from the more modest

The monumental built tombs of the Classical and Hellenistic periods served as the model and inspiration for the tombs of the imperial period. The antecedent of the Hellenistic monumental built tombs was the Lycian 'heroon' tomb. The Lycian monumental or "heroon" tomb is the most obvious prototype for the monuments of the later imperial period. An example is the Nereid Monument at Xanthos combining high podium and monumental scale, a superstructure with elements of Greek temple architecture.4 The heroon at Limyra of the Lycian dynast Pericles with its architectural features such as the elevated podium with burial chamber, surmounted by a cella building in the form of a temple presages the temple tomb architecture of the imperial period. 5 The elevation of the monumental tombs on high podia is ultimately found in the tomb of Cyrus at Pasargade with its high base. 6 Despite Ionian Greek influence in the tomb, the complex as a whole is nonGreek. 7 During the Hellenistic period monumental tombs of rulers, such as those at Halicarnassus and Belevi were erected which would have a lasting impact on later development in funerary architecture. The Mausoleum at Halicarnassus set a trend for monumental tombs containing

Fedak 1990, 79-82. Kader 1995, 202-209; Fedak 1990, 87. Cormack 2004, 145. 11 Durukan concurs with this view. He argues that the temple tombs in the Olba region are not related to heroism concept: Durukan 2007, 147, 162163. 12 For these tombs, see pp. 147-51. 13 For tombs with monumental columns, see pp. 156-57. 14 Durukan 2011, 167. 15 Spanu 2000, 174. 8

For an overview of the diversity of funerary monuments in the Roman Empire, see Hesberg 2000. 2 Spanu 2000, 174. 3 Mayer 2012, 104-105. 4 Fedak 1990, 66-68. 5 Borchhardt 1970, 353-90; Fedak 1990, 68-70. 6 For the tomb, see Arrian 6.29.4; Strabo 15.3.2; Kleiss 1971, 157-62; Stronach 1978. 7 Fedak 1990, 32-33. 1

9

10

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia presence was strong. In Asia Minor the tradition of Hellenistic heroa erected for the adoration of dynasts and prominent citizens continued with the erection of temple tombs in the Roman era. Roman temple tombs adopted the elements of temple architecture, such as columns and gabled facades. The imposing stature and monumental character of the temple tombs signify the wealth and the social status of the deceased and his family. Barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs are found at various sites in the Olba region in eastern Rough Cilicia, where the most impressive examples occur around the middle of the second century AD. Generally designed for a single burial in a chamosorion, a sarcophagus, or a rock-cut sarcophagus, these funerary monuments were built with ashlar blocks without mortar. Tombs with monumental columns are also found primarily in the Olba region. This monument is comprised of a built tomb (usually a barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb) or a chamosorion with a column erected in front of it; the column carries a block with reliefs of figures or a statue of the tomb owner and his family.

grave houses at Selinus in western Rough Cilicia also reveal that the tombs were built for families and in one case, for two friends and their families. 16 In the imperial period the term 'heroon' referred to a wide variety of funerary monuments, including grave houses, temple tombs, rock-cut tombs, and even sarcophagi. At Selinus, the inscriptions cut on the lintels of the grave houses in the cemetery show that the term 'heroon' was used to describe the commonly found barrel-vaulted chamber tombs. Another type of 'heroon' tomb is situated in a walled courtyard, a type frequently encountered in the imperial period. There are two examples of tombs sited in a peribolos enclosure at the coastal site of Iotape in western Rough Cilicia. 17 These, however, are not temple tombs, but large grave houses and they carry no inscriptions. Many of the funerary inscriptions from the monumental tombs of Asia Minor contain threats or curses designed to protect the tomb against violators. We have seen on the rock-cut tombs at Direvli and the sarcophagus at Lamus that inscriptions detailed the amount and destination of any fines to be paid by the transgressor. 18 The few preserved inscriptions from the monumental tombs of Rough Cilicia studied here, however, do not mention a fine or the threat of punishment by various divinities, but simply state that the tomb must not be disturbed and no one else should be buried. 19

1. Tower Tomb The tower-tomb with its unusual architectural form is one of the most interesting funerary monuments in Rough Cilicia. It is represented in Asia Minor only in eastern Rough Cilicia, but is well-attested in northern Syria, where it became the characteristic type of funerary monument at Palmyra and middle Euphrates, particularly around DuraEuropos. 20 Whether the type arose locally or was introduced from Syria is an important question, since it can give better understanding of interconnections between these regions. Tower-tombs, predominantly provincial funerary monuments, are also found in Gaul, Spain and Africa. 21 The chief importance of the Cilician examples is that the funerary tower is preserved in its completeness.

The monumental tombs indubitably were built for the members of the ruling classes of Rough Cilicia, holding priesthoods and magistracies, who were most likely to emulate Graeco-Roman customs. The cost factor must have limited the patronage of such tombs, intended for display of wealth and status. In analogy to honorific monuments in the cities of the living, tombs in Roman necropoleis memorialized the achievements of the dead. The ordinary rock-cut tombs were for the multitude.

Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) The oldest tower-tomb in Rough Cilicia is located 1 km south of Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç), on a hill known locally as "Zıpsekiz", 1200 m above sea-level. 22 (Figs. 4.1-2). The tomb commands an extensive view of the surrounding country. The tower is preserved intact and its pyramidal roof still stands; the key stone was destroyed thirty years ago. The tomb rises to a height of 14.85 m on a threestepped krepis and is of a square plan measuring ca. 5.40 x 5.40 m. A statue may have stood on the top of the pyramid as seen in similar monuments such as the Lion Monument in Knidos. The Öterkale tower tomb in nearby Imbriogon

In this chapter we will focus on a select group of funerary monuments, which display different architectural forms of the free standing built tombs. There are six types of built tombs in Rough Cilicia: 1. Tower-tomb; 2. Baldachin tomb; 3. Grave house; 4. Temple-tomb; 5. Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb; 6. Tomb with monumental column. Of the six types of monumental and built tombs, towertomb is the most intriguing both due to its large scale and rarity in Asia Minor. The baldachin-mausoleum is the best preserved example in the region of a popular Roman funerary monument. The pyramidal roof is common to both these monuments. Grave house, mostly found in the coastal sites, is a simple built chamber tomb with vaulted roof, but there are also examples of a monumental type often raised on a high podium and enclosed by a peribolos. Both types are found along the coastal cities where Roman

For the evolution and the typology of the Palmyrene tower tombs, see Will 1949a, 87-116; Will 1949b, 258-312; Toynbee 1971, 164-72. The types of funerary monuments at Palmyra are gathered in a monograph of Gawlikowski 1970. Also see Colledge 1976, 58-66; Schmidt-Colinet 1997, 157-77. For the tombs at Dura Europos, see Toll 1946. 21 Toynbee 1971, 164-67, pls. 56-57. 22 The tomb is discussed by the following: Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 59-60, fig. 89, pl. 31 no. 90; Will 1949 b, 270-72, fig. 7; Toynbee 1971, 171; Fedak 1990, 88, fig. 111; Er Scarborough 1991a, 395-403, figs. 105, 122, plans 30-31; Er Scarborough 1991b, 11316, fig. 7; Başal 1993, 39-44; Berns 1999, 111-29, pls. 19-24; Berns 2003, 115, 241, fig. 42; Durukan 2003, 219-39, pls. 36-40; Linnemann 2013, 9697, pl. 1.2. A new study of this tower tomb by the German archaeological team working at Diocaesarea has been announced for imminent publication. 20

For the tombs at Selinus, see p. 142. Rosenbaum 1967, 58, 59-61. 18 For these inscriptions at Direvli and Lamus, see pp. 48-52. 19 See for example, temple tombs nos. 2 and 3 at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili): p. 149. 16 17

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Kome dating from the Roman Era, had a base for a statue on top of its pyramidal roof (Figs. 4.9). On the other hand, the pyramid of the spectacular tower tomb at Hermel in the Lebanon, dating from the turn of the second and first centuries BC did not carry a statue.

the isolated rendering of the mutules on the geison, first observed in the initial years of the second century BC and he also notes that the harsh Doric features, characteristic of Hellenistic times, were almost always softened with Ionic forms in the Roman era. Moreover, he argues that, in place of the taenia and regulae, the architects frequently placed a sharply defined double molding with the simultaneous abandonment of mutules, thereby a horizontal geison is united with the triglyph. 25

The tomb has suffered considerable damage on its northern façade, which was blown up with dynamite in the 1960’s by treasure hunters in order to gain access to the floor of the building. Parts of the stylobate that extends from the wall have been removed by locals and are broken. On the east and west facades some of the geison blocks have fallen. The tower tomb has angle pilasters on all sides with Doric capitals supporting the architrave and a Doric frieze of five triglyphs and four metopes. The architrave, crowned by regulae and guttae, is composed of separate blocks. The base of the tower is built in three courses, 0.35 m each, 1.05 m high; the first two rows have been deliberately broken. Upon the base, a series of large slabs, orthostatae, are set supporting the building. The walls are exceptionally wellbuilt of pseudo-isodomic masonry, well-finished on the exterior. Ashlar blocks of local limestone were used. Rectangular blocks of varying width (0.43 to 0.54 m) rise in 15 courses to support the architrave. The height of each course varies on four sides of the building. No mortar was employed in the joints. A small door measuring 0.75 m wide, 0.90 m high is located on the southern face of the monument. It was covered with a heavy stone.

Berns denies that there is any Syrian influence or resonance on the Olban tomb; he cites, by contrast, what he believes to be proxies from the beginnings of the second century BC until the middle of the first century, and these are located in the Hellenistic poleis of the eastern Mediterranean, including the mausoleum of Ta Marmara at Didyma, the tomb at Suweida in Hauran, and Lebanon's Hermel monument. He continues by arguing that since there are no known antecedents to the tower tombs in Rough Cilicia, the formative influence on the tower tomb at Dioceasarea must be Hellenistic. 26 The architectural details are fundamental to Berns' arguments, especially stepped foundations, a recurring base, pyramidal roofs, and half-columns or pilasters. The tomb of Hamrath at Suweida in Hauran is a quadrangular building of isodomic masonry, rising on a triple-stepped krepis equipped with six engaged columns on each side; a stepped pyramid crowned the structure. Burial was below ground level. The Ta Marmara temple tomb near Didyma has a gabled roof instead of a pyramid, and features engaged columns. 27 The massive monument at Hermel in Lebanon sits on a pedestal of three black lava steps, and has two high storeys. The lower floor has angle pilasters, and this monument dates from about the turn of the second to the first centuries BC; it is topped by a tall, smooth pyramid. 28

The blocks, which comprised the pyramidal roof are less finished in the interior of the building. Presently there are eight rows of stepped stones forming the pyramidal roof, and there probably were one or two more rows and a base or a crowning stone at the top. The burial chamber, entered by a small door, consists of a single vaulted room now filled with earth. Illegal excavations have extensively damaged the interior so it is not possible to determine the original condition of the floor. Early travelers in the region gave brief descriptions of the tomb, but do not provide any description of the burial chamber. The walls of the chamber are carefully smoothed; there is no decoration within the chamber. The ceiling narrowed gradually in an overlapping fashion from the four sides until the opening could be closed. The chamber is 3.90 m high. We have no clues as to the form of burial in the tomb. A stone sarcophagus would have been very difficult to move into the small opening. A wooden sarcophagus, lighter to handle and smaller in size, would have been easier. Also the dead may have been wrapped in a shroud and placed on the floor.

Notable are the differences between these Hellenistic monuments and the tower tomb at Diocaesarea. The Cilician tomb lacks the pedestal, present in the tomb at Suweida, and the burial is not below ground level; it also has a pyramidal roof as contrasted to the gabled roof of the Ta Marmara monument. The tomb at Hermel also rests on a pedestal, and has decorative hunting scenes in relief, a feature not present on the Diocaesarean tomb. In arguing for refurbished designs of these buildings, Berns believes that such new combinations gave birth to monuments, unique in given architectural aspects. 29 In his opinion, it makes little sense to suggest that the Hellenistic tombs descend from an archetype among the royal tombs of the fourth and third centuries BC; a famous template supposedly derived from the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus.

Eight decades ago, Keil and Wilhelm believed that the tower tomb was the final resting place of a priest king of Olba, or perhaps one of the last Seleucid kings, thereby dating the tomb to the first century BC. 23 Recently, however, C. Berns has dated the tomb to sometime between the beginning of the second and the middle of the first century BC, basing his analysis on the architectural features of the structure. 24 Among the criteria employed by Berns is 23 24

In response to the study by Berns, Durukan has reviewed in some detail both the architectural and historic contexts of the region, and has basically refuted Berns, and suggested a Berns 1999, 115-16. Berns 1999, 117-18. 27 Wiegand 1902, 149-55; Kader 1995, 202-205 28 Krencker und Zschietzmann 1938, 160-62; Perdrizet 1938, 47-71; Toynbee 1971, 171-172. 29 Berns 1999, 118. 25 26

Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 59-60, fig. 89, pl. 31.90. Berns 1999, 111-29.

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia dating in the first century AD. 30 Durukan suggests that Berns has not examined the tower tomb within the contexts of the local traditions of Olba, especially the architectural characteristics, where the tombs were constructed with polygonal masonry in the Hellenistic era. 31 The tower tomb's vault is also unattested among the monumental structures of the earlier period, whereas many of the Roman monuments display aspects of the vault as well as isodomic masonry. According to Durukan, all of these factors point to structures rather foreign to the Hellenistic architectural traditions in Olba and the contextual archaeology of the region. He also dismisses the assumption that the occupant of the tomb was a priest-king, or a Seleucid king named Philip -- a very tenuous link, given the chaotic last years of the Seleucid monarchy. 32 Durukan further emphasizes that the turbulent final days in Syria and Cilicia, during the multiple reigns of would-be-rulers of a shrinking Seleucid monarchy would certainly not be conducive for the building of a monumental tomb, particularly for a Seleucid king who had taken refuge in Olba. Nor does Durukan agree with Berns, in regard to the possibility that the tomb was constructed to commemorate a priest-king, quite simply because no other priestly tombs are known in the region, 33 dating to these late Seleucid years. Moreover, he also considers invalid the comparison of Hellenistic mausolea with the Diocaesarean tower tomb, suggesting again that Berns ignores the unique Hellenistic architectural traditions of the region. In suggesting a Roman date for the tower tomb, Durukan observes architectural analogies of the temple at İsmailli (Asar), which is of the Flavian era at Olba. This temple has the Doric triglyph and metopes, similar to the Diocaesarean tower tomb, and added features are present in both tombs, the mutules and antae pilasters. 34

suggesting a chronology for these types of tombs (as I observed in 1989, the roofs were absent, much as reported sixty years earlier, and given the current chaos, it is likely that many of these structures are now completely destroyed) (Figs. 4.3-5). 36 Dates for the earliest tower tombs in Palmyra, located in a sharply defined necropolis, are in the middle decades of the first century BC. 37 and it seems apparent that the monuments were not intended as living spaces for either the living or the dead: the deceased were not put into the tower, but buried in loculi, burial niches nestled into the steps of the base of the tower, the raised stepped platform from which rises the tower itself. Of special importance is the mutation from a tower tomb's discrete burials in its base, into a multi-floored structure with numerous loculi on each level, all connected by an internally fitted staircase. Each loculus displayed a worked slab of stone, depicting the deceased in bas-relief, the slab itself sealing the loculus. These miniature reliefs probably mirror local perceptions about an afterlife, existing in an impenetrably high tower, and even though all of the thensurviving tower tombs at Palmyra lack at least one floor, Will believed that some of them carried pyramidal roofs, similar to the Diocaesarean tower tomb. 38 Two famous Palmyrene tower tombs are dated to AD 83 (Iamblichu [Figs. 4.3, 4.4]) and 103 (Elahbel [Figs. 4.5]) and record wealthy and likely politically important families, detailed by inscriptions. Both tombs display elegant architectural embellishments in the facades, as well as inside the tombs themselves, whose loculi have stylized if conventional funerary portraits in bas-relief: these numerous funerary portrait reliefs include banqueting groups, suggesting the hope by the Palmyrenes to continue their pleasant habits as the deceased housed in an eternal structure. 39 In other, rather extensive Palmyrene necropoleis (boundaries still undetermined in 2012, when the unhappy strife in Syria commenced), there are a medley of burial structures, combining tower tombs with underground galleries, termed hypogea. Over the decades, the builders replaced tower tombs with temple tombs, a process of change that seems established completely by the end of the second century AD (Fig. 4.6). 40

In discussing the various influences on the tower tomb, geographical proximity leads one to also consider an underpinning of influences from Syria, especially in the instance of this unusual type of grave as it appears in Rough Cilicia. This type is not known from any other example in Asia Minor, so that one can contextualize this sort of structure within the historical interplay between Syria and Cilicia, in both the Seleucid era, as well as the early Roman imperial centuries. Beginning with the Roman Republic's unification of Cilicia Pedias with Syria in 44 BC (as noted above), 'smooth' Cilicia remained part of Syria, until the reign of Vespasian (AD 69-79, here AD. 74), when the emperor created the province of Cilicia, governed by a legatus Augusti pro praetore, with its governmental center at Tarsus, and this new province fused Cilicia Campestris with Cilicia Tracheia. 35

Variations among the Hellenistic monumental tombs can be argued as paralleled by the Diocaesarean tower tomb, in that one perceives differences in construction of the Cilician example, as analogous to our examples from Syria. To be sure, the Cilician tower tomb lacks both loculi and the later, multi-floored buildings, designed for numerous members of a single family. Reviewing the various opinions of archaeologists, the arguments as to the dating of the Diocaesarean tower tomb

It is to Syria, therefore, that one can also look for artistic influences that had engendered the unique Cilician tower tomb. Well known among archaeologists and art historians is the so-called "Valley of the Tombs" at Palmyra, dated by inscriptions, which provide us with our only means of

36 For the Palmyrene funerary inscriptions, see Chabot 1922, 87-88; Cantineau 1933. Panoramic views of the Palmyrene tower tombs: Browning 1979, color pl. 4, and figs. 131-34. 37 Will 1949a, 90-94; Gawlikowski 1970, 44-48, 54. 38 Will 1949a, 103. 39 Gawlikowski 1970, 63: a coin of Hadrian (AD 138-161) found in the hypogeum of the Palmyrene tower-tomb no. 19, initially erected in the early first century BC, indicates the lengthy use of this tomb, which served the deceased in their 'eternal house' throughout the second century AD. 40 A standard account of Palmyrene temple-tombs is by Schmidt-Colinet, with Khaled al'Asad and C. Muting-Zimmer 1992.

Durukan 2003, 219-38, pls. 36-40. Durukan 1999, 79-82; Durukan 2005, 108-109. 32 See Kosmin 2014, 23-24. 33 Durukan 2003, 221-22. 34 Durukan 2003, 231-34. 35 Syme 1979, 142-44; Magie 1950, 418, 509, 1419-20, 1439. 30 31

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria remain debated, and further research and the forthcoming German publication will elucidate both the dating questions and those that seek to understand the evolution of tomb structures in the region.

be discussed below. 44 The presence of these impressive tombs in this modest settlement have raised questions as to their patrons and the nature of the settlement. 45 Sadly ruined is the first tower-tomb located at a rocky outcrop known as Öterkale “Singing Tower” or Horozkale “Rooster Tower” (Figs. 4.7-9), to the east of the Demircili village. 46 The tomb, built of rectangular blocks, has suffered most damage on its west and south wall. As a result, some of the stones covering the pyramidal roof have also fallen, which has exposed the hardened filling material of the roof. The use of local limestone in the construction has also led to its natural weathering by the elements. No mortar was used. The tower tomb, 7.5 m high, boasts the unusual feature of a statue base on top of the 5-course pyramidal roof which is not stepped. The cornice is supported at plain corners. There are no pilasters. Berns states that the geison in contrast to the other tombs in the region has a gutter-spout, but no console. 47 The sima is not decorated with lion headed spouts. On one side a lintel is set into the masonry. Also noteworthy is the horizontally split frieze. The square plan measures 3.60 x 3.60 m from the outside. The thickness of the wall is 0.50 m. There is an opening measuring 0.70 x 0.90 m. on the eastern wall. Another possibility is that the door was located on the south or west wall which today have collapsed. The interior of the tomb, a small single-storeyed vaulted burial chamber, measures 2.90 x 2.90 m The burial method in the chamber cannot be determined due to extensive damage of the floor. It is likely that burial was in a sarcophagus, the traces of which have not survived. A wooden sarcophagus could also have been used or the dead was wrapped in a simple shroud and placed on the floor. The exceptional form and concept of the monument, coupled with the fine workmanship, indicate a high position of the deceased. The tomb's design was probably influenced by the great tower tomb at Diocaesarea. Based on the careful and precise workmanship the tomb is dated to the first century AD.

A tower tomb, by architectural definition, is very much a prominent landmark, quickly visible over a wide expanse of ground, signifying the occupant's high social, political, and economic standing in the community. Even today, Diocaesarea's remains an imposing fetaure in the landscape, readily visible for several miles that surround it. 41 Its unique structure and its markedly prominent siting indicates that it was the resting spot of one of the dominant individuals of Diocaesarea, and most likely built while he was still alive. Such a prominent structure was chosen for its wealth of symbolism, accounting for its choice in design and adaptation of this type of tomb in Rough Cilicia; that design elevated the individual high above the living inhabitants, and was set into a powerful and impenetrable tower. Then, too, the separation of the living from the dead could easily suggest a continuation of the heroization of the dead. The most striking analogue of the Diocaesarean tower tomb is that at Öterkale (see below), dating from the Roman first century AD. Also dating from the early Roman imperial times is the baldachin mausoleum in Celenderis, located in central Rough Cilicia, which as well has a pyramidal roof (also below). Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) There are two tower tombs near the village of Demircili, formerly known as Dösene, at the site of the ancient settlement of Imbriogon Kome in eastern Rough Cilicia. 42 The settlement is situated on the modern road from Seleucia ad Calycadnum (Silifke) to Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç), 10 km north of Silifke, which follows the same lines of the ancient road between these two important sites in antiquity; traces of the ancient road can be seen today. That Dösene was an ancient settlement is evident by several ruins of buildings as well as tombs. Inscribed statue bases have been found at the settlement. At least by the second century the town (kome) of Imbriogon had grown up. An inscription on a column gives its name, of the second century, the town honoring local citizens, Anglus and Dan (?), and their families. 43 It is not clear if it belonged to the territory of Diocaesarea, Seleucia or Olba. That many of the names from the town are Luwian suggests that it was settled by natives from Olba or Diocaesarea. The ruins indicate that the center of the settlement is located on a hill. There are also simple rock cut tombs and some sarcophagi nearby. In addition to two tower tombs, there are also remains of four temple-tombs at the settlement which will

A second and larger tower tomb at Imbriogon Kome is situated 350 m left (west) of the Seleucia-Diocaesarea road, at the northern hill of the acropolis (Figs. 4.10-11). 48 The tomb, facing east-west, has suffered much damage; its north and east wall have completely collapsed. The fallen blocks have filled the interior of the building. One has the strong impression that the still barely erect west and south walls may collapse at the slightest tremor. The tower tomb, built of rectagonal blocks on rocky ground, measures 6.10 x 5.75 m outside and its surviving height is circa 8.00 m. It rises on a podium, which contains a crypt. At the center of its south facade, a door measuring For these temple tombs, see pp. 147-51. Berns 2003, 113-14. Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 28-29, fig. 42; Boysal 1963; Er Scarborough 1991a, 403- 408, fig. 123, ills. 32-33; Er Scarborough 1991b, 114-15, fig. 8; Berns 2003, 113-16, 223-24, pl. 18.2, 4, 6. 47 Berns 2003, 223. 48 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 26, fig. 38, pl. 13; Bayındır 1995, 38-39, figs. 75-83; Berns 2003, 114-15, 224; Durukan 2009 inexplicably includes this tomb in his discussion of the temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome: 349, 35657, 366, figs. 7, 12. 44

Significant is the manner in which the earliest tombs in Palmyra were sited: these were built in the surrounding hills, considerably distant from the inhabited settlements. 42 The tombs are discussed by the following: Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 81-83, fig. 13; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 23-29, figs. 33, 36, pl. 12, figs. 38, 42, pl. 13; Er Scarborough 1991a, 403-408, fig. 123, plans 32-33; Er,Scarborough 1991b, 104, 114, fig. 8; Bayındır 1995, 39-42, figs. 75-96; Berns 2003, 113-16. 43 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 26-28, inscription no. 50; MacKay 1968, 115. 41

45 46

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia 1 m high and 0.80 m wide leads into the vaulted crypt; its dimensions are 3.75 x 3.75 m and it is preserved to a height of 1.80 m. Although it is filled with earth and stones partly as a result of illegal digs, three klinai can be discerned.

monument in Anatolia and the Near East, the baldachin mausolea dating from the first century BC to the third century AD. The baldachin mausolea, also called “canopy tombs” i.e. tall pyramids elevated upon heavy arches or heavy piers, are among the most interesting monumental funerary monuments in the Roman Empire. The monuments with baldachin are of square plan, have open storeys with vault and pyramidal copings; they often have angle pilasters. They are characterized by a base, pedestal, aedicula, entablature, and a pyramidal coping. This type of monument chronologically is later than the tower-tombs, and probably was influenced by their design. The area of diffusion of the baldachin mausolea extends to Syria and Transjordan as well.

Above the podium of the tomb is a projection with a gradation shaped like fasciae. It serves as the stylobate on top of which are the toichobate. No orthostate follows the toichobate and the wall course in isodomic masonry rises above. The entrance to the tower tomb is located at the west facade on top of the podium; it is 2 m high and 1 m wide. There is no staircase in the tomb. On the corners of the structure are pilasters with their bases and Corinthian capitals. The upper structure has a three-fascia architrave and a frieze followed by the geison with console and sima. On the southwest only two blocks of the geison remain. Among the different reliefs between the consoles are grape clusters, rosettes, four-leaf clovers and goblets. 49 The sima does not have lion-head spouts. The roof of the tower tomb has not survived but it is likely that it was a pyramid like those of the tower tombs from Diocaesarea and Öterkale. Vault was used in the first and the second storeys; it may also have been used in the collapsed third floor. 50

Celenderis One of the best preserved examples of the baldachin tomb is found at the coastal site of Celenderis (Aydıncık) in central Rough Cilicia (Fig. 4.12). 53 The tomb, located in the north necropolis, is called “Dört Ayak” (tetrapylon) by the locals. The tomb has a pyramidal roof supported by arches; the roof is not preserved intact. The monument is built of hard limestone blocks, each about 0.50 m high and wide; their length and shapes vary in accordance with their position in the tomb. No mortar was used. The main storey of the building, built on top of the bedrock, is of a square plan measuring 4.70 m. x 4.70 m. On top of the stylobate, the building's legs have been fashioned as pilasters with Corinthian capitals at the corners. The opening between the legs is 2.40 m wide. These L-shaped legs are vertically divided into two parts; of these the higher ones (3 m) on the outside are crowned with Corinthian capitals. The shorter (0.25 m) parts of the legs facing the interior of the tomb are topped with a simple block on which the arches on each side are placed. The three-fascia arches and the Corinthian pilasters carry a three-fascia architrave, on top of which are unadorned, convex frieze blocks. 54 On top of the frieze is the geison, whose width is equal to the base, and is comprised of consoles and casettes.

The Corinthian capitals of the pilasters of this tower tomb have not been fully carved to show details, which display similarities to those capitals at the temple tomb in Olba. Parallels have also been suggested with the Corinthian pilaster capitals of the Diocaesarea Monumental Gate and the column capitals of the Colonnaded Street, both dating to AD 130-150. A recent study which closely analyzed and studied the similarities and differences of this type of capital in the Olba region, concluded that the pilaster Corinthian capitals of this tower tomb in Imbriogon Kome and the temple tomb in Olba are later than the examples dated to AD 130-150 and instead display similarities to the capitals dating from the Antonine Period. 51 Hence, the tower tomb must belong to the Antonine Period, 150-180 AD. Previously, Durukan in his discussion of the chronology of the temple tombs in Rough Cilicia included this tower tomb among the temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome. 52 Based on the tomb's roof type, which has a vaulted cover system of type 1b (according to his classification based on roof types), he has dated the monument to the period of Marcus Aurelius (AD 161-180). Berns who studied the stylistic features of the decorative elements of the tomb, has suggested a date in the first half of the first century AD.

The pyramidal roof has preserved its shape on the exterior as well as on the interior. The roof is missing at least four rows of blocks. Its present day height is at the most approximately 9.70 m but if we add the fallen blocks from the roof, the total height of the monument is more than 12 m. On top of the pyramidal roof was likely a crown in the form of a Corinthian capital or it had a pointed tip. 55 The baldachin tomb, by its location beside the road leading to the nearby settlement was a monument of prestige in its day. Burial in the tomb was likely in a sarcophagus on the podium below the pyramidal roof and during the excavations at the monument several pieces of sarcophagus were found. There are no inscription or sources that would

The importance of this tower tomb is evident not only in its plan and technical skill but also in its sharp rendering of the details. The owner of the tomb was likely a prominent member of the aristocracy of Imbriogon Kome. 2. Baldachin Tomb The pyramidal roof can be seen on another type of funerary

53 Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 94; Baumeister 1894. For a full discussion of the monument, see Zoroğlu 1994, 41-44 and Zoroğlu 2000, 127-29, pls. 21-24. Thanks to the gracious kindness of Professor Zoroğlu I include here further details as he has supplied them per litteras. 54 Spanu points to the Celenderis tomb as an example of the plain moldings lacking in detail, a feature frequently found in Cilician buildings: Spanu 2013, 103. 55 Zoroğlu 2000, 129; Keil-Wilhelm 1931, pl. 13, no. 42. The pyramidal roof with a pointed tip can be seen on the tower tomb from Diocaesarea.

49

Bayındır 1995, fig. 83. Durukan 2009, 356. 51 Kaplan 2014, 37-38, fig. 12. Kaplan erroneously describes this tomb as a temple tomb. 52 Durukan 2009, 349, 356-57, 366, figs. 7, 12. 50

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria reveal the identity of the tomb's owner.

use of vault is not new to Celenderis. 62 Mortar and stone aggregate are used in the construction of these tombs. Burial can be in arcosolia, in troughs attached to the walls, or occasionally in sarcophagi. The typical tomb of this type in Anemurium, Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, Iotape, and Cestrus in western Rough Cilicia is a tomb with a shallow anteroom and a barrel vaulted tomb chamber with the three shallow arcosolia in the usual distribution. Wall niches occur in the anterooms and sometimes in the burial chambers. This type of barrel-vaulted tomb can be found throughout Rough Cilicia. There are fine examples in Elaiussa Sebaste, but a different building technique was used. 63 In view of their uniformity of plan and size, barrelvaulted chamber tombs likely were built by the middle classes, who would command sufficient economic resources in the coastal cities.

Although different building material was used, parallels to the Celenderis tomb are found in Anemurium and Elauissa Sebaste. In Anemurium, on the coast some 50 km west of Celenderis, is a baldachin mausoleum type tomb, part of a complex tomb. 56 It consists of a tall base which contains the burial chamber and a domed canopy of four lofty arches. The roof is destroyed, it could have been conical or pyramidal like that of the baldachin tomb at Celenderis. Under the canopy must have been some kind of monument on a rectangular base. There is also an example at Elaiussa Sebaste in eastern Rough Cilicia with an elliptical dome and a roof in the shape of a truncated cone. 57 The baldachin mausolea are especially common in north Syria. 58 The earliest of this particular type of pyramidal tomb, which continued to be built through the fourth century in northern Syria, is at Brad and is dated to the second century AD. 59 The tomb is placed upon a high podium, which contained the burial chamber and is elevated upon four arches that formed the canopy. Three mausolea found in the triangle between the villages of Hasanoğlan, Elif and Assar (Hisar) in the ancient district of Commagene deserve special attention. 60 The tombs, which date from the second century AD, have a quadrangular base which contains the burial chamber, and are surmounted by a pyramidal tomb.

The tombs sometimes have vaulted undercrofts beneath the main chamber. Some of the barrel-vaulted tombs later receive flat or only slightly curved roofs that encase the vaults, which give them a cubic form. These may be compared with the cubic grave houses "Kubische Grabhäuser" found at Elaiussa Sebaste, but both the interiors of these chambers in Anemurium and the building technique are different from those at Elaiussa Sebaste. 64 In Celenderis recently two tombs with cubic forms have been cleared which revealed that sarcophagi were placed both on top of the flat roofs and inside the tombs. 65 Another type of grave house is a monumental freestanding tomb that appears primarily at Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, Iotape and Cestrus in western Rough Cilicia, where Roman presence was dominant (Figs. 4.29-34). There are fewer examples of this type than those of the barrel-vaulted chamber tombs. Both types appear side by side in sites such as Selinus and Iotape. The grave house itself rests on an elevated podium, approached only from the front by a set of stairs. It is usually distinguished by a surrounding courtyard. It is differentiated from the temple tomb, which imitates a small non-peripteral temples, by its material and technique as well as entire design. The usual construction, by contrast, of temple tombs includes a gabled ridge, underneath which is hidden a barrel vaulted roof, whereas in a grave house one finds an exposed barrel vault. 66 It incorporates rough blocks of variable dimensions in its construction techniques, and these blocks are set in concrete lime mortar, but there is no regular coursing. There are no ashlar blocks employed in the erection of the walls. Standard burial is frequently in arcosolia in double stories of the chamber and also in crypts. Even though the tomb appears impressive and large from the outside, Townsend and Hoff distinguish this type from the temple tomb, and they articulate how the inside of the tomb resembles a house. 67 Thus, on this basis, since the efforts to imitate

For the dating of the baldachin tomb in Celenderis, Zoroğlu considers the stylistic features of its architecture as well as the traits of the similar monuments mentioned above. He points out that the Corinthian capitals of the monument show similarities to those of the Severan period. He also states that this type of funerary monument besides the parallels from Commagene, north Syria and Cilicia, can also be found in Roman North Africa, in particular in Algeria and Tunisia, where the Severans had special ties. 61 Accordingly, Zoroğlu dates the Celenderis tomb to the Severan period, late second century AD to early third century AD. 3. Grave House In Rough Cilicia the built grave house is one of the most common funerary monuments in the Roman period. The simple grave house with a barrel-vaulted chamber tomb is the most frequently found tomb type in the Roman necropoleis of the coastal sites (Fig. 4.13). The wide distribution of this type attests to its popularity in the region. The most striking feature of the tomb is the presence of the vault. In Celenderis some of the underground rock-cut tombs dating from the Hellenistic period have roofs cut in the shape of a vault; therefore the

Rosenbaum 1971, 96, Pl. 11, 1; for a description also see 145-46. Mortar was used in the building. 57 Machatschek 1967, 114-16, pl. 55. 58 For the baldachin mausolea in north Syria, see Will 1949 b, 277-79 (with bibliography); Matz, 1928, 280-81, fig. 10. 59 Matz 1928, 280, fig.10. 60 For these tombs, see Wagner 1985, 52-54, 57. 61 Toynbee 1971, 166-67. 56

62

Personal correspondance from Professor Zoroğlu. Machatschek 1967, 80-81, pls. 23-25, fig. 38. 3. 64 Machatschek 1967, 81-82, figs. 41-42, 44-46; Rosenbaum 1971, 91-93; Durukan 2005, 118. 65 Personal correspondance from Professor Zoroğlu. 66 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 276. 67 Townsend and Hoff note that the two types overlap and that in other regions of Rough Cilicia the two types can be drawn rather differently, cf. 63

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia Greek temple designs are no longer so studied and deliberate, the term 'Grabhaus' is employed here, to designate this particular type. Therefore, according to recently adduced evidence, the grave house type makes its appearance in the third century, although it would seem that the type came into use a little earlier. The grave is found solely at coastal sites, and numerically it represents far less examples than the barrel-vaulted chamber tombs in the region of the survey.

from Celenderis show. Anemurium, the largest site in the region, has one of the few excavated Roman cemeteries in Asia Minor. The tombs in the necropolis can vary between a simple barrel vaulted tomb to large tomb complexes with anterooms and courtyards. Parallels to the Anemurium funerary monuments can be seen in the coastal sites of Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, Iotape and Syedra in western Rough Cilicia. A recently discovered settlement Ovabaşı, offers some parallels.

Eastern Rough Cilicia The large coastal site of Elauissa Sebaste has a large number of grave houses. 68 The absence of this tomb type in the inland site of Diocaesarea is striking because of the richness of the funerary monuments found there. This confirms the popularity of grave house along the coastal sites.

Celenderis (Aydıncık) The graves in Celenderis are barrel vaulted chamber tombs and though fewer in numbers than the underground chamber tombs, they constitute another popular type of burial in the city (Figs. 4.13). 73 Fifteen such tombs have been noted at the site. They are built on narrow terraces located on the northern and western slopes of the ancient city; all tombs face the sea (south and south east). Frequently, they form a group of four to five tombs, parallel to each other, with a small distance between their side walls.

Elauissa Sebaste Several different types of grave house have been identified in Elaiussa Sebaste 69 There is, however, a high degree of similarity and uniformity in the architectural designs of the grave houses in the north-eastern necropolis of the site; 70 their masonry is of rectangular blocks of stone of variable precision of cutting. The roofs provide varying categories, whether pitched, flat or barrel vaulted. The grave houses in Elaiussa's north-eastern necropolis have barrel-vaulted chambers, are quadrangular in plan, with no distinct external features and all are built in opus caementitium, faced with irregular small blocks. 71 Equini Schneider compares the typology of these tombs to those of Anemurium type I and to the many funerary buildings of Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, Iotape and Syedra in western Rough Cilicia. 72

The barrel vaulted tombs in Celenderis are of four types: a. those with a single room; b. those with an anteroom; c. those of a cubic shape (with a vault inside and a flat roof outside); d. those with two storeys consisting of two rooms on top of another. 74 The tombs have a rectangular plan and with the exception of two examples, they are singlestoreyed. Their length varies between 3.00 m and 5.00 m, their height between 2.00 to 2.50 m and their width between 2.50-3.50 m. The walls of the tombs are built by irregular blocks of limestone and flat stones. Mortar was used. The thickness of the walls measure 0.60-0.80 m. The vault is covered with flat blocks and its top surface have been coated with a thick plaster of lime, sand and broken bricks in order to prevent rain water from seeping into the tomb. As far as can be determined no plaster was used in the rest of the tomb.

Bereft of outer inscriptions or decorative motifs, with the exception of doorposts and molded lintels, the buildings always have an inner barrel-vaulted ceiling, with the actual tombs ordered in the same pattern: stone couches arranged as a triclinium, raised above floor level and resting on large keystones. The adoption of keystones is characteristic of the funerary architecture of Elauissa and is rarely matched elsewhere, all in the same region. Only in three buildings are the tombs of arcosolium type.

One of the two examples of two-storeyed vaulted tombs is located at the center of the town. The upper floor has been restored with modern materials. Through the lower storey chamber, one enters a rock-cut chamber at the back of the tomb. Zoroğlu suggests that the vaulted tomb may have been built in front of an underground rock-cut tomb with a dromos. 75 He also stresses that there is no architectural connection between the two-storey vaulted tomb and the rock-cut tomb; the rock-cut tomb is of an earlier date. Only two side walls are preserved of the second two-storeyed tomb. Its first floor is vaulted but the floor of the upper storey is flat. As with the other examples, the second storey had a barrel vault. Since most of the facades of the tombs in Celenderis have been destroyed, the excavators were unable to determine the shape of the entrances. Only one tomb's arched door is preserved. The tomb, with a rectangular plan, has an anteroom before the door.

Central Rough Cilicia The tombs at the sites of Celenderis (Aydıncık), Anemurium (Anamur) and Ovabaşı in central Rough Cilicia have barrel vaults and can be one to two storeys. Burial could be in arcosolium or sarcophagus as the examples Machatschek 1967, 74-110. 68 For the site, see Machatschek 1967, 98-100; Equini Schneider 1998; Equini Schneider 2003a, 261-73; Equini Schneider 2003b, 406-40. 69 Machatschek identifies four different types of grave houses in the Elaiussa Sebaste necropolis namely, those with barrel-vaulted roofs, gabled roofs, cubical forms, and those with aedicula forms. Machatschek, 1967, 74-85, pls. 23-36. 70 For grave houses at Elauissa Sebaste, see Equini Schneider 2003b, 412-33, figs. 379-404; ibid 2003a, 269, figs. 14-15. For a catalogue of tombs in the north-east necropolis, see Equini Schneider 2003b, 467511. 71 Equini Schneider 2003a, 269. 72 Equini Schneider 2003a, 269, no. 15; Equini Schneider 2003b, 420.

There are no arcosolia in any of the vaulted tombs in Zoroğlu 2000, 125-27. Personal correspondance from Zoroğlu. 75 For the underground rock-cut tombs at Celenderis, see pp. 45-47. 73 74

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Celenderis; instead sarcophagi were placed inside and on top of the tombs. The excavators, in one of the tombs they cleared, found some fragments of a sarcophagus and a few objects that could have been intended as burial gifts. In addition, Zoroğlu has a picture of an in situ broken sarcophagus in a vaulted tomb now destroyed. 76 Such evidence points to the fact that sarcophagi were used in the vaulted tombs. This is also confirmed by the presence in the town center of two sarcophagus lids immediately next to the vaulted tombs, to which doubtless they belonged. Sarcophagi are usually placed in arcosolia in the tomb chambers in Rough Cilicia and Zoroğlu proposes that as in some Anemurium examples, in Celenderis a wall was built in front of such sarcophagi so they could be hidden. 77 He also suggests that more than one sarcophagus may have been posited in the vaulted tombs. The sarcophagi were placed directly on the chamber. As discussed above, one of the two-storey tombs had passage on its first floor to an underground chamber tomb. Zoroğlu suggests that if this underground chamber was earlier in date, and if the vaulted tomb was intentionally built in front of the older tomb, then one can conclude that the tomb was reused which points to another burial type in the vaulted tombs. Hence, although sarcophagi were generally used in vaulted tombs, the older underground chamber tombs were also used in some places. A similar example can be found in a rock-cut tomb located among the present day houses of the modern town. Remains of a structure, possibly of a vaulted tomb, in front of the rock-cut tomb also supports the view that the tomb was reused.

tribe, the Cietae, laid siege to Anemurium. 81 The invasion was repelled by troops from Syria and it was Antiochus himself who finally defeated the enemy. After a short Persian occupation later in the third century, Anemurium continued to suffer attacks from the mountain tribes. Around 382 AD, a new city wall was built by the Armenian legion (Legio I Armeniaca). The conditions of the city improved considerably in the fifth century. The Christian population was active in the sixth century as indicated by the remains of churches. 82 An important Roman road artery running from Lycaonia and the Taurus region to the sea ended in Anemurium after crossing the inland cities of Iconium, Laranda, Germanicopolis and Eirenopolis. During the reign of Septimius Severus, in AD 197 the road from Anemurium to Germanicopolis was repaired. 83 Archaeological research at Anemurium began with the survey of Elizabeth Rosenbaum in 1962 and continued under the direction of James Russell from 1970 to 1985. 84 The necropolis of Anemurium is one of the most extensive and best preserved cemeteries of Roman Asia Minor (Fig. 4.14). It has close parallels to the cemeteries of the neighboring coastal cities of western Rough Cilicia, namely Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, and Iotape. 85 The Anemurium grave houses range in type from simple barrelvaulted chambers to complex two-storeyed structures, with anterooms and courtyards. With its maze of funerary structures, it is a true "city of the dead", the closest parallel of which is the necropolis of Portus on the Isola Sacra near Ostia. 86 Both cemeteries differ from the more typically Roman cemeteries where the tombs are situated along the main roads leading out of the city, such as in Diocaesarea in eastern Rough Cilicia. 87 Rosenbaum suggests that in light of the similarities between the cemeteries of Anemurium and Portus on the Isola Sacra, the Cilician necropolis must be seen within the context of Roman imperial civilization. 88

Parallels to the Celenderis barrel vaulted tombs can be found in Anemurium and Elaiussa Sebaste 78. However, the Celenderis examples differ in their architecture from the Anemurium ones, because they do not have arcosolium burials. For the Celenderis tombs, Zoroğlu offers a date in the first to third century AD based on similar tombs from Anemurium and Elaiussa Sebaste. He also states that the more unassuming plan and appearance of the Celenderis tombs, are a result of the town's diminishing influence and its prosperity compared to those cities mentioned above. 79

The tombs of the necropolis of Anemurium are of at least two distinct types. The earlier group (type 1), dated to the first century AD, is comprised of freestanding simple barrel-vaulted burial chambers on stepped platforms. The roofs were covered with pink waterproof pilaster. Large blocks of dark limestone were used for the side walls and the door frames. Burial was in arcosolia of which there are usually three in number. This type of tomb is also found at Elaiussa Sebaste in eastern Rough Cilicia, but in a different technique. 89 A later development of these earlier tombs towards the end of the second century resulted in the

Anemurium (Anamur) Anemurium, the largest of all small cities built along the ancient coastal road of central Rough Cilicia, is the southernmost promontory of Asia Minor, situated at the shortest crossing point to Cyprus. 80 Anemurium appears as a polis on the list of places in the fourth century in PseudoScylax, Periplous, 101-102. Inhabited from at least the fourth century BC, the site was most active from the first to the seventh century AD, especially in the early third century, when the presence of a theater, an odeon, a basilica, and two baths is attested. In AD 52, during the energetic rule of Antiochus IV, the turbulent mountain

For the siege, see Tacitus Ann. 12. 55. Russell 1989, 121-37. 83 Magie 1950, 677. 84 Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 1-17; Rosenbaum 1971; Russell 1976, 3-20; Campbell 1987; Hild and Hellenkemper, 1990, 187-191; for inscriptions from the site, see Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 25-34. 85 For the cemeteries of these sites, see Rosenbaum 1967, 49-66. 86 For the necropolis at Isola Sacra, see Calza 1940. 87 Elaiussa Sebaste necropolis presents a kind of combination of Roman road side necropolis with the extensive "city of the dead": Schneider 2003a, 270. 88 Rosenbaum 1971, 90. 89 Machatschek 1967, 80-81, pls. 23-25, figs. 37-38. 81 82

Zoroğlu 2000, 126, fig. 5. Zoroğlu 2000, 126. 78 For the examples from Elauissa Sebaste, see Machatschek 1967, 6785, 70-71, 73, pls. 22-25. 79 Zoroğlu 2000, 127. 80 Strabo 14.5.3 and Pliny HN, 5.93.130 provide information about the geographical position of Anemurium. Livy (33.20.4) attributes the name Anemurium to the cape. 76 77

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia building of more ambitious forms of tombs. There is a burial chamber with arcosolia similar to type I, but it is preceded by an anteroom usually decorated with a number of niches (type 2). Burial chambers with anterooms are also found in the necropoleis of Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, Iotape, and Syedra. 90 However, in these cemeteries, the anterooms are short, whereas in Anemurium they are of the same or almost the same size as the burial chambers. In some tombs the side walls of the burial chamber were heightened to encase the vault.

The tombs of the earlier group in the Anemurium necropolis have similarities to those of the monuments in the Elaiussa Sebaste necropolis. Externally they resemble each other. They both have barrel vaulted chambers or in some the barrel vault was encased so that the tomb had a flat or curved roof. 98 Internally, however, they are dissimilar in that the Anemurium examples usually have arcosolia burials whereas in the Elaiussa grave house burial is in troughs along the walls of the chamber. However, though limited in number, arcosolia also occur in some barrel-vaulted chamber tombs in Elaiussa Sebaste, where burial is on top of the arcosolia. 99 Rosenbaum states that the tomb chambers of the early type in Anemurium are earlier than those in Elaiussa and have early examples of true arcosolium burials. 100 She dates the cemetery at Anemurium to ca. AD 200-300, based on the evidence of the preserved frescoes.

The third type of tomb (type 3) in Anemurium necropolis is comprised of a complex of rooms built around an earlier burial chamber with the usual arcosolia. They contain apart from the niched anterooms, halls of varying sizes, sometimes raised platforms on one side and benches. Frequently, a walled enclosure containing courtyards and possibly gardens encircled the funerary complex. In two tombs at the necropolis of Iotape (see below) in western Rough Cilicia courtyards can be seen. 91 Frescoes and mosaics, all datable roughly between AD 200 and AD 300, are only found in the Anemurium tombs of this later phase. 92 All three main types of tombs share the feature that the chambers are barrel-vaulted. The new interest in the cult of the dead that necessitated the construction of these special rooms "...in which the living gathered in memory of the dead" has been explained by the spread of mystery religions and the influence of Christianity. 93 The large tomb complexes of Anemurium are not found elsewhere in the west Cilician cemeteries.

In her catalogue of the tombs in the necropolis of Anemurium, Rosenbaum includes a fine example of a large tomb complex that contains burial chambers, anterooms, and halls in a walled enclosure, and with an upper storey (Figs. 4.15-18). A burial chamber (4) with three arcosolia of the early type is at the center of the complex. Bordering on it to the east, is a second much smaller burial chamber (2). The thorough destruction of its interior makes it impossible to determine its burial arrangement. Entry to both chambers is in the north walls. Generally destroyed, that is only traces remain, is another barrel-vaulted room (9), situated east of chamber (2). Likely there was an entryway at the northeast corner, or equally possible, in the east wall; visible is a doorway into a soaring hallway (1), entered through the south wall, and modifications occurred in this structure during its long history of use; the entrance from the hall into room 9 now has a lower arch, built within the earlier one, and this later structure fractionally obstructs the earlier one. Three curved niches and a rectangular window are set high in the walls. A narrow barrel vaulted corridor (3) leads into the main burial chamber (4). A hall (6), entered through a doorway in the corridor, west of it, has a bench on the west wall, a curved niche in the north, and a rectangular niche in the south wall. West of this niche an arched doorway leads into a possible anteroom or annex (5) to the hall; although its vault is destroyed, some of the frescoes on the west wall remain. An open courtyard (8a) is entered through a doorway from the anteroom. Two low narrow vaulted structures with arched entrances set on the west wall of the courtyard, has earthenware pipes leading diagonally into each vault (7). The large tomb complex had two main entrances, one to the east, north of room 9, and the other in the north wall east of room 3; both lead into another open courtyard (8b). Entrances to the small burial chamber (2) and the vaulted corridor (3) are set in the courtyard.

Rosenbaum considers the simple burial chambers of the early type at Anemurium to represent a local form but believes that the niched anterooms dating from the late second or third centuries, a time when Roman administration was firmly established, reflect Roman influence. 94 She states that these anterooms reflect the interior form of the Roman columbaria of the first and second centuries AD as can be seen in the Roman necropolis of Isola Sacra. 95 The niches in Italy, often curved and apsed like those at Anemurium, served to receive cinerary urns, whereas those in the Anemurium anterooms are decorative. They are frequently painted and adorned with colorful frescoes. In Rosenbaum's view many of the decorative details such as vines, flowers and geometric patterns in the later tombs have their origin in the funerary art of Rome. Among the funerary motifs are the Seasons and the peacock, a symbol of immortality. 96 Landscapes and a funerary banquet also appear. 97 Rosenbaum 1967, 49-66. See below p. 143, fig. 4.32; Rosenbaum 1967, 58 (tomb I.1), 59-61 (tomb II. 22, fig. 35); for the courtyards in the necropolis of Elaiussa Sebaste, see Machatschek 1967, 79-80. Courtyards are a feature in rockcut necropolis of Adrassus (Balabolu): Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 23-27. 92 Rosenbaum 1971, 91-92 93 Rosenbaum 1971, 122-23. 94 Rosenbaum 1971, 105-106. 95 Calza 1940, 92-94, figs. 39-42. In some tombs at Isola Sacra originally intended as columbaria, the niches were closed in the following periods for the construction of arcosolia: see for example tomb no. 46 in Calza 1940, 312. 96 For Seasons, see Rosenbaum 1971, 112, pl. 27; for peacocks, see pl. 22. 97 Rosenbaum 1971, 112-15, pls. 27-31. 90 91

Also discernible is the substructure of a series of steps (10) heading up to the second floor, and these are in the northwest corner of the courtyard; this upper floor does not Rosenbaum 1971, 91. Machatschek 1967, 76-77. 100 Rosenbaum 1971, 101. 98 99

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria overlay all of the bottom storey, but merely rooms 2 and 9; a burial chamber sits above 2, and this is built at the perpendicular to the lower room, and atop 9 there is an anteroom, mostly demolished, as is the case of room 9. Remnants of frescoes in room 5 depict prominent flowers, similar to roses, accompanied with stalks and leaves in green, quite like those exhibited in numerous other tombs in the necropolis, sometimes also featuring red garlands or wreaths. Bright pink plaster distinguishes the insides of the central chamber.

earlier than the third century such as the two temple tombs at Selinus and Iotape. 105 Townsend and Hoff, based on the ceramic data collected by the walking team of Rough Cilicia Survey Project (RCSP) which indicate that substantial inhabitation continued at several coastal sites during the Late Roman period of the fourth through sixth centuries AD, proposed that some of the tombs may date from this period. 106 However, they agree that Rosenbaum's date in the third century AD for the majority of the tombs seems reasonable.

One puzzles why these two narrow vaults were built in the southern courtyard (7): perhaps they served as ovens, and the terracotta pipes set within the vaults were vents for heating. An analogy could well be the Isola Sacra's similar construction, and since most of this variable site was established for the funerary cult, the presence of ovens would cause no surprise. The burials consist of, at most, nine burials, and this also incorporates the upper floor.

Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) The site, one of the foundations of King Antiochus IV of Commagene, is about 20 km east of Gazipaşa, near the modern village of Endişegüney. 107 The ruins of the site and of the necropolis are situated 300 m. above steep rocks falling into the sea (Figs. 4.19-21). The distinguishing epithet 'ad Cragum' comes from the site's position on the steep cliffs overlooking the Mediterranean. The two small coves visible from the acropolis must have offered excellent hiding places for ships. The presence of pirates at the site has long been debated but recent archaeological research has shown that traces of piracy in the archaeological record remain elusive. Numerous maritime finds in the West Harbor of the site, including that of a ship's Pegasus ornament carbon dated to ca. 125 BC, have failed to confirm the presence of pirates. 108 Magie states that the city, evidently organized on the model of a Greek polis, had, by the middle of the second century AD, a Council and various public officials. The site has remains of baths, colonnaded streets, an early Christian basilica and a temple. 109

Ovabaşı A new settlement, Ovabaşı, was recently discovered in central Rough Cilicia. 101 The settlement, located 8 km to the north of Anemurium, takes its name from the nearby village of Ovabaşı. The site is noteworthy for its necropolis of ten mostly two-storeyed graves that are similar in design to Anemurium tombs. Of the two well-preserved tombs, tomb no.1 is two-storeyed with a barrel vault and three arcosolia along the walls. 102 A niche is cut above the entrance door of the upper storey. Tomb no. 2 has an open front and several niches around the door. Tomb no. 3 has an aedicula form with parallels in Anemurium; remains of a fresco can be seen inside. The two-storeyed graves have anterooms with niches like those seen in type 2 tombs in Anemurium, which point to a date in the end of the second century or the third century AD. A single rock-cut tomb is also located in the necropolis. A sarcophagus lid decorated with what looks like fish scales or leaves is another find. Remains of two churches can be seen at the site.

The tombs of Antiochia ad Cragum are like those found in the cemeteries of the coastal towns in western Rough Cilicia—barrel-vaulted burial chambers with anterooms and arcosolia also constitute the main type in the necropoleis of Selinus, Iotape, and Cestrus. Wall niches, though not as numerous as the Anemurium ones, occur in the anterooms and sometimes in the burial chambers of the tombs in the coastal cemeteries in western Rough Cilicia. These niches may have served as a receptacle for votive offerings. A characteristic feature of the tombs of Antiochia is that the corners of the buildings were always emphasized by large blocks of stone.

Western Rough Cilicia Four coastal sites in western Rough Cilicia are noteworthy for their distinct funerary architecture with close affinities to the Anemurium examples. In succession from the east they are Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, Cestrus and Iotape. 103 Inscriptions rarely identify by name the site where they are found but the survival of an ancient toponym into modern times such as Selinti and Aytap is well documented here. The coastline was Hellenized as attested by the Greek names. Rosenbaum conducted the first survey of the tombs at Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, Iotape and Syedra and she concluded that the majority probably belong to the third century AD. 104 She points out the similarity of these tombs to those at Anemurium, which as we have seen above she dated to ca. AD 200-300. She also suggests that some tombs at the four sites were likely

In her survey of the site, Rosenbaum identified five For the temple tombs at Selinus and Iotape, see p. 152. Townsend and Hoff 2004, 275. Claudius Ptolemy, Geography, trans. and ed. E. L. Stevenson, N.Y. 1932, Book 5, ch. 7; Stephanus of Byzantium, Ethnica, A 334, ed. M. Billerbeck, Berlin, 2006; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 152-54; Magie 1950, 549, 1408 note 30; Jones 1971, 211; Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 18-29, 49-52; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 191-93; Cormack 2004, 172. For the Council and People, an agonothete and a demiourgos at the city see Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, nos. 259 and 260, 153-54. For other inscriptions from the site, see Bean and Mitford 1970, 184-86; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 34-43, AntK 1-27. 108 Rauh et al. 2013, 59-86. 109 Excavations at the site were conducted by the Antiochia ad Cragum Archaeological Research Project under the direction of Hoff and Townsend of the University of Nebraska. For some results of the earlier work, see Hoff 2009; Hoff et al. 2009; Hoff et al. 2007a; Hoff et al. 2007b; Hoff et al. 2007c. 105 106 107

Durukan 2008, 319-35. Durukan 2008, 322, figs. 5-8. 103 Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 147-55; Paribeni and Romanelli 1914, 174-79; for a study of this rugged coastline see Hild 1984, 137-45. 104 Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 65-66. 101 102

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia necropoleis. 110 The largest necropolis, Necropolis V, to the north-west of the city center, is now occupied by the modern village, where several houses have a number of stones, including inscriptions, from the tombs used as building blocks. One of the tombs (numbered NV 1 by Rosenbaum) in this necropolis has the characteristic west Cilician features of an anteroom and a burial chamber with three arcosolia. The tomb is oriented north-south. It has a well-preserved undercroft with two vaulted rooms entered from the east. The building material is largely the irregular quarry-stone of the area, but large, well-cut stones were used at the corners of the building. A grave house with a close parallel to the grave house of the same type in Iotape, is located in this necropolis. 111 The grave house (numbered NV 2 by Rosenbaum) consists of an anteroom and a tomb chamber but the anteroom is approached by a flight of stairs. The tomb chamber has two storeys of arcosolia like the large grave house in Iotape. Large, limestone blocks enclose the door. The remnants of a poorly done mosaic are visible on the floor. An arched rather shallow anteroom leads into the two chambers through the doors which have jambs and lintels manufactured from a single stone. The eastern wall of the chamber displays three niches, and the lintel is a reused threshold block.

from the third century AD. We studied three tombs in the necropolis and prepared their plans. All three are roughly of the same type and dimensions (Figs. 4.23-25). The tombs consist of a shallow anteroom with a curved niche on either side of the wall and sometimes in the tomb chamber. The burial chamber has a rectangular entrance. There is an undercroft beneath the burial chamber, entered from the east. We saw a large quantity of bones from several skeletons in the undercrofts. Tomb no. 1 The façade of the tomb, oriented north-south, is 6.50 m long and 4.45 m wide (Fig. 4.23). Its entrance is located on the south. The thickness of the wall varies between 0.80 to 0.95 m. The anteroom, 2.85 m long and 1.65 m wide, has two large niches on the walls on each side. The entrance door, 0.85 m wide, leads to the barrel vaulted burial chamber, which is 3.75 m long and 2.70 m wide. In the chamber there are three niches smaller than those in the anteroom. Two of these niches are cut on the eastern wall and one on the western wall. On the east wall, close to the corner at the north, is a small window-like opening. Burial is placed under the wall facing the entrance. The entrance to the undercroft, 0.60 m wide, is located on the north-east.

The only completely preserved necropolis at the site, Necropolis III, is a small one on a high promontory east of the citadel (Fig. 4.21). It consists of five tombs of barrelvaulted chamber type (one of them a double one), all situated towards the south edge of the promontory, where the remains of a medieval chapel and a large cistern are also found. Each barrel-vaulted tomb has a shallow anteroom entered by an arched doorway; there is a curved niche on either side of the wall. All chambers have rectangular doors with monolithic jambs and lintels. In the case of one tomb the entrance is formed by different colored stones. Rosenbaum describes them as "the door jams are grey, the lintel is white, the curved niche above the lintel is red, and the blocks on either side of this niche are red." 112 As a rule, the burial chambers have no decoration except for niches. The tombs have undercrofts beneath the grave chambers which were used to receive the remains from the main burial chambers when these were to be used for new burials. Entrance to the undercrofts could be either in the west or the east.

Tomb no. 2 The façade of this tomb is 6.48 m long and 4.40 m wide (Fig. 4.24). The thickness of the wall is 0.85 m. The antechamber is 1.65 m long and 2.75 m wide. The entrance door is 0.85 m wide. There are large semicircular niches on either side. The burial chamber is 3.50 m long and 2.70 m wide; due to extensive damage, we could not determine the burial place in the chamber. The entrance to the undercroft chamber, 0.60 m wide, is located 1.30 m to the west of the south-east corner of the monument. Tomb no. 3 The façade is 6.40 m long and 4.45 m wide (Fig. 4.25). The thickness of the wall is 0.85 m. The antechamber is 1.75 m wide and 2.75 m long. There are semicircular niches on each side wall. The entrance, 0.85 m wide, leads into the burial chamber that is 3.23 m long and 2.73 m wide. The burial is similar to that of tomb no. 1. There is a windowlike opening on the west wall. The entrance to the undercroft, 0.60 m wide, is located 1.50 m north of the south-eastern corner.

During our visit to this necropolis a glimpse into the undercrofts of the tombs revealed a massive heap of bones, which attests to the long-term use of the buildings (Fig. 4.22). Even the burial chambers above contained a large quantity of bones, a rare find in the tombs we have surveyed in Rough Cilicia. Most tombs throughout the region have been completely depleted of their contents. These tombs, built during the Roman period, no doubt continued to be used in the Medieval times since the chapel and the fort of the nearby promontory date from the Medieval period. Rosenbaum proposed that the tombs date

Selinus The site lies ca. 86 km from Anemurium in the alluvial plain of present-day Gazipaşa (earlier Selinti), at the mouth of the Selinus river (modern Musa Çay), where it empties into the sea (Fig. 4.26). 113 Selinus was named Trajanopolis The site is mentioned in Claudius Ptolemy, Geography, trans. and ed. Stevenson 1932, Book 5, ch. 7. Selinus is named along with other coastal sites that surrendered to Antiochus: Livy 30.20.4. The site was first visited by F. Beaufort and C. R. Cockerell in 1812: Beaufort 1817, 173-184; Cockerell 1903. Heberdey and Wilhelm were recording the inscriptions of the region in 1891: Heberdey and Wilhelm, 1896, 149-51. For the history of the site and its reference in ancient sources, see W. Ruge 1937, "Traianopolis" RE6 A.2:2087-88; Ruge 1923 "Selinus" RE2 A.2:1308-9; Magie 1950, 609, 691, 1142 n. 21, 1156 n. 1, 1467 n. 39; Jones 1971, 210-

113

Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 49-52. For the tomb at Iotape, see pp. 143-44. Also see Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 52, pl. 12. 2. 112 Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 51. 110 111

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria in honor of Trajan who died there in 117 and was raised to the rank of a Roman colony. The account of the illness and the death of the emperor, who had to abandon his Parthian campaign, is found in Cassius Dio (68.33). In the text of king Neriglissar dating from the neo-Babylonian period, 557/6 BC, Selinus is referred to as the frontier town between Pamphylia and Rough Cilicia. 114 The Periplus of Pseudo-Scylax records Selinus as one of the towns in Rough Cilicia. 115

The tombs of Selinus are of the same type as those in Anemurium and especially in Antiochia ad Cragum and Iotape. Although there is an overall absence of inscriptions from these sites, a considerable number of tombs in Selinus have inscriptions (both Greek and Latin) cut into the lintels of their doors (Fig. 4.27). 121 The inscriptions refer to the tomb as a 'heroon' and they also inform us that the heroon was the burial place of not only a single individual, but also of his family and sometimes jointly with another person and his family. For example, an inscription records that the tomb (heroon) belonged to Germanos, son of Iustos, his heirs, his brother and his wife. 122 Another inscription states that it is the tomb (heroon) of Abaskantos, the son of Orontes and his children and of Herakleides, the son of Stolos, his wife and son. 123 The inscriptional evidence from Selinus is significant because not only it reveals that the term 'heroon' applied to monuments other than the temple tombs, but also that joint burials were common in the imperial period.

The hill of Selinus is a prominent landmark in the plain and one can see the acropolis walls and a fortress, possibly of medieval date, on top of it. The remains of the city are found in the plain to the west end of the acropolis and the river mouth. The main necropolis is on the hillside to the east. The survey of the site was undertaken by Rosenbaum and her team between 1963 and 1965. 116 Remains of the ancient agora, an odeion and a bath as well as a nymphaion and an aqueduct can be seen at the site. Recent investigations at the site tentatively identified the Selinus monument known as the Şekerhane Köşkü as a cenotaph to Trajan. 117 It could also be argued, however, that it is an imperial cult temple.

Most tombs in Selinus have a shallow anteroom and a barrel-vaulted tomb chamber with three arcosolia in the usual distribution; some chambers have two storeys of arcosolia (Fig. 4.28). As in Antiochia ad Cragum, the chambers are sometimes provided with undercrofts. Two tombs in the necropolis have burials on stone slabs along three walls, a variation of the kline burial. 124 A large number of tombs at Elauissa Sebaste has a similar arrangement of slabs with various forms. 125

An honorific Greek inscription on a fine, white marble block, that once carried a group of sculptures above it, names Rhodon as their maker. 118 It is certain that this Rhodon was the son of Kydimasas of Selge, whom we have already met as a prominent mason of two rock-cut tombs at Direvli in chapter 3. 119 This name, foreign to Rough Cilicia, occurs only in the colony of Selgian masons established in the neighbouring Lamus, active in the first century AD. reminding us once more of the activities of the travelling Selgian artists.

Placed close to the eastern edge of the necropolis, the largest and most striking monumental grave house is set on a platform, facing northeast, and is further heightened with a podium, which is approached from the front by means of steps, leading to the antae jutting from the porch (Fig. 4.29). The double floored burial chamber contains three shallow arcosolia on each floor. Parallels of the undercroft, which is split into two, barrel vaulted rooms entered from the east, are found in the necropolis of Antiochia ad Cragum. The whole tomb is covered by a large barrel vault. The entrance to the barrel vaulted tomb chamber had a hard limestone lintel with an elaborate moulding. No ashlar construction appears in this tomb. Further details on the construction techniques can be found in the recent study by Townsend and Hoff. 126

The inscriptions from Selinus show a continuing Roman presence from the time that the area was absorbed into the Roman state under Vespasian. For example, a Latin inscription, an unusual find since Latin inscriptions are relatively rare in Rough Cilicia, records the name of a certain Licinius Campus, otherwise unknown. 120 His residence in Selinus, with an establishment of freedmen and slaves appears to have been of a permanent nature. Bean and Mitford consider that this is an indication of a date following the annexation by Vespasian of the regnum Antiochenum. Besides the characteristic tomb types, many osteothecae decorated with garlands and rams' or bulls' heads and busts have been found in various parts of the site. There is no indication where they could have originally stood since none was actually found in or near any of the tombs.

Cestrus Some 5 km southeast of Selinus is Cestrus, atop a hillock, easily seen from Selinus. A single, fairly well preserved tomb sits on the summit of the hill, resting on the southeastern edge of the site, and Cestrus' structure is quite similar to the large grave house found at Selinus (Fig. 4.30). 127 The two have exactly the same width (7.18 m), although the example at Cestrus is rather longer at 10.98 m. This tomb is open to the north, and one comes up to it on a

11; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 407-408; Townsend and Hoff 2004, 26870, figs. 18-20. 114 Houwink Ten Cate 1961, 29-31. 115 Jones 1971, 197. 116 Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 29-35, 53-58. 117 Winterstein 2013, 157-175. 118 Bean and Mitford 1970, 153-54, no. 156. 119 For the two rock-cut tombs at Direvli, see pp. 49-50. Also see Bean and Mitford 1970, 179-81, nos. 199 and 201. 120 Bean and Mitford 1970, 154-55, no. 157.

Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 378-382, SIT 1-22. Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 380, SIT 9. Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 379, SIT 6. 124 Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 56, 57, tombs nos. 25 and 29. 125 For the Elaiussa Sebaste examples, see Machatschek 1967, 76-78. 126 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 270. 127 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 271, fig. 22. 121 122 123

142

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia stepped podium debouching into an in antis porch, but there is no sign of any columns; the tomb and porch were both vaulted. Inset into the flanking walls, inside the entrance, are twin semi-circular niches, that is two of them, one to each side-wall. The tomb features three floors, of which the two lower ones have enough remnants to show that each floor incorporated three arched arcosolia, set into the flanking and rear walls; and if one assumes that the third floor also had three more arcosolia, this would suggest a total of nine of them in this tomb. The eastern edge of the tomb has two arched entrances, leading into crypts that are vaulted. This tomb was put together with stones of various sizes, a rubble containing rocks ranging from the size of a clenched fist to larger ones, equal to the volume of a human head -- all set firmly into mortar. Exceptions, as discerned, are a slab of paving from the porch, and a carved chunk of local limestone, now revealed as a fragmentary anta base. And although the tomb at Cestrus employs larger blocks for the corners of the structure, similarly to the tomb at Selinus, it does not indicate any efforts to produce an ashlar course.

perpendicular to the wadi. Rosenbaum in her survey of the site observed approximately 50 tombs in the necropolis. Many of the tombs have been destroyed by the locals in planting of banana trees, one of the main crops in the region. In our survey of the site, we saw a large vaulted family tomb on the hillside to the north of the Alanya-Gazipaşa road (Fig. 4.31). The tomb is 4.48 m high and 5.31 m wide. The width of the feet of the arch is 1.29 m. The vault is 6366 cm thick and its arch is 1.96 m high. There were other large family tombs in the vicinity. A majority of tombs at this site are small, barrel-vaulted chambers with arcosolia and there are three much larger grave houses. 134 Of the grave houses, the first tomb, numbered I.1 by Rosenbaum, is the only large one that exists in part I of the necropolis. It stands in a walled courtyard. The anteroom which has deep curved niches in the side walls is approached by steps. The door to the tomb chamber has a moulded lintel. Inside the chamber are three very shallow (36 cm deep) arcosolia. Visible are a few remnants from some separate walls once in the courtyard, and these jut out from the posterior wall, in line with the side walls of the tomb's chamber, but such remnants cannot be discerned in terms of the structures as formed in antiquity. This tomb resembles tomb II.22 of Rosenbaum below.

At Cestrus, a temple of the imperial cult was dedicated to Vespasian in 76. It included statues of Vespasian, Titus and probably Domitian. 128 At the site, Bean and Mitford recorded a dedication set up by a former cavalryman of legio VII, who had retired to his hometown. 129 C. Munatius Valens, veteran of Legio VII, pays his vow to a local Zeus on the fulfillment of his prayer--but the circumstances elude.

Grave house numbered II.22 by Rosenbaum situated in the second part of the necropolis is of the same type as tomb I.1 and it, too, stood in a spacious walled courtyard (Fig. 4.32). 135 It has an anteroom and the tomb chamber accomodated three shallow arcosolia in the usual distribution. There is a series of arched niches in the rear wall of the courtyard. An aqueduct along the north wall of the courtyard fed two circular cisterns located at its east end, suggesting the presence of a funerary garden. Numerous funerary inscriptions attest to a wide spread interest in the use of funerary gardens in the Roman world. 136 Characteristic of this tomb in Iotape, funerary gardens were enclosed by walls, planted with trees and flowers and provided with wells. Funerary meals in commemoration of the dead took place in such gardens and water sources such as cisterns helped refresh visitors. The technical term cepotaphium or cepotafium in itself implies that funerary gardens were common in the Greek-speaking provinces such as Cilicia. Cisterns in cemeteries can be seen in other Cilician necropoleis, such as that of Elaiussa Sebaste and Olba in eastern Rough Cilicia. Cormack points to parallels found in a tomb within a temenos complex at Pergamon, with its cisterns and in another tomb within a peribolos at Iasos in Caria also served to support an aqueduct although the tomb's relationship with the aqueduct cannot be determined. 137

Iotape (Aydap) The coastal polis of Iotape, approximately 8 km northwest of Selinus, was founded by Antiochus IV of Commagene in AD 52, who named it after his wife. 130 There was a temple dedicated to the emperor Trajan (with the cognomen Parthicus) by a priest of the imperial cult at the city erected perhaps at the time of his death at nearby Selinus. 131 Descriptions in recent literature of Iotape reflect similarities, but differences in detail: Rosenbaum tells us that there are three sections of the necropolis, north and south of the city, flanking the wadi that transverses on a diagonal course across the city itself, and the first part (in which a single, large tomb survives) lies on the northwestern side of the wadi, and the other two sections are at a distance further to the east. 132 Townsend and Hoff describe a small promontory, that functions as an acropolis, with the architecture of public functions sitting next to it on the sea shore, whereas the domestic sections of the site occupy the slope of a hill that rises up on the landward side of the site. 133 On the other hand, Rosenbaum says that the tombs form a cluster on the eastern section of the site, with a single group gathered to the north, and another south of a wadi, transversing the city on an east-west line, Bean and Mitford 1970, 155-60. Bean and Mitford 1970, 163, no. 169. 130 Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 148. Inscriptions attest to the presence of the Council and People, a demiourgos and other officials at the site: Magie 1950, 550-51, 1408 n. 30; Jones, 1971, 211. For the site also see Rosenbaum 1967, 35-44, 58-65, 67, 91; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 27576; for inscriptions from the site, see Hagel and Tomaschitz 122-31, Iot 124. 131 For the temple, see Giobbe 2013, 129-30. 132 Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 58. 133 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 271. 128 129

Tomb numbered III.10 by Rosenbaum located on the south Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 58-65; Cormack 2004, 231-32. Townsend and Hoff 2004, 272, fig. 24. 136 Toynbee 1971, 94-100. 137 Cormack 2004, 231. 134 135

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria of the large necropolis is another tomb of the grave house type, but it does not have a courtyard (Figs. 4.33-34). 138 The shallow anteroom, which is entered by a flight of steps was flanked by pilasters (one survives) and has the usual curved niches. One of these niches had a painted scallop pattern. A deep curved niche remains on either side of the entrance though one is partly destroyed. A large barrel vault covered the entire tomb. The tomb chamber has 12 arcosolia in two storeys along the walls. This is the only tomb in the necropolis with remains of frescoes, which were very faded. Rosenbaum was able to discern the floral and garland patterns in the arcosolia. 139 Parallels for this tomb with an undercroft of two barrel vaulted rooms can be found in the above discussed grave houses nos. 1-3 in the necropolis of Antiochia ad Cragum.

Selinus and Iotape, the two coastal sites in western Rough Cilicia, were located at the necropoleis. 145 The temple tombs at Lamus and Asar Tepe in western Rough Cilicia, on the other hand, are located within the city limits. An inscription shows the existence of one intramural tomb at Imbriogon Kome. Carved on a limestone column, which was recorded by Keil and Wilhelm, it states that a 'heroon' was built for Anglus, a civic benefactor of the city, and his family. 146 He was awarded the honor of a 'heroon', which was to be erected within the kome. Anglus, on his part, made a donation of 1200 drachmas to the community. Temple tombs are found frequently at the coastal sites of Elaiussa Sebaste and Canytelleis in eastern Rough Cilicia, and also in the inlands of the region, where the indigenous Luwian inhabitants adopted Hellenistic temple design to build tombs in the Roman period. 147 Six temple tombs, two at Iotape and Selinus (now largely demolished) and three at Lamus and a single example at Asar Tepe in western Rouigh Cilicia, all display mixed architectural styles, which are definitely both Hellenistic and Roman; all six, however, employ building traditions in a manner suggesting adaptations of changing designs, as opposed to the builders relinquishing their own native ideologies. 148 The tombs clearly were designed as a sign of elite status.

In the necropolis of Iotape there is one instance of arcosolia with narrow low sarcophagi built beneath the arch, which had lids that consisted in part of tiles and of masonry. It helps us see clearly how the bodies were buried in shallow arcosolia. 140 4. Temple Tomb Temple tombs became widespread in all parts of the Roman Empire, including Asia Minor from the middle of the first century AD and especially in the second century. 141 They are found in particular in the regions of Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia and Cilicia. Temple tomb is a new type of monumental tomb that appeared in the Roman period in Rough Cilicia, and it is the most impressive, due to its scale and decoration. The different construction techniques and architectural designs of the temple tombs reflect the local characteristics in the region. Burial in a temple tomb displays influences from Hellenistic traditions and it clearly reflected a high status in life.

Temple tombs resemble a temple in their layout with podium and porch and columns either in antis or prostyle leading to a cella. These structures sometimes feature an arcuated entrance at the pronaos, a common type at Elaiussa Sebaste. Typically, temple tombs stood on a crepis, its height determined by the topography of the region. Commonly built in the usual Roman fashion, they also include roofed gables; the anterior and posterior surfaces display pediments. In Rough Cilicia, temple tombs were built in fine ashlar masonry, unlike the mortared rubble masonry seen frequently in the grave houses and other buildings. Temple tombs at Lamus and Asar Tepe in western Rough Cilicia, however, are constructed in ashlar masonry cut from local limestone and use mortared rubble on their interior walls. 149

Many of the Roman temple tombs were the descendants of the Classical and Hellenistic heroa. The predecessor of the Hellenistic temple tomb is the Lycian heroon, which is, in fact, a house tomb elevated on podia or platform. 142 Cormack states that many of the monumental tombs in Roman Asia Minor were deliberately built within the city and were demarcated from their surrounding environment by an enclosure or a peribolos. 143 However, a difference between the Hellenistic and Roman heroa and the temple tombs in Rough Cilicia is that many of the Cilician tombs are not demarcated from civic space by the erection of a temenos wall. For example, at Asar Tepe in western Rough Cilicia, the temple tomb lies in close approximity to two It certainly was not other naos-like structures. 144 surrounded by a sacred area or temenos. The two temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome are about 4 m. apart from each other, forming a striking pair; they were not enclosed by a peribolos. The temple tombs at Elaiussa Sebaste and Canytelleis are extramural. The now lost temple tombs at

All the temple tombs in the region have saddle roofs built by using different techniques. Occasionally, in some of these tombs, the architects founded the fabrication of the roof on tenets linked to vault construction. Mortars are variable: sometimes the builders heaped potsherds, stones and sand on the vault to form a dense and waterproof mantle, and the topmost facet of this tier inclined to nestle into the gabled roof; sometimes, a tier of mortar is absent, and the builders simply fashioned an arch in the middle of the center, followed by placing the cut-stones of the roof on the apex of the arch; moreover, the top faces of these previously fashioned blocks carried sculpted surfaces, tooled to be similar to roof tiles. These two variant forms, displayed by the roofs of the temple tombs, are essential in

Townsend and Hoff 2004, 272, fig. 25. Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 63. Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 59. 141 Hesberg 1992, 183-88, 201. 142 Fedak 1990, 41-42. 143 Cormack 2004, 151, 155. 144 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 267-68. 138

For Selinus, see Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 55; for Iotape, ibid. 61. Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 26-28, no. 50. 147 Rauh 2003, 182-85. 148 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 279. 149 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 279 point to similar construction in the temple tombs at Ariassos in Pisidia.

139

145

140

146

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia considering the dating of these structures. Earlier temple tombs employed heavy barrel vaults in the roof, whereas the later structures of this type of tomb featured the increasingly popular lighter-weight arches supporting the roofs. 150

interior bench running around the walls, one of the most common types of temple tombs at Canytelleis and Elaiussa Sebaste. The Corinthian order is the preferred order for temple tomb architecture in Rough Cilicia as in Asia Minor in the Roman period. The use of a combination of Ionic and Corinthian orders is rare; at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili), the lower storeys of temple tombs no. 2 and no. 4 are Ionic while the columns of the upper storey are Corinthian. Another example is known from Miletus, where the heroon at the west agora has free-standing Ionic columns in antis with Corinthian engaged columns. The use of combined orders can also be seen in the two-storeyed Hellenistic architecture, but the Hellenistic examples generally combine Doric columns in the lower storey with Ionic in the upper. 157 The most popular type of temple tombs was the tomb with prostyle columns. 158

The differences in the roof designs of the temple tombs in Rough Cilicia offer important clues on the dating of the monuments. 151 Durukan has determined three types for the roofs of the temple tombs in Olba region, which reflect different building techniques. Type 1a group has vaulted roofs, which can be mortared (1a) and unmortared (1b). Possibly the earliest temple tomb in the region, the tetrastyle tomb at Elaiussa Sebaste, which is discussed below has a type 1a roof. In the type 2 group, dated to a later time period, the roofs are lighter and the vault is discontinued. In the roof type 2a, we see a single arch in the center of the chamber; the roof consists of stone plates. In type 2b the roof is carried by double arches of the chamber. In type 2c, the roof is carried by a single arch at the front of the chamber, large stone blocks covering the roof are placed on the arch. In the type 3 group, there are unvaulted and non-arched roofs.

Eastern Rough Cilicia We will examine selected examples of temple tombs found at three sites in eastern Rough Cilicia. Current evidence suggests that the first temple tomb in this region occurred in the city of Elaiussa Sebaste, which enjoyed its greatest prosperity in the second century AD and further construction of temple tombs spread from this city to other centers in the region. One surmises, then, that in the more distant locales outside Cilicia, the Romans built monumental tombs over a wide expanse throughout the second century, and in the early decades of the third. At Olban district, the basic architectural styles of the temple tomb survived for about a hundred years, but its origins were a complicated mix of architectural motifs, becoming simplified as the decades passed. Two temple tombs are found at the site of Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç). The extensive necropolis at the Elaiussa Sebaste contains a number of temple tombs. We will look at the double floored tetrastyle prostyle temple tomb there, dating from the first half of the second century AD, one of the earliest tombs in the region. Next we will examine a group of four temple tombs in the inland site of Imbriogon Kome which form the most impressive monuments in the ancient landscape.

Most often, in eastern Rough Cilicia, the temple tombs display spouts in the shape of lion heads on the sima, flower-patterns swirling on the friezes, the triple-fasciae architraves, pilaster and column capitals usually in the Corinthian style. Their capitals are elaborate and their moldings are more ornate than those of the temple tombs at Lamus and Asar Tepe in western Rough Cilicia. 152 There are single and double-storeyed temple tombs as the following explicates. For example, the temple tombs nos. 2 and 4 in Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) in eastern Rough Cilicia are distinguished by two levels, or separate floors, so constructed in response to the rugged and rocky character of the site. 153 The lower floors are partly cut out of the bedrock. Although in some similar tombs, the first floor is entered through a side wall of the tomb and the upper floor is accessed either by means of an anterior or posterior entryway, these two temple tombs in Imbriogon Kome were intended to have been inaccessible; there were no stairs. The two-storeyed temple tomb, 154 at Elaiussa Sebaste in eastern Rough Cilicia, where both cremation and inhumation are attested, rises on an elevated podium and has a tetrastyle prostyle plan. This tomb is also inaccessible; it has a false door in the facade. Machatschek notes that the door in the rear wall was too small to be used as an entry to the tomb, which has a burial chamber in the podium. 155 The temple tomb of Aba at Canytelleis (Kanlıdivane) in the same region, on the other hand, rises on a low podium which is accessible; a doorway in the rear wall provided access to the burial chamber. 156 The tomb has an arcuated niche opening towards the facade with an

Diocaesarea Linnemann identified two temple tombs in the East necropolis at Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç). 159 One of the tombs is located near the city wall. Temple tomb no. 1 is almost completely destroyed, only two parallel rows of limestone blocks are in situ. Recovered fragments of an Attic marble sarcophagus came from this tomb. A second temple tomb with unknown building site may have featured a relief of a medallion bust of a man which was attached to the tympanum. Parallels with the architectural elements of the temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome as well as the marble fragments of the Attic sarcophagi allow for a date of the temple tombs at Diocaesarea from the mid-second century

Durukan 2005, 109. Durukan 2009, 343-70. Townsend and Hoff 2004, 279. 153 For these tombs, see pp. 148-49, 150. 154 See further below pp. 146-47. 155 Machatschek 1967, 98-99. 156 Machatschek 1967, fig. 65, pls. 45-47. 150 151 152

157 For example, the propylon of the Sanctuary of Athena at Pergamon: Cormack 2004, 53 no. 182. 158 Cormack 2004, 51. 159 Linnemann 2013, 110-13, pls. 60.3, 61.1-4, 61.5.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria AD to the early half of the third century AD. Linnemann also remarks on the rare use of grave buildings at the site, which is surprising since they are well represented in the region.

The capitals of the tomb provide the main criteria for dating. Machatschek analyzed the stylistics of the column capital and concluded that the tetrastyle prostyle tomb was built in the first half of the second century AD (i.e. before AD 150). 165 His dating is among the earliest and Cormack is also in agreement. 166 Berns, however, employing the same stylistic elements, dates the monument among his earliest examples to the age of Augustus. 167 Recently, Durukan based on the indications of cremation and inhumation burials in the tomb, proposed a date of the second quarter of the second century AD. 168

Elaiussa Sebaste The architecture of funerary temples at Elauissa Sebaste 160 is typified by a similarity in their buildings, in design and in decorations. The walls are executed in opus quadrata (in one instance the side walls are constructed of rectangular blocks), with outer corners marked by pilaster strips topped by Corinthian capitals. Pitched roof is in cement, covered by several layers of terracotta paste. 161 The details of the architectural decoration, which is characterized by simplicity, display the adaptation of models recurring throughout Syria. A few tombs have a vaulted aedicule in front opening to the outside but not connecting with the cella, containing a bench around its three inner sides. The burial chamber's ceiling is barrel-vaulted, with repeated funerary couches (sometimes even two on each wall).

The tetrastyle prostyle tomb features two floors with an array of characteristics quite different from other known temple tombs, with both tiers containing 16 niches. According to Durukan, a trough fitted onto the eastern wall of the first floor, was placed there during a first phase of construction, and subsequently in a second phase, was removed. 169 There are also lid beds on some of the niches, with faint outlines of others likewise discernible, demonstrating that all the niches were equipped with lids. Machatschek did not notice the faint traces of the trough, reckoned to be of a first phase, which then was removed at a later time. Neither Machatschek, nor Equini Schneider, nor Cormack, mention the traces of the lids in the lower floor. 170 Cormack in discussing the lower grave chamber suggests that the niches were likely designed for servants (slaves?), and as a consequence, follows this observation with the hypothesis that the lower floor was employed exclusively for burials. 171 And yet Cormack (again citing Machatschek) then regards the niches on the first floor rather too small for inhumations, so that perhaps the sarcophagi, placed outside the tomb were used for burials, and that the niches were employed for cult purposes, following on the observation by Machatschek that cremation was uncommon in Elaiussa Sebaste.

The only surviving temple with a colonnaded porch has an upper cella, bereft of furnishings, and a burial chamber in the high podium; in both rooms the side walls have niches of variable shapes and sizes. Possibly the earliest example of temple tombs in the region, the tetrastyle prostyle tomb, is located in the south sector of Elauissa'a north-eastern necropolis (Fig. 4.35). 162 The tomb, located high up in the necropolis, overlooks the bay below. The two-storeyed tomb rises on an elevated podium constructed of six courses of 59 cm tall ashlar blocks without steps. The entrance to the first storey was from the side wall of the tomb, while the entrance to the second storey was via a doorway in the rear wall. An ornate false door with a step is located on the facade wall. The lower third of the Corinthian prostyle columns are unfluted and they rise on Attic-Ionic column bases. Engaged pilasters, 5.75 m high, are placed at the corners of the facade wall. The tomb measures 4.50 m wide and 5.36 m deep at the upper storey; it is 4.30 m high. Above the three-fascia architrave is an S-shaped undecorated frieze, dentil course, a sima without consoles and an undecorated gable. Both the upper and lower chambers are barrel-vaulted. The lower chamber is 2.35 m high to the center of the vault. Both caementitium and opus signinum were used in the construction of the roof. 163 According to Durukan's typology of the roofs of the temple tombs in the region, the tomb has the roof type 1a with a vault made of very large stone blocks and a mortared roof cover. 164

Durukan states that one observes the lid beds, and their traces, in the center of the 1.00 m-1.20 m deep niches, and since all the niches on the first floor had been capped with such a lid, this shows that an ostoethaeca or urn was set behind the lid. 172 The niches on the first or ground floor are different from those on the upper floor, in size, design, and lid-shape. Thereby, as Equini Schneider writes the upper cella could have functioned as the site for rituals, and employed for cult purposes. 173 For a close parallel she mentions the tetratstyle prostyle temple tomb in Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) with niches of the same form and size in the cella walls. 174 She also points to parallels with the niches in the tombs at Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus and Iotape where their probable function. was as a

For the site, see Machatschek 1967, 98-100; Equini Schneider 1998; Equini Schneider 2003a, 261-73; Equini Schneider 2003b, 406-40, figs 377-78. For a catalogue of tombs in the north-east necropolis, see Equini Schneider 2003b, 467-511. 161 For temple tombs at Elauissa Sebaste, see Equini Schneider 2003b, 394411, figs. 355-78. 162 This temple tomb is tomb no. 180 of Equini Schneider 2003b; it was named T11 by Machatschek. For the tomb, see Equini Schneider 2003a, 263-64, figs. 4-6; idem 2003b, 409-411, figs. 373-78, Machatschek 1967, 89, 98-100, 108-109, pls. 52-54, figs. 68-69; Berns 2003, 186; Cormack 2004, 217-19, figs. 89-90. For the latest study of the tomb, see Durukan 2005, 110, 113-15; Durukan 2007, 151; Durukan 2009, 347-49. 163 Equini Schneider 2003a, 263. 164 Durukan 2009, 348. 160

Machatschek 1967, 108-109. Cormack 2004, 218. 167 Berns 2003, 186. 168 Durukan 2005, 113-14; 2007, 151-52; 2009, 348. 169 Durukan 2005, 113 citing Equini Schneider 2003b, figs. 373-78. 170 Durukan 2005, 114. 171 Cormack 2004, 218. 172 Durukan 2005, 114. 173 Equini Schneider 2003a, 264; Equini Schneider 2003b, 410. 174 Equini Schneider 2003a, 264; Equini Schneider 2003b , 410, n. 54. For the temple tomb in Isaura Nova, see p. 208. 165 166

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia receptacle for votive offerings. 175 Equini Schneider also suggests that the first floor niches were fashioned to receive either a sarcophagus of wood, or perhaps terracotta, or an ostheoteca, and in addition, she proposes the probability of the pronaos as a resting place for a sarcophagus. 176

latter which has no parallel in the necropolis of Elauissa. 181 Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) There are four temple tombs near the village of Demircili, formerly known as Dösene, at the site of the ancient settlement of Imbriogon Kome. 182 The inscription which gives its name, of the second century, is recorded by Keil and Wilhelm. 183 A local citizen, Anglus is honored by the town which grants him the permit for the erection of a 'heroon' within the village. On top of the inscription is a deep crescent.

A tomb named T3 by Machatschek with its barrel vaulted entrance belongs to the most common type in Elaiussa Sebaste necropolis and it also features niches, placed on each side of the entryway, demonstrating a close affinity to the upper floor niches in the tetrastyle prostyle tomb, and the appearance of burial troughs set into the walls of the single-storey T3 tomb indicates that inhumation was carried out here. 177 This leads one to think that these niches, similar to the upper floor alcoves of the tetrastyle prostyle tomb, were intended for cult functions.

The temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome can be classified as single storey and double-storey tombs. Two of the four temple tombs have two storeys with Ionic lower columns and Corinthian upper columns. In both tombs there are no stairs leading to the upper chamber. One of the single storey temple tombs is a tetrastyle prostyle, the other a distyle in antis tomb with Corinthian antae pilasters.

Durukan concludes that the tetrastyle prostyle temple tomb architecture and design show that cremation and inhumation were conducted simultaneously in a phase number one; taking the less frequent occurrence of cremation by the reign of Hadrian (AD 117-138) as a context for judgment, he stresses that one observes the substitution of inhumation for cremation on an increasingly prominent scale; and thereby, one can date the time of its construction to the second quarter of the second century AD which is supported by Machatschek and Cormack. 178 The tomb documents that during this period a burial monument was under construction, even while cremation and inhumation took place simultaneously. There are, likewise, no signs of cremation in later temple tombs, with all evidence indicating inhumation, and therefore, he concludes that in the first phase of the temple tombs at Olba, both burial customs were used together.

The most impressive tombs at Imbriogon Kome are the two, built next to each other on a hill overlooking the village of Demircili, known as Çifte Mezarlar (Double Tombs) (Fig. 4.36). They are situated 200 m to the west of the road. These two tombs must once have formed a most impressive group. It is significant that they are the first tombs one encounters on the road from Silifke (Seleucia ad Calycadnum) to Uzuncaburç (Diocaesarea). The tombs’ design is focused on the all-important façade and to make it more immediately visible to impress the passer-by. Temple tomb no. 1 The single storey tomb with a tetrastyle prostyle plan stands above a podium built of two courses of 0.75 m high blocks (Figs. 4.37-39). The tomb measures 6.00 x 8.00 m in plan. The façade of the tomb is partly destroyed; only two of the four columns remain. The unfluted Corinthian columns rest on Attic-Ionic bases (4.40). The column height measures 4.65 m high and 0.60 m in diameter. These columns support the largely destroyed pediment. No architectural elements or decorations were found around the tomb, except for a geison fragment. The capitals of the antae pilasters of the cella wall are also Corinthian, but their carving differs from the full Corinthian capitals of the porch and the details are not worked in (4.41). The cella walls are built of ashlar blocks of local limestone.

As Equini Schneider summarizes "This kind of mausoleum is however extraneous to the local funerary tradition which prefers a different articulation of the facade and also of inner space, which always contains funerary beds. A chronology around the mid of the 2nd century AD seems corroborated by the sobriety and features of the architectural decoration, a date which supports the hypothesis of a more ancient development of the south sector of the cemetery." 179 The tetratyle prostyle tomb at Elauissa can be compared to similar tombs in the Olba region such as those at Imbriogon Kome (Demircili), Cambazlı, Topaların Çeşmesi, Karaböcülü and Türkmenuşağı (Mezgit Kalesi), 180 but it differs from these in its use of caementitium and opus signium in the roof construction, its greater development in height, its rear entrance and in the presence of niches in the interior of the cella and the hyposorion, particularly the

The entablature is complete with architrave, frieze, dentil, and cornice (4.42-43). The three-fascia architrave has bead-and-reel moldings on top of which is an egg-and-dart. The frieze, which has an S shaped profile, is decorated with vertical acanthus leaves and is surmounted by a row of dentils. Above the dentils is the geison, with raking sima decorated with palmettes. The tomb's side walls have

For these tombs, see pp. 141-43; Equini Schneider 2003a, 264, no. 5; Equini Schneider 2003b, 410, n. 54. 176 Equini Schneider 2003a, 263-64. 177 Machatschek 1967, 95, pls. 40-42, figs. 61-62; Cormack 2004, 213-14, figs. 87-88. 178 Durukan 2005, 114; Machatschek 1967, 108-110; Cormack 2004, 218. 179 Equini Schneider 2003a, 264. 180 For these tombs also see below p.151, note 217.

Equini Schneider 2003a, 263; Equini Schneider 2003b 410. Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 81-83, fig. 13; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 23-26, figs. 33, 36, pl. 12; Machatschek 1974, 251-61; Wegner 1974, 57583; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 553, pl. 545; Stierlin 1986, figs. 157, 158; Wagner 1986, 215-16; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 275; Bayındır 1995, 19-37; Berns 2003, 84-85, 86-103, 113-16, 161, 240; Cormack 2004, 204-11; Durukan 2005, 112; Durukan 2009, 343-70. 183 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 26-28, no. 50.

175

181 182

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria similarly carved entablature but on the back (north) it is left plain.

weathered, are carved on the front pediment; they are wearing cloaks draped over one shoulder (Fig. 4.49) .

The roof in this tomb is carried by a single arch in the middle of the chamber. Durukan, based on his category of roof types, states that the roof of this temple tomb belongs to type 2a group, which are lighter and are not vaulted. 184 The cella of the tomb is entered through a door measuring 2.60 x 1.35 m., which has an elaborately carved lintel, measuring 2.00 m long and 0.65 m wide (Fig. 4.44). The door mouldings at the lintel include two bead-and-reel mouldings, egg-and-dart and cyma mouldings. A projecting sima with dentils and palmette motifs rises above the lintel; it is supported by consoles on either side, 0.65 m. high.

There are horizontal limestone slabs placed along the tomb's axis, with the top surfaces of these limestone slabs carved in elevated ridges, to appear like roof tiles and beam roofs (Fig. 4.50). Extra blocks undergird these slabs, above the architrave, and smaller blocks are added, crammed in between the slabs, as augmented support.187 Durukan states that the roof of this particular temple tomb is in the type 2b category: the roof is borne by double arches. The foremost arch at the front of the upper floor has two functions: it not only bears the roof, but it also is the entryway into the chamber itself; the entry is open, and columns are fixed in front of the arch. The arches, in the chamber itself, support the blocks, making up the roof. The blocks themselves function as the covering roof, and rest on both arches paralleled to the flanking walls. 188

The cella measures 4.43 m wide, 4.28 m deep and 6.00 m high; its walls are 0.55-0.59 m thick. An arch divides the cella, supported by pilasters, projecting 53 cm from the walls at each side. On the rear wall of the cella, 2.70 m above the floor, is a projecting console block, 2.50 m long and 0.58 m wide, possibly built for laying out the corpse or the depositions of funerary beds. The consoles may have been designed for placing busts of the deceased, whose production in Cilicia is attested. 185

An arched opening measuring 2.70 m x 2.50 m and carved with two rows of bead-and-reel and one row of egg-anddart mouldings, leads into the burial chamber of the upper storey. Corinthian pilasters flank the opening. The floor is built of rectangular blocks. A wide arched niche decorated with two rows of bead-and-reel and a row of egg-and-dart, which contained the primary burial stands in the back of the chamber. In the cella, there are three sarcophagi with lion lids made of limestone in a triclinium arrangement which have suffered considerable damage. Of these, the left-hand lion lid was broken by a fallen roof block and is lying on the floor next to the body of the sarcophagus; the right-hand sarcophagus lid is missing. There are also deep cracks in the sarcophagi and the lids caused by tomb robbers. The broken sarcophagus on the right is missing its lid. The body of the left sarcophagus has garlands.

Temple tomb no. 2 The tomb, facing south, is located about 4 m east of tomb no. 1 (Figs. 4.45-51). 186 It is the better preserved of the two-storeyed temple tombs at the site. Like tomb no. 1 it is located in a highly visible and impressive spot. The sima on the southern side, and on the north the upper structure (including the tympanum) have collapsed, and the architectural pieces from the roof are scattered around the building. The tomb is of mixed order; the lower floor with Ionic order has an in-antis plan, the Corinthian upper level is a prostylos. The use of a mixture of fluted and unfluted columns, is striking.

The largest sarcophagus is at the center placed higher under an arched recess resting on a podium. Two lions facing the entrance form the lid; the right-hand lion’s head has been destroyed (Fig. 4.51). A half-moon relief is carved under each lion's feet, the symbol of Selene, perhaps indicating that the tomb was under her protection. Lions, the fierce guardians of the tomb, provided additional protection for the deceased. On the front of the sarcophagus below the garland swags are reliefs of what is believed to be rivergods flanking two female busts, capite velato. The river god depicted on the coins of the nearby Olba and Diocaesarea can be Lamus or Calycadnus but it more likely represents Lamus which supplied water to the two cities. 189 One type of Lamus on Olban coins is depicted as reclining. 190 The chest facade's roughly carved inscriptions probably indicate in company with the portrait busts that the deceased are a mother and her daughter. Under the garland at the center is a basket of fruits (now badly weathered), not a bearded male, as previously stated; clearly an error of Wegner. 191 According to Cormack, the basket of fruit,

The tomb measures 4.65 m wide and 5.80 m deep at the lower storey and is 7.50 m in total height. The first floor is built out of the bedrock. Two unfluted Ionic columns, 2.30 m high, are flanked by Ionic half-columns engaged to the side walls (4.46). All columns of this floor are without bases. A three-fascia architrave rises above the columns. There is no staircase to the upper floor of the tomb; it was intended to be inaccessible. The second floor of the tomb is a prostylos with Corinthian columns, 2.50 m high; the columns have narrower fluting in their lower third parts. The entablature is very similar to that of tomb no.1 (Figs. 4.47-48). The architrave with three fasciae has two rows of bead-and-reel and a row of egg-and-dart moldings. Above this is a convex frieze decorated with vertical acanthus leaves and fluting. Palmette motifs are carved on the sima, which has consoles. Lion headed spouts are placed on the cornice. Two male portrait busts of the deceased, much Durukan 2009, 360. Machatschek 1974, 253. For funerary busts, see Çalık 1990, 101-110, pls. 19-23. 186 Durukan 2009, 360-61; Durukan 2005, 112; Cormack 2004, 206-209, figs. 79-82; Bayındır 1995, 30-34, pls. 36, 46-61; Machatschek 1974, 25559, figs. 54-56; Wegner 1974, 575, 583.

Cormack 2004, 207. Durukan 2009, 360-61. 189 For river-gods in Cilicia in the light of numismatic evidence, see Tekin 2001,519-51. 190 Tekin 2011, 524. 191 Wegner 1974, 581.

184

187

185

188

148

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia combined with the veiled heads of the busts, suggest that the women acted as priestesses during their lives, possibly as kanephoroi (lit. 'basket-carriers', synonymous for various local priestesses). 192 There are two consoles carved with acanthus leaves above the sarcophagi on the side walls probably for placing burial gifts. During our visit to the tomb, we observed that one of the consoles on the western wall had fallen on the sarcophagus. There is an inscription between the reliefs of this sarcophagus:

headed spouts. One expects a typical cella behind the porch, but this porch opens to an arched chamber, that reaches to the full height of the monument. Thus, the difference between porch and cella does not exist, but is reduced to almost nothing. 196 In the back wall is a console, measuring 0.55 x 0.55 m, perhaps to hold the image of the deceased. Likewise, there is no crypt, and Townsend and Hoff suggest that this tomb itself was likely a cenotaph or a simple memorial. 197

ἐν[θάδε Μην]όδοτ[ος καὶ Τ]ηδ[ιανὸς ὁι] φιλάδελφοι Μηνοδότοιο δὲ[...]ος θυγάτηρ ἄλοχος μήτ[ηρ...]ας καὶ Αἶνις γαμετὴ Τηδιάνοιο ἄλλῳ δ᾽οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἀνοῖξαι ἤ τινα θεῖναι.

The inscription set into the architrave was initially deciphered by Heberdey and Wilhelm, but some thirty-five years later, in addition to reading the inscription on the architrave, Keil and Wilhelm discerned an obscured inscription on the left anta, and they dated the tomb to the second or the third century AD. 198 Inscription on the architrave: τὸ ἡρῶν Παπύλου Παπιου τοῦ καὶ Μηνοδότου, ὃ μενέτω ἀκέραιον καθ᾽ ἃ διεθέμην.

[Here the brothers Menodotois and Tedianos and the daughter and wife and mother (of Menodotos?) and Ainis wife of Tedianos; it is not permitted for anyone to open it or bury another.] (Cormack 2004, 209; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 80-81, Dös 3; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 82, no. 159). 193 Menodotos is also named on temple tomb 3 in Imbriogon Kome and must be a local name.

[The heroon of Papylos son of Papios, and of Mendotos; let it remain unharmed according to how I arranged it.] (Cormack 2004, 209; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 81, Dös 4; Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896, 81, no. 158). The faint inscription of a later date on the left anta indicates that the tomb was reused for burial:

Temple tomb no. 3 It is reasonable to include in this grouping another tomb having a bust in a clipeus on its pediment, and this tomb is situated to the east of the modern Silifke-Uzuncaburç road as one enters the village of Demircili (Figs. 4.52-55). 194 The tomb faces south and it measures from the outside 5.35 x 5.60 m and stands at a height of 6.00 m. In the center of the pediment on the back of the tomb is another much weathered bust in a clipeus. The tomb is a distyle in antis; one of the columns is no longer at the site, but the other currently is on its side on the ground, right next to the tomb itself. The tomb, built on a low crepis, has Corinthian antae pilasters. In front of the temple tomb is a chamosorion type tomb measuring 1.80 x 0.62 m and 0.67 m deep.

Ἔνθαδὲ ἔθαψα τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν μητέρα, οὐδένα ἐκεῖ βούλομε τεθῆν[α]ι οὐδὲ τὸν κληρονόμον μου ἢ μόνην Κανιν τὴν γενομέ[ν]ην μ[ο]υ γυναῖκα. [Here I buried my father and my mother, nor do I wish anyone else to be placed here, nor any of my heirs, except for my wife Kanis.] (Cormack 2004, 209; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 81, Dös 5; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 25, no. 49)

A new and different design now appears in the roof: an arch, built in the middle of the chamber, supports the roof blocks, tooled with their anterior surfaces to resemble bricks, otherwise used in assembling a roof. In his classification of the roof types of the temple tombs, Durukan identifies this roof as a type 2a roof, the distinguishing feature of which is the existence of a single arch in the center of the tomb chamber. 195 The tomb has an entablature of three-fascia architrave, surmounted by a convex undecorated frieze with dentils, and sima with lion-

These two inscriptions provide us with information regarding the burial traditions. The tomb owner in the first inscription clearly states his desire to protect the tomb against violators. However, unlike numerous epitaphs from Asia Minor that contain a threat of fines or a curse to protect the space of the tomb against violation, he does not use either one. The second inscription is proof of later burial in the same tomb. The violator not only expropriates the burial space, but he even writes an injunction against the reuse of the tomb. This may suggest that the tomb was no longer protected by laws or that the usurper was not

Cormack 2004, 75. Whereas Cormack follows Heberdey and Wilhelm, with the tentative restorations of the occasionally observed gaps in the text, Hagel and Tomaschitz do not attempt to restore reading beyond the first lines. I have, however, judged what Heberdey and Wilhelm (followed by Cormack) to be quite reasonable, and have thereby assumed the earlier restoration. 194 Durukan 2009, 354-56, 360, figs. 10-11, 14; Cormack 2004, 209, figs. 83-85; Bayındır 1995, 21-25, pls. 11-24, plan 1. 195 Durukan 2009, 354-55, 358-60. 192 193

Machatschek 1974, 252. Townsend and Hoff 2004, 278. 198 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 24; Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 81, Dös 4, Dös 5. 196 197

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria intimidated by any threats of punishment.

has set out his thesis that the temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome were built in the time of Augustus (27 BC-AD 14). 202 More recently, however, Kaplan has shown that the Corinthian pilaster capitals of the temple tombs 1, 2 and 4 at Imbriogon Kome are similar to the capitals of the scaenae frons of the theater at Diocaesarea, whereas the capitals of the temple tomb 3 date from the period of the end of the second century AD to the beginning of third century AD. 203 Spanu has also stated that the decorative motifs of the Imbriogon Kome temple tombs, on a compositional and stylistic level, bear close similarity to the decoration of the scaenae frons of the theater at Diocaesarea, securely dated to AD 164 by inscriptional evidence. 204 Therefore, one can use the Diocaesarea theater as a chronological point in time to reach fresh conclusions regarding the tombs at Imbriogon Kome. The similarity of composition and style in the carved embellishments to the theater at Diocaesarea points to the second half of the second century AD for the dating of these tombs.

Temple tomb no. 4 Temple tomb no. 4 in Imbriogon Kome is a two-storeyed tomb like tomb no. 2 and it, too, has Ionic columns on the lower storey and Corinthian on the upper one (Figs. 4.5660). 199 As one leaves the Demircili village, the tomb can be seen about 20 m to the east of the Silifke-Uzuncaburç road. The tomb is partly built; its first storey is cut out of the natural rock. It measures 4.00 x 4.50 m on the exterior and is 7.50 m high. The lower storey shows an in antis plan but three of the Ionic columns, 2.30 m high, are carved independently with only the left column attached to the rock (Fig. 4.59). A three-fascia architrave rises above the columns. On the south side wall of the tomb is a rock cut niche measuring 70 x 70 m. Today the lower chamber can be entered through an opening measuring 1.70 x 1.50 m cut no doubt by the treasure hunters. The chamber is 1.98 x 3.30 m and 1.90 m high. It is completely empty and shows no indication for a burial place. There is no stairs connecting it to the upper floor, which has suffered damage on its eastern wall. The upper floor, a tetrastyle prostyle, has four unfluted columns with Corinthian capitals (Fig. 4.60). The columns, 2.70 m high, have Attic-Ionic bases. The three-fascia architrave and undecorated frieze are carved from one block on top of which are a row of dentils and the remains of a pediment. The cella of this storey is entered from the porch through an arch measuring 2.75 x 2.75 m. There are no remains of a sarcophagus or a console in the chamber. A large hole on the floor is proof of the treasure hunters' activities. The remains of the much damaged roof have large ashlar blocks resting on the architrave blocks. Durukan identifies the roof carried by a single arch at the front of the chamber in this tomb as a type 2c in his classification of the roof types. 200 Just behind the columns in the front is the arched entrance to the chamber, and there is no other arch parallel to this one. The front on the arch features large stone blocks layering over the roof, the blocks situated atop the rear wall itself. These overhead blocks cover the structure like a flat roof and the main saddle roof was placed over the vertices of these blocks.

Spanu stresses how problematic the interpretation of architectural decoration of Cilician monuments may be given the peculiar situation of the region. The relative geographical isolation of the region along with the poor quality and reliability of the local stone, played a major role in the adoption of some specific decorative features. The execution of plain, undetailed Corinthian column or pilaster capitals along with those worked in greater detail was also a consequence of these particular traits. Moreover, the decorative motifs are simplified or more lienar as can be seen in the sima decoration of the Imbriogon Kome temple tombs nos. 1 and 2. The influences of the local schools are also evident in such motifs as the alternation of flutes and acanthus leaves placed vertically on S-shaped friezes found in the tombs of Imbriogon Kome and in the theater and in the nymphaeum at Diocaesarea. 205 Machatschek has proposed Syrian influences on the architectural decoration of the tombs at Imbriogon Kome. 206 However, Spanu dismisses such influence stating that influences in architectural decoration likely came from the regions of Asia Minor such as Pamphylia and Pisidia instead of Syria. 207 One of the examples he gives is the group of Selgian men in Lamus and Direvli, whose impressive stonecutting activities we have already witnessed above in chapter 3 while discussing the tombs of those two sites. 208

This temple tomb in its concept and design shows much similarities to tomb no. 2, but is simpler in details. The ground floors of both tombs are carved on the bedrock. To the south-east of this temple tomb, carved on the same rock, is a rock-cut tomb which is entered through a door measuring 1.60 x 1.12 m. The chamber, which is empty measures 1.24 x 2.05 m and 1.70 m high. There is no surviving trace of a burial or a coffin.

Durukan offers a criteria other than inscriptions and architectural decoration for dating the temple tombs: the different types of constructions in the roofs. 209 He proposes that we can classify the chronological progress under three phases. The earliest examples of the temple tomb form, which emerged in the second quarter of the second century

Dating The temple tombs at Imbriogon Kome have been usually ascribed to the period between the last third of the second and the beginning of the third century AD. 201 One scholar

Berns 2003, 86-103. Kaplan 2014, 38. 204 Spanu 2013, 106. 205 Spanu 2013, 103-108. 206 Machatschek 1974, 260. 207 Spanu 2013, 106. 208 For the Selgian stonecutters at Lamus and Direvli, see pp. 48-52. 209 Durukan 2009, 343-370. 202

Durukan 2009, 361, figs. 17-18; Cormack 2004, fig. 86; Bayındır 1995, 35-37, pls. 62-74, plan 4. 200 Durukan 2009, 361, figs. 17-18. 201 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 24-25; Machatschek 1974, 261; Cormack 2004, 206-11; Durukan 2005, 112; Durukan 2009, 366-69. Based on the style of the capitals, Machatschek dated the tombs to the late second to early third centuries AD. and Cormack supports this date. 199

203

150

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia AD, the time of Hadrian, belong to phase one (type 1 roof). Temple tombs of roof type 1b, which evolved from type 1a, can be dated to the period of Marcus Aurelius (AD 161180). During phase two (type 2 roofs) towards the end of the second century AD vaulted facade, vault cover and opus caementicium were discontinued and columned facades and roof constructions supported by arches lighter in weight were adopted. The architectural and decorative trend was progressively based on simplification. Tombs with type 2 roofs date from the late second century and the beginning of the third century AD, the time of Septimus Severus (AD 193-211). According to Durukan, Imbriogon Kome tombs nos. 1, 2 and 3 were built in this period. Tomb no. 4 with its simpler details was also built during the reign of the same emperor, but later than these three. The tombs built in this period can be classified as one storey (Imbriogon Kome tombs nos. 1 and 3) and multi-storey (Imbriogon Kome tombs nos. 2 and 4). Continuing through the reign of Septimus Severus (AD 193-211), multi-floored monumental tombs, carrying type 2 roofs, used bedrock for their lower floors in a straightforward and practical solution to provide the demands for grandeur and magnitude at less expense. Durukan submits that his suggestions of dating also fits in with the political and economic conditions of the times. The reign of Septimus Severus was one of stability and the temple tombs in Olba regained popularity with their new roof designs. 210

shifts from cremation to inhumation during the Roman imperial era, certainly must be considered in our judgments of when such tombs came into existence. 214 Under Vespasian (AD 69-79), the Romans established firm authority, making Cilicia into a full-fledged province. Rough Cilicia was joined with Cilicia Pedias, which was now separated from Syria. 215 In the decades following the reign of Vespasian, there occurred a sudden acceleration of building projects in the region, and the shift from cremation to inhumation is marked especially by the reign of Hadrian (AD 117-138), and in the early second century Cilicia as a whole became more culturally integrated, evidenced by the widespread practice of inhumation, as contrasted to cremation. This change in burial customs occurs not only in the Roman provinces of south and southwestern Asia Minor, but also throughout the Roman Empire, strikingly demonstrated by the increasing numbers of artistically embellished sarcophagi. 216 Some other temple tombs in the region of Olba between the coast and the inland areas occur in Cambazlı, Türkmenuşağı (Mezgitkale), Topaların Çeşmesi, and Karaböcülü. 217 Western Rough Cilicia Temple tombs, though few in number in this region are known from four sites in the region: Selinus, Iotape, Lamus and Asar Tepe. Of these, the ones at Selinus and Iotape are no longer extant. We rely on Rosenbaum's field notes and drawings from 1963 for information. Townsend and Hoff investigating the region with the Rough Cilicia Survey Project have identified three temple tombs at Lamus and one at Asar Tepe. Previously, one of the tombs at Lamus was erroneously described as a temple, based on an inscription. The one at Asar Tepe was also previously described as a temple and it shares general similarities with two temple tombs at Lamus. A distinctive feature of the tombs at Lamus and Asar Tepe is the combined use of ashlar blocks cut from the local limestone and mortared rubble. The two temple tombs, TT1 and TT2 at Lamus are built on an artificially landscaped terrace, the most prominent location in the cemetery, and they are also distinguished by their form, scale and construction techniques, a sign of elite burial. The tombs at Lamus and Asar Tepe are located within the city limits, no formally separated area was set aside for a necropolis. It is also noteworthy that the temple tombs at Lamus and Asar Tepe, while intending to elevate the rank of the deceased, do not display any religious features such as iconography or a

Durukan has also objected to Berns' placing the dating of these remarkable structures and other temple tombs found in the Olba region back into first century AD. 211 He states that the multiplicity of architectural styles and concomitant variety in construction designs at Olba, initially observed at the end of the first century AD, reached an acme during the second century. Urbanization that had started with the foundation of various settlements in the preceding century was by this time well established and Roman influences in the architecture of Rough Cilicia are discernible. 212 Durukan also argues that Berns' chronology compares the local characteristics of architectural decoration with those of the large centers without taking into account the development of architecture in the Olban region. 213 Machatschek points to similarities between the decorative features of the temple tombs in Imbriogon Kome and Elaiussa Sebaste. In his investigation of the artistic and decorative aspects of these tombs, Machatschek concludes that all the tombs under consideration were built in the halfcentury between the late second and early third century AD and this certainly incorporates all of the artistic and architectural features. However, Berns dates these structures to the early first century AD, employing exactly the same details as other archaeologists, and he stands as the sole advocate of the earlier dating, in contrast to all other students of the site.

Nock 1932, 321-59. Syme 1939, 325-27; Magie 1950, 418, 509. 216 Russell 2013, 172-74, esp. 'Distribution map of Asiatic sarcophagi', 173. 217 For the temple tombs at Cambazlı, see Durukan 2009, 343-65, 369; Cormack 2004, 198; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 223, fig. 149; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 34-36, figs. 54, 56, pls. 17, fig. 53, pl. 18, fig. 55. For the monument at Türkmenuşağı (Mezgitkale), a tetrastyle prostyle on a high podium, see Durukan 2009, 351-68, fig. 8; Cormack 2004, 330; Hellenkemper and Hild 1986, 57, figs. 51-53; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 350. For the prostyle tetrastyle tomb at Topaların Çeşmesi see Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 44-45, pl. 14. For the tomb at Karaböcülü, see Durukan 2009, 359-60, 366, 369, figs. 14-15; Cormack 2004, 329; Hellenkemper and Hild 1986, 53, figs. 41-42; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 288. 214 215

Burial customs also are keys to dating these tombs. The Durukan 2009, 366-67. Durukan, 2005, 111-13; Kaplan 2006, 94. 212 Spanu 2003, 1-38. 213 Durukan 2005, 112-13. 210 211

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria temenos.

which sit on the rise just up the slope of the hill; it also includes a sarcophagus, known as early as the report in 1914 by Paribeni and Romanelli, who noted the inscription on the sarcophagus found inside the tomb itself. 221 Very similar is TT2, some 15 m. distant from TT1: in 1962, Bean and Mitford opined that TT2 was a temple, a conclusion founded on the Latin inscription, 222 which says that the structure was dedicated by one Lucius Octavius Memor, legatus Augusti pro praetore in Cilicia from AD 76 through AD 78, also a consul designatus in 78; 223 the 'temple' was dedicated to Vespasian and his sons, Titus and Domitian, thereby yielding a date no later than AD 96. Bean and Mitford also state that the inscription's stone "was built into a wall just below the building", an observation replicated by subsequent investigators. A more recent study of the monument, however, has questioned these earlier conclusions. Townsend and Hoff in 2000 have noted that three aspects linking the inscription to the building are flawed: 224 (1) the wall does not lie "below the building", but cuts across the full frontal edge of the stylobate, continuing in both directions, with an extension shutting off the porch between the corner's column and eastern anta of the tomb; thereby, the inscription postdates the structure, and cannot have been employed in its original function, when the wall was later built; (2) as C. Giobbe notes, 225 as do Townsend and Hoff, the inscription has found a new place as reused in the wall itself, so that what Bean and Mitford describe as an 'original position', is not possible; (3) Bean and Mitford relate that the dedication refers to an aedicula, but the inscription makes no mention of anything like this; in fact it does not mention what is being dedicated.

Selinus In her description of an "unusual type" of tomb in the necropolis of Selinus, Rosenbaum makes note of features, which render it an exception to the normal style: 218 it has a platform equipped with molding, carefully cut; in addition appears a course consisting of flat, regular blocks; a corner of a wall shows the remnants of a base, and the lowest section of strip of pilasters; its entryway has a doorstep in situ, at a level hinting at an original series of stairs proceeding to the entry; all of the blocks are regular, carefully hewn from high quality, compact sandstone. And even though these remnants are no longer extant, Rosenbaum's detailing of possible features of the lost tomb, points to a temple tomb of ashlar construction, with crepis, steps and cella defined at its corners, with pilasters attached. Moreover, this tomb is in the same class as the one wantonly demolished in Iotape (see below), and dates to an earlier era, contrasted to the majority of the tombs in this locale. Iotape Rosenbaum in her survey of the necropolis in 1963 found a well preserved temple tomb, a unique type in the area. The location of the tomb amidst tightly packed banana trees made it impossible to properly study and photograph it but she was able to provide a drawing based on the 1963 measuring (Fig. 4.61). 219 The tomb, built of carefully dressed ashlar blocks, had been destroyed by the time of her 1964 season at the site. As we can see in her drawing of the tomb, the two-stepped krepis provided access to a single cella with a gabled roof. At the corners of the tomb were engaged columns. Five pilasters decorated each side of the wall. Rosenbaum was unable to draw the door lintel with delicate moldings since it was inaccessible but she did indicate that there was an egg-and-dart molding on top. There were no traces of architrave or frieze. Rosenbaum states that the only parallel for the Iotape temple tomb is found at Selinus, where only the platform on which the walls rose has survived. She suggests that these two tombs are the earliest type in their necropoleis. The Iotape temple tomb is the only known kind at the site. Hence, Rosenbaum assumes that it was the earliest surviving tomb and could have dated to the late Hellenistic period or to the time when the great Hellenizing king Antiochus IV had "re-founded" the town in the first century AD.

The locale of TT2 suggests its true function, since it sits close to TT1, on the same terrace, and by its similarity in size, form, and construction, compared with TT1. In 2003, the survey team discerned a third temple tomb, positioned halfway down the slope, between the freestanding sarcophagi at the top of the hillock, and the terrace at its foot, on which rest TT1 and TT2. 226 Far less well preserved than either of the other two tombs, the TT3 exhibits the unmistakable form of a tomb, even though it now is obscured by thick overgrowths. TT3 is of a very excellent construction. In sum, there are three temple tombs, two on the lower terrace, and a third halfway up the slope of the hill. TT1 which has the appearance of a small naos measuring 5.98 x 5.79 m at the toichobate level, had an in antis porch as indicated by the one preserved anta (the anta capital is missing). The temple tomb has the unusual feature of a console projecting from the front face of the anta. 227 The tomb is constructed of ashlar blocks of limestone, forming

Lamus Three temple tombs, TT1, TT2 and TT3, have been identified at the site of Lamus by Rhys F. Townsend and Michael C. Hoff of the Rough Cilicia Survey Project (Fig. 4.62). 220 Controversy surrounds one of the three temple tombs, two of which rest at the foot of the cemetery's hillock. Temple tomb TT1, may be assumed to be a tomb, since it is merely a few meters away from two other tombs,

Paribeni and Romanelli 1914, 154-55, inscription no. 112. Bean and Mitford 1962, 208-209. The following authors have followed Bean and Mitford: Price 1984, 273, no. 151; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 331; Söğüt 1999, 399-409; Durugönül 2001, 158. For the inscription see Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 15 Ada 11. 223 W. Hoffmann, "L. Octavius Memor (72)", RE, 17, pt. 2 (1937), col. 1851. 224 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 256-57. 225 Giobbe 2013, 129. 226 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 257. 227 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 258. 221 222

Rosenbaum 1967, 55; Townsend and Hoff 2005, 270. Rosenbaum 1967, 61; Townsend and Hoff 2005, 272-73. 220 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 254-65, figs. 6-14; Townsend and Hoff 2006, 395-99, figs. 1-4; Townsend and Hoff 2009, 7-9, figs. 1-10. For the site see also pp. 56-58. 218 219

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia courses in pseudo-isodomic masonry. The interior surface of the ashlar blocks is left unfinished and the remainder of the wall is constructed of rough rubble and mortar masonry, in contrast to the fine carving of the blocks on the exterior. The considerable thickness of the flank walls suggests that they may have supported a vault, which was covered by a ridged roof with pediments. A three-fascia architrave and the undecorated frieze, which is a simple torus placed between two fascias, are carved of the same block.

ridge that separates the Hasdere River valley, which divides it from the valley of the Beyrebucak River, and the site is distant to the west from Lamus by 4.5 km in a straight line; one can see Lamus rather well from Asar Tepe, and if one shifts viewing to the northwest, quite clearly discernible are Selinus and Cestrus, some 8.5 km from Asar Tepe; in somewhat less than three hectares, the Rough Cilicia Survey Project recorded over 100 autonomous building configurations within this limited survey zone. 231 It would seem that most of the structures were domestic in nature, although a few suggest typical typologies known from other sites that display industrial activity. Larger, more public monuments include a bath on the north slope, and perhaps a bouleuterion at the top of the ridge. In 1962, and again in 1968, Bean and Mitford recorded a temple "a short way below the summit" of the eastern slope "in places 5 m. high, with a door on the south side." 232 Townsend and Hoff, however, think this structure is a tomb (Fig. 4.63). 233

The second tomb TT2 is a tetrastyle prostyle temple tomb, built on a crepis of three steps. The tomb measures 9.28 x 5.80 m at the stylobate. A single column base still in situ revealed that the order is Ionic/Corinthian. B. Söğüt, who made an architectural investigation of the building, found a fragment of one pediment, which indicates that the building had a gabled roof. 228 Three semi-circular niches, the central one larger than the others, are cut along the southern wall of the cella. Giobbe notes that if the structure were a temple, the statues of Vespasian and his two sons presumably could have been placed in these niches. 229 As seen in TT1, the exterior of the tomb building is constructed of carefully carved individual blocks erected in pseudo-isodomic style. The combined use of ashlar blocks and mortared rubble is a distinctive feature of both temple tombs at Lamos. Another common feature is that there is no sign of clamps and dowels to secure the walls.

Four decades of looters separate the observations of Bean and Mitford from those of Townsend and Hoff: merely the essential plan and basic dimensions can now be seen, and the presumptive tomb itself, viewed from both its inside and the outer walls, is obscured, layered over by a fallen wall and the shattered rubble, left behind by nameless and numberless pillagers. The plan derived delineates a naos, 6.19 m in width and 9.55 m in length, but one is unable to state with certainty if there were columns, or how such might have been aligned. If columns did exist, they would have been in antis more probably than prostyle, since a structure squeezed next to it abuts the southern front. As in the tombs from Lamus, a combination of ashlar masonry and mortared rubble was used here. Any segments of a presumed entablature have disappeared, but a broken drum of a column, found on the incline, next to the remnants of the structure, may well be a part of the demolished tomb--if that is what it was. The southeastern anta does carry a capital, but the carving is minimal, as if left unfinished. 234

Townsend and Hoff considering the moldings used in the Attic column base and the anta capital of TT2 state that there are numerous parallels of these elements in the temple tomb architecture of southern and southwestern Asia Minor in the Roman period. In discussing the moldings used in the two tombs as a guide to the date of the tombs, Townsend and Hoff attest that the more unusual architectural elements of the TT1 and TT2, namely the profile of the frieze of TT1 and the anta base of TT2, help date the tombs. The frieze of TT1, a simple torus between two angled fascias, carved in the same block as the threefascia architrave, finds close parallels in three tombs in Lycia, one at Xanthos, a second at Patara, and a third near Myra, that display the more unusual torus and these tombs date from the later second to early third centuries AD. The cyma recta of the anta base of TT2, finds parallels in some temple tombs from Pisidia and Lycia, dated by their inscriptions and architectural features to the same period. Finally, the unusual feature of the consoles projecting from the front face of the antae found in TT1 has a close parallel in a temple tomb at Ariassos in Pisidia, which dates to the reign of Alexander Severus. Such analogies suggest the dating of TT1 and TT2 to the latter half of the second century to early third centuries AD. 230

In 1962, Bean and Mitford perceived the remnants of the building as the foundations of a temple, one supposes on the basis of a plan, although the written account does not make this specific. 235 Returning to Asar Tepe in 1968, they proceeded to read and decipher an inscription, apparently with some difficulty, an inscription that rested near the presumed temple, and they also have written in their 1968 report that this inscription had been "illegible" six years previously. In 1968, Bean and Mitford have given this inscription as one recording a man's name and that he was a priest of Zeus -- but this, in turn, was deduced from another block, thought to be the base of a statue, accompanied by a sculpted head, "resembling Zeus," which they had found inside the boundaries of the structure's remains. Recently Townsend and Hoff visited Asar Tepe, and have come to markedly different conclusions than those reached by Bean and Mitford. In their 2004 account, Townsend and Hoff

Asar Tepe Perhaps the lost Augustan colony of Julio-Sebaste, for many decades sought by archaeologists, there is a crammed and rather large accumulation of architectural remains on a summit called Asar Tepe by the locals: it sits on a lengthy

231 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 265-68; for the site see also Bean and Mitford 1970, 170-71. 232 Bean and Mitford 1970, 170. 233 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 265-66. 234 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 265-66. 235 Bean and Mitford 1965, 33.

228

Söğüt 1999, figs. 13, 20. Giobbe 2013, 129. 230 Townsend and Hoff 2004, 262-65. 229

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria make note of the discrepancies between 1962 and 1968 records, set down by Bean and Mitford: in 1962, the purported inscription was undecipherable, whereas in 1968 it became readable, having been moved from the outer limits of the "temple" into the inner perimeters of this structure; in 2004, the inscription appears as having been moved, once again, and Townsend and Hoff found this bit of epigraphy, sitting on its side, outside the "temple". To be sure, there is such an inscription, but it is not decipherable, displaying very obscured lettering, a state of such ancient documents rendered unreadable by the many centuries of natural weathering. Moreover, the statue base with the head of Zeus was nowhere to be found. A third block, reported by Bean and Mitford, as sitting "a few yards to the southeast...[and believed to be] "a stepped platform, apparently an altar," is now emplaced at a distance of about 20 m from a structure that is situated between this third block and the presumed temple. 236 While not necessarily differing in essentials, the observations set down forty years previous to the 2004 report, do illustrate the unpleasant ravages of both an incessant looting of the site, as well as evidence of rapid demolition of details by weather.

was not strictly followed. 238 Three types of burials occur in the aedicula: a chamosorion, a freestanding sarcophagus, or a rock-cut sarcophagus, the last two constructed with large blocks of stone, without mortar. All, likewise, feature a barrel vault, providing a sense of majesty, but there is little indication speaking of a cult of the dead, and no inscriptions or architectural decorations for this type of tomb is currently known. It is therefore difficult to arrive at firm dates for the aedicula tombs, although these are commonly representative of the Roman dominion, in a general manner. Little evidence exists to suggest a date previous to the second century AD so that one can assume that this kind of tomb was put up from this century, and was used well into the early Byzantine period; late examples from Sinekkale and Işıkkale have cross motifs on the walls. 239 Contextually, this is arguable for the intensity of architectural development at Olba, since in the second century, multiple monumental structures appear, sometimes in quite a variation of forms, and our most significant barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs do date initially from the middle of the second century. Sarcophagi can also enable us to suggest criteria for dating: this kind of a tomb, i.e. the aedicula, is characterized by the presence of sarcophagi, and chamosorion burials are also associated with this variety of tomb. One can, therefore, suggest that these monuments first made their appearance in the second half of the second century, when one can date the beginnings of variable designs employed in tomb construction and simultaneous use of sarcophagi. One can also point to similar tombs in neighboring regions such as Pamphylia generally dated to the second century AD. 240

In sum, there is little evidence that the structure at Asar Tepe has any connection with religious or sacred functions. If, as Townsend and Hoff suggest, the faint remnants are those of a temple tomb, one cannot, however, reach firm conclusions for any sort of dating for it. Given the jumble of remains at Asar Tepe, one can conclude that two, or at most three, naos-like buildings once stood among the morass of ruins, all jumbled together in a medley of agglomerated confusion. 237 This, of course, causes one to doubt the report by Bean and Mitford, that the site featured a temple. If the architects had planned the construction of even a small, modest temple, by necessity, this required a sacred precinct or temenos, with the normal addition of an altar. Such temple-like planning did not, however, incorporate the construction of funerary monuments, as one can note from other temple tombs that exist in southern or southwest Anatolia. As at Lamus, there are no formally separated spaces set aside for a necropolis at Asar Tepe. The limited evidence for dating derived from pottery sequences by the survey team indicate that a date for the temple tomb is in the early Roman imperial era. And with the exception of the analogous features, shared by this temple tomb with two other examples at Lamus, there is no more evidence to provide particulars about this tumbled accumulation of the fragments of ancient structures at Asar Tepe.

Barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs are popular especially in the inland settlements of the Olba region, such as at Paslı, Sömek, Işıkkale, Karaböcülü, Kümbet, Kümbet Beleni, Hisarkale and Tekkadın. 241 At Kümbet a barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with a monumental column has a chamosorion burial inside (figs. 4.67-71). 242 In the village of Yukarı Hüseyinler occurs an intriguing exemplar of this kind of tomb (Figs. 4.72-73). 243 Larger by comparison to similar examples (the Yukarı Hüseyinler tomb measures 7.92 m. by 5.12 m.), the monument is definitely an aedicula-styled tomb; it features three chamosoria situated within the tomb; next to the monument itself, a broken column (ca. 5 m. high) rests. Also in the front of this tomb is an altar, with a relief of a hand holding a wreath, moreover revealing are rock-cut pots or vessels on the surfaces of its eastern and western walls. All of this could easily be interpreted as a ritual of libation, certainly common in cults of the dead in Roman Asia Minor. Given these features, archaeologists have proffered varied theories

5. Barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs In Rough Cilicia barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs are mostly found in the Olba region in eastern Rough Cilicia. Generally, these tombs that appear in structure like the large barrel-vaulted aedicula were designed for a single individual, but tombs of this kind can incorporate more than one grave, so one can assume that this pattern of burials

236 237

238 For a discussion of these tombs, see Durukan 2005, 119-22, figs. 16-24; Söğüt 2005, 103-108, 117-19, 120-24, figs. 5.1-7, 5.8-12. 239 Durukan 2005, 119, 122. 240 Durukan 2005, 119. 241 For Paslı, Sömek, and Işıkkale and Karaböcülü, see Durukan 2005, 119, figs. 16-17. For the site of Karaböcülü, see Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 288. For Kümbet and Kümbet Beleni, see Söğüt 2005,(Kümbet:106-107, figs. 1-3), (Kümbet Beleni:117-119, 40-42). 242 Söğüt 2005, 106-107, figs. 1-7; for this tomb also see below p. 165. 243 Söğüt 2005, 107-108, figs. 8-11; Durukan 2005, 120-22, figs. 18-24.

Townsend and Hoff 2004, 266-67. Townsend and Hoff 2004, 268.

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia to visualize the structure of this monument: Söğüt presumes that the tomb was covered over with a vault on the inside, and had a straight roof in its exterior. 244 Durukan thinks that the surface of the barrel vault was uncovered, and thereby submits a differing state for its reconstruction. 245 At Kümbet Beleni is a barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with a sarcophagus inside; a monumental column with a Corinthian capital and a block with three busts was erected next to it (Fig. 4.81-82). 246 Another example of a barrelvaulted aedicula tomb is at the village of Seyranlık, located 23 km north of Silifke (Seleucia ad Calycadnum). 247 The ruins of the site, which are to the south of the village include 25-30 houses with rectangular plans, remains of buildings with workshops near them and 6 cisterns. 50 m to the south of the site are several grave buildings, one with an inscription. The grave of Hekataios is a barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with a sarcophagus chest. 248 The lid is missing. On the chest is a six-lined inscription which informs us that it is the grave of Hekataios and that the violator of the grave must pay 1000 dinars to the sacred treasury and 1000 dinars to the City of Seleukeia.

rectangular ground plan, apsed in the interior, and provided with niches. Both buildings stand on pedestals with steps on the east and were entered through doors. The building technique and the surviving fresco remains in tomb numbered II.8 by Rosenbaum help date both tombs to the second phase in the history of the Anemurium necropolis, a date in the late second or third centuries AD. Rosenbaum states that although the two Anemurium examples bear a resemblance to 'aedicula-like' tombs, she has been unable to find close analogies. Eirenopolis (Yukarı İrnebol) The great tomb at Dinek located in Eirenopolis in inner Rough Cilicia can be seen as a different variety of the barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs (Fig. 4.64). Except for the vault, the upper part of the tomb is destroyed. The shape of the side walls on which the vault was placed make it clear that it rose straight along its outer wall; its height, however, cannot be determined. On the 12th kilometer of the modern road from Ermenek (Germanicopolis) to Anamur (Anemurium) the road divides into two branches. One of them reaches the Mediterranean shore through the town of Gülnar; the other passes through a town and several villages located on the slopes of the Taurus mountain block facing Ermenek and reaches Anamur. Located in this area of the latter road, which was also used in antiquity, are two villages known as Aşağı İrnebol and Yukarı İrnebol. 255 İrnebol preserves the name of Eirenopolis as seen in the Greek names of other places especially in western Rough Cilicia although there is a growing tendency to give these places new Turkish names. 256 The names of these two villages formerly known as Aşağı İrnebol and Yukarı İrnebol have been recently changed to İkizçınar and Çatalbadem. Ancient ruins on a low hill to the northwest of Yukarı İrnebol have been identified as the site of Eirenopolis. The ruins are dominated by a summit which may have been an acropolis. The site has no notable remains such as a wall, tombs or inscriptions with the exception of the great tomb discussed below. Bean and Mitford after their visit to the site reported that 'The present poverty of the site is fully explained by the fact that two families of the village still live by denuding it of all squared stone, their yards stacked with blocks, many moulded: school buildings and mosque are said, indeed, to be the outcome of their activity.' 257

In the Diocaesarea necropolis are three barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs. 249 The better preserved two are located in the east necropolis; the third one can be found in the west necropolis. Of these three, the monument called Grabhaus 4 by the excavators is located in the east of Diocaesarea on the road to Olba. 250 It has a rock-cut sarcophagus (as in the other two) on which is carved a pilaster in the shape of a Roman altar. An inscription of four lines is cut on a tabula ansata on the body of the altar. 251 The text, which identifies a retired soldier named Lucius Agousios Mareinos as the owner of the tomb, was dated by Keil and Wilhelm based on the letter forms to the second or third centuries AD. Recently, based on the thick shape of the tabula and the narrow but high ansae, a date in the middle of the third century has been suggested. 252 At the necropolis of Elauissa Sebaste is an example of this type of funerary monument, which is quite different than the ones from the Olba region. 253 Unlike the more typical inland monuments which are constructed of large stone blocks without mortar, the tomb in Elauissa Sebaste is built of small stone blocks with mortar. Moreover, the barrel vault was covered so that it is cubic in appearance. Inside the tomb was a sarcophagus.

Eirenopolis was founded by king Antiochus IV of Commagene after the suppression of the Cietae in AD 52. 258 The settlement was placed on the difficult but vital route dated to AD 137 from Anemurium to Isaura, which first had to pass through Germanicopolis (Ermenek), and

In the Anemurium necropolis two examples that somewhat resemble barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs are found. 254 These tombs have the form of a tall, aedicula-like building on a 244

Söğüt 2005, 107, fig. 10. Durukan 2005, 121, figs. 23-24. 246 Söğüt 2005, 117-19, figs. 40-45. 247 Şahin 2006, 117-120. 248 Şahin 2006, 117-18, figs. 3-4. 249 Linnemann 2013, 116-18. 250 Linnemann 2013, 117; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 88, no. 105; Erten and Özyıldırım 2007, 39, ill. 2; Akçay 2008 pl. 28, figs. 49-50, ill. 10. 251 For the inscription, see Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 338 OID 81; Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 88, no. 105. 252 Linnemann 2013, 118. 253 Durukan 2005, 119; Machatschek 1967, 84, pl. 37a, fig. 56. 254 Rosenbaum 1971, 96, pl. 3. 245

255 For the site, see Doğanay 2005, 88-96, pls. 35-38; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 245; Er Scarborough 1991a, 320-28, figs. 94-95. 256 As in the case of Celenderis which was known as Gilindire but now has the Turkish name of Aydıncık. 257 Bean and Mitford 1970, 205. 258 Tacitus in his Annals 12.55, tells how the wild Cilician tribe Cietae, under the leadership of Troxobor, attacked the coastal cities, including Anemurium before Antiochos vanquished them. Magie 1950, 55, suggests the new city "City of Peace" was founded to celebrate Antiochos' victory over the Cietae.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria for that there is no alternative to a descent via Eirenopolis. 259 In their travels in the region Bean and Mitford reported seeing two milestones, which testified to the existence of this route. Eirenopolis is also very close to the bridge crossing of the Calycadnus (Göksu) river. An inscription from the site attests to the walling of Eirenopolis between AD 355 and 359 in what must be construed as an attempt to control movement through the region. In trying to control access and regress from the inland areas of the province, particularly in respect to the city of Isaura, there is little or no alternative to the route passing through Eirenopolis. A Roman controlled and fortified city at this point in the route would have been of considerable Constantin Porphyrogenitus counts importance. 260 Eirenopolis among the cities of the Decapolis in the Seleuceia Province. 261 Hierocles lists Eirenopolis as one of the cities of the Isaurian province. 262

indicative of the high status of the deceased. The stepped platform and the vault are the most notable features of this monument. There are no other barrel vaulted monumental tombs in the region but barrel vaulted aedicula tombs with sarcophagi are known from sites in Rough Cilicia, in particular from the inland settlements in the region of Olba in eastern Rough Cilicia. 264 As in the Dinek tomb, the barrel vault is the most imposing feature of these tombs and they, too, were constructed with large blocks set without mortar. 265 However, they don't rise on a stepped platform. The Dinek tomb, in terms of scale, is also more imposing than the Olban tombs. The tombs in the Olba region date from the second half of the second and the first half of the third centuries AD. Due to its strategic location, Eirenopolis was undoubtedly one of the most important cities of the interior and the superb built tomb we saw here was probably built for a high ranking official in the second or third century AD.

We visited a large monumental barrel-vaulted tomb standing alone on the summit of a steep hill called Dinek by the locals in Yukarı İrnebol (Figs. 4.64).263 The monument, facing south, has a commanding view of the surrounding region and can easily be seen from the village below. It is the only tomb constructed of separate blocks we have seen so far in this region. At a short distance to the west of the monument, near a field are two small huts and a few stables constructed entirely of the fallen blocks from the tomb. No other ruins were noted.

6. Tombs with Monumental Columns These funerary monuments, found so far only in the Olba region in Rough Cilicia, are composed of a tomb (a barrelvaulted aedicula tomb or a chamosorion) and a column erected next to it, carrying the reliefs or the statues of the deceased. 266 Söğüt has divided these monuments into two categories, Doric and Corinthian, according to their column capitals. On top of the capital is a block forming a T-shape with the capital and carrying reliefs of a number of figures, varying in number from 2 to 6. Some examples don't have any reliefs. Statues of men and women are found next to some of these tombs. Graves in the form of isolated column monuments, near which no matching funerary building can be seen are also known from several sites.

The imposing tomb, which rises on a three-stepped podium, has a high vaulted roof (Figs. 4.65-66). The foundation of the tomb has been hewn from a massive outcrop of limestone bedrock, which provides the high base for the podium. Large limestone blocks of different sizes set without mortar were used in the construction of its walls. The vault is composed of long, single blocks, 0.70 m thick. Lightning struck the roof about twenty years ago and the hole is still visible. The height of the tomb is 6.25 m (the height up to the vault is 3.50 m and that of the vault is 2.75 m). The width of the steps upon which the tomb rises is 0.30 m and the height is 0.40 m. The burial chamber, 4.45 m wide, 4.30 m long and 6.25 m high, probably contained a sarcophagus. That the chamber is open in front suggests that the sarcophagus was meant for public view. In its components the monument is similar to the baldachin mausolea, in which the sarcophagi were displayed in an open storey. No distinguishable fragments, however, of sarcophagi were seen in the vicinity of the tomb.

At Kümbet a column with a Doric capital, c. 2.5 m., was erected next to a vaulted aedicula tomb with a chamosorion burial inside (Figs. 4.67-71). 267 Two busts of a man and a woman are carved on the block found next to the capital. (Fig. 4.70) 268 A broken seated statue of a woman found nearby must also have belonged to the tomb. At Yukarı Hüseyinler an aedicula tomb with an altar, a column and the block on top, form the funerary monument (Fig. 4.72-73). 269 The barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb at Cennet-Cehennem has the noteworthy feature of being partly cut out of bedrock, reminiscent of the temple tombs nos. 2 and 4 at Imbriogon Kome. 270 The column with a Doric capital and the block on

The Dinek tomb with its uncommon structure varies from all other Cilician tombs. The complete absence of inscriptions, decorative elements and architectural renderings on the monument render dating difficult. The vault undoubtedly had a decorative effect of its own— hence the lack of decorative elements. Both the spectacular physical setting and the highly visible form of the tomb are

Durukan 2005, 119-122. In Elaiussa Sebaste there is a tomb somewhat similar to the Olban examples, but it has a cubic form and it is built of small stone blocks with mortar Machatschek 1967, 84, pl. 37, fig. 56. In the Anemurium necropolis two tombs with the form of a tall, aedicula-like building offer a distant parallel. The Anemurium examples have a rectangular plan, apsed in the interior, and are provided with niches. Based on the construction technique and the surviving fresco remains, both tombs date somewhere between AD 200-300: Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1971, 96, pl. 3. 266 Söğüt 2005, 103-154. figs. 1-50. 267 The following pictures of tombs with monumental columns are reproduced with kind permission by Professor Bilal Söğüt. 268 Söğüt 2005, 106-107, figs 1-6. 269 For this tomb, see above p. 154. Also see Söğüt 2005, 107-108, figs. 811; Durukan 2005, 120-22, figs. 18-24. 270 Söğüt 2005, 108-11, figs. 12-17. 264 265

Bean and Mitford 1970, 189-190, 206. Bean and Mitford 1970, 206, no. 231; Burgess, Jr., 1985, 111, n. 64. 261 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De thematibus, 77. 262 Hierocles 710, 3. 263 Bean and Mitford 1970, 205, fig. 178; Er Scarborough 1991 a, 320-28, figs. 94-95, plans 26-28; Doğanay 2005, 94-96, pl. 38. 259 260

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia top are located next to the tomb. A male seated statue with its head missing can be seen near the monument (Fig. 4.74). The funerary monument at Sakızlıklı Harman consists of a chamosorion, a gabled roof and a Doric capital (Figs. 4.7577). 271 Five much destroyed busts are carved on the block on top of the capital (Fig. 4.77). At the site of Tülü no ruins of a tomb were seen near the column with a Doric capital, fragments of a seated statue and a round basin. 272 At Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) on the top of a hill two columns with Corinthian capitals are found (Fig. 4.78). 273 The first one, 2.15 m. long, carries the inscription which gives the name of the city and is recorded by Keil and Wilhelm; 274 a local citizen, Anglus is honored by the town which grants him the permit for the erection of a 'heroon' within the village. Anglus, on his part, made a donation of 1200 drachmas to the community. Keil and Wilhelm state that the column likely had a sculptural decoration since the artist's name was mentioned at the end of the inscription. Discussing similar monuments from the region, they concluded that such columns carried the images of the heroized dead, buried in a tomb erected in the immediate vicinity. On top of the inscription is a deep crescent. No tomb building or a chamosorion can be seen near the column. The second column also does not have a tomb near it. The ruins consist of the column drums, the Corinthian capital with block on top of it and a seated statue of a woman holding a child in her lap (now in Silifke Museum) (Fig. 4.79-80). Based on the Corinthian capital's form, Söğüt dates this monument to the early imperial period and states that it is among the earliest monuments with columns in the region.275 No tombs can be seen at the sites of Direktaş and Beyören, where remains of columns, Corinthian capital (only in Direktaş) and the blocks survive. 276 At Kümbet Beleni next to a barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with a limestone sarcophagus still inside, are the remains of a column, the Corinthian capital and the block with much damaged three relief busts (Figs. 4.81-82). 277

covered by the stones from a collapsed wall. 280 Linnemann suggests another option which is that the column was erected in front of a neighboring temple facade, in which a chamosorion was sunk. Furthermore, a small altar was found, which together with the column and grave could form a unit, as can be observed in the funerary monument at Yukarı Hüseyinler (Fig. 4.57). 281 A dating of the column found at the Diocaesarea necropolis is not possible, since in addition to all the uncertainties, no capital was found. It can only be stated that tombs with columns occur at the earliest in the first century AD and continue to be used over the next two centuries. Söğüt states that Commagene and north Syria, where tombs with monumental columns were in use for a long period, must have influenced the Cilician tradition of this type of funerary monument. 282 The monumental columns in the Olba region all rise directly on the bedrock unlike the Syrian examples which stand on a base. The columns in Commagene, on the other hand, are placed on the bedrock like the Olban ones. In Commagene and north Syria, there are examples of monuments with two columns. The Tülü monument with the Doric column and the seated statue placed directly on top of the column, the only one of its kind, finds a close parallel in the Hierotheison of Mithridates I Kallinikos (100-70 BC) at Arsameia. Seated figures and lying animals were placed on top of the Doric columns at Arsameia. Söğüt suggests that the Olban monuments with single columns should be seen as the local interpretation of the funerary architecture of Commagene, which produced an architectural style unique to the Olba region. 283 The columns carrying reliefs and statues which were erected near the tumulus tombs in Commagene as seen at Karakuş and Sesönk, also show similarities to the Olban examples. Söğüt concludes that tombs with monumental columns were first built at Imbriogon Kome during the early years of the rule of Antiochus IV, king of Commagene (AD 38-72) who was given the region of Olba. The monuments adopting the use of a Corinthian capital were erected starting in the second century AD at the sites around Imbriogon Kome. In the second and third centuries AD columns with Doric capitals in addition to Corinthian ones, were also erected. Itinerant stonemasons from Commagene and north Syria or local Olban ones travelling to those regions may have built these tombs. The popularity of this particular tomb type is attested by its widespread use over a long period of time in the region. Their frequent location near a farm settlement points to the identity of the tomb owner as the farmer who wished to erect a funerary monument highly visible in his land. 284

In the east necropolis of Diocaesarea are three column fragments, all approximately of the same diameter. 278 The pieces together either formed a monumental column of at least 4.8 m. high or were found in a building of the same functional use. The erection place of the column cannot be determined. The fragments were found, however, in a location in a prominent part of the east necropolis street, so an erection on the spot cannot be excluded. As we have seen, graves in the form of seemingly isolated column monuments, where no matching buildings can be found, occur in several sites in Rough Cilicia. 279 In addition, it would be possible that, as in Sakızlıklı Harman, near the column fragment was a chamosorion, which today is Söğüt 2005, 111-12, figs. 18-23. Söğüt 2005, 113-14, figs. 28-29. 273 Söğüt 2005, 115-16, figs. 31-34. 274 Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 26-28, inscription no. 50. For the monument, see Söğüt 2005, 115. 275 Söğüt 2005, 116. 276 For Direktaş, see Söğüt 2005, 116-17, figs 35-37; for Beyören, see Söğüt 2005, 119, fig. 46. 277 Söğüt 2005, 117-19, figs. 40-45. 278 Linnemann 2013, 118, pls. 63.4-6. 279 See Söğüt 2005, Sancıören: 112-13; Imbriogon Kome: 115-16; Direktaş: 116-17; Beyören: 119. 271 272

Söğüt 2005, 111-12, figs. 18-23.. Linnemann 2013, 118; Söğüt 2005, 107-108, figs. 8-11; Durukan 2005, 120-122, figs. 18-23, 23-24. 282 Söğüt 2005, 120, 124-131, figs. 47-50. Also see Keil and Wilhelm 1931, 28; Linnemann 2013, 118. 283 Söğüt 2005, 124-26. 284 Söğüt 2005, 131. 280 281

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Fig. 4.1. Tower tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç).

Fig. 4.2. Longitudinal section and plan of tower tomb, Diocaesarea (Uzuncaburç) (from Berns 1999, fig. 2).

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.3. Tower tomb of Iambliche, Palmyra.

Fig. 4.4. Interior of the tower tomb of Iambliche, Palmyra.

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Fig. 4.5. Tower tomb of Elahbel, Palmyra.

Fig. 4.6. Temple tomb, Palmyra.

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.7. Öterkale tower tomb, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.8. Öterkale tower tomb, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.9. Öterkale tower tomb, pyramidal roof with statue base, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.10. Tower tomb no. 2, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili).

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.11. Plan of the crypt and the upper floor of tower tomb no. 2, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 4.12. Baldachin tomb, Celenderis (Aydıncık) (Photograph by Levent Zoroğlu).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.13. Barrel-vaulted chamber tomb, Celenderis (Aydıncık) (Photograph by Levent Zoroğlu).

Fig. 4.14. Necropolis of Anemurium (Anamur).

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.15. Large tomb complex, Anemurium necropolis (Photograph by Mehmet Tekocak).

Fig. 4.16. Large tomb complex, Anemurium necropolis (Photograph by Mehmet Tekocak).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.17. Large tomb complex, Anemurium necropolis (Photograph by Mehmet Tekocak).

Fig. 4.18. Large tomb complex, plan, Anemurium necropolis (Drawing by Mehmet Tekocak).

166

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.19. View of the coastal strip, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney).

Fig. 4.20. Barrel-vaulted chamber tomb, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.21. Barrel-vaulted chamber tombs, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney).

Fig. 4.22. Undercroft of a grave house, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney).

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.23. Plan of tomb no. 1, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 4.24. Plan of tomb no. 2, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.25. Plan of tomb no. 3, Antiochia ad Cragum (Endişegüney) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 4.26. Selinus (Gazipaşa).

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Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.27. Barrel-vaulted tomb with inscription on the lentil, Selinus (Gazipaşa).

Fig. 4.28. Barrel-vaulted tomb with arcosolia, Selinus (Gazipaşa).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.29. Grave house, plan, Selinus (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, fig. 34).

Fig. 4.30. Grave house, plan, Cestrus (from Townsend and Hoff 2004, fig. 22).

172

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.31. Large vaulted tomb, Iotape.

Fig. 4.32. Grave house with a walled courtyard and cisterns, plan, Iotape (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, fig. 35).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.33. Grave house with two storeys, plan, Iotape (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, fig. 38).

Fig. 4.34. Grave house with two storeys, elevation, Iotape (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, fig. 39).

174

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.35. Tetrastyle temple tomb: sections, Elaiussa Sebaste (from Equini Schneider 2003a, fig. 16, reproduced with permission of Eugenia Equini Schneider).

Fig. 4.36. Temple tombs nos. 1 and 2, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.37. Temple tomb no. 1, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.38. Temple tomb no. 1, plan, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

176

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.39. Temple tomb no. 1, side view, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.40. Temple tomb no. 1, Attic-Ionic base, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.41. Temple tomb no. 1, Corinthian pilaster capital, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.42. Temple tomb no. 1, Corinthian columns and entablature, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

178

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.43. Temple tomb no. 1, entablature, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.44. Temple tomb no. 1, lintel with mouldings, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.45. Temple tomb no. 2, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.46. Temple tomb no. 2, Ionic capital, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

180

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.47. Temple tomb no. 2, Corinthian columns, entablature and pediment, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.48. Temple tomb no. 2, entablature, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

181

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.49. Temple tomb no. 2, busts in the pediment, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.50. Temple tomb no. 2, roof, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

182

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.51. Temple tomb no. 2, lion lid sarcophagus in upper cella, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.52. Temple tomb no. 3, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

183

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.53. Temple tomb no. 3, plan, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 4.54. Temple tomb no. 3, bust in a clipeus in pediment, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph:by Fatih Gürsoy).

184

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.55. Temple tomb no. 3, roof, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.56. Temple tomb no. 4, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

185

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.57. Temple tomb no. 4, plan, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 4.58. Temple tomb no. 4, side view, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

186

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.59. Temple tomb no. 4, Ionic capital, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

Fig. 4.60. Temple tomb no. 4, Corinthian capital, Imbriogon Kome (Demircili) (Photograph by Fatih Gürsoy).

187

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.61. Temple tomb, plan, Iotape (Drawing by G. Huber from Rosenbaum et al. 1967, 61).

Fig. 4.62. Plan and partial elevation of structures TT1 and TT2, Lamus (from Townsend and Hoff 2004, fig. 10).

188

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.63. Temple tomb, plan, Asar Tepe (from Townsend and Hoff 2004, fig. 16).

Fig. 4.64. Barrel-vaulted tomb, Dinek (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

189

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.65. Barrel-vaulted tomb, plan, Dinek (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 4.66. Barrel-vaulted tomb, elevation, Dinek (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

190

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.67. Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column, Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 1).

Fig. 4.68. Plan of barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column, Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 2).

191

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.69. Monumental column, Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 4).

Fig. 4.70. Block with reliefs of a man and a woman, Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 5).

192

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.71. Reconstruction of the tomb at Kümbet (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 7).

Fig. 4.72. Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column and altar, Yukarı Hüseyinler (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 8).

193

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.73. Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column and altar, Yukarı Hüseyinler (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 9).

Fig. 4.74. Seated statue, Cennet-Cehennem (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 15).

194

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.75. Chamosorion, Sakızlıklı Harman (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 20).

Fig. 4.76. Chamosorion tomb with monumental column, Sakızlıklı Harman (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 21).

195

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.77. Monumental column with five reliefs, Sakızlıklı Harman (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 23).

Fig. 4.78. Monumental column drums, Imbriogon Kome (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 31).

196

Monumental and Built Tombs of Rough Cilicia

Fig. 4.79. Corinthian capital, Imbriogon Kome (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 32).

Fig. 4.80. Seated woman's statue holding a child in her lap, Imbriogon Kome (now in Silifke Museum) (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 34).

197

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 4.81. Barrel-vaulted aedicula tomb with monumental column, Kümbet Beleni (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 40).

Fig. 4.82. A drum of the monumental column, Kümbet Beleni (from Söğüt 2005, fig. 41).

198

Chapter 5 The Funerary Monuments of Isauria Isauria, a region of the Taurus mountains whose borders are not well defined, is located between Pisidia to the west, Lycaonia to the north, and Rough Cilicia to the south. Concerning the extent of the area dealt with this in this chapter, I examine the funerary monuments in the northern cluster around Isaura Vetus (Bozkır) and Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) as well as the Isaurian communities of Astra (Tamaşalık), Artanada (Dülgerler), and Olosada (Avşar Kalesi) located around these two urban centers. Today this ancient heartland of Isauria comprises of the area covered by the Turkish towns of Taşkent, Hadim and Bozkır, all officially within the boundaries of the admistrative district, the vilayet of Konya (ancient Iconium). The elevation of the region varies between 1500 m and 2890 m above sea level. The mountains of the central Taurus lying from west to east, with prominent peaks Yıldızlı Dağ (2619 m), Çiğdemli Dağ (2557 m), Geyik Dağ (2890 m), and Akdağ (2720 m) cut off the communications of the region with the Mediterranean coast.1 For this reason, we can assert that the heartland of the region is more influenced by central Anatolia and some of the funerary monuments show evidence for it.

Although it was small, it appears to have enjoyed a lengthy period of existence prior to its siege and destruction by Perdiccas.4 Diodorus speaks of the city as full of silver and gold "as if it had been long prosperous." (18.22.8) At the time of their first appearance in the sources, the "Isaurians" are simply the inhabitants of the city of Isaura and its surrounding villages, and "Isaurians" merely a designation of municipal affiliation. They were subsequently referred to as "Isaurians", i.e. the people of (the city) Isaura. Strabo (12.6.2) mentions that there were two principal villages, Isaura Vetus (Bozkır) and Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). Pliny applied the Isaurian name to a large part of Rough Cilicia extending to the coast.5 All previous writers, says Pliny, had omitted the Isaurians, making Cilicia and Pamphylia contiguous; they had also not known the Homonadeis, adjacent to the Isaurians. In Pliny the region Isauria covered a wide area; the Isaurians ‘gens Isaurica’ extend southwards into Rough Cilicia, and to the sea in the direction of Anemurium (NH 5.94). Pliny’s Isauria embraces a considerable area, his definition of Isauria as reaching the sea near Anemurium is remarkable. Along with Isaura he names Clibanus and Lalasis as the three ‘oppida’ in discussing Isauria. The territory of Isauria remained a small city and its surrounding area for a considerable time, but later came to comprise a much larger territorial area. By the fourth century AD, Isauria was a Roman province. At this time, it was situated between the provinces of Pamphylia and Cilicia and occupied the coastal regions between the Melas and Calycadnus Rivers, as well as the inland regions between these two provinces, as far north as the southern borders of Lycaonia and Cappadocia.

The mountainous region is characterized as inhospitable and barren in the ancient and modern sources. Yet, the Isaurian wilderness abounds in remains, especially funerary monuments, the majority of which are not well known. The main reason for this neglect is the remoteness of Isauria on the rugged heights of the Taurus mountains. Isauria is hardly a wasteland, as it may seem from some of the sources. Although the region is quite secluded, it is not barren. In fact, the lands around Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) and Isaura Vetus (Bozkır) the ancient centers of the district, seem more fertile than most of the mountainous areas in Rough Cilicia. The Çarsamba Çayı which flows through the heart of classical Isauria is no doubt responsible for the relative fertility of the region, where the source of the great Göksu (Calycadnus) river is also located (Figs. 5.1-2).

The term "Isaurians" in late antiquity has a somewhat different (both broader and less accurate) meaning than the original municipal designation. It is clear that the "Isaurians" of late antiquity are simply the inhabitants of the province of Isauria, and not specifically the residents of the city of Isaura. "Isaurian(s)" has by this time come to be applied indiscriminately to the inland portions of the population of the province of Isauria, as well as occasionally, to nearby groups, regardless of their origins or affiliations. Indeed, Jones states quite clearly and unequivocally that the Isaurian brigands of late antiquity were the inhabitants of the Byzantine province of Isauria (=Rough Cilicia) and not the people of Isaura.6 The ancient sources use the term "Isaurians" to designate people not just of the city of Isaura, but also a considerable number of specific groups native to the Taurus plateau, including the Homonadeis north-west of them in the region around Lake Trogitis, the Lalasseis, on the south-eastern slopes of the Taurus around the city of Claudiopolis (Mut), and the

The available information on the region is scarce and does not provide a very detailed picture of Isauria.2 What the term ‘Isaurian(s)’ means is not very clear considering the different meanings of the designation "Isaurian".3 Upon close examination of our sources, it becomes clear that the term is not an ethnic distinction, but originally refers to the people associated with the city of Isaura and its surrounding villages. The precise terms ‘Isaura’ and ‘Isaurians’ first appear in Diodorus Siculus’ account of Perdiccas’ military campaigns in the region in 322 BC. (18.22). According to Diodorus, the city of Isaura was the extent of their territory. 1

Bahar 1996, 50. For the history of the region, see pp. 18-21. 3 On Isauria, see Syme 1987; ibid. 1986; Lenski 1999; Shaw 1990; Burgess Jr. 1985; Jones 1971, 137-39, 145-46.

4

Cf. p. 16. Syme 1986, 159-64. 6 Jones 1971, 441, no. 38.

2

5

199

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Cennatae, north-east of the Lalasseis. Onomastic and linguistic evidence indicates that all the groups of the hinterland seem to be indigenous Anatolian groups sharing the Luwian language, which continued to be spoken in the region at least to the end of the sixth century AD. 7 The inscriptional evidence attests to a connection between the non Graeco-Roman names associated with the area and Luwian, and while there are abundant Graeco-Roman names to be found in the area, there are also a great number of more "traditional" names. The general isolation of the Taurus Mountains probably contributed to the longevity of some of these dialects.

Isauropolis built to replace Isaura Nova. 12 He admits that there is too little evidence for firm dating of Ammianus' reference to the suppression of Isaura, but in light of the rich epigraphic and archaeological evidence (in particular tombstones) from Aydoğmuş in the third century, claims that the population of Isaura had been transplanted already then. The particular geographical situation of Isauria largely conditioned Isaurian cultural and political life. Isolated from the coastal strip by the Taurus mass, Isaurians’ contact with their southern neigbours was limited and hostile. There was a large political and cultural divide between those who dwelt in the Taurus and those who surrounded it: a divide between highland and lowland populations. 13 The peoples of the central Taurus, even when these had become sedentarized and urbanized, remained distinct from their lowland neighbors and antagonized these with regular raids and outright rebellions. The divide between highland and lowland was marked by a strict political division which created for the highlanders a virtual autonomy from the Roman state beginning in the late third century. The highlanders were despised and feared by their lowland neighbors. This highland/lowland divide was not only a military or political matter but was also cultural. While most of the lowland regions surrounding the Taurus converted to Christianity in the third and fourth century, paganism remained a defining feature of highland Isaurian culture well into late antiquity. For example, Bean and Mitford found an inscription at Bağdad Kırı in south Isauria that gives the name Indacus Cottunes, a late-fifth century Isaurian warlord, who, on being healed, dedicated a monument in the local temple, a testament to the long lasting Pagan influences in the region. 14

Isauria had two towns, Isaura Vetus and Isaura Nova (Strabo, 12 6.2), and their location had puzzled scholars for some time. Sterrett and Ramsay sought Isaura Nova at various sites along the Çarşamba river valley, but with unconvincing results. 8 Ramsay had located Isaura Nova at Dorla (Aydoğmuş). Previously relying on Strabo's testimony, no one until 1970 had doubted that the great city on the hill-top of Zengibar Kalesi was Isaura Vetus, resettled and re-fortified by Amyntas. An inscription discovered by A. Hall in 1970 in Bozkır showed that Isaura Vetus was at Bozkır, on the banks of the Çarşamba itself and that it was captured after the Çarşamba had been diverted from its course. 9 The literary evidence supports this view. Both Fr. 87 of Bk. 2 of Sallust's Histories (Maurenbrecher) and a passage in Frontinus' Strategemata (3.7.1) describe how an oppidum (unnamed by Sallust, though clearly Isaura Vetus; and named Isaura by Frontinus) was captured by Servilius after a river was diverted. Only the Çarşamba is possible since no river runs close to Zengibar Kalesi. Thus Isaura Vetus was located on the river at Bozkır. and it was captured after the Çarşamba had been diverted from its course. One can conclude that the city on Zengibar Kalesi is Isaura Nova, taken later as his capital by Amyntas of Galatia; and that the passage in Strabo has been misinterpreted. Still others contend that Dorla (Aydoğmuş) should be equated with "Isauropolis" named in our sources from the fourth century onward. Ammianus Marcellinus (14.8.2) writes that "For Isaura, which was formerly too powerful, was long ago overthrown as a dangerous rebel, and barely shows traces of its former glory." Belke states that Isauropolis (Aydoğmuş) was made the metropolis of Isauria in succession to Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), which was destroyed by the Romans during the fourth century. 10 Lenski raises the possibility that there were three Isauras: Bozkır = Isaura Vetus, destroyed by Servilius (Sallust, Hist. fr. 2.87), 11 Zengibar Kalesi=Isaura Nova, built by Amyntas (Strabo 12.6.3-5) and destroyed in the third or fourth century (Ammianus Marcellinus 14.8.2); and Aydoğmuş (earlier Dorla) =

The Isaurians were infamous for their propensity to banditry and in the ancient and modern sources universally got a bad press. Their periodic and entirely unpredictable raids reaching the coastal regions, as well as their tendency toward general lawlessness at home, made Isauria a particularly troublesome area for the imperial government and, therefore an area of great concern. References to the Isaurians prior to mid-fifth century in our written sources are almost always very brief and unfavorable. Our sources provide us with better information after the mid-fifth century, when Isaurian presence is felt strongly in the military and political affairs of the Empire. "Isaurian" in antiquity is nearly synonymous with "bandit" and as such they are perpetually engaged in transhumance and raiding. Rostovtzeff writes that "Finally, in the wild mountains of Cilicia and Isauria, in the Taurus and the Antitaurus, on the high plateaus of Cappadocia and Armenia, shepherd tribes lived their half-nomadic life, caring little to whom they had to pay their meagre annual tribute and robbing any one when opportunity offered." 15 Magie in discussing the subjection of the "Isaurian" tribesmen by Probus, states that

7 Ten Cate 1961, 191-97; Shaw 1990, 261; Lenski 1999, 416, no. 6. Lenski states that the Vita Symeon Stylites 189 confirms that natives spoke τῇ ἰδίᾳ διαλέκτῳ into the sixth century: 8 For a summary of their various suggestions, see Magie 1950, 1170-72; Also see Ruge 1916, 2055-2056. 9 Hall 1973, 568-71. 10 Belke 1984, 180. 11 P. McGushin 1992. Sallust. The Histories, 2 vols., vol. 1, pp. 55-56. Oxford.

Lenski 1999, 445, no. 166. For the site of Isauropolis, see Belke 1984, 180-81. 13 Lenski 2001, 417-24. 14 Bean and Mitford 1970, 146-47, no. 148; Lenski 2001, 420. 15 Rostovtzeff 1957, vol. 1, 258. 12

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria three sons, two of whom attained the rank of στρατιῶται and the third was an ἔφιππος. 23 Legionary service likely guaranteed a high hierarchal status among the locals, and it appears that Isaurians actively sought enrollment in the professional ranks of the legions, thereby assuring economic and social elevation within the highland populations.

the mountaineers were never wholly brought under Roman rule. 16 Recently, Shaw who has analysed the literary sources argued that Isaurian violence was a constant in all periods of history and the region was never truly controlled by any state in antiquity. 17 Lenski more recently contested this long held view and argued that "...most Isaurians adapted to rather than resisted Graeco-Roman cultural and political institutions in the late first through early third century." 18 He points to the fact that Shaw did not incorporate epigraphy in his investigation, a serious omission given the rich epigraphic material from the region. The focus of Lenski's study is the territory of the Isaurian hinterland, by which he means the mountainous regions south of the Lycaonian plain and at least 15 km. from the coast. The archaeological and epigraphic evidence indicates that in these two centuries the Isaurians became increasingly settled and urbanized. The appearance of Graeco-Roman along with the Luwian names in inscriptions indicates the penetration of Hellenic culture in the inland areas. In the heartland of the region, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) called itself a πόλις in surviving inscriptions. There is evidence for town councils (boulai) in Artanada (Dülgerler), Astra (Tamaşalık), and Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). 19 This model was continued and maintained at the encouragement of the Romans. Others like Astra and Olosada were autonomous villages. 20

The monuments at the Isaurian sites also reflect Hellenic and Roman culture, as can be seen at the colonial foundation of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), the strongest fortress of the northern Taurus south of Lystra. 24 The site, the most impressive one in all of Isauria, boasts three imperial arches dedicated to Hadrian (Fig. 5.7), Marcus Aurelius and Severus Alexander, two large public halls, exedra, large churches and beautifully executed funerary monuments, including rock-cut tombs (Figs. 5.22-31) and a large temple tomb, now in ruins (Figs. 5.8-12). There is also evidence for the office of the imperial high priesthood, the most prominent public position at Isaura. 25 An inscription found on a marble base next to the arch of Hadrian records an ἀρχιερέως. 26 In Astra (Tamaşalık) remains of a theater or auditorium, along with a temple to Zeus Astrenus, can be seen (Fig. 5.43). 27 In the Roman period a network of roads in the region also led to better communications. In a territory as rough and inaccessible as Isauria, the roads followed the natural access routes, that is, the coastal plain and mountain passes. Isauria, as such, does not appear on the Peutinger Table but as the Table is chiefly concerned with the roads of the Empire, two are shown within the territory. One is the coastal road which runs from west to east along the coastal area of all the southern most provinces of Asia Minor. The second is a road running more or less in a northerly direction from Anemurium to a termination point at the city of Isaura, about ninety-five Roman miles inland. 28 Isaura is the only inland city which is shown on the map. None of the cities of the Decapolis appear. The important road connecting Anemurium via Germanicopolis with Isaura was built during the reign of Hadrian. The presence of Roman soldiers on the roads is well attested. For example, the Roman road which ran from Iconium and Lake Beyşehir, past Suğla Göl, and thence to Isaura, was patrolled by stationarii and by small cavalry detachments. 29 Not unexpectedly there were also soldiers at Isaura Vetus (Bozkır), and at some other places in Isauria. The region was extensively policed during the second and third centuries by auxiliary cavalrymen. 30 Soldiers of XVI Flavia Firma and XV Apollinaris, stationed at Satala, are known to have been recruited in Isauria. In the Severan period Isaurians were present in I and III Parthica. Legionaries of

In spite of its rocky and elevated terrain, the first centuries of Roman rule brought stability to the region: inscriptions as well as the surviving monuments testify to these conditions. The Roman imperial rulers found Isaurians open to variable cultural, religious, and military inducements and influences. A number of inscriptions commemorate inhabitants of the mountainous upcountry who served the Roman Empire as priests of imperial cults, or who took service as soldiers or sailors, and one inscription from Isaura Nova provides us with evidence of an ἀρχιερέως, that is a "chief priest." 21 Further funerary inscriptions and diplomata show service performed by inhabitants of the mountain settlements, and examples include all branches of the Roman military establishment: legions, cavalry and the imperial navy. Isaurians were eager to undertake military service and, either as individuals or as units, they served in the Roman army from early imperial time until the late fifth century. 22 An inscription from Artanada (Dülgerler) depicts the activities of a recruiter for the Roman army, suggesting that these outlying settlements were productive of many young men who saw opportunities in the professional military. Epigraphy also demonstrates a multi-generational military career in particular families, with an inscription from Isaura Vetus (Bozkır) recording an Isaurian called Kotounes and his 16

Magie 1950, 720. Shaw 1990, 199-233. For difficulties of policing this area, see Hopwood 1983, 173-87. For a brief outline of uprisings in Isauria, see Lenski 1999, 413-65. 18 Lenski 1999, 431. 19 Lenski 1999, 430-32. 20 Bean and Mitford 1970, for Astra: 130, no. 121; for Olosada: 137, no. 135. 21 Swoboda, Keil and Knoll 1935, 73, no. 148. 22 Burgess Jr. 1985, 37-41; Laminger-Pascher 1985; Mitchell 1993, 13642.

23

17

Swoboda, Keil and Knoll 1935, 67, no. 139 Mitchell 1993, 77. Mitchell 1993, 116-17. 26 Swoboda, Keil and Knoll 1935, 73, no. 148. 27 Bean and Mitford 1970, 129-34, nos. 124-29. For Astra, see below pp. 217-22. 28 Burgess Jr. 1985, 82. 29 Mitchell 1993, 78. 30 Mitchell 1993, 122; for the militarization of the region see further Laminger-Pascher 1985, 381-92. 24 25

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria VI Ferrata are known from the heart of Isauria west of Lake Trogitis. 31 The two legions, the II and III Isaura, remained posted in Isauria for at least a century and likely included some Isaurians in the ranks. Some of the funerary monuments in the region reflect military themes such as the victorious horseman trampling the barbarians, an allusion to the victory of Rome over the natives.

Leontopolis (Isaura Vetus) and Isauropolis in his work Galatien und Lykaonien, but erroneously identifies Leontopolis with Zengibar Kalesi, which is the site of Isaura Nova. 38 Hild and Hellenkemper include the sites of Astra and Olosada in their book Kilikien und Isaurien. 39 Funerary Monuments The following funerary monuments were noted in my surveys in Isauria: rock-cut tombs, temple tomb (not intact), larnaces (cinerary casket), rectangular funerary altar, stele, and altar. Both inhumation and cremation were practiced in Isauria. The characteristic funerary monuments of the Isaurian heartland located in and around the two ancient centers, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) and Isaura Vetus (Bozkır) are larnax, rectangular funerary altar, stele, and altar, all of which attest to the practice of cremation. The surveys of the region have shown that rock-cut tombs are rare in this area, and even the three magnificent ones at Isaura Nova were likely used for cremation. Topography no doubt was a main factor in the selection of the types of tombs. We also observed that in the district near the capital, away from the mountainous terrain in the east, the funerary monuments are of a higher quality. The inhabitants of this area, who practiced cremation, seem to have enjoyed a higher quality of life than those of the eastern area where inhumation was the norm.

The inscribed monuments were the first to draw the attention of western scholars beginning in the nineteenth century, which led to the discovery of a unique center of funerary art in Asia Minor. William J. Hamilton was the first traveler to visit the sites of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) and Isaura Vetus (Bozkır) in 1836. 32 At Isaura Nova he discovered an inscription which he thought showed him that the site was that of Isaura, although he did not know at the time that it was Isaura Nova. J. R. S. Sterrett was the next traveler to give an account of Isauria and its remains in 1888. 33 He, too, was recording inscriptions, but he also gives a brief description of the ruins. W. M. Ramsay and his daughter A. M. Ramsay conducted several journeys to Isauria and Lycaonia in 1904, 1905 and 1909. These were mainly epigraphic journeys resulting in the only comprehensive study of the Isaurian funerary monuments. 34 In the same volume T. Callander recorded several inscriptions (some funerary) in his “Explorations in Lycaonia and Isauria, 1904," 157-80.

The appearance of Graeco-Roman names in funerary inscriptions and the rich iconography of the tombs show the penetration of Hellenic culture in the Isauria. The funerary monuments of the region, however, also give good evidence of local Anatolian funerary traditions. The monuments of the heartland form a distinct group, indicating that this unruly mountainous region turned to the Anatolian hinterland, especially to Phrygia, for cultural influences. The Isaurian highlands to the north are open to the great Anatolian plateau from whence they received cultural incentives. The deep rootedness of the native culture is evident in the funerary monuments.

In 1902 an archaeological expedition was sent to Asia Minor by the Socety for the Promotion of German Science and Culture in Bohemia. The expedition touched the historical landscapes and ancient provinces of Isauria, Lycaonia, and East Pamphylia. The trip's starting and ending point was Konya (Iconium). The participants of the expedition were the leading scientists of Austria-Hungary, H. Swoboda, CL Patsch, J. Jüthner, and F. Knoll. They carried out a thorough investigation of the region and its preliminary report was published in 1903. 35 The final publication of the material appeared in book form in Denkmäler aus Lykaonien, Pamphylien und Isaurien (Wien 1935). A recent publication titled Wissenschaftlicher Nachlass der deutsch-böhmischen Expedition nach Lykaonien, Ostpamphylien und Isaurien (Kleinasien) durchgeführt im Jahre 1902 about the expedition that contains numerous hitherto unknown material including letters, correspondence and photographs shed new light in the long lost legacy of the archaeological expedition sent to Isauria in 1902. 36 Bean and Mitford, in their epigraphical journeys in 1964-1968, traveled in south Isauria but did not visit the great site of Isaura Nova. They visited Astra (Tamaşalık) and Olosada (Afşar Kalesi), two sites which we will discuss below. 37 Belke discusses the sites of

Isaurian Stone Cutters The distinctive nature of Isaurian stone-carving, which A. M. Ramsay believed to have survived in the art of that area until the nineteenth century, is reflected by the lavishly decorated funerary monuments. 40 There was no need to import craftsmen into Isauria, since the natives were famed for their stone cutting skills, which resulted in a distinctive style of funerary art. The carvers were drawn from the local settlements, which led to the preservation of local artistic traditions. A recent study presented the names of six stone cutters (λατύπος) from Isauria who signed their work: Papias, ]aseus, Fuscus, Longinus, Nounnos, Taolueis and Toutris.41

Mitchell 1993, 139-40. Hamilton 1842, 330-39, with Appendix V (Inscriptions) no. 426-37. On p. 333 there is a beautiful illustration of the gateway in ancient wall of Isaura Nova. 33 Sterrett 1888, 98-122. 34 Ramsay 1906, 3-92. 35 Jüthner et al. 1903. 36 Kostenec and Zah 2011. 37 Bean and Mitford 1971, for Astra: 129-134, for Olosada: 136-39. For Astra, see below pp. 217-22; for Olosada, see pp. 228-29. 31 32

Belke 1984, Leontopolis: 198-99; Isauropolis: 180-81. Also see p. 41. Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, Astra: 200-201, Olosada: 370-71. 40 Ramsay purchased a piece of embroidery in Dorla, where it had been handed down for many generations in a family resident there; the pattern had a variation of the design characteristic of the region, with three pointed pediments, the central one supported by pillars: Ramsay 1906, 5556, pl. 6. 41 Şahin 1997, 75-83, pls. 1-4. 38 39

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria In the rock-cut tombs at Bozkır (Isaura Vetus) the bodies were laid on funerary beds around the walls of the burial chamber. In instances where there is no trace of a burial in the chambers such as at Isaura Nova, it indicates the practice of cremation or that the dead were buried in perishable materials or were simply placed on the floor of the burial chamber. The majority of the burial chambers have a rectangular plan. Niches so frequently encountered in the necropoleis of Rough Cilicia, are not a common feature of the Isaurian tombs. 47 Courtyards, funerary gardens, and cisterns are also not found in the Isaurian tombs.

Of these, Nounnos, Taloueis and Toutris are local names. One of the inscribed monuments is a funerary statue which was found in south Isauria near the Gevne River (probably in old Golgosus). 42 Today the monument is in the Archaeology Museum in Karaman. It is in the form of a seated man holding a pinecone in his left hand and a closed diptychon in his lap. 43 The monument was set up by the four sons of Gaius for their father. An inscription under the feet of the statue informs us that Papias, son of Papias made it. As for the use of the motif diptychon, similar examples are seen frequently on the grave stelae from Akmonia (Banaz-Uşak) in western Asia Minor. Based on the name Aurelius given in the inscription, the monument is dated to sometime after 212 AD.

Rock-cut tombs of Isauria can be divided into following: 1. Rock-cut tomb with an architectural facade; 2. Rock-cut tomb with a plain facade; 3. Arcosolia. There are few examples of rock cut tombs with architectural facades in our survey region in Isauria. Three are located at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). The magnificent tombs have columns supporting a triangular or an arched pediment with seated lions above the pediment (Figs. 5.22-30). Rock-cut tombs with plain facade is the most frequently encountered rock-cut tomb type in Isauria. In this group there is no architectural or other decoration outside the tombs. The entrance to the tomb is usually a rectangular or square opening (Fig. 5.3). Arcosolia tombs are not common in the region with the exception of a few examples in Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). 48

The four other monuments which the sculptors have signed are all larnaces, three from the environs of Isaura Vetus (Bozkır). An inscription in the Konya Museum informs us that two sculptors from Dokimeion in Phrygia, Limnaois and Diomedes, worked in Lycaonia, a neighboring province (at times included in it) of Isauria. It is clear that these artists worked in different regions and even settled and became citizens of other towns, where there was a regular demand for their work. 44 Others may have lived as itinerant artists. Local names such as Nounnos, Taloueis or Toutris, who signed their work, show that local workshops likely existed in Isauria. With the help of the seated statue in Karaman, we can also establish some of the different influences on the local workshops. Parallels for the motif of the diptychon in the lap of the seated statue can be found in the region around Akmonia (Banaz-Uşak). On the other hand, grave statues that are seated are popular in the regions to the south as in Rough Cilicia. Hence, we can see that some parts of Isauria were open to influences both from the west and the south. This is to be expected since Isauria was situated on the connecting routes that led from west to south.

Sarcophagi In my surveys, I found very few examples, the most notable is a sarcophagus lid at Astra which likely belonged to a freestanding sarcophagus. Doğanay also reports that they are very rare regionally. 49 This is partly due to destruction. Sarcophagi were reported at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) by the early travellers but during our visits to the site none were seen. Chamosoria In our surveys we found few chamosoria. A few examples were seen in Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi).

Rock-cut tombs There are few rock-cut tombs in the heartland of Isauria. The nature of the terrain played a major role in the use of rock-cut tombs. The magnificent solitary tomb at Yelbeyi, which today has been completely demolished at the hands of treasure hunters and most recently in the construction of a dam, was cut out of a large boulder (Fig. 5.35). 45 Most Isaurian rock-cut tombs are plain with a rectangular entrance; as befitting the rugged landscape, as can be seen in Bozkır (Isaura Vetus) they are frequently cut on the face of seemingly impregnable crags (Fig. 5.3). In sharp contrast are the elaborately embellished rock-cut tombs at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), befitting the magnificence of the Isaurian capital (Figs. 5.22-31). 46 These tombs are unique in the region both with regards to their decoration and form.

Temple tomb The only temple tomb in Isauria is today in ruins in the capital city, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). There were clearly more since the early travellers' accounts report seeing materials from them but they were also in ruins by their time. None of the temple tombs have survived the ravages of time and in particular the systematic looting by the local villagers searching for treasure and for stone blocks for use as building material in their homes, which continues to this day. In my surveys in the surrounding villages of Isaura Nova I found several handsomely carved frieze blocks and other architectural pieces in the walls of the village houses and mosque (Figs. 5.12-20). Some of these pieces must have come from the monumental tombs in the great city. Hamilton who discovered Isaura Nova in

Bean and Mitford 1970, 125, 127-29; Bahar 1996, 70; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 300: text under Keşsaflı Yaylası. The pinecone was a symbol in the cult of Attis and Cybele. Diptychon, a writing tablet, was a sign of moveable virtue. 44 Hall and Waelkens 1982, 153. 45 For the Yelbeyi tomb, see below pp. 214-15. 46 For the rock-cut tombs at Isaura Nova, see below pp. 209-13. 42 43

47 For niches in the necropoleis of Rough Cilicia, see Söğüt 2003, 23960. 48 Doğanay concurs with this view: Doğanay 2009, 138-39. 49 Doğanay 2009, 42.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria number of inscriptions..." 53

1887 reports seeing "...several large and extensive tombs and sarcophagi" as well as "...many marble blocks and ornamental sculpture" used as building blocks in the nearby villages which he assumed were from the ruins in the ancient city above. 50 Swoboda, Keil and Knoll provided us with the plan and illustrations of the great temple tomb, which I discuss here (Figs. 5.8-11). 51 We saw reliefs of battle scenes with warriors and of hunting scenes used as building blocks, which were also mentioned by Swoboda and party (Figs. 5.16-17).

In my travels in the region I have observed that, in addition to being used as building blocks, the gravestones were also adapted for use in the fountains. Usually the most handsome ones are chosen for this and some are also placed in the gardens of tea houses. This practice has in fact resulted in the preservation of some stones, but it has also made it very difficult to obtain complete and accurate measurements and photographs. In some instances, the stones were deliberately cut to accommodate a certain wall, which explains the presence of many incomplete pieces and it renders a definite identification of the object difficult. For example, at Astra some of the gravestones were used as blocks both inside and outside of the dwellings and were frequently placed at odd angles with the view blocked by other stones. A few of the villages at the foothills of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) have houses that display ancient tombstones brought from the ancient capital.

Gravestones and larnaces Gravestones and larnaces, not rock-cut tombs, are representative of the Isaurian heartland funerary traditions and these monuments amply display the skills of the Isaurian stone cutters. Four types of gravestones are found in Isauria: 1. larnax; 2. rectangular funerary altar; 3. stele; 4. altar. Larnax and rectangular funerary altar are the characteristic monuments of the region, and their distribution confirms their exclusively Isaurian character. These types of monuments are also well-known from the neighboring mountainous regions. For example, close parallels to Isaurian examples are found in the Gorgoromeis region, where both the larnax and the rectangular funerary altar occur. 52 The popularity of these monuments in the Taurus mountain zone—the more isolated and less hellenized lands—may be due to local conservatism of funerary traditions (cremation) as well as to the adaptability of the monuments to the demands of local topography. With the adaptation of Roman forms and styles to local needs, a regional school developed that not only exhibited basic Roman influences, but also showed native roots in artistic practices. The Isaurian art of stone carving reflected Graeco-Roman funerary traditions mixed with native influences. The results were styles unique to the region, styles which echoed those of the Roman world and yet presented a strongly ingrained indigenous heritage. The decorative repertory of these Isaurian funerary monuments also reflects local customs. Among popular themes are horseman, Totenmahl (funerary banquet), guardian lions, eagle, and most importantly, the figures of the deceased (Fig. 5.51). Women are invariably shown as veiled; a large shawl or veil covers their hair and it falls down over their shoulders (Fig. 5.54). Given their relatively small size, the tombstones probably served as models (portable) for craftsmen of neighboring regions. Most of the gravestones due to their size and shape, have been used as building stones throughout Isauria and as we learn from Sterrett’s account, this was already the custom in the local villages and towns in 1884: "The ruined house of Mustapha Pasha in Dülgerler (Artanada) was built mostly of old stones, many of which were tombstones (stelae); and even two sarcophagus lids with crouching lions on them were utilized. Mustapha Pasha was a noted robber in his day, living in ease and luxury in his house built of tombstones, until the government entrapped and executed him. His house has now fallen to ruins, with the exception of one wing. Thanks to this alone, it was possible for me to copy a

On both larnaces and rectangular funerary altars one notes the Isaurian architectural scheme of decoration, a central arch flanked by pointed pediments, all supported by pilasters. The three-panel design, which shows the remarkable fashion in Isauria during the third and fourth centuries, must have been connected to that of the Asiatic sarcophagi type with central gable and lateral arches. Larnax (Cinerary Casket) The basic form of a larnax is a diminutive sarcophagus with a lid, to accommodate the ashes or the bones of the deceased (Fig. 5.4). The general Roman funerary custom was to place the cremated bones in urns or chests. 54 The Roman examples are very different from the small cremation caskets of the Hellenistic ones, which are gablelidded, less cubical and void of the ornate decoration. The use of ash casket most likely derives from the use of sarcophagus for inhumation. A further similarity between the two types of monuments is the use of lion lids. These richly ornamented rectangular cremation chests that resemble small sarcophagi are among the commonest grave monuments in Isauria. Both the front and sides are often decorated with various motifs in relief. Among the popular ones are figures of the deceased, horseman, and Totenmahl. The face has a series of niches with rounded or gabled tops and flanking pilasters. Some monuments display several scenes at once, such as a funeral banquet and horseman, as we will see below at Astra (Fig. 5.59). Some larnaces are furnished with inscriptions informing us of the special circumstances in the making of the monument. Hence, we learn that four brothers at Yunt commissioned a craftsman to make a larnax for their dead sister. 55 An inscription from another larnax with two totenmahl reliefs found in Dibektaşı 56 reveals that Kadaoua had the larnax made for her husband and daughter. 57 She shares the expense of this 53

Sterrett 1888, 52-53, nos. 75-101. For the large variety of Roman cremation chests, see Walker 1985, 5057, pls. 42-43. For Hellenistic examples from Rhodes, see Fraser 1977, 12-13, figs. 25-28. 55 Bean and Mitford 1970, 126, no. 115. 56 For the site, see below pp. 224-25. 57 Bean and Mitford 1970, 115, no. 98. 54

50

Hamilton 1842, 337. Swoboda et al. 1935, 70-71, figs. 52-53. 52 Hall 1971, 125-66. 51

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria Vine plants with its clusters of grapes and tendrils can frame the whole monument (Figs. 5.51, 5.55). On some Christian stones, a wreath is placed under the central arch and swastikas and six-pointed rosettes appear in the panels; these symbols occur frequently on tombstones of Isauria and Lycaonia.

with two others, who thus in effect buy half of the larnax for themselves, which explains the use of double totenmahl on the monument. The majority of the larnaces are made of limestone, varying in color from white to yellowish and grey. Some exceptionally handsome pieces are made of marble. A larnax lid is commonly in the shape of a lion, though some are equipped with lids on which the deceased recline on couches (kline) as can be seen on an example from Astra (Fig. 5.70). 58 A unique example from Hamzalar Kasabası near Bozkır is the only known larnax that has survived with its lion lid intact (Fig. 5.4). 59 The lions are frequently depicted holding a lying man or an ox-head under their paws. The lying figure represents the deceased and the motif signifies the traditional role of the Anatolian funerary lion as the guardian of the tomb. 60 The motif of the lion holding an ox-head is also a familiar one and it denotes the strength of the lion to terrify the potential intruders of the final resting place.

Most of the rectangular funerary altars are made of limestone. Although they are sometimes furnished with inscriptions, very few inscribed monuments were seen in our surveys. This must be due to the reason that the majority of the blocks are lost because of their extensive use as building stones that frequently results in the fracture of the stone. In my surveys of the region, I found that most of the funerary altars are decorated with standing figures of the deceased in the three panels. A very homogeneous series, however, of rectangular funerary altars, some with Christian epitaphs, from a workshop at or near the site of Aydoğmuş (earlier Dorla) in the valley of the Çarşamba river along the Isauro-Lycaonian border, display wreathes, swastikas and six-pointed rosettes in circles in their panels, instead of standing figures (Fig. 5.34). 66 Dorla was erroneously identified with Isaura Nova previously and is believed by some to be the site of Isauropolis. 67 A rectangular funerary altar built into the wall of a room that functions as the village headquarters at Işıklar (Fig. 5.33) bears a striking resemblance to the monuments from Aydoğmuş and is likely Christian.

Rectangular funerary altar The predominant funerary monument in Isauria is in the form of a rectangular funerary altar. Called by A. M. Ramsay ‘solid rectangular blocks,’ 61 by Swoboda, Keil and Knoll ‘fassadengrabstein,' 62 by Bean and Mitford ‘rectangular funerary altars,’ 63 and by Alföldi-Rosenbaum 'sarcophagus-stele', 64 these are rectangular blocks with ornamented facades, a kind of imitation sarcophagus consisting of a solid block of stone decorated like a sarcophagus; they are usually embellished only on one side (Figs. 5.51). 65 It is difficult to describe these monuments in one term. The Isaurian blocks represent a local adaptation of the decorative system of the columnar sarcophagi with many elements added that can only be explained in the light of the funerary art of the region. The scheme of ornament is that characteristic of the region--a round arch flanked by two pointed pediments, the whole supported by four pilasters, which may be plain or fluted or decorated with an incised pattern. Within each of the side pediments is a sixpointed rosette in a circle or a similar circular ornament like a whorl, or heads of figures. The central arch frequently has a shell-like ornament. Garlands sometimes hang from the capitals of the columns, between which can be found figures of men and women dressed in the traditional costume—women always veiled—or a horseman or a funerary banquet. Sometimes a combination of these scenes are portrayed. The funerary banquet scene, usually with a horseman, occurs frequently on these monuments, most of which date from the third and fourth centuries.

Uncertain claims can be made for the Christianizing of Isauria. In a sample of 120 funerary inscriptions from the Isauro-Lycaonian borderland, fifty are explicitly and another ten probably Christian. 68 The suggested dates for the Christian inscriptions is from the second quarter of the third to the end of the fourth century, but Mitchell states that this may be too late, and that the majority probably belongs between 220 and 310. He also suggests that there was a considerable Christian minority in the population "perhaps approaching 33 per cent before 260, rising above 80 per cent in the fourth century." 69 In 325 Isauria sent no less than thirteen bishops to the Council of Nicaea. Stele The Isaurian funerary stelae may be divided into two main types: stele with triangular pediment (Figs. 5.64) and stele with a flat top (Figs. 5.46, 5.56, 5.63). The Isaurian tendency to carve small monuments is evident in their overall size. The Isaurian examples display some of the main characteristics of Roman provincial stelae on which full-length frontal figures, standing in niches or aediculae appear. 70 They are strictly frontal and are carved with scenes only on the front side, reflecting a preference for

58

For example, a larnax lid from Sarot Yayla (Colybrassus) has a lying man on a kline: Swoboda et al. 1935, 57, fig. 46. Another example from the vicinity of Siristat shows two lying figures on a kline: idem, 64, fig. 49. 59 Doğanay 2009, 45, pl. 1.1. 60 On a lion lid of a larnax from the Isaurian site of Sürgünlü Pınar a woman stands beside the lion, on another lid she stands at its back: Bean and Mitford 1970, 145. 61 Ramsay 1906, 23. 62 Swoboda, Keil and Knoll, 1935, 55. 63 Bean and Mitford 1970, 121, 127 64 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 36. 65 There are three examples sculptured on all sides in Konya Museum: Ramsay 1906, 6-14, pl. 1, figs. I A, 2, 3 A, 3 B.

66

These important monuments have been studied extensively by Ramsay 1906, 3-62. Also see Calder and Cormack 1962, no. 120, 165, no. 131, no. 109, pl. 4, no. 157a, pl. 6, nos. 161-162, pl. 6; nos. 99-210; Mitchell 1993, II, 58-59. 67 Belke 1984, 181-82. 68 Mitchell 1993, 2, 58. 69 Mitchell 1993, 2, 59. 70 Schober 1923, figs. 69-72, 74-78, 80; Toynbee 1964, pls. 46, 48, 49.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Mountains. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries AD the settlement was known by the name "Siristat" and even today this name is used alongside the more recent Turkish name of Bozkır. Siristat is derived from the name Ser Usta, a master craftsman who operated three separate mines in town. It is suggested that in the Ottoman period gold, silver, and iron mines were operated in Bozkır. Hamilton, who visited the site in 1836, refers to the town as Tris Maden (three mines). 74 The town received its present day name Bozkır (grey praire) in the Turkish period.

frontal standing figure reliefs. Standing multi-figure compositions are common; seated figures are rarer. Some of the stelae have flat tops with a simple horizontal moulding at top and bottom (Fig. 5. 63). Most of the Isaurian stelae have been used as building blocks, others adorn a fountain or lie in the desolate landscape. The stelae are usually decorated with various motifs in Isauria. Within the pediment is an eagle, a wreath, a rosette or some other circular ornament such as a whorl. Stele with arched pediment usually shows a single arch supported by two columns between which stand figures. We did not see any stelae with seated lions in the pediments, a motif popular on eastern Phrygian tomb stelae. 71 At Laodicea Combusta (Ladik) in Eastern Phrygia, funerary stelae with seated lions in the pediments occur frequently. 72 The motif of the seated lion occurs on the facades of three rock-cut tombs at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) pointing to influences from Phrygia.

It was here that Proconsul P. Servilius Vatia's final campaign against the Isaurians culminated in the lengthy siege and capture of Isaura Vetus, involving the diversion of the Çarşamba River. 75 The reduction of the Isaurians was reckoned by contemporaries as the most brilliant of Servilius' achievements, winning for him the title Isauricus. Sterrett has recorded inscriptions attesting to the presence of Roman soldiers at the site; a Julius Crispus and his son, both described as soldiers, and an anonymous third. 76 In the church lists of AD 451 the town is named as Leontopolis. In the middle of the fifth century, emperor Leo raised the settlement to the rank of a city, changed the name to Leontopolis, and distributed all the Isaurian communities between the two cities, Leontopolis and Isauropolis. 77

Altar Altars are not as common as the other grave monuments in Isauria. Given the scarcity of the surviving numbers, we may conclude that they were less popular than the larnax, the rectangular funerary altars or the stelae. This again may be due to destruction, since they were probably hollowed out and adapted for use as the basin of fountains. We found an altar at Işıklar village lying on the foothills of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) and another at Olosada (Afşar Kalesi) (Figs. 5.21, 5.81).

My visit to the site revealed little trace of the abundant ancient material reported by Swoboda and party. 78 According to Swoboda, the site was rich in tombstones of various types. An inscription found on an altar attests to a cult of Ares at the site. 79 A stele with a relief of a horseman god, identified with Pluto, has also been recorded here. 80 Much of the ancient remains has disappeared in modern building development; a great number of ancient stones have been used as building blocks in the town.

The Sites The sites of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) and Isaura Vetus (Bozkır), the ancient centers of the district, along with some sites located around these two centers, Astra (Tamaşalık), Artanada (Dülgerler), Olosada (Afşar Kalesi/Kayadibi) and Dibektaşı constitute the Isaurian heartland. Characteristically Isaurian funerary monuments such as larnaces and rectangular funerary altars are found in these sites along with a few exceptions of rock-cut tombs that occur in Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) and Isaura Vetus (Bozkır).

Bozkır is situated at the foot of a precipitous hill, where a few simple rock-cut tombs are visible on the two hills on either side of the Çarşamba stream. All rock-cut tombs are cut in the vertical rock-face of precipitous cliffs that rise abruptly on the east of the town. It is impossible to reach most, which may have been deliberate—to discourage the violators. All of these tombs have small rectangular doorways. Two are cut one above the other on the eastern hill (Fig. 5.3). One with a pedimented façade displays a crescent, but no other decorative features or inscriptions were seen. Entrance to most of these tombs proved impossible. On the other side of the stream, a plain rockcut tomb was cut on a very steep rock. Bilal Söğüt, with his native Cilician skills, was able to enter this one and reported that the interior was plain with no visible cuttings for burial

Isaura Vetus (Bozkır-Siristat) Bozkır, the modern administrative center of the district, lies about 20 km west of Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), at a crossing point of the Çarşamba Çayı, in the northern extension of the Taurus mountains (Figs. 5.1-2). The modern town, which occupies the site of the classical city of Isaura Vetus, 73 is a capital of trade in the central Taurus 71

Buckler, Calder and Cox 1924, 46-47, nos. 35-36. Calder 1928, from Laodicea Combusta: stelae with seated lions in the pediment: nos. 32, 93, 259, 116; stele with the goddess and a seated lion: no. 113; in the village of Atlandy is a stele with a seated lion in an arch resting on side pillars: no. 296; Calder 1956, from Laodicea Combusta: stelae with seated lions in the pediments: nos. 14 a, 132, 55, 18, 335; the goddess appears with her lion on no. 113; on another stele the lion is depicted with two female figures and a basket, no. 63, pl. 4. At the nearby site of Tyraion is an example of a stele with arch containing two lions no. 112, pl. 7, and a doorstone with pediment containing a lion, no. 118, pl. 8; at Vetissos (?) is a doorstone with pediment containing a lion with paw on ox-head: no. 335, pl. 22. 73 Belke 1984, 198 erroneously identifies Isaura Vetus, named Leontopolis in the fifth century, with Zengibar Kalesi (Isaura Nova). 72

Hamilton 1842, 338-39. It is vividly described by Sallust Hist. fr. 2. 87; Frontinus Strat. 3. 7. 1, Livy Per. 90. Also see. Hall 1973, 568-71 and Ormerod's article on the campaign, 1922, 44-46. 76 Sterrett 1885, 164, 171. 77 For Leontopolis, see Belke 1984, 198-99. 78 Swoboda et al. 1935, 64-68. For Sterrett’s account of the town and its immediate surroundings, see Sterrett 1888, 98-102. 79 Swoboda et al. 1935, 65-66, no. 135. 80 Buckler, Calder and Cox 1924, 68, pl. 14, 96. 74 75

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria and it was completely empty. We were able to enter the next two tombs. Of these, one had a burial chamber with low rock-cut benches that ran along on all three sides. The workmanship was crude and it gave the impression of having been hastily or carelessly cut. Although the burial chambers are simple, the view from inside the tombs is spectacular.

Isaura Nova was one of the Galatian strongholds (phrouria/castella), fortified residences of the Galatian rulinmg elite in the first century BC. 89 The massive defenses of the site is comprised of a partly well-preserved circuit wall (ca. 3.8 km long) with two fortified gates and some fourteen towers of pseudo-isodomic masonry (Fig. 5.5). 90 It was built by the last Galatian king and tetrarch Amyntas, and was left unfinished at the time after the king was killed in his campaigns against the neighboring Homonadeis 91. The fort provides us with a superb example of Hellenistic workmanship (with well-laid ashlar blocks). The physical character of the site i.e. the elevated location, the military defenses suggests it was built to impress the populace, most of whom lived in the lower lying land, and symbolize the power and legitimacy of elite rule. 92 The architectural features of the site reflect greatly increased Hellenisation for the Galatian elite. The last Galatian rulers with the financial and political aid from the Romans, enjoyed an incresed power base as attested by the opulence of these defences and other features. The grandeur of the site in the Roman period is well attested by the opulence and variety of its funerary remains: rock-cut tombs, rectangular funerary altars, stelae, larnaces, built monumental tombs (in ruins), and rock-cut sarcophagi. An overall abundance of Roman remains betrays the past dominion of an important economic and cultural center. Arches to Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius and Severus Alexander can be seen inside the walls (Fig. 5.7). The impressive ruins bespeak a prosperous city and indicate the presence of affluent Roman settlers.

Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) "The city was situated on the top of a mountain, which does not seem high from its foot, but which must nevertheless be very high. It is everywhere visible, and the view in all directions from Palaia Isaura is perhaps the most extensive and magnificent I have ever beheld." 81 "I was soon on the site of an ancient city of great extent, strength and magnificence." 82 Though Sterrett and Hamilton did not realize at the time that the site was in fact Isaura Nova, their words adequately convey the singular beauty and magnificence of the ancient site at the heart of Isauria overlooking the Çarşamba valley, located 20 km east of Bozkır on top of a large and steep hill known as Asartepe. Lying at an altitude of 1816 m above sea level, it controls the Göksu (Calycadnus) valley to the south (Hadim and its environs), the Çarşamba Stream valley to the west (Bozkır and its environs), and the Bozkır-Konya (Iconium) road to the north. The most prominent site in its vicinity, it is strategically located on the main route connecting the coastal site of Anemurium and inland Iconium. It was discovered by William J. Hamilton in 1837, who identified the site as Isaura Vetus based on an inscription. 83 Thirty years later R. E. Davis visited the site and published the same inscription. 84 J. R. S. Sterrett came to Zengibar Kalesi in 1885, which he also identified with Isaura Vetus, but since his main goal was to obtain inscriptions, his description of the funerary monuments is brief and not always accurate. Sterrett’s attitude towards the antiquities is characteristic of the nineteenth century western travelers in Asia Minor whose scholarly interest lay mainly in the study of inscriptions. Although they provide us with invaluable information about the antiquities, the information is often sketchy and should be treated with caution regarding uninscribed monuments. Much more useful is the work of Swoboda, Keil and Knoll who reported the results of the first archaeological study of the antiquities in the region in the early century. 85 They also corrected some of Sterrett’s errors, especially in epigraphy. These previous publications were briefly disscussed in a minor study of the city by Verzone in 1959. 86 Karaman and Konya Museums conducted short term minor work in the ancient city in the 1980s. 87 The site was neglected for a long period of time, but recently between 2010-2015 Turkish archaeologist Osman Doğanay has conducted extensive surveys at the site. 88

Three necropoleis were identified at Zengibar Kalesi by Swoboda and party. The first cemetery is located below the City Gate in the locale known as Ulu Pınar, where rock-cut tombs with elaborately carved facades can be seen from a distance. The second cemetery lies to the south of the city below the Acropolis Gate at the locale of Bel Pınar, where the great temple tomb, now in ruins, is located. A third necropolis is at the north of the site, below the fortification tower. The remains of an arcosolium tomb can be seen there. Swoboda reports that the characteristic Isaurian funerary monuments larnaces and rectangular funerary altars are more frequent in the Bel Pınar necropolis although little trace of these remains today. Among other remains are three rock-cut sarcophagi. The variety and splendor of the funerary monuments in these three cemeteries offer evidence of the fusion of various funerary traditions such as inhumation in free-standing monumental tombs and cremation in cinerary caskets. The quarries are located inside the city walls and one unfinished rock-cut tomb can be seen. Isaura Nova is a rich site for inscriptions, numbering about 135 with only five of them in Latin. 93 Greek, Roman and native names occur together (with several specimens of

81

Sterrett 1888, 111. Hamilton 1842, 331. 83 Hamilton 1842, 331-38. 84 Davis 1879, 412-13. 85 Swoboda et al. 1935, 69-97, 119-43. 86 Verzone 1959, 1-18. 87 Temizsoy et al. 1984, 5-31. 88 Doğanay 2014, 431-36; Doğanay 2012, 403-22; Doğanay 2013, 9782

104; Doğanay and Köker 2014, 207-13. 89 Darbyshire et al. 2000, 88. 90 For the fortifications, see Swoboda et al. 1935, 119-26; Winter 1971, index s. v. Isaura. 91 For a study on the Homonadeis, see Doğanay 2008, 11-32. 92 Darbyshire et al. 2000, 93. 93 Sterrett 1888, nos. 180-204; Swoboda et al. 1935, nos. 146-262.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria chamber, and today the tomb is completely demolished to make an assessment. The niches may point to cremation, however, since all the evidence in the three necropoleis at the site points to an existence side by side of both inhumation and cremation. This impressive tomb may just as likely have had a sarcophagus in the cella, as we know from temple tombs from Rough Cilicia.

'Tarasis', which is typically Isaurian and recurs as the name of the Emperor Zeno's father). 94 The inscriptions from the tombstones at the site show that the name Aurelius was common. The names usually consist of Aurelius abbreviated to Aur., followed by a native, Greek or Latin name. 95 For example, Aurelius Papas, is a common name, and this undoubtedly was due to the extension of the Roman franchise to the whole empire under Caracalla. Regrettably, Isaura Nova is one of the most heavily looted sites in the region. Its isolation in this remote area has enabled the local inhabitants to systematically rob the ancient site in search of treasure and building blocks. Villages lying at the foothills of the site have many architectural blocks and tombstones built into the walls of their houses.

The stone barrel vaulted ceiling of the cella was lavishly decorated with coffers displaying various reliefs of dolphins, rosettes, wreaths, female heads, and human figures (Fig. 5.10). The coffers of the porch were carved with multi-figured compositions depicting the deeds of Heracles. Swoboda provides a picture of a coffer on which Heracles is depicted in two acts: at the left he holds a shield on his raised right hand and a spear on his left, battling a fish-tailed creature; at the right Heracles has vanquished a deer with his left knee on its back, at the same time grabbing it by the antlers and pulling it back; in the center background is a smaller figure who raises a rock above his head (Fig. 5.11). 100 It is clear that Heracles here is depicted as vanquishing the Ceryneian deer, a scene well-known from Roman imperial sarcophagi. The other two scenes on the coffer are harder to identify. The fish-tailed creature Heracles is in battle with may be Nereus or Triton, and the figure throwing the rock may be identified with Poseidon coming to help him. The coffers of the great tomb was likely carved with the labors of Heracles. 101

Temple tomb Hamilton in 1837 saw the remains of several small marble buildings, which he calls "...tombs of a superior character." 96 He says that some of the stones were decorated with carved medallions, roses, and flowers. The most important loss for the purposes of this study is that of the great temple tomb in the second necropolis. This impressive monument is discussed by Swoboda et al. who provide a plan and a reconstruction of the building along with illustrations of some of the important decorative elements (Figs. 5.8-11). 97 Sterrett must be referring to the same monument in the following line: 98 "July 3. I descended past Bel Pınar to Işıklar, where I found the ruins of a once magnificent mausoleum."

I saw the same relief showing Heracles with the Ceryneian deer, used as a building block on a home at Işıklar, one of the villages lying on the foothills of the great site, a testament to the piecemeal destruction of the great tomb (Fig. 5.12). I found other reliefs on coffers matching the measurements given by Swoboda and party (0.40 x 0.40 m) on the wall of the village mosque (Fig. 5.13) and others likely from the same tomb lying on the ground (Figs. 5.1415). There was no inscription on the temple tomb, which makes dating difficult. A late second century date has been suggested based on the decoration of the interior frieze with pipe and acanthus leaves, and the raking sima carving. 102

We saw the remains of the great tomb, which according to Swoboda’s description stood on a three-stepped krepis and had a rectangular plan. It was provided with a prostyle porch in the front and the cella was barrel-vaulted. There were no steps in front of the porch. The tetrastyle prostyle tomb was constructed of well-cut ashlar blocks. Pilasters with plain capitals were placed at the four corners of the building, whereas the four columns of the porch carried Corinthian capitals. Entrance to the cella, which measures 3.40 m x 6.72 m, is through a 1.48 m wide door. The cella measures 5.32 m x ca. 9.00 m on the outside (not including the porch). The entablature, richly embellished, had a twofascia plain architrave, and an S-shaped frieze adorned with palmettes, on top of which was a cornice. Around the interior of the cella, at the height of the capitals, was a frieze decorated with acanthus leaves over which lies a pipe frieze. Inside the cella, on each side wall were two semi round niches, 0.46 m wide, 0.76 m high, and 0.24 m deep; they were surrounded by small pilasters with curved gables and acroteria, which according to Swoboda seemed primitive. 99 Swoboda does not mention any burials in the

I discuss the material from Işıklar village here since many of the village homes are constructed of ancient material brought from Isaura Nova. This material includes a number of architectural fragments likely from monumental tombs as well as tombstones. Of these, some bear a close resemblance to the pieces described by Swoboda such as the frieze blocks depicting a battle between Greek warriors and barbarians (Figs. 5.16-17). 103 Hamilton states that in the walls of the houses he saw many marble blocks and ornamental sculpture, derived from the ruins above, representing figures fighting and hunting. 104 We saw a well executed and lively war relief used as a building block at the corner wall of a village home (Fig. 5.16). The length of the block is 0.88 m and its height is 0.30 m; the depth of the

94

Syme 1987, 296. Swoboda et al. 1935, 82, no. 202, 83, no. 207, 85, no. 217, 89, nos. 24142, 90, no. 245, 93, no. 263, 94, no. 266, 95, no. 268, 96, no. 272. 96 Hamilton 1842, 332. 97 Swoboda et al. 1935, 139-42, figs. 69-72; Tancke 1989, 132-33, pl. 92, figs. 5-10; Cormack 2004, 232-33. 98 Sterrett 1888, 122. 99 For niches of the same form and size in the cella walls of the tetrastyleprostyle temple tomb at Elauissa Sebaste, see pp. 146-47. 95

Swoboda et al. 142, fig. 70 and 72; Tancke 1989, 132-33, pl. 92, figs. 510; Cormack 2004, 232-33. 101 Cormack 2004, 97. 102 Cormack 2004, 233. 103 Swoboda et al. 1935, 70-71, figs. 52-53. 104 Hamilton 1842, 337. 100

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria and a long object now defaced, probably a palm branch, in her left hand. Above the garland in the upper left corner, an ox-head is depicted with eyes incised in circles. The female figure most likely represents Victoria, depicted here with her customary attributes of wreath and palm branch. In Roman funerary art she is a powerful symbol of eternity and victory of soul over death. The presence of an ox-head indicates the carrying out of a sacrifice and confirms the funerary nature of the monument.

sculptured relief is 1.5-2.00 cm. The relief shows two riders on galloping horses trampling naked foes under their horses' hooves and getting ready to strike opposing warriors carrying shields. The warrior facing the first horseman on the left has fallen on his knees, but the second one, holding his shield on the front, stands firm against the rearing horse of the second rider. The faces of all figures have been destroyed. This piece likely came from a funerary monument since the theme of the victorious rider is a wellknown funerary motif as will be seen below in the Yelbeyi tomb. 105 A fragment on another house wall shows a standing naked warrior, carrying a sword and a shield and behind him, a horseman, on a rearing horse, engaged in battle (Fig. 5.17). There is a much damaged figure on the ground in front of the horse, no doubt the vanquished enemy. The relief, situated 2.5 m. above ground level, measures 0.43 m in height and 0.73 m. in width. A horseman, a bull, and a lion, a unique combination of motifs in Isauria, carved in high relief on a large block can be seen in the wall of another house (Fig. 5.18). Due to their height on the walls, we could not take measurements of these pieces. On a marble relief used as a building block is depicted an Eros (Fig. 5.19), the piece measuring 0.43 by 0.29 m with the depth of the relief 3.5 cm. Eros was a common figure on the funerary monuments of the Roman empire, both on sarcophagi and monumental tombs. A handsome rider relief was also found on the wall of a house (Fig. 5.20). The rider is dressed in a short tunic and boots; the horse has a fringed saddle cloth. This piece, very classical in workmanship, is superior to all the rider reliefs known from the region. It probably belonged to a funerary monument as the horseman is a popular theme in Isaurian funerary art.

Rock-cut tombs The presence of rock-cut tombs in the heartland of Isauria is puzzling since they are untypical of the region—rectangular funerary altars and larnaces are the characteristic Isaurian funerary monuments. Of the three rock-cut tombs at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), Sterrett describes only tomb no. 1 in some detail. 108 The three rock-cut tombs are located in the first necropolis, that of Ulupınar, on the hill side of the fortress below the massive walls of the north-west gateway. 109 Two were cut into the face of the same rock ridge, and the third a little further away (Figs. 5.22, 5.30). The tombs have elaborately carved facades on a prominent part of the cliff; they were deliberately planned in a striking natural setting. Tomb no. 1 The largest of the three rock-cut tombs is carved on the face of an 11.60 m high rock facing south (Figs. 5.23-26). The tomb with a temple facade, which rises on a three-stepped platform, is 7.40 m high and 2.64 m wide. It has two engaged columns with Ionic capitals supporting a threefasciae architrave, 0.48 m high, and a pediment with lateral acroteria (the central one is missing). The pediment is 2.26 m high. The columns, 3.80 m high, are fluted halfway and they rest on Ionic bases. A door with framing is flanked by the busts of the deceased on either side and a large female bust, defaced, is placed directly below the door. All the busts have suffered much damage and their features can no longer be clearly distinguished. 110 Sterrett’s description of certain details is wrong; there are no ox-heads placed on either side of the door, nor is there a head of Helios on top of the pediment. A large lion is seated directly on top of the door; his body is depicted in profile, while his head is turned to the viewer (Fig. 5.24). He holds the head of a bull in his mouth. Swoboda Keil and Knoll described the lion as holding a bunch of grapes in his mouth; they are mistaken, since even the ears of the bull are clearly visible. 111 The bull's head, often depicted in connection with lions on Phrygian tombs, serves to emphasize the lion's strength and its savageness. As we have seen at the site of Lamus in western Rough Cilicia, a lion holds the head of a bull under

Five Corinthian capitals brought from Isaura Nova to the Işıklar and Hacilar villages were studied recently by archaeologist Z. Gider Büyüközer. 106 These capitals indicate that at least two monumental buildings in Corinthian order are likely to be found in future excavations at Isaura Nova. Based on certain features of style, Gider Büyüközer dates these Corinthian capitals to the late Antonine period and early Severan period. The rise of political stability and prosperity in Isauria in the last quarter of the second century AD and the early years of third century AD led to an increase in construction activities in the city. The stonemasons for these buildings likely were local. We have seen above that there were Isaurian stone cutters who signed their work. 107 A local workshop also likely existed in Isaura Nova. An uninscribed altar of yellowish limestone, brought from Zengibar Kalesi, has been used as a building stone in the village (Fig. 5.21). The base is concealed, since the altar is broken across the shaft. Its length is 0.29 m at the bottom and 0.18 m on top; its height is 0.47 m. Only two faces of the altar are visible, with moulding on top. One face carries a garland in high relief on the shaft, the other shows a female figure standing, holding a garland in her right hand

108

Sterrett 1888, 106. Swoboda et al. 1935, 134-38, figs. 61-63; Bossert 1942, nos. 1113-15; Er Scarborough 1991a, 183-203, figs. 35-39, plans 10-13; Er Scarborough 1991b, 116-20, fig. 10; Er Scarborough 1996, 341-43, figs. 14-15; Doğanay 2009, 298-300, pls. 22-29. 110 Funerary busts are characteristic of the funerary art of Direvli and Lamus in western Rough Cilicia, where both medallion busts and those not placed in a frame are known. For these tombs, see pp. 49-52. We have seen from the study of the tomb inscriptions at Direvli that the number of persons mentioned in the inscriptions does not always correspond with that of the busts shown on the monument. 111 Swoboda et al. 1935, 135-36, fig. 62. 109

For the Yelbeyi tomb, see below pp. 214-15. Gider Büyüközer 2013, 97-110. 107 See above pp. 202-203. Şahin 1997, 75-83, pls. 1-4. 105 106

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria its front paws. 112 Lion figure as the guardian of the tomb is well-attested in the Anatolian funerary traditions. 113 The architrave (0.48 m high), comprised of three fasciae, supports a pediment that lacks the central acroterion.

motifs are found on a tomb, dating from the second to third centuries AD, in the necropolis at Side. 121 A massive eagle with outstretched wings perches on the shield on top of the armaments. The other two tombs in Isaura Nova do not have eagle reliefs. The motif of a shield pierced by a sword also occurs on the sarcophaus at Lamus. 122

Two antithetical eagles, 0.75 m high, with outspread, slightly overlapping wings occupy the center of the pediment (Fig. 5.25). On top of the eagles in the pediment is a shield pierced by a sword, much damaged today, a combination of motifs as yet unattested in the decoration of tombs in Isauria. The eagle is a motif imbued with symbolism. As a familiar symbol of divinity, the eagle was The well known in the ancient funerary art. 114 representation of twin eagles here with open wings, is particularly striking. The eagle with wings open, is often the symbol of Zeus or Ba'alsamin, and carries the souls of the dead to the sky; it is a general symbol of apotheosis. 115 With a wreath in its beak or claws the eagle is a messenger of glory and eternity. An eagle is carved in the pediment of a larnax lion lid at Astra and a handsome eagle with wings spread is depicted in the pediment of a stele in Artanada (Fig. 5.49 (Astra); fig. 5.75 (Artanada)). On a sarcophagus lid at Direvli in Rough Cilicia the eagle holds a thunderbolt in its claws, which facilitates its identification with Zeus. 116 At Lamus in Rough Cilicia, the eagle holds the head of a bull in its claws. 117

The door opening is 0.58 m wide and 0.80 m high. At the right hand of the door is a socket hole for the bolt of the door. The door must have opened to the right towards the interior. The tomb chamber is plain and small, 1.22 m wide, 1.14 m long and 1.35 m high, clearly not big enough to accommodate a body, which indicates the persistence of the local custom of cremation. There are no cuttings on the floor to indicate any kind of burial. To the right of the tomb a tabula ansata (0.50 x 0.35 m) is carved on the rock face. No inscription could be seen on it. Tomb no. 2 The entrances to tombs nos. 1 and 2 are framed by a broad arch, supported by two columns. The second tomb, cut on a rock of ca. 8 m high, faces south-west (Figs. 5.27-29). The facade of the tomb imitating a temple is 3.40 m high and 1.80 m wide. Two fluted half-columns with Corinthian capitals and Ionic bases support an arch, within which a pediment with central and lateral acroteria is cut. On top of the arch is a seated lion, with its head facing the viewer, in a niche (Fig. 5.28). The lion's mouth is open and its mane is indicated in curls. The figure has suffered some damage on various parts of the body. A bull’s head is carved under the lion’s head; next to it is a small figure of a standing woman wearing a long dress holding a wreath in her raised right hand. To her immediate right is an eagle with open wings, much damaged. The relief of the woman holding a wreath no doubt represents the goddess Victoria (a well known sign of victory and immortality in funerary art). She is associated in cult with Jupiter and was worshipped by the army. As a symbol of Victory over death, she is a favorite motif in funerary art. Reliefs of winged Nikes, holding laurel wreath and palm branch, appear on numerous funerary monuments in the Roman world. Laurel wreath is symbolic of immortality. Here the representation of eagle and Victory suggests the vanquishing of death by the soul of the deceased. A triangular pediment with acroteria is cut above the door, and at its center is a gorgoneion, a frequent symbol seen on the funerary monuments of Isauria and Rough Cilicia. The apotropaic function of the motif is best illustrated by the Yılantaş gorgonenion on a rock-cut tomb from the highlands of Phrygia, which is tilted downwards, emphasizing its position as the guardian of the tomb's door. 123 The door to the chamber is 0.55 m wide and 0.75 m high. At the right hand of the opening is the socket for the door, which must have opened to the right towards the

Here it would seem likely that the depiction of eagles symbolizes victory over death. The military iconography of the tomb is noteworthy. The decoration of the tomb with a shield pierced by a sword likely intended to reflect the military career of the deceased. Weapons friezes are seen not only in funerary monuments at Isaura Nova, but elsewhere in the city; the octagonal acropolis tower had relief blocks carved with a helmet, greaves, cuirass and shield (Fig. 5.6). 118 The combined iconography of the shield and the eagle is found in another tomb in Isauria. A double-headed eagle is carved at the center of a shield in the pediment of a rock-cut tomb at Demiroluk Yaylası in southern Isauria. 119 In the pediment of a rock-cut tomb at the same site is a shield in relief. Our tomb finds its closest parallel in the Tomb of Solon in the Phrygian highlands, which, too, has two eagles and a shield cut into the pediment. 120 Elsewhere in southern Asia Minor, the two 112

See p. 52, fig. 3.72. Er Scarborough 1998, 82-83; Er Scarborough 1991a 348-354, figs. 98101. The frequent occurrence of funerary lions in Asia Minor have led some scholars to believe that this might be their place of origin. 114 For general aspects of the eagle in funerary art, see Er Scarborough 1991a, 354-57; Cumont 1942, 154, 458. 115 In the sanctuary of Ba'alsamin at Palmyra, the god is symbolized by an eagle with spread wings; three eagles are depicted on a lintel from the sanctuary: Colledge 1976, fig. 12. 116 For the sarcophagus lid with eagle motif from Direvli, see p. 50, fig. 3.63; Er Scarborough 1991a, 356-57, fig. 102. 117 For the sarcophagus with the eagle motif from Lamus, see p. 52, fig. 3.71; Er Scarborough 1991a, 356-57, fig. 103. 118 Swoboda et al. 1935, 123-25, fig. 41. 119 For the tomb with the eagle and the shield at Demiroluk Yaylası, see Doğanay 2009, 311, pls. 52-53; for the tomb with a shield at the same site, ibid, 312, 58, 59, 68:7. 120 The Tomb of Solon in Kümbet, an indigenous monumental Phrygian rock-cut tomb from the sixth century, was reused in the Roman period; the facade was embellished with a tympanon, decorated with a shield between two eagles, and also with two lions flanking a krater placed in a tabula 113

ansata. 121 Cormack 2004, 87. 122 For the sarcophagus with the shield motif from Lamus, see p. 52. 123 For Yılan Taş, see Haspels 1971, 130, 136, 137, figs. 147, 155. A Roman tomb at Yapıldak in the same region also has a gorgoneion looking down, no doubt inspired by the Phrygian prototype at Yılan Taş: Haspels 1971, 182, fig. 324. Three rock-cut tombs of imperial date display gorgoneia at the entrances, see Haspels 1971, 173-74, figs. 300-302.

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria the facade is combined with the disproportionally small space inside. The people continued cremation but adopted a new type of funerary architecture. The fusion of native Anatolian and Graeco-Roman elements in sepulchral art is illustrated by seated lions on the facade of these three rockcut tombs at Isaura Nova. The most conspicuous feature of these tombs is the motif of a large seated lion on the facade, which is unattested elsewhere in Isauria. 125 The tendency to put big animals in or on top of the pediment reflects an Anatolian, in particular Hittite, tradition. The lion, a widespread symbol in funerary art, occurs frequently on grave monuments of Rough Cilicia, Isauria and Lycaonia most frequently on the lids of sarcophagi and larnaces. 126 The necropolis of Balabolu in Rough Cilicia, for example, is remarkable for its comparatively well-preserved lion lids; thirteen examples amongst which are some of very good sculptural quality, were recorded at the site. 127 The pediment of a rock-cut tomb at Demiroluk Yaylası in southern Isauria has a standing lion, depicted in profile. 128 Antithetic lions flank the pediment (with a gorgoneion) of two rock-cut tombs in Göktepe Köristanı and Çukurbağ Köristanı 129 in inner Rough Cilicia, but these lions are not seated and they lack the magnificence of the ones in Isaura Nova, which has the only instance of a seated lion being used to decorate a rock-cut tomb in this region.

interior. The tomb chamber is 1.50 m wide, 1.50 m long and 1.00 m high. No cuttings or arrangement for burial can be seen in the chamber. On the hard rock face traces of pickaxe can be seen. Tomb no. 3 This tomb is cut on the face of a 6.50 m high rock and it too faces south-west (Figs. 5.30-31). The façade of the tomb is 3.50 m high and 2.50 m wide. The motif of an arch supported by two pilasters, 1.90 m tall, is also attested here as seen on tomb no. 2. Within the arch a seated lion is depicted in the same style as the previous ones. He too holds a bull’s head in his mouth, which to Sterrett, may have seemed like a grape bunch from a distance (highly unlikely). But even the hair between the horns of the bull is visible. The lion in this tomb is placed below the arch whereas in tomb no. 2 he was seated above it. Under the platform on which the lion is seated and above the entrance to the tomb is a pediment with lateral and central acroteria carved as palmettes. A gorgonenion is placed at the center of the pediment. The entrance to the chamber, 0.55 m wide and 0.75 m high, is partly destroyed. A somewhat destroyed socket is located on the right. The chamber, 1.50 m wide, 1.40 m long and 1.00 m high, has no cuttings or arrangements for burial. On the walls are traces of a pickaxe.

These tombs with lion reliefs at Isaura Nova must have derived directly from Phrygian models. Rock-cut lion monuments are characteristic of Phrygian highlands' art and as animals of Cybele, they symbolized that the tomb was under the protection of the goddess. It is difficult to state whether the lion motif was adopted from the iconography of the Phrygian tombs connected with the cult of the Mother Goddess, or if it occurred so frequently owing to its apotropaic character. In the highlands of Phrygia the rockcut monuments date back to the Phrygian period and the tradition continued into the Hellenistic and Roman imperial period with rock-cut chamber tombs. 130 There is a close connection between lion figures and the cult of the goddess. The rock-cut lion reliefs in the Phrygian highlands dating from the Roman imperial period are found on the facades of the rock-cut tombs and sometimes inside the chamber as well. In the Phrygian highlands there are five or six (?) rock-cut tombs with lion reliefs. 131 Unlike the tombs at

Observations on the rock-cut tombs of Isaura Nova The military iconography of the tombs at Isaura Nova likely alluded to actual military rank of the deceased. All three tombs were cut for important persons, probably high ranking Romans. The tombs probably date from the second century AD when Roman control was completed in the area. The Romans of the late third through fifth century in the region no longer faced localized brigandage but open warfare. Ammianus' (14.8.2) reference to the suppression of the city of Isaura perhaps as early as in the third century makes it unlikely that these impressive funerary monuments with Roman motifs could date to that period, but are earlier. All three tombs date from the same time indicated by the striking similarities in styling of the lions and iconography. Treatment of certain figures varies suggested by deeper cut reliefs in the first tomb. The three-stepped crepis of the first tomb, which is purely decorative, is missing from the others. The semi-fluted engaged columns with Ionic capitals and the architrave with three fasciae are other features peculiar to this tomb, which has a more monumental quality than the other two, and would symbolize the high status of its occupant.

125 Lion reliefs on the pediments of rock-cut tombs are found in Paphlagonian tombs: von Gall 1966, 114-32. The rock-cut tomb at Kalekapı (ca. 400-350 BC) displays antithetical lions with eagle overhead (the eagle apparently meant to form a group with lions below), and the lion relief is closely related to contemporary Achaemenid lions. At Hambarkaya, a rock-cut tomb has three lions carved in front and parallel to the facade (ca. 500-450 BC); two lions face the center one like protomes, like the lions at the Aslantaş in the Phrygian highlands. The tomb at Salarköy (ca. 350-300 BC) has a lion and an eagle placed above the gable. 126 There are six funerary sculptured lions in Konya Museum, said to be from the Konya (Iconium) district; in four of these the lion shelters between his front paws an effigy, male or female, presumably representing the occupant of the tomb: Buckler, Calder and Cox 1924, 31-33, nos. 1016, pls. 3-4. 127 Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 47-52. 128 Doğanay 2009, 310, pls. 50-51, 68: 3-5. 129 For these tombs, see pp. 59, 61, figs. 3.107, 3.132. 130 For a study of the rock-cut tombs of the highlands of Phrygia in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, see Kortanoğlu 2006. For rock-cut tombs with lion reliefs in the highlands of Phrygia, see Kortanoğlu 2007. 131 Three of these tombs are located in the town of Ayazın near Afyon,

All three tombs at Isaura Nova are under the double protection of the lion and the gorgoneion. The lion, the guardian of the tomb, is depicted together with the head of Medusa, the apotropaic emblem without equal in funerary monuments. The funerary motives of the shield pierced by a sword, busts of the deceased, eagles and gorgoenion are also seen on the funerary monuments of Lamotis in western Rough Cilicia. 124 There are no other tombs in Isauria where the grandeur of 124

For the tombs at Lamotis, see pp. 49-52.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Isaura Nova, the Phrygian rock-cut tombs of the Roman era display the heraldic group of lions as decoration, which was undoubtedly inspired by the Phrygian tomb Aslantaş, dating from the sixth century BC. 132 For example, the Tomb of Solon (so called because of the inscription), 133 a monumental rock-cut tomb which has under the pediment placed in a tabula ansata two lions surrounding a krater. The tomb was originally cut in the Phrygian period, and its facade was carved in the imperial period. A Roman chamber tomb at Ayazın known locally as "Aslanlı Mezar" (tomb with lions) has two antithetic lions seated beneath an arch above the entrance to the tomb. A gorgonenion is cut in the pediment. The exterior has a shallow gabled portico. The small burial chamber has three cist graves under arcosolia. 134 A second tomb at Ayazın also has an arched pediment; on either side are two antithetic lions. It is noteworthy that inside the tomb chamber are also antithetic lion reliefs. The pediment displays a gorgoneion. A third tomb at the same locale has two antithetic lions flanking the gorgoenion in the pediment. In a tomb at the small Roman necropolis near the village of Beyköy, a pair of antithetic lions, now weathered, are placed under the arch in the facade. 135 The tomb chamber is small; it has the usual disposition of the Roman tombs with arcosolia. In Yenisofça village in Eskişehir, traces of lion reliefs can be seen in the pediment of a tomb known as "Kilise" (church), which was first used in the Hellenistic period and was converted into a chapel in the Byzantine times. In the Phrygian highlands two very important surviving examples of lion reliefs cut into the rock are found. These are the "Aslantaş" rock-cut tomb and the "Aslankaya" monument, both dating from the sixth century BC. In the Aslantaş relief the lions stand face to face, their forelegs on the frame of the entrance, roaring menacingly at whoever intends to violate the tomb. 136 In the Aslankaya monument the lions rise on their hind legs, their fore legs touching Cybele's head. 137 Both monuments are in close proximity to the tombs at Ayazın and Beyköy. The Cybelean lion iconography was used at least 800 years after Aslantaş and Aslankaya on the Roman imperial tombs. Lion reliefs are found on another type of funerary monument in the Phrygian highlands, the "türsteine" or "doorstone" which represent the entrance to the chamber tombs. 138 There are examples found in the necropoleis of the Phrygian highlands, dating from the second century and third century AD. Their iconography is similar to that seen on the facades of the rock-cut tombs; they both have lion reliefs. This shows the importance of the scene as well as its frequent use. In Phrygian highlands, the lion reliefs on the tombs in the imperial period, aside from being the protector

of the tombs, must have symbolized the mother goddess tradition. The practice of prescribing fines for the violation of the tomb or the placement of alien corpses is well attested in Asia Minor under the Roman Empire. In eastern Phrygia, as in Isauria, it is found only sporadically. Besides the prescription of fees, curses appealing to the gods to take vengeance on the violators are also common in Asia Minor. These curses may be used in addition to the prescription of fines, or they may stand alone. In eastern Phrygia one of the commonest type of appeal to the divine guardianship was the representation on the tombstone of a symbol of the god or goddess. The emblems most commonly used were the eagle of Zeus and the lion of the mother-goddess. The eagle appears on several tombstones from the region. 139 In eastern Phrygia the lion is one of the most commonly used motifs on the funerary stelae. 140 In at least one example the lion is seated under an arch supported by pillars, which bears a striking resemblance to the Isaurian motif. At Laodicea Combusta (Ladik) in Eastern Phrygia, funerary stelae with seated lions in the pediment occur frequently. 141 Laodicea Combusta is about twenty-four miles from Iconium and not far away from Lystra, at whose southern border was Isaura Nova. Hence, both of these motifs must have been known in Isauria and the travelling stonecutters may have translated them to another medium, namely the rock-cut tomb. They were probably also familiar with the Phrygian rock-cut tombs displaying seated lions on their facades. The location of the animals in the pediment must be the native artist’s decision. The tendency to put big animals in or on top of the pediment also reflects an Anatolian tradition. The Phrygian rock-cut tombs of the Roman imperial period, which have an arch over the facade, are also architecturally similar to the Isauran tombs. In some cases the facade, shaped like an arch, is supported by two columns. In others, the tombs have an exterior with a portico, originally resting on two columns, topped by a pediment, and above the tomb door two antithetic lions sit beneath an arch. Another tomb with portico and tympanon once was supported by two columns and with an arched doorway. 142 There are also tombs whose entrance is framed by a broad arch as in the Isauran tombs nos. 2 and 3. 143 The motif of a gorgoneion in the pediment of a tomb can also be found in Phrygian tombs of the Roman period. For 139

Calder 1928, nos. 85, 150; Calder 1956, nos. 274, 337, 416. Buckler, Calder and Cox 1924, 46-47, nos. 35 and 36. 141 Calder 1928, from Laodicea Combusta: stelae with seated lions in the pediment: nos. 32, 93, 259, 116. Stele with the goddess and a seated lion: no. 113. Calder 1956, stelae with seated lions in the pediments from Laodicea Combusta: nos. 14 a, 132, 55, 18, 335; the goddess appears with her lion on no. 113; on another stele the lion is depicted with two female figures and a basket, no. 63, pl. 4. At the nearby site of Tyraion is an example of a stele with arch containing two lions no. 112, pl. 7, and a doorstone with pediment containing a lion, no. 118, pl. 8; at Vetissos (?) is a doorstone with pediment containing a lion with paw on ox-head: no. 335, pl. 22. Calder 1928: in the village of Atlandı is a stele with a seated lion in an arch resting on side pillars: no. 296. 142 Haspels 1971, 172, fig. 296. 143 Haspels 1971, 173. 140

another one is in the village of Beyköy near Afyon; the Tomb of Solon is found in the village of Kümbet in Eskişehir, and one is in the village of Yenisofça in Eskişehir: Kortanoğlu 2007, 417-22, figs. 1-25. 132 Haspels 1971, 1.118-19, 134-35, 2.131-34. Haspels considers the Phrygian lions of the Aslantaş to be in the Hittite tradition, although less conventional. 133 For the inscription, see Haspels 1971, 307-308, no. 30. 134 Haspels 1971, 172, figs. 292-93. 135 Haspels 1971, 176, fig. 309. 136 Haspels 1971, 118, figs. 131-34. Işık 1987, believes that they are depicted climbing the death tree symbolizing Cybele. 137 Kortanoğlu 2006, 422, fig. 26. 138 For these monuments, see Waelkens 1986.

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria Larnax On a hill to the south-west of the three rock-cut tombs, a larnax, 0.82 m high, 1.30 m long, is cut in the living rock. The monument is described by both Sterrett and Swoboda. 150 The larnax is provided with a lion lid adhered to the rock. Behind the lion is a small opening in the rock in order to receive the ashes of the deceased. The front and sides of the monument are ornamented with reliefs. The front is divided into two panels by three pilasters joined by garlands. The left-hand panel shows the bust of a man, while the right has a woman and a small standing figure— perhaps a child. On the rock surface to the left of the larnax is a tabula ansata, which was not inscribed. A much weathered Greek inscription of two lines is cut immediately above the tablet.

example, the pediments of the tombs from Ahlatçı İnler, are decorated with a gorgoneion. 144 A tomb at Yapıldak has a large gorgoneion above the door, looking down. 145 This motif may have been inspired by the gorgoneion of the Phrygian period on the Yılan Taş tomb. At Yılan Taş the gorgoneion is tilted downwards, emphasizing its position as guardian of the door into the tomb. 146 In Isaura Nova, the essential architectural lines of the Phrygian facade have been borrowed, but the Phrygian tombs with similar facades dating from the imperial period usually have three arcosolia graves inside. Still, there is an underlying identity of design and conception which tie the Isaurian and Phrygian monuments together. The iconography is similar; not only the tombs in both areas have lion reliefs, but also eagles, shield and gorgoneion in the facade. The arched pediment is also a common feature. In Phrygia Roman rock-cut tombs display lions, eagles, shields, and gorgoneia in their facades, suggesting close links both in form and decoration with the Isaurian rock-cut tombs. The Phrygian rock-cut tombs date from the second to fourth century AD. 147 The Isaurian rock-cut tombs with decorated facades likely dating from the early second century must have derived from Phrygian models, in conjunction with a probable change of funerary rites in the area following Roman penetration.

Rectangular Funerary Altar Swoboda et al. recorded seven rectangular funerary altars from Isaura Nova; we were, however, unable to find any of them. 151 Most of the stones had the facade divided into three panels, with garlands hanging from the pediments; some had only two panels. In our survey, we found only one rectangular funerary altar at Işıklar village located in the foothills of Isaura Nova. The elaborately carved stone was placed in the wall of a village home (Fig. 5.33). This monument is most similar to the rectangular funerary altars from the site of Dorla (Aydoğmuş) and the high quality of its workmanship attests to the presence of a local workshop of skilled artists at or near the Isaurian capital (Fig. 5.34). The block shows the scheme characteristic of the district, depicting an arch between two triangular gables, all standing on a series of four pilasters. On the apex of each side pediment is a spear-like point, parallels for which can be seen at Dorla. 152 Under the central arch is a wreath tied below with a ribbon. The conventional form of wreath under the central arch is very common on the tombstones of the Roman period in Dorla. 153 In the left panel is a large swastika, the ends of which terminate in spear-like points. 154 A. M. Ramsay believed that the swastika was a Christian symbol in Isauria and, indeed, it occurs on the monuments with Christian inscriptions. 155 In the right panel is a six-leaved rosette placed in a circle. It has been suggested that the six-leaved rosettes are symbolical and that they are a modification of the early Christian monogram, originally representing I X and that the resemblance of this monogram to a six-rayed star caused the popularity of the six-leaved rosette on Christian tombstones. 156 Above the pointed pediments, flanking the central arch are two spear-like symbols with a cross at their center. A border of triangles or angular leaves decorate the architrave immediately above the columns. Given the similarities of Christian tombstones that are inscribed, one can assume that the monument in Işıklar is Christian. The inscribed Christian decorative funerary blocks from the site

To sum up, the style and fabric of the Isaurian monuments are very similar to those of the Phrygian. The frequency of certain motifs such as the lion, eagle, rosette, all mirror the same cultural milieu in which the production of the Phrygian and the Isaurian monuments flourished side by side. With both of these the Isaurian artist was familiar. The funerary motif of the lion spread into the surrounding lower country as decoration of tomb stelae. Rock-cut Eagle Osteotheca Farther to the west of rock-cut tomb no.1 is a rock-cut osteotheca with an eagle with outspread wings holding a thunderbolt in its claws carved in low relief on the rock surface (Fig. 5.32). 148 This fine relief regrettably has been destroyed by dynamite recently, a witness to the ongoing destruction of this magnificent site at the hands of treasure hunters. The whole scene is placed in a rectangular niche of 1.77 x 1.03 m. Three steps are cut in front of the relief. A crescent is placed above the right wing of the eagle and a much weathered Greek inscription of five lines crowns the scene. The motif of an eagle perched on the thunderbolt is a well-known funerary symbol; 149 it was also a military standard of the Roman legions (rarer as a shield-emblem of Roman soldiers). Between the eagle and tomb no. 1 a tabula ansata (0.50 x 0.35 m) is carved. No inscription could be seen on it.

Sterrett 1888, 106; Swoboda et al. 89, no. 243. Swoboda et al. 1935, 72, 86, 87, 92, 94, 95. 152 Ramsay 1923, 323-29, figs. 1-2. 153 Ramsay 1906, pl. V, figs. 7A, 12, 13A, 14, 15, 17; ibid. 1923, figs. 1-2. 154 For parallels of this motif, see Ramsay 1906, figs. 12, 15, 16, 20, 26; ibid., 1923, fig. 2. 155 Ramsay 1923, 328. 156 Ramsay 1906, 27, 40; ibid. 1923, 328..

144

150

Haspels 1971, 173-74, figs. 300-303. Haspels 1971, 182, fig. 324. 146 Haspels 1971, 137, figs. 147, 155. 147 Kortanoğlu 2006, 419-21. 148 Swoboda et al. 1935, 137-38, fig. 65; Yilmaz 2005, 158. 149 On a sarcophagus lid at Direvli in Rough Cilicia the eagle holds a thunderbolt in its claws, see p. 50, fig. 3.63; Er Scarborough 1991a, 35657, fig. 102. 145

151

213

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria probably a standard. 159 A third figure, a woman, has fallen on her side under the animal’s hind legs; the figure overlaps with the scene depicted below. My description differs from Sterrett’s, who reports four figures, one of which is a standing headless female. The horse, harnessed, has a rectangular fringed saddle cloth. The leather trappings of the horse are carefully carved. The rider composition is competent and horse and rider are well-proportioned. The rendering of the rider’s dress, sword and spear, and the horse is very precise. The scene suggests a military victory, likely of Romans over the natives.

of Dorla (Aydoğmuş) that bear a striking resemblance to our piece display the same early Christian symbols and can be dated to late third and early fourth century. There were doubtless other similar monuments like the one I just discussed in my survey area, but the wanton destruction of the antiquities witnessed by us must have led to their disappearance. Yelbeyi One of the most important funerary monuments from Isauria is a tomb cut into the south face of a small boulder located in an attractive valley of the Calycadnus (Göksu) river near the stream of Yelbeyi (hence the name of the tomb), 7 km from Bolat, in the vicinity of the town of Hadim (Figs. 5.35-41). 157 We visited this tomb in 1993 and when we returned for another visit in 1994, we found the right side of the tomb along with the entrance demolished by tomb robbers using dynamite (Fig. 5.37). Regrettably, the tomb has recently been completely destroyed by local officials in building a dam.

Carved in low relief on the front part of the façade are fifty wild goats and two hunting dogs. Depicted in the upper field between two false windows is a hunting scene of a bowman, dog and a wild goat (Figs. 5.39-40). The figure wears a short cloak, tunic and boots; he grasps a cocked bow and arrow, which he is about to hurl at the goat, while the dog lunges at the animal. The hunter figure represents either a hunting god or the deceased, and such hunting scenes are popular in funerary art. 160 But in horseman reliefs, the hunter scenes became associated almost exclusively with the Thracian rider. 161 The Yelbeyi hunter, unlike the majority of the horseman-hunter reliefs, is depicted standing, not mounted and similar scenes are found on the funerary reliefs from Isauria and Lycaonia. 162 Parallels between the hunt and war, show how hunting scenes reflect military aspects, particularly since the hunter is armed with a sword, quiver, and his hunting weapon, the bow.

The tomb, unusual in form and decorative elements, was designed following a house concept as indicated by the door and the false windows on its facade. The boulder is 3 m high and 7.00 m wide. On the front and right side of the rock-cut tomb, several scenes appear in low relief. The entrance to the chamber is 0.79 m high and 0.60 m wide. A step, 0.70 m long, leads into the chamber (the step widens to 0.80 m towards the entrance), measuring 2.30 m long, 2.40 m wide and 1.25 high. The chamber is plain and small with no cuttings on the floor to indicate burial. Niches, frequently seen on rock-cut tombs, are absent here. 158

Both false windows have almost the same dimensions: the one on the north-west is 0.52 m wide, 0.42 m high; the other placed directly above the entrance is 0.53 m long. The side of the tomb on the right of the spectator contains reliefs of two shields and eight wild goats of larger size than those depicted on the front (Fig. 5.36). One of the shields have the features of a face, perhaps depicting a gorgoneion. The wild goat remains native to the region. The monument has no inscription.

The façade of the tomb divides horizontally into two fields; the central scene on the left of the door (this field is 1.21 m high, 0.57 m wide) shows a horseman with a billowing cloak mounted on a galloping horse, riding triumphant over a group of three naked barbarians (Fig. 5.38). In his raised right hand he holds a spear, 1.43 m. long, which he is about to hurl; with his left hand he grasps the reins. In addition to the spear, he has a sword, slung across his belt. The rider wears a cloak, short tunic, and a breast plate to which a central ornament—a rosette or a gorgoneion—is attached. Facial features are damaged beyond recognition. Under the hooves of the horse are three diminutive naked figures in poses of the vanquished; of these, one lying between the animal’s front legs, is much weathered. A second figure, hands behind his back, stands under the right hoof, his head turned up to the rider; between the two naked figures is

The Yelbeyi tomb offers a significant variant of the popular rock-cut tomb in Isauria and Rough Cilicia, and illustrates the creative spirit of local funerary art. Parallels for the rider’s costume, weapons, and the placement of prostate foe beneath the horse exist in Roman provincial art, but are rare on Anatolian monuments. Beginning in the first century BC, the victorious horseman became a popular subject in provincial funerary art. On many Roman funerary tombstones commemorating soldiers from auxiliary units

157 Er Scarborough 2010, 125-33, pls. 1-10; Er Scarborough 1996, 339, fig. 1; Er Scarborough 1991a, 203-14, figs. 40-45, plan 14; Er Scarborough1991b, 120-21, fig. 13; Doğanay 2009, 337-38; pls 117-18, 137:1-4; Temizsoy et al. 1984, 25; Yılmaz 2005, 19-21. The tomb, first described by Sterrett 1888, 44-45, was later published by a Turkish scholar in 1937: G. Totaysalgır, Konya’da Eski Eserler Aramalarından 3, 147, and briefly mentioned by Bossert, who dated it to first century BC: Bossert 1942, no. 1116, fig. 293. The tomb was visited by K. Bittel in 1952 who offered a brief discussion and assigned it to Roman times: ‘Bazı Anadolu ve Mezopotamya Kaya Tasvirleri üzerine Düşünceler’, Belleten 67, 1953, 307-13, esp. 311-13, figs. 1-3. 158 For niches and their function in funerary monuments, see Söğüt 2003, 239-60.

A similar scene is depicted on distance slabs with an inscription panel of Legio II Augusta from the Antonine Wall in Scotland: Macdonald, 1911, 288, fig. 39 no. 2. On one relief (no. 11) two captives are beneath a galloping horseman and a standard is placed between them. On the left a Victory crowns a rider; on the right an eagle is perched on the back of a Capricorn; beneath is a third captive, hands tied behind his back. 160 Toynbee 1973, 173-74. The hunting scene occurs often on GraecoRoman sarcophagi. Its origin is in the Hippolytus myth and the reliefs show the departure of Hippolytus, setting out for the hunt, and his death. 161 For the Thracian horseman-hunter and monuments depicting the theme, see Kazarow 1938; Schober 1923; Goceva and Oppermann 1979; Hampartumian 1979, pl. 11. 162 Swoboda et al. 1935, 7, fig. 1, 37, fig. 29. 159

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria the Roman army began under the first two emperors, and as fierce warriors, the Isaurians were valued recruits. The increasing participation in the militia equestris by Isaurians during second century AD resulted in the introduction of new military themes in Isaurian funerary art, and the tombstones of Isaurian soldiers posted elsewhere in the Empire mirror scenes and motifs frequently observed in other frontier provinces. For example, a funerary inscription reveals an Isaurian soldier who served in the Legio IV Scythicae, transferred to Syria in AD 56-57. Another auxiliary soldier, who was enrolled under a Roman name—L. Aurelius Flavianus—perished in the eastern wars. He was commemorated with a heroon by his family. 169 Suggestive, too, is an inscription cut into an Isaurian funerary altar which shows that an Isaurian father, who bought a stone for his cavalry soldier son, had served in Lower Moesia as equites singularis. 170 The funerary stone, embellished with reliefs of a funerary banquet and a horseman, was purchased ready-made, clearly indicating Isaurian artists’ familiarity with provincial monuments.

stationed in various provinces, cavalrymen ride over prostate enemies, usually naked barbarians, in particular from the Danube and the Rhine. 163 The monuments show the deceased, dressed in a tunic and a billowing cape and holding a spear in his raised right hand, galloping across a fallen enemy. An early prototype for the horseman theme in Asia Minor is found in the large rock-cut tomb at Termessus in Pisidia which on its west wall has a carved mounted warrior, 2 m high, a favorite theme in Macedonian funerary art. 164 The iconography of the horseman monuments from the provinces reflects an intermingling of styles resulting from the nationality of the artists or the deceased, and attests to the motley of peoples serving in the Roman army. Rider figures on soldiers’ tombstones thereby are probably works of art, specifically interconnected with the Roman army, likewise infused by empire-wide (and geographically limited) native artistic conventions. But even while the subject is Roman, their shaping is locally conditioned by each province, and the Yelbeyi rider is modeled on both western and Anatolian prototypes. The victorious horseman scene probably reflects the valor and military exploits of the deceased. Toynbee thinks the provincial rider an independent motif created by the army, perhaps influenced by figures of mounted and charging huntsmen on Roman and Italian tombs or by warriors in the similar way in battle scenes. 165 Richmond believes the scene is intended to symbolize victory of life over death rather than earthly glory. 166 In Tudor’s view, “…the Danubian provinces of the Empire made of the horseman and his mount the symbols of the underworld deities and an allegory of death, which explains their frequent presence on funerary stelae.” 167 The prostate enemy under the horses’ hooves on these reliefs have been interpreted as personification of evil or as representing a ritual or simulated death. 168

The horseman motif is characteristic of Isaurian art, and representative is the fragment of the excellent relief sculpture depicting a rider on a galloping horse, strikingly similar to the Yelbeyi rider (Fig. 5.20). The horseman motif dominates the decoration of the larnaces as illustrated by several monuments from the ancient site of Astra (Figs. 5.59, 5.61). Horseman reliefs also occur on larnaces at the site of Artanada (Dülgerler) (Figs. 5.76-78). Horsemen represented on several funerary reliefs from Isauria and Lycaonia may differ in symbolism as reported by Buckler, Calder and Cox. 171 In one example the horseman is identified with the god Pluto. In three other examples, the horseman is expressly stated to be cavalrymen, and are therefore clearly portraits of the dead. In a similar relief now at Konya Museum, the horseman's name is engraved above his head. Generally, one concludes that the monuments with rider reliefs are of military origin, and that the victory of the rider over naked barbarian is the triumph of Rome over the barbarian tribes. The motif certainly conveys military achievements, coupled with pride from glory and material reward, and this widely dispersed theme is freshly demonstrated in Anatolian funerary art. The Yelbeyi tomb is a particularly appropriate monument indicating the necessity of martial valor of those who served Rome in Isauria.

On the Yelbeyi tomb the deceased, rather than a horseman deity, is represented. In Isauria the artists simply transferred the tombstone with the rider theme to the façade of a rock-cut tomb, thus blending the local traditions with those of Rome. An Isaurian artist, who was schooled in such motifs, probably carved the reliefs, well in keeping with the Isaurian fame for skills in stone-cutting. The occupant of the Yelbeyi tomb was likely a high ranking officer in the Roman army, and perhaps a native Isaurian, quite consistent with employment as auxilia of provincial cavalrymen in the Roman army, and the tomb probably is from the second century AD. Recruiting of Isaurians for

Hadim In my discussion of the funerary monuments of the region, I am enclosing a hitherto unpublished horseman relief because I believe it is a fine example of the tradition of rock-cut reliefs and the importance of the horseman motif in

Rhenish scenes, for example, strikingly like that from Yelbeyi, depict horsemen spearing enemies lying at the feet of the horse; the prostate enemy on the Rhineland tombstones, however, are armed. For examples of Roman cavalry tombstones from the Rhineland, see Bauchhens 1978, pls. 15, 17, 18, 19, 21; Gabelmann 1973, 132-201, figs. 23-26, 28, 30. For Danubian examples, see Tudor 1969. For examples from Gaul, see Hatt 1951. For British examples, see Toynbee 1964, 157-58, 166, figs. 87, 92, 102. 164 This probably is the tomb of Alcestas, a former general of Alexander the Great. The tomb is assigned to 319 BC, see Fedak 1990, 94-96, figs. 117-18. 165 Toynbee 1964, 183. 166 Richmond, 1950 as quoted by Webster 1985, 280. 167 Tudor 1969, 160. 168 Will 1955, 93, 96. 163

For this inscription and a discussion of Isaurian soldiers in general, see Ramsay 1964, 199-209 and 225-28. no. 236. Ramsay 1967, 203-207, no. 222. The inscription also reveals the hereditary character of military service in the frontier provinces and the pride in Roman military service. Equites singulares were mounted body guards attached to the provincial governor, usually taken from the auxiliary forces. This elite unit was probably a creation of Domitian: Cheesman 1971, 80-81. 171 Buckler et al. 1924, 68-70. Horsemen are represented on nos. 83, 96, 100, 103, 109b, 117, 122. 169

170

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria that the horseman in the relief represents a deity and not the deceased, while the motif of the woman crowning him reflects the adaptation of Roman customs. The woman offering a wreath may refer to the dedicant’s military exploits, fusing Victoria’s symbolisms in both triumph in war and victory over death, illustrating well votive aspects of the monument. Reliefs of Victory appear on the funerary monuments of Isauria, where she is portrayed in a similar manner. An Isaurian stele shows a deceased woman holding a wreath (she is named in an inscription), illustrating an adaptation of divine symbolism into funerary reliefs. 177 Although as the goddess of victory, she is usually winged, in Isauria she wears a sleeveless tunic with overfold, and does not have wings. Most often she is set into the pediment of rock-cut tombs as in Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), and this variant shows how Isaurian workshops were partially independent from current Roman iconography. Nothing fully comparable exists to the Hadim relief but some examples are known of scenes similarly mixed in motif. On similar reliefs from Upper Moesia, the Victory crowns the horseman, dressed in tunic, flying cloak and brandishing a spear in his right hand, who rides to the right over a man prostate upon the ground. Parallels for this motif of Victory and Horseman are also found in the repertory of the Danubian tablets with two Riders. On Danubian reliefs the Victory “…constantly stands upright behind one or even both of the Riders, placing a crown on their heads.” 178 According to Tudor, Victoria begins to appear on the Danubian plaques in the Lower Danube from the end of the second century and especially during the third century AD, when warrior deities were very popular, and argues that she was introduced into the reliefs by soldiers of the Roman army. Tudor attributes the popularity of warrior deities among Roman soldiers serving in the Danubian provinces to dangers faced by the soldiers on the frontier. 179 Tudor, moreover, believes Victoria’s presence on the Danubian horseman reliefs signifies the triumphal aspect of the deity, and is further proof of the military character of the cult. In Isauria this motif is more common in the northern mountains, where Roman armies encountered the most difficulties. The rider motif, which is at home in Isaurian hill country, does not appear in the coastal zone.

Isauria. The relief is found in the northern face of a massive rock on an isolated steep hill at the town of Hadim (Fig. 5.42). The relief is carved in a rectangular niche, slightly gabled at the top. The location of the relief is spectacular; there is a wide view across the countryside, overlooking the modern road from Konya (Iconium) to Hadim. Since there are no nearby funerary structures, it is improbable that it has a funerary function. No other archaeological remains came to light at the spot where I found the relief. There is no inscription. The surface of the stone is badly weathered, and some details of the faces, dress and attributes are lost, but the two figures, cut in fairly low relief, clearly stand out. One first observes the male figure, a rider on a galloping horse, turned to the right, clad in a tunic and a billowing cape, holding a spear in his raised right hand, and grasping a club in his extended left. His face is turned full toward the spectator. The front legs of the horse are lost, but the animal’s long, sweeping tail almost reaches to the ground. On the right is a woman, who stands facing the viewer, and holds a wreath in her raised right hand. She wears a sleeveless tunic with overfold. Both her act of crowning the horseman with a wreath, and the style of her dress suggest the figure is the goddess of victory, Victoria. The mounted warrior in the relief likely is a horseman god, perhaps a local variant of the well-known Anatolian god Kakasbos, whose cult was widespread in southern Asia Minor, particularly in the mountainous regions of Lycia, Pisidia, Isauria, and Lycaonia. 172 In a funerary context, the rider figure likely represents the deceased, but on Anatolian votive reliefs normally is a horseman god. Kakasbos can often be identified by the club which he carries in his raised right hand—in the Hadim relief the club is in his left hand—and is always depicted in a triumphant pose. 173 Morevoer, Kakasbos is not a chthonic deity, although at times he has been confused with representations of the deceased horseman on funerary reliefs. The chthonic symbols such as the snake, the cock, and the crater are absent from the Kakasbos reliefs. As in the Hadim example, the horseman reliefs generally in Asia Minor are carved into niches with slightly gables or rounded tops. Representations of mounted gods are found all over the Roman Empire, and are known not only from the western provinces, but also from Syria and Mesopotamia. 174 L. Robert has demonstrated that these are local gods, and do not represent variations of the same rider-god. 175 E. Will agrees noting, “There are no Rider-Gods, but only gods represented on horseback and, more precisely, gods of rider peoples.” 176 In the absence of funerary elements we may safely assume

It is most likely that the dedicator of the Hadim relief was a soldier, and thus the presence of Victory crowning the horseman god connotes the soldier’s expectation, or his gratitude for a victory in battle. Without inscriptional evidence, the dating and the interpretation of the Hadim relief is problematic. Surface weathering prevents definitive stylistic analysis. One can, however, from what remains of the relief date it sometime in the second or early

172

177

An inscribed stele from Appa in Isauria shows a standing family with the mother (identified by the inscription) holding a wreath above her son’s head: Pfuhl and Möbius 1981, 179, fig. 96, no. 630. On another relief depicting eight figures, a woman crowns a man in a similar pose: Buckler et al. 1924, 40, no. 2, fig. 5. A stele from the Isauro-Lykaonien borderland displays a male figure on a prancing horse, facing right towards a woman whose right hand is raised and holds a garland: Calder and Cormack 1962, 36, no. 201, pl. 8. Clearly the motif was adapted by the locals. 178 Tudor 1969, 44, 123. 179 Tudor 1969, 123-34.

For the cult of Kakasbos, see Robert 1946, 38-74, esp. 56-64, pls. I-IV; Delemen 1999, 5-39. For Anatolian rider-gods, see Delemen 1999; for horsemen deities in general, see Will 1955. 173 Robert 1946, 61. 174 Monuments of horseman gods have emerged from Palmyra, DuraEuropos, Homs, etc. Of importance, particularly is the cult of Azizos and Monimos. Azizos was worshipped as a horseman deity in Edessa and Palmyra, for which see Seyrig 1970, 77-116. 175 Robert 1946, 38-74, esp. 59. 176 Will 1955, 105, 116.

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria third century AD, a period when firm Roman control appeared and Isaurians grew in number in the cavalry arm of the Roman army. The relief may be viewed as a local Isaurian variant of the horseman theme. A native Isaurian, who had attained a high rank in the Roman army, most likely commissioned the relief, and the scene is probably commemorative of a specific, historical event. The inscriptional evidence supports the recruitment and enlistment of Isaurians in the early imperial period. Soldiers were the chief product of Isauria in later Roman times. With the return of Isaurian veterans who had served in the Roman army, especially in the Danubian provinces of Lower Moesia and Dacia, where cults of horseman gods (in particular the cult of the Danubian Riders) were widespread among the Roman soldiers, new elements of rider-gods were introduced to the local cult. Corollary are several Isaurian monuments from Astra on which a horseman galloping to the right occupies the central niche and one notes the horseman as common in Isaurian funerary art, reflective of local cults of the horseman-hero. Roman motifs were reflected in the local cultural tradition of Isauria, which would explain the mixture (rider and Victory) and the execution of the relief on a rock surface betrays Anatolian influence. Local artists introduced new scenes using Graeco-Roman motifs, and it is, therefore, unusual to find exact parallels for many reliefs. The Hadim relief is unique in many respects. Important as a local type of the Anatolian horseman god who was popular in the Taurus mountains, it is also a rare illustration of the intermingling of Roman and native types.

Anemurium over Germanicopolis (Ermenek) to Iconium (Konya). The site, 5 km south of the village of Bolat, is used as a yayla (a high summer pastorage) by the villagers in the summer, when they bring their flocks. Bolat, surrounded by juniper and oak forest, is cool in summer and attractive, with the environmental attributes of a typical Taurus yayla. There is a spring at the locale and the yayla is used specifically for pasturing goat herds in the summer. Although the ancient city was built on top of a high hill nearby, the necropolis is situated on the lower slopes of the hill in close proximity to the yayla homes. Most of the yayla huts at the foot of the Acropolis hill were built with the ancient tombstones from the West necropolis, where the majority of the funerary monuments were found. The Eastern necropolis located at some distance from the yayla have similar monuments in situ and has no signs of present day occupation. This side of the hill is more exposed to the harsh winds. Astra, situated on a very steep rocky hill of light-colored limestone with black junipers, is impressive not only because of its abundant remains but also because of its situation. The most conspicuous remains are those of a temple of Zeus Astrenos, a small theater or auditorium, and two characteristically Isaurian necropoleis with stelae, rectangular funerary altars, larnaces and a monumental tomb. Today the ancient site is overgrown by shrubs and trees. Astra was first discovered by J. R. S. Sterrett in 1885, who identified the site from an inscription; he describes it in his The Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor. 180 Although he wrote a thorough description of the site, Sterrett focuses on Astra’s epigraphic material and provides little information about its antiquities. He does, however, mention that in the ancient necropolis stelae and small sarcophagi with lion lids are abundant, but that for the most part the stelae were never inscribed. D. Hereward published 2 new inscriptions from the site in 1958. 181 Bean and Mitford who visited the site in 1966 recorded 16 new inscriptions and commented that the site awaited a systematic survey. 182 Starting in 1992, O. Ermişler of Konya Museum conducted three seasons of excavations. 183 Th. Drew-Bear in 1996 took up the inscriptions from Astra in his study of the site. 184 Recently, A. Royer and H. Bahar published the inscriptions and some funerary monuments from Astra. 185 I visited the site in 1989 and 1993. 186

The Isaurian artists’ rich decorative repertory undoubtedly contributed to the formation of a native art and the important Isaurian school transmitted forms throughout the whole region and they were used on different monuments, exemplified by the Hadim relief. The discovery of this horseman relief in Isaurian heartland is of importance, since one detects a tenacious survival of native conventions, especially in relief sculpture, and such a conclusion fits with the general picture we have of Isaurian history. The study of the equestrian relief monuments shows that in Isauria, the movement of Isaurian soldiers within the Roman Empire as well as the movement of local stonecutters from city to city, played a crucial role in formation of a native art in the region. Although continuity of local artistic traditions is well attested, the Hadim relief shows a mixture of western and eastern elements and suggests close links with Roman artistic traditions. The physical isolation of Isauria fostered local artistic traditions, yet increased contact and exchange with other lands in the Roman Empire contributed to the transmittal of new forms and motifs.

Although we know little of the site’s history, it was probably a hellenized center dating back to the pre-Roman age. An autonomous Isaurian village, Astra was dominated by its cult of Zeus Astrenos. Sundry dedications to the god

Astra One of the most important Isaurian sites is Astra (Turkish Tamaşalık), 17 km northwest of Hadim. Hadim lies just under the highest peak of the Isaurian mountain range; immediately beyond the town is the great canyon of Alaca Su, a branch of the ancient Calycadnus (Göksu). The nearest ancient settlement is Astra, located on the very summit of the range at Bolat Yaylası, also known as Tamaşalık, at an altitude of 1960 m above the sea. The site is located to the west of the upper part of the old road from

180

Sterrett 1888, 46-50, nos. 66-71. Hereward 1958, 73-77. Bean and Mitford 1970, 129-34, nos. 121-34. For the site, also see Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 200-201. 183 Ermişler 1994, 385-403. In 1994 he also conducted an archaeometallurgic survey at Astra and its environs: Ermişler and Sertok 1996, 315-31. 184 Drew-Bear 1996, 103-107. 185 Royer and Bahar 2011, 149-98. 186 Er Scarborough 1991a, 214-24, figs. 46-50; Er Scarborough 1994, 297. 181 182

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Astra is mentioned twice in later history; in 1199 in the fieflist of King Leons I of Armenia Minor, we meet Romanos, Master from Ataraws (Astrsa), and in 1264 its name appears in the chronicle attributed to Armenian Sempad. 193

survive amid the wreckage of his handsome temple complex, attesting an altar, pronaos, archway, precinct wall and the gift of two temple slaves (Fig. 5.43). It may have been a cult center that retained its sanctity from preHellenistic times into the Roman period. As Bean and Mitford have remarked, the cult of Zeus Astrenos had its origins in Anatolian religion. An inscribed block found in the ruins of the temple of Zeus, mentions two stonecutters, Tarasis, the son of Manes, and Zezis for whom a monument was built in honor of Zeus Astrenos. 187 Cults of Hera, Poseidon and Pluto are also attested by the inscriptions. Pluto was connected with the exploitation of the ores in the region of Astra; he is also known at Bozkır, where he is depicted as a horseman. 188 Astra had close ties with the Isaurian capital, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), located 18 km. north.

The strategic location of Astra on the great ancient road from Iconium to Anemurium over Germanicopolis must have played a major part in its prosperity. Finally, the production of pottery as attested by archaeology, the exploitation of minerals, the cultivation of vineyards in its environs (grapes are a favorite motif in funerary art), and its monuments all invite us to reexamine the idea that Isaurians were constantly engaged in transhumance and brigandage, an impression given by the literary sources. 194 At Astra one notes a homogenous regional group reflecting local styles of workmanship, and tastes in funerary monuments. All the monuments have the Isaurian architectural scheme of decoration, a central arch flanked by pointed pediments, all supported by pilasters. The threepanel design shows the remarkable vogue in Isauria during the second and third centuries, a time from which our monuments date. The presence of motifs, such as sixpointed rosettes and vine with clusters of grape, are also known from Christian gravestones, in particular from the sites in the Çarşamba river valley. 195 Grapes are cultivated in the area, even today, and it was clearly a popular decorative motif. On most of the known Christian examples, moreover, the figures of the deceased are not portrayed to the extent they are at Astra. The swastika, the wreath, and the screen, motifs well attested in Christian stones, are absent from the repertory at Astra. 196 The tenacity of the local cult of Zeus Astrenos may have hindered the Christianization of this isolated region.

The study of the inscriptions from Astra provides us with information about the political, religious and social organization of the settlement in the first three centuries AD. The majority of the collected inscriptions concern religion. The priests, who regularly appear in the inscriptions, were the dominant group in the town. The assemblies were ruled by a council of elders, constituted of priests. Astra was a kome, with enough money to finance important constructions, and its nature and form of financing belonged to a Hellenic culture, to a Greek city. However, the onomastics show three references: Greek, autocthonous and Roman. Moreover, a few inscriptions suggest a long term (Achaemenid) heritage, with the likely presence of descendants of a military and buraeucratic elite carrying Persian names (Sisiphernes for example), who were assimilated to the local community. In addition, a number of indigenous names of Luwian origin testify to the tenacity of local elements. 189 In spite of the barrier posed by the Taurus mountains, Isaurian settlements like Astra may have been receptive to influences from the south. The frequency of the name Paul in Astra reflects the influence of the birthplace of the Saint. A funerary inscription from the site informs us that Kibalis erected a monument for her husband who is from Tarsus. 190

An inscription from Astra is valuable for understanding the mechanism by which tomb types or motifs were transferred in the region. 197 The inscription of Roman date attests to the movement of stone-cutters from city to city in Isauria, especially lines 3-4: ᾔγαγεν δὲ λατύπόυς :"brought in stonecutters (or sculptors, for the word often means that) from another city: "He brought in masons Tarasis, son of Manes and Zezis, son of Pas, both of Porinda; [they] and Lucius, son of Leonas of Astra, finished the work." The demand for the art and skill of these masons undoubtedly resulted in the fusion of certain styles throughout the region. The most enduring form of art expressed by the Isaurians was their stone-carving, suggested by the numerous rectangular funerary altars and larnaces in the region; it is particularly in that medium that Isaurian influences are found.

Epigraphy as a whole suggests the dominance of Rome in this part of Isauria. The inscriptions at the site reveal that the Aurelii are prominent at Astra, which point to a date in the century following AD 212. Moreover, an inscription recording the name of an empress in the late fourth century AD indicates the lasting power of the pre-Christian Greek cults. 191 Added to this is an inscription (in Greek) from Çataloluk Tepesi, some half a mile from Astra, listing the names of the priests. Ruins of a temple of Zeus Astrenos were also found at that site. 192

193

Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 201. Royer and Bahar 2011, 150. 195 On the gravestone of the bishop Papas from the site of Dorla, Ramsay interprets the vine branch above the central pediment as indicating that the bishop was a branch of true vine: Ramsay 1906, 27, fig. 7 A, pl. 5. 196 Ramsay 1906, 3-62; ibid. 1923, 323-29, figs. 1-2 197 Hereward 1958, 73-74, inscription no. 69, fig. 21. Sterrett also published this inscription along with others from Isauria: Sterrett 1888, 4849 194

187

Sterrett 1888, 48-49, no. 69. 188 Delemen 1999, 193, no. 368. 189 Royer and Bahar 2011, 150. 190 For the inscription, see below no. 15, p. 221. 191 The empress is possibly Mariniana, the shortlived wife of Valerian: Bean and Mitford 1970, 132-33, no. 126. 192 Bean and Mitford 1970, 135-36, no. 133; Royer and Bahar 2011, 193, no. 67.

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria West Necropolis The West necropolis at Astra is situated at the foot of the Acropolis hill, where the present day yayla huts are built (Fig. 5.44). As one approaches the necropolis from the west, the first monuments to be seen are at the fountain of the settlement located at the lower slopes of the yayla (Fig. 5.45).

I present here a selection of monuments from Astra 198 which bear a resemblance to other Isaurian funerary monuments discussed by scholars such as Ramsay and Swoboda. In their published works I was unable to find any reference to the Astran monuments. A great many of these funerary monuments have been used as building stones in the yayla huts. Rarely were we able to find one completely intact; most were broken and we could not obtain precise measurements or photographs due to the way in which they were placed in the walls. The backs of the monuments were usually not seen. Also the smoke from the cooking fires in the huts have darkened the stones. During our surveys, the use of various funerary monuments as building material in these huts has sometimes hindered their thorough examination. Entrance to some huts were impossible since they were locked and in others their awkward position frustrated our efforts of accurate documentation.

1. Placed upside down in the small fountain, a stele of grey limestone showing two men and a woman inside a single arched panel supported by two columns; clusters of grapes flank the arch (Fig. 5.46). H. 0.68; w. 0.61; th. 0.27. 2. At the same fountain, a crudely made larnax lion lid, its body below the belly missing, its face destroyed; unlike some Isaurian examples, this lion does not hold a human figure under its paws (Fig. 5.47). H. 0.74; w. 0.55, th. 0.53.

Although the majority of the funerary monuments at the site are tombstones, the ruins of a monumental tomb, handsomely built, can also be seen on a slope towards the top of the necropolis. A molded limestone block, 0.49 m high, 0.86 m wide and 0.24 m thick, must have belonged to this tomb.

3. A lion lid lying on the slope near the yayla huts (Figs. 5.48-49). 202 It is made of local grayish limestone, broken into two parts. The lion is sprawled along the length of the lid, which has pediments with acroteria. In the front pediment is an eagle with outspread wings. The back pediment with acroteria is not decorated. The lion’s head, severely damaged, is turned to the right. Its mouth is open, no doubt intended to convey its terrifying aspect as the guardian of the dead. The lion’s mane is indicated by its curls. Under its right paw a lying human figure, the deceased, rests on his left elbow, his right leg crossed over the other. H. 0.85 (to the top of its head); w. 1.19; th. 0.50.

In the funerary inscriptions from Astra, the transitive verb ἀνίστημι is used for erecting a funerary monument, which is characteristic. It is followed by the accusative of the name of the person for whom the funerary monument is destined, and the accusative of the erected monument (ὀστοθήκην, λέοντα, ἀεότον, etc.). 199 The inscriptions from the site date from the second and third centuries AD. We can assign a similar date to the funerary monuments.

4. Grey limestone lion larnax lid in the courtyard of a ruined shed (Fig. 5.50). Crudely made, face looks as if not finished, but the mouth is clearly portrayed as open. The curls of the mane are well indicated. H. 0.68 (to its head) and 0.34 (to its tail); w. 0.98.

During excavations conducted by Ermişler in 1992 at the west necropolis two cremation burials with stelae were found in situ. 200 In the first one, a flat smoothed stone was seen under the stele; immediately in front of the stele an urn was found. About 0.20 m away from the urn was a lamp. Inside the urn were ashes, burnt bone fragments, teeth, and a bronze snake-shaped ring, its head and tail worked in detail. 201 The ring and the lamp were no doubt intended as burial gifts. The presence of burnt bones along with the ashes in the urn shows that after the body was cremated, the bones were fragmented to place in the urn. In the second tomb, the excavators found that at the back of the stele a rectangular podium was arranged by various sized stones. However, although the stele and podium were removed, no traces of an urn or bone fragments were found. The excavator proposed that perhaps the ashes were spread under the podium.

5. Built into the doorway of a yayla hut, a large rectangular funerary altar of limestone, buried below (Fig. 5.51). We had to excavate to unearth the lower part of the monument. The monument employs the characteristic Isaurian decorative scheme on tombstones: its façade is divided into three panels by two fluted columns, with pilasters outside; triangular pediments flank an arched one, with grape clusters between them. Inside the side pediments are circular motifs, while the central one is decorated with a shell-like motif. Above the pediments is a cable like border. In the left and right hand panels stands a female, wearing a long garment and a veil; in the center panel a man and a woman. All face the viewer. The lower part of the excavated relief shows a vine plant of three clusters of grapes with tendrils and leaves springing from a vase at the center. Below the vine, on the left and right, a man and a woman stand. H. 0.89; w. 0.90; th. 0.23.

198

Er Scarborough 1991, 214-24, figs. 46-50; Er Scarborough 1994, 297. Royer and Bahar 2011, 179, inscription no. 44. For use of the same verb in Isaura Nova, see Swoboda, Keil and Knoll 1935, inscriptions nos. 185, 186, 199, 210, 214; for use of it in southern Isauria, see Bean and Mitford 1970, nos. 97-98 (Dibektaşı), nos. 103-104 (Tosuntaşı), 144 (Oduncu Kalesi), 146-47 (Keçimen). 200 Ermişler 1994, 385-86. 201 Ermişler 1996, 40 as cited by Doğanay 2009, 49, no. 250. 199

202 Yılmaz 2005, 260-61, fig. 144 a-b; Royer and Bahar 2011, 189, figs. 53 a-b.

219

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria 6. In the doorway of a hut, fragment of a finely carved rectangular funerary altar, broken in the middle, with its right part missing and buried below (Fig. 5.52). We had to excavate to unearth its lower part. The surviving side carries two panels divided by a fluted column. In the lefthand panel a man stands, facing front, under a garland. In the center panel is a woman, with long garment and a veil, also facing front. Inside the left-hand pediment is a human head in relief, with features simply defined wearing, it seems, a close-fitting cap. It is flanked by a six-pointed rosette inside a circle. The central arched pediment has the shell decoration; a cluster of grapes hang from the arch. Above the pediments is a border with cable motif. It has been suggested that the six-leaved rosette is the early Christian monogram of I X. 203 It is uncertain whether this is the case for the Astra monument, since there is no evidence that the monuments belonged to Christians. H. 0.70; w. 0.57; th. O.50.

of three panels divided by two columns with pilasters outside. Above the panels two triangular pediments flank an arched one with the shell motif; on top of these a vine plant stretches with clusters of grapes terminating in leaves. In the three panels are four figures depicted in the same posture, erect and facing the viewer. In the central panel a couple, a man on the left and a woman on the right are carved in relief. The garment of the man falls down to his knees; his right hand is folded on his chest. The dress of the woman reaches her feet, which are visible; her right arm is folded on her chest. In each of the side panels, separated by a fluted column, a smaller single male figure with a short tunic and his arm folded on his chest, is represented. Under the couple, a male figure holds a large vine plant in his extended hands, from which hang two clusters of grapes with stylized leaves. To the left of this person, a small figure stands under the vine branch. 205 H. 0.87; w. 0.82; th. 0.29.

7. At the base of a shed wall, a rectangular funerary altar of white limestone with molding at top, consisting of three panels divided by columns, with pilasters outside (Fig. 5.53). Two triangular pediments each with a human head inside flank an arched one with a shell-like motif. Clusters of grapes hang on either side of the arch. In the right-hand panel, two male figures stand; in the left, a man and a woman, all facing front. In the central panel are a man and a woman, who are represented in larger scale than the other figures. Upon excavating, we uncovered the lower part of the monument, which contained a decorative scheme similar to no. 6. A vine with two clusters of grapes spring from a vase at the center of the panel. We are not certain whether the panel contained any figures. H. 0.78; w. 0.90; th. 0.30.

10. Placed upside down in the southern wall of the same abandoned hut, a rectangular stele of whitewashed limestone of rough workmanship; excavation revealed its full size (Fig. 5.56). 206 The facade shows a man and a woman under an arch supported by two columns; on either side of the arch is a six-pointed rosette in a circle. Under the two figures stretches a large vine plant from which hang clusters of grapes together with several leaves and tendrils. H. 0.80; w. 1.00; th. 0.25. 11. A larnax of grey limestone overlooking the yayla huts, molded below and carved with reliefs on all sides (Figs. 5.57-58). 207 It is broken on the top and its lid is missing. Excavation revealed its full height. On the front façade, three panels are separated by columns. On the left-hand panel is a shield pierced by a sword, a militaristic symbol we have seen on the rock-cut tomb no.1 at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi); on the central and the right-hand panels a man and a woman in high relief stand on a pedestal. Above all figures hang garlands. On the longer back side are two panels each decorated with a garland (Fig. 5.58). On the left short side is a panel with two male busts and a spear under a garland. On the right short side is another garland above a male bust, relief visible but heavily whitewashed. H. 0.60; w. 1.15; th. 0.60.

8. Built into the doorway of a yayla shed, fragment of a rectangular funerary altar of yellow limestone (Fig. 5.54). Part of its right-hand side is broken. The face is divided into three panels; in each panel stand a man and a woman, facing front, all with clearly cut features in the same style. Men sport a beard and women are draped with the garment covering their heads. Their right arms are folded on their chests. A six-pointed rosette incised inside a circle is placed above the central figures; outside the left-hand pediment is a similar rosette. Cluster of grapes is placed on either side of the central pediment. Inside the side pediments is a tree-like motif. The central columns display unusual decoration. H. 0.76; w. 0.80; th. 0.35.

12. High on the slopes of the acropolis, a larnax with reliefs on three sides, broken above, with molding below (Fig. 5.59). 208 Its lid is missing. On the front facade, three panels are separated by columns: on the left-hand panel two women with their arms folded on their chests stand facing front; in the central panel is a horseman, holding a spear in his left hand and the bridle of his rearing horse in his right; in the right-hand panel is a Totenmahl scene with a seated woman and a standing servant at the end of the kline on which lies the deceased. Although the details of the relief are not clear, we can assume that the 'diner' holds a cup, one

9. Buried in the wall of an abandoned hut, its roof gone, an elaborately decorated rectangular funerary altar with a defaced inscription on the upper molding: ΚΑ...ΑΛΑΣ...Α.Ο. (Fig. 5.55). 204 We had to excavate to reveal the full composition of the monument, which is broken above top, otherwise complete. The facade consists Ramsay 1906, 27, 40; ibid, 1923, 328. Er Scarborough 1991, 216, fig. 50: since our examination of this monument in 1989, the pictures of the later visitors show that it has suffered some damage from the elements; see Royer and Bahar 2011, 184, no. 50, fig. 41.

For a similar motif, see Swoboda, Keil and Knoll 1935, 56, fig. 44. Royer and Bahar 2011, 186, fig. 45. 207 Royer and Bahar 2011, 189, figs. 52 a-c. 208 Er Scarborough 1991, 214, fig. 48; Drew-Bear 2001, fig. 7; Yılmaz 2005, 256-57, fig. 142; Royer and Bahar 2011, 189, figs. 51 a-b.

203

205

204

206

220

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria the site, though not funerary. 216 The inscription gives evidence to the relations between Astra and Tarsus, through the movement of people.

of the regular elements of the Totenmahl scenes. The representation of the deceased dining in the company of loved ones is a regular theme of Roman funerary art. Such scenes look back on the commemorative feasts regularly held at tombs. 209 One of the most popular scenes on Hellenistic gravestones in Asia Minor, 210 the Totenmahl was favored in the Roman empire especially in the provinces. 211 On one of the short sides is a relief bust of a naked man, with outstretched arms; 212 On the other short side two relief busts of figures greatly damaged, one of them holding a spear in his left hand. Traces of garlands hanging above the figures are visible in each panel. H. 0.60; w. 1.10; th. 0.65.

16. On the left entrance of the same hut, this limestone stele with molding on top was buried in the wall upside down; excavation revealed the façade decorated with two figures in low relief under an arch (Fig. 5.63). 217 The dress of the woman reaches down to her feet. The vertical pleats are indicated by light incisions. Her feet are visible and her right hand rests on her hip. The man to the right wears a short tunic which falls to his knees. He holds a palm plant in his raised right hand and a circular object in his left. The faces of the figures are destroyed. H. 0.92, w. 0.64, th. 0.28.

13. An elaborately carved marble lion, no doubt the lid of a missing larnax (Fig. 5.60). 213 It is the only marble tombstone found at the site. The mane is elegantly chiseled. It has large eyes. Its open mouth depicted with two teeth symbolizes the lion's quality as the fierce protector of the deceased. Under its paw is the piece of the acroterium. H. 1.12; w. 0.57.

17. Buried upside down in the western wall of the same hut, an unusual pedimented granite stele, badly damaged; excavation revealed a triangular pediment with a nicely carved rosette inside (Fig. 5.64). The facade shows a rectangular panel with two figures, a man and a woman, separated by a column at the center; on either side a large diamond motif. Figures greatly damaged. H. 0.95; w. 1.08; th. 0.27.

14. In the outer wall of a yayla hut, a larnax of grayish limestone on which two circular panels are depicted (Fig. 5.61). The left-hand panel contains a horseman on a galloping horse. His right hand is lifted. The next panel has three figures standing, a woman and two men. Details cannot be made out since the stone is badly weathered. H. 0.58; w. 0.75; th. Unknown.

East Necropolis All the monuments are in an extensive ruin field exposed to the harsh winds of the Taurus. The necropolis is located on the eastern end of the acropolis. 1. A dark grey limestone larnax with its short sides completely damaged and decorated with reliefs only on one of its longer sides (Fig. 5.65). It is broken above and to the left. Its lid is missing. Its main side consists of three panels divided by columns. Two gabled pediments with possibly human heads in them flank an arched one. The left-hand panel is partly broken, it shows a woman standing with the small figure of a girl; in the central panel are a man and a woman with a small boy between them, all are standing on a base; above them is a garland; in the right-hand panel are a man and a small boy. H. 0.67; w. 0.95; th. 0.53.

15. A rectangular funerary altar, its lower parts shattered, is used as a building block in the outside wall of a hut (Fig. 5.62). 214 The facade consists of three panels, two triangular pediments surrounding an arched one with a shell motif. On either side of the arched pediment is a cluster of grapes. On one of the triangular pediments the head of a figure wearing a cap is carved. His eyes, nose and open mouth can be discerned. The interior of the other pediment is destroyed. H. 0.45; w. 0.73; th. 0.32; the letters : 0.025. On the top of the monument an inscription of three lines is preserved. 215

2. A limestone rectangular funerary altar, heavily whitewashed (Fig. 5.66). The main face is divided into three panels; in the central panel a man and a woman stand under an arched pediment decorated with a shell. In each of the side panels an incised garland hangs. The triangular side pediments are decorated with a human head in relief. Above the panels a border of cable motif from which hang two clusters of grapes; below the panels a large vine plant stretches from a vase. H. 0.80, w. 0.74; th. 0.29.

Κιβαλιν Σ.ϓΜΙΛϓ.Οϓ ἀνέστησεν ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς ἀπεδήμ[η]σε ἰς Τάρσον, ἐνόσησε, ἐτελεύτησε. Kibalis daughter of...erected (this monument) for her husband who is from Tarsus, he fell ill and died. The name Kibalis is found in two other inscriptions from

3. A fine rectangular funerary altar of grey limestone (Fig. 5.67). The face is divided into three panels by columns and pilasters. On the main panel a man and a woman stand; the man holds a spear in his left hand. Garlands hang on the side panels. Two gabled pediments flank an arched one

209

For the connection with funerary meals, see Hatt 1951, 72-75. Fabricius 1999. 211 For Totenmahl reliefs in Germany and Britain, see Stewart 2009. 212 Royer and Bahar call this figure an Eros: 189. 213 Er Scarborough 1991, 348, fig. 100; Yılmaz 2005, 260-261, fig. 145; Royer and Bahar 2011, 189, fig. 54. 214 Er Scarborough 1991, 214, fig. 50; Yılmaz 2005, 255-56, fig. 141; Royer and Bahar 2011, 183, inscription no. 49, fig. 40. 215 Royer and Bahar 2011, 183, no. 49; Drew-Bear 2001, 249, no. 9. 210

216 217

221

Royer and Bahar 2011, 166, no. 15 and 170, no. 23. Yılmaz 2005, 252-53, fig. 19; Royer and Bahar 2011, 186, fig. 44.

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Artanada by an inscription. 220 Sterrett has recorded sixtyMost of the three inscriptions from the site. 221 nomenclature is native with three examples of 'Tarasis'. Inscriptions from the site give a number of names of Roman soldiers, which suggest a strong military presence. 222 Among those mentioned, are a stationarius, son of the centurion Julius Valens and an anonymous soldier of a 'Legio Parthica'. 223 The funerary monuments from the site also display military themes. Larnaces and stelae have been used as building blocks in the village mosque, fountain, and school.

with a shell motif; between them bunches of grapes hang. Under the panels a small figure (male?) holds a large vine plant with two clusters of grapes in his outstretched hands.. We have seen this motif above on the rectangular funerary altar with inscription in the west necropolis, no. 9. fig. 5.55. H. 1.01, w. 0.92, th. 0.25. 4. A grey limestone lion lid of a larnax, broken in two in the middle (Fig. 5.68). The workmanship of this lion is better than those in the west necropolis. It has large eyes and its mane is elaborately carved. The lid has a pediment and acroteria. A circular motif is cut in its pediment. H. 0.80 (to its head); w. 113; th. 0.55.

1. In the wall of the mosque, high from the ground, used as a building stone, a fine stele cut in high relief (Figs. 5.7475). I was able to get a picture after climbing the stairs next to the wall. Three figures, one man, two women are depicted in a panel with columns on either side. In the pediment with acroteria is an eagle with wings spread and its head turned to the left. On top of the stele the paws of a broken lion are seen. The male figure, dressed in Roman military garb, holds a long spear in his right hand. He holds the hand of the woman next to him. The woman at the far left side has her hand lifted. On either side of the pediment and below the figures are crescents. The stele has good workmanship. It probably dates from the late second to early third century AD, a time when the Roman military presence was felt as attested by the inscriptions of the Roman soldiers at the site.

5. Fragment of a limestone larnax, one of its longer sides divided by an incised column (Fig. 5.69). A lion is depicted on top of a nude man whose hands are raised; above them is an incised garland. There is a border of vine leaves below. This scene must be interpreted as the lion, the guardian of the tomb, sheltering its occupant. 218 Other motifs unrecognizable. Rough workmanship. H. 0.56; w. 0.94; th. 0.41. 6. An unusual example of a larnax lid, badly worn (Fig. 5.70). The deceased lies along the full length of the lid on a funerary couch (kline) with his wife standing at his feet. 219 The heads of the figures are missing and details cannot be made out. H. 0.70; w. 0.91; th. 0.35.

2. A fine larnax is used as a building block at the east side of the village fountain (Figs. 5.76-77). The larnax is 1.02 m long and 0.79 m high. On its long side are three panels separated by columns. In the left panel are two women (children?) on a pedestal with their heads broken, in the center panel a victorious horseman trampling his naked enemy and on the right are two women. The columns are spirally fluted. The rider holds the reins with his left hand and a sword with his right. On top of the horse is a bird with its head turned to the rider. In the left panel, below the two figures are a tripod, a krater and an amphora, objects not attested anywhere else on the funerary monuments of Isauria. The women are all dressed in long garments with their hair covered. On the short side of the larnax two men and one women are depicted. All are dressed in Roman clothes with their right hands crossed at the chest. A garland hangs above the figures. The workmanship is perhaps not of the same quality as the previous monument, but it still is a very fine example of an Isaurian funerary monument. The combination of motifs of horseman and standing figures has been seen before, but here the motifs of a bird, a tripod, a krater and an amphora are unattested elsewhere. We may safely assume that the larnax was made for an officer of the Roman cavalry.

Hacılar Köyü The village of Hacılar is located at a distance of 16 km from Bozkır (Isaura Vetus). A village home has reliefs of war scenes likely from a monumental tomb (Figs. 5.71-73). One of the reliefs shows a horseman wearing a cloak, holding a shield in his left hand and a spear in his right, galloping on his horse to the left (Fig. 5.72). Facing him is another soldier with a helmet who dangles from his outstretched left hand a naked figure. The length of the relief is 62 cm and its height is 40 cm. On top of this block to the right is another war scene with three warriors (Fig. 5.73). The body of the one at the left is partly missing but he is clearly holding a shield in his left hand and a sword in his right; facing him is another standing soldier whose shield covers most of his body and he holds a sword on his right hand. To the right of these two figures is a single soldier moving towards right holding a large shield in his left hand; whether he holds a sword in his right hand cannot be made out. This second relief measures 61 cm in length and 40 cm in height. The workmanship of both blocks is similar and they clearly originate from the same monument. The residents of the village house could not tell us where the monuments came from. Artanada (Dülgerler) Artanada is located on the slope of a hill at the Turkish village of Dülgerler, which is at a distance of 43 km. to the northeast of Hadim. The existence of a boule is attested for

3. On the wall of a village house a larnax and a stele used as building blocks were seen. Of these, the larnax has a rider with a spear in his right hand marching toward five 220

Bean and Mitford 1970, 137, no. 135; Sterrett 1888, no. 73. Sterrett 1888, 73-135. 222 Mitchell 1993, I, 77, no. 78. 223 Sterrett 1888, 131, 73.

For a parallel, see Buckler, Calder and Cox 1924, 32, no. 12. 219 For a similar larnax lid from Sarot Yayla in Isauria, see Swoboda et al. 1935, 57, fig. 46. 218

221

222

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria been known, that Isaurian territory was composed for the most part of autonomous villages and that the Βουλή played an important role in the government and administration of the local areas. 227 The establishment of local municipal councils, exercising a reasonable degree of autonomy, was promoted and encouraged by the imperial administration. The inscription is adequate evidence of a Roman military presence in the area. We failed to find some of the funerary monuments reported by Bean and Mitford, who visited the site in 1960’s, namely the vaulted underground ossuaries, with altars and pedestals on the surface. 228 Some of the larnax lids described by Bean and Mitford were also missing. Doğanay in his visit to the site in 2005, recorded a fragment showing Heracles vanquishing the Ceryneian deer, a scene that was depicted on one of the coffers of the temple tomb at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). 229 Doğanay also recorded a larnax, its lid missing, on which two friezes depict the kidnapping of Persephone by Hades and the labors of Heracles. 230 Also noted were three larnaces with figured reliefs of standing men and women. 231

figures (Fig. 5.78). All figures, three of whom are children, stand on pedestals. The monument must have been made for a soldier. The workmanship is rather crude. On the same wall to the right of the window is a piece of a finely carved stele with an inscription on top, which we could not read because of the distance. The facade is divided into three panels with hanging garlands. A shell is cut above each garland. Soğucak Köyü (Bozkır) Soğucak village is located 18 km south of the town of Bozkır (Isaura Vetus). A larnax was used as a building block on the front and corner walls of a village house, located by the road to Bozkır (Fig. 5.79). The facade of the larnax, which is divided into two panels by a column, displays not one but two totenmahl scenes side by side. This may indicate that the monument was made for mutliple owners as was the case for a similar monument at the site of Dibektaşı recorded by Bean and Mitford. 224 The use of two of these scenes together is unattested elsewhere in our survey of Isauria. Garlands hang from the columns and finely carved rosettes with six pointed circles are placed in the pediments. On the shorter side of the monument are three standing figures under a garland. The larnax measures 0.86 x 0.69 x 0. 38 m.

We saw a fragment of an altar which shows two figures clad in Roman dress, right arms crossed at the chest, standing on a base next to a column with spirals (Fig. 5.81). The relief has moulding on the bottom. The column likely divided the stone into two panels. A figure, much damaged, can be seen to the right of the column. This piece is of a higher quality than similar monuments in the region.

Another larnax, right side broken, is built on the back wall of the same house (Fig. 5.80). The stone is much weathered but five standing figures under hanging garlands can be discerned. The stone is divided by columns into possibly three panels but only the central and the left panels survive. Inside the left gable is a six-pointed rosette carved very similar to the ones on the previous larnax. The monument measures 0.40 x 0.67 x 0.70 m.

The most impressive monuments at Olosada are lion lids in hard white limestone. The first lion, which we saw in the eastern cemetery at Kayadibi in 1989, is thankfully today displayed in the garden of the local children's park in town. 232 The villagers were considering the removal of the lid from the site to the town at the time of our visit. The lion is sprawled on the lid furnished with a pediment and akroteria (Figs. 5.82-83). Both pediments are decorated with a rosette. The lion has a full and elaborately carved mane. The individual locks are carefully worked with the chisel. The animal’s tail is curled over its back paws. The feathers on the legs are also indicated. The lion lid is 1.48 m wide, 0.67 m thick and 0.65 m high (including the lion’s head). At the bottom of the lid two fasciae are adorned with zigzags and key pattern. On the side a sunk rectangular panel in very shallow relief between the lion’s legs carries a much weathered inscription in four lines, which informs us that an Archelaus Pappas set up the lion lid larnax for himself. 233

Olosada (Avşar Kalesi-Kayadibi) The village of Avşar lies some 10 km south-east of Taşkent and about 16 km from Hadim. The ancient site is located on the fort known as Avşar Kalesi (Avşar Fortress) or Kayadibi about 3 km from the village of Avşar. 225 A military building and other (perhaps residential) remains are located on a steep hill and the necropolis is situated on the fields south of the hill. No funerary monuments were seen on the hill and the only ones to be found at the site were the few larnax lids and stelae. It is very likely that most of the funerary monuments of Olosada were destroyed since the villagers’ fields lay on top of the necropolis. The location of a stream nearby also makes it an ideal spot for the fields of the villagers. Olosada was an autonomous Isaurian village with a boule as indicated by a funerary inscription of second century carved on an altar. The monument, which was probably funerary, was made for a P. Titius Reginus, a centurion, who may have died at Olosada while on duty and received honors from the locals. 226 Bean and Mitford indicate that the beginning phrase ἔδοξη κώμῃ shows it is the will of an autonomous Isaurian village, expressed through its Βουλή. This inscription confirms what has long

Ἀρχέλαος Παππα ἀνέστησεν ἑαυτῷ The villagers have carried another well-preserved lion lid to Burgess 1985, 99. Bean and Mitford 1970, 136, 138. Doğanay 2005, 133-34, pl. 82.2. 230 Doğanay 2005, 134-35, pls. 84.1-2, 85.1-2, 86.1-2. 231 Doğanay 2005, 135, pls. 87-92. 232 Doğanay 2005, 135, pl. 93: 1-2. 233 Bean and Mitford 1970, 138, no. 137. 227 228 229

For the Dibektaşı larnax, see below pp. 224-25. Doğanay 2005, 132-37, pls. 82-95; Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 37071. 226 Bean and Mitford 1970, 137-38, no. 135. 224 225

223

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria Mitford also recorded larnaces and funerary monuments characteristically Isaurian, some with inscriptions. 242 As in Astra, several of these monuments are built into the walls of the yayla houses and fountains. An unusual larnax lid recorded by Bean and Mitford shows a double Totenmahl, with reclining figures back to back. 243 The inscription on the monument reveals that a Kadaoua (?), while looking elsewhere for her own burial, had this larnax made for husband and daughter. She shares the expense of this with two others, who thus in effect buy half the larnax for themselves. Hence, doubtless, the double Totenmahl, the two men lying back to back, the two women seated at their feet.

the town; at the time of our visit it adorned the yard of the local mosque, but today it, too, is in the children's park (Fig. 5.84) 234 The lid measuring 1.35 x 0.46 x 1.10 m, is made of local stone. The lion is crouching along the entire length of the lid. It, too, has an elaborately carved full mane, the details of which are indicated. In front of the lion is the figure of a woman measuring 0.53 m high, 0.15 m. wide and 0.055 cm deep. The lion here is the protector of the deceased. The mane of the lion is worked in circles; its nails are also indicated. The lid is furnished with a pediment at the center of which is a rosette. The closest parallels for these two lion lids can be found at the site of Balabolu (Adrassos) in Rough Cilicia. 235 The Balabolu lions, of which thirteen have been recorded, are of superior quality and usually hold the head of animal, of the deer type, under their front paws.

In a field in the midst of the Dibektaşı yayla houses are three stepped rock monuments related to one another. 244 Two of these, nos. 2 and 3, are cut on the same rock block, separated by a natural fissure (Fig. 5.86). The other monument, no. 1, located at some 9.80 m. south of the other two, has an offering pit cut into the smoothed rock surface. The function of the pit was linked to a funerary cult. All three indicate similar workmanship and date from the same period. The locals have named this field Dibektaşı after the name of dibek which in Turkish means a large stone mortar. Today a large part of the monument no. 1 is buried in earth but the past visitors to the site have reported the presence of three steps on the rock surface. 245 Neither Swoboda nor Bean and Mitford mention the stepped rock monuments in their reports of the site.

Kıraç Mahallesi, Bozkır We observed a frieze block on the lower east face of a large fountain at Kıraç Mahallesi, a suburb of Bozkır (Fig. 5.85). The frieze depicts two horsemen in a battle scene. To the right is a Persian horseman, identified from his trousers and his beard; on the left is a cavalry officer in Roman dress, suggesting the ongoing conflict between the Sassanian Empire and the Roman. A tree and a large seated lion, his head turned to the Greek rider, separates the two warriors. An alternative interpretation for an earlier dating could make the figure on the right a Parthian horseman, and on the left a member of the Roman auxiliary. The length of the block is 110 m, its height 0.32 m. and its depth 0.22 m. A local we talked to indicated that the block originally came from a large building, which could have been a monumental tomb.

All previous scholars who have studied the stepped monument at Dibektaşı have considered it as a stepped altar in a sacred precinct related to the Cybele cult indicating Phrygian influence in Isauria. Some scholars by comparison with the Phrygian stepped altars have dated it to the sixth century BC. 246 Recently, however, Büyüközer has shown that the two stepped monuments nos. 2 and 3 along with the offering pit no. 1, are clearly funerary monuments. 247 Three reliefs, two of Medusa on monument no. 2 and the third of a horseman on monument no. 3. are strong evidence of the funerary character of the monuments. Medusa and horseman frequently occur on the various funerary monuments in Isauria. One is an apotropaic funerary symbol 248 and the other provides evidence of the military career of the dead. The rectangular basin on top of the steps on monument no. 2, which the past scholars have interpreted as a container for ritual offerings, or a throne, is actually an ossuary of a larnax (Fig. 5.87, 89). This

Dibektaşı The ancient south Isaurian settlement of Dibektaşı is located on the slopes of Yıldız Dağı at an altitude of some 4500 feet, where the borders of the administrative provinces of Konya and Antalya intersect. 236 It is on a route connecting central Anatolia to the Mediterranean. Today Dibektaşı is a yayla inhabited by nomads from Antalya. Dibektaşı was first discovered by J. Jüthner and colleagues in 1902 but more detailed work on the site was carried out by Swoboda et al. in 1934 237 and by Bean and Mitford in 1968. 238 The site has been heavily looted and as a result none of the architectural structures remain. An exception is the wreckage of a building, identified by Swoboda et al as a church 239 but by Bean and Mitford as a temple. 240 Swoboda et al. who visited the site in 1934 reported rectangular funerary altars, larnaces and larnax lids. One of the lids with acroteria shows a lion holding a man between his forepaws. 241 A larnax, decorated with reliefs on three sides had an inscription. In their visit to the site Bean and

Bean and Mitford 1970, 113-16, nos. 97-99, figs. 83-85. Bean and Mitford 1970, 114-15, no. 98, pl. 84. 244 Büyüközer 2015, 419-22. 245 Zoroğlu 1994, 302, pl. 27.1.2 cited by Büyüközer, 436. 246 Zoroğlu 1994, 303; Bahar 1999, 18. 247 Büyüközer definitely refutes all previous conclusions as promulgated by Bahar 1991, 44; Bahar 1996, 72-73, fig. 18; Bahar 1999, 16-17, pl. 45; Işık 1996, 34-35; Zoroğlu 1994, 301-305, pls. 27.1, 1-2, 27.2.1;Baldıran and Söğüt 2002, 52; Baldıran 2006, 11-12, fig. 11; Baldıran and Söğüt 2010, 261-262; Yılmaz 2005, 98-106, figs. 37-43; Doğanay et al. 2005, 59; Doğanay-Karauğuz 2008, 51, 63-64, fig. 16; Doğanay 2012, 200, fig. 1; Tamsü 2004, 107; Tamsü and Polat 2010, 210. Bibliography on the topic is listed in Büyüközer 2015, 436-440. 248 For the importance of Medusa in funerary iconography, see Er Scarborough 1991, 358-60; Er Scarborough 1998, 81-82. 242 243

234

Doğanay 2005, 136, pl. 94: 1-2. Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1980, 47-52, plates 46-51. 236 For the site and its monuments, see Büyüközer 2015, 417-47. 237 Swoboda et al. 1935, 60-61, figs. 47-48. 238 Bean and Mitford 1970, 113-16, nos. 97-99, figs. 83-85. 239 Swoboda et al. 1935, 60. 240 Bean and Mitford 1970, 113. 241 Swoboda et al. 1935, 61, fig. 47. 235

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria sarcophagus is cut above three steps on a smoothed rock surface. 258 A rock-cut tomb at the Demiroluk Yaylası in a nearby region has three rock-cut steps that lead to a chamosorion. 259 The closest parallel, however, comes from the heartland of Isauria, at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi), where a rock osteotheca with an eagle relief has three steps in front (Fig. 5.32). 260 Here the steps are not cut for reaching the tomb but to add to the monumentality of the whole monument.

monument which is 2.70 m high, has four steps. The basin and some of the steps have been destroyed by dynamite but in the photographs of some publications of the site, the basin appears complete. 249 Zoroğlu has reported the presence of the rectangular basin and a Medusa relief inside a shield on its south side, today completely destroyed. 250 Büyüközer states that this is a wreath, not a shield. Indeed, a Medusa relief as well as a bust on the facade of a Direvli tomb are also placed in wreaths 251 and examples of Medusa reliefs inside shields are unknown in Isauria or Rough Cilicia. On the rock face immediately next to the basin is another Medusa relief which is flanked by two much destroyed lion protomes. Gorgoneion is a frequent symbol in Isaurian funerary monuments. 252

Büyüközer in his concluding remarks on the Dibektaşı monuments nos. 2 and 3 offers two different suggestions as to their nature: the first is that the monument no. 3 with the horseman relief is linked to the funerary monument no. 2 with the larnax casket. This would indicate that the tomb belonged to a soldier and that the relief reflected his military heroism. The second suggestion is that monument no. 3 is an independent different tomb. It does not, however, have a larnax casket cut into the rock as in no. 2 but a freestanding larnax may have been placed on the smoothed surface above the steps. In either case, Büyüközer's suggestions indicate that both stepped monuments are clearly of a funerary nature and that it is impossible to link them with the cult of Cybele and to date them to sixth century BC as the previous researchers have proposed; they are not stepped altars.

The stepped rock monument no. 3 has a horseman relief cut on a smoothed round surface above the steps (Figs. 5.88, 89). 253 The relief is placed in a medallion bust or a clipeata imago. 254 The rider holds the reins of the horse with his left hand; his right hand, destroyed today, likely held a spear. He wears a billowing cape. All these features of the horseman are seen on other rider reliefs frequently found in Isauria. The closest parallel to the Dibektaşı horseman relief is the one on the now destroyed Yelbeyi tomb (Fig. 5.38). Büyüközer suggests that the Yelbeyi relief may have inspired the Dibektaşı horseman but he also adds that due to the complete destruction of the latter, it is difficult to make comparisons between the two. 255 Besides the Yelbeyi tomb, horseman reliefs occur on larnaces and steles as seen above at Astra and Artanada in Isauria. 256

Due to the destruction of the reliefs, dating is difficult. A comparison with similar monuments, however, points to a date in the imperial period. The location of Dibektaşı on a route between Isauria and Rough Cilicia, suggests influences from not only Isaurian funerary monuments such as Yelbeyi but also from Rough Cilicia as well, especially from the tombs at Direvli. Hence, Büyüközer proposes that the Dibektaşı monuments date from the second century AD, a period later than the Yelbeyi and Direvli tombs, and a time of relative prosperity and building activities in the region. 261

The main reason for the past scholars to associate the Dibektaşı stepped monuments with the cult of the Mother Goddess are the steps cut into all three rock surfaces. The presence, however, of the reliefs on monuments nos. 2 and 3 as well as the larnax chest on no. 2 clearly indicate that the Dibektaşı monuments are of funerary nature and linked with cult of the dead. The stepped rock monuments and the funerary casket on top of these occur in several necropoleis of Asia Minor. At Kuskan in central Rough Cilica is a rock-cut sarcophagus with three steps in front. 257 Another example is from the site of Güneyyurt (Neapolis), where a 249 Zoroğlu 1994, pls. 27.1-2, 27.2.1; Bahar 1996, 72-73, fig. 18; Bahar 1999, 16-17, pl. 45; Yılmaz 2005, 98-99, fig. 38 a-b as cited by Büyüközer 2015, 424, no. 35. 250 Zoroğlu 1994, 302, pl. 27.2.1 as cited by Büyüközer 2015. 251 For the Direvli tomb, see p. 50, figs. 3.62, 3.66. Also see Er Scarborough 1998, 81-82. 252 Er Scarborough 2010, 125, fig. 2; Er Scarborough 1996, 341-42, figs. 14-16; Er Scarborough 1991a, 358-60; Doğanay 2009, 298-300; Yılmaz 2005, 153-63, figs. 76-77; Swoboda et al. 1935, 136, fig. 63. This symbol is also seen on Rough Cilician tombs: Er Scarborough 1998, 81-82. 253 Büyüközer 2015, 428. 254 Medallion busts can be seen on the funerary monuments of Direvli and Lamus in western Rough Cilicia: for the busts on tomb no. 4 at Direvli, see p. 50, fig. 3.65; for those at Lamus, see pp. 51-52, figs. 3.67-68. Also see Er Scarborough 1998, 81, figs. 1, 5, 8; Er Scarborough 1991a, 289, 294-96, figs. 82-84. 255 Büyüközer 2015, 429. 256 For the examples at Astra, see figs. 5.59, 5.61; for the ones at Artanada, see figs. 5.76-78. For other horseman reliefs, see Buckler et al. 1924, 65, 68-71, 74, 79, 83-84, pls. 12.83, 14.96, 100, 16. 103, 17. 117-22; Er Scarborough 1996, 340-41 also cited by Büyüközer 429, no. 61. 257 For this tomb at Kuskan, see p. 48, figs. 3.52-53; also see Er Scarborough 1991, 346, fig. 31.

For this tomb at Neapolis (Güneyyurt), see p. 55. Also see Doğanay 2005, 129-30, pl. 30.1. 259 Doğanay 2009, 313-14, pls. 62-63. 260 For this tomb, see above p. 213, fig. 5.32. 261 For building activities in the region in second century AD, see BaldıranGider 2009, 109-34 as cited by Büyüközer 2015, 434, no. 99. 258

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.1. Çarşamba Çayı Bridge, Bozkır (Isaura Vetus) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 5.2. View of the Çarşamba Çayı valley, Bozkır (Isaura Vetus).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.3. Rock-cut tombs, Bozkır (Isaura Vetus).

Fig. 5.4. Larnax with lion lid, Bozkır Hamzalar Kasabası (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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Fig. 5.5. Hellenistic tower, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 5.6. Fallen military reliefs from the acropolis gate, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.7. Hadrian's arch, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 5.8. Plan of the temple tomb, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (from Swoboda et al. 1935, fig. 71).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.9. Cross-section and longitudinal section of the temple tomb (from Swoboda et al. 1935, fig. 71).

Fig. 5.10. Details of entablature, coffers, niches and door of the temple tomb (from Swoboda et al. 1935, fig. 72).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.11. Heracles relief from the coffer of the temple tomb at Isaura Nova (from Swoboda et al. 1935, fig. 72).

Fig. 5.12. Heracles relief from the coffer of the temple tomb at Isaura Nova, built into the wall of a village house, Işıklar.

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.13. Reliefs likely from the temple tomb at Isaura Nova, built into the wall of a mosque, Işıklar.

Fig. 5.14. Relief likely from a temple tomb at Isaura Nova, Işıklar.

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.15. Lion and palm relief likely from a temple tomb at Isaura Nova, Işıklar.

Fig. 5.16. Frieze block with battle scene, Işıklar.

233

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.17. Relief with warrior and horseman, Işıklar.

Fig. 5.18. Bull and lion relief, Işıklar.

234

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.19. Marble Eros relief used as building block, Işıklar.

Fig. 5.20. Rider relief used as building block, Işıklar.

235

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.21. Limestone altar with Victoria and bull relief, Işıklar.

Fig. 5.22. Rock-cut tombs nos. 1 and 2, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.23. Rock cut tomb no. 1, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 5.24. Seated lion holding a bull's head on rock-cut tomb no. 1 (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.25. Eagles in the pediment of rock-cut tomb no. 1 (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 5.26. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 1, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.27. Rock-cut tomb no. 2, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

Fig. 5.28. Seated lion of rock-cut tomb no. 2 (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.29. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 2, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 5.30. Rock-cut tomb no. 3, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Photograph by Osman Doğanay).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.31. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb no. 3, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 5.32. Rock-cut osteotheca with an eagle holding a thunderbolt, Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi).

241

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.33. Rectangular funerary altar used as building stone. Probable Christian. Işıklar, near Isaura Nova.

Fig. 5.34. Christian rectangular funerary altar, Dorla (Aydoğmuş) (from Ramsay 1906, fig. 15).

242

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.35. Yelbeyi tomb. Photographed in 1993.

Fig. 5.36. Yelbeyi tomb. Photographed in 1993.

243

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.37. Yelbeyi tomb photographed in 1994, demonstrating what treasure hunters will do to tombs; note that the tomb is now destroyed by dynamite.

Fig. 5.38. Victorious horseman relief on the Yelbeyi tomb.

244

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.39. The upper field of the Yelbeyi tomb.

Fig. 5.40. Hunter relief on the Yelbeyi tomb.

245

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.41. Plan and section of the Yelbeyi tomb (Drawing by Bilal Söğüt).

Fig. 5.42. Rock-cut relief with horseman, Hadim.

246

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.43. Ruins at the temple of Zeus Astrenos, Astra.

Fig. 5.44. Abandoned yayla huts, west necropolis, Astra.

247

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.45. Funerary monuments at the fountain, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.46. Stele at the fountain, west necropolis, Astra.

248

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.47. Larnax lion lid at the fountain, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.48. Larnax lion lid with human figure under its paw, west necropolis, Astra.

249

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.49. Larnax lion lid with an eagle in the pediment, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.50. Larnax lion lid, west necropolis, Astra.

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.51. Rectangular funerary altar built into the doorway of a hut, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.52. Rectangular funerary altar, west necropolis, Astra.

251

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.53. Rectangular funerary altar, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.54. Rectangular funerary altar, west necropolis, Astra.

252

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.55. Rectangular funerary altar, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.56. Stele, west necropolis, Astra.

253

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.57. Larnax with shield and figures, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.58. The back side of the larnax with shield and figures, west necropolis, Astra.

254

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.59. Larnax with horseman and Totenmahl reliefs, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.60. Marble larnax lion lid, west necropolis, Astra.

255

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.61. Larnax with horseman and figures, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.62. Rectangular funerary altar with inscription, west necropolis, Astra.

256

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.63. Stele, west necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.64. Stele, west necropolis, Astra.

257

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.65. Larnax, east necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.66. Rectangular funerary altar, east necropolis, Astra.

258

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.67. Rectangular funerary altar, east necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.68. Lion larnax lid, east necropolis, Astra.

259

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.69. Larnax with lion relief, east necropolis, Astra.

Fig. 5.70. Larnax kline lid with Totenmahl, east necropolis, Astra.

260

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.71. Frieze block with war scene, Hacılar Köyü (Bozkır).

Fig. 5.72. Frieze block with war scene, Hacılar Köyü (Bozkır).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.73. Frieze block with war scene, Hacılar Köyü (Bozkır).

Fig. 5.74. Stele with three figures carved in high relief built into the wall of a house, Artanada (Dülgerler).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.75. Stele with three figures carved in high relief built into the wall of a house, Artanada (Dülgerler).

Fig. 5.76. Larnax with horseman relief built into the wall of a fountain, Artanada (Dülgerler).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.77. Larnax with horseman relief built into the wall of a fountain, Artanada (Dülgerler).

Fig. 5.78. Larnax with horseman relief built into the wall of a house, Artanada (Dülgerler).

264

The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.79. Larnax with two Totenmahl reliefs built into the wall of a house, Soğucak Köyü (Bozkır).

Fig. 5.80. Larnax with figures built into the wall of a house, Soğucak Köyü (Bozkır).

265

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.81. Altar fragment with figures carved in high relief, Olosada (Avşar Kalesi-Kayadibi).

Fig. 5.82. Larnax lion lid, Olosada (Avşar Kalesi).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.83. Larnax lion lid, Olosada (Avşar Kalesi).

Fig. 5.84. Larnax lion lid, Olosada (Avşar Kalesi).

267

The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.85. Relief block with two horsemen, a lion and a tree, built into the wall of a fountain, Kıraç Mahallesi, Bozkır.

Fig. 5.86. Rock-cut stepped monuments nos. 2 and 3, Dibektaşı (Photograph by Aytekin Büyüközer).

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The Funerary Monuments of Isauria

Fig. 5.87. Rock-cut stepped monument no. 2 with Medusa relief, Dibektaşı (Photograph by Aytekin Büyüközer).

Fig. 5.88. Rock-cut stepped monument no. 3 with horseman relief, Dibektaşı (from Büyüközer 2015, fig. 9).

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria

Fig. 5.89. Rock-cut stepped monuments nos. 2 and 3, Dibektaşı (from Büyüközer 2015, fig. 5).

270

Chapter 6 Conclusions My book centers on the funerary monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria of mostly Hellenistic and Roman times. I have divided Rough Cilicia into four geographic units to determine local distribution and the chronology of distinctive types of monuments: eastern Rough Cilicia, central Rough Cilicia, western Rough Cilicia, and inner Rough Cilicia. The physical features—from the remote mountains to narrow plains bordering the sea—markedly illustrate the contrasts within Rough Cilicia, and these features show four contrasting zones. The unequal distribution of tombs throughout the four districts match these boundaries. In each zone the monuments mirror the response to multiple cultural influences. In Isauria I focus on the heartland, the monuments in and around Isaura Nova and Isaura Vetus. Examination of selected groups of funerary monuments in Rough Cilicia and Isauria suggests various influences and they also represent native types, and my completion of several surveys gives evidence for a variety of funerary monuments and customs.

out, but also to prevent a violatio sepulcri were limited to the sphere of common or private rights and had no foundation in legal regulation. They spread through the empire from the second century AD. Not many are known in the Roman west. At Direvli the funerary inscriptions direct that fines for tomb violations be paid to Zeus, the patron divinity of the site. The earliest sarcophagus burial occurs in Lamus in western Rough Cilicia dating likely from the late Hellenistic and early imperial periods, but sarcophagus production came with the Romans in eastern Rough Cilicia. Freestanding sarcophagi are particularly common in the necropoleis of Elauissa Sebaste and Corycus in eastern Rough Cilicia. The limestone garland sarcophagi carry influences from the marble sarcophagi imported from the great centers, and these influences were combined with local traits in the local workshops and interpreted in a different way. Most of the sarcophagi date from the late second and the early third centuries. Chamosoria, widespread in the necropoleis in eastern and inner Rough Cilicia, display the least variation and worst quality of the tomb types.

My research has delineated the surviving major tomb type for almost the complete span of Rough Cilician history was the plain and undecorated rock-cut tomb. The mountainous topography of the region facilitated the construction of rock-cut tombs and fostered continuity of native funerary traditions suggested by their popularity and wide distribution. The Roman conquest introduced new forms of funerary monuments. A tradition, however, of rock-cut architecture previously characterized this region. Native features survive, above all rock-cut architecture. With the exception of a few monuments bearing elaborate facades with architectural features, most tombs are plain and undecorated. Almost all the rock-cut tombs have a single chamber. Rock-cut tombs with temple facades are rare in Rough Cilicia, sharply contrasted to the popularity of classical features in the rock-cut necropoleis of Caria and Lycia. All the tombs with an elaborate facade, such as those at Göktepe Köristanı and Olba have one to two burials and no provisions were made for additional ones. The rock-cut tombs with plain facade, in contrast, usually have several burials and in some of them we can see that the tomb was being widened for additional burials. Many tombs were employed over several decades by the families who built them.

The monumental and built tombs of Rough Cilicia in their wide variety of designs mirror the funerary monuments of the Roman Empire and offer tangible clues to Romanization. The owners of the tombs were likely members of the ruling classes emulating Graeco-Roman customs. The monumental tombs of Rough Cilicia in the Roman imperial period are no longer designed for mythical heroes or monarchs but for families or groups of families who wish to display wealth and high social status. Funerary monuments, visible to all and easily associated with particular families through the display of inscriptions or by other means of depiction, served as demonstrations of the wealth and power of individual families. The widespread use of the vaulted grave houses along coastal Rough Cilicia reflects the desire of the local middle classes to be buried in a permanently visible tomb. The mausolea of the south are rare in the mountains. Certain new tomb types, the barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs and the tombs with monumental columns occur only in eastern Rough Cilicia. An exception is the large vaulted tomb from Dinek at Eirenopolis in inner Rough Cilicia. Temple tomb is the most impressive new type due to its scale and decoration. Temple tombs in Rough Cilicia are generally built in ashlar masonry but some in western Rough Cilicia use mortared rubble on their interior walls, indicating specific regional tendencies. The Corinthian order is the preferred order for temple tombs but a rare combination of Ionic and Corinthian orders occurs in tombs no. 2 and 4 at Imbriogon Kome.

Inscriptions record curses or fines which are directed against reuse of the tomb by people unrelated to the family who owned it. An indigenous Anatolian imprecation heritage is well illustrated in the region. The gods most frequently invoked in the funerary epitaphs are deities of the underworld and Selene. Inscriptions which often list permitted occupants or fines for non-permitted use suggest that reuse and unauthorised use of tombs was common. These fines, as a general rule conceived as a warning, to guarantee that the last wishes of the deceased were carried

No mythological figures or scenes emerge on the funerary

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The Funerary Monuments of Rough Cilicia and Isauria monuments, a surprising absence given the variety of forms and decorative motives in the region and the rich legends known from literature and commentaries. The Olympian cults did not take hold beyond the Hellenized cities. The one exception is the great temple tomb at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) which displayed the labors of Heracles on its coffers.

In inner Rough Cilicia the sites are located high in the Taurus mountains dominated by rock-cut tombs. Some of these sites have suffered from their proximity to modern settlements, illustrated by Germanicopolis now under Turkish Ermenek. Lion lid sarcophagi are common at these sites. Fresh excavations by the Karaman Museum at Sbide (Yukarı Çağlar) and Philadelphia (Gökçeseki) led to the discovery of freestanding sarcophagi on stepped podiums and these forecast further finds. At the two necropoleis of Pharax (Göktepe Köristanı and Çukurbağ Köristanı) tombs with temple facades carved into huge boulders bear lions, gorgoneia, figures of the dead and Dioscuri. The funerary inscriptions at Göktepe Köristanı show two Roman citizens of Italian stock as well as the wife of one of them, a native Isaurian woman, who have commissioned an impressive templum-in-antis tomb; this trio suggests intermarriage.

Eastern Rough Cilicia offers the greatest variety of funerary monuments in the whole region: rock-cut tombs, sarcophagi, temple tombs, grave houses, barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs, tombs with monumental columns. The funerary monuments of the five necropoleis of Corycus, Elauissa Sebaste, Olba, Diocaesarea and Canytelleis dating from the second and third centuries AD give evidence of Romanization that reached its peak in these centuries. Monumental tombs such as temple tombs and barrelvaulted aedicula tombs are new architectural forms introduced in this period. New building techniques such as opus caementicium and vault also occur at Elauissa Sebaste in the same era, demonstrating the contacts enjoyed by the port city and its openness to western influences. The presence of a cemetery road in the northeast necropolis of Elauissa Sebaste is another Roman feature, which is absent in the traditional settlement plans of other local sites. Romanization was limited in rural areas as indicated by a lack of built tombs. Local burial practices of which we know little, likely persisted in such places. We have no information regarding burial cults or the kinds of funerary monuments prior to the second century BC in the region. The Olban temple state likely had its own native traditions regarding burial cult, which predated Hellenistic period.

In Isauria a distinctive style in funerary art is reflected by the characteristic funerary monuments, namely the larnaces, rectangular funerary altars and stelae indicating widespread cremation. There are examples in which the rock-cut monuments are combined with cremation as in Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi). The Isaurian stonecutters carried on local artistic customs, suggesting local workshops. Similar monuments occur in the neighboring Tauric regions, including the Gorgoremeis. Monumental tombs are present only at Isaura Nova (Zengibar Kalesi) and most of these are known chiefly from early travellers' accounts. Isaura Nova has the most opulent and the widest variety of funerary monuments in Isauria but is also one of the most heavily looted sites in the region, a practice which continues to this day. The three magnificent rock-cut tombs with GraecoRoman facades displaying lion reliefs show blended modifications and point to parallels with similar monuments in Phrygia dating from the Roman imperial period. The use of seated lions and their position above the pediment, however, is a local Isaurian interpretation of Phrygian models.

Central Rough Cilicia displays close ties with Cyprus, Greece and Italy; the fifth century BC Attic Red-figured pottery in the underground chamber tombs at Celenderis illustrate the important location of the site on the sea route connecting the Anatolian coast with Cyprus and the Aegean. These tombs have close parallels in northern Cyprus. Similarly, the tomb statues of the monumental chamber tomb at Meydancıkkale (first half of the sixth century BC) point to Cypriote funerary monuments. The baldachin monument at Celenderis is a popular type of Roman tombs found mostly in southeastern Asia Minor and northern Syria. Roman tomb types such as barrel-vaulted chamber tombs occur frequently at Celenderis and Anemurium. Close parallels between the Anemurium and the Ostian Isola Sacra necropoleis suggest that the coastal cities of Rough Cilicia, inhabited by a hellenized population were open to western influences.

My findings show that Isauria in the Roman period was no longer a self-contained unit in the second and third centuries AD, and the distribution of the funerary monuments in the region are evidence for Roman penetration. Isaura Nova, Isaura Vetus, Astra, and Artanada were open to Graeco-Roman influences and the area enjoyed the benefits of Roman rule from the mid-first century to mid-third centuries AD. Inscriptions from Artanada and Olosada indicate a prominent Roman military presence in the area, and the funerary monuments have military themes.

In western Rough Cilicia the inscriptions from the tombs at Direvli and Lamus reveal traveling groups of Selgian stone cutters. The inscriptions also indicate the presence of burial clubs and the practice of prescribing fines for the violation of the tomb. The owners of the tombs bear local names, Luwian in origin. Along the coastal cities, where Roman presence was strong, barrel-vaulted chamber tombs are popular. The coastal cities of Antiochia ad Cragum, Selinus, Cestrus and Iotape have a distinct funerary architecture with close affinities to the Anemurium examples.

The funerary monuments of Isauria have suffered great destruction. The complete destruction of the remarkable Yelbeyi tomb points to the importance of archaeological work in Isauria. The victorious horseman depicted on this tomb was a popular subject in Roman provincial art. Tombstones with horseman reliefs are also popular in Isauria, showing that the army had an important role in the introduction of new forms and themes in funerary art. Certain motifs disappear as one approaches the coast: the rider motif, for instance, is at home in Isaurian hill country but does not appear in the coastal zone. In all the Isaurian 272

Conclusions sites I visited, most of the tombstones have been used as building blocks. Funerary inscriptions from western Rough Cilicia and Isauria show that the movement of stone-cutters played a crucial role in formation of a native funerary art and contributed to the transmission of funerary forms and motifs. Inscriptions reveal that six tombcutters signed their work in Isauria and stonecutters from Selge were active in Direvli and Lamus as well as in Selinus in west Rough Cilicia. The dating of the rock-cut tombs is a rather difficult task. Inscriptions on tombs are very rare in Rough Cilicia as a whole. The absence of pottery in most tombs makes the task even more difficult. In eastern Rough Cilicia, however, whole necropoleis can be ascribed to the Roman period; at Celenderis some of the tombs can, on the evidence of the pottery found in them, be dated to the fifth century BC. Most of the rock-cut tombs were reused for burials during the early Christian and even the Medieval periods without undergoing major modifications. We can thereby assume that the rock-cut tombs date from classical to early Byzantine times. The barrel-vaulted chamber tombs, grave houses, the temple tombs, baldachin tomb, barrel-vaulted aedicula tombs and tombs with monumental columns generally date from the second and third centuries AD. The tower tomb at Diocaesarea is one of the earliest tombs in the region. All the tombs surveyed by me have been robbed, probably centuries ago and illegal digging of the tombs continues today.

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